Chronicle of King Pedro Volumes 1 - 3: Pero López de Ayala (Aris and Phillips Hispanic Classics) 9781789621341, 9781800345317, 1789621348

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ARIS & PHILLIPS HISPANIC CLASSICS

CHRONICLE OF KING PEDRO Cronica del rey don Pedro Pero Lopez de Ayala Volumes 1-3 TRANSLATED WITH AN INTRODUCTION AND NOTES BY

Peter Such

Aris & Phillips Hispanic Classics

PERO LÓPEZ DE AYALA

CHRONICLE OF KING PEDRO Crónica del rey don Pedro Volume I 1350−1354 (Years 1−5 of the reign of King Pedro)

Translated with an introduction and notes by

Peter Such Spanish text taken from Pero López de Ayala, Crónica del rey don Pedro y del rey don Enrique, su hermano, hijos del rey don Alfonso Onceno. Volume 1, edited and with notes by Germán Orduna, and preliminary study by Germán Orduna and José Luis Moure. Volume 2 edited and with notes by Germán Orduna. SECRIT, Buenos Aires, 1994 and 1997.

LIVERPOOL UNIVERSITY PRESS

First published 2020 by Liverpool University Press 4 Cambridge Street Liverpool L69 7ZU www.liverpooluniversitypress.co.uk Copyright © 2020 Peter Such The right of Peter Such to be identified as the author of this book has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication data A British Library CIP record is available ISBN 978-1-78962-134-1 hardback ISBN 978-1-80034-531-7 webpdf Typeset by Tara Montane Printed and bound by TJ International Ltd, Padstow, Cornwall, PL28 8RW Cover image:

King Pedro kneeling in prayer (Museo Arqueológico Nacional)

To Sylvia muy fermosa e de buen entendimiento e pequeña de cuerpo

CONTENTS

Volume I Acknowledgements Introduction

vii

I. Pero López de Ayala II. King Pedro’s reign in context: the kingdoms of the Iberian Peninsula, the international background and the Crown of Castile in 1350 III. Knighthood, chivalry and war IV. King Pedro V. The composition of the Chronicle of King Pedro VI. The narrator’s art in the Chronicle of King Pedro VII. King Pedro the Cruel or the Just? Contrasting images VIII. Germán Orduna’s text IX. A note on the translation and on the use of names

5 19 23 27 32 46 53 55

A summary of the content of the Chronicle of King Pedro Index to the points covered in the notes to the text and translation A note on the cover illustration

59 72 77

Select Bibliography

79

THE CHRONICLE OF KING PEDRO Text, Translation and Notes Prologue and Years I−V of the reign of King Pedro: 1350−1354

87



Year I (1350) Year II (1351) Year III (1352) Year IV (1353) Year V (1354) Notes

1

92 138 210 226 292 402

Contents

vi

Volume II THE CHRONICLE OF KING PEDRO Text, Translation and Notes Years VI−XIII of the reign of King Pedro: 1355−1362

Year VI (1355) Year VII (1356) Year VIII (1357) Year IX (1358) Year X (1359) Year XI (1360) Year XII (1361) Year XIII (1362) Notes

2 56 94 112 150 226 284 304 354

Volume III THE CHRONICLE OF KING PEDRO Text, Translation and Notes Years XIV−XVI of the reign of King Pedro: 1363−1365 Year XIV Year XV Year XVI

(1363) (1364) (1365)

Years I–IV of the reign of King Enrique (Years XVII−XX of the reign of King Pedro): 1366−1369 Year I / Year XVII (1366) Year II / Year XVIII (1367) Year III / Year XIX (1368) Year IV / Year XX (1369) Notes

2 30 50

60 124 274 300 344

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS We are extremely grateful for the permission to use the Spanish text which was given by the Instituto de Investigaciones Bibliográficas y Crítica Textual, Seminario de Edición y Crítica Textual “Dr Germán Orduna” (IIBICRIT-SECRIT) of the Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas (CONICET, Argentina). The author is deeply indebted to Professor Jonathan Thacker for his encouragement and guidance, and also to Chloé Johnson and Tara Montane at Liverpool University Press for their helpfulness and efficiency, which made the completion of this project possible. Warm thanks are also due to Jamie Stephenson, who helped with the map, to the late Professor Eric Naylor and Dr Richard Rabone for their invaluable advice and assistance and to Tony Mutton and Liz Langdon-Davies who gave generously of their time to read parts of the draft version of the translation and the introduction and made numerous helpful suggestions. I must also emphasize how much I owe to my wife Sylvia who has given me unfailing support in many ways during the preparation of this book. PTS

INTRODUCTION I. Pero López de Ayala Pero (or Pedro) López de Ayala was initially intended for an ecclesiastical career and he studied in France. He was a nobleman and landowner, a courtier and a soldier whose extensive military experience included participation in two of the most important battles fought in the Iberian Peninsula in the fourteenth century, in both of which he was taken prisoner. He was a captain in a naval expedition, head constable of the city of Toledo, an ambassador, a royal counsellor and finally chancellor of the kingdom of Castile. He gave his support to King Pedro for some 16 years and opposed him for the following three; and he went on to be a loyal servant to the first three kings of the House of Trastámara1 until his death in 1407 at the age of 75. He thus had first-hand knowledge of many of the most dramatic political events of his age. López de Ayala was also a scholar and a prolific writer, whose works included both lyric poetry and an extensive moralizing, satirical and political poem, the Rimado de Palacio, as well as a treatise on falconry. He produced translations into Castilian of several Latin texts (in some cases possibly using a French version), including works by Livy, Boethius and Boccaccio and Saint Gregory’s Morals on the Book of Job. In addition to all of this, he was responsible for the production of a series of chronicles more influential and innovative than any other composed in the kingdom of Castile in the later Middle Ages. Fernán Pérez de Guzmán includes a section on Pero López de Ayala – his uncle – in his collection of portraits Generaciones y semblanzas. He begins by emphasizing the nobility of López de Ayala’s lineage, a subject dear to the heart of the chronicler who, continuing a work 1  Alfonso XI granted his illegitimate son Enrique (the future Enrique II) the title of Count of Trastámara (he was, in fact, made count of Trastámara and lord of Lemos and Sarria) and it is from this that the line of monarchs in due course descended from Enrique was to take its name. For the origin of the title, see 1350, II, note 7 and 1366, VII, note 6.

2

Introduction

This portrait of Pero López de Ayala appears in the frontispiece of the first of a series of four manuscripts, dating from between 1425 and 1435, which contain his Castilian translation of Saint Gregory’s Morals on the Book of Job. López de Ayala is shown presenting his book to the saint. The manuscripts are now held in the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid and we are grateful for their permission to reproduce this image.

Introduction

3

begun by his father, himself composed a study of the history of his family. As will be seen, this concern with lineage and with recording for posterity the deeds of those of noble line is a constant feature of the Crónica del rey don Pedro. In fact, López de Ayala’s family belonged to the middle-ranking nobility, but it could nonetheless be considered ‘upwardly mobile’ (Estow, 1995, xvi). His uncle Pero Gómez Barroso was a distinguished cardinal in the papal court in Avignon. The seat of the Ayalas was in Quejana, the centre of their extensive possessions in the extreme north-west of the present-day province of Álava, adjacent to the lands of the lordship of Vizcaya which figures prominently in the Crónica. Fernán Pérez de Guzmán gives a succinct but expressive account of his uncle’s character and achievements: Don Pero López de Ayala was tall and slim in stature and of pleasing appearance. He was a man of great discretion and authority and of wise counsel, in affairs of both peace and war. He was highly regarded by the kings in whose time he lived: as a young man he enjoyed the esteem of King Pedro, and subsequently he was an adviser to King Enrique II, who viewed him with great warmth. King Juan and his son King Enrique both valued him highly and placed great trust in him. He experienced great events in times of both war and peace. He was captured twice, once in the battle of Nájera and once at Aljubarrota. He was of gentle disposition, pleasant in conversation, strong of conscience and devout. He possessed a great love for learning and had a great interest in books and histories, so much so that, although he was very much a knight and a person of very sound judgement in matters of the world, by nature he was heavily inclined towards scholarship; and for this reason he spent a large part of his time in reading and study, not of works of law but of books of philosophy and histories …2

On a slightly less positive note, López de Ayala’s biographer ends by commenting that he was ‘very fond of women, more so than was appropriate in such a learned knight’. 2  For the Spanish text, see Fernán Pérez de Guzmán, ed. Barrio Sánchez, 1998, 94−96. The translation, as has been the practice throughout the Introduction (except where an indication is given to the contrary) is the author’s own.

4

Introduction

Apart from pointing to his subject’s personal qualities and his striking combination of interests and abilities, Fernán Pérez de Guzmán also emphasizes the strength of his relationship with the four kings that he served. López de Ayala was two years older than King Pedro. He first appears as a participant in the events of the Crónica at the age of about 20 as a page of the king, already entrusted with a delicate task (see 1353, VIII), and he continued to serve him in a variety of roles until he changed sides in the period before the battle of Nájera in which he played a prominent role (1367, IV). Following King Enrique’s eventual triumph over his half-brother in 1369, López de Ayala, like many of his comrades, was richly rewarded with grants of property. Under Enrique, the first of the Trastamaran monarchs, he acquired new responsibilities: he became a valued adviser of the king and carried out a number of diplomatic missions in Aragon, England and Avignon. His influence as a counsellor to the king continued to increase under Enrique’s son Juan I who succeeded to the throne in 1379. During his time as an ambassador to the court of Charles VI of France his contribution as an adviser was so highly valued that he was appointed royal chamberlain by the French monarch. On the succession to the Castilian throne in 1393 of Juan I’s 13-year-old son Enrique III, López de Ayala became a member of the regency council and this probably represented the height of his political achievement. However, in late 1398 or early 1399, now in semi-retirement, he received from King Enrique III the highly distinguished title of Canciller Mayor (‘Grand Chancellor’). The duties will not have been onerous and much of the time until his death in 1408 was probably devoted to his contemplative, literary and historical interests. In his biographical sketch Fernán Pérez de Guzmán includes an outline of his uncle’s achievements as a writer. With regard to the series of chronicles, he tells us that López de Ayala ‘set in order’ (ordenó) the history of Castile from the reign of King Pedro to that of King Enrique III. This might suggest an overseeing role rather than that of sole author, although there is no firm evidence to demonstrate the existence of some kind of scriptorium carrying out the task. On the other hand there is in the chronicles ample evidence of a single

Introduction

5

controlling hand shaping and elaborating the narrative, skilfully martialling and manipulating material in order to convey a very clear and consistent message. This message was one that the Trastamaran monarchs were at pains to convey and the task was entrusted to a man who enjoyed their full confidence: a man, by virtue of his rich experience and outstanding talents, uniquely placed to view, draw together and fashion the events of the age into a powerful, at times highly dramatic, and above all convincing account. II. King Pedro’s reign in context: the kingdoms of the Iberian Peninsula, the international background and the Crown of Castile in 1350 Towards the end of March, 1350 – according to the Crónica it was the Saturday of Holy Week, the 27th of March – the kingdom of Castile was thrown into turmoil. The bubonic plague, known as the Black Death, had struck the Iberian mainland two years previously, initially affecting the ports of Barcelona, Valencia and Almería before spreading rapidly throughout the peninsula. The plague’s victims in the Spanish kingdoms were to be counted in millions and its social and economic consequences would be immense, but very few of the deaths would have such an immediate and dramatic effect as that of King Alfonso XI in his encampment at Gibraltar. Gibraltar had fallen into Moorish hands in 1333 but it had been left increasingly isolated following the triumph of the Christian forces in the battle of Tarifa (or Río Salado) in 1340 and the capture of Algeciras in 1344. Alfonso XI had assembled an immense army to take part in the siege of Gibraltar and it seemed inevitable that the town would eventually fall. Then, early in 1350, plague appeared in the encampment. The king refused to heed the urgings of his counsellors for him to abandon the siege and this decision was to cost him his life. King Alfonso’s death brought to a rapid end the progress of the Castilian-led Christian armies in the battle for control of the Strait of Gibraltar. Moreover, it led to the immediate recognition as king of Alfonso’s only surviving legitimate son, Pedro, a boy of 15, then in Seville and remote from the centre of military and political concerns of the kingdom.

Introduction

6

The situation was a complex one, fraught with danger from the outset. Pero López de Ayala’s unqualified praise for King Alfonso reflects not only his victories over the enemies of Christendom and the international prestige that they had brought him but also the firmness of his rule: acting with decisiveness and often brutality to overcome the state of near anarchy which had been caused by a rapacious and divided nobility during his long period of minority rule, he did much to strengthen the central control of the crown. However, it was the consequences of Alfonso’s openly flaunted relationship with his mistress Leonor de Guzmán that were to cast a long shadow over the reign of his son Pedro. While King Alfonso’s wife María of Portugal was conspicuously neglected, Leonor enjoyed considerable influence in the kingdom. Moreover, the children that she bore to Alfonso – there were ten of them altogether, although not all survived to adulthood – were being given positions of prominence and authority. Fadrique became master of the Order of Santiago at the age of ten, whilst for his twin brother Enrique King Alfonso had even grander plans. Enrique already possessed the titles of count of Trastámara and lord of Asturias, the former of which (see note 1, above) was to give its name to the dynasty that was to rule Castile until the early sixteenth century. In 1348 Alfonso proposed that Enrique marry the daughter of King Pere of Aragon and that he become king of Murcia. J. N. Hillgarth (1976, 376) sums up neatly Alfonso’s legacy to his son Pedro: ‘In a double sense Alfonso was responsible for his son’s troubles. His harsh, authoritarian government was inevitably followed by a reaction from the nobility while the appanages granted his bastard sons made them the natural leaders of the resulting discontent.’ In 1356, moreover, when war broke out between Castile and Aragon, the Trastamarans were to ally themselves formally with King Pedro’s enemies. *

*

*

*

*

*

In 1350 just over 100 years had passed since Seville had fallen to the armies of Fernando III. This momentous event had appeared to signal the imminent completion of the conquest of al-Andalus, to the

Introduction

7

point that the victorious Castilian monarch was already planning to carry his campaign against Islam into North Africa and eventually as a crusade to the Holy Land. Nevertheless, the kingdom of Granada survived, largely through the skilful diplomacy of its Nasrid ruler, and it was to continue to do so until 1492. The expulsion of the Moors and the re-establishment of Christian rule over all of the Iberian Peninsula remained an important ideal for the kings of Castile. However, its achievement was to be seriously hindered by divisions within and between the Christian kingdoms and by the rise to power in the Maghreb and incursions into the peninsula by the Marinids or Banū Marīn. In the early years of his reign, King Pedro contemplated the possibility of a crusade into North Africa but the idea was soon abandoned (O’Callaghan, 2014, 14). Apart from his campaigns against the Red King (el Rey Bermejo) (see 1350, XI, note 12), this was his only attempt to further the struggle of Christianity against Islam. He was to have more pressing concerns and, indeed, King Muhammad V of Granada was to prove to be a much needed ally. The four Christian states of the peninsula (Castile, Aragon, Navarre and Portugal) co-existed with a fluctuating degree of harmony and often with a strong element of mutual suspicion and an eye to territorial gain. In 1350 the Crown of Aragon was made up of the kingdom of Aragon itself, the counties of Catalonia and the kingdoms of Valencia and Majorca (both conquered from the Muslims in the course of the thirteenth century), as well as the island of Sardinia, whose conquest had taken place between 1323 and 1326. Aragon’s commercial interests were firmly fixed on the western Mediterranean and by the fourteenth century matters of reconquest were left exclusively to Castile. However, in 1296 the old Muslim kingdom of Murcia was seized from the Castilians by Jaume II of Aragon and it remained in Aragonese possession until eight years later when, under the treaty of Torrellas, the frontier between the kingdoms was redefined. A large swathe of Murcia (Alicante, Orihuela, Elda, Elche, Novelda …, places which repeatedly figure in the events of the Crónica) became part of the Crown of Aragon. The matter continued to be the subject of acrimonious dispute and King Pedro’s territorial ambitions in this

Lisbon

Santiago

G

Évora

Burgos

N

Granada

GRANADA

Gibraltar

ANDALUSIA

A

Saragossa

R

N A R A G O N OW R C A

U C

Carmona

Córdoba

Montiel

Toledo

C A S T I L E

CROWN OF

M R

Algeciras

Calahorra

Nájera

VIZCAYA ÁLAVA

Bilbao

Valladolid Araviana Toro

León

ASTURIAS

Seville

A

CI

AL I

P O R T U G A L

N

GUYENNE

F

O

Calpe

Murviedro Valencia

O AL

N A

Barcelona

NI

IBIZA

MAJORCA

GC AT

O

Perpignan

The Kingdoms of the Iberian Peninsula during the Reign of King Pedro of Castile

VA

L E Ó

RE AV AR

Bayonne

A

CI

LE N

8

Introduction

IA

Fernando de la Cerda = Juana Núñez de Lara

FERNANDO IV (1295−1312) = Constança of Portugal

=

Beatriz

Catherine (Catalina)

JUAN II (1406−1454)

ENRIQUE III (1390−1406) ---------------------------------------------------------------

Fernando I of Aragon

JUAN I (1379−1390) = (1) Elionor of Aragon = (2) Beatriz of Portugal

Beatriz = Afonso IV of Portugal

SANCHO IV (1284−1295) = María de Molina

Philippa = João I of Portugal

Constanza Isabel = John of Gaunt = Edmund Langley (Duke of Lancaster) (Duke of York)

PEDRO (I) (1350−1369) [∞∞ María de Padilla] = Blanche de Bourbon

[Leonor de Guzmán ∞∞] ALFONSO XI (1312−1350) = María of Portugal

Beatriz = Afonso III of Portugal

Juana Manuel = ENRIQUE II (1366−1379) Fadrique Fernando Tello Juan Juana Sancho Pedro (of Trastámara)

Juan Manuel = Blanca de la Cerda y Lara

Alfonso de la Cerda

Fernando de la Cerda = Blanche of France

[Mayor Guillén de Guzmán∞∞] ALFONSO X (1252-1284) = Violant of Aragon

THE RULERS OF CASTILE AND THEIR DESCENDANTS FROM THE MID-THIRTEENTH CENTURY TO THE EARLY FIFTEENTH CENTURY (AN OUTLINE)

Introduction 9

10

Introduction

area were to be a fundamental cause of the bitter war with Aragon that so deeply marked his reign. From 1336 to 1387 the Crown of Aragon was ruled by Pere III of Catalonia (Pedro IV of Aragon).3 King Pere, known as ‘the Ceremonious’, was a natural organizer and administrator. He was also a man of great passion and at times of great cruelty. He was the son of King Alfons IV who, after the death of Pere’s mother, married Leonor, the sister of King Alfonso XI of Castile. The favouritism that Alfons showed towards the two sons, Ferran and Joan, that he fathered by Leonor provoked deep resentment in Pere. These two princes, Pere’s half-brothers, were a natural focus for support from a nobility opposed to the strengthening of royal authority, but by 1350 they had been forced to take refuge in the Castilian court. There they continued to complicate relations between Castile and Aragon. Both were to come to violent ends, narrated in the Crónica, and the death of Prince Ferran in 1363 at King Pere’s command was to do much to blacken the Aragonese monarch’s name. Navarre shared frontiers with both Castile and Aragon and to the north with territories held by the English and their allies. Carlos (or Charles) II – who came to be known as ‘the Bad’ – had inherited the throne of Navarre in 1349 from his mother Jeanne, the only surviving child of King Louis X of France. He was preoccupied with recovering lost territory in France and he also laid claim to the French throne: he played a conspicuous part in the political intrigues which dogged France in the 1350s. It was at the end of that decade, when his opportunities there lessened with the cessation of hostilities beween the French and the English, that his attention turned back to Navarre itself. However, in his dealings with the other Iberian kingdoms Carlos was to continue to show himself to be a constant intriguer and a supremely unreliable ally, characteristics highlighted in the colourful account which the Crónica gives of his conduct. King Pedro’s links with Portugal were much closer. His mother María was the daughter of King Afonso IV, who had come to the throne in 1325. Dealings between the Portuguese king and Pedro’s 3  In both the Introduction and the translation the Catalan version of his name has been used (see section IX, below).

Introduction

11

father Alfonso XI had at times been marked by open hostility, provoked in part by Alfonso’s treatment of María. An easier relationship developed on Pedro’s ascendance to the throne, and also when King Afonso was succeeded by his own son Pedro in 1357. This namesake – and uncle – of the Castilian king was, like him, to acquire two sobriquets: in both cases these were ‘the Cruel’ and ‘the Just’. In this and in other respects, the two men appear to have had no small amount in common. In 1350, moreover, there was another significant link between the two kingdoms: the powerful figure of Juan Alfonso (in Portuguese João Afonso), lord of Alburquerque.4 Juan Alfonso was closely related to the reigning Portuguese monarch: though illegitimate, he was a grandson of King Afonso’s father. He was also the son of an illegitimate daughter of King Sancho IV of Castile and so had family ties with the monarchies of both kingdoms. Though born in Lisbon he had been established in Castile since 1330; he had risen to prominence under Alfonso XI and been tutor and then chief steward to the young Pedro. When the new monarch came to the throne in 1350, Juan Alfonso’s prestige and influence in the kingdom were at their height. Relationships among the kingdoms of the Iberian Peninsula – and other parts of western Europe – were thus complex, characterized by a web of family associations which at times favoured alliances and mutual support but frequently also produced dangerous rivalries and conflict. In the light of this it is not surprising to find, in the Crónica’s account of the formation of King Pedro’s alliance with Edward III of England and his son the prince of Wales, the Black Prince, that much is made of the kinship between the two monarchs – Eleanor of Castile, first wife of Edward I and grandmother of Edward III, was the daughter of Fernando III, king of Castile and León. A still closer bond had in fact very nearly been established, for in 1348 King Edward’s daughter Joan, then aged 14, was on her way to marry Pedro when in Gascony she fell victim to the Black Death. Nevertheless, King Pedro’s alliance with the king of England, first proposed in 1362, did 4  The Castilian rather than the Portuguese form of this name is used both here and in the translation. See section XI below.

Introduction

12

represent a significant change in policy, for Castile had long been an ally of the French, lending them critical support from her powerful and desirable fleet in the early stages of the extended series of conflicts which are somewhat loosely known as the Hundred Years War.5 This lengthy struggle between the Plantagenet and Valois dynasties, focusing initially on the Plantagenets’ right to their extensive territories in south-western France and on Edward III’s claim to the French throne, was eventually to involve much of western Europe, including, in different ways, all the kingdoms of the Iberian Peninsula. The conflict began in the late 1330s and its first two decades were marked by the overwhelming English victories of Crécy (1346) and Poitiers (1356). The second of these led ultimately to the Treaty of Brétigny in 1360 and a period of uneasy peace. It was this hiatus in the conflict which unleashed on the territory of France (and eventually on those of Aragon and Castile) vast numbers of mercenary soldiers, banded together in the so-called ‘free companies’. Such mercenaries were to play a critical part in the events of the final years of King Pedro’s reign, and effectively it is in this role that we encounter Edward III’s eldest son, the prince of Wales, known to us as the Black Prince, the victor at Crécy and Poitiers, but now making a critical intervention in the affairs of the Iberian Peninsula in the pay of the Castilian monarch. *

*

*

*

*

*

In 1350 King Pedro inherited the throne of the Crown of Castile, which was almost equivalent to a federation of diverse territories under a single ruler. He was later to style himself ‘King of Castile, León, Toledo, Galicia, Seville, Córdoba, Murcia, Jaén, the Algarve and Algeciras, and lord of Vizcaya and Molina.’ The two great rival kingdoms of Castile and León had been united since 1230, but there remained within King Pedro’s realm a powerful sense of regional identity and resistance to royal control, which in some areas 5  For a clear and concise explanation of the nature of the Hundred Years War, which shows how it came to form the backdrop to the events recounted in the Crónica, see Villalon and Kagay, 2017, 42−57.

Introduction

13

amounted to virtual independence from it. The hereditary lords of Galicia and Vizcaya had, for example, long exercised immense power and influence and they were to figure prominently in the events of Pedro’s reign, in very different ways. In Galicia Fernando de Castro was eventually to prove a loyal and enduring supporter of King Pedro, even after the king’s death. On the other hand, in Vizcaya Juan Núñez de Lara, whose distinguished lineage – he was a direct descendant of King Alfonso X – had led him to aspire to the throne, was to meet a mysterious death within a few months of King Pedro’s accession. The rich and highly desirable territory of Vizcaya had been technically part of the Crown of Castile, but in practice its lords had enjoyed almost complete independence. The shadowy and at times brutal process as a result of which the king was to achieve full possession of Vizcaya is a thread which runs through López de Ayala’s narrative of the first half of Pedro’s reign. Juan Núñez de Lara was a member of the House of La Cerda (see 1350, XIII, note 15), the members of which were of royal descent but not in line of succession to the throne. Moreover, he was by no means the only Castilian nobleman to be able to claim to have royal blood in his veins. Perhaps the most prominent example during the reign of Pedro’s father had been Alfonso X’s nephew Juan Manuel (see 1350, XII, note 13 and 1359, V, note 7), who governed his territory of Villena almost with the authority of an independent ruler, to the extent of minting his own coinage. Juan Manuel died two years before Pedro succeeded to the throne, but his daughter Juana Manuel was to marry Pedro’s half-brother Enrique and thus eventually become queen of Castile. Both Juan Núñez and Juan Manuel had for a time been in direct and violent confrontation with King Alfonso, and King Pedro would have been acutely aware of the threat that such figures posed. Relationships among the nobility were complex, with the more powerful figures in turn possessing their own vassals bound to them by an oath of fealty (see, for example, the emphasis placed in 1356, I on Juan Fernández’s sense of duty towards Fadrique, who had been his feudal lord). Below those of royal blood came the so-called ricos hombres (rricos omnes in the Orduna text, translated as ‘magnates’).

14

Introduction

These individuals – among them, for example, Fernando de Castro, mentioned above – belonged to a small group of very wealthy families, heavily endowed with property and enjoying extensive privileges and exemptions, and they were often very influential as advisers to the king. These are the great lords who play so prominent a role in the events depicted in the Crónica, and, as its narrative makes clear, it was usual for them to wield considerable power, both political and military. Essentially, such prominent figures were distinguished from other levels of the nobility by their conspicuous wealth. Far less privileged and subject to more restrictions were the much more numerous hidalgos or fijos dalgo, who constituted a category which overlapped with that of the caballero or knight. The proceedings of the cortes or assembly held by King Pedro in 1351 appear to indicate a serious decline in the economic position of members of this social class, a situation reflected in the attempt to change the status of some of the landholdings known as behetrías (see 1351, XIII and XIV and note 22). On the other hand it is evident from López de Ayala’s account that the conflicts which marked King Pedro’s reign and the eventual triumph of his half-brother were to represent a rich opportunity for advancement and political and financial gain as great families disappeared from the scene and both titles and property were redistributed (Estow, 1995, 28−29 and 66−68). At the same time, at least if we are to accept the picture painted by the chronicler, the ideal of faithful service to the monarch in return for such advancement was to be threatened by Pedro’s systematic use of terror as a political weapon.6 Castile’s great Military Orders, of which the most prominent were those of Alcántara, Calatrava and Santiago, had played an important role in the campaigns against the Muslims, offering a ready source of troops and providing garrisons in frontier areas. By the mid-fourteenth century they had accumulated extensive territories and vast wealth, and the master (or ‘grand master’) of each of them not only had at his disposal considerable military resources but also had come to figure 6  For a discussion of this aspect of King Pedro’s relationship with the Castilian nobility, see Quintanilla Raso, 2016, 99−105.

Introduction

15

in the highest ranks of the nobility. During the minority of Alfonso XI the masters of the three Orders had acted together to intervene in the bitter political conflict which was then raging, and in due course, mindful of their potential future influence, the monarch took steps to bring the Orders under his control. The masters had to be elected by their fellows, but the brothers were now obliged to elect candidates designated by the king. We have already seen how Alfonso’s son Fadrique became master of Santiago while still a child, thus giving his mother Leonor de Guzmán effective control of the Order, but he was only one of a series of candidates for the masterships whose election was imposed by Alfonso.7 The consequences of this manipulation of the powerful Military Orders were to form a conspicuous feature of the political manoeuverings recounted in the Crónica. The cities and towns of the Crown of Castile had for a long time enjoyed a high level of autonomy and individual judicial privilege, the result of rights granted during the lengthy process of reconquest and repopulation. Their governing council would be responsible, among many other matters such as the administration of justice, for the construction and upkeep of fortifications (capable of resisting attack and in some cases a protracted siege) and also for the raising of municipal militias. Cities and towns would be proudly defensive of their status and this is nowhere more apparent than in the chronicler’s account of the dispute which broke out between the representatives of the great cities of Toledo and Burgos during the Valladolid cortes (see 1351, XVI). Royal policy towards the municipalities had been directed towards the progressive imposition of central control, in particular under Alfonso XI by the introduction into their administration of permanent royal officials. Equally significant had been the steady trend towards municipal oligarchy, with power increasingly concentrated in the hands of the urban aristocracy. It was from this group of wealthy families that the representatives or ‘procurators’ of the towns and cities at the cortes would be drawn. Thus, as the municipalities constituted one of the three estates summoned 7  Díaz Martín (1987, 133−75) charts this process and the political involvement of the Military Orders during the reign of King Pedro.

16

Introduction

by the king to take part in these assemblies, it was arguably only the clergy and the nobility who were in fact represented. It should be borne in mind, too, that high ecclesiastical office was also the preserve of the upper echelons of the aristocracy. Pero López de Ayala’s interest in the proceedings, as reflected in the Crónica, is correspondingly a very narrow one. His record of the 1351 cortes is limited to an account of the dispute over matters of procedure and a detailed explanation of the question of the behetrías. The other two cortes summoned by King Pedro which are mentioned by the chronicler deal with the king’s request for money and support (Burgos: see 1355, II) and the legitimacy and right to succession of his heirs (Seville: see 1362, VII); and the account of the assembly convened by King Enrique in Burgos, at which Enrique ‘spoke with all the people of the kingdom’ (1366, XIX), once again dwells on the raising of financial and military aid for the forthcoming campaign. Not surprisingly, the emphasis is firmly, if not exclusively, on the concerns of the monarchy and the nobility. There was, of course, no question of the king speaking with ‘all the people of the kingdom’. Clara Estow (1995, 43−45) has written of the ‘process of seignioralization’ which progressively affected both rural and municipal life and led to the increasing marginalization of the small independent farmer and ‘the encroachment and eventual domination by seigniorial interests of the material and political life of cities’. Moreover, if the gap between the dominant groups and the remainder of urban society continued to grow, the position of the rural communities had worsened dramatically in the years leading up to King Pedro’s accession to the throne: a series of bad harvests led to famine in 1342, 1347 and 1351; the price of bread soared in such time of difficulty; and at the end of the decade the Black Death had a devastating effect, with another wave of the plague yet to strike Castile in 1363−64, leaving the land ‘depopulated and barren’.8 The countryside also suffered heavily from the effects of frequent periods of lawlessness and those of the violent conflicts which repeatedly 8  Valdeón Baruque, 1975, 84. This study paints a graphic picture of the hardships of the peasantry: see particularly the summary on pp.90−92.

Introduction

17

marked the reigns of both King Pedro and his predecessors: brutal raiding and the equally destructive prolonged presence of vast armies living off the land. *

*

*

*

*

*

A feature of King Pedro’s reign which figures prominently in the Crónica is the role – albeit in many respects a passive one – of the Jewish community; and, as will be seen, his supposed favourable treatment of the Jews was to be heavily exploited for the purpose of propaganda by his enemies. The co-existence of Christians and Jews in Castile had followed a relatively stable course during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, but during the first half of the fourteenth century anti-semitic pressures had increased considerably. Estimates of the numbers of Jews present in the Castilian towns and cities vary wildly and it is likely that some of the figures given by López de Ayala are exaggerated.9 Nevertheless, the period leading up to the final years of the reign of Alfonso XI was to ‘remain in the collective memory of the Jewish people as a kind of golden age’ and Toledo in particular was to represent ‘a new Jerusalem, at the same time a religious, philosophical and economic centre’ (Pérez, 1993, 34). The situation of the Jews in Spain as a whole was more favourable than in other European countries, but essentially they were tolerated on account of their economic usefulness. The position of the Castilian monarchy with regard to its Jewish minority had been an ambivalent one as it sought to combine protection of a valuable element of society with compliance with the increasingly stringent requirements imposed by the Church. Repeatedly the cortes expressed resentment at the high rate of interest payable on loans contracted with Jewish moneylenders, as well as making demands for greater segregation and other forms of discrimination. This process culminated in the antiJewish legislation introduced at Alfonso XI’s cortes in 1348, which 9  Estow (1995, 157−58) reviews the conclusions of a number of scholars, which point to a total Jewish population of Castile of not many more than 20,000, with that of Toledo consisting at the end of the thirteenth century of just some 3,500 families.

18

Introduction

included a prohibition on lending money at interest. Suspicion and resentment towards the generally prosperous Jewish communities were increased by the severe social and economic problems of the age – including the Black Death – and the mood was perhaps influenced by the anti-semitic measures which had been taken in other countries such as England and France. Nevertheless, these tensions had not yet exploded into violence. King Pedro’s reign was to bring some positive developments for Castile’s Jews but its conflicts were to transform latent resentment into bloody acts of repression with grave long-term consequences.10 * * * * * * In 1350 the circumstances surrounding King Pedro’s accession to the throne of the Crown of Castile were troubled in numerous ways. His kingdom had been badly affected by both plague and famine and economic difficulty threatened to lead to conflict at various levels. There were growing divisions within the cities and all too often a state of lawlessness prevailed over the countryside. Intense rivalries existed between cities and regions and dangerous divisions within the nobility. There were dominant individuals who were accustomed to exercising power and influence and to enjoying a high degree of autonomy, and, most dangerous of all, Pedro had rivals who did not hesitate to press their own claims to the throne. In the peninsula Castile had neighbours, particularly Aragon, who would be quick to seize any possible opportunity to gain territorial advantage and in the south the kingdom of Granada remained a focus for a potential Islamic threat. Moreover, the ramifications of the protracted conflict between England and France threatened to embroil the peninsular kingdoms and thus further complicate King Pedro’s position. Most, if not all of these factors are reflected in Pero López de Ayala’s narrative, as is another important feature of the age which colours the Crónica’s pages and which can help us to understand many of the judgements 10  Valdeón Baruque (1975, 125−30) gives a succinct account of the growing pressures on Castile’s Jewish communities in the first half of the fourteenth century.

Introduction

19

and values of its author. This is the world of chivalry, to which we shall now turn. III. Knighthood, chivalry and war In the prologue to his series of chronicles, Pero López de Ayala writes of the ancient practice of composing chronicles and histories ‘in which were to be recorded the acts of chivalry and any other deeds performed by the princes of old, in order that those who came after them might be all the more emboldened and inspired by reading them to do good and refrain from doing ill.’ It is evident that he sees his own task as chronicler as a continuation of that of the historians of antiquity. The concept of the exemplary nature (in either a positive or a negative sense) of the deeds that the historian records, is, as will become apparent, fundamental to the purpose of the Crónica. However, equally central to López de Ayala’s approach is a narrow focus on the concerns of the aristocracy. Covadonga Valdaliso Casanova (2010, 32) summarizes neatly his point of view: ‘What matters are not the deeds of ordinary men, the development of a people or a kingdom, but rather events played out by figures of standing. The text belongs to the pen of an aristocrat who is conscious of his position and is a child of his time.’11 This emphasis on the actions of members of noble and distinguished families is constantly in evidence in the Crónica, not least in the scrupulous recording of those involved in each episode. On the other hand, for example, we are told that during one engagement (1355, chapter XII), ‘[t]here were deaths on both sides, but on that day these included no man of standing’ – the chronicler’s priorities are clear. Nobility and lineage were of fundamental importance, but what was equally vital to a family’s standing was a sense of honour founded on past and present achievements which would endure as a model for future generations. The values by which those achievements were judged were the knightly ideals which had been developed into the social and military code of chivalry. 11  ‘No importan los hechos de los hombres sencillos, el desarrollo de un pueblo o de un reino, sino los sucesos protagonizados por los grandes. El texto pertenece a la pluma de un aristócrata consciente de su posición e hijo de su tiempo.’

20

Introduction

By the mid-fourteenth century the qualities and obligations associated with knighthood had come to be generally accepted and had been formally defined in a number of works such as the Aragonese Ramon Llull’s Llibre de l’orde de cavalleria and three treatises by Geoffroi de Charny, who died at the battle of Poitiers in 1356. In Castile the virtues and comportment required of knights together with various practical features of knighthood had been set out by Alfonso X in his legal code Las Siete Partidas (Partida II, Título XXI). Geoffroi de Charny, for example, stresses the exemplary conduct particularly important in great lords and those of high standing, and he points out that the moral standards to be expected of a monarch are greater still. Among many other matters, he lays emphasis on acts of valour, distinguished service in battle, especially in foreign countries, and mastery of the skills of warfare such as those of the siege; on prowess in the joust and the tourney; on discretion in love and the need to avoid scandal; on purity of motive and on the dangers posed by vices such as greed and an excessive fondness for jewels.12 These are all points which find an echo in the Crónica and we shall see how the expectations embodied in such works provide a yardstick by which King Pedro and his contemporaries were to be judged. Indeed, history provided another yardstick: the figures of ‘les neuf preux’, the nine worthies − the epitome of chivalric virtue − who appeared together in literary texts and the visual arts from the beginning of the fourteenth century. Three of these were drawn from Jewish history, three from pagan antiquity and three were medieval figures. Of the first group Judas Maccabeus is the subject of a direct reference in the Prologue to the chronicles. The third group includes King Arthur, and López de Ayala tells us of his own youthful fondness for Arthurian romance in the Rimado de Palacio (see stanza 163). Moreover, in some versions this elite group of heroes also came to include Bertrand du Guesclin, known in France as ‘the tenth worthy’, and one also contained the English knight Sir Hugh Calveley (Keen, 1984, 123). Sir Hugh Calveley is shown to act in exemplary fashion (1367, II) by refusing to fight against his lord, whilst du Guesclin 12 

See, for example, the summary of Charny’s Works in Keen, 1984, 12−15.

Introduction

21

becomes the centre of attention in the events which follow the battle of Nájera and also plays a crucial role in those which take place at Montiel. The chronicler is aware of the stature and the importance of such distinguished knights and they inevitably come to serve as a point of reference by which the conduct of their contemporaries may be judged. In 1332 Alfonso XI founded the Order of La Banda (‘the Sash’), a new Order of chivalry, intended to recognize and reward great feats of arms and to strengthen the spirit of loyalty and fellowship among prominent members of the Castilian nobility. By way of comparison, Edward III did not establish the Order of the Garter until 1348. The statutes of the Order of La Banda recognize explicitly that it was founded as the embodiment of the chivalric ideal and that chivalry itself was regarded as an Order with a clearly defined code of conduct. These statutes emphasize above all the knight’s loyalty: to his lord – in this case the king –, to his lady, and to his own knightly aspirations: that is to say, the constant search to reach a higher level of knightly achievement, committing ‘the most distinguished acts of chivalry’. They contain a series of prescriptions for the knights’ conduct, specify ways of achieving admission to the Order and include a section dealing with relationships – and disputes – among the Order’s members. They also set out the knight’s essential obligations: in time of war to come together in the monarch’s service and in peacetime to attend the gatherings and tournaments to which they were summoned. It is clear from the statutes just how much importance was attached to feats of arms in the lists and to the proper conduct of jousts and tourneys.13 The Order of La Banda is mentioned at two points in the Crónica. The first occasion is described in detail in 1353, VIII, when a page (in fact the young López de Ayala) is dispatched to inform Pero Carrillo that he is not to wear the insignia of La Banda since he is not in the service of the king. The chronicler, whilst appearing to support King Pedro’s action, takes the opportunity to place in Carrillo’s mouth a proud explanation of how he came to be admitted to the Order through 13  See García Díaz 77−88 and, for a summary of the content of the Order’s statutes, pp. 32−34.

22

Introduction

heroism in battle. The second occasion is during the account of the preparations for, and the action of the battle of Nájera (1367, IV and XII): here López de Ayala appears as the bearer of the banner of La Banda, a role which he was again to perform 18 years later at the battle of Aljubarrota. Indeed the chronicler was to continue to occupy this distinguished rank in the Order, to the point that it was stipulated in the will of Juan I that he should do so under the new monarch Enrique, who came to the throne in 1390. It is important, then, to bear in mind the extent to which the values of the world of chivalry and specifically those of the Order of La Banda underpin López de Ayala’s judgements − expressed and implied − in the Crónica. Mutual bonds of loyalty and the ideals of service, integrity and a standard of conduct befitting the status and responsibilities of a knight are all fundamental to the framework of values against which his protagonists’ actions are judged. The chronicler was a highly experienced soldier who had a considerable interest in and understanding of the practicalities of war. He describes encounters that he has experienced at first hand both on land and in engagements at sea, showing, for example, how a storm at sea can bring a naval confrontation to a devastating conclusion (1358, IX). In an age in which pitched battles were relatively rare, great emphasis was placed on the techniques of the siege, and there are numerous accounts of such episodes in the Crónica. Sometimes they centre on a vivid depiction of the actions of the central figures, as in the narrative of the fall of Aguilar and the death of Alfonso Fernández Coronel (1353, I). However, on other occasions the emphasis is on practical details: the chronicler explains how during the attack on the Bridge of San Martín at Toledo the engineers make a critical mistake (1368, VII). Nowhere is the destructive process of a siege more clearly illustrated than in the description of the state to which the fortifications of Calatayud had been reduced by the effects of siege engines and mining (1362, XI). There is a revealing contrast here between the chivalric display of valour proposed by the captured Aragonese knights and the brutal reality of the siege that they are taken by King Pedro to witness.

Introduction

23

López de Ayala’s knowledge of such aspects of warfare is beyond doubt, but it is equally clear that they are not the principal focus of his interest. Most telling in this respect is his account of the battle of Nájera, for it gives us surprisingly little information about what actually happened during the battle (see principally 1367, XII), except for the mention of the shameful conduct of King Enrique’s brother Tello. A large part of the narrative is taken up by a list of those killed and taken prisoner among the Castilian nobility. There is scant mention of strategy, of the decisive factors such as the role of the English archers or of the slaughter which occurred during the flight from the battle.14 Nor is there, for example, the emphasis on individual acts of valour, the re-creation of visual detail, the hyperbole, the colourful use of direct speech or the powerful surge of emotion – ranging from exhilaration to a sense of bitter loss – which characterize the description of the battle that appears in the Chronicles of Jean Froissart.15 On the other hand, López de Ayala chooses to place greater weight on questions related to the conduct of distinguished knights taken prisoner during the battle: the accusations against the marshal d’Audrehem, his defence and the judgement delivered by 12 of his peers (1367, XIII); and the lengthy debate between Bertrand du Guesclin and the prince of Wales concerning the former’s ransom (1367, XVIII). The accounts of these two episodes together amount to twice the length of that of the battle itself. There could be no clearer statement of our chronicler’s real concerns and of the importance that he attaches to chivalric values and principles. IV. King Pedro Pero López de Ayala’s chronicle is by far the richest and most detailed source of information that we possess for King Pedro’s reign. It gives a lucid, coherent and persuasive account of the events of the 20 years that it covers. However, it is the work of a man intimately involved in those events and one who not only is guided by his own deeply 14  For an evaluation of López de Ayala’s account of the battle, see Villalon and Kagay, 2017, 356. 15  See, for example, the English translation by John Jolliffe, 1967, 199−203.

24

Introduction

held convictions but in addition writes with the evident purpose of conveying a sharply defined political message. We cannot completely accept what López de Ayala tells us of the events or of the king’s intentions and motives – what he omits is likely to be at least as significant as what he includes – but on the other hand we possess relatively few documentary sources and no reliable alternative account against which to set his picture of King Pedro’s character and actions and the trenchant judgements that he expresses on his reign. The verdicts pronounced by modern historians on King Pedro’s form of government and on his relationship with his people – and particularly the nobility of his kingdom − vary widely. Some argue that it was the extreme and irrational level of his brutality which brought about his fall: ‘It was Pedro’s behavior which gave rise to this unrelenting effort to get rid of him. Confronted by such a record a modern psychiatrist would be hard put not to reach a diagnosis of progressive paranoia, aggravated by homicidal rage and sadistic tendencies.’16 Others, however, give a more balanced picture. It has been suggested, for example, that ‘[i]n terms of personality and disposition, then, Pedro was eminently suited to take on the challenges of the monarchy in fourteenth-century Castile.’17 One recent study concludes that, in spite of his undoubtedly turbulent character and at times disturbing actions, Pedro should really be defined neither as ‘the Cruel’ nor as the ‘Bringer of Justice’ but as a monarch of his time: in his attempt to endow himself with an air of unprecedented authority he was essentially putting into practice the absolutist principles inculcated in him by works such as the De regimine principum of Egidio Colonna (Aegidius Romanus), translated expressly for Pedro on his father’s instructions.18 There can be no doubt that, as opposition to King Pedro grew, his use of violence and of harsh repressive measures became increasingly frequent and extreme. However, other monarchs of the age, including both Alfonso XI and Pedro’s adversary King Pere of 16  Villalon and Kagay, 2017, 69. 17  Estow, 1995, 130. 18  Manuel García Fernández, 2016, especially 33−34. See also Estow, 1995, 33−34.

Introduction

25

Aragon also showed themselves to be capable of notorious acts of cruelty. Brutal enforcement of the royal will was the norm, and we must beware of accepting entirely at face value the picture of shocking and exceptional cruelty painted by López de Ayala. In assessing that picture, it has been pointed out, the reader ‘while healthily distrustful of the chronicler’s veracity, must also acknowledge his cleverness’ (Estow, 1995, 127). King Pedro continued his father’s policy of seeking to unite Castile under strong central control and to extend its frontiers. He succeeded, for example, in bringing Vizcaya under direct royal authority. He made considerable territorial gains in Aragon and Valencia and, although the demands of the extended Aragonese campaigns ultimately imposed a heavy cost, the chronicler rarely criticizes his performance as a strategist or a military commander. King Pedro intervened successfully in the affairs of the kingdom of Granada and disposed of a potentially hostile ruler. For a substantial proportion of his reign he did assert his authority over the Castilian nobility and he made effective use, for example, of his control over the Military Orders. As is clear from López de Ayala’s narrative, he showed considerable skill in dividing and thus manipulating his enemies and likewise in the establishment and exploitation of his English alliance. He gained the support of many of Castile’s major cities. He continued his predecessors’ policy of developing and expanding the royal administration and his reign saw significant advances in the development of the processes and mechanisms for raising royal revenue (this is recognized by the chronicler in 1355, XV and reflected in his portrayal of King Pedro’s increasingly apparent pursuit of financial gain, albeit with a markedly negative twist). King Pedro attempted − as is clear from the ordinances of the 1351 cortes – to tackle the prevailing economic difficulties and, with a good measure of success, he introduced a number of measures to encourage international trade.19 King Pedro’s fall was to no small extent the result of a conservative reaction on the part of the higher nobility and of sustained resistance to 19  For a detailed and helpful discussion of King Pedro’s economic and financial concerns and policies, see Estow, 1995, 40−77 and 106−25.

26

Introduction

his policy of reinforcing the authority of the monarchy. The demands made, according to López de Ayala’s account, by the rebel lords at Tejadillo (1354, XXXII) are revealing in this respect, for they contain sharp criticism of the king’s reliance on members of the lesser nobility and the lack of value being placed on his traditional supporters. Highly significant, too, is a letter which King Enrique II sent to the town council of Covarrubias in April 1366. In this he presents himself as engaged in a campaign, with divine assistance, to rid the kingdom of a cruel tyrant, the protector of Moors and Jews and the enemy of God and His Church. King Pedro is presented as the persecutor of all levels of society, but the letter makes it abundantly clear that what are being highlighted are really the grievances of a particular social group, the highest ranks of the aristocracy (Valdeón Baruque, 1975, 95−96). A further feature of King Pedro’s reign, central to the chronicler’s version of events, must be taken into account: according to López de Ayala, the principal grievance expressed by the nobles at Tejadillo concerned the king’s abandonment and unjust treatment of his French wife Blanche and his flagrantly open relationship with María de Padilla. Their insistence that he returns to Blanche is presented as the principal justification for their rebellion. There can be no doubt that Pedro’s treatment of his wife was indeed cruel and reprehensible. However, although there is no external evidence to indicate the actual circumstances of Blanche’s eventual death, it is quite likely that the chronicler manipulates the picture of her captivity (Estow, 1995, 143). It is clear that he effectively exploits both the harshness of her treatment and, indeed, the complexity of King Pedro’s (numerous) sexual relationships in order to emphasize the king’s moral failings and to justify the actions of those who rebelled against him. King Pedro’s opponents also made much of his reputation as a champion of Castile’s Jewish minority, and the chronicler is at pains to show, for example, how King Pedro’s supporters come to the aid of the Jews of Toledo when they are attacked by Enrique’s troops (1355, VII). The reality of King Pedro’s reign was not so clear cut. He was at times quick to exploit the Jewish communities, on one occasion

Introduction

27

paying for the services of mercenaries from the kingdom of Granada by forcing 300 Jewish families from Jaén to be sold into slavery or to pay the corresponding ransom. The available evidence suggests that, although King Pedro did at times take measures favourable to the Jewish communities, this was essentially in opposition to popular anti-semitism and was done in order to protect the monarchy’s financial interests. Moreover, although Jews were used as financial administrators, conspicuously in the case of the royal chief treasurer Samuel Ha-Levi, this had also been the case under King Pedro’s predecessors and continued to be so under King Enrique II. It is clear that Enrique rapidly came to appreciate the value of the financial resource represented by Castile’s Jewish minority (Montes RomeroCamacho, 2016, 118−21). Disappointingly little documentary evidence has survived from the reign of King Pedro either to reinforce or to contradict the account given by Pero López de Ayala (see, for example, Valdaliso Casanova, 2016, 35−37 and Estow 1995, xxii−xxvi). There is, for instance, no record of the sessions of the cortes which took place after 1351. The dearth of information makes it particularly difficult to evaluate as a historical source the Crónica with its bitterly critical picture of a king brought down by his profound personal flaws and wildly irrational conduct, but this very brief survey of some features of his reign has pointed to some of the possible discrepancies between that image and the reality of a monarch fashioned by the influences and challenges of his age. V. The composition of the Chronicle of King Pedro King Pedro’s reign ended on the 23rd of March, 1369, when he died at the hand of his half-brother Enrique. The outcome of their struggle in Bertrand du Guesclin’s quarters at Montiel marked the end of a bitter conflict which had begun almost as soon as Pedro had come to the throne 19 years before. Whatever may have been the excesses of his reign, the fact remained that the legitimate sovereign had been deposed and was being replaced by a ruler who – his opponents could justifiably argue − by birth had no right to the throne. King Enrique

28

Introduction

II had many concerns in the period which followed King Pedro’s death, most notably the pacification and defence of his kingdom, but not the least of them was to establish the legitimacy of his rule and of that of the House of Trastámara. The question of legitimacy was, moreover, to remain a preoccupation of his successors, Juan I and Enrique III. The programme of propaganda against Pedro had begun well before his death and it took varied forms. Enrique’s letter to the town of Covarrubias, promoting the image of a crusade against an irreligious tyrant (see section IV, above) is one example. The circulation of ballads or romances, generally agreed to date from the 1360s, constitutes a particularly powerful propaganda struggle: ballads have survived embodying the points of view of both sides in the conflict, but those attacking Pedro (among them poems dealing with the deaths of Don Fadrique and Queen Blanche) are much more numerous (see, for example, Rodríguez, 2017, 82−87). Effective too was the promotion of the image of King Pedro as a protector of the enemies of the Christian God and in particular his identification with the Jews – to the extent of claiming that he was really the son of a Jew, Pero Gil. This amounted to a denial of Pedro’s legitimacy of birth, a counter to the irrefutable argument that Enrique himself was not a legitimate heir to the throne. However, the principal thrust of the Trastamaran propaganda was that Pedro was a cruel tyrant who had forfeited his right to rule and that Enrique was God’s agent charged with returning Castile to a just and proper order. In the formulation of these ideas and the justification of Enrique’s actions, Pero López de Ayala can be seen as having become a key figure.20 López de Ayala did not produce his chronicles until several years after King Pedro’s death. In the prologue to the fifteenthcentury Chronicle of Juan II, Álvar García de Santa María tells how Enrique II had entrusted to a historian the task of continuing existing chronicles and how this historian took on the project of recording the events of past reigns and, in due course, also those of the reigns of Enrique’s son and grandson. It can safely be accepted that the 20  For a detailed exposition of these ideas, see Valdeón Baruque, 1992, especially 462 and 467.

Introduction

29

historian in question was Pero López de Ayala and it seems that he may have begun to compose the first of his chronicles around 1375 (Garcia, 2015, 53−55), some six years after the beginning of King Enrique’s reign. The commission that the chronicler received had an unmistakable political purpose, and this is evident, as will be seen, from the argument – elaborated throughout the whole account of King Pedro’s reign and firmly embedded in its structure and in its very conception – that Pedro’s conduct constituted a conspicuous example on which future generations should look with abhorrence. He had failed in his duty to his people and it was not just right but explicitly God’s will that he be replaced on the throne by a man who would restore the kingdom to its natural order. It was not, indeed, possible to demonstrate that Enrique – and thus the Trastamaran dynasty – had a legitimate right to the throne except by showing that he was fulfilling a preordained purpose in ridding the kingdom of a man who had ceased to be its legitimate ruler.21 Although most editions treat the first two of López de Ayala’s four chronicles as separate texts, it has now come to be generally accepted that the accounts of the reigns of King Pedro and King Enrique II, the two sons of Alfonso XI, were conceived as a double chronicle which interweaves the narratives of the reigns of the two kings during the period of overlap between Enrique’s coronation in 1366 and Pedro’s death in 1369.22 What appears in the present series of volumes as the Chronicle of King Pedro has, therefore, to be viewed as part, albeit by some way the more substantial one, of an account of events which occurred between 1350 and the end of Enrique’s reign in 1379. López de Ayala thus produced a series of three chronicles dealing with the reigns of four monarchs. The Chronicle of Alfonso XI, generally considered to be the work of Fernán Sánchez de Valladolid, 21  For further exploration of this concept of ‘legitimación a través de la ilegitimación’, see, for example, Valdaliso Casanova, 2010, 167−79. 22  See Orduna, 1998, 177−85, especially 179−80 (this is a reprinting of his 1988 article); and also section VIII, below. Recent scholarship has come to accept the title which Orduna proposes (1998, 183) for the combined chronicle: Chronicle of King Pedro and his Brother King Enrique, Sons of King Alfonso XI (Crónica del rey don Pedro y del rey don Enrique, su hermano, hijos del rey don Alfonso Onceno).

30

Introduction

a high official in King Alfonso’s administration and for a time also under King Pedro, had remained unfinished. The opening chapter of López de Ayala’s double chronicle, therefore, dealing with Alfonso’s conquest of Algeciras and with the circumstances of his death, serves as a conclusion to the earlier work as well as an opening to the narrative of events which were to lead to the eventual installation on the throne of Enrique II. In this way the chronicler neatly creates a sense of continuity between the reign of the father and those of both Pedro and Enrique, reinforcing the link between the rule of Alfonso and the accession to the throne of the first representative of the House of Trastámara. The process by which the series of chronicles was elaborated was a lengthy one.23 Taking as his starting point the unfinished Chronicle of Alfonso XI, López de Ayala almost certainly began to write the double chronicle during the later years of the reign of Enrique II. This initial version has sometimes – misleadingly – been termed the versión abreviada but it is now more generally known as the versión primitiva (‘the original version’). It was amended, corrected and amplified by the chronicler between 1388 and 1396, whilst during more or less the same period (King Juan died in 1390) López de Ayala also composed the Chronicle of Juan I and began the Chronicle of Enrique III. The extensively revised text of the earlier work is known as the versión vulgar (so called simply because more copies of it have been preserved). Over 20 manuscripts of the versión vulgar are now known to have survived and it is this version that is represented in all the existing editions and in the present series of volumes. It seems clear that the text of the Crónica underwent a process of constant revision and reelaboration as the chronicler produced a sequence of drafts, some of them copied and circulated (Valdaliso Covadonga, 2010, 152−53). It is important to bear in mind, too, that during the lengthy period occupied by this process there were political changes which may well have affected the chronicler’s approach. Juan I was able to argue that through his mother Juana Manuel he was really 23  What follows is based on the summary of the present state of research given by Valdaliso Casanova (2017, 55−58). See also Orduna and Moure, 1994, xlii−lii.

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31

the legitimate descendant of King Alfonso X; and the marriage in 1388 of the future Enrique III to King Pedro’s granddaughter Catalina − Catherine of Lancaster − further reinforced the Trastamarans’ claim to legitimacy. It has been argued, for example, that this shift in the monarchy’s position is reflected in the significant changes made in King Enrique’s letter to the prince of Wales as it appears in the versión vulgar (see Rodríguez, 2015, 274). In a broader sense, the extensive modifications which were introduced between the versión primitiva and the versión vulgar tell us a great deal about the chronicler’s purpose, about his art and about how he refined his approach. They have been examined in detail by Michel Garcia (1982, 100−71), who identifies a wide variety of changes: sections have been reorganized or restructured; numerous chapters have been added (for example to give increased clarity or coherence, more information or a new or sharper focus); existing text has been modified, one result of which is to achieve greater dramatic effect; and at the same time there is a systematic attempt to give an impression of objectivity, in part through the reduction in the number of direct allusions to the chronicler’s own involvement in the events described. Characteristic of the versión vulgar is the way in which López de Ayala, in order to make all the more effective his criticism of King Pedro, exploits a broad range of narrative devices such as the attribution of telling comments to secondary characters, increased use of direct speech and the insertion in the text of new elements like the letters said to have been written by Gutier Fernández de Toledo (1360, XVII) and the Moor Benahatin (1367, XXII and 1369, III). These three letters, which were not present in the versión primitiva, are conspicuous examples of how important additional material has been added into the narrative, tightening its structure and hammering home the chronicler’s message. Comparison of these two versions of the account of King Pedro’s reign demonstrates how Pero López de Ayala, working over an extended period of time, took great care over the elaboration of a narrative which would convince his public both of the reasonableness and fairness of his own approach and of the justice and legitimacy of King Enrique’s cause.

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VI. The narrator’s art in the Chronicle of King Pedro Not all modern readers of Pero López de Ayala’s chronicle are in agreement about the extent to which he has manipulated the truth with regard to King Pedro’s character and conduct. Clara Estow, for example, whilst recognizing López de Ayala’s immense and unique value as a source, draws attention to some areas in which the facts that he reports are questionable.24 It is also possible to point to cases in which there are factual inaccuracies, notably in the accounts of international events (such as those of the rebellions in France in 1356, XII) or in which an account of an episode or series of episodes is surprisingly lacking in detail (as with the critically important battles of Nájera and Araviana). Some scholars, as was seen in section V above, highlight the extent to which the chronicler’s approach was influenced by the political circumstances in which he worked and the practical needs of the monarchs that he served. Others, however, have taken a very different approach, viewing him as ‘one of the most engaging and most reliable chroniclers at work in late medieval Europe’ and making it clear that they are at odds with those who ‘condemn his chronicle as either an exercise in self-justification or worse, a piece of propaganda written to serve the usurper to whom he had transferred his allegiance.’25 It is beyond the scope of the present study to attempt to determine how far we can accept at face value the facts of King Pedro’s reign as reported by Pero López de Ayala. It is, however, easier to give some indication of what the text of the chronicle itself reveals about its author’s purpose and the skill – and success – with which he has gone about his task. 24  Mention has already been made in section IV above of some of the areas that Estow calls into question. Other such points to which she draws attention are with regard to the killing of Queen Leonor, Prince Ferran’s defection to the side of King Pere (part of the chronicler’s explanation for which Estow describes as ‘ludicrous’), the death of Ha-Levi, the collapse of the 1363 treaty between Castile and Aragon and the potential unreliability of Martín López (1995, 125−26, 189−90, 202, 216 and 249−250). The last of these examples will be dealt with below. 25  See Villalon and Kagay (2017, 353−54), who go on to quote the judgement by the distinguished historian Ramón Menéndez Pidal that López de Ayala’s narrative is dispassionate and precise, written in a style which ‘cuts like the point of a dagger’.

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It is somewhat curious that the Prologue written to accompany the series of chronicles does not appear in the manuscripts of the versión vulgar, for it constitutes a very important statement of purpose and of principle. Three main points stand out, of which the first is the historian’s moral duty, that of providing examples from which future generations may learn, and to this we shall return in due course. The second is the extent to which López de Ayala sees himself as forming part of a long tradition of historiography, taking as his model the writers of Antiquity but also carrying forward a Castilian tradition linking the deeds of the Gothic kings with those of King Alfonso XI and his successors. Indeed, he can be seen to build on the content of earlier Castilian chroniclers and other historians, conspicuously, for instance, in his wide-ranging account of the history of Toledo in 1351, XVII−XIX. The third point which the chronicler emphasizes in his Prologue is his truthfulness and his objectivity: I will record as truthfully as I can what I saw, in which case I have no intention of telling anything other than the truth; and in addition I will write of things occurring in my age and in my times in some places where I have not been present but have obtained my information through a reliable account given by lords and knights and other individuals worthy of trust and belief from whom I heard it. These people told me about what happened and gave me their testimony, which I recorded as diligently as I could.

This statement of intent is backed up throughout the chronicle by a repeated insistence that its author has done everything possible to discover the truth. This might apply to something as remote as oral tradition concerning the origins of the behetrías: ‘and this is to the best of our understanding and is what is said by the people of old, even if it is not recorded in writing’ (1351, XIV). It is also common for the source of an account to be given, as in the case of King Pedro’s conversation with his mother and Queen Leonor shortly after his wedding: ‘they spoke to him in private and – as both he and they later related – what they said to him was as follows …’ (1353, XII). When dealing with rumour, the chronicler is usually at pains to insist

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that he is weighing up the evidence carefully, as in the case of the potential guilt of the physician suspected of poisoning Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque (1354, XXVII) and the question of whether or not Men Rodríguez acted in good faith in leading King Pedro to his death (1369, VIII). A more complex example is the question of how far we are really convinced by the chronicler’s evaluation of the account of the proposal reportedly made by the prince of Wales to Martín López de Córdoba: ‘However, whether or not what he said was true is not known, except that some knights from Córdoba, after Martín López had spoken with them, reported all of it to King Enrique’ (1367, XXV). This and the following episode (in which Martín López refuses to carry out the king’s command to kill some knights) appear to show King Pedro’s faithful and enduring supporter to be in open disagreement with his lord and acting disloyally towards him. What we are being told, it has been commented, ‘simply does not ring true’ (Estow, 1995, 250) and yet the chronicler is here at pains to convince us of the care that he has taken to distinguish between rumour and fact. Striking, too, is the citing of King Pedro himself as the source of information about some of his more disturbing plans, such as the frustrated scheme to deceive and kill all his opponents together: ‘King Pedro stated at a later time in the presence of many people that this is what he would have sought to do …’ (1356, III). We have seen how as López de Ayala refined his text he sought increasingly to achieve an impression of objectivity, and one of his most effective techniques in this respect is the attribution of comment to individuals, or more commonly groups of people, presented as fairminded observers. Thus, for example, the papal legate is shown to observe that ‘King Pedro of Castile with his fits of rage had caused a great deal of harm in his kingdom against his own interests’ (1359, X). There is more open and widespread condemnation of the exchange of prisoners by the kings of Castile and Portugal, with its grim consequences: ‘Those who saw this considered that the kings acted arbitrarily and that they should not have agreed such an exchange, as these knights had been granted refuge in their kingdoms’ (1360, XIV). Often such criticism is shown to be expressed by those who

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were loyal to the king, as in the case of the cruel killing of Pero Núñez de Guzmán (1360, XV): the device is an effective one, emphasizing the point that by his brutal actions King Pedro is steadily alienating his own supporters. So too the consequences of the killing of Queen Leonor and of the sisters Juana and Isabel de Lara are spelt out: ‘This produced very strong feeling in all of those who were loyal to the king’, we are told; … ‘the king had his own way but did not act in his own interests’ (1359, IX−X). In the case of the brutal killing of the Red King (Rey Bermejo) and his supporters, we are told how ‘this troubled men who were loyal servants of the king and the manner in which it was done did much harm to the king’s reputation’ (1362, V): moreover, even after King Pedro has sought to give a public explanation and justification of these actions, the general reaction remains one of disapproval (1362, VI). When, on another occasion, ‘loyal knights’ point out to the king the seriousness of an error of judgement, he fails to learn from their advice (1363, II), and, as the rate of desertion by his followers increases and he is presented as stubbornly refusing to take advantage of an opportunity to gain more supporters, we are left wondering how far López de Ayala is really expressing the doubts which were soon to lead to his own change of allegiance: ‘Indeed the nature of his dealings and the state of events were such that most of those who took their leave of him were determined never more to return to his side’ (1366, IV).26 In this way, then, the chronicler makes it difficult to distinguish between his own commentary on the events that he narrates and the impartially reported observations of others. He successfully sustains an impression of objectivity and often attributes incisive comment to those in whose mouths it will have most effect. It is revealing, too, to examine how by skilful choice of detail he is able to influence his public’s response to characters and to events, as he does in his account 26  It has been suggested (Rodríguez, 2015, 281) that the use in the versión vulgar of less overtly hostile and more indirect methods of expressing criticism of King Pedro’s conduct reflects in part the changed political situation of the 1390s, with Pedro’s grandaughter now present as queen in the royal court. The effect of his approach here, however, is not to soften but to intensify the effect of the criticism by attributing it to loyal and concerned supporters.

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of the capture and death of Alfonso Fernández Coronel, a self-seeking nobleman who had been in open revolt against his king. We had already seen (1352, III) how Fernández Coronel’s vassal the chastelan of Burguillos, cruelly mutilated at King Pedro’s command, opted out of loyalty to go to Aguilar to die with his lord. As Aguilar is about to fall (1353, I), Fernández Coronel engages in a moving conversation with a friend of his who is in the king’s service and explains stoically what his course of action must be: ‘My friend Gutier Fernández,’ he declares, ‘the way from here on is this: to die with all the dignity that I can as a knight.’ With his death inevitable, he impresses by his piety, his concern for his children, his courage and his calm dignity, and we are struck by the strength of the bond that he possesses even with his adversaries and their respect for him. Again he talks calmly with a friend among his opponents, and utters the memorable words: ‘this is Castile, which makes men only to break them down. I understood it well enough, although it was not my fortune to avoid this adversity.’ The use of dialogue is crucial in this episode, contributing to a sense of quiet pathos amidst the clamour of battle and helping to fashion our response to a man who is presented as suffering misfortune with such nobility of spirit. Pero López de Ayala has been described as ‘a consummate dramatizer’ (Estow, 1995, xviii), and his ability to communicate a sense of immediacy and of dramatic tension is indeed beyond doubt. One very common stylistic feature which contributes to this effect is the repeated emphasis on the spoken word and on direct address to the reader – ‘as you have just heard’, ‘at a later stage, as you will hear …’ – on the one hand an echo of oral narrative style and on the other a reminder that the chronicler expected his work to be read out loud. However, the chronicler goes much further than this in seeking to draw his reader or listener into his narrative and fire his or her imagination, and in this sense the line between the techniques of the historian and those of the writer of fiction are blurred. Thus, the account of the meeting between Count Enrique, Don Fernando de Castro and Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque and the two Aragonese princes at Cuenca de Tamariz (1354, XXV and XXVI) demonstrates

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how the chronicler brings out the dramatic potential of a situation. As they approach the town the three lords dispatch scouts to a hilltop and one of them rides back urgently, warning of the approach of horsemen ‘with lance in hand’. The lords draw up their troops in order of battle with banners flying and it appears that they will have to fight. It subsequently turns out that the horsemen had come to invite the lords into the town for discussions – though still to the confusion and anxiety of the lords’ supporters. What is most striking here is the way in which the chronicler has injected into his narrative a note of tension and drama and a sense of immediacy. The leitmotif of fear runs through much of the Crónica. It begins with the killing in Burgos of Garci Laso (1351, VI), preceded by warnings and carried out with ruthless cruelty. On a number of occasions we are drawn into the flight of one or more individuals escaping the dire consequences of capture by King Pedro, as with the spiriting away to Vizcaya of the young Nuño de Lara with the king in pursuit (1351, VII) and the frantic gallop to safety of Don Álvar Pérez de Castro (1353, XXV). One of the most compelling and truly disturbing episodes in the chronicle is the account of the killing of King Pedro’s half-brother Fadrique in the alcázar in Seville (1358, III). Here the sense of horror is increased by the steady build-up of tension and by the impression that we are following developments from Fadrique’s point of view. We have already been warned of King Pedro’s plan in the previous chapter. Now we see how Fadrique is greeted warmly but how then events begin to take a sinister turn. There are ominous signs in the reaction of María de Padilla: again we are shown that even those closest to the king are appalled at his actions. When Fadrique returns the stables are eerily quiet. Summoned into the king’s presence, he now is gripped by fear and, as he penetrates further into the building and as the number of people accompanying him is steadily reduced the sense of his vulnerability heightens. He enters the king’s presence and his arrest is ordered; the guards are confused, cannot believe the command and hesitate to act. The violence is suddenly unleashed, there is a frantic pursuit and finally there comes the brutal death. The account of the episode remains in the memory, full of distinctive and

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carefully selected detail and with the dramatic effect increased by the convincing use of direct speech. This is not the cold and objective recounting of fact: rather, the chronicler has used his considerable skill as a narrator to create for his public a shocking picture of deception and cruelty, and that picture is completed by the detail of King Pedro sitting down to eat next to the bloody corpse of his half-brother. López de Ayala’s account of King Pedro’s reign is marked by the emphasis that it places on character and specifically on the deeply flawed personality of the king. The killing of Fadrique stamps a deep impression on us and it is part of a picture that is steadily and relentlessy built up throughout the chronicle. There are numerous other macabre details which add to the sense of a man with a taste for the gruesome, such as the king’s liking for having his victims’ heads sent to him: for example, we are told how ‘it gave him great pleasure’ to receive Gómez Carrillo’s head (1360, XVIII), whilst, in the case of the cleric who claimed to have been sent to him by Saint Dominic, he gave instructions that the man ‘be burned right outside their tents’ (1360, IX). A picture is emerging of a man becoming increasingly irrational and such conspicuous failings in character are shown to bring grave consequences in an immediate and practical sense. We have already seen how the chronicler attributes a breakdown in negotiations with King Pere to King Pedro’s fury (1359, VIII), and in the same chapter the Castilian monarch is shown to commit a serious tactical error ‘purely in a fit of pique’. The dispute between King Pedro and the prince of Wales (1367, XX) contributes to the portrait of a petulant individual, driven by pettiness and greed and not willing to face up to his responsibilities. And as the king’s position becomes increasingly desperate, we see him tormented by suspicion, driven to extremes and able to appeal only to the Moors for assistance: he dares not leave Seville, ‘for he trusted neither its people nor those in his own company’ (1368, III). This is a carefully constructed portrait of a man unable to cope with his own failings. Moreover, as cruelty emerges as one of the dominant features in King Pedro’s character, it is striking that − even within a predominantly positive portrait − the chronicler does not shrink from displaying the

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same characteristic as part of the make-up of Pedro’s half-brother Enrique. The count’s cruel revenge on the people of El Colmenar (1355, V) is represented as an act of cold vindictiveness, whilst two chapters later the slaughter of the Jews of Toledo which he seems to have authorized is reported without comment. On another occasion (1360, VII), however, Enrique’s encouragement of a massacre of the Jews appears to be justified on the grounds that ‘the people carried it out very willingly’ and, in the case of the siege of the Jewish quarter in Burgos (1367, XXXV), Enrique, now king, is represented as almost benign, leaving the Jews ‘safe and unharmed’ in return for payment of a million maravedís. Enrique, as well as his half-brother, is capable of brutal conduct, but it is Pedro whose name is shown by the chronicler to be synonymous with cruelty. One of the most distinctive features of Pero López de Ayala’s approach as an historian is his emphasis on character as a driving force. Another is the emphasis which he places on the consequences of actions and on linking threads and associations, thus giving his narrative greater coherence and clarity but at the same time, as we shall see, reinforcing the Crónica’s underlying moral message. Frequently there are pointers to events which have already occurred and have been related or which are to come, commonly expressed in a direct address to a listener – ‘ … and this did indeed happen at a later stage, as you will hear and as will be related to you’ (1354, XXXII). There are reminders of the part that individuals have played at an earlier point in the narrative and here the context can sometimes reveal an ironic purpose on the chronicler’s part, for example in the case of Martín Abarca, surprisingly spared to general approval by King Pedro at Toro (1356, II) but then put to death a year later (1357, III). Perhaps, too, we can discern a note of grim satisfaction when, in telling of the killing of a group of knights outside Alicante (1359, XVII), López de Ayala reminds us that those same men were responsible for some particularly brutal murders at Toro. On several occasions there are intimations of the consequences which will in due course follow from a course of action, such as the support given to Queen Blanche by the people of Toledo (1354, XXI). Such warnings serve to emphasize the

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coherence of the narrative, but they can also contribute to a sense of the inevitability of the suffering, and indeed the retribution, which will follow from moral error. Thus we are told of the death of Leonor de Guzmán that ‘[s]ome of the people of the kingdom were greatly troubled by this, for they understood that from such an act there would come great conflicts and disturbances in the kingdom, as did in fact subsequently occur’ (1351, III). When King Pedro abandons Blanche there is a sense that this ‘would be the cause of much conflict and affliction in Castile, as indeed proved to be the case’ (1353, XIV), and the eventual murder of the queen once again is marked by both revulsion on the part of the people and a conviction that it would be the cause of great harm: ‘[a]ll the people of his kingdom were deeply saddened when they heard of what had happened and it brought great misfortune to Castile’ (1361, III). The techniques repeatedly employed by the chronicler to imply his judgement of the king’s actions could not be clearer, whilst by way of contrast the rise to power of the future King Enrique is marked by a note of optimism – an awareness of a coming triumph – which accompanies the birth of the son who is to become King Juan I (1358, XI). It has already been seen how Pero López de Ayala emphasizes the historian’s duty to point out the moral lessons which can be learned from his subject-matter, and indeed this is evident in both his narration of individual episodes and with regard to the Crónica as a whole.27 Thus, for instance, he would expect his reader or listener to be alert to contrasts which emerge between the conduct of two individuals in similar situations. Two monarchs – King Pere and King Pedro – on separate occasions are approached by the loyal citizens of cities which are faced with the inevitability of falling into enemy hands. King Pere’s treatment of the people of Calatayud (1362, XII) is presented as exemplary: he shows a deep appreciation of their service to him and is quick to free them from their bond of homage. King Pedro’s attitude in similar situations is in stark contrast: his 27  It has been pointed out (Tate, 1970, 40−41 and 52−53) that it is in his emphasis on the use of the exemplum that López de Ayala, combining the roles of historian and moralist, reveals most clearly his debt to literary tradition.

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treatment of the defenders of Murviedro (1365, II) is callous, and, when he abandons Burgos (1366, IV), he seems indifferent to the fate of its citizens, commanding that the castle be defended whatever the situation. Likewise, when King Pedro after the victory at Nájera seems content to allow foreign troops to remain in his kingdom pillaging and living off the land, we should be aware of the contrast with the earlier occasion when King Enrique sent back mercenaries to their own countries because he understands that ‘they were doing great harm to the kingdom and causing considerable expense’ (1366, XVI). In each case, the chronicler leaves us to contemplate the conduct of two men, one of whom fails completely to live up to his responsibilities as lord and king. In section III above we saw how Pero López de Ayala was deeply imbued with the principles of the world of chivalry, as embodied in the statutes of the Order of La Banda, and in the Crónica it is above all against those principles that King Pedro’s conduct can be seen to be judged. This judgement is set against the backdrop of the chronicler’s evident admiration for the ‘flower of Christendom’s knighthood’ assembled at Nájera and in particular for models of chivalric virtue such as Bertrand du Guesclin and the Black Prince. In comparison with his depiction of King Pedro’s petty concerns with vengeance and wealth, López de Ayala places in du Guesclin’s mouth words which constitute a shining example of the truly noble man’s overriding concern with his honour: ‘in this lies the worth and the splendour of chivalry, for life quickly passes’ (1367, XVIII). The prince of Wales’ debate with du Guesclin over the latter’s ransom sets honour above material concerns and is characterized by a generosity of spirit which shows up the constant shallowness and duplicitous attempts to renege on his promises evident in King Pedro’s wranglings with the prince. There is, moreover, a similar contrast between Pedro’s killing of knights who have been taken prisoner by his allies and the prince of Wales’ scrupulous and fair-minded treatment of the marshal d’Audrehem (1367, XII and XIII). It is not only in comparison with such figures as the prince of Wales and Bertrand du Guesclin that King Pedro is presented as falling short

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of the chivalric ideal. The chronicler includes numerous other telling details in this respect. For example, in his account of how Samuel HaLevi is spurred into finding a way of increasing the royal tax revenues, he shows the king finding himself short of money for playing dice – a vice specifically proscribed by the statutes of La Banda. Particularly significant is the way in which King Pedro’s attitude to tournaments is portrayed in the Crónica, for these played a fundamental part in the ethos of La Banda. On several occasions, the king is shown abusing the tournament, exploiting it as a means of harming or causing the death of an opponent. He devises, for example, a plan to have Fadrique killed at Tordesillas (1356, IV) and we are told of a similar scheme directed at Fernando de Castro (1354, XVII). There is also a detailed account of the challenge over which the king presides in which it has evidently been arranged for one pair of knights to be able to have an easy victory (1361, IV). One of the intended victims publicly puts King Pedro to shame, pointing out that he has failed in his duty to see justice done, and there is general agreement that the king has acted improperly. This amounts to a searing indictment of Pedro’s failure to respect chivalric values and principles, but perhaps the most memorably damning criticism of all is placed in the mouth of a Moor, the Red King, when he and several of his knights are about to be slaughtered in what amounts to a grotesque parody of a tournament (1362, VI): ‘How little chivalry you have displayed!’, he exclaims to his tormentor, the Christian king. And it is left to another Moor, the sage Benahatin, to point out to King Pedro his cardinal error in alienating his own nobles, who should have been the pride of his kingdom. Benahatin makes it clear – as do the statutes of the Order of La Banda – that the king’s relationship with the lords and knights of his realm is all-important. By disregarding it, and through his improper and reprehensible conduct, he has forfeited their support and thus bears the full responsibility for his own fall. Repeatedly the chronicler makes his criticism of the king’s errors through the inclusion of carefully chosen details, as when Joan Martínez d’Eslava – in charge of the castle at Orihuela – is wounded by a crossbowman whilst engaged in negotiations (1365, I). It is

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done, we are told, at the king’s command, after the meeting had been arranged by some of the king’s men in whom the knight had ‘placed his trust’. When the victim dies during treatment by King Pedro’s surgeons, we are told of a rumour that his death was caused by poisoned ointment. The capture of a castle is thus attributed to acts of deception and betrayal of trust, but the comment is made indirectly and stops short of direct condemnation. Elsewhere what is presented as the king’s treacherous and dishonest nature is made equally apparent in a variety of contexts: at Tejadillo (1354, XXXII and XXXIII), where it quickly becomes apparent that he has no intention of honouring his agreement; in the negotiation of an alliance with the king of Navarre (1362, IX), promptly revealed as an act of pure trickery; and in his cynical deception of María Coronel who pleads in vain for pardon for her husband (1357, V). Moreover, if base duplicity is a thread which is represented as running consistently through King Pedro’s actions, greed is also highlighted as a critical flaw in his character. It leads him to dispatch ships to seize a fleet of Venetian trading vessels in what is effectively an act of piracy (1359, XX); it runs through his negotiations with the prince of Wales in the wake of the battle of Nájera; and it is presented as the driving force behind the barbaric killing of the Red King (1362, VI). In the last of these cases, indeed, the chronicler’s condemnation of King Pedro’s conduct is explicit. Although King Pedro argues that the killings are being committed in the name of justice, his real motive is an overwhelming desire to possess the Moorish ruler’s jewels, by which he has been bedazzled (1362, V): ‘As greed is the root of all the world’s ills, it was this which caused King Pedro to conceive all the actions that you will in due course hear described … this troubled men who were loyal servants of the king and the manner in which it was done did much harm to the king’s reputation.’ Yet again, we see how a political act is ascribed to a petty personal motive and how such an example is used to reinforce the picture of a man whose personal vices make him unfit to rule. King Pedro is presented as an ally of the enemies of Christianity, nowhere more so than in the account of the attack on Córdoba (1368,

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IV), vividly depicted as a clash between two faiths from which Christendom emerges triumphant: ‘in every respect it was his desire that the Moors should capture and destroy the city. In spite of this, it was God’s wish to come to the assistance of those who had placed their faith in Him.’ Underpinning López de Ayala’s narrative is the idea of a purpose marked out by God, a design hinted at in the Prologue when we are told that the number of kings of the Goths up to the fall of Spain to the Moors corresponds exactly to the number of Christian kings up to the death of Alfonso XI. Enrique’s path to the throne of Castile as the saviour of the kingdom from the desperate state into which it has been cast is thus seen as predetermined, and this is spelt out to us when King Pedro irrationally holds back from advancing on Nájera in order to capture his half-brother (1360, X) for ‘it was not God’s will for the count to be captured, in accordance with the course that He subsequently appeared to determine for him.’ The series of warnings which King Pedro is represented as receiving creates the impression of events divinely directed, if not inevitable. Not all are set in a religious or mystical context, but their dramatic effect is invariably powerful. The letter sent to King Pedro by Gutier Fernández shortly before the knight’s execution (1360, XVII) is a plea of innocence and repeatedly makes the point that its author has been unwavering in his loyalty to the king. He has only Pedro’s own interests at heart when he tells him that, unless he ceases to inflict such deaths, his kingdom will inevitably be lost. In contrast with the quiet pathos of the letter, Pedro’s response is simply one of anger that Gutier Fernández was allowed to send it, and in this we see reflected a constant feature of the way in which our attitude to the king is determined: whilst others are given an opportunity to develop their feelings and arguments at length in direct speech or in writing, King Pedro is not. His responses are usually briefly expressed and in most cases this is in indirect speech. The viewpoint which the chronicler sets before us is almost invariably that of others and rarely that of the king. The sense of an outcome overseen by divine providence is further heightened by the insertion of a sequence of episodes of a semi-mystical nature in which King Pedro is forewarned of the consequences of

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his conduct. The warning given by the cleric of Santo Domingo de la Calzada (1360, IX) is presented as coming from Saint Dominic himself, but the king’s response serves only to show up the fear, suspicion and cruelty deeply rooted in his character. The mysterious visit of the shepherd-like figure which precedes the killing of Queen Blanche (1361, III) is, moreover, said to have been viewed by all who witnessed it as ‘an act of God’. King Pedro is offered an opportunity to change his ways: he is assured that if he returns to Blanche she will bear him an heir and his future as king – and that of his line – will be secure. The point being made here is a crucial one. King Pedro’s fall is not inevitable and at all times he has the opportunity to regain the support of his people, restore his kingdom to its fitting state and avoid the great misfortune which threatens to overtake him; and yet, blinded to the truth by the flaws in his character, he fails to do so. It is, then, significant that the versión vulgar of the Crónica contains two letters said to have been sent to King Pedro by the Moor Benahatin, the first (1367, XXII) taking the form of an urgent warning and the second (1369, III) setting out starkly the king’s now irreversible errors.28 In the first letter the Moor sharply criticizes Pedro’s treatment of his people and his comments conspicuously echo points made elsewhere in the Crónica: ‘Be careful’, Benahatin warns him, ‘of the men of noble rank on whom you inflicted hardship and those of low estate to whom you gave plenty’. He offers a bitter medicine which can benefit only those who really wish to profit from it, but King Pedro, we are told, although pleased by what the Moor had written, ‘did not address the matters contained in it, and this was to bring him great harm’. Once again criticism comes from a source that would be expected to be favourable to the king, and yet again he fails to heed the warning. The second letter, purportedly written almost two years later, spells out the consequences of this failure. The introduction of the so-called Merlin prophecy (see 1369, III, note 1) brings with it both an air of mystery and at the same time the chivalric associations of the Arthurian world, but it also leaves us with the sense that King Pedro’s fate is now sealed. The explanation 28  For a brief discussion of the provenance and authorship of these letters, see 1367, XXII, note 16.

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of the prophecy has the ring of biblical exegesis and presents us with a summary of the king’s failings so frequently and heavily underlined during the course of the Crónica: greed, over-indulgence, lack of care for his subjects, the attempt to rule through fear rather than inspiring affection, the alienation of the great lords of the kingdom. Placed just before the account of King Pedro’s defeat and death at Montiel, the letter is calculated to achieve the greatest possible effect within the structure of the Crónica as a whole. ‘Now, O kings, act wisely. Take warning you judges of the earth.’ Pero López de Ayala’s warning, taken from the Book of Psalms (see 1369, VIII, note 11) rings out a sharp message in accordance with the statement of moral purpose set out in the Prologue to the series of chronicles. The present section began with a brief discussion of the ‘reliability’ of López de Ayala in terms of the information that he gives us about King Pedro’s reign: there are elements of the account which he places before us that are open to question, but on the whole there is a dearth of firm independent historical evidence to disprove what he tells us. His account is undeniably a convincing one. However, examination of the chronicler’s highly sophisticated art leaves us in no doubt that he has set out to achieve a clearly defined purpose, employing with great skill and to considerable effect a multiplicity of features calculated to convey a vivid picture of a man unfit to rule: the blurring of the distinction between objective reporting of events and comment and the insertion of a much more subjective commentary; the presentation of a highly dramatized portrait of a man prey to dangerous and uncontrollable desires and weaknesses; the constant emphasis on Pedro’s failure to match up to the requirements of kingship or of the chivalric code; and the creation of an elaborate structure of parallels, contrasts and repetition, hammering home López de Ayala’s resounding criticism of the errors of a king who fully deserves the sobriquet of ‘the Cruel’. VII. King Pedro the Cruel or the Just? Contrasting images Pero López de Ayala has given us by far the most detailed and influential portrait that we have of King Pedro. However, historians

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and writers in a variety of fields and genres, both contemporary with the Crónica and over the succeeding centuries, have enriched – and viewed from broadly varying perspectives – the image that we have been given of Pedro’s character and of his reign. The volume and range of this material make it unrealistic to attempt here a detailed survey of what has been written, but it does seem helpful to illustrate the contrasting depictions of the ruler who came to be known, by his critics and his defenders respectively, as ‘the Cruel’ and ‘the Just’ (‘el Cruel’ and ‘el Justiciero’). López de Ayala was by no means the only chronicler of his day to be sharply critical of King Pedro. Jean Froissart, although condemning the Castilian monarch’s vices, gives us a more balanced – if not necessarily equally well informed − picture. On the other hand there is no hint of moderation in the condemnation expressed in the Chronicle of Pere III of Catalonia-Aragon, Pedro’s bitter adversary: Although divers deeds of arms and deaths of persons and occupations of places occurred, at the end of the war the king of Castile, by the judgement of God, who crushes pride and exalts humility, was condemned to lose his realms twice. And the last time that he lost his kingdoms, he lost his life and was beheaded, by the hand of his enemy, the King Enrique, his brother, as he deserved, since the whole of his war was unjust and evil from the first day it began until the end, so many and so divers were the cruelties [he committed] and the deaths and dismemberments he inflicted on Our people who did not wish to surrender to his power at once, killing and slaying them, because he did not pardon anyone because of sex or age.29

Here, cruelty is the keynote. However, for a rather more positive image of King Pedro, we must look to a work representing the point of view of his English allies: the Life of the Black Prince, which was composed by a herald of Sir John Chandos, an otherwise unidentified individual known as Chandos Herald. This work contains an informative account of the battle of Nájera and presents Pedro as a firm and determined ruler, a more reasonable figure who after the battle is persuaded by the prince to show clemency towards his prisoners rather than putting 29  Translated by Mary Hillgarth (1980, ii, 584).

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them to death. Nor is it surprising that Geoffrey Chaucer, writing in the service of the duke of Lancaster, should give a brief account of King Pedro’s death which in some ways resembles that by López de Ayala but nevertheless praises Pedro – ‘glorie of Spayne’ – as a noble and tragic figure, the victim of treachery.30 There is evidence that there existed a chronicle of Castilian origin which gave an account of King Pedro’s reign much more favourable to the monarch than that of Pero López de Ayala. Two different manuscripts, dating from the second half of the fifteenth century, mention a ‘true’ and a ‘false’ chronicle. There are two chronicles, one of the manuscripts declares, ‘the one of them falsified, as an excuse for the wrongs committed against him in Castile, which were the cause and the origin of King Pedro displaying such cruelty as he did in his time’.31 Later sources attribute the ‘true chronicle’ to Juan de Castro, bishop of Jaén, chaplain to King Pedro and confessor to his daughter Constanza. This chronicle has never been found and the claims that it existed are closely associated with descendants of Pedro through his granddaughter Catherine of Lancaster, who married the future Enrique III in 1388. However, at the very least there is evidence in these claims of a desire to contradict the image of a reign characterized by unbridled and unjustified cruelty. The portrayal of a viciously cruel tyrant finds one of its most intense expressions in the group of pro-Trastamaran romances or ballads, a persuasive form of political propaganda, which have survived from King Pedro’s reign. Both sides in the conflict produced and circulated such poems for oral performance, but those hostile to Pedro are by some way the more numerous. Such ballads are powerful and direct and there are particularly vivid examples relating to the deaths of 30  For an evaluation of the Life of the Black Prince as an historical source, see Villalon and Kagay, 2017, 395−99; and, for discussion of the presentation of the figure of King Pedro by Chandos Herald and by Chaucer, Rodríguez, 2017, 92−94 and 97−99. 31  ‘la vna fengida por se desculpar de los yerros que contra el fueron fechos en Castilla, los quales causaron e prynçipiaron que este rrey don Pedro se mostrase tan cruel como en su tienpo fue’. See Valdaliso Casanova, 2017, 60−61 and, for a discussion of the evidence for the existence of the ‘true chronicle’, 60−73.

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Pedro’s half-brother Fadrique and of Queen Blanche. We are told of Fadrique’s head being sent to María de Padilla on a dish – with the king’s mistress cast in the role of a sinister Salome –, whilst Blanche’s innocence and piety are contrasted with her gruesome and appalling end: ‘Castile, tell me, what did I do to you? I did not betray you. The crowns you gave me are formed of blood and of sighs, but I shall have another crown in heaven, of greater worth.’ Then, once these words were uttered, the mace-bearer struck her, scattering across the room the brains from the queen’s head.32

One surviving ballad, on the other hand, gives a very different slant to these deaths, recounting how, unknown to the king, Blanche had borne Fadrique a child. In this text Blanche admits her guilt and anticipates punishment to come, and Pedro’s reaction on learning the truth is presented as a considered act of justice.33 It would appear that, well before the end of King Pedro’s reign and before López de Ayala composed his chronicle, the dichotomy between the images of cruel tyrant and implacable dispenser of justice was already present. As the Trastamaran need for anti-Petrine propaganda receded in the course of the fifteenth century, increasing emphasis came to be placed on King Pedro’s role as a dispenser of justice and enforcer of law in his kingdom.34 Thus at the end of that century we find Pedro Gracia Dei, a chronicler associated with the court of the Catholic Monarchs, contesting the picture given by López de Ayala: although the occasions on which King Pedro had to see justice done caused the death of many people, he argues, ‘they were not as many as the historian indicates. 32  ‘Castilla, di, ¿qué te hice?  No te hice traición./ Las coronas que me diste de sangre y sospiros son,/ mas otra terné en el cielo,  será de más valor.−/ Y dichas estas palabras  el macero la hirió;/ los sesos de su cabeza  por la sala les sembró.’ (Ed. Díaz Mas, 2005, 146). 33  For an analysis of this ballad, see Sánchez, 1994, 102−05, and also Rodríguez, 2017, 82−83. There are important studies of the ballad tradition relating to King Pedro by Entwistle (1930) and Mirrer-Singer (1986). 34  This is the case, for example, in the chronicles compiled during the reign of Juan II by Alvar García de Santa María (Manuel García Fernández 2016, 31).

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The punishments which took place were applied so justly and for reasons so clearly recognized that, had he not imposed them, the king would have fallen into the error of not enforcing justice or seeing it carried out in his kingdom’.35 King Pedro, he adds, was a man of great understanding and governed his realm very prudently. It was in the second half of the sixteenth century, under Felipe II, that King Pedro formally acquired the sobriquet of ‘the Just’ rather than ‘the Cruel’. It became increasingly common for him to be represented as a firm and just monarch imposing his authority over his kingdom’s nobles, but alongside this aspect there continued to exist the image of notorious cruelty. Ballad tradition contributed to this, but in the seventeenth century Pedro was also to figure prominently in the work of several dramatists, most notably Lope de Vega: he appears in no fewer than eight plays attributed to Lope. Among the roles now commonly attributed to King Pedro is that of the galán, a dashing womanizer, but there is considerable emphasis on the image of the figure of solid royal authority, the defender of his people’s rights, the restorer of harmony and bringer of justice, albeit severe.36 Perhaps most clearly representative of the dual aspect of Pedro’s reputation, however, are the two versions of El médico de su honra (Honour’s Surgeon), one attributed to Lope de Vega and the other by Pedro Calderón de la Barca. Whilst in the former Pedro is seen to evolve into a figure characterized by his maturity, humanity and sound judgement, Calderón depicts a king who enjoys tormenting the jester Coquín with a brutal threat, who appears to sanction a cruel and bloody crime, and who restores order and imposes punishment by arranging a marriage that will bring lifelong torment. Cruelty and an unusual form of justice are intertwined. It is, perhaps, this dual image of the king as being the source of justice and at the same time a profoundly flawed individual that is 35  ‘… no fueron tantas como el historiador … pone. Las que se hicieron fueron con tanta justicia y reconocida causa que, a no hacerlas, cayera el rey don Pedro en falta de no hacer y guardar justicia en el reino’ (quoted by García Fernández, 2016, 32). 36  For a survey of the representation of King Pedro in the works of Lope de Vega and other dramatists of the Golden Age, see Sánchez, 1994, 127−64.

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The first known allusion to this bust of King Pedro dates from 1536, and it is known to have stood until the late sixteenth century in a niche in the Calle Candilejo in Seville. This street was the setting for the popular tale of the king’s act of justice which was later to be retold by the duque de Rivas. In 1590 the bust was acquired by the duque de Alcalá who transferred it to the nearby ‘Casa de Pilatos’, where it remains today. A replacement bust was subsequently placed in the Calle Candilejo. Photograph: the author.

the basis of the fascination with King Pedro reflected in both popular tradition – associated in particular with the city of Seville – and in a wide range of literary texts. It had a deep appeal for the Romantics, and it is worth considering briefly one representative of these, a short sequence of romances entitled ‘Una antigualla de Sevilla’ (‘A Sevillian Antiquity’), which is included in the collection Romances históricos by Ángel Saavedra, duque de Rivas, published in 1841. The narrative opens with a sword-fight in a dark Seville street and a death; an old woman witnesses the flight of the murderer and is filled with terror. The next day, in his palace, King Pedro orders the judge to set the culprit’s head in the street where the murder took place. The old woman,

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identified by her lamp, is put on the rack and finally admits that the man she saw fleeing was the king himself. King Pedro reveals his presence, admits that he did indeed commit the murder, richly rewards the old woman for her honesty and has a bust of himself placed in the street. Based on a popular legend, the sequence of poems paints a sombre and macabre picture of violence and cruelty but at the same time identifies Pedro with the honest and impartial dispensation of justice. Its tone and content are far removed from anything narrated by López de Ayala, but it illustrates well the fascination exercised by the character − with all its contradictions − that his chronicle so vividly portrayed. The widely ranging texts devoted to aspects of the reign of King Pedro include works by authors as diverse as Voltaire (an unperformed tragic drama accompanied by a short treatise which discusses Pedro’s sobriquet), Prosper Mérimée (a biography, heavily favourable to the king), and Sir Arthur Conan Doyle. Numerous writers have sought to restore King Pedro’s reputation, although few of them go as far as the Sevillian Joaquín Guichot, writing in the 1870s, for whom Pedro is characterized by ‘his military genius, the character he showed as a legislator and as a bringer of justice, his religious zeal and his love of the arts’. For Guichot, his reign is ‘the most glorious and transcendental for the political, military and artistic history of the Middle Ages in Spain’, and his image is tarnished by false accusations in chronicles based on the model of Pero López de Ayala.37 It seems appropriate to end by mentioning two highly distinctive studies which have resulted from the enduring fascination with King Pedro’s character. One was a study of irregularities in (what was believed to be) Pedro’s cranium by the neurologist Gonzalo Moya (1974), leading to the conclusion that the king may have suffered from a form of cerebral palsy. Not all scholars are convinced by this. A second piece of research is described in a lecture by José Manuel González Infante, catedrático in psychiatry in the University of Cádiz, 37  ‘… su genio guerrero, su carácter legislador y justiciero, su celo religioso y su amor á las bellas artes’ … ‘[el reinado de D. Pedro) el más glorioso y el más trascendental para la historia, militar y artística de la Edad media en España’ (Guichot, 1878, 244).

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who calls into question Moya’s arguments and examines the nature of the relationship between violence and cruelty in the context of what we know of King Pedro’s behaviour. González Infante concludes that what marks Pedro’s actions as ‘cruel’, given that a high level of violence was a feature of the conduct of men at that time in general, is that he went beyond the principles which regulated the socially acceptable use of such violence. What is particularly significant for the present study is the weight placed in the second of these studies on the evidence provided by López de Ayala’s chronicle: the Crónica’s portrait of a flawed ruler given to acts of uncontrolled and destructive violence continues to cause fascination and to give rise to a great variety of reactions and responses. VIII. Germán Orduna’s text The edition of the Crónica produced by Germán Orduna and printed in the present volumes is radically different from all others which had existed previously, and it is distinctive in two principal respects: firstly by virtue of being based on a full and detailed analysis of the manuscript tradition and secondly in that it treats the accounts of the reigns of King Pedro and King Enrique II as a single work, a double chronicle, dealing with the whole period of the reigns of these two sons of King Alfonso XI (see section V, above). In the second of these respects it has not been possible to reflect in these volumes the true nature of Orduna’s work, as for reasons of space the section covering the events between Pedro’s death in March 1369 and that of his brother in May 1379 has not been included. Previous editions had been principally based, directly or indirectly, on the text produced by the sixteenth-century Aragonese historian Jerónimo Zurita, who took as his basis or textus receptus a manuscript currently held by the Real Academia de la Historia. Zurita died without finishing the task, but in the late eighteenth century the project was completed by the politician and secretary of the Real Academia de la Historia, Eugenio de Llaguno (y) Amirola, who produced an edition of Pero López de Ayala’s series of chronicles. In the second half of the nineteenth century Cayetano Rosell y López included a revised

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version of the same text in his collection of chronicles of the kings of Castile and this was reprinted in the mid-twentieth century. This text in turn became the basis for a number of more recent editions. The Orduna edition of the double chronicle (accompanied by a preliminary study by Germán Orduna and José Luis Moure) was published in two volumes in 1994 and 1997. It was based on an analysis of 17 manuscripts of the versión vulgar and seven copies of the versión primitiva, including one incunabulum of 1495. Orduna takes as his principal point of reference a manuscript held by the Museo Lázaro Galdiano (MS 463). Carefully and elegantly produced, it originated in the same workshop as the manuscript which served as a basis for the Zurita edition and was copied from the same original. In establishing his text, Orduna takes into account the readings from a group of six manuscripts, but in doing so he follows a strict order of priority (1994, lxxiii), making it clear that this is not a ‘composite’ text (lxix). He sets out to produce a text as close as possible to the archetype from which, at varying degrees of distance, the manuscripts known today were derived (lxxiii). He emphasizes that his intention is not to emend, although he does so when it is essential for the coherence of the text (lxxiv). This is a significant point, for Orduna’s rigorous adherence to the readings indicated by manuscript tradition represents a marked difference between his approach and that of other editors of the Crónica who allow themselves greater freedom in, for example, the elimination of repetition, the correction of obvious errors on the part of the copyist and the interpretation of seemingly obscure readings. With regard to language, Orduna explains that he has made no attempt to reconstruct Ayala’s original words as written at the end of the fourteenth century: the copies represented by the existing manuscripts were separated by at least 30 years from the author’s original, although the texts of the Museo Lázaro Galdiano and Real Academia de la Historia manuscripts do preserve more archaic features than others (lxx). On the other hand, he does seek to ‘rescue the forms and constructions which, from what we know of the language of the fourteenth century, correspond to the normal usage of writers and

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documents at the end of that century’.38 Punctuation follows modern norms, whilst trying to preserve ‘the rhythm of the extended sentence characteristic of medieval narrative’.39 The comma is used much more than the full stop to precede the heavily used conjunction ‘e’ (‘and’). Orduna´s edition benefits from an extensive critical apparatus, incorporating a detailed analysis of variants and accompanied by a division of the text into numbered segments. It has not been possible to include this material in the present volumes: it has to be acknowledged that in this respect, as well as through the omission of the section of the text dealing with the last ten years of King Enrique’s reign, this version of the text does not fully reflect Germán Orduna’s aims and achievement in his edition of the Crónica del rey don Pedro y del rey don Enrique, su hermano, hijos del rey don Alfonso Onceno. IX. A note on the translation and on the use of names The overarching aim in this translation has been to produce a clear and readable version of a complex and demanding text. A general principle has been to adhere as closely as possible to the words of Pero López de Ayala and thus to attempt to capture a sense of the style of the original. However, some of the stylistic features characteristic of the Crónica cause particular difficulties in this respect and the translator is required to take a number of fundamental decisions from the outset. Probably the most obvious of these is highlighted by Germán Orduna in his comment on the punctuation of his text: that he has sought to preserve ‘the rhythm of the extended sentence’, which is accentuated by the constant use of the conjunction ‘e’ (‘and’). The result in the present translation has been one of compromise. The complex sentence structure of the original has quite often been tackled by the sub-division of sentences and sometimes, when judged essential, by a radical change in the word order. The initial ‘And’, which begins a high proportion of the sentences in the Spanish text, has usually been omitted or replaced by a different connector (‘but’, 38  ‘rescatar las formas y construcciones que, por lo que sabemos de la lengua del siglo XIV, responden al uso normal de los escritores y documentos de fines del siglo XIV’ (1994, lxx). 39  ‘el ritmo propio de la prolongada frase del relato medieval’ (1994, lxx).

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‘however’, ‘moreover’, etc.). The much used adjective ‘dicho’ (‘the said’, ‘the aforementioned’) has usually only been translated literally in formal contexts and has often been omitted completely. The overall effect of this approach has been to remove some characteristic features of the original in order to achieve a smoother and more convincing English text. Whilst consistency in approach is of obvious importance, the relatively limited range of vocabulary employed by the chronicler has led in many cases to the use in the translation of a variety of synonyms in order to avoid a degree of repetition which would have proved jarring for the modern reader, or simply to enrich and add greater variety of expression to the English text. On the other hand, there are many points at which repetition cannot be avoided. In particular, López de Ayala shows an immense concern with precision in the use of titles and in the explanation of family relationships and his emphasis on such detail, in some cases repeated on numerous occasions, has to be accepted as a fundamental – and very important − feature of the text. Some problems for the translator result from Orduna’s overriding respect for the readings represented by the manuscript tradition and his consequent reluctance, as was mentioned above, to introduce emendations in order to achieve clarity or, for example, to avoid obvious cases of unintended repetition or even contradiction within the text. There are points at which in order to clarify the sense of a passage it has been necessary to look to an alternative edition, usually that of Llaguno Amirola. Where this has been done and the translation of a detail or sentence departs from the Orduna text, explanation has usually – though not invariably − been given in a note. The rendering of names poses a range of questions, not least on account of the broadly international nature of the society in which many of the figures depicted by the chronicler – royal, noble and ecclesiastical – lived. The chronicler normally uses castilianized forms. The approach in the English text, however, has been to attempt to use forms as easily recognizable as possible and which assist the reader in identifying a person or place. Castilian forms have been used for toponyms relating directly to the Crown of Castile, including

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names of places situated in regions such as Galicia and Vizcaya. So, for instance, Orense is used rather than the Galician form Ourense. The same principle has been applied with regard to the disputed territories of the southern frontier of Valencia, with Alicante being used in preference to Alacant, whilst in the case of a Catalan town such as Tàrrega this spelling has been used rather than the Castilian Tárrega. In the case of Navarre, Castilian names have been used in spite of the monarch’s close connection with France. The translation has normally sought to enable the reader to identify a place by its modern name and, where necessary, this has been done by means of a note, as in the case of the town known in the fourteenth century as Villa Real but now as Ciudad Real, or of Murviedro, now Sagunto. The decision as to how far to employ anglicized forms of place names has once again depended on ease of recognition and what seems to be the most generally accepted practice, but there is inevitably some subjectivity – and inconsistency − involved in opting for Seville, Castile and Saragossa but Córdoba and Vizcaya (rather than Biscay, or, indeed, Bizkaia). With regard to the names of people, the translation attempts to distinguish between nationalities of origin, using, for example, the names Ferran and Joan for the two Aragonese princes rather than Fernando and Juan, whilst their mother, although queen of Aragon, retains her Castilian name Leonor. Two prominent exceptions to this principle are King Pedro’s Portuguese mother, in whose case the accentuated Castilian form María has been retained, and the prominent nobleman João Afonso de Alburquerque for whom, in spite of his Portuguese origins, the castilianized name Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque has been used. In both cases this follows the practice usually adopted by scholars. A distinction has been made between natives of the Crown of Castile and those of other kingdoms: thus Don Álvar Pérez de Castro, a Galician nobleman, is known by the Castilian form of his name, whilst Martim Afonso Botelho is named in his native Portuguese. For the use of names in the linguistically complex Crown of Aragon, Mary Hillgarth’s translation of the Chronicle of Pere III of Catalonia has provided an invaluable guide. Indeed, the name of this

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Catalan chronicle’s principal author itself presents a prime example of the difficulties facing the translator: Pedro IV, king of Aragon, was also known as Pere III, count-king of Catalonia-Aragon. In opting to use the latter name throughout, the translation follows the principle explained by J. N. Hillgarth (1976, xi): The possible inconvenience for English readers of finding ‘Pere’ or ‘Jaume’ for a king of Aragon, who, being also count of Barcelona and using Catalan as his first language, normally used this name for himself, rather than the Castilian Pedro or Jaime (let alone Peter or James), is counterbalanced by the advantage of recalling the diversity of the Spanish kingdoms.

In this case there is a further advantage in using Pere rather than Pedro: the avoidance of confusion in the translation between two − indeed three, including Pedro of Portugal − kings of the same name. More generally, too, it has seemed helpful to use Catalan names where this is appropriate, in spite of López de Ayala’s adherence to Castilian forms. Likewise, figures of other nationalities have, as far as possible, been identified by their actual names rather than by the chronicler’s castilianized (and sometimes barely recognizable) versions. This applies to numerous names in French and English as well as some of Arabic origin. On a few occasions, however, it has seemed preferable to preserve the form which is used in the Spanish text. A notable example is that of the Moorish sage that López de Ayala calls ‘Benahatin’ and who is generally known to scholars by this name (or variants of it such as ‘Benalhatib’ or ‘Aben Hatin’), even though there is convincing evidence to associate him with the Granadan scholar Muhammad ibn al-Khatīb. The aim is to enable the reader to identify this individual as he is most commonly known: here, as in the translation as a whole, clarity has been a primary goal.

A SUMMARY OF THE CONTENT OF THE CHRONICLE OF KING PEDRO Year 1 (1350) King Alfonso XI dies of plague during the siege of Gibraltar (I) – Pedro is acknowledged as king and Alfonso’s body is escorted towards Seville (II) – Doña Leonor de Guzmán enters Medina Sidonia to make arrangements for the town and leaves again after negotiation; Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel severs his bond of homage with her (III) – Sons and relatives of Doña Leonor break away from the king (IV) – King Alfonso’s body is taken to Seville where it is interred (V) – Posts in the king’s household and in the kingdom are reallocated (VI) – The king learns of events in Algeciras, where Count Enrique and Don Pero Ponce have established themselves (VII) – King Pedro sends Don Gutier Fernández de Toledo with a fleet of galleys to Algeciras and Count Enrique and Don Pero Ponce abandon the city, moving on to Marchena (VIII–IX) – Doña Leonor de Guzmán is made a prisoner and Count Enrique and other lords place themselves at King Pedro’s disposition (X) – King Pedro appoints field commanders against the Moors, but the war against them is rapidly concluded (XI) − Count Enrique visits his mother and at her bidding marries Doña Juana and consummates the marriage: to escape King Pedro’s fury he flees to Asturias (XII) – King Pedro falls seriously ill and the succession to the throne is discussed (XIII) – Don Juan Núñez de Lara, one of the contenders for the throne, travels to Castile but shortly afterwards both he and his nephew die (XIV). Year 2 (1351) The chronicler explains the term ‘era’ and other systems of dating (I) – King Pedro goes to Llerena where knights of the Order of Santiago do homage to him (II) – Don Fadrique sees his mother in Llerena and she is then taken to Talavera and killed (III) – The king sends Don Juan García Manrique to Palenzuela to accompany Don Tello and watch him closely (IV) – King Pedro is joined by Garci Laso de la Vega near

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Burgos, and he sends knights into the Jewish quarter of the city (V) – Garci Laso and some other knights are killed (VI) – Don Nuño, son of Don Juan Núñez, is taken to Vizcaya and the king goes in pursuit (VII) – King Pedro sends Lope Díaz de Rojas to pacify Vizcaya and Don Fernán Pérez de Ayala to take control of the area known as Las Encartaciones (VIII−IX) – Don Nuño de Lara dies, his sisters are taken prisoner, and King Pedro seizes control of Vizcaya and the other lands which had belonged to Don Nuño (X) – King Pedro meets with King Carlos of Navarre and his brother Prince Felipe in Burgos (XI) – King Pedro holds his first cortes in the city of Valladolid (XII) – The debate over the behetrías (XIII) – The nature of the behetrías (XIV) – Ambassadors are sent to France to arrange King Pedro’s marriage to Blanche, daughter of the duke of Bourbon (XV) – The dispute at the cortes between the representatives of Burgos and Toledo (XVI) – Explanation of the special status of Toledo (XVII−XIX) – King Pedro meets with his grandfather King Afonso of Portugal in Ciudad Rodrigo (XX) – Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel prepares his castles for siege and King Pedro goes to Andalusia (XXI) – Events during 1351 in the kingdom of France: the death of King Philippe (XXII). Year 3 (1352) King Pedro besieges Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel in Aguilar and, after negotiations, Don Alfonso is formally condemned (I−II) – The king captures other castles belonging to Don Alfonso (III) – Don Tello steals a baggage train near Aranda de Duero (IV) – King Pedro lays siege to Gijón and subsequently takes Doña María de Padilla as his mistress (V) – King Pedro goes to Castile and in Soria negotiates an agreement with King Pere of Aragon (VI) – King Pedro returns to Andalusia to intensify the siege of Aguilar (VII) – Events which took place during 1352 in Sardinia (VIII). Year 4 (1353) Aguilar falls and Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel and other knights are killed (I) – King Pedro goes to Córdoba, where his daughter Doña Beatriz is born (II) – King Pedro is injured in a tournament and

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learns that Blanche of Bourbon is on her way to him (III) – Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque brings Don Juan de la Cerda to King Pedro in Torrijos (IV) – King Pedro goes to Valladolid for his wedding (V) – The king comes to the point of battle with Count Enrique and Don Tello in Cigales (VI−VII) – King Pedro admonishes Pero Carrillo for wearing the insignia of La Banda (VIII) – In spite of Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque’s advice, the king offers peace to Count Enrique and Don Tello (IX) – Count Enrique and Don Tello pledge allegiance to King Pedro (X) – King Pedro marries Blanche of Bourbon in Valladolid (XI) – King Pedro promptly leaves to join Doña María de Padilla in Montalbán (XII) – The princes of Aragon, Count Enrique, Don Tello and Don Juan de la Cerda go after the king (XIII) – The deliberations which follow King Pedro’s departure (XIV) – Don Juan Alfonso sets off from Valladolid to see the king in Toledo (XV) – King Pedro urges Don Juan Alfonso to hasten to him and Don Juan Alfonso, suspicious of his motives, turns back, sending his chief steward to speak on his behalf (XVI−XVIII) – Don Juan Alfonso meets with Don Juan Núñez de Prado, master of Calatrava and then returns to his own territories (XIX) – King Pedro returns to Doña María de Padilla (XX) and then pays a short and final visit to Queen Blanche in Valladolid (XXI) – Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque negotiates assurances of his safety with King Pedro and sends him his son Don Martín Gil as a hostage (XXII−XXIII) – Doña María de Padilla warns Don Álvar Pérez de Castro and Álvar González Morán, also sent as hostages, not to go to the king; he orders their arrest, but they make their escape (XXIV−XXVI) – Don Fadrique meets with King Pedro in Cuéllar (XXVII) – King Pedro oversees Don Tello’s wedding to Doña Juana de Lara; Queen Blanche is confined at Arévalo; and posts in the king’s household change hands (XXVIII) −King Pedro travels to Andalusia and positions of authority in the kingdom are reorganized (XXIX). Year 5 (1354) Don Juan Núñez de Prado is arrested and the brothers of the Order of Calatrava are commanded to take Don Diego García de Padilla as their master (I) – Don Juan Núñez is killed in the castle at Maqueda

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(II) – King Pedro captures the town of Medellín, which belonged to Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque (III) – The king is refused entry to Alburquerque, fails to take another of Don Juan Alfonso’s castles and appoints his field commanders (IV) – King Pedro sends emissaries to King Afonso of Portugal and they engage in a heated discussion with Don Juan Alfonso (V) – Count Enrique and Don Fadrique negotiate with Don Juan Alfonso (VI) and an agreement is reached (VII) − A proposal is put to Prince Pedro of Portugal (VIII) – The reaction of Queen María, mother of King Pedro (IX) – King Pedro’s marriage to Doña Juana de Castro (X) – King Pedro hears of the alliance against him (XI) and his reaction (XII) – King Pedro oversees the marriage of Prince Joan to Doña Isabel de Lara (XIII) – Don Fadrique goes to Montiel but the castle is not handed over to him (XIV) – The king moves against Montealegre and other places belonging to Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque (XV), capturing some of them (XVI) − Count Enrique and Don Juan Alfonso negotiate terms with Don Fernando de Castro (XVII−XVIII) − King Pedro orders Queen Blanche to be taken to Toledo and the events which take place there (XIX) – On not being allowed access to the Order of Santiago’s castle at Segura, where Don Fadrique is present, King Pedro lays siege to the castle; he appoints Don Juan García de Villagera master of the Order (XX) – The people of Toledo rise up in support of Queen Blanche (XXI) and request that Don Fadrique comes to the city (XXII) – King Pedro hears the news of these events (XXIII) – The princes of Aragon and other knights sever their bond with the king (XXIV) – Count Enrique, Don Juan Alfonso, Don Fernando de Castro, the princes of Aragon and Don Tello form an alliance (XXV−XXVI) – King Pedro goes to Tordesillas and Queen Leonor unsuccessfully puts the lords’ case to him; Don Juan Alfonso dies, probably from poison (XXVII) – Don Fadrique joins the other lords in Medina del Campo (XXVIII) – The lords send envoys to King Pedro in Toro, where disagreement breaks out (XXIX) – The lords negotiate with King Pedro (XXX−XXXI) and a meeting between them takes place at Tejadillo (XXXII) – The lords process past Toro, King Pedro leaves the town and his mother Queen María invites the lords to enter (XXXIII) – After consulting his

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advisers (XXXIV), King Pedro returns to Toro, placing himself in the hands of his mother and the lords (XXXV) – Positions of authority are redistributed by the lords and Don Fernando de Castro marries Count Enrique’s sister (XXXVI) – Juan Alfonso’s body is taken for burial at the monastery of La Santa Espina (XXXVII) – King Pedro flees from Toro and goes to Segovia (XXXVIII) – The king demands the return of his seals and of the officers of his chancellery from Toro; steadily he regains support (XXXIX). Year 6 (1355) Lords and knights come over to King Pedro (I) − He holds cortes in Burgos (II) – In Medina del Campo King Pedro has some knights killed and others imprisoned (III) – Juan Fernández de Henestrosa is released from Toro (IV) – Count Enrique’s encounters with the people of El Colmenar in Ávila (V) – Count Enrique enters Toledo against the will of many of the people (VI) – King Pedro arrives with a large force which enters the city (VII), expelling the troops led by Count Enrique, Don Fadrique and Don Pero Estébanez Carpenteyro (VIII) – King Pedro holds back from doing battle: he has Queen Blanche imprisoned (IX) – In Toledo some citizens are executed and others of the king’s opponents killed or imprisoned (X) – King Pedro negotiates terms with knights in the city of Cuenca (XI) – He then returns to Toro, where Queen María, Count Enrique and Don Fadrique are present (XII) – King Pedro launches an assault on Valderas, which he eventually captures, and he attacks Rueda (XIII) – King Pedro learns that Count Enrique has left for Galicia; at his command, Prince Joan campaigns in Vizcaya, though with little success (XIV) – Don Samuel Ha-Levi devises an effective means of raising revenue for the king (XV) – The naming as master of Alcántara and subsequent imprisonment of Diego Gutiérrez de Zaballos (XVI) – King Pedro establishes his encampment outside Toro (XVII) – King Pedro hears of the killing of Don Juan García de Villagera, master of Santiago (XVIII) – The papal legate comes to meet King Pedro in his encampment outside Toro (XIX) – The king’s forces capture the tower of the bridge into Toro (XX).

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Year 7 (1356) The citizens of Toro hold discussions with King Pedro and Don Fadrique gives the king his allegiance (I) – King Pedro enters Toro, has some knights killed and orders the imprisonment of Countess Juana (II) – King Pedro besieges Palenzuela and an arrangement is made for its surrender; the king, with murderous intent, unsuccessfully encourages Don Tello to come to him (III) – King Pedro plans Don Fadrique’s death at a tournament and then executes some of the master’s supporters (IV) – Count Enrique requests a letter of amnesty in order to leave the kingdom (V) – King Pedro arranges for him to be captured and killed but the count flees to Asturias and safety (VI) – The events at Sanlúcar de Barrameda leading to the outbreak of war with Aragon (VII) – King Pedro consults his advisers (VIII) – The demands which King Pedro sends to the king of Aragon and the reply that he receives (IX) – King Pedro’s emissary appears before King Pere and on receiving no satisfaction issues a formal challenge (X) – King Pedro has galleys prepared for battle and sails after the Aragonese galleys; the conflict begins (XI) – Events in France: the battle of Poitiers and the capture of King Jean by the English (XII). Year 8 (1357) King Pere of Aragon asks Count Enrique, who is in France, to come and fight in his service (I) – Don Juan de la Cerda and Don Álvar Pérez de Guzmán leave the service of King Pedro (II) – King Pedro advances into Aragon, capturing Tarazona (III) – King Pedro draws near to the Aragonese army at Borja (IV) – King Pedro learns that Don Juan de la Cerda has been captured and imprisoned by the Seville militia (V) – The papal legate Cardinal Guillaume establishes a year’s truce between Castile and Aragon (VI) – Pero Carrillo rescues Countess Juana from Castile (VII). Year 9 (1358) King Pedro makes Doña Aldonza Coronel his mistress and Juan Fernández de Henestrosa is imprisoned by his opponents (I) – King Pedro tells Prince Joan of his plan to kill Don Fadrique (II) – The king

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has Don Fadrique killed in the alcázar in Seville (III) – King Pedro goes to Vizcaya intending to kill Don Tello (IV) – Prince Joan asks King Pedro to honour his promise to give him Vizcaya (V) – The king has Prince Joan killed in Bilbao (VI) – King Pedro sends Juan Fernández de Henestrosa to arrest Queen Leonor and Doña Isabel de Lara, widow of Prince Joan (VII) – King Pedro learns that Count Enrique has entered the territory of Soria (VIII) – King Pedro sets sail for Aragon but loses his fleet in a storm (IX) – King Pedro sends instructions for the preparation of a large battle fleet (X) – King Pedro enters Aragon and captures some castles before returning to Seville; Doña Juana bears Count Enrique a son, the future King Juan I (XI). Year 10 (1359) King Pedro learns that the cardinal of Boulogne has come to negotiate peace (I) – King Pedro meets with the cardinal in Almazán (II) – The papal legate sends the abbot of Saint-Bénigne to meet with the king of Aragon (III) – King Pedro explains his demands to the cardinal (IV) – The cardinal speaks with the king of Aragon, who gives his reply; a member of the king’s council gives an account of the terms of the Treaty of Torrellas (V) – The cardinal once again speaks with King Pedro (VI) – The cardinal continues to negotiate with the king of Aragon (VII) – King Pedro flies into a rage and formally condemns Count Enrique, Prince Ferran and a number of Castilian knights (VIII) – King Pedro orders the death of Queen Leonor and has Doña Isabel de Lara and Queen Blanche transferred to different prisons (IX) – King Pedro prepares to set sail with his battle fleet (X) – The battle fleet sets sail and reaches the River Ebro (XI) – The fleet reaches Barcelona but is prevented from attacking the city (XII) – King Pedro besieges the town of Ibiza (XIII) – On learning of the approach of the Aragonese fleet, King Pedro sails towards Calpe on the mainland (XIV) – The Aragonese fleet approaches the Castilian fleet at Calpe (XV) – King Pedro consults his advisers and sails to Alicante (XVI) – Some Castilian knights are killed outside Alicante (XVII) – King Pedro disembarks and heads for Tordesillas; his fleet is to return to Seville (XVIII) – Most of the Aragonese fleet returns

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to port to be disarmed (XIX) – King Pedro orders the seizure of 12 Venetian galleys but they evade capture (XX) – King Pedro visits Doña María de Padilla, who has borne him a son, and then returns to Seville (XXI) – The Castilian army is defeated at Araviana: Juan Fernández de Henestrosa dies in the battle and other knights are killed or taken prisoner (XXII) – In his fury at the news King Pedro orders the deaths of his half-brothers Don Juan and Don Pedro (XXIII). Year 11 (1360) Count Enrique prepares to invade Castile (I) – The cardinal of Boulogne meets with representatives of the kings of Castile and Aragon in Tudela (II) – King Pedro learns that no agreement has been reached (III) – King Pedro attempts unsuccessfully to take Don Pero Núñez de Guzmán prisoner and then goes to León (IV) – King Pedro orders the death of Pero Álvarez de Osorio and has other men killed or arrested through suspicion of disloyalty (V) – The city of Tarazona is handed over to the king of Aragon (VI) – King Pedro learns that Count Enrique has invaded Castile (VII) – Don Tello offers his allegiance to King Pedro (VIII) – King Pedro is warned by a cleric at Santo Domingo de la Calzada and orders his death (IX) – At Nájera King Pedro defeats Count Enrique and the count of Osona (X) – King Pedro learns that Count Enrique is leaving Castile (XI) – King Pedro reorganizes his field commanders and returns to Seville (XII) – King Pedro orders the capture and death of the Aragonese naval captain Mateu Mercer (XIII) – King Pedro of Castile and King Pedro of Portugal exchange prisoners for punishment (XIV) – Don Pero Núñez de Guzmán is put to death in Seville (XV) – The king has Gutier Fernández de Toledo killed and Pero Fernández Quexada arrested (XVI) – Gutier Fernández de Toledo’s letter to King Pedro (XVII) – The arrest of the wife and children of Gómez Carrillo and the circumstances of Gómez Carrillo’s death (XVIII) – King Pedro explains why he ordered the deaths of Gutier Fernández de Toledo and Gómez Carrillo (XIX) – Don Gutier Gómez de Toledo and Diego Gómez take flight (XX) – King Pedro expels Archbishop Vasco of Toledo from the kingdom (XXI) – The king orders the arrest of Don

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Samuel Ha-Levi and his family (XXII) – The Red King threatens war but then negotiates terms for peace (XXIII). Year 12 (1361) King Pedro moves against Aragon and captures some castles (I) – King Pedro makes peace with the king of Aragon (II) – Queen Blanche is put to death (III) – King Pedro presides over a trial by combat in Seville (IV) – King Pedro wages war on Granada (V) – The death of Doña María de Padilla in Seville (VI) – King Pedro advances to Antequera (VII) – The victory over the Moors at Huesa (VIII). Year 13 (1362) The Christians suffer defeat in the battle of Guadix (I) – The Red King releases prisoners; conquests during the war; the involvement of count of Armagnac and Don Pedro d’Exérica (II) – King Pedro again invades Granada and the Red King places himself at King Pedro’s mercy (III) – The Red King and his adviser Don Idrīs speak with King Pedro (IV) – The Red King and those accompanying him are taken prisoner (V) and two days later they are put death (VI) – At cortes in Seville, King Pedro states that he was married to Doña María de Padilla and has their son recognized as heir to the throne (VII) – King Pedro prepares his people for war (VIII) and forms an alliance with the king of Navarre (IX) – King Pedro lays siege to Calatayud (X) – The count of Osona, Don Pedro de Luna and other knights are taken prisoner near Calatayud (XI) – After negotiation the town of Calatayud is surrendered (XII) – King Pedro leaves the master of Santiago as governor of Calatayud and garrisons in the places that he has captured (XIII) – The death of King Pedro’s son Prince Alfonso (XIV) – Events during this year in the court of Rome (XV). Year 14 (1363) King Pedro forms an alliance with King Edward of England and the prince of Wales (I) – King Pedro has an oath of allegiance sworn to his daughters as heiresses to his kingdom and formally condemns some Castilian knights (II) – International support for King Pedro in

68

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the war against Aragon (III) – King Pedro’s conquests from Aragon; King Pere comes to do battle (IV) – Negotiations between the two kings and their representatives (V) – Prince Ferran is killed at King Pere’s command (VI) – The reaction of Don Tello and other knights; King Pedro makes further conquests in Aragon (VII) – The meeting between the kings of Aragon and Navarre and Count Enrique (VIII) – Events during this year in Gascony (IX). Year 15 (1364) King Pedro establishes his encampment near the city of Valencia (I) – King Pedro is warned that the king of Aragon is coming to do battle (II) – King Pere’s army advances towards Valencia (III) – King Pedro narrowly avoids shipwreck (IV) – King Pedro returns to Castile (V) – King Pedro returns to Aragon and captures Castielfabib and some other castles (VI) – King Pere takes provisions to the town of Orihuela (VII) – King Pedro makes further gains in Aragon; he learns of the death of the master of Alcántara and instructs the brothers to elect Martín López de Córdoba (VIII) – King Pedro orders the death of all those on board five Catalan galleys and learns that Murviedro is under siege (IX) – The death of King Jean of France (X). Year 16 (1365) King Pedro besieges and captures Orihuela (I) – King Pere takes Murviedro by negotiation (II) – Count Enrique prepares to invade Castile (III). Year 17 (1366) King Pedro learns that Count Enrique with the support of foreign mercenaries is invading Castile (I−II) – Count Enrique is proclaimed king in Calahorra (III) – King Pedro abandons Burgos (IV) and travels to Toledo, where he leaves a garrison (V) – The citizens of Burgos invite King Enrique to enter the city (VI) – King Enrique is crowned at Burgos (VII) – King Enrique takes possession of Toledo (VIII) – How King Pedro reacts to the news (IX) – King Pedro travels through Portugal to Galicia (X) – In Galicia King Pedro receives advice from

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his supporters (XI) – King Pedro orders the murder of the archbishop of Santiago and the dean of the cathedral (XII) – King Pedro travels to Bayonne (XIII) – King Pedro’s treasure galley is captured (XIV) – King Enrique arrives in Seville and is warmly welcomed (XV) – King Enrique sends some troops back to France and England (XVI) – King Enrique goes to Galicia (XVII) – Don Fernando de Castro negotiates terms with King Enrique (XVIII) – King Enrique holds cortes in Burgos (XIX) – Don Tello takes as his wife a woman calling herself Doña Juana de Lara (XX) – King Pere sends emissaries to King Enrique in Burgos (XXI) – The city of Zamora rises up against King Enrique (XXII) – In Bayonne the prince of Wales agrees to assist King Pedro (XXIII) – King Pedro agrees to grant Vizcaya and Castro Urdiales to the prince and to leave his daughters as a guarantee (XXIV). Year 18 (1367) / Year 2 of the Reign of King Enrique Negotiations take place between King Enrique and the king of Navarre (I) – Sir Hugh Calveley leaves King Enrique’s service (II) – King Pedro and the prince of Wales cross the pass of Roncesvalles (III) − King Enrique organizes his forces for battle (IV) – King Pedro and the prince of Wales draw up their troops for battle (V) – King Enrique receives advice on whether or not to do battle (VI) – King Enrique sends forces to attack English troops foraging in the region of Álava (VII) – The prince of Wales knights King Pedro (VIII) – King Pedro and the prince advance towards Logroño (IX) – The prince of Wales writes to King Enrique (X) – King Enrique’s reply (XI) – The battle of Nájera (XII) – The following day prisoners are brought before King Enrique and the prince of Wales; the accusations against the marshal d’Audrehem and his defence (XIII) – King Enrique escapes to Aragon and then moves on to Avignon (XIV) – Don Tello and Queen Juana, with her children, flee to Aragon (XV) – The devious actions of the king of Navarre (XVI) – The king of Aragon makes peace with the prince of Wales (XVII) – The ransoming of Bertrand du Guesclin (XVIII) – Friction between King Pedro and the prince of Wales (XIX) – In Burgos lengthy negotiations regarding remuneration take place

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between King Pedro and the prince of Wales (XX) – Their agreement is confirmed by the swearing of oaths (XXI) – The first letter from the Moorish sage to King Pedro (XXII) – King Pedro informs the prince of Wales that he intends to travel round his kingdom in order to raise revenue (XXIII) – King Pedro visits Toledo, Córdoba and Seville and orders more executions (XXIV) – Don Martín López de Córdoba reveals proposals made to him by the prince of Wales (XXV) – Don Martín López de Córdoba fails to kill some knights as he has been instructed by King Pedro (XXVI) – The cruel death of Doña Urraca de Osorio (XXVII) – The execution of Martín Yáñez (XXVIII) – Queen Juana decides to join King Enrique in Languedoc (XXIX) – King Enrique obtains support from King Charles of France (XXX) – King Enrique receives reports of growing support for him in Castile (XXXI) – King Enrique negotiates with the duke of Anjou and the cardinal of Boulogne at Aigues-Mortes (XXXII) – King Enrique returns to Castile but the king of Aragon attempts to block his way (XXXIII) – King Enrique is welcomed into Calahorra and then Burgos (XXXIV), where the castle is surrendered to him and he captures the king of Naples (XXXV) – King Enrique hears that Córdoba has given him its support (XXXVI) – King Enrique besieges Dueñas (XXXVII) – Events during this year in the court of Rome (XXXVIII). Year 19 (1368) / Year 3 of the Reign of King Enrique King Enrique besieges and captures the city of León (I) – King Enrique lays siege to Toledo (II) – King Pedro remains in Seville and seeks assistance from the king of Granada (III) – King Pedro and the Moors launch an attack on Córdoba without success (IV) – The Moors capture and devastate Jaén and Úbeda, capture other towns and castles and make a further unsuccessful attack on Córdoba (V) – The siege of Toledo continues (VI–VII) – Vitoria, Logroño and other towns are handed over to the king of Navarre (VIII) – Events during this year in Sardinia in the kingdom of Aragon (IX).

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The Alcázar del Rey Don Pedro in Carmona, whose main gateway is shown here, was either extensively restored or entirely constructed under King Pedro. In the final stages of his reign, the town of Carmona, situated just over 30 kilometres from Seville, was heavily fortified in readiness to resist an extended siege by the forces of King Enrique. Following King Pedro’s death it was a final place of refuge for his family and most loyal supporters. The Alcázar was almost completely destroyed by the Lisbon earthquake of 1755, but it has now been restored as a parador de turismo. Photograph: the author.

Year 20 (1369) / Year 4 of the Reign of King Enrique The king of France sends emissaries to King Enrique to confirm their alliance (I) – King Pedro installs his children in Carmona, prepares to go to relieve Toledo and orders the execution of Don Diego García de Padilla (II) – The second letter from the Moorish sage to King Pedro (III) – King Enrique learns that King Pedro intends to go to relieve Toledo (IV) and he resolves to do battle (V) – The battle of Montiel (VI) – Don Martín López de Córdoba learns of King Pedro’s defeat and returns to Carmona (VII) – King Pedro leaves the castle of Montiel and meets his death (VIII).

INDEX TO THE POINTS COVERED IN THE NOTES TO THE TEXT AND TRANSLATION See also section II of the Introduction for a brief explanation of the historical background to the events and the roles of key figures dealt with in the text.

Abbots’ Tower  1368, VI, n.5 ABC (documents divided by)  1359, V, n.9 Abū ‘Inān  1352, III, n.2 Abū’ l-Hasan ‘Ali  General Prologue, n.3 Abū Mālik  1350, I, n.2 Abū Yaflūsin (Abenfaluz)  1368, IV, n.3 Aguilar (de Codés)  1360, XI, n.5 Aguilar (de la Frontera)  1351, V, n.9 Alba de Aliste  1353, XIX, n.10 Albret (lord of)  1357, IV, n.3 alcabala see ‘sales tax’  Alcalá de Henares  1351, XIV, n.25 Alcañiz  1354, I, n.1; 1356, IX, n.6 Alcaraz (mountains of)  1369, III, n.4 alcázar  1350, X, n.11 Alcázar (Sauquillo de)  1358, VIII, n.5 Alfonso VI  1351, XVII, n.29 Alfonso X  1351, XVII, n.32; (see also 1350, I, n.1) Alfonso XI  1350, I, n.1 Alfonso (Count)  1366, XVIII, n.14 Alfonso de la Cerda  1359, VI, n.11 Algeciras  1355, I, n.1 Almagro  1354, I, n.2 Almenara (spring of)  1363, IV, n.3 Ampudia  1353, XIX, n.11

Andorra (Valley of)  1367, XXXIII, n.26 Arborea  1352, VIII, n.5 Arcos (de Jalón)  1358, XI, n.7 Armagnac, count of  1356, VI, n.2; 1362, II, n.2 armoured cavalry  1367, IV, n.3 artillery  1359, XII, n.16 Asturias de Santillana  1367, XXVIII, n.22 Athanaric  General Prologue, n.3 Avendaño (Juan de)  1351, VIII, n.16; 1356, VI, n.3 Avignon (bridge of)  1367, XXX, n.23 ballestero  1351, VI, n.10 Banū Marīn  see ‘Marinids’ Bartolomé Botafogo  1359, XI, n.14 bascinet  1369, VIII, n.9 Bastard of Béarn  1367, XXXII, n.25 Bayonne canal  1366, XXIII, n.18 Bègue de Villaines (Le)  1367, III, n.1 behetrías  1350, XIV, n.16; 1351, XIII, n.22 Benahatin  1367, XXII, n.16 Benedict XIII (antipope)  1367, XIV, n.11 Blanca de Villena  1360, XXIII, n.11 bombards  1359, XII, n.16 Brétigny (Treaty of)  1362, VIII, n.8

Index Bridge of San Martín  1355, VI, n.3 Calatayud (castles of)  1362, XII, n.14 Calatrava (Territory of)  1369, V, n.6 calends  1351, I, n.1 Calpe  1359, XIV, n.17 Cameros (Los)  1354, XXI, n.15 captal de Buch  1362,VIII, n.9 Caracol  1358, III, n.2 Carlos II (of Navarre)  1356, XII, n.8 Castellón de Burriana  1363, VI, n.5 Castilian currency  1359, IV, n.4 Castro Urdiales  1367, XX, n.13 Cerda (de la) (family of)  1350, XIII, n.15 Cesna (Fuentes de Cesna)  1362, II, n.1 Cessenon-sur-Orb  1367, XXX, n.24 chief administrator (prestamero mayor)  1351, VIII, n.15 church of Santa María  1354, XIX, n.14 Comparada (Plaza de la)  1351, VI, n.13 cornados  1369, VIII, n.10 cortes  1351, II, n.3 Count Julian  General Prologue, n.3 Count Lope  see ‘Lope Díaz III de Haro’ Crónica de Alfonso Onceno  1350, I, n.3 cruzado  1368, II, n.2 Cuenca de Tamariz  1354, XXIV, n.18 Cullera (river)  1364, IV, n.2 Denia  1359, XV, n.18 Deza  1361, I, n.1 Diego (Don), lord of Vizcaya  1354, X, n.8 dinero  1366, XIX, n.17 dobla  1355, XV, n.8 Dolet  1367, XXXIV, n.27

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Dominic of the Road (Saint)  1360, XI, n.4 (Santo Domingo de la Calzada) Don Juan ‘the One-eyed’  1351, X, n.19 Dueñas  1360, V, n.2 Elda valley  1357, VI, n.5 Elvas  1354, VI, n.5 Emperor of Germany  see ‘Karel IV’ Encartaciones (Las)  1351, IX, n.17 encomienda  1354, I, n.1 Enrique III  1354, XIII, n.11 Enrique (Prince)  1351, X, n.21 era  1350, I, n.2 Escalona  1359, V, n.10 estoc  1366, X, n.9 Eustache d’Auberchicourt  see ‘Sir Eustace’ fanega  1369, IV, n.5 Feast Day of Saint John  1366, XII, n.11 Feast Day of Saint Mary  1354, XXI, n.16 Feast Day of Saint Thomas the Apostle  1361, VIII, n.4 Felipe de Castro  1364, I, n.1  Fernán Pérez de Ayala  1351, IX, n.17 Fernando I  1351, XVII, n.29 Fernando IV (minority of)  1359, IV, n.3 Fernando de Castro  1350, VI, n.10 Five Towns  1366, VII, n.7 florin  1359, IV, n.4 Foix (count of)  1357, IV, n.3 ‘free companies’  1363, IX, n.8 Fuero Juzgo  see Libro Juzgo Galiana  1351, XVII, n.33 Gil Boccanegra (Admiral)  1357, V, n.4 Gil de Albornoz (Cardinal)  1367, XXXVIII, n.29

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Index

Gonzalo Martínez  1350, I, n.2; 1353, I, n.1 Guadalhorce (battle of)  1362, III, n.4 Guillaume (de La Jugie) (Cardinal)  1355, XIX, n.10; 1359, I, n.1 Gutier Fernández de Toledo  1354, XXXII, n.25 Guyenne  1351, XV, n.27 Hall of Stucco (Patio del Yeso)  1358, III, n.3 head of the royal body of squires  1352, II, n.1 huerta de Alicante  1359, XVII, n.19 Huerta del Rey  1355, VI, n.4 Hugh Calveley (Sir)  1362, II, n.3 Inés de Castro  1353, XXVI, n.12 Innocent VI (Pope)  1354, XXII, n.17 Isabel (daughter of King Pedro)  1355, XIV, n.7 Isabel (lady of King Pedro’s household)  1363, V, n.4; 1369, VII, n.8 Isidore (Saint)  1351, XVIII, n.36 Ismā’īl II (of Granada)  1362, VI, n.5 Jaca (pass of)  1367, XIV, n.12 Jacquerie  1356, XII, n.9 Jacques Bonhomme  1356, XII, n.9 James the Greater (Saint) (Santiago)  1367, XI, n.8 Jaume III of Menorca  see ‘king of Naples’ Jean II (of France) (referred to as Jean I)  1364, X, n.5 Joan of Kent (Princess)  1366, XXIII, n.19 John of Gaunt  see ‘Lancaster (duke of)’ Juan (Prince) (son of Alfonso X)  1359, V, n.6 Juan González de Bazán  1354, XXXIII, n.27

Juan Manuel  1350, XII, n.13; 1359, V, n.7 Juana de Castro  1354, X, n.9 jubilee year  1350, I, n.5 jurado (‘elected representative’)  1358, III, n.4 Karel IV (Holy Roman Emperor)  1366, III, n.2 key-bearer (of military Order)  1354, XXVII, n.21 king of Naples  1367, V, n.4 La Banda (Order of)  1353, VIII, n.3 Lamego  1366, X, n.9 la Muela (castle of)  1363, VII, n.6 Lancaster (duke of)  1366, XXIII, n.20 las Huelgas (convent of)  1366, VII, n.5 Launac (and battle of)  1363, IX, n.7 and n.8 La Vera  1353, XIX, n.9 Lazarus Sunday  1367, XIII, n.10 Leander (Saint)  1351, XVIII, n.41 leño  1356, VII, n.4 Leocadia (Saint)  1351, XVIII, n.38 Leonor (Queen)  1354, XII, n.10 Lerma  1362, XI, n.11 Letur  1359, V, n.8 Libro del Becerro  1351, XIV, n.26 Libro Juzgo  1351, XVIII, n.39 light cavalry  1354, XXXIII, n.26 Llerena  1351, II, n.4 Logroño  1368, VIII, n.6 Lope Díaz III de Haro  1351, X, n.20 Los Cameros  1354, XXI, n.14 Luis de la Cerda  1351, XXI, n.44 lugar  1350, IV, n.8 Maccabees  General Prologue, n.2 Manzanares (Royal Territory of)  1354, XXVIII, n.22 maravedí  1350, XIV, n.17 María (of Portugal, Queen)  1354, VI, n.5

Index Marinids  1350, I, n.4 Martín Yáñez  1366, IX, n.8 meaja  1351, XVIII, n.40 Medina (alcázar of)  1360, XVI, n.7 Merlin  1369, III, n.1 Miçer  1352, VIII, n.6 Miedes (de Aragón)  1362, XI, n.12 Miño (de Medinaceli)  1358, XI, n.7 mitred abbot  1359, I, n.1 Moncayo (Mount)  1359, XXII, n.20 Mongayo  1352, V, n.3 Montalbán  1353, V, n.2 Monteagudo (de las Vicarías)  1352, VI, n.4 Montealegre (de Campos)  1353, XIX, n.11; 1354, XV, n.12 Montearagón  1351, XVIII, n.35 Montesa  see ‘Order of Montesa’ Montpensier (battle of)  1365, II, n.1 Mossèn  1356, VII, n.5 Murcia (kingdom of)  1358, IX, n.6; 1359, IV, n.3 Muhammad V (of Granada)  1360, XXIII, n.10 Muhammad VI (of Granada)  see ‘Red King’ Muhammad el Cabezani  1366, IV, n.3 Murviedro  1363, IV, n.1 Musa ibn Nusayr  General Prologue, n.3 Nájera (Jews of)  1360, V, n.1 nao (large sailing ship)  1352, VIII, n.7 Nones (hour of)  1357, III, n.2 novén  1369, VIII, n.10 ‘Now, O kings ...’ (Psalms 2:10)  1369, VIII, n.11 Olvera  1350, IV, n.8 Órbigo (river)  1354, XXV, n.19 Ordenamiento de Alcalá  see ‘Alcalá de Henares’

75

Order of Avis (or Aviz)  1361, I, n.2 Order of Christ  1354, IX, n.6 Order of Montesa  1356, XI, n.7 Order of Saint John  1351, XVII, n.34 Paolo of Pedrosa (Master)  1361, III, n.3 Paracuellos (de Jiloca)  1362, X, n.10 Pelayo  General Prologue, n.3 Pero Estébanez Carpenteyro  1355, VIII, n.5 Pero Girón  1367, XXVI, n.20 Pero Gómez Barroso ‘the Younger’  1355, IX, n.6 Pero López de Ayala  1353, VIII, n.3; 1354, XXXII, n. 23; 1360, XXI, n.9; 1367, IV, n.2 Pero Muñiz de Godoy  1356, IX, n.6 Perpignan  1362, VIII, n.7 plain of Granada  1351, X, n.19 Preaching Brothers of Saint Dominic  (convent of)  1354, XXXV, n.28 Prime  1369, VI, n.7 quintal  1366, XIV, n.13 real  1367, XX, n.15; 1368, II, n.2 Red King  1350, XI, n.12 Rey Bermejo  see ‘Red King’ Ruy Díaz de Vivar (‘el Cid’)  1351, XVII, n.31 Saint-Bénigne (abbot of)  1359, II, n.2 sales tax (alcabala)  1351, V, n.7 Salvaterra (de Miño)  1354, XVII, n.13 San Pablo (monastery of)  1351, XVII, n.30 Sancho II  1351, XVII, n.29 Sancho IV  1359, VI, n.12 Sancho (son of King Pedro)  1363, V, n.4 San Servando (castle of)  1368, V, n.4

76

Index

Santa María de la Santa Espina (monastery of)  1354, XXXVII, n.29 Santa María de la Vega (church of)  1355, III, n.2 Santa Olalla  1359, V, n.10 Santisteban del Puerto  1367, XII, n.9 Saragossa (Zaragoza)  1359, V, n.6 Sarmental (Plaza del)  1351, VI, n.12 Segura (river)  1359, V, n.7 seisén  1368, II, n.1 Serón (de Nágima)  1357, II, n.1 Servian  1367, XXX, n.24 Shining Mountains (´Los Montes Claros’)  1353, VIII, n.4 Sir Eustace  1366, II, n.1 ‘solano’  1364, IV, n.3 ‘Spanish church’ (Avignon)  1355, XIX, n.11 Tarifa (battle of)  General Prologue, n.3 Tāriq ibn Ziyad  General Prologue, n.3 Terce  1354, XXI, n.16 Thézan-lès-Béziers  1367, XXX, n.24 Tierra de Campos  1351, VII, n.14 Torrellas (Treaty of)  1359, IV, n.3; 1359, V, n.5 Torrijo (de la Cañada)  1362, X, n.10

Tortosa (river)  1359, XI, n.13 Tower of Gold  1358, I, n.1 Trasmiera  1367, XXVIII, n.22 Trastámara (count of)  1350, II, n.7; 1366, VII, n.6 Treviño de Uda  1354, XXXVIII, n.30 Urban V (Pope)  1367, XXXVIII, n.28 Urraca de Osorio  1367, XXVII, n.21 ‘Uthmān ibn Abī’l-Ulā  1362, III, n.4 Valencia de Campos  1354, XXV, n.20 Vega (la)  see ‘plain of Granada’ veiling ceremony  1353, XI, n.6 Verganzón  1354, XXXVIII, n.30 Vespers  1353, IX, n.5 Villalba del Alcor  1353, XIX, n.11 Villa Real  1354, I, n.3 Villena  1359, V, n.7 Vincent (de Beauvais)  1351, XVII, n.33 Vitoria  1368, VIII, n.6 Vizcaya  1350, XIII, n.14 Walīd ‘Miramomelin’  1351, XVIII, n.37 White Company  1362, VIII, n.8 Zamora  1351, XVII, n.29

A NOTE ON THE COVER ILLUSTRATION In 1447, 78 years after King Pedro’s death, his remains were transferred to the convent of Santo Domingo el Real in Madrid, where his granddaughter Constanza was prioress. In 1504, at the command of the Catholic Monarchs, the sculpture which formed part of the tomb was replaced by the image of the king kneeling in prayer which appears in this photograph. This alabaster figure was eventually moved to the Museo Arqueológico Nacional in Madrid in 1868 and it remains there today. The head, which did not belong to the sixteenthcentury statue, may well have been part of the original sculpture commissioned by Constanza. The statue was originally polychrome. Photograph: the author.

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Pedro López de Ayala y la Crónica del Rey Don Pedro’ in Manuel García Fernández, ed., El rey don Pedro I y su tiempo (Sevilla: Editorial Universidad de Sevilla), pp. 67−85. Valdaliso Casanova, Covadonga, 2010. Historiografía y legitimación dinástica: análisis de la ‘Crónica de Pedro I de Castilla’ (Valladolid: Universidad de Valladolid, Secretariado de Publicaciones e Intercambio Editorial). Valdaliso Casanova, Covadonga, 2016. Pedro I de Castilla (Madrid: Silex Ediciones). Valdaliso Casanova, Covadonga, 2017. ‘La historicidad y la historiografía sobre Pedro I de Castilla: Crónicas perdidas y memorias construidas (siglos XIV a XVI)’, La Corónica 45.2, 53−78. Valdeón Baruque, Julio,1975. Los conflictos sociales en el reino de Castilla en los siglos XIV y XV (Madrid: Siglo XXI Editores). Valdeón Baruque, Julio, 1992. ‘La propaganda ideológica, arma de combate de Enrique de Trastámara (1366−1369)’, Historia, Instituciones, Documentos 19, 459−68. Vernier, Richard, 2008. Lord of the Pyrenees: Gaston Fébus, Count of Foix (1331−1391) (Woodbridge and Rochester, New York: Boydell and Brewer). Villalon, L. J. Andrew, 2008. ‘“Cut Off Their Heads, or I’ll Cut Off Yours”: Castilian Strategy and Tactics in the War of the Two Pedros and Supporting Evidence from Murcia’ in L. J. Andrew Villalon and Donald J. Kagay, eds, The Hundred Years War (Part II): Different Vistas (Leiden and Boston: Brill), pp. 153−82. Villalon, L. J. Andrew and Donald J. Kagay, 2017. To Win and Lose a Medieval Battle: Nájera, April 3, 1367, a Pyrrhic Victory for the Black Prince (Leiden and Boston: Brill). Zeno Conedera, S. J., Sam, 2015. Ecclesiastical Knights: The Military Orders in Castile, 1150–1350 (New York: Fordham University Press).

CHRONICLE OF KING PEDRO (CRÓNICA DEL REY DON PEDRO)

PROLOGO GENERAL A LAS CRONICAS DE LOS REYES DE CASTILLA Prologo de don Pero Lopez de Ayala Chanceller mayor de Castilla en la Coronica que ordeno delos Seremos Reyes de Castilla y Leon: don Pedro, don Enrique el mayor, y don Juan el primº deste nombre y del Rey don Enrique el Tercero. La memoria de los omnes es muy flaca: e non se puede acordar de todas las cosas que en el tiempo passado acaescieron: por lo qual los sabios antiguos fallaron ciertas letras, e arte de escriuir, por que las sciencias e grandes fechos que acaescieron en el mundo fuessen escritos, e guardados para los omes los saber: e tomar dende buenos exemplos para fazer bien, e se guardar de mal: e fincasse en remenbrança perdurable: E fueron fechos despues libros do tales cosas fueron escritas: e guardadas. E por ende los Macabeos quando fizieron sus amistades, e confederaciones con los Romanos, todas las composiciones, e auenencias que entrellos passaron, fueron escritas con letras cabdinales en tablas de cobre: porque para siempre fincasse la memoria dellos e assi fue fecho. E por ende fue despues vsado e mandado por los principes e Reyes, que fuessen fechos libros, que fuesen llamados Coronicas, e historias donde se escriuiessen las cauallerias, e otras qualesquier cosas: que los principes antiguos fizieron, por que los que despues dellos viniessen tomen mejor, e mayor esfuerzo de fazer bien: e de se guardar de fazer mal. E porque de los fechos de los Reyes de España, los quales fueron muy antiguos, del tienpo que los Reyes, e principes Godos començaron, fasta aqui, ouo algunos que trabajaron de los mandar escriuir, porque los sus nobles e grandes fechos, e historias non fuessen oluidadas, assi ouo

GENERAL PROLOGUE TO THE CHRONICLES OF THE KINGS OF CASTILE Prologue by Don Pero López de Ayala, High Chancellor of Castile, to the Chronicle, which he set in order, of the most illustrious monarchs of Castile and León: Don Pedro, Don Enrique the Elder, Don Juan, the first of this name, and King Enrique the Third.1 Men’s memory is weak indeed and cannot retain all those things that happened in time gone by. It is for this reason that the wise men of old devised certain forms of writing and an art of composition such that knowledge and the great deeds which took place in the world might be noted down and preserved; for in this way men would have knowledge of them and take from them good examples by which they would be encouraged to do well and to refrain from doing wrong; and in this way it was also possible for these deeds to remain forever in men’s memory. At a later point, books were created in which such matters were set out in writing and a record of them kept. Thus, when the Maccabees made their truces and treaties with the Romans, all the arrangements and agreements made between them were written down in bold letters on tablets of copper, so that the memory of them should endure forever; and this indeed happened.2 In consequence it later became the custom and command of princes and kings that books be produced, to be known as ‘chronicles’ and ‘histories’, in which were to be recorded the acts of chivalry and any other deeds performed by the princes of old, in order that those who came after them might be all the more emboldened and inspired by reading them to do good and refrain from doing ill. There were men who strove to ensure that a written record was kept of the deeds of the kings of Spain – dating from ancient times, from the days of the very first kings and princes of the Goths up to the present day – so that their great and noble deeds and

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despues otros que quisieron tomar carga. E deuedes saber que del primer Rey Godo que vino en España, que fuesse christiano, que fue llamado Atanarigo, fasta el Rey Rodrigo, que fue el postrimero Rey de los Godos e de los REYES GODOS, ouo treynta e cinco Reyes: e despues que la tierra de España fue conquistada por los moros, quando Tarif e Muça passaron con consejo del conde don Illan, finco por Rey en las Asturias el Rey don Pelayo fijo del Conde don Pedro de Cantabria, que venia de aquel linage de los Godos, e ovo del Reyes fasta el Rey don Alfonso que vencio en la batalla de Tarifa a Albohacen Rey de Fez, e de Marruecos, e de Sujulmeça, e de Tunes treynta e cinco Reyes. E del dicho Rey don Alfonso fasta oy ouo despues quatro: que fueron don Pedro, don Enrique, don Juan, e don Enrrique que Reyna. E de todos finco remembrança por escritura de todos los sus fechos grandes e conquistas que fizieron los sobredichos reyes Godos: e de los que despues del rey don Pelayo reynaron fasta (que) el dicho rey don Alfonso que vencio la batalla de Tarifa. Por ende de aqui adelante yo PERO LOPEZ DE AYALA con la ayuda de Dios lo entiendo continuar assi, e lo mas verdaderamente que pudiere: de lo que vi: en lo qual non entiendo si non dezir verdad: otrosi de lo que acaesce en mi edad: e en mi tienpo en algunas partidas donde yo non he estado: e lo sopiere por verdadera relacion de Señores e Caualleros: e otros dignos de fe: de quien lo oy: e me dieron dende testimonio: tomandolo con la mayor diligencia que pude. E en este libro terne esta orden: que començare el año que el Rey reyno, segun el año del nascimiento de Nuestro Saluador Jesu Christo: e de la Era de Cesar, que se conto en España de grandes tiempos aca: e en cada año destos partire la estoria de aquel año por capitulos …

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histories should not be forgotten. So too other men came after them who sought to take on the responsibility of continuing their work. You should be aware that from the first king of the Goths to come to Spain who had been a Christian − Athanaric by name − until Roderic, the last of the rulers of the Goths, there were 35 Gothic kings.3 Moreover, after the land of Spain suffered conquest by the Moors, when Tāriq and Mūsā made their crossing following Count Julian’s counsel, the man standing firm as ruler of Asturias was King Pelayo, son of Count Pedro of Cantabria, who was descended from that Gothic lineage; and from him there descended a line of kings, 35 in number, down to King Alfonso, who won the battle of Tarifa over Abū’l-Hasan, king of Fez, Morocco, Sijilmasa and Tunis.4 From this King Alfonso to the present day there have since been four kings: King Pedro, King Enrique, King Juan and the King Enrique who now reigns. All the great deeds and conquests of all of these kings have been recorded in writing: those of the Gothic kings that I have mentioned and likewise those performed between the reign of King Pelayo and that of King Alfonso who won the battle of Tarifa. And therefore, from this point on, I, PERO LÓPEZ DE AYALA, intend with God’s help to continue this account in the same way. I will record as truthfully as I can what I saw, in which case I have no intention of telling anything other than the truth; and in addition I will write of things occurring in my age and in my times in some places where I have not been present but have obtained my information through a reliable account given by lords and knights and other individuals worthy of trust and belief from whom I heard it. These people told me about what happened and gave me their testimony, which I recorded as diligently as I could. In this book I will take the following approach: first I will give the year of the king’s reign in relation to the year of birth of our Saviour Jesus Christ and to the era of Caesar – a form of reckoning used in Spain over the ages – and I will divide up the history of each year into chapters. …5

[CRONICA DEL RREY DON PEDRO Y DEL RREY DON ENRRIQUE, SU HERMANO, HIJOS DEL RREY DON ALFONSO ONÇENO.] En el nonbre de Dios. Amen. Aqui comiença la coronica de los nobles rreyes de Castilla, los quales fueron estos que aqui dira. Primeramente comiença la coronica del rrey don Pedro e luego en conssiguiente la coronica del rrey don Enrrique su hermano, que fueron fijos del rrey don Alfonso el que vençio la batalla de Tarifa e luego en conssiguiente la coronica del rrey don Iohan fijo del dicho rrey don Enrrique, segund el dicho volumen por ystenso mas conplidamente lo rrecuenta. E comiença el primero capitulo de commo fino el rrey don Alfonso en el rreal teniendo çercada a Gibraltar. El muy alto prinçipe e muy noble cauallero, rrey don Alfonso dezeno que assy ouo nonbre de los rreyes que rregnaron en Castilla e en Leon, fijo del rrey don Ferrando que gano a Gibraltar e Alcabdete, e nieto del rrey don Sancho que gano a Tarifa e bisnieto del rrey don Alfonso que seyendo infante gano el rregno de Murçia, e trasnieto del rrey don Ferrando que gano a Seuilla e a Cordoua e la frontera. El qual rrey don Alfonso de quien fabla agora este libro vençio en batalla a Abulhaçen que era rrey de Fez e Marruecos e de Tunez e de Tremeçen e de Sujulmeça, e al rrey de Granada que dezian don Yuçaf Abenhabit Abenazar, los quales rreyes moros le tenian çercada la su villa de Tarifa con muy grand poder de caualleria, ca eran quarenta mill de cauallo e dozientos mill de pie. E fue esta batalla ante la villa de Tarifa lunes treynta dias de otubre año del Nasçimiento del Nuestro Señor Ihesu Christo de mill e trezientos

[CHRONICLE OF KING PEDRO AND OF HIS BROTHER KING ENRIQUE: SONS OF KING ALFONSO XI] In the name of God, Amen. Here begins the chronicle of the noble kings of Castile, who were as follows: first there begins the chronicle of King Pedro and afterwards that of his brother King Enrique; they were sons of King Alfonso, who won the battle of Tarifa. There then follows the chronicle of King Juan, son of King Enrique, as is related in full in a more detailed account in the said volume.1

YEAR ONE (1350) The first chapter now begins, telling of how King Alfonso met his death in the royal encampment while he was besieging Gibraltar. The most excellent prince and most noble knight King Alfonso the Tenth – for this is how he was designated among the kings who had reigned in Castile and León – was the son of King Fernando, who conquered Gibraltar and Alcaudete; he was a grandson of King Sancho, who conquered Tarifa; he was a great-grandson of King Alfonso, who while still a prince conquered the kingdom of Murcia; and he was a great-great-grandson of King Fernando, who conquered Seville, Córdoba and the region of the Frontier.1 King Alfonso, now dealt with in the present book, defeated in battle Abū’l-Hasan, who was king of Fez, Morocco, Tunis, Tlemcen and Sijilmasa, and the king of Granada who bore the name of Abū’l-Hajjāj Yūsuf. These two Moorish kings had besieged his town of Tarifa with a great force of cavalry, numbering 40,000 horsemen, along with 200,000 footsoldiers. This battle took place outside the town of Tarifa on Monday the 30th of October, 1,340 years after the birth of Our Lord

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e quarenta e de la era de Çesar mill e trezientos e setenta e ocho e del Criamiento del mundo segund la cuenta de los ebreos en çinco mill e çiento e diez años e del año de los alarabes sieteçientos e quarenta e dos. Este rrey don Alfonso gano a Alcala de Bençayde, que es agora llamada Alcala la rreal, e Teba e Pliego e Oluera e Cañete e Aymonte e Prvna e Vtrera e la torre del Alhaquin e Carcabuey e Rute e Zanbra e la torre de Cartagena e Castellar. E çerco la çibdat de Algezira e ganola. E fue la çibdat de Algezira ganada con muy grand trabajo que el rrey don Alfonso e todos los suyos pasaron en la çerca de la dicha çibdat. Otrossy en su tienpo deste rrey don Alfonso paso el infante Picaço, fijo del rrey Abulhaçen, que llamauan Abomelich, con ocho mill caualleros de moros. E peleo con ellos don Gonçalo Martinez de Ouiedo maestre de Alcantara, que era capitan del rrey en el Andaluzia, e algunos caualleros de Castilla vasallos del rrey, que estauan con el e los conçejos e rricos omnes e caualleros e escuderos de Seuilla e Cordoua e de las otras çibdades e villas de la frontera, e vençieron los christianos e morio ý el infante moro e mucha gente de la suya. E fue esta pelea del dicho maestre don Gonçalo Martinez con el infante Picaço, fijo del rrey Albulhaçen, martes veynte dias de otubre año del Señor de mill e trezientos e treynta e nueue. E de la era de Çesar de mill e trezientos e setenta e siete. E muchas otras buenas dichas ouieron sienpre los suyos en el su tienpo, segund lo fallaredes en la coronica que fabla deste rrey don Alfonso. E estando este rrey don Alfonso sobre el rreal de Algezira, venieron alli por serviçio de Dios e por nobleza de caualleria, a la çerca de Algezira el rrey don Carlos de Nauarra e don Gaston conde de Fox e señor de Bearne e fincaron ally. Otrossy vino ý el duque de Alencastre que fue conde de Arbi, vn gran señor e noble cauallero de armas, que auia nonbre don Enrrique e estonçe quando vino en Algezira, era conde de Arbi e despues fue duque de Lencastre, e era de la casa rreal de Inglaterra. E venieron ý otros grandes señores de Françia e de Inglaterra e de Alemaña e de Aragon. Otrossy alli fino don Pedro de Castro, que dizian de la Guerra, vn grand señor de Galizia vasallo del rrey. E fino ý el arçobispo de Santiago que dizian don Martino e muchos rricos omes e caualleros de Castilla e de Leon. E estudo el sobre dicho rrey don

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Jesus Christ and 1,378 years counting from the era of Caesar, 5,110 years from the creation of the world by the reckoning of the Hebrews and in the year 742 according to the Arabs. This King Alfonso won Alcalá de Benzaide, which now bears the name of Alcalá la Real, and Teba, Priego, Olvera, Cañete, Ayamonte, Pruna, Utrera, Torre Alháquime, Carcabuey, Rute, Zambra, Torre Cartagena and Castellar; and he besieged and took the city of Algeciras, which was captured at the cost of King Alfonso and his troops enduring great hardship in its siege. Also in the times of King Alfonso, Prince Picazo, known as Abū Mālik, son of King Abū’l-Hasan, crossed into Spain with 8,000 Moorish knights.2 He was engaged in battle by Don Gonzalo Martínez de Oviedo, master of Alcántara, who was the king’s lieutenant in Andalusia, along with a number of Castilian knights, vassals of the king, and the militias, magnates, knights and squires from Seville, Córdoba and other cities and towns of the region of the Frontier. The Christians were victorious and the Moorish prince and many of his men died in the conflict. This battle between the master Don Gonzalo Martínez and Prince Picazo, son of King Abū’l-Hasan, took place on Tuesday the 20th of October, in the year of the Lord 1339 and 1,377 years counting from the era of Caesar. During King Alfonso’s reign many other blessings befell his people, as you will discover in the chronicle which gives an account of his deeds.3 While the king was in his encampment outside Algeciras, King Carlos of Navarre and Gaston, count of Foix and lord of Béarn, came in the service of God and in the noble cause of chivalry to take part with him in the siege of Algeciras, and they remained there. They were joined by Henry, duke of Lancaster and earl of Derby, a great lord and noble knight at arms, who then, when he went to Algeciras, had the title of earl of Derby and later became duke of Lancaster, and who belonged to the royal House of England. Other great lords from France, England, Germany and Aragon gathered there too. Moreover, Don Pedro de Castro met his death at Algeciras: known as ‘the Man of the War’, he was a great lord from Galicia and a vassal of the king. Archbishop Martiño of Santiago died there, too, as did many magnates and knights from Castile and León. King Alfonso besieged

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Alfonso sobre la çibdat de Algezira ante que la ganasse, veynte meses, ca la çerco en el comienço de agosto e tomola al segundo año, en fin del março, a los veynte meses. E ganosse la çibdat de Algezira en el año del Señor de mill e trezientos e quarenta e quatro. E de la era de Çesar mill e trezientos e ochenta e dos, sabado uiespera de Ramos, que pusieron los sus pendones en la çibdat a veynte e siete dias de março. E otro dia domingo entro el rrey en la çibdat. E despues de todas estas batallas e conquistas que el noble prinçipe don Alfonso fizo, çerco la villa e castillo de Gibraltar año del Señor de mill e trezientos e quarenta e nueue años, quando andaua la era de Çesar segund costunbre de España, en mill e trezientos e ochenta e siete. E este logar de Gibraltar es vna villa e castillo muy noble e muy fuerte e muy notable e muy presçiado entre los christianos e moros. E aquel fue el primero logar do Tarif Abenziet en el tienpo del rrey Rodrigo paso e alli poso por non fazer daño en Algezira, que era del conde don Yllan, que fue malo, por cuyo consejo venian los moros. E por eso ha este nonbre Gibraltar, que llaman los moros Gebeltarif, que quiere dezir el monte o la sierra de Tarif, ca çerca aquel monte puso su rreal Tarif Abenziet; e otros lo llaman Gebelfat, que quiere dezir el monte o la sierra de la abertura, porque alli se començo a abrirse la conquista que los moros fezieron en España. E teniendo el rrey don Alfonso los moros que estauan çercados tan afincados en la villa de Gibraltar que estauan ya para se le dar, que non auia acorro ninguno, ca Abulhaçen rrey de Fez, auia guerra con su fijo Abuhanen en tal manera que el fijo le auia tomado el rregno de Fez e era grand diuision entre los moros, commo quier que el dicho rrey Abulhaçen tenia muchas gentes suyas aquende la mar en los sus logares, los quales eran Ronda e Zahara e Gibraltar e Ximena e Marbella e Estepona e otros. Otrossy el rrey de Granada que fazia muy grand guerra de todos estos lugares del rrey de Benamarin e de los suyos a los christianos. E estando assy el fecho desta çerca de Gibraltar fue voluntad de Dios que rrecresçio pestilençia de mortandat en el rreal del rrey don Alfonso muy grande en el año siguiente que pusiera su rreal sobre

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Algeciras for 20 months before it fell to him, for he began the siege at the beginning of August and took the city in its second year at the end of March when 20 months had passed. The city of Algeciras was captured in the year of the Lord 1344 and 1,382 years counting from the era of Caesar, on Saturday, the eve of Palm Sunday: their standards were raised in the city on the 27th of March and on Sunday, the following day, the king entered Algeciras. After all these battles that the noble and sovereign Alfonso had fought and the conquests that he had carried out, he laid siege to the town and fortress of Gibraltar in the year of the Lord 1349, in 1387 counting from the era of Caesar according to the Spanish custom. This place called Gibraltar consists of a town and a castle of great nobility, strength and distinction, highly prized by both Christians and Moors. It was the first place where Tāriq ibn Ziyād had crossed into Spain in King Roderic’s time, halting there so as to do no harm in Algeciras, which belonged to Julian, the evil man through whose counsel the Moors had come. For this reason this name is given to Gibraltar, known by the Moors as ‘Gebeltarif’, which means ‘the rock, or the mountains, of Tāriq’, for near that rock Tāriq ibn Ziyād set up his encampment; and others call it ‘Gebelfat’, which means ‘the mountains of the opening’, as it was there that the opening of the Moors’ conquest of Spain took place. King Alfonso had subjected the Moors besieged in the town of Gibraltar to such pressure that they were by now ready to surrender it to him. They had no means of obtaining relief. Abū’l-Hasan, King of Fez, had been at war with his son Abū ‘Inān, which had led to the son seizing the kingdom of Fez, and there was a serious division among the Moors, although King Abū’l-Hasan had many troops on this side of the Strait in the towns which were in the hands of the Moors: Ronda, Zahara, Gibraltar, Jimena, Marbella, Estepona and others. What is more, the king of Granada was launching destructive raids against the Christians from all these places belonging to the king of the Marinids, as well as from his own territories.4 Just when the siege of Gibraltar had reached this point, it was God’s will that an outbreak of a deadly disease should occur in King Alfonso’s encampment the year after he had begun to besiege the

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Gibraltar. E esta fue la primera e grande pestilençia, que es llamada la grand mortandad, commo quier que dos años antes desto fuera ya esta pestilençia en las partidas de Françia e de Inglaterra e de Ytalia e avn en Castilla e Leon, e Estremadura e otras partidas. E commo quier que por el infante don Ferrando marques de Tortosa, su sobrino, fijo del rrey don Alfonso de Aragon e de la rreyna doña Leonor su hermana e por don Iohan Nuñez de Lara señor de Vizcaya, e don Ferrando señor de Villena, fijo de don Iohan e nieto del infante don Manuel, e don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque e otros condes e maestres e grandes señores e perlados e caualleros que estauan con el rrey en el dicho rreal de Gibraltar le fuesse dicho e consejado que se partiesse de la çerca por quanto morien muchas conpañas e el estaua de su cuerpo en grand peligro e muchos caualleros de ellos eran ya muertos de aquella pestilençia; enpero por todo esto nunca el rrey quiso partirsse del dicho rreal diziendo a los señores e caualleros que le esto consejauan que les rrogaua que le non diessen tal consejo, que pues el tenia aquella villa e tan noble fortaleça en punto de se le rrendir e la cuydaua cobrar a poco tienpo e la auian ganada los moros en su tienpo e perdida los christianos, que le seria grand verguença por miedo de la muerte de lo assi dexar. E esta era la mayor manzilla que el rrey don Alfonso en su coraçon tenia porque en su tienpo se perdiera Gibraltar. Ca perdio este lugar de Gibraltar vn cauallero que dezian Vasco Perez de Meyra, que lo tenia por el rrey, por grand mengua que ouiera de viandas, señaladamente de pan. E quando los moros sopieron que non auia pan en Gibraltar, çercaron la villa. E quando el rrey don Alfonso, que estaua en Castilla, sopo commo estaua çercada, fue por la acorrer e, quando ý llego, fallola ya entrada e çercola e non la pudo tomar. E fue perdida Gibraltar año del Señor de mill e trezientos e treynta e tres, e de la era de Çesar de mill e trezientos e setenta e vno. E ponian culpa a Vasco Perez de Meyra que tenia la villa e castillo de Gibraltar, porque los moros, en tregua que auian con los christianos, conprauan del pan de aquel logar a muy grandes preçios de oro. Ca el alcayde pensando que era tregua e que podria basteçersse quando quisiesse, vendiolo.

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town. This was the first great outbreak of pestilence, known as the great plague, although two years before this it had already appeared in areas of France, England and Italy and even of Castile, León, Extremadura and other parts of the peninsula. The king had received counsel and advice. His nephew Prince Ferran, marquis of Tortosa and lord of Albarracín, son of King Alfons of Aragon and Queen Leonor, Alfonso’s own sister; Don Juan Núñez de Lara, lord of Vizcaya; Don Fernando, lord of Villena, son of Prince Juan Manuel and grandson of Prince Manuel; Don Juan Alfonso, lord of Alburquerque; and other counts, masters of the Military Orders and great lords, prelates and knights who were with the king in the encampment outside Gibraltar; all of them had advised him to absent himself from the siege, as great numbers of troops were dying and his life was in grave danger, many of his knights having already died from the pestilence. And yet, in spite of all of this, the king never wished to leave the encampment, telling the lords and knights who gave him such advice that he beseeched them not to do so: now that he had the town with so fine a fortress at the point of surrender and he expected to take it very soon, and since during his reign it had been won by the Moors and lost by the Christians, it would be a shameful act to abandon it in this way for fear of death. The loss of Gibraltar during his reign was the greatest mark of dishonour that King Alfonso felt in his heart. The man responsible was a knight called Vasco Pérez de Meira, whom the king had appointed as its governor, and this had happened on account of a serious shortage of provisions and in particular of bread. On discovering that there was no bread in Gibraltar, the Moors laid siege to the city. When King Alfonso, who was in Castile, learned that Gibraltar was being attacked, he went to relieve it but on his arrival he found that it had already fallen. He placed it under siege but was unable to capture it. Gibraltar was lost in the year of the Lord 1333, in 1371 counting from the era of Caesar. The blame was attributed to Vasco Pérez de Meira, governor of the town and castle of Gibraltar, because, during a period of truce with the Christians, the Moors purchased the town’s bread from him at a very high price paid in gold: the governor sold the bread believing that it was a time of truce and that he could lay in

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E los moros quando sintieron que non tenia pan, çercaronle el lugar con grand voluntad que lo auian de cobrar: ca les era muy guerrero e contrario e tomaronlo. E agora tornando a nuestra entençion, despues de muchos consejos e afincamiento que los dichos señores e caualleros, segund auemos dicho, fizieron por levantar al rrey don Alfonso de aquel rreal de Gibraltar por la pestilençia que ý era, e el rrey nunca lo quiso fazer. E fue voluntad de Dios que el rrey adolesçio e ouo vna landre e fino viernes santo que dizen de indulençias, que fue a veynte e siete dias de março, año del nasçimiento de Nuestro Señor Ihesu Christo de mill e trezientos e çinquenta, que fue estonçe año jubileo. E de la era de Çesar segund costunbre de España, en mill e trezientos e ochenta e ocho. E a diez años que el dicho rrey don Alfonso vençio los rreyes de Benamarin e de Granada delante la villa de Tarifa segund dicho avemos. E fue fecho por el rrey don Alfonso muy grand llanto de todos los suyos e ouieron grand sentimiento de la su muerte, e era rrazon, ca fuera en su tienpo muy honrrada la corona de Castilla por el. Ca vençio aquella batalla de Tarifa, que fue muy señalada cosa. Otrossi ganara las villas de Algezira e Alcala de Benzaed, que dizen agora la Real, por las quales los moros fueron muy apretados e muy quexados, e ganara otros muchos castillos, segund dicho auemos de suso. E era muy guerrero a los moros e muy noble cauallero. Ca fue el rrey don Alfonso non muy grande de cuerpo, mas de buen talle e de buena fuerça e blanco e rruuio e franco e esforçado e venturoso en guerras. E este fue el dezeno rrey don Alfonso que assi ouo nonbre. E en este año que el rrey don Alfonso fino era papa e apostoligo en Roma Clemente sesto, e era françes de tierra de Limoges. E en el inperio de Roma era enperador Carlos, fijo del rrey de Boemia. E rregnaua en Françia el rrey Phelipo, que fuera conde de Valoys, e heredo el rregno por quanto en la liña de los rreyes de Françia fallesçio heredero varon, ca non fincauan sinon fijas. E torno el rregno al rrey Phelipo, que era conde de Valoys, por el parentesco. En Inglaterra rregnaua el rrey Eduarte que fue muy venturoso rrey. E en Napol la rreyna doña Iohanna, muger que fue del rrey Andrea, hermano del rrey

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a new stock when he needed to do so. The Moors, when they judged that there was no bread in the town, laid siege to Gibraltar in their eagerness to capture it, for it was hostile and a thorn in their flesh; and it fell to them. Now, coming back to our subject: after much insistent advice that those lords and knights gave, as we have already explained, in order to make King Alfonso leave the encampment outside Gibraltar because of the outbreak of pestilence, the king remained unwilling to do so and it was God’s will that he fell ill and developed a glandular swelling. This brought his death on Good Friday, known as the Day of Indulgence, which fell on the 27th of March, 1,350 years after the birth of Our Lord Jesus Christ – a jubilee year – and 1,388 years counting from the era of Caesar, according to the Spanish custom.5 This, as we have already pointed out, was 10 years after King Alfonso had defeated the kings of the Marinids and of Granada outside the city of Tarifa. There was great lamentation for King Alfonso on the part of all his people, who felt deep sorrow at his death, and with good reason: for in truth he had brought the Crown of Castile great honour during his reign: he had won the battle of Tarifa, an achievement of great distinction, and he had also captured the towns of Algeciras and Alcalá de Benzaide, which now bears the name of Alcalá la Real, achievements which caused the Moors great discomfort and much grief; he had taken many other castles as has already been said; and he was both a very fine warrior against the Moors and a knight of great nobility. King Alfonso was not very great in stature, but of fine figure and great strength; he was pale in complexion, fair-haired, forthright, valiant and successful in battle. He was the tenth king to bear the name of Alfonso. In this year of King Alfonso’s death the pope and pontiff in Rome was Clement the Sixth, a Frenchman who came from the area of Limoges, and the emperor of Rome was Karel, son of the king of Bohemia. France was ruled by Philippe, who had been count of Valois and had inherited the kingdom because in the line of kings of France there was no male heir: with just daughters remaining, the throne passed through kinship to King Philippe, count of Valois. King Edward was enjoying a propitious reign in England. In Naples the monarch was Queen Giovanna, who had been the wife of King Endre,

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de Vngria. E en Portogal el rrey don Alfonso, fijo del rrey don Donis. E en Aragon el rrey don Pedro, fijo del rrey don Alfonso. E en Navarra el rrey don Carlos, fijo del rrey don Felipe, conde de Hebrones e de Angolesme e de Morgayn e señor de Longavilla en Françia.

Capitulo segundo. Commo despues que el rrey don Alfonso fino en el rreal de Gibraltar tomaron por rrey a su fijo el infante don Pedro e commo levaron el cuerpo del rrey don Alfonso a Seuilla. Luego que el rrey don Alfonso morio en el rreal de Gibraltar segun dicho auemos, todos los señores e caualleros que estauan con el en el dicho rreal, e assy todos los de los rregnos de Castilla e de Leon despues que lo supieron, tomaron por su rrey e por su señor al infante don Pedro su fijo primero legitimo heredero, fijo de la rreyna doña Maria su muger, fija del rrey don Alfonso de Portogal. El qual infante don Pedro estaua quando el rrey don Alfonso su padre fino, en la çibdat de Seuilla. E era en hedat de quinze años e siete meses. E rregno a veynte e ocho dias de março del dia que su padre fino. E fue este rrey don Pedro el primero rrey que en Castilla assy ouo nonbre. E fue este año el primero que el rrey don Pedro rregno en el año del Señor de mill e trezientos çinquenta e de la era de Çesar de mill trezientos e ochenta e ocho. E hordenaron los señores e caualleros que estauan en este rreal de Gibraltar, de levar el cuerpo del rrey don Alfonso a la çibdat de Seuilla, do estaua el infante don Pedro su fijo primo genito, que estonçe tomaron por su rrey e rregnaua ya, para lo enterrar en la capilla de los rreyes, do yazian otros rreyes sus anteçesores, commo quier que el se mandara enterrar en la çibdat de Cordoua, en la capilla do yazia el rrey don Ferrando su padre, en la iglesia mayor de santa Maria. E los señores que levauan el su cuerpo a Seuilla asy lo auian a voluntad, pero querian vna vez llegar con el cuerpo del rrey a Seuilla,

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brother of the king of Hungary. In Portugal it was King Afonso, son of King Dinis; in Aragon, King Pere, son of King Alfons; and in Navarre, King Carlos, son of King Felipe, count of Évreux, Angoulême and Mortain and lord of Longueville in France.

1350: CHAPTER II How, after King Alfonso’s death in the royal encampment outside Gibraltar, his son Prince Pedro was acknowledged as king; and how King Alfonso’s body was taken to Seville. Soon after King Alfonso met his death in the royal encampment at Gibraltar, as we have related, the lords and knights who were with him in the encampment and likewise all those of the kingdoms of Castile and León, on learning the news, acknowledged as their king and lord Prince Pedro, who was King Alfonso’s first legitimate heir, borne to him by his wife, Queen María, daughter of King Afonso of Portugal. Prince Pedro was in the city of Seville when his father King Alfonso met his death. He was 15 years and seven months in age and he came to the throne on the 28th of March, the day following his father’s death. He was the first Castilian Monarch to bear the name of Pedro and this first year of his reign was the year of the Lord 1350 and 1388 counting from the era of Caesar. The lords and knights who were present in the encampment at Gibraltar arranged for King Alfonso’s body to be taken to the city of Seville, where his first-born son Prince Pedro – whom they had just acknowledged as ruler of Castile and León and who was already king – was at that time. There Alfonso’s body was to be interred in the Royal Chapel, along with the tombs of other monarchs who had ruled before him. This was in spite of the fact that King Alfonso had directed that he was to be buried in the cathedral church of Santa María in Córdoba, in the chapel where his father, King Fernando, was interred. The lords escorting his body to Seville did intend to do this, but they wished initially to take the king’s body as far as Seville, where the

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e que dende se hordenaria commo adelante farian e aun el camino por alli era. E despues por tienpo asy fue levado a Cordoua el cuerpo del rrey don Alfonso segund adelante contaremos. Otrossy hordenaron los señores que alli eran que el rreal estudiesse seguro e ninguno non partiesse de alli en quanto hordenauan su partida e que pusiessen sus guardas contra los moros assy contra los çercados que estauan en la villa de Gibraltar commo contra los moros del rregno de Benamarin e de Granada, que de los castillos fronteros venian cada dia a correr el rreal. E eso mesmo mandaron poner buen rrecabdo en la flota que estaua en el mar. E los moros que estauan en la villa e castillo de Gibraltar despues que sopieron que el rrey don Alfonso era muerto, hordenaron entressy que ninguno non fuesse osado de fazer ningund mouimiento contra los christianos, nin bolver pelea e estudieron quedos. E dezian entressi que aquel dia moriera vn noble rrey e grande prinçipe del mundo por el qual non solamente los christianos eran honrrados mas avn los caualleros moros e guerreros por el auian grandes honrras ganado e eran preçiados de sus rreyes. E el dia que los christianos partieron de su rreal con el cuerpo del rrey don Alfonso, todos los moros de la villa de Gibraltar sallieron fuera e estudieron muy quedos e non consintieron que ningunos salliessen a pelear saluo que mirauan commo partian dende los christianos.

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decision would be taken as to how they would proceed subsequently; and their route did in fact take them that way. In due course King Alfonso’s body was indeed transferred to Córdoba, as we shall later relate.6 The lords who were present also directed that the encampment be made safe, that no one should leave while they were making ready to depart, and that guards be posted against the Moors: against those besieged in the city of Gibraltar, but also against the Moors of the kingdom of the Marinids and those of Granada, who from the castles of the frontier region were making sallies each day to harass the encampment. Likewise, they directed that the fleet out at sea be kept in a good state of readiness. The Moors in the town and castle of Gibraltar, on learning of the death of King Alfonso, determined among themselves that no one should make so bold as to move against the Christians or to begin hostilities; they observed a peace and said to each other that the day had seen the death of a noble king and one of the world’s great sovereigns, through whom not only had the Christians won honour but also the Moorish knights and warriors had gained greatly in prestige and were esteemed by their kings. Moreover, on the day when the Christians departed from their encampment with King Alfonso’s body, all the Moors came out from the town of Gibraltar and remained there very peacefully, not allowing any men to ride out to fight but rather watching how the Christians were making their departure.

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Capitulo IIIº. Commo levando el cuerpo del rrey don Alfonso a Seuilla, entro doña Leonor de Guzman en Medina Sidonia, que era suya, por poner rrecabdo en la dicha villa e commo sallio por pleytesia. El infante don Ferrando fijo del rrey de Aragon, marques de Tortosa e señor de Albarrazin e sobrino del dicho rrey don Alfonso, fijo de la rreyna de Aragon doña Leonor su hermana, e don Iohan Nuñez de Lara señor de Vizcaya e los fijos del rrey don Alfonso e de doña Leonor de Guzman que estauan en el dicho rreal, los quales eran don Enrrique conde de Trastamara, e don Fadrique maestre de Santiago su hermano, e don Iohan Alfonso señor de Alburquerque e don Ferrando señor de Villena e otros señores e maestres e rricos omnes e caualleros que estonçes estauan en el rreal, tomaron el cuerpo del rrey e fueron para la çibdat de Seuilla. E pasando por Medina Sidonia, que es vna villa fuerte, que era en el camino por do ellos yuan, e la diera el rrey don Alfonso a doña Leonor de Guzman, de quien el dicho rrey don Alfonso ouiera fijos al dicho conde don Enrrique e a don Fadrique maestre de Santiago, e don Fadrique maestre de Santiago, e a don Ferrando señor de Ledesma e a don Tello señor de Aguilar, que fue despues señor de Lara e de Vizcaya, e a don Sancho, que fue despues conde de Alburquerque, e a don Iohan e a don Pedro e a doña Iohana, que caso con don Ferrando de Castro, e ouiera primero el rrey don Alfonso de la dicha doña Leonor, a don Pedro señor de Aguilar e a don Sancho el mudo, que morieron seyendo niños en vida del rrey don Alfonso. E doña Leonor pasando por la villa de Medina Sidonia entro en ella. E algunos dizian que con grand rreçelo e miedo que auia del rrey don Pedro, que nueuamente rregnaua, e de la rreyna doña Maria, su madre del dicho rrey, se pusiera en la dicha villa de Medina Sidonia por quanto era suya e era villa muy fuerte. Pero los que saben la verdat dizen que fue en esta manera. Dizen que don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel, que era grand

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1350: CHAPTER III How, as King Alfonso’s body was being escorted to Seville, Doña Leonor de Guzmán entered Medina Sidonia, which belonged to her, in order to make arrangements for the town, and how she left it after negotiation. Prince Ferran, son of the king of Aragon, marquis of Tortosa and lord of Albarracín, nephew of King Alfonso of whom we have spoken and son of Leonor, queen of Aragon, who was King Alfonso’s sister; Don Juan Núñez de Lara, lord of Vizcaya; the sons of King Alfonso and Doña Leonor de Guzmán who had been in the royal encampment − Don Enrique, count of Trastámara, and his brother Don Fadrique, master of the Order of Santiago −; Don Juan Alfonso, lord of Alburquerque; Don Fernando, lord of Villena, and other lords, masters of the Military Orders, magnates and knights who had been in the encampment at that time: all of these people escorted the king’s body to the city of Seville.7 They passed by Medina Sidonia, a strongly fortified town which stood on their route. This town had been given by King Alfonso to Doña Leonor de Guzmán, who had borne him the following offspring: Count Enrique and Don Fadrique, master of the Order of Santiago; Don Fernando, lord of Ledesma; Don Tello, lord of Aguilar, who later became lord of Lara and Vizcaya; Don Sancho, later to become count of Alburquerque; Don Juan; Don Pedro; and Doña Juana, who married Don Fernando de Castro. The first children that Doña Leonor had borne to King Alfonso had been Don Pedro, lord of Aguilar, and Don Sancho the Mute, who both died as children during King Alfonso’s lifetime. As their route took them past Medina Sidonia, Doña Leonor entered the town. Some people said that she had gone into Medina Sidonia on account of the great distrust and fear that she felt towards King Pedro, whose reign had just begun, and towards Queen María, the king’s mother; for the town belonged to her and it was heavily fortified. However, those who are aware of the truth say that it was for the following reason: Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel, who was a

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cauallero e tenia la dicha villa de Medina en vida del rrey Alfonso por la dicha doña Leonor, que aquel dia que el cuerpo del rrey pasaua por alli dixo a doña Leonor: ‘Señora, yo tengo de vos por omenaje esta vuestra villa de Medina e pido vos por merced que la mandedes tomar e entregar a quien vuestra merced fuera e me quitedes el pleyto e omenaje que por ella vos tengo; ca non es mi voluntad de la tener mas de aqui adelante’. E dizen que esto fazia don Alfonso Ferrandez por que non queria tener cargo nin vando de la dicha doña Leonor nin de sus fijos; ca auia tratado sus abenençias con don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque segund adelante diremos. E quando don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel dixo estas palabras a doña Leonor, fue muy turbada e le peso mucho dello; ca entendia que los que la amauan primero seruir e en quien tenia esfuerço la desanparauan. Respondiole assy: ‘Conpadre e amigo, en verdat en fuerte tienpo me enplazastes la mi villa, ca non se agora quien la quiera tener por mi’. E don Alfonso Ferrandez le rrespondio que en todas guisas le quitasse el pleito; ca el non ternia mas la villa de Medina por ella. E doña Leonor estonçes entro en la dicha villa e quitole el pleyto a don Alfonso Ferrandez. E non fallo quien la quisiese tomar nin fazerle omenaje por ella. E los que la vieron asi entrar en la villa cuydaron que lo fazia por se poner ally con esfuerço de sus fijos e de sus parientes que venian aquel dia alli, que querian alli estar e defenderse, que la villa es muy fuerte. E fue por esta entrada de la dicha doña Leonor en Medina muy gran movimiento entre los señores e caualleros que leuauan el cuerpo del rrey, teniendo que la entrada de doña Leonor en Medina era por otra entençion. Ca tenia doña Leonor del rrey don Alfonso fijos ya grandes e poderosos en el rregno e tenia fortalezas e grandes parientes que estauan aquel dia ally: los quales eran don Pero Ponçe de Leon señor de Marchena, e don Ferrand Perez Ponçe maestre de Alcantara, su

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knight of great standing and during the lifetime of King Alfonso had held the town of Medina on behalf of Doña Leonor, on that day when the king’s body was being escorted past it, said to her, ´My lady, I hold this town of Medina in homage to you. I ask you to grant me the mercy of ordering that it be taken from me and entrusted to whomsoever you see fit, and of relieving me of the charge and duty of homage into which I have entered with you. For it is not my desire to hold this responsibility from now on.’ It is said that Don Alfonso Fernández was doing this because he did not wish to have any obligation to, or involvement with Leonor or her children, for he had already come to an agreement with Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque, as later on we shall relate. When Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel spoke these words to Doña Leonor de Guzmán, she was deeply disturbed and distressed, for she understood that she was being abandoned by those people who previously had taken pleasure in serving her and on whom she had relied. ‘In truth, my friend and ally,’ she replied to him, ‘this is a difficult moment for you to have given me notice with regard to my town, for I do not know who will now be prepared to hold it for me.’ Don Alfonso Fernández’s answer was that in any case he requested that she release him from his obligation, as he would no longer be governor of the town of Medina on her behalf. Then Doña Leonor entered the town and relieved Don Alfonso Fernández of his obligation, and she could find no one who would accept it or do homage to her for it. The people who saw her make her entry into the town in this way believed she was doing so in order to establish herself there with the support of her children and the members of her family who on that day had come with the purpose of remaining and making themselves secure, for the town’s defences are very strong. Doña Leonor’s entry into Medina caused great agitation among the lords and knights who were escorting the king’s body, as they believed that she was going into the town with a double purpose, given that Doña Leonor had children by King Alfonso who were now great and powerful figures in the kingdom and that she possessed fortresses, as well as having other relatives, men of importance, who were present on that day: Don Pero Ponce de León, lord of Marchena; Don Fernán

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hermano del dicho don Pero Ponçe, e don Iohan Alfonso de Guzman señor de Sand Lucar de Barrameda e de Bejar e don Aluar Perez de Guzman señor de Oluera, e don Enrrique Enrriquez e Ferrand Enrriquez su fijo e otros. Don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, luego que vio a doña Leonor entrada en la villa de Medina, trato con algunos de los que ý yuan que seria bien que estudiessen commo presos el conde don Enrrique e el maestro de Santiago don Fadrique, sus fijos, fasta que viessen commo fazia doña Leonor. E sopolo doña Leonor e tomo mayor miedo por ende. Enpero luego trataron con ella e seguraronla e sallio de la villa. E dizen que fue en el dicho seguramiento porque la assi aseguro don Iohan Nuñez de Lara señor de Vizcaya, e don Iohan Nuñez bien cuydo que el dicho seguro le seria guardado e de lo que adelante acaesçio, pesole dello. Ca don Iohan Nuñez queria e amaua bien e prouecho de doña Leonor, ca tenia a doña Iohana, su fija, desposada con don Tello, su fijo del rrey don Alfonso e de la dicha doña Leonor, e con la qual caso despues segund contaremos.

Capitulo IIIIº. Commo por la entrada de doña Leonor de Guzman en Medina se partieron sus fijos e sus parientes del rrey e se fueron algunos para Algezira e commo acaesçio. Quando doña Leonor de Guzman entro en la villa de Medina por poner rrecabdo en ella segund auemos contado, fizose vn rruydo muy grande entre los señores que levauan el cuerpo del rrey don Alfonso rreçelandose de sus fijos de la dicha doña Leonor, que alli eran, los quales eran el conde don Enrrique e el maestre de Santiago don Fadrique e otrossi de algunos de sus parientes, assi commo don Pero Ponçe de Leon señor de Marchena e don Ferrand Perez Ponçe maestre de Alcantara su hermano e don Aluar Perez de Guzman. Ca sopieron

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Pérez Ponce, master of Alcántara and brother of Pero Ponce; Don Juan Alfonso de Guzmán, lord of Sanlúcar de Barrameda and of Vejer; Don Álvar Pérez de Guzmán, lord of Olvera; Don Enrique Enríquez and his son Fernán Enríquez, and others. Don Juan Alfonso, lord of Alburquerque, as soon as he saw that Doña Leonor had entered the town of Medina, discussed with some of those making that journey whether it would be advisable for Doña Leonor’s sons Count Enrique and the master of Santiago Don Fadrique to be treated as prisoners until it was seen how Doña Leonor was proceeding. Doña Leonor learned of this and was all the more frightened as a result. However, they were quick to remonstrate with her and she was given assurances and left the town. It is said that she trusted in these promises because they were made by Don Juan Núñez de Lara, lord of Vizcaya. Don Juan Núñez firmly believed that the assurance which had been given to Doña Leonor would be honoured and he was troubled by what happened subsequently: he had Doña Leonor’s welfare much at heart: his daughter Doña Juana was betrothed to Don Tello, son of King Alfonso and Doña Leonor, and was later to become his wife, as we shall go on to relate.

1350: CHAPTER IV How, as a result of Doña Leonor de Guzmán entering Medina, her sons and relatives broke away from the king and left for Algeciras and elsewhere, and how these events developed. When Doña Leonor de Guzmán entered the town of Medina to make arrangements for it, as we have related, a strong sense of disquiet spread among the lords escorting King Alfonso’s body: there was suspicion of those sons of Doña Leonor who were present, namely Count Enrique and Don Fadrique, master of Santiago, and also of some of their relatives such as Don Pero Ponce de León, lord of Marchena, his brother Don Fernán Pérez Ponce, master of Alcántara, and Don Álvar Pérez de Guzmán. These men had learned how Don

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commo don Iohan Alfonso señor de Alburquerque tratara que fuesen detenidos, cuydando que doña Leonor se pusiera en la villa de Medina por otra entençion. E despues que doña Leonor sallio de Medina, algunos de sus parientes fablaron en vno e acordaron de se apartar del rrey; ca sy fuesen a Seuilla rresçelauan de seer presos, ca luego aquel dia despues que de Medina partieron, el conde don Enrrique e el maestre de Santiago don Fadrique, sus fijos del rrey don Alfonso e de la dicha doña Leonor de Guzman, e don Pero Ponçe de Leon e don Ferrand Perez Ponçe, su hermano, e don Aluar Perez de Guzman e otros parientes de doña Leonor tomaron su camino para la villa e castillo de Moron. E es vn castillo muy fuerte, çerca de la tierra de moros e es de la horden de Alcantara. E tenielo el dicho don Ferrand Perez Ponçe maestre de Alcantara. E desque ay fueron, non aseguraron mucho ay e acordaron que estarian mejor en Algezira, que la tenia don Pero Ponçe, e fizieronlo assy. E tomaron luego su camino para Algezira el conde don Enrrique e don Pero Ponçe e Ferrand Enrriquez, fijo de don Enrique Enrriquez. E el maestre don Fadrique fue para la tierra de la horden de Santiago, e don Aluar Perez de Guzman fuesse para el su lugar de Oluera. E anssi se partieron todos estos segund auemos contado, ca el maestre de Alcantara don Ferrand Perez Ponçe finco en el su castillo de Moron. E el conde don Enrrique e don Pero Ponçe e Ferrand Enrriquez fueronse para Algezira, e otros caualleros con ellos.

Capitulo Vº. Commo los señores levaron el cuerpo del rrey don Alfonso a Seuilla e commo fue enterrado. El infante don Ferrando, fijo del rrey de Aragon, marques de Tortosa, señor de Albarrazin, sobrino deste rrey don Alfonso, fijo de la rreyna de Aragon doña Leonor su hermana, e don Iohan Nuñez de Lara señor

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Juan Alfonso, lord of Alburquerque, had been pressing for them to be arrested, in his belief that Doña Leonor had gone into the town of Medina with a hidden purpose. After Doña Leonor left Medina, some of her relatives spoke together and agreed to part from the king, since they feared that if they went to Seville they would be imprisoned: without losing any time, that same day − following their departure from Medina – the two sons of King Alfonso and Doña Leonor de Guzmán, Count Enrique and the master of Santiago Don Fadrique, together with Don Pero Ponce de León and his brother Don Fernán Pérez Ponce master of Alcántara, Don Álvar Pérez de Guzmán and others of Doña Leonor’s relatives, headed off towards the town and stronghold of Morón. This is a heavily fortified castle, standing near to the land of Moors and belonging to the Order of Alcántara. It was held by Don Fernán Pérez Ponce, master of Alcántara. Once there, they still did not feel much safer and they agreed that they would be better off in Algeciras, which was held by Don Pero Ponce, and that is where they decided to go. Count Enrique, Don Pero Ponce and Fernán Enríquez, son of Don Enrique Enríquez, lost no time in setting off for Algeciras. The master Don Fadrique headed for the territories of the Order and Don Álvar Pérez de Guzmán made his way to his town of Olvera.8 Thus all these lords went their different ways, as we have related, with the master of Alcántara, Don Fernán Pérez Ponce, remaining in his castle at Morón and Count Enrique, Don Pero Ponce and Fernán Enríquez, together with some other knights, heading for Algeciras.

1350: CHAPTER V How the lords escorted the body of King Alfonso to Seville and how it was interred. Prince Ferran, son of the king of Aragon, marquis of Tortosa and lord of Albarracín, nephew of King Alfonso of Castile and son of Queen Leonor of Aragon, King Alfonso’s sister; Don Juan Núñez de Lara,

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de Vizcaya e don Ferrando, señor de Villena, su sobrino de don Iohan Nuñez, fijo de su hermana doña Blanca, e don Iohan Alfonso señor de Alburquerque, e los otros señores e rricos omnes e caualleros que yuan con el cuerpo del rrey don Alfonso llegaron a la çibdat de Seuilla. E el rrey don Pedro, que rregnaua ya, e la rreyna doña Maria, su madre, muger del dicho rrey don Alfonso, e todos los otros que ý eran en Seuilla sallieron grand pieça fuera de la çibdat a rresçibir el cuerpo del rrey. E estudieron muy grand pieça en llegar con el cuerpo a la çibdat. E pusieronlo en la iglesia de Santa Maria e alli fueron fechos conplimientos segund que pertenesçia. E fue el cuerpo del rrey don Alfonso enterrado en la capilla de los rreyes en la eglesia de Santa Maria de Seuilla commo en manera de deposito, por quanto se mandara enterrar en la çibdat de Cordoua en la iglesia mayor de Santa Maria en la capilla do yazia el rrey don Ferrando su padre segund dicho auemos.

Capitulo VIº. Commo fue hordenado de algunos ofiçios de la casa del rrey e del rregno. Despues que el cuerpo del rrey don Alfonso fue enterrado en Seuilla en la capilla de los rreyes, segund que dicho auemos, los señores que eran con el rrey don Pedro hordenaron commo farian de los ofiçios de la casa del rrey e del rregno. E hordenaron assy: don Iohan Nuñez era alferez mayor del rrey don Alfonso e finco alferez del rrey don Pedro su fijo. Don Ferrando de Castro, fijo de don Pedro de la Guerra, que era de edad pequeño e estaua en Galizia, finco mayordomo mayor del rrey, que assy lo fuera su padre don Pedro. E el Adelantamiento de Castilla tenielo Ferrand Perez Puerto Carrero e por rruego de don Iohan Nuñez de Lara señor de Vizcaya dieronlo a Garci Laso de la Vega. La guarda mayor del

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lord of Vizcaya; Don Fernando, lord of Villena, nephew of Don Juan Núñez and son of his sister Doña Blanca; and Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque and the other lords, magnates and knights escorting the body of King Alfonso: this cortège now reached the city of Seville. King Pedro had already been installed as monarch. Together with his mother Queen María, who had been the wife of King Alfonso, and all the other citizens present in Seville, he travelled out a good distance to receive the king’s body. It took them a considerable time to accompany it into the city, and it was then placed in the church of Santa María, where it was honoured as was befitting. King Alfonso’s body was interred in the Royal Chapel in the church of Santa María in Seville as an initial resting place, since the late king had disposed that he was to be buried in the city of Córdoba in the cathedral church of Santa María in the chapel in which his father King Fernando also lay, as we have already explained.

1350: CHAPTER VI Concerning the allocation of some posts in the king’s household and in the kingdom. Once King Alfonso’s body had been interred in Seville in the Royal Chapel, as we have related, the lords who were present with King Pedro arranged how the posts in the king’s household and in the kingdom were to be filled.9 What they determined was as follows: Don Juan Núñez de Lara had been commander-in-chief of the army under King Alfonso and he continued to hold this position under his son King Pedro. Don Fernando de Castro – son of Don Pedro ‘of the War’– who was still a young man and was in Galicia at the time, became chief steward of the king’s household, a position which his father Don Pedro had also occupied.10 The governorship of Castile was currently held by Fernán Pérez Puertocarrero and at the request of Don Juan Núñez de Lara it was now assigned to Garci Laso de la Vega. The position of head of the royal

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rrey don Alfonso auiala Lope Diaz de [Almança] e dieronla a Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo. La copa auiala Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel e finco con su ofiçio. El escudilla auiala primero Garci Laso e dieronla a Ferrand Perez Puerto Carrero, a quien auian tirado el Adelantamiento de Castilla. La camara del rrey dieronla a Pero Suarez de Toledo, que era primero camarero mayor del rrey quando era infante. La rreposteria tenia Pero Ferrandez de Guadalajara e dieronla a Pero Suarez de Toledo el moço. El Adelantamiento de la Frontera tenialo primero el maestre don Fadrique e por el, Ferrand Enrriquez fijo de don Enrrique Enrriquez, e dieronlo al infante don Ferrando de Aragon marques de Tortosa, primo del rrey. E el Adelantamiento del rregno de Murçia tenielo don Ferrando de Villena e finco con el, pero a pocos dias fino el dicho don Ferrando, señor de Villena, e dieron el Adelantamiento a don Martin Gil, fijo de don Iohan Alfonso señor de Alburquerque. E assi partieron otros muchos ofiçios e dellos fincauan en los que los tenian en el tienpo del rrey don Alfonso e dellos dauan nueuamente a otros, segund que cada vno tenia sus ayudadores.

Capitulo VIIº. Commo el rrey enbio saber en que manera estaua Algezira, por quanto el conde don Enrrique e don Pero Ponçe fueron para alla. Segund dicho auemos, el conde don Enrrique e don Pero Ponçe de Leon e otros parientes de doña Leonor de Guzman estauan en Algezira, e don Ferrand Perez Ponçe maestre de Alcantara, en Moron, e el maestre don Fadrique, en su maestradgo; e don Alvar Perez de Guzman e don Iohan Alfonso de Guzman e don Enrrique Enrriquez eran ya en la merçed del rrey.

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bodyguard to King Alfonso had been held by Lope Díaz de Almazán and now it was given to Gutier Fernández de Toledo. Alfonso Fernández Coronel had been cup-bearer to the king and continued in his post. Garci Laso had held the position of keeper of the bowl, and this was now given to Fernán Pérez Puertocarrero, who had been relieved of the post of governor of Castile. The post of royal chamberlain was given to Pero Suárez de Toledo, who had previously been master chamberlain to King Pedro when he was a prince. The position of lord high butler had been held by Pero Fernández de Guadalajara and it was now assigned to Pero Suárez de Toledo the Younger. The governorship of the Frontier region had originally been held by the master Don Fadrique and on his behalf by Fernán Enríquez, son of Don Enrique Enríquez, and it was now assigned to Prince Ferran of Aragon, marquis of Tortosa and cousin of the king. The governorship of the kingdom of Murcia was in the hands of Don Fernando, lord of Villena, and it remained in his possession, although a few days later Don Fernando died and the governorship was entrusted to Don Martín Gil, son of Don Juan Alfonso, lord of Alburquerque. Many other posts were distributed in this way. Some of them remained in the hands of the men who had held them in the time of King Alfonso and some of them were passed to others for the first time, depending on the backing that each individual received.

1350: CHAPTER VII How the king sent for news of the state of affairs in Algeciras, as Count Enrique and Don Pero Ponce had gone there. As we have already said, Count Enrique, Don Pero Ponce de León and other relatives of Doña Leonor de Guzmán were in Algeciras; Don Fernán Pérez Ponce, master of Alcántara, was in Morón; the master Don Fadrique, was in the territories of his Order; and Don Álvar Pérez de Guzmán, Don Juan Alfonso de Guzmán and Don Enrique Enríquez had already placed themselves at the king’s service.

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E los que estauan en Seuilla con el rrey tenian que se començaria guerra, por que tantos e tan grandes señores commo estos se apartaran del rrey e tenian muchas e muy grandes fortalezas. E veyendo el rrey que la çibdat de Algezira estaua en grand peligro por la vezindad de los moros, que tenian tan çerca, e avn la guerra duraua estonçe, e temianse mucho de los señores que en ella se pusieran por quanto non estauan contentos de los que rregian el rregno. E enbio a saber el estado de la dicha çibdat e que rremedio se podria ý poner e enbio alla vn escudero criado del rrey don Alfonso su padre, que tenia la torre de Cartajena que el rrey don Alfonso ganara quando gano a Algezira. E aquel escudero era omne que siruia bien al rrey don Alfonso en la guerra e dezianle Lope de Cañizares. E fue para Algezira e entro en ella desconosçido e fablo con algunos que amauan serviçio del rrey aquellas cosas que el rrey le mando e en que manera podria el rrey seer seguro de la dicha çibdat por la entrada de aquellos señores que fizieron en ella. E ellos le dixeron commo aquellos señores estauan alli e se apoderauan cada dia mas en la dicha çibdat; enpero si el rrey les enbiasse esfuerço e acorro de gentes por la mar e por tierra, que aquellos tomarian la boz del rrey. E pensauan que con el esfuerço del rrey que ouiessen, los señores que alli entraran non osarian porfiar de esperar en la çibdat. E Lope de Cañizares, deque esto sopo, quisose tornar para el rrey e non pudia auer las puertas de la çibdat; ca todas estauan muy guardadas, señaladamente por quanto era dicho a aquellos señores commo el entrara en la çibdat, e fizieron mucho por lo auer e non lo pudieron fallar; ca algunos que amauan serviçio del rrey lo tenian escondido en sus casas. E algunos de aquellos con quien el dicho Lope de Cañizares fablara, pusieronlo de noche con cuerdas por el muro fuera e enbiaronlo al rrey a Seuilla. E llego alla e contole todo el estado de Algezira, e dixo al rrey que en todas maneras del mundo enbiasse acorro, sinon que fuesse çierto que los señores que estauan en Algezira tenian acordado de echar muchos

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The people accompanying the king in Seville expected that a war would break out, in view of the fact that so many lords of such standing had parted company with the king and these men possessed a large number of fortresses of very great strength. It was clear to the king that the city of Algeciras was in great danger because of the presence of the Moors so close by, given that at that time the state of war continued to exist; and in addition people were in great fear of the lords who had established themselves in the city because they were unhappy with those who were ruling the kingdom. So King Pedro sent for information about the state of the city and about what solution could be provided for it, dispatching one of his squires who had been brought up in the household of his father King Alfonso and who held Torre Cartagena which King Alfonso had won when he took Algeciras. This squire was a man called Lope de Cañizares who had served King Alfonso well in the war. He made his way to Algeciras and, entering the city under cover, he spoke to some people who were loyal to the king about the matter that King Pedro had entrusted to him and asked how far the king might be certain about the city in the light of how those lords had installed themselves there. They told him how the lords were present in the city, day by day gaining control over it, but said that, if the king sent them assistance and troops in support by sea and land, they would declare themselves for King Pedro; and that they believed that, in view of the support which they received from the king, the lords who had entered the city would not dare to persist in staying there. Once Lope de Cañizares discovered this, he sought to get back to the king. He could not find a way through the gates of the city, for they were all heavily guarded, particularly because the lords had been told how he had entered the city. In spite of making a great effort to catch him they were unable to track him down, for people loyal to the king kept him hidden in their homes. By night some of those people with whom Lope de Cañizares had been in discussion let him down on ropes over the city walls and sent him on his way to the king in Seville. On his arrival he informed the king fully about the state of Algeciras and told him that at all costs he should send assistance, for otherwise he could be certain that the lords who were in Algeciras were determined

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de los que amauan su serviçio de la çibdat e por ventura de los matar e se apoderar del lugar. E mostro al rrey commo traya todas las manos tajadas de la cuerda, quando lo pusieron fuera de la çibdat por el muro.

Capitulo VIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro mando a Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo, su guarda mayor, que fuesse Algezira con galeas, e commo el conde don Enrrique e don Pero Ponçe dexaron la çibdat e entro en ella Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo. El rrey don Pedro e los del su consejo desque sopieron el ardid e las nueuas que Lope de Cañizares contara de la çibdat de Algezira e commo los de la dicha çibdat le enbiauan dezir que los acorriese con conpañas, si non que estauan en grand peligro, mando luego armar galeas, e dellas estauan avn armadas por la guerra de los moros, que avn non era çesada. E mando el rrey a Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo, que era vn cauallero muy bueno e de grand esfuerço, que entrasse en las galeas e diole mucha gente de armas e enbiolo a Algezira. E Gutier Ferrandez partio luego de Seuilla e fizo commo el rrey mando, e llego a Algezira vna grand mañana. E assi commo llego, començaron las gentes de armas que en las galeas vinian a sallir a tierra. E los vezinos de la çibdat de Algezira, quando vieron el esfuerço del rrey, llegaronsse todos con los que sallieron de la mar e començaron a dar muy grandes bozes llamando ‘Castilla por el rrey don Pedro’. E el conde e don Pero Ponçe e los que con ellos eran non pudieron pelear con los de la çibdat e con los de las galeas que estonçe llegaran, ca eran muchos mas que non ellos. E abrieron vna puerta que tenian por si e sallieron todos en vno e desenpararon la çibdat, e fueronse dende para Moron, do estaua el maestre de Alcantara don Ferrand Perez Ponçe, hermano de don Pero Ponçe.

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to expel from the city many of those who were loyal to him or perhaps to kill them and seize control. He showed the king how his hands were scored by the rope from when he had been lowered down from the city walls.

1350: CHAPTER VIII How King Pedro sent Gutier Fernández de Toledo, the head of the royal bodyguard, to Algeciras with a fleet of galleys; and how Count Enrique and Don Pero Ponce left the city and Gutier Fernández de Toledo entered it. King Pedro and the members of his council learned about Lope de Cañizares’ ruse and heard his report of how the people of Algeciras were sending a request for troops to be sent to assist them – for otherwise they would be in grave danger. He then immediately ordered galleys to be armed. Indeed, some of them were still equipped for the war with the Moors, which had not yet ended. The king instructed that Gutier Fernández de Toledo, a fine and valiant knight, take charge of the galleys; he provided him with a large number of troops, and dispatched him to Algeciras. Gutier Fernández lost no time in setting off from Seville and carrying out the king’s command. He reached Algeciras early one morning and, as soon as he arrived, the armed troops in the galleys began to come ashore. The citizens of Algeciras, on seeing the force sent by the king, all joined with the soldiers emerging from the sea and began to shout loudly ‘Castile, Castile for King Pedro!’ The count and Don Pero Ponce and those with them were not in a position to fight against the people of the city and the men from the galleys who had just arrived, for they were heavily outnumbered by them; and so they opened a gate that they had kept for their own use and all rode out together, abandoning the city and moving on from there to Morón, to join Don Fernán Pérez Ponce, master of Alcántara and brother of Don Pero Ponce.

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E Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo, despues que el conde don Enrrique e don Pero Ponçe partieron de Algezira, finco apoderado en la çibdat de Algezira. E enbio al rrey a Seuilla a le contar commo la çibdat de Algezira estaua por el e commo el conde e don Pero Ponçe eran partidos de alli e dexaron la çibdat. E el escudero de Gutier Ferrandez llego a Seuilla en vn leño e conto estas nueuas al rrey, e plogole mucho con ellas e mandole luego tornar para Algezira. E enbio sus cartas al dicho Gutier Ferrandez commo le tenia en serviçio señalado lo que fiziera e que le queria fazer merçed de la dicha tenençia de la çibdat de Algezira, que era estonçe muy grande. E Gutier Ferrandez dixo que ge lo tenia en merçed, pero mas quiso yrse para el e andar en la su corte.

Capitulo IXº. Commo el conde don Enrrique e don Pero Ponçe venieron para Marchena. En estos dias que pasaron assi estos fechos, el rrey don Pedro adolesçio en guisa que cuydaron que moriera de aquella dolençia, e ouo en la su corte e en el rregno muy grandes bolliçios sobre saber quien rregnaria segund contaremos. E el conde don Enrrique e don Pero Ponçe llegaronse estonçe mas a Seuilla e venieron para un lugar de don Pero Ponçe que dizian Marchena. E despues que llegaron, enbiaron a Sevilla e fizieron ý venir a don Ferrando señor de Ledesma, hermano del conde don Enrrique, que era fijo del rrey don Alfonso e de doña Leonor de Guzman, el qual criaua el rrey don Pedro quando era infante. E desque llego en Marchena, desposaronlo con vna fija de don Pero Ponçe, que dizian doña Maria Ponçe; enpero non caso con ella, que a poco tienpo fino el dicho don Ferrando.

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Once Count Enrique and Don Pero Ponce had left Algeciras, Gutier Fernández de Toledo assumed control of the city. He then sent word to Seville to inform the king how Algeciras had declared its support for him and how the count and Don Pero Ponce had left, abandoning the city. Gutier Fernández’s squire reached Seville in a small sailing ship and reported these developments to the king, pleasing him greatly. King Pedro then commanded that the squire go straight back to Algeciras and sent Gutier Fernández a letter informing him that he valued very highly what he had done and that he wished to grant him the position of governor of the city of Algeciras, which at that time was of great size. Gutier Fernández replied to him that he was grateful to him for this but that he wished instead to go to be with the king and be part of his court.

1350: CHAPTER IX How Count Enrique and Don Pero Ponce moved on to Marchena. During the days when these events were taking place, King Pedro fell victim of an illness so grave that it was believed that it would cause his death. In the court and in the kingdom there was very serious concern over the question of who was to reign, as we shall go on to relate. Count Enrique and Don Pero Ponce then headed towards Seville and made their way to a place called Marchena which belonged to Don Pero Ponce. On their arrival, they sent word to Seville and had Don Fernando, lord of Ledesma, brought to Marchena. He was a brother of Count Enrique and son of King Alfonso and Doña Leonor de Guzmán and had been brought up in the court of King Pedro when he was a prince. On Fernando’s arrival in Marchena it was arranged for him to be betrothed to a daughter of Don Pero Ponce, whose name was Doña María Ponce. However, Fernando did not reach the point of marrying her, as he died shortly afterwards.

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E el maestre de Alcantara don Ferrand Perez Ponçe, estaua en el su castillo de Moron, que es de la horden de Alcantara; enpero todos estos señores que assy andauan apartados del rrey cada dia trayan sus pleytesias con el rrey por se venir a la su merçed; commo se fizo, adelante lo contaremos.

Capitulo Xº. Commo doña Leonor de Guzman fue presa en Seuilla publicamente e commo el conde don Enrrique su fijo e los otros señores fueron en la merçed del rrey. Agora tornaremos a contar commo paso doña Leonor de Guzman desque llego a Seuilla. E deuedes saber que despues que doña Leonor entro en la su villa de Medina Sidonia, e sallio despues por pleytesia e seguro que le fizieron, e se partieron sus fijos el conde e el maestre de Santiago e los otros sus parientes segun dicho auemos; despues de aquello, sienpre fue tenida commo presa. Enpero despues que llego a Seuilla, fue mas declarada su prision. E pusieronla en el alcaçar del rrey, en vn palaçio e alli la tenian bien guardada. E commo quier que estaua assi presa doña Leonor, los priuados del rrey dixieron que era bien que el rrey cobrasse los suyos que non se partiessen del. E dizianlo por el conde e el maestre, sus hermanos, e por el maestre de Alcantara don Ferrant Perez Ponçe e por don Pero Ponçe, que estauan apartados e espantados del rrey. E trataron con el conde don Enrrique e don Pero Ponçe, que estauan en Marchena, e con el maestre de Alcantara, que era en Moron, que se viniessen a la merçed del rrey, e assi lo fizieron. E todos se vinieron para Seuilla al rrey, e asosegaronsse estos fechos segunt cunplia a serviçio del rrey.

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Don Fernán Pérez Ponce, master of Alcántara, was in his castle at Morón, which belongs to the Order. However, all those lords who had broken away from the king, steadily, day by day, were coming to him to negotiate their return to his favour. How these matters proceeded we shall go on to relate.

1350: CHAPTER X How Doña Leonor de Guzmán was publicly taken prisoner in Seville, and how her son Count Enrique and the other lords placed themselves at the king’s disposition. Now we shall return to the account of what befell Doña Leonor de Guzmán on her arrival in Seville. Doña Leonor had entered her town of Medina Sidonia and left it again after an agreement had been reached and an assurance of safe conduct given, and her sons, the count and the master of Santiago, had broken away from the king together with her other relatives. You should be aware that, from that point on, she had at all times been held as a prisoner. However, once she had arrived in Seville her confinement became more apparent. She was placed in the king’s alcázar, in royal apartments, and there she was kept under close guard.11 However, although Doña Leonor was being held like this, the king’s confidants argued that the right way to proceed was by winning his subjects over so that they would not break away from him. They said this on account of his brothers Count Enrique and the master of Santiago, and of Don Fernán Pérez Ponce, master of Alcántara, and Don Pero Ponce, who were alienated from the king and in terror of him. They negotiated with the count and Don Pero Ponce, who were in Marchena, and with the master of Alcántara, who was in Morón, for them to come and place themselves at the king’s disposition. They agreed to do this, all of them coming before the king in Seville; and these events occurred peaceably as befitted their loyal service to the king.

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E enbio el rrey sus cartas al maestre de Santiago don Fadrique su hermano, el qual estaua en la tierra de su maestradgo de Santiago, que le esperasse en su tierra para quando el pasasse por alli e fuese a Castilla, e que alli libraria sus fechos muy bien, e assy lo fizo segund adelante contaremos. Enpero el rrey ordeno e mando que los castillos de la horden de Alcantara touiessen caualleros de la horden por el e fiziessen pleyto por ellos e non los entregassen nin acogiessen al maestre de Alcantara sin su mandamiento e assy se fizo.

Capitulo XIº. Commo el rrey puso sus fronteros contra los moros e commo se fizo la guerra luego. Otrossi despues que el rrey don Alfonso morio, avn finco la guerra con los moros segund que era primero. E el rrey don Pedro puso sus fronteros contra tierra de moros, de los quales enbio al infante don Ferrando su primo, marques de Tortosa, señor de Albarrezin, fijo del rrey don Alfonso de Aragon e de la rreyna doña Leonor, hermana del rrey don Alfonso de Castilla, su adelantado mayor de la frontera, a la villa de Eçija. Otrossy enbio ý a la dicha villa de Eçija por frontero, al maestre de Santiago don Fadrique, su hermano del rrey. E eran estos mill de cauallo, caualleros e escuderos muy buenos que estauan con ellos, dellos vasallos del rrey e dellos suyos, destos señores, infante e maestre. E enbio al obispado de Iahen por frontero a don Iohan Nuñez de Prado, maestre de Calatrava e a don Enrrique Enrriquez e a Men Rodriguez de Biedma, cabdillo del obispado de Iahen. E puso en Moron al maestre de Alcantara e a don Pero Ponçe de Leon. E en Castro de Rio, a don Ferrando señor de Villena, con los caualleros de Cordoba. E en Xerez, a don Iohan Alfonso de Guzman e a don Aluar Perez de Guzman. E anssy partio sus fronteros por las otras partes del Andalozia segunt entendio que cunplian a su serviçio e defendimiento

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The king wrote to his brother, Don Fadrique, master of Santiago, who was in the territories of his Order, instructing him to wait for him in his lands until he travelled through there on his way to Castile and assuring him that he would see that his affairs prospered. This he did, as we shall relate at a later point. However, the king gave a firm command that the castles of the Order of Alcántara should be held by knights of the Order in the king’s name and that they should do homage to him for them; they should not hand them over or grant access to them to the master of Alcántara, except on the king’s instructions. His command was obeyed.

1350: CHAPTER XI How the king assigned field commanders to the border areas against the Moors and how the war then developed. Moreover, after King Alfonso’s death the state of war against the Moors continued to exist and King Pedro assigned field commanders to the areas bordering the Moorish territories. Among these was his cousin, Prince Ferran, marquis of Tortosa and lord of Albarracín, son of King Alfons of Aragon and of Queen Leonor, who was the sister of King Alfonso of Castile. Prince Ferran, his governor general for the Frontier region, was sent to the town of Écija. The king also appointed as a field commander in Écija his brother Don Fadrique, master of Santiago. Altogether, they were accompanied by 1,000 mounted troops, fine knights and squires, some of them vassals of the king and some vassals of these two lords, the prince and the master of Santiago. To the diocese of Jaén King Pedro sent as field commanders Don Juan Núñez de Prado, master of Calatrava, Don Enrique Enríquez and Men Rodríguez de Biedma, military commander in that diocese. To Morón he assigned the master of Alcántara and Don Pero Ponce de León; to Castro del Río Don Fernando, lord of Villena, with the knights of Córdoba; and to Jerez Don Juan Alfonso de Guzmán and Don Álvar Pérez de Guzmán. Likewise he distributed his field commanders throughout the other parts

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de la tierra, e estudieron ý algunos dias. Pero en este tienpo nin los moros entraron a tierra de christianos nin los christianos a tierra de moros para que se fiziesse cosa que de contar sea. E luego a pocos dias trataron treguas e çeso la guerra despues aca con los moros, saluo vn poco tienpo que el rrey don Pedro les fizo guerra en ayuda al rrey Mahomad contra el rrey Bermejo; en aquel tienpo, maguera fue pequeña, que non duro aquella guerra mas de dos meses. E el rrey don Pedro auia ganado çiertos castillos de moros segund adelante diremos, e despues se perdieron todos saluo vno que dizen Benamexir, que es de la horden de Santiago e es hoy de christianos.

Capitulo XIIº. Commo el conde don Enrrique vio a doña Leonor su madre e commo se echo con doña Iohana escondidamente e del enojo que ouo el rrey por ello e commo fuxo el conde para Asturias por quanto le querian prender. Despues que el conde don Enrrique, fijo del rrey don Alfonso e de doña Leonor de Guzman, e los otros señores fueron en la merçed del rrey, segund dicho auemos, el conde yua a ueer cada dia a doña Leonor, su madre, do estaua presa en el alcaçar del rrey en Seuilla. E estaua con ella doña Iohana fija de don Iohan Manuel, que era esposa del dicho conde don Enrrique. E por quanto doña Leonor sopo que le era dicho estonçe que don Ferrando señor de Villena, hermano de la dicha doña Iohana, trataua por partir este casamiento e que casase su hermana con el rrey don Pedro o con el infante don Ferrando de Aragon, primo del rrey, que alli estaua, fablo doña Leonor de Guzman con el conde su fijo que fiziesse bodas con la dicha doña Iohana e assi lo fizo el conde e consumio el dicho matrimonio escondidamente en aquel palaçio a do la dicha doña Iohana estaua con doña Leonor su madre. E desto peso mucho al rrey e a doña Maria su madre, e a don Iohan Alfonso señor de

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of Andalusia, as he judged most appropriate for his loyal service and for the defence of the land. They remained there for some days, but during that time neither did the Moors enter the lands of Christians nor did the Christians go onto Moorish territory to perform any acts worthy of mention. Just a few days later a truce was agreed and since that time the war with the Moors has ceased, with the exception of a short period when King Pedro waged war on them in support of King Muhammad against the Red King.12 During that period – although the war was short and lasted no more than two months – King Pedro had captured a number of castles belonging to the Moors, as will be related in due course, but they were all subsequently lost, with the exception of one, called Benamejí, which belongs to the Order of Santiago and is today in Christian hands.

1350: CHAPTER XII How Count Enrique saw his mother, Doña Leonor de Guzmán; how he lay with Doña Juana in secret; how the king was angered by this and how the count fled to Asturias to avoid arrest. Once Count Enrique, son of King Alfonso and Doña Leonor de Guzmán, and the other lords had sworn allegiance to the king, as we have already related, the count went every day to see his mother, Doña Leonor, imprisoned in the king’s alcázar in Seville. Don Juan Manuel’s daughter, Doña Juana, who was betrothed to Count Enrique, was with her there.13 Doña Leonor discovered – for she was told this at the time – that Don Fernando, lord of Villena, was attempting to put an end to this engagement and arrange for his sister to marry King Pedro or the king’s cousin, Prince Ferran of Aragon, who was present there too. For this reason, Doña Leonor de Guzmán spoke to her son the count, telling him to marry Doña Juana. The count did so and consummated the marriage in secret in the apartments where Juana was accompanying his mother, Doña Leonor. When this was discovered, it caused great annoyance to the king, to his mother Queen

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Alburquerque e a los otros priuados del rrey quando lo sopieron. E por esta rrazon fue mas afincada la prision de doña Leonor e non dexauan al conde que la fuesse veer nin a otro alguno de los que eran de su partida. E estonçe la levaron presa a Carmona. Enpero el casamiento finco fecho e la dicha doña Iohana por muger del dicho conde e de alli adelante llamauanla condesa. E a pocos dias despues desto, fue dicho al conde don Enrrique que le queria prender el rrey e fuxo de Seuilla para Asturias e fueron con el dos caualleros suyos, los quales eran Pero Carrillo e Men Rodriguez de Senabria, e levauan rrostros de cuero por que los non conosçiesen en el camino e assy pasaron por todo el rregno fasta que fueron en Asturias.

Capitulo XIIIº. De la dolençia que ouo el rrey don Pedro en el primero año que rregno e llego a peligro de muerte e commo se trataua quien rregnaria. Estando el rrey don Pedro en Seuilla, en este dicho año que el rrey don Alfonso su padre fino, en el mes de agosto, ouo vna grand dolençia, que cuydaron que non podria escapar, e llego al punto de la muerte. E ouo grand bulliçio e grandes consejos entre los señores que estauan estonçe en Seuilla [sobre] quien rregnaria en Castilla e en Leon, por quanto el dicho rrey don Pedro non auia fijo nin hermano legitimo, heredero de los dichos rregnos. E algunos tenian que el infante don Ferrando fijo del rrey de Aragon marques de Tortosa, que era primo del rrey e nieto del rrey don Ferrando de Castilla, legitimo fijo de su fija doña Leonor rreyna de Aragon, rreygnaria, por quanto su madre, la rreyna doña Leonor, fuera prima genita fija del rrey don Ferrando, hermana del rrey don Alfonso, e fuera jurada en los rregnos

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María, and to Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque and the king’s other confidants. It was for this reason that Doña Leonor’s confinement was made harsher and she was not allowed to be seen by the count or by any other of her allies. She was then taken as a prisoner to Carmona. Nevertheless, the marriage still stood: Doña Juana remained as wife of the count and henceforth was known as the countess. A few days afterwards Count Enrique was informed that the king intended to arrest him. He fled from Seville to Asturias accompanied by two of his knights: Pero Carrillo and Men Rodríguez de Sanabria. They wore leather masks in order not to be recognized on the way, and in this fashion they travelled the length of the kingdom until they arrived in Asturias.

1350: CHAPTER XIII Concerning the illness that Don Pedro suffered in the first year of his reign, which put him in mortal danger, and the negotiations with regard to who was to succeed to the throne. While King Pedro was in Seville during that same year of his father’s death, in the month of August he suffered a serious illness from which it was thought that he would not recover and which brought him to the point of death. In the court this led to great anxiety and there was much consultation among the lords currently in Seville with regard to who would reign in Castile and León, since King Pedro had neither a child nor a legitimate brother to inherit those kingdoms. Some supported the claim of Prince Ferran, son of the king of Aragon and marquis of Tortosa, who was a cousin of the king and grandson of King Fernando of Castile, being a legitimate son of King Fernando’s daughter Doña Leonor, queen of Aragon. His supporters maintained that he should inherit the throne as his mother, Queen Leonor, had been the first-born daughter of King Fernando and was the sister of King Alfonso, and she had received an oath of allegiance as heiress to

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de Castilla e de Leon segund costunbre de España, antes que nasçiese el rrey don Alfonso, su hermano, por quanto nasçiera primero. E avn dizian los que esto dizian que el rrey don Alfonso en su testamento assi lo mandara, que si alguna cosa acaesçiesse del rrey don Pedro su fijo sin fijos herederos, que el rregno ouiesse e lo heredasse el infante don Ferrando de Aragon, su sobrino, fijo de su hermana. E avn tratauan que casase el dicho infante don Ferrando con la rreyna doña Maria, muger que fuera del rrey don Alfonso, padre del rrey don Pedro, e madre ella, eso mesmo que era, del dicho rrey don Pedro, e que aurian dispensaçion del Papa. E este casamiento tratauan los que en este fecho eran, por auer al rrey de Portogal en ayuda. E en este consejo eran don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, e don Iohan Nuñez, maestre de Calatrava e otros. E otrossi otros muchos señores e caualleros tenian que deuia rregnar don Iohan Nuñez de Lara señor de Vizcaya, que estaba alli; ca dizian que venia de los del linaje de la Çerda, ca era fijo legitimo de don Ferrando de la Çerda, que fue [hermano] de don Alfonso de la Çerda [e] fijo legitimo del infante don Ferrando, heredero de Castilla. E dizian que pues que desçendia don Iohan Nuñez de los de la Çerda en esta manera que dicho auemos, que deuia rregnar. E esto tratauan estonçe don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel e Garci Laso e otros caualleros de Castilla que tenian la partida de don Iohan Nuñez. E commo quier que todos dizian que esto non podia ser, que don Iohan Nuñez de Lara ouiesse la herençia del rregno por la parte de los de la Çerda; ca don Alfonso de la Çerda tomara emienda, seyendo juezes dello los rreyes don Donis de Portogal e el rrey don Jaymes de Aragon, e rrenunçiara todo derecho si lo auia en los rregnos de Castilla e de Leon. E los que querian tener la parte de don Iohan Nuñez tratauan estonçe que casasse el dicho don Iohan Nuñez con la rreyna doña Maria, muger que fue del rrey don Alfonso e fija que era del rrey don Alfonso de Portogal e que aurian por ayuda al dicho rrey de Portogal su padre. E esta rreyna doña Maria era nieta del rrey don Sancho de Castilla e era fija de la rreyna doña Beatriz de Portogal, que fuera su fija. E sobre estas cosas ouo alli muchas contiendas e

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the kingdoms of Castile and León, as was the custom in Spain. This had been before the birth of her brother, King Alfonso, as she had been the first born. In addition, those who argued in favour of this claimed that King Alfonso in his will had directed that if his son, King Pedro, should suffer some mishap without producing male heirs, the throne should pass to and be inherited by Prince Ferran of Aragon, his nephew and son of his sister. There was also an attempt to arrange for Prince Ferran to marry Queen María, who had been the wife of King Alfonso and was no other than the mother of King Pedro: for this to be done dispensation would be obtained from the Pope. The people involved were trying to bring this marriage about in order to win the support of the king of Portugal, and Don Juan Alfonso of Alburquerque and Don Juan Núñez, master of Calatrava, and others were party to this scheme. In addition to this, there were many other lords and knights who maintained that the throne should go to Don Juan Núñez de Lara, lord of Vizcaya, who was present there.14 This, they said, was because he was descended from the line of the Cerda family, being the legitimate son of Don Fernando de la Cerda, brother of Don Alfonso de la Cerda and legitimate son of Prince Fernando, heir to Castile.15 They argued that, since Don Juan Núñez was descended from the royal house through the Cerda family, in the way in which we have just explained, he had the right to be king. These arguments were being put forward at that time by Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel, by Garci Laso and by other knights of Castile who gave their backing to Don Juan Núñez, although it was generally accepted that it was not possible for Don Juan Núñez to inherit the kingdom through the line of the Cerda family, as Don Alfonso de la Cerda, with King Dinis of Portugal and King Jaume of Aragon acting as arbiters, had accepted compensation in return for renouncing any right that he might have to the kingdoms of Castile and León. Those who sought to promote the cause of Don Juan Núñez were at that time trying to bring about his marriage with Queen María, the widow of King Alfonso of Castile and daughter of King Afonso of Portugal, in such a way that they would have the support of María’s father, the king of Portugal. Queen María was a granddaughter of King Sancho of Castile and her mother was Beatriz, queen of Portugal, Sancho’s daughter. These matters gave rise

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porfias entre los señores que eran estonçe en Seuilla; pero el rrey guaresçio e çesaron estas quistiones, commo quier que por algunas maneras que alli se touieron, partio don Iohan Nuñez de Lara señor de Vizcaya, de Seuilla mal contento. E muchos caualleros del rregno que auian tenido su intençion del dicho don Iohan Nuñez, partieron mal pagados del rrey. E dauan todos a entender que les non plazia por quanto gobernaua el rrey e el rregno, don Iohan Alfonso señor de Alburquerque, porque era natural del rregno de Portogal, otrossi non era amigo del dicho don Iohan Nuñez.

Capitulo XIIIIº. Commo don Iohan Nuñez de Lara se fue a Castilla e lo que alla se trato; e commo fino luego este año el e don Ferrando señor de Villena, su sobrino, e de otras cosas que acaesçieron en este tiempo. Despues que el rrey don Pedro fue sano de la dolençia que ouo, partio de Seuilla don Iohan Nuñez de Lara señor de Vizcaya, para Castilla, e fue mal contento por quanto don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, el qual sienpre ouiera por contrario por las behetrias de Castilla, agora lo veya que tenia en su poder la priuança del rrey e gouernança del rregno. E luego que llego en Castilla, don Iohan Nuñez trataua con algunos caualleros e con algunos de la çibdat de Burgos tales maneras: que si el biuiera, non consintiera que don Iohan Alfonso se apoderara tanto en el rregimiento del rrey e del rregno, commo fizo. E ouiera por ello grandes discordias, ca todos los caualleros de Castilla o los mas tenian con don Iohan Nuñez en esta rrazon. E a pocos dias que llego don

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to numerous disputes and disagreements among the lords who were present in Seville at that time. Nevertheless, the king recovered from his illness and all these discussions came to an end, although, as a result of some animosity which arose there, Don Juan Núñez de Lara, lord of Vizcaya, departed from Seville in a state of annoyance. Many other knights of the realm who had given their support to Don Juan parted from the king in discontentment, all of them making clear their displeasure at the fact that Don Juan Alfonso, lord of Alburquerque, had power over both the king and the kingdom, for he was a native of the kingdom of Portugal and in addition he was no friend of Don Juan Núñez.

1350: CHAPTER XIV How Don Juan Núñez de Lara travelled to Castile and what was discussed there; how shortly afterwards in this same year there occurred both the death of Don Juan and that of his nephew Don Fernando, lord of Villena; and concerning other events which took place during this period. Once King Pedro had recovered from his illness, Don Juan Núñez de Lara, lord of Vizcaya, left Seville for Castile. He departed in a state of annoyance because he could now see that Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque, with whom he had always been at odds over the landholdings known as ‘behetrías’ in Castile, enjoyed a dominant position in the confidence of the king and in the governance of the realm.16 As soon as Don Juan Núñez arrived in Castile, he held discussions with a number of knights and with some of the citizens of Burgos on how, as long as he lived, he might prevent Don Juan Alfonso from exercising such dominance over the king and the realm as was now the case. This matter had caused much friction, for all the knights of Castile – or the majority of them – were in agreement with Don Juan Núñez in this respect. However, just a few days after Don Juan

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Iohan Nuñez en Castilla, fino en la çibdat de Burgos, domingo veynte e ocho dias de nouienbre deste dicho año, e alli yaze enterrado en el monesterio de Sand Pablo. E en este año mesmo fino en su tierra don Ferrando señor de Villena, fijo de don Iohan Manuel, sobrino de don Iohan Nuñez, fijo de doña Blanca, hermana del dicho don Iohan Nuñez. E dexo el dicho don Ferrando vna fija, que dixeron doña Blanca, la qual ouo de su muger doña Iohana Despina, fija del infante de Aragon, que dizian don Remon Berenguel. La qual doña Blanca fue despues trayda por mandado del rrey don Pedro a Seuilla e alli fino, segund adelante veremos, e finco toda su tierra, que se dizia tierra de don Iohan e agora se llama el Marquesado, en el rrey don Pedro, ca non dexara ningund otro heredero la dicha doña Blanca. E lo que finco deste año estudo el rrey don Pedro en Seuilla, ca fincara muy flaco de la dolençia que ouiera. E todos los fechos e libramientos del rregno e de la casa del rrey se fazian por mandado de don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque. E eran priuados del rrey don Pedro, Pero Suarez de Toledo, su camarero mayor, e Gutier Ferrandez, su hermano, que era guarda mayor del rrey e otros sus parientes. E puso don Iohan Alfonso por thesorero del rrey a don Simuel el Leui, que fuera primero su almoxarife del dicho don Iohan Alfonso. E el rrey non se entremetia de ningunos libramientos si non que andaua a caça con falcones garçeros e altaneros. Otrossi en este año, en quanto duro la guerra de los moros, se començo a levar la camareria del sueldo, que son quarenta marauedis del millar, lo que nunca fue en Castilla fasta estonçe. Enpero era verdat que si el rrey tenia dineros en su camara e mandaua dar a algunos en dinero contado, estonçe el camarero leuaua los quarenta marauedis de aquel millar; pero non del sueldo que se libraua por ponimientos, nin se auia acostunbrado fasta aqui.

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Núñez’s arrival in Castile, he died in the city of Burgos on Sunday the 28th of November of the year in question, and there he lies interred in the convent of San Pablo. In the same year there occurred the death, on his own lands, of Don Fernando, lord of Villena, the son of Don Juan Manuel. Don Fernando was a nephew of Don Juan Núñez, as his mother was Doña Blanca, Don Juan Núñez’s sister. Don Fernando left a daughter named Doña Blanca that his wife Doña Juana Despina − the daughter of Don Ramon Berenguer, a prince of Aragon – had borne him. Doña Blanca was later brought at King Pedro’s command to Seville, where she met her death as we shall see in due course. All her land, which was at the time known as ‘Don Juan’s land’ but is now called ‘the Marquisate’, reverted to King Pedro, as Doña Blanca had left no other heir. King Pedro stayed for the remainder of this year in Seville, for his illness had left him very weak. All the measures and decisions affecting the realm and the royal household were taken on the orders of Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque. King Pedro’s confidants were Pero Suárez de Toledo, his master chamberlain, his brother Gutier Fernández, who was the head of the royal bodyguard, and other members of Pero Suárez’s family. Don Juan Alfonso appointed as the king’s treasurer Don Samuel Ha-Levi, who had previously served Don Juan Alfonso as his collector of taxes. The king was not involved in the taking of any decisions but spent his time hunting with falcons, pursuing herons and high-flying prey. This year, too, as long as the war with the Moors lasted, they began to levy the chamberlain’s tax on wages – at a rate of 40 maravedís in the thousand. This had never been done in Castile until now: it was the case that, if the king had money in his coffers and directed that a payment of a sum in cash be made to someone, then the chamberlain was accustomed to levy 40 maravedís in the thousand, but this was not levied as a tax paid on authorized payments of wages nor had such a custom existed until this time.17

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AÑO SEGUNDO que el rrey don Pedro rregno, que fue en el año del Nasçimiento de nuestro Señor Ihesu Christo de mill e trezientos e çinquenta e vno e de la era de Çesar mill e trezientos e ochenta e nueue.

Capitulo primero. Por que rrazon llaman e dizen en Castilla la era de Çesar e en otras partidas, el año del Encarnaçion o Nasçimiento de Ihesu Christo, e en la corte del Papa tienen la cuenta de la indiçion e los judios, del Criamiento del mundo, e los moros, del comienço del su falso Mahomad, e cada cuenta destas commo se conosçe. Por quanto en esta coronica dezimos en cada tiempo, quando acaesçe, el año del Nasçimiento de Nuestro Señor Ihesu Christo e otrossi de la era de Çesar e del Criamiento del mundo e del año de los alarabes, queremos aca declarar cada cuento destos por que se puso e commo se guarda e se falla en el año segundo que el sobre dicho rrey don Pedro rregno, començando los años de aqui adelante, sienpre en el primero dia de enero. E fue este año del Nasçimiento de Nuestro Señor Ihesu Christo de mill e trezientos e çinquenta e vno, e del Criamiento del mundo segund la cuenta de los ebreos en çinco mill e çiento e honze años, e del año de los alarabes sieteçientos e çinquenta e tres, e de la era de Çesar, segunt costunbre de España, mill e trezientos e ochenta e nueue. E fue esta era de Çesar Octauiano, e la rrazon por que es esta era de Çesar, es esta. Este enperador, que ouo nonbre Otauiano Çesar A[u]gusto, sobrino del enperador Jullio Çesar, fizo paz con todas las gentes que eran en el mundo e pusolas so su señorio, e fueron sus

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YEAR TWO (1351) of the reign of King Pedro, which was 1,351 years after the birth of Our Lord Jesus Christ; 1,389 years counting from the era of Caesar. 1351: CHAPTER I Concerning the reason why in Castile people use and make reference to the term ‘the era of Caesar’ but elsewhere they talk of the year of the Incarnation or of the birth of Jesus Christ; in the court of the Pope events are dated by the indiction; the Jews reckon from the creation of the world; and the Moors from the beginning of the time of their false prophet Muhammad; and how each of these reckonings is determined. Since in this chronicle we state, for each year, how long has passed since the birth of the Lord Jesus Christ and also since the era of Caesar, since the creation of the world and since the beginning of the period of the Arabs, we wish at this point to explain why each of these ways of counting the years came into being and how each is established and calculated for this second year of King Pedro’s reign, from here on always reckoning the years from the first day of January. This was the year 1351 counting from the birth of Our Lord Jesus Christ; and from the creation of the world, by the reckoning of the Hebrews, the year 5111; and from the beginning of the period of the Arabs 753, and from the era of Caesar, according to Spanish custom, 1389. This was the era of Octavian Caesar and the reason why this era is known as that of Caesar is as follows: this emperor, whose name was Octavian Augustus Caesar and who was the nephew of Emperor Julius Caesar, made peace with all the peoples of the world and placed them under his lordship; they were his subjects and he was

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subditos, e fue monarchia, que es dicha en latin, vn señor de todo el mundo. E fue dicho en su tienpo era, e finco en costunbre en España de seer assi llamados los tienpos por quanto el dicho Otauiano Çesar A[u]gusto ordeno que fasta çiertos años, que todos los de sus señorios se viniessen a escreuir, por saber quantos eran cada vno en su comarca, e diesse cada vno vn dinero en señal de señorio, que todo el mundo le obedesçia. E por que en latin es llamado el cobre de que fazen moneda es, eris, finco aquel nonbre era porque es de aranbre e se faze moneda segund dicho es; assi de aquel nonbre llaman la era, que quiere dezir el año que el Çesar mando escreuir e levar moneda de cada vno de sus subditos por el coñosçimiento de la obediençia que le fizieron. E porque España era vna prouinçia de las que le assi obedesçieron, finco con esta costunbre que touieron antiguamente en llamarla era de Çesar. E en aquel tienpo que Otauiano hordeno que todos los del mundo se le viniesen a escreuir, yua Josep e leuaua conssigo a Santa Maria, de la tierra de Galilea, de la çibdat de Nazaret, a Judea, a la çibdat donde fue David que es llamada Beleem e alli nasçio Jesu Christo. Otrosi algunos cuentan el año del Encarnaçion, ca este es el dia que la Virgen Santa Maria fue saludada del angel Gabriel, que es a veynte e çinco dias de março, que es ochauo de las calendas de abril e llamanlo año del Encarnaçion. Ca quando la Virgen dixo al angel ‘cunplasse en mi segund la tu palabra’, e en aquella hora fue encarnado Nuestro Señor Ihesu Christo e ella preñada, e por tanto le dizen año de la Encarnaçion. E otros lo llaman el año de Graçia por quanto el angel Gabriel quando saludo, dixo a la Virgen ‘Dios te salue, llena de graçia’. Otrossi fue año de graçia e de buena ventura pues Nuestro Señor Ihesu Christo fue en aquel año encarnado en la Virgen Santa Maria, donde vino nuestra saluaçion. Otros dizen la Natiuidad, que quiere dezir Nasçimiento e es a veynte e çinco dias de dezienbre, que es otauo de las calendas de enero, e assy nasçio Ihesu Christo era de Çesar treynta e ocho, e

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their monarch, which in Latin means ‘a lord of the whole world’. His reign was known as the ‘era’ and in Spain it became the custom for years to be referred to in this way: Octavian Augustus Caesar decreed that by certain years all those who dwelt on the lands of which he was lord should come and be registered, so that the population of each region might be counted; and he also commanded that each person was to make a payment in coin in recognition of Caesar’s lordship and of the fact that he was obeyed by all. And because in Latin the copper from which coins are made is called es, eris, that name – era – became accepted, since it is metal which is made into coin, as has been explained. In this way era came to be so called, meaning the year in which Caesar decreed that each of his subjects be registered and required to pay a levy in coin, in recognition of their submission to him. And as Spain was one of those provinces which gave him this sign of obedience it retained its ancient custom of using the term ‘the era of Caesar’. Moreover, in the time when Octavian decreed that people from all over the world must go and register, Joseph travelled, taking Saint Mary with him, from the town of Nazareth in the land of Galilee to the city in Judea which was home to David and bears the name of Bethlehem, and there Jesus Christ was born. In addition, some people reckon dates from the year of the Incarnation, for this refers to the day when the Virgin Mary was hailed by the Angel Gabriel, which is the twenty-fifth day of March, the eighth day before the calends of April.1 It is known as the year of the Incarnation, for when the Virgin said to the Angel ‘Be it done unto me according to your word’, at that time Our Lord Jesus Christ became incarnate and Mary was with child; and for this reason the year is so called. Others know it as the Year of Grace, as the Angel Gabriel, when he greeted the Virgin, said to her ‘May God protect you, for you are full of grace.’ It was also a year of grace and good favour, since in that year Our Lord Jesus Christ became incarnate in the Holy Virgin Mary, from which came our salvation. Others talk of the Nativity, which means ‘Birth’ and is on the 25th of December, which is the eighth day before the calends of January. Thus Jesus Christ was born in the thirty-eighth year of the era of

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del Criamiento del mundo tres mill e sieteçientos e setenta años, e despues del destruymiento de Troya do profetizo Casandra sevilla, mill e setenta años, e despues que Roma fue poblada, sieteçientos e çinquenta e dos años; e del año de graçia o Encarnaçion, que es primero, fasta el año del Nasçimiento, nueue meses, e nos en este libro ternemos sienpre el cuento del año del Nasçimiento por quanto assi es costunbre de la tierra de Castilla del dia que fue ordenado aca por el rrey don Iohan en este rregno, segund adelante diremos en los fechos del rrey don Iohan. Otrosi deuedes saber que quando Nuestro Señor Ihesu Christo nasçio de la Virgen Santa Maria era ya el año del Criamiento del mundo, segund la cuenta que traen los ebreos, en tres mill e sieteçientos e setenta años. E comiença el año del Criamiento del mundo, segund los ebreos al sesto calendas de setienbre, que es a veynte e syete dias de agosto. E quando el malo Mahomad començo a engañar e a predicar su falsa creençia, andaua el año que Nuestro Señor Ihesu Christo nasçio, en quinientos e nouenta e ocho años. E por aqui podedes sienpre tener la cuenta de saber todo esto cada que vos pluguiere e lo poderedes contar sin auer ý algund yerro. Otrossy la corte del Papa vsa poner el cuento de la indiçion e deuedes saber que este cuento de la indiçion desçendio de los rromanos e la rrazon por que es esta: los rromanos, despues que ouieron conquistado e subjubgado todo el mundo e puesto so el su señorio, partieron el tienpo por que el mundo les pagasse tributo, por tres tienpos, que cada tienpo duraua çinco años, por que en espaçio de quinze años se pagase todo el tributo, en guisa que en los primeros çinco años se pagaua el tributo de oro por que los de Roma labrasen moneda para conplir las soldadas de los caualleros e para las otras cosas que Roma auia a tener en tesoro. Otrossi en otros çinco años siguientes pagauan todos los tributarios a Roma, tributo de alanbre e desto fizieron en Roma ymagines a rreverençia e honrra de aquellos enperadores e señores e caualleros e otros quales quier que fazian algund fecho notable de armas e de caualleria. Otrossi en los otros çinco años postrimeros, pagauan el tributo de fierro e esto era para fazer armas para los que auian a guerrear e defender la rrepublica. E cada tienpo destos quinze años, que eran llamados

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Caesar and 3,770 years from the creation of the world; from the destruction of Troy, where the Sibyl Cassandra made her prophecies, 1,070 years; and from the foundation of Rome, 752 years; and from the Year of Grace or of the Incarnation, which comes first, until the year of Christ’s birth there are nine months. In this book we will always follow the way of counting from the year of Christ’s birth, since such has been the custom of the land of Castile from the day when King Juan decreed that it was to be the practice in this kingdom, as we shall later relate as part of the deeds of King Juan.2 You should also know that when Our Lord Jesus Christ was born of the Holy Virgin Mary, according to the reckoning kept by the Hebrews, this was 3,770 years after the creation of the world, and, according to them, that year begins on the sixth day before the calends of September, which is the 27th of August. And when the evil Muhammad began to spread his deceit and preach his false belief, from the year in which our Lord Jesus Christ was born 598 years had passed. From this you can always have a way to work out any of the dates that you wish and you will be able to calculate them without making any error. The court of the Pope, moreover, is accustomed to reckon dates by the indiction. You should be aware that this way of reckoning by the indiction came from the Romans and that the reasoning behind it is as follows: after the Romans had conquered and subjugated the whole world and placed it beneath their lordship, they divided up the period for the world to pay them tribute into three periods, each one to last five years, such that over the period of 15 years all the tribute would be paid. This was arranged so that in the first five years the tribute was paid in gold, in order that the Romans could mint coins to pay the wages of the knights and also for the other things for which Rome needed to have resources in its treasury. Similarly, in the following five years all the tributaries paid their dues to Rome in copper, and from this in Rome they made images to pay reverence and honour to those emperors, lords and knights and any other individuals who performed distinguished deeds of arms and chivalry. Similarly, too, in the final period of five years, the tribute was paid in iron, so that arms could be forged for those who had to wage war and defend the Republic. Each of these periods which made up the 15 years

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indiçion, que quiere dezir ‘mandamiento’; e pasados los quinze años sobredichos tornauan a los çinco años primeros, a pagar oro, segund dicho auemos. E assi commo los enperadores de Roma touieron e guardaron este cuento assi las iglesias de todo el pueblo de christianos auian acostunbrado fazer coñosçimiento a la iglesia de Roma en pagarle tributos espeçiales en coñosçimiento que la iglesia de Roma es la mayor de todo el mundo. E por ende, avn hoy en los çirios pascuales que ponen el dia de Pascua de Resurrecçion en las iglesias, ponen el año del Encarnaçion del Nuestro Señor Ihesu Christo, e despues ponen la indiçion que estonçe es. E comiençasse sienpre a contar la indiçion a ocho calendas de otubre, que es a veynte e quatro dias de setienbre. E si quisieres saber la indiçion en que anda, toma el año en que nasçio Ihesu Christo e sabe en que numero anda e añade mas tres años e partelos todos por quinze e lo que sobra es la indiçion aquel año, e si non fincare alguna cosa del cuento, sera la indiçion en quinze. E la rrazon por que se añaden tres sobre el cuento del año en que Nuestro Señor Ihesu Christo nasçio es por que el nasçio de la bien auenturada Virgen Santa Maria en la terçera indiçion de los rromanos.

Capitulo IIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro fue para Castilla e commo fue por Llerena e commo vino ay el maestre de Santiago e fizieron los caualleros de la horden pleyto por los castillos al rrey don Pedro. Agora tornaremos a contar del rrey don Pedro despues que partio de Seuilla para yr a Castilla. E assi fue que en este año segundo, al comienço, el rrey don Pedro partio de Seuilla e fue para Castilla por quanto auia de fazer cortes, las quales eran concordadas que se fiziesen en Valladolid. E llego a Llerena, lugar de la horden de Santiago e quando ay fue, fallo ay a don Fadrique, maestre de Santiago, su hermano, fijo del

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was known as an ‘indiction’, which means ‘command’. Once the 15 years in question had passed, they returned to the way of the first five years and payment was made in gold, as we have already explained. Moreover, just as the emperors of Rome used and observed this form of reckoning, so too the churches of all of Christendom had acquired the way of expressing their recognition of the Church of Rome by making it special payments of tribute, thus acknowledging that the Church of Rome is the greatest in the whole world. For this reason, still today on the Paschal candles which are placed in churches on Easter Sunday they show the year from the Incarnation of Our Lord Jesus Christ and then the current indiction. The indiction is always counted from the eighth day before the calends of October, which is the 24th of September. If you wish to know what the number of the indiction is, take the number of the current year working from the year of Jesus Christ’s birth, add three more years and divide the sum by 15; the remainder is the indiction for that year; and if there is no remainder the indiction will be 15. The reason why we add three to the figure for the year from Our Lord Jesus Christ’s birth is that He was born to the Holy Virgin Mary in the third indiction of the Romans.

1351: CHAPTER II How King Pedro travelled to Castile and went to Llerena, and how the master of Santiago joined him there and the knights of the Order did homage to King Pedro for the castles. Now we shall return to the account of King Pedro’s actions after leaving Seville for Castile. At the beginning of this second year of his reign he did indeed depart from Seville in order to travel to Castile, as he had to hold a session of the cortes, which it had been agreed would take place in Valladolid.3 He came to Llerena, which belonged to the Order of Santiago, and while he was there he met with the master of Santiago, Don Fadrique,

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rrey don Alfonso e de doña Leonor de Guzman, al qual el rrey auia enbiado mandar que salliese a el, al dicho lugar de Llerena. E fizo alli el maestre al rrey mucho serviçio de viandas e de todas las otras cosas que se podian auer. E los freyres de la horden de Santiago que eran comendadores e tenian castillos e fortalezas de la orden de Santiago, fizieron alli pleyto e omenaje al rrey por ellos, que non acogerian en ellos al maestre don Fadrique sin espeçial mandamiento del rrey. E en todas las otras cosas, el rrey les mando que siruiessen al maestre commo deuian servir a su maestre e a su señor. E finco el maestre asegurado en la merçed del rrey e mandole que se fuese para su tierra. E diole liçençia que non fuesse a las cortes que se auian de fazer en Valladolid.

Capitulo IIIº. Commo el maestre de Santiago vio a doña Leonor de Guzman en Llerena e commo a la dicha Leonor de Guzman enbio el rrey presa a Talauera e la mataron. Quando el rrey don Pedro llego en Llerena, segund que auemos contado, venia ý la rreyna doña Maria, madre del rrey don Pedro e traya a doña Leonor de Guzman presa, e posaua sienpre en el palaçio de la rreyna, pero muy guardada. E quando llego en Llerena la dicha doña Leonor, el maestre don Fadrique su fijo pidio merçed al rrey que le diesse liçençia que la pudiesse veer. E el rrey touo lo por bien e fue el maestre veerla. E doña Leonor tomo al maestre su fijo e abraçolo e besolo, e estudo vna hora grande llorando con el e el con ella e ninguna palabra non dixo el vno al otro. E los que estauan ý por guardas de doña Leonor dixeron al maestre que se fuese para el rrey e asi lo fizo. E nunca mas vio el maestre a doña Leonor su madre despues de aquel dia nin ella a el.

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who was King Pedro’s brother and son of King Alfonso and Doña Leonor de Guzmán.4 The king had sent word commanding that Don Fadrique ride out to meet him at Llerena. There the master made the king welcome with an offering of abundant fare and the provision of every possible comfort. At Llerena the brothers of the Order of Santiago, who were knights commander and held castles and fortresses belonging to the Order, swore allegiance and did homage for them to the king, undertaking not to grant access to the master Don Fadrique without receiving special authorization from the king. In all other matters the king commanded that they do loyal service to Don Fadrique just as was fitting in the case of their master and lord. The master received assurance of the good will of the king, who commanded him to return to his lands. King Pedro exempted him from attendance at the cortes which were to take place in Valladolid.

1351: CHAPTER III How the master of Santiago saw Doña Leonor de Guzmán in Llerena, and how the king sent Doña Leonor de Guzmán as a prisoner to Talavera, where she was killed. When King Pedro arrived in Llerena, as we have already related, his mother, Queen María, joined him there, bringing Doña Leonor de Guzmán as a prisoner, at all times accommodated in the queen’s royal apartments but under heavy guard. When Doña Leonor arrived in Llerena, her son, the master Don Fadrique, beseeched the king to give him permission to see her. The king gave his consent and the master went to see Doña Leonor. Doña Leonor held her son and embraced and kissed him, and for an hour she wept in his company; he was in tears too and no words were exchanged between them. The men who were there as Doña Leonor’s guards told the master to go to the king, and he did so. After that day the master never again saw his mother Doña Leonor, nor she him.

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E luego fue alli hordenado por el rrey, por consejo de don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, que leuassen a la dicha doña Leonor de Guzman presa a Talauera, que era villa de la rreyna doña Maria, madre del rrey. E tenia el alcaçar de la dicha villa Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo. E mando el rrey a Gutier Ferrandez que tomasse a doña Leonor e que la levasse a Talauera, e assi lo fizo. E partio dende Gutier Ferrandez e levo a doña Leonor presa a Talauera e pusola en el alcaçar de la dicha villa que tenia por el vn cauallero natural dende, que dizian Gutier Garçia de Talauera. E dende a pocos dias enbio la rreyna doña Maria vn su escriuano, que dizian Alfonso Ferrandez de Olmedo, e por su mandado mato a la dicha doña Leonor en el alcaçar de Talauera. E desto peso mucho a algunos del rregno, ca entendian que por tal cosa commo esta vernian grandes guerras e escandalos en el rregno segund fueron, por quanto la dicha doña Leonor auia grandes fijos e muchos parientes, e en estos fechos tales, por poca vengança rrecreçen despues muchos males e daños que serian mejor de escusar; ca mucho mal e mucha guerra nasçio en Castilla por esta rrazon.

Capitulo IIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro enbio mandar a don Iohan Garçia Manrrique que fuesse para Palençuela do estaua don Tello su hermano e non se partiesse del. Luego que estas cosas assi pasaron, enbio el rrey mandar a don Iohan Garçia Manrrique, vn rrico omne de Castilla de quien fiaua el, que se fuesse a Palenzuela do estaua don Tello, su hermano del rrey, fijo del rrey don Alfonso e de doña Leonor de Guzman, e que se non partiesse del, por quanto la dicha villa de Palençuela do estaua don Tello era muy fuerte. E el rrey non se fiaua de don Tello. E don Iohan Garçia Manrrique fizolo assi segund el rrey le enbio

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Immediately afterwards the king, following Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque’s counsel, commanded that Doña Leonor de Guzmán be taken as a prisoner to Talavera, a town belonging to Queen María, the king’s mother. In charge of its alcázar was Gutier Fernández de Toledo and the king commanded him to take Doña Leonor and escort her to Talavera. This he did, setting out from Llerena, taking Doña Leonor as a prisoner to Talavera and imprisoning her in the alcázar there. The alcázar was held for him by a knight who was a native of the town, a man called Gutier García de Talavera. Moreover, within just a few days Queen María sent a notary of hers by the name of Alfonso Fernández de Olmedo and, on her orders, he killed Doña Leonor in the alcázar at Talavera.5 Some of the people of the kingdom were greatly troubled by this, for they understood that from such an act there would come great conflicts and disturbances in the kingdom, as did in fact subsequently occur, because Doña Leonor had sons of great importance and many relatives.6 Through actions of this kind, petty vengeance in due course brings forth many ills and great harm which it would have been far better to avoid; for much suffering and much warfare occurred in Castile as a result of it.

1351: CHAPTER IV How the king sent word to Don Juan García Manrique that he should travel to Palenzuela to join King Pedro’s brother Don Tello and remain there with him. As soon as these events had taken place, King Pedro sent word to Don Juan García Manrique, a Castilian magnate who enjoyed his confidence. He instructed him to go to Palenzuela, where the king’s brother Don Tello, son of King Alfonso and Doña Leonor de Guzmán, was to be found; and he also told him to remain there with him, since the town of Palenzuela, where Don Tello was staying, had strong defences and the king did not trust Don Tello. Don Juan García Manrique followed precisely the instructions that

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mandar e fuesse para Palençuela, e fallo ý a don Tello e a Pero Ruyz de Villegas con el, que era su mayordomo mayor. E estudo ý fasta que sopo que el rrey era en Castilla e llegara a la çibdat de Palençia. E estonçe don Tello sallio de Palençuela e con el don Iohan Garçia Manrrique e Pero Ruyz de Villegas, su mayordomo mayor. E fuesse para el rrey, e luego que llego a el besole las manos. E el rrey le dixo: ‘Don Tello, ¿sabedes commo vuestra madre es muerta?’ E don Tello por consejo de don Iohan Garçia Manrrique, que le castigo que lo assi dixiesse, rrespondio al rrey asi: ‘Señor, yo non he otro padre nin otra madre saluo a la vuestra merçed’. E plogo al rrey de la rrespuesta que don Tello dio.

Capitulo Vº. Commo el rrey don Pedro llego a vn lugar que dizen Çelada, que es çerca de Burgos, e vino ý Garçi Laso e commo el rrey enbio a algunos caualleros que entrasen en la juderia de Burgos. El rrey don Pedro commo quier que auia fecho mandamiento a todos los de su rregno que viniessen a la su villa de Valladolid, a las cortes que el queria ý fazer, enpero en quanto se allegauan las conpañas del rregno que auian de venir a las cortes, acordo de llegar a Burgos; por que despues que don Iohan Nuñez de Lara, señor de Vizcaya, partiera de Seuilla e viniera a Castilla, ouiera en Burgos algunos mouimientos; ca vn omne del rrey, que demandara que pagasen el alcauala fue ý muerto, e los que lo mataron non fueron presos. E por esta rrazon el rrey estaua quexado, diziendo que los de la çibdat non fizieran en ello la diligençia que deuian. Otrossi era en Burgos Garçi Laso de la Vega con muy grandes conpañas assi de parientes commo de otras conpañas suyas, caualleros e amigos. E auia otrossi otros caualleros en la comarca que non eran amigos de Garçi Laso e estauan todos mal abenidos vnos con otros. E

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the king had sent him and he promptly went to Palenzuela, where he found Don Tello together with Pero Ruiz de Villegas, the chief steward of his household. He remained there until he learned that the king was in Castile and had reached the city of Palencia. Then Don Tello left Palenzuela together with Don Juan García Manrique and Pero Ruiz de Villegas, the steward of his household. Don Tello went to the king and, on coming into his presence, he kissed his hands in submission. ‘Are you aware that your mother is dead?’, the king asked him. Don Tello, on the advice of Don Juan García Manrique, who had instructed him to give this answer, replied ‘My lord, I have no other father and no other mother than your Grace.’ The king was pleased by the answer that Don Tello gave.

1351: CHAPTER V How the king came to a village called Celada, situated near to Burgos; how Garci Laso joined him there; and how the king sent some knights to enter the Jewish quarter in Burgos. King Pedro had commanded all the people of his realm to come to his city of Valladolid to attend the cortes that he intended to hold there. However, just when the contingents of people from the kingdom who were to attend those cortes were on the point of arrival, he resolved to go to Burgos.This was because, after Don Juan Núñez de Lara, lord of Vizcaya, had left Seville and come to Castile, there had been some disturbances in Burgos: in that city one of the king’s men who had been trying to enforce payment of the sales tax had been killed and those responsible for his death had not been arrested.7 The king was annoyed at this, saying that the people of the city had not dealt with the matter with the necessary diligence. Garci Laso de la Vega was also in Burgos with a large body of supporters, both members of his family and other troops loyal to him, knights and allies. In addition, there were other knights in the area who were not on good terms with Garci Laso and they were all at odds

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el rrey llego a vn lugar, que es a quatro leguas de Burgos, que dizen Çelada, vn dia jueves en el mes de mayo, e fallo ý a Garçi Laso, que le sallio a rresçibir. E en su conpañia vinieron Ruy Gonçalez de Castañeda, vn rrico omne que era casado con doña Eluira Lasa, hermana del dicho Garçi Laso, e Pero Ruyz Carrillo, que era casado con otra hermana de Garçi Laso, que dizian doña Vrraca Lasa. E venia ý Gomez Carrillo, fijo del dicho Pero Ruyz Carrillo con el, e otros muchos caualleros e escuderos. E aquel dia que el rrey llego en el lugar Çelada, llego ý don Tello, su hermano, fijo del rrey don Alfonso e de doña Leonor de Guzman, e venian con el don Iohan Garçia Manrrique, e Pero Ruyz de Villegas, e con Garçi Laso llego a muy malas palabras. E el rrey mandolos callar e aquel dia non ouo mas. E otro dia viernes, quando el rrey ouo oydo misa e caualgado para yr a Tardajos, vna aldea que es a dos leguas de Burgos, fallo a Garçi Laso e a todos los de su vando armados e en cauallos. E don Tello e don Iohan Garçia Manrrique e Pero Ruyz de Villegas e los que eran con ellos fueronse armar e començaron otra vez a auer palabras e malas rrazones. E estaua aquel dia Garçi Laso muy aconpañado. E el rrey mandoles callar e apartar vnos de otros. E por quanto sopo el rrey commo Garçi Laso tenia en la çibdat de Burgos muchas conpañas, mando a Pero Ruyz de Villegas e a don Iohan Garçia Manrrique e a otros caualleros que se fuessen a Burgos e entrasen en la juderia e posassen ý e se apoderassen della, e ellos fizieron lo assy. E otro dia sabado, entro el rrey en la çibdat de Burgos e fue posar a las casas del obispo que dizian al Sarmental. E posaua la rreyna doña Maria, su madre, con el rrey, e don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque posaua en las casas de Ferrand Garçia de Areylça a Sand Esteban. E Garçi Laso de la Vega posaua en las casas del obispo, que dizian a Sand Llorente. E Iohan Esteuañez de Burgos, criado del rrey don Alfonso, quando vio que el rrey enbiara gentes a tomar la juderia, sallio de la çibdat e fuxo a Aragon e ally fue preso en vna villa que dizen Daroca, por

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with each other. One Thursday in the month of May the king came to a village called Celada, situated four leagues from Burgos. There he found Garci Laso, who went out to greet him. He was accompanied by Ruy González de Castañeda, a magnate married to Doña Elvira Lasa, Garci Laso’s sister, and Pero Ruiz Carrillo, who was married to another of Garci Laso’s sisters called Doña Urraca Lasa; also in the company were Gómez Carrillo, son of Pero Ruiz Carrillo, and many other knights and squires. That same day when the king came to the village of Celada also saw the arrival of his brother Don Tello, son of King Alfonso and Doña Leonor de Guzmán. He was accompanied by Don Juan García Manrique and Pero Ruiz de Villegas, who exchanged very harsh words with Garci Laso. The king commanded that they be silent and that day nothing more came of it. The following day, which was Friday, after the king had heard Mass and when he was mounted and ready to ride towards Tardajos, a village situated two leagues from Burgos, he found Garci Laso and all of his company armed and already on horseback. Don Tello, Don Juan García Manrique and Pero Ruiz de Villegas and those with them went to arm themselves. The angry words and arguments began again, and that day Garci Laso had a substantial force with him. The king ordered them all to be silent and move away from each other. The king, moreover, since he had become aware that Garci Laso had a large force of men in the city of Burgos, instructed Pero Ruiz de Villegas, Don Juan García Manrique and other knights to go to Burgos, enter the Jewish quarter, establish themselves there and take control.8 They obeyed his command. The next day, which was Saturday, the king entered the city of Burgos and went to stay in the palaces of the bishop, in what was known as the Sarmental. The king’s mother, Queen María, lodged with him, Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque stayed in the mansions of Fernán García de Areilza in the district of San Esteban; and Garci Laso was accommodated in the houses belonging to the bishop in the area known as San Llorente. When Juan Estévanez de Burgos, who had been a member of King Alfonso’s household, saw that the king had sent men to seize control of the Jewish quarter, he left the city and fled to Aragon and there

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mandamiento del rrey de Aragon, por quanto el rrey de Castilla gelo enbio rrogar que lo fiziesse assi. E despues fuyo de alli e se fue para Aguilar do estaua don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel, segund adelante contaremos.

Capitulo VIº. Commo fue muerto Garçi Laso e otros caualleros de la çibdat en Burgos. Despues que el rrey llego aquel sabado a Burgos, ouo su consejo e dixeronle algunos que Garçi Laso tenia muchas conpañas consigo e ponia grandes escandalos en la su corte e en el su rregno. E demas que quando el rrey adolesçiera en Seuilla e cuydaron que moriera, que Garçi Laso e don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel tratauan que don Iohan Nuñez rregnasse. Otrossy dizian al rrey que quando don Iohan Nuñez de Lara, señor de Vizcaya, viniera de Seuilla para Castilla, que se tratauan algunas cosas que non eran en su serviçio, e avn si biuiera el dicho don Iohan Nuñez, que ouiera asaz bolliçio en Castilla. E el rrey dizia que estaua quexado de los de la çibdat de Burgos por quanto, quando llego al lugar de Çelada, los de Burgos le enbiaron dezir que Garçi Laso tenia muchas conpañas en Burgos, e que don Tello e don Iohan Garçia Manrrique e Pero Ruyz de Villegas trayan otrossy muchas gentes e que rreçelauan que si todos entrassen en la çibdat que auria rruydo, e seria bien que el rrey hordenasse commo entrasen çiertas conpañas e non mas. E los que con el rrey estauan, espeçial mente don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, que gobernaua el rregno, dixo que los de Burgos non

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he was captured in a town called Daroca. The king of Aragon had ordered his arrest, as the king of Castile had sent word requesting him to do, but subsequently Juan Estévanez fled from there and headed for Aguilar where, as we shall relate in due course, Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel was to be found.9

1351: CHAPTER VI How Garci Laso was killed, as well as other knights of the city, in Burgos. After arriving in Burgos that Saturday, the king met with his council: some of his advisers informed him that Garci Laso had a large force with him and that they were causing serious trouble in his court and in his kingdom. In addition, they told him that, when the king had fallen ill in Seville and it was thought that he would die, Garci Laso, Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel and others were promoting Don Juan Núñez’s claim to the throne. They also told the king that, when Don Juan Núñez de Lara, lord of Vizcaya, had come from Seville to Castile, matters were being discussed which amounted to disloyalty; and, moreover, that if Don Juan Núñez had still been alive, there would have been serious disturbance in Castile. The king said that he had a grievance against the people of the city of Burgos: for, when he had arrived at the village of Celada, the city’s inhabitants had sent word to him that Garci Laso had a substantial force in Burgos and that Don Tello, Don Juan García Manrique and Pero Ruiz de Villegas were likewise bringing a large number of troops; the citizens had explained that they were concerned that if all of these men entered the city there would be trouble and had argued that it would be advisable for the king to give orders that only certain groups of troops should enter and no more. Those accompanying the king, especially Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque, who exercised power over the kingdom, said that the

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deuieran poner rregla a las gentes que el rrey quisiese poner en la su çibdat. E esto fue vna rrazon por que los de la çibdat de Burgos fueron en la saña del rrey. Otrossi assi fue que Iohan Esteuañez de Burgos, priuado que fuera del rrey don Alfonso, quando estaua estonçe en la çibdat, fizo que los de la çibdat enbiassen al rrey, a Çelada, sus mensajeros, por los quales le pidian por merçed que don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque non entrasse en la çibdat por quanto se rreçelauan del. E desto non plogo al rrey, e don Iohan Alfonso fizo por ende, que algunos dellos pasassen mal. E por tanto el rrey acordo con don Iohan Alfonso e los del su consejo que era bien de lo asossegar e escarmentar. E todo esto acuçiaua don Iohan Alfonso, que tenia poder en el rrey e en el rregno e quisiera sienpre mal a Garçi Laso por quanto trataua algunas cosas destas con don Iohan Nuñez de Lara en Seuilla, quando era la quistion del rregno, quando el rrey don Pedro adolesçio en Seuilla. E esse dia luego, sabado en la noche, despues que el rrey era ya en la çibdat de Burgos, la rreyna doña Maria, madre del rrey, enbio vn escudero a Garçi Laso que le dixiesse que ella le enbiaua dezir que por ninguna manera del mundo, otro dia domingo, non viniesse a palaçio. E Garçi Laso non lo quiso creer, antes otro dia domingo, de grand mañana, fue para palaçio, e estauan las puertas muy guardadas. E entro Garçi Laso, e con el Ruy Gonçalez de Castañeda e Pero Ruiz Carrillo, sus cuñados, casados con sus hermanas segun suso auemos contado, e Gomez Carrillo, fijo de Pero Ruiz Carrillo, e otros caualleros e escuderos. E desque fueron entrados do el rrey estaua, la rreyna doña Maria, madre del rrey, partio de aquella camara do el rrey estaua e fuesse para otra camara, e fue con ella don Vasco, obispo de Palençia, su chançeller mayor. E despues que la rreyna fue partida de alli prendieron a tres omnes de la çibdat de Burgos que dizian al vno, Pero Ferrandez de Medina e al otro, Alfonso Ferrandez Escriuano e al otro, Alfonso Garçia de Camargo –por sobre nonbre le dizian el Esquierdo. E despues que estos de la çibdat fueron presos e tirados aparte, dixo don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque a vn alcalde del rrey que ý estaua, que dizian Domingo Iohan de Salamanca: ‘Alcalde, vos sabedes que tenedes que fazer’. E el alcalde estonçe llegose al rrey e dixole callando –oyendolo

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people of Burgos should not have imposed conditions over which people the king should choose to allow into their city. This gave cause for the people of the city to incur the wrath of the king. In addition, Juan Estévanez de Burgos, a man who had enjoyed the confidence of King Alfonso, had, while he was in the city, persuaded its inhabitants to send envoys to the king in Celada beseeching him that, as they were in fear of Don Juan Alfonso Alburquerque, this man should not enter the city. This displeased the king, and Don Juan Alfonso caused some of them to suffer for it. The king, therefore, agreed with Don Juan Alfonso and with the members of his council that it was right to bring the situation under control and teach the people a lesson. All of this was at the urging of Don Juan Alfonso, who held sway over the king and over the kingdom and had been on constantly bad terms with Garci Laso, as a result of his dealings with Don Juan Núñez de Lara in Seville at the time of the dispute over the kingdom when the king fell ill in that city. That same Saturday night, now that the king was in Burgos, the king’s mother Queen María sent a squire to Garci Laso to give him her message that in no way in the world should he come to the palace on Sunday, the following day. Garci Laso, however, was unwilling to believe her, but rather that Sunday early in the morning he went to the king’s apartments and found the doors heavily guarded. Garci Laso went in, accompanied by his brothers-inlaw Ruy González de Castañeda and Pero Ruiz Carrillo – who, as we have already explained, were married to his sisters – and other knights and squires. Once they had entered into the presence of the king, his mother, Queen María, went off into another chamber and with her went Don Vasco, bishop of Palencia, her lord chancellor. After the queen had left the room, three men of the city of Burgos were seized: they were Pero Fernández de Medina, Alfonso Fernández, the notary, and Alfonso García de Camargo, nicknamed ‘the Left-hander’. After these men of the city had been arrested and taken off, Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque said to Domingo Juan de Salamanca, a legal official of the king who was present, ‘Officer, do you know what you have to do?’ Then the official went up to the king and said to him quietly, but within earshot of Don Juan Alfonso:

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don Iohan Alfonso: ‘Señor, vos mandat esto ca yo non lo diria’. E estonçe dixo el rrey muy baxo, por que lo oyrian los que alli estauan: ‘Ballesteros, prended a Garçi Laso’. E don Iohan Alfonso tenia ý esse dia tres escuderos, sus criados de quien se fiaua, con otros omnes suyos que estauan aperçibidos e armados de fojas deyuso de los paños, e tenian espadas e bronchas e dizianles al uno, Alfonso Ferrandez de Vargas, que fue despues señor de Burguillos, e al otro Ruy Ferrandez de Escobar, e al otro, Ferrand Garçia de Medina. E quando el rrey dixo aquellas palabras que prendiessen a Garçi Laso, estos tres escuderos de don Iohan Alfonso luego trauaron de Garçi Laso muy denodada mente, e dixo estonçe Garçi Laso al rrey: ‘Señor, sea la vuestra merçed de me mandar dar vn clerigo que me confiesse’. E dixo Garçi Laso a Ruy Ferrandez de Escobar: ‘Ruy Ferrandez amigo, rruego vos que vayades a doña Leonor mi muger e traedme vna carta del Papa, de absoluiçion, que ella tiene’. E Ruy Ferrandez se escuso diçiendo que lo non podria fazer. E estonçe dieronle vn clerigo que fallaron ý por uentura. E apartosse Garçi Laso a vn pequeño portal que estaua en la dicha posada, sobre la calle, e alli començo a fablar de penitençia con el dicho clerigo. E dezia despues el clerigo que, quando Garçi Laso començo a fablar de penitençia, que le catara si tenia algund cuchillo e que gelo non fallara. E a aquella hora que Garçi Laso fue preso, Ruy Gonçalez de Castañeda e Pero Ruyz Carrillo e Gomez Carrillo su fijo e los que tenian la parte de Garçi Laso apartaronsse de vna parte del palaçio e estudieron todos juntos. E don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque dixo al rrey: ‘Señor, mandad lo que se ha de fazer’. E estonçe mando el rrey a Uasco Alfonso de Portogal e a Aluar Gonçalez Moran, que eran dos caualleros que guardauan a don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, que dixiessen a los ballesteros que tenian preso a Garçi Laso, que lo matassen. E ellos fueron al portal do Garçi Laso estaua e mandaron a los ballesteros que lo matassen. E los ballesteros non lo osauan fazer, e eran los ballesteros vno que dizian Iohan Ferrandez Chamarro e otro, Rodrigo Alfonso de Salamanca e otro, que dizian Iohan Ruyz de Oña. E el Iohan Ruyz de Oña sallio al rrey e dixo: ‘Señor, ¿que mandades fazer de Garçi Laso?’ E dixo el rrey: ‘Mando vos que lo matedes’.

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‘My lord, you must issue this command, for I would be unable to do so.’ Then the king said very softly, but in such a way that it would be heard by those present, ‘Guards, arrest Garci Laso!’10 That day Don Juan Alfonso had with him three squires, members of his household who enjoyed his trust, together with other men of his who were armed ready, bearing knives beneath their clothes, and who also carried swords and daggers. By name they were Alfonso Fernández de Vargas, who later became lord of Burguillos, Ruy Fernández de Escobar, and Fernán García de Medina. When the king spoke those words, ordering them to seize Garci Laso, Don Juan Alfonso’s three squires immediately seized the nobleman very roughly. ‘My lord,’ Garci Laso then said to the king, ‘I beg a favour of you: that you give orders for me to be given a priest with whom to make my confession.’ And then he said to Ruy Fernández de Escobar, ‘Ruy Fernández, my friend, I beseech you to go to my wife Doña Leonor and bring me a letter of absolution from the Pope which she has in her possession.’ Ruy Fernández refused to do so, saying that this was not possible for him. Then they gave Garci Laso a priest that they happened to find there. The nobleman went off to one side into a small hallway in the apartment, looking out into the street, and there he began to talk with the priest about repentance. Afterwards the priest reported that, as he began to talk of repentance, Garci Laso had searched him to see if he was carrying a knife, but he had not found one. During the time that Garci Laso was being held prisoner, Ruy González de Castañeda, Pero Ruiz Carrillo, his son Gómez Carrillo and Garci Laso’s supporters gathered together in one part of the king’s apartments.11 Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque said to the king, ‘My lord, order what is to be done.’ And then the king commanded Vasco Afonso de Portugal and Álvar González Morán, two knights escorting Don Juan Alfonso, to instruct the guards who had Garci Laso in their custody to kill him. They went to the hallway where Garci Laso stood and gave the command to the guards. They dared not do it. The names of these guards were Juan Fernández Chamarro, Rodrigo Alfonso de Salamanca and Juan Ruiz de Oña. Juan Ruiz went out to speak to the king and asked him, ‘My lord, what do you command us to do with Garci Laso?’ The king replied: ‘My command is that you kill him.’

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E estonçe entro el ballestero e diole con vna porra en la cabeça e el Iohan Ferrandez Chamorro diole con vna broncha e firieronlo de muchas feridas fasta que morio. E mando el rrey que lo echassen en la calle e anssi se fizo. E esse dia domingo, por quanto el rrey era entrado nueua mente en la çibdat de Burgos, corrian toros en aquella plaça, delante los palaçios del obispo de Sarmental do Garçi Laso yazia, e non lo levantaron de alli. E el rrey violo commo el cuerpo de Garçi Laso yazia en tierra, e pasauan los toros por en somo del, e mandolo poner en vn escaño e estudo aquel dia alli todo el dia. E despues pusieronlo en vn ataud sobre el muro de la çibdat en conparada e alli estudo grand tienpo. E despues en esa semana comio el rrey con don Iohan Alfonso en su posada, e estando comiendo, pasaron por delante de la dicha posada de don Iohan Alfonso do el rrey comia, que era a Sand Esteuan, los tres omnes vezinos de Burgos que fueron presos el dia que el rrey mando prender a Garçi Laso, e levaronlos a matar. E fuxeron otros muchos de la çibdat por miedo del rrey. E fue presa estonçe en Burgos doña Leonor de Cornago, muger de Garçi Laso. E los criados de Garçi Laso tomaron su fijo, que dizian Garçi Laso, el mayor fijo que el auia, e levaronlo e fueronsse con el para Asturias do estaua el conde don Enrrique. E dio el rrey entonçe el Adelantamiento de Castilla, que tenia Garçi Laso, a don Iohan Garçia Manrrique.

Capitulo VIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro sopo que algunos vizcaynos levaran a don Nuño, fijo de don Iohan Nuñez a Vizcaya e commo el rrey partio de Burgos por lo tomar. Estando el rrey don Pedro en Burgos despues que Garçi Laso morio, segund dicho auemos, sopo commo algunos vizcaynos e vna dueña de Vizcaya que criaua a don Nuño de Lara, que dizian doña Milia,

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The guard went back in and struck Garci Laso a blow on the head with a mace and Juan Fernández Chamorro thrust a dagger into his body. They struck him repeatedly until he was dead. The king ordered that his body be cast out into the street and this was done. That Sunday, as the king had recently entered the city of Burgos, bulls were being run through the square where Garci Laso lay in front of the bishop’s palaces in the Sarmental, and his body was not removed.12 The king watched how Garci Laso’s body, lying on the ground, was being trampled by the bulls. He ordered that it be raised onto a bench where it remained for the whole of that day. Later it was set upon a bier on the city wall above the Plaza de la Comparada, where it was left for a long time.13 Later that week the king ate with Don Juan Alfonso in his apartments and, while they were doing so, outside Juan Alfonso’s apartments in San Esteban where the king was eating there passed the three citizens of Burgos who had been seized on the day when the king ordered Garci Laso’s arrest. They were being taken off to be executed. Many other people from the city fled for fear of the king. Then Doña Leonor de Cornago, who had been Garci Laso’s wife, was arrested in Burgos. Members of Garci Laso’s household took his eldest son, who was called Garci Laso like his father, and escorted him to Asturias, where Count Enrique now was. The king then gave the post of governor of Castile, which had been held by Garci Laso, to Don Juan García Manrique.

1351: CHAPTER VII How the king learned that some Vizcayans had taken Don Nuño, son of Don Juan Núñez, to Vizcaya, and how the king set off from Burgos to capture him. While King Pedro was in Burgos following the death of Garci Laso of which we have spoken, he learned how some Vizcayans and a lady from Vizcaya who was responsible for the upbringing of Don Nuño

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que fuera muger de vn cauallero vizcayno que dizian Martin Ruyz de Auendaño, que partiera de Paredes de Nava, que es en tierra de Canpos do se criaua don Nuño de Lara, señor de Vizcaya. E era fijo de don Iohan Nuñez de Lara, señor que fue de Vizcaya, que era ya finado, segund dicho auemos. E se yua con el para la dicha tierra de Vizcaya escondidamente desque sopieron que Garçi Laso era muerto, rreçelandosse que si el rrey tomasse a don Nuño en su poder, por quanto don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque e don Iohan Nuñez su padre del dicho don Nuño non se quisieran bien, que lo faria don Iohan Alfonso tener en prision. E por ende tomaron a don Nuño e fueronsse con el a Vizcaya. E era estonçe don Nuño en hedat de tres años. E el rrey, desque lo sopo que leuauan a don Nuño, fue en pos ellos por ge lo tomar, e llego fasta vna villa que dizian Santa Gadea, que era del señor de Vizcaya e es aquende el puerto de la peña de Orduña por do desçenden a tierra de Vizcaya. E alli sopo el rrey que don Nuño era puesto en saluo, ca los que lo levaron non folgaron fasta que pasaron la puente de la Rad, que es en el rrio de Ebro. E desque pasaron la dicha puente, quebrantaron vn arco, e levaronlo a Vizcaya a la villa de Bermeo, que es sobre la mar, donde era el señor. E veyendo el rrey que non podia tomar a don Nuño, por quanto non levaua el rrey si non omnes de mulas e que los vizcaynos le defenderian e lo pornian en saluo por la mar a la Rochela, que es en el rregno de Françia o en Vayona, que es del señorio del rrey de Inglaterra, ca son lugares por la mar que son çerca de Vizcaya, e tornosse de alli.

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de Lara – her name was Doña Milia and she had been the wife of a Vizcayan knight called Martín Ruiz de Avendaño – had set off from Paredes de Nava in the Tierra de Campos, where Don Nuño de Lara, lord of Vizcaya, was being brought up.14 Don Nuño was the son of Don Juan Núñez de Lara, who had been lord of Vizcaya and who – as we have already explained – was now dead. Doña Milia was taking Don Nuño secretly to the region of Vizcaya for, on learning of Garci Laso’s death, the Vizcayans feared that, if Don Nuño fell into the king’s hands, in view of the fact that Don Juan Alfonso Alburquerque and the boy’s father Don Juan Núñez had been on bad terms, Don Juan Alfonso would have him imprisoned. For this reason they took Don Nuño and left with him for Vizcaya. At that time Don Nuño was three years old. Once the king learned that they were leaving with Don Nuño, he went after them to take the boy from them, and he got as far as a town called Santa Gadea, which belonged to the lord of Vizcaya and is situated on the near side of the pass of La Peña de Orduña, by means of which the descent is made into the region of Vizcaya. There the king learned that Don Nuño had reached safety, for those escorting him did not rest until they had crossed the bridge over the Rudrón, a tributary of the Ebro. As soon as they had passed over this bridge they broke down one of its arches and took Don Nuño on to the town of Bermeo, which is situated on the coast of Vizcaya and where he was lord. The king realized that he could not capture Don Nuño, as he was accompanied only by men mounted on mules, and he understood that the Vizcayans would protect Don Nuño and take him by sea to safety in La Rochelle, in the kingdom of France, or in Bayonne, under the lordship of the king of England, both ports near Vizcaya. He therefore turned back.

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Capitulo VIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro enbio a Lope Diaz de Rojas a Vizcaya. El rrey don Pedro, despues que vio que non podia alcançar a don Nuño, enbio de Santa Gadea a Lope Diaz de Rojas, vn cauallero de Castilla que era señor de Poza, con poder suyo del rrey, por prestamero mayor de Vizcaya, para fablar con los vizcaynos e asossegarlos por que non ouiesse algund bolliçio. E Lope Diaz entro en Vizcaya e traxo sus pleytesias con los vizcaynos, pero non pudo cobrar a don Nuño. E Lope Diaz, con gentes de otras villas del rrey que eran en esta comarca, çerco la casa de Horozco, que tenia Iohan de Auendaño, en la qual estauan escuderos de Vizcaya que la defendian e eran cabdillos de ellos dos escuderos naturales de Vizcaya, vno que dizian Iohan Lopez de Aldape e otro Martin Sanchez de Vedia. E estudo sobre la dicha casa de Horozco Lope Diaz de Rojas, tirandola con engeños fasta que la tomo, dos meses e medio. E los que dentro eran pleytearon que los pusiesse en saluo. E Iohan de Auendaño, que era natural de Vizcaya, era fijo de la dueña que tenia a don Nuño, estaua en el castillo de Vnçeta, que es çerca de aquella casa, e non quiso veerse con Lope Diaz de Rojas.

Capitulo IXº. Commo el rrey don Pedro enbio a don Ferrand Perez de Ayala que tomasse vna tierra que dizen las Encartaçiones, que estauan por don Nuño. El rrey don Pedro desque que vio que non pudo cobrar a don Nuño en su poder, fizo lo que pudo por le tomar la tierra. E segund que auemos dicho, auia el rrey enbiado a Lope Diaz de Rojas, señor de Poza, a Vizcaya, por su prestamero mayor, e mando el rrey a don Ferrand

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1351: CHAPTER VIII How King Pedro sent Lope Díaz de Rojas to Vizcaya. Once King Pedro had seen that he could not catch up with Don Nuño, from Santa Gadea he dispatched Lope Díaz de Rojas, a Castilian knight and lord of Poza, vested with the king’s authority as chief administrator for Vizcaya.15 He instructed him to negotiate with the Vizcayans and pacify them in order to prevent any disturbance. Lope Díaz entered Vizcaya and negotiated with the Vizcayans, but he could not obtain custody of Don Nuño. Therefore, Lope Díaz, with troops from other towns belonging to the king which were situated in that region, besieged Juan de Avendaño’s fortified mansion in Orozco. This was defended by squires from Vizcaya, led by two of their number called Juan López de Aldape and Martín Sánchez de Bedia. Lope Díaz de Rojas attacked the stronghold in Orozco, using siege engines to bombard it until it was surrendered to him after two and a half months.16 Those inside negotiated their safe conduct. Juan de Avendaño, who was a native of Vizcaya and son of the lady who had Don Nuño in her care, was in the castle of Unzueta, not far from the stronghold, and he was not prepared to have any dealings with Lope Díaz de Rojas.

1351: CHAPTER IX How King Pedro sent Don Fernán Pérez de Ayala to take control of an area known as Las Encartaciones, which was in support of Don Nuño. Once King Pedro saw that he could not lay his hands on Don Nuño, he did what he could to deprive him of his territories. As we have already related, he had dispatched to Vizcaya Lope Díaz de Rojas, lord of Poza, as his chief administrator, and he now ordered Don Fernán

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Perez de Ayala que fuesse a vna tierra que dizen Las Encartaçiones, que son çerca de Vizcaya, e tomasse la dicha tierra para el. E don Ferrand Perez de Ayala era natural de aquella tierra, e junto sus conpañas en la villa de Valmaseda, e entro en las Encartaçiones e cobro vn castillar que ý era, que dizian Aranguti e fizolo rreparar de cadahalsos e cavas, e puso en el conpañas suyas por apoderar la tierra dende. E los de Vizcaya fueron luego juntos en vno fasta diez mill omnes e vinieron sobre el dicho castillar e non lo pudieron cobrar, e partieron dende. E don Ferrand Perez de Ayala partio de Valmaseda con conpañas e entro en las Encartaçiones e dieronsele e fueron en la obediençia del rrey. E vinieron con el çiertos escuderos que alli biuian, para el rrey a Valladolid, do fazia sus cortes, con procuraçion de toda la tierra para seer suyos e en su obediençia e assi lo fizieron.

Capitulo Xº. Commo murio don Nuño de Lara, señor de Vizcaya, e commo tomo el rrey don Pedro en su poder a doña Iohana e a doña Ysabel, hermanas del dicho don Nuño, e la tierra de Vizcaya e las otras tierras que eran del dicho don Nuño. A pocos dias despues desto morio don Nuño de Lara, señor de Vizcaya, de quien auemos ya dicho, e fincauan dos fijas de don Iohan Nuñez, hermanas del dicho don Nuño, a las quales dizian doña Iohana e doña Ysabel, de las quales diremos adelante: traxieronlas a poder del rrey e finco Vizcaya asosegada e en poder del rrey. E otrossi todas las tierras de Lara que eran del dicho don Nuño fincaron por el rrey. E ouiera don Iohan Nuñez de Lara, señor de Vizcaya a estos fijos de doña Maria, fija que fue de don Iohan

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Pérez de Ayala to go to an area known as Las Encartaciones, near to Vizcaya, to take control of it on his behalf.17 Fernán Pérez de Ayala was a native of those lands. He gathered together his forces in the town of Valmaseda and entered the area of Las Encartaciones, where he captured the site of a fort called Arangua and had it re-equipped with wooden scaffolding and ditches and garrisoned it with his troops as a base from which to bring the area under his control. Up to 10,000 Vizcayans were rapidly assembled and they launched an attack on the stronghold. However, they were unable to take it and left. Don Fernán Pérez de Ayala set out from Valmaseda with a body of troops and entered Las Encartaciones, which surrendered to him and accepted the king’s authority. A number of squires who lived in that area accompanied him into the presence of the king in Valladolid, where he was holding his cortes, to serve as procurators for the whole area; they were to express loyalty and obedience to him, and this is indeed what they did.

1351: CHAPTER X How the death occurred of Don Nuño de Lara, lord of Vizcaya; how the king took into his custody Doña Juana and Doña Isabel, Don Nuño’s sisters, and how he seized control of the region of Vizcaya and of the other lands that had belonged to Don Nuño. Just a few days after this the death occurred of Don Nuño de Lara, lord of Vizcaya, about whom we have already spoken. There remained two daughters of Don Juan Núñez de Lara, sisters of Don Nuño, called Doña Juana and Doña Isabel, of whom we shall speak at a later stage: they were taken into the king’s custody and Vizcaya was now pacified and under the king’s control. Likewise, all the lands of the Lara family, which had belonged to Don Nuño, now passed to the king.18 Don Juan Núñez de Lara, lord of Vizcaya, had fathered these children by Doña María, daughter of

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el Tuerto, el que mato el rrey don Alfonso en Toro, que era fijo del infante don Iohan, el que morio en la Vega. E por esta doña Maria, con quien casara don Iohan Nuñez, heredara el dicho don Iohan Nuñez a Vizcaya. Otrossi este año, dia de la Trinidat, morio en Palençia doña Iohana de Lara, madre del dicho don Iohan Nuñez, que fue fija de don Iohan Nuñez de Lara e de doña Teresa, hermana del conde don Lope, señor de Vizcaya, el que mato el rrey don Sancho en Alfaro. E fue primero casada esta doña Iohana con el infante don Enrrique, fijo del rrey don Ferrando, que gano la Frontera; pero ella era muy moça quando con el caso e dizen que finco ella donzella, e morio el dicho infante don Enrrique seyendo tutor del rrey don Alfonso. E caso despues la dicha doña Iohana de Lara con don Ferrando de la Çerda, fijo de don Alfonso de la Çerda e ouieron fijos a don Iohan Nuñez de Lara, señor de Vizcaya, de quien auemos ya contado, e a doña Blanca, que caso con don Iohan, fijo del infante don Manuel, e a doña Margarida, que morio monja en Caleruega, e a doña Maria, que caso con el conde de Estanpas en Françia e despues caso con el conde de Alançon, hermano del rrey Phelipe de Françia, el qual morio en la batalla de Carsi, en Picardia, do peleo el rrey Phelipe de Françia con el rrey Eduarte de Inglaterra. E fincaronle a esta doña Maria vn fijo del conde de Estanpas e otros fijos del conde de Alançon, que son oy bivos.

Capitulo XIº. Commo el rrey don Carlos de Navarra e el infante don Phelipe, su hermano venieron al rrey don Pedro, a la çibdat de Burgos. Estando el rrey don Pedro en la çibdat de Burgos, segund que auemos contado, despues que morio Garçilaso e despues que el tornara de la villa de Santa Gadea, do llegara cuydando tomar a don Nuño, llego ý don Carlos de Nauarra e el infante don Phelipe, su hermano, con el que lo venian ver. E el rrey rresçibiolos muy honrrada mente e

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Don Juan ‘the One-eyed’, the man executed by King Alfonso in Toro and the son of Prince Juan who died on the plain of Granada.19 It was through his marriage to Doña María that Don Juan Núñez had inherited Vizcaya. In this same year, on the Feast Day of the Holy Trinity, in Palencia the death occurred of Doña Juana de Lara, Don Juan Núñez’s mother. She was the daughter of Don Juan Núñez de Lara and Doña Teresa, sister of Count Lope, lord of Vizcaya, who had been killed by King Sancho in Alfaro.20 Previously Doña Juana had been married to Prince Enrique, son of King Fernando, the conqueror of the Frontier region.21 However, she had been very young when she married him and it is said that she remained a virgin. Prince Enrique died while he was regent to King Alfonso. Then Doña Juana de Lara married Don Fernando de la Cerda and they had the following children: Don Juan Núñez de Lara, lord of Vizcaya, about whom we have already spoken; Doña Blanca, who married Don Juan, son of Prince Manuel; Doña Margarita, who died a nun in Caleruega; and Doña María, who married the count of Étampes and later the count of Alençon; this count was a brother of King Philippe of France and died at the battle of Crécy in Picardy, in which King Philippe fought against King Edward of England. Doña María bore a son to the count of Étampes and other children to the count of Alençon, and they are still alive today.

1351: CHAPTER XI How King Carlos of Navarre and his brother Prince Felipe came to King Pedro in the city of Burgos. While King Pedro was in Burgos, as we have already related, following the death of Garci Laso and after he had returned from the town of Santa Gadea – to which he had come in the expectation of taking Don Nuño into his custody –, he was joined there by King Carlos of Navarre accompanied by his brother Prince Felipe, who had come to meet with him. The king welcomed them with great courtesy and

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fizoles muy grandes fiestas e dioles muchos cauallos e muchas mulas e muchas joyas. E estudo ay el rrey de Navarra con el rrey don Pedro, en Burgos, algunos dias tomando plazer e poniendo sus amistades con el. E de alli se torno el rrey de Navarra para su rregno, que es asaz çerca de ally, muy pagado e muy amigo del rrey.

Capitulo XIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro fizo sus cortes primeras en la villa de Valladolid. El rrey don Pedro partio de la çibdat de Burgos despues que pasaron estas cosas que auemos oydas, e vinosse a Valladolid. Ca tenia llamados todos los grandes de su rregno que veniessen alli a cortes que el mandara ý fazer, e eran ý ajuntados, e despues que el rregnara, estas eran las primeras cortes que el fiziera e alli fueron fechos hordenamientos. E era ý en las dichas cortes muy grand priuado del rrey, por quien pasauan e se fazian todos los hordenamientos del rregno, don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque. Otrossi era priuado e chançeller mayor del rrey, don Vasco, obispo de Palençia, que fue despues arçobispo de Toledo e era hermano de Pero Suarez e de Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo e era muy buen perlado. E despues contaremos del, commo pasaron sus fechos con el rrey don Pedro.

Capitulo XIIIº. Commo don Iohan Alfonso, señor de Alburquerque queria que se partiesen las behetrias e commo pasaron estos fechos. Estando el rrey don Pedro en estas cortes, quisieron hordenar que se partiessen las behetrias de Castilla diziendo que era ocasion por do los fijos dalgo auian sus enemistades.

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arranged a great celebration in their honour, making them a gift of a large number of horses and mules and many jewels. The king of Navarre spent some days with King Pedro in Burgos, relaxing and building a friendship with him; and from there the king of Navarre returned to his kingdom, which is quite close to that city, greatly pleased and on the best of terms with the king of Castile.

1351: CHAPTER XII How King Pedro held his first cortes in the town of Valladolid. After the events about which we have just heard, King Pedro departed from the city of Burgos and came to Valladolid, for he had summoned all the people of importance in his kingdom to attend the cortes which he had called together there, and they had now gathered. These were the first cortes that he had held since the beginning of his reign and they saw the introduction of new legislation. Present at these cortes was the highly important confidant of the king, by whom all the laws of the kingdom were considered and determined: Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque. Likewise an advisor, and the king’s lord chancellor, was Don Vasco, bishop of Palencia, who later became archbishop of Toledo. He was a brother of Pero Suárez and Gutier Fernández de Toledo and was a very fine prelate. At a later stage we shall give an account of his experiences with King Pedro.

1351: CHAPTER XIII How Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque wished the behetrías to be firmly allocated and what happened about this. While King Pedro was holding these cortes, there was a request for a ruling that the lands known as the behetrías of Castile be firmly allocated, for it was claimed that this matter was a cause of disputes among the lower nobility.22

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E ayudaua a ello don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, e por su consejo se fazia, teniendo que avria grand parte dellas: lo vno por la priuança e poder que auia del rrey e otrossi por que era muy natural de las behetrias por su muger doña Ysabel, que era fija de don Tello de Meneses, que era muy natural en Canpos e en otras partes, e entendia auer grand parte en las behetrias, ca tenia la posession de muchos lugares que eran behetrias. Otrossi por la privança del rrey, ca por la muerte de don Iohan Nuñez, eran tornados a el muchos lugares de behetrias. E non plogo a los caualleros de Castilla de consentir en ello teniendo que las dichas behetrias non se partirian egualmente. E ouieron muchas porfias sobre esto con don Iohan Alfonso, espeçialmente don Iohan Rodriguez de Sandoual que era muy grand cauallero e natural de las behetrias, e con otros a quien non plazia dello por las rrazones sobre dichas, e assi non se partieron e fincaron commo primero estauan.

Capitulo XIVº. En que manera fueron las behetrias en los rregnos de Castilla e de Leon. Pues que agora fezimos mençion de las behetrias, queremos dezir, segund que oymos, commo fueron al comienço estos lugares que son llamados behetrias. Vnos ha que son de mar a mar, que quiere dezir que los vezinos e moradores en los tales lugares pueden tomar señor a quien siruan e acojan en ellos qual ellos quisieren e de qual linaje sea. E por esto son llamados ‘behetrias de mar a mar’, que quiere tanto dezir commo que

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Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque was pressing for this and it was being done on his advice, for he reckoned that he would obtain a large share of the lands, partly because of the confidence and influence that he enjoyed with the king and in addition as − through his wife Doña Isabel, the daughter of Don Tello de Meneses − he possessed considerable rights of lordship in the region where the behetrías were situated. Doña Isabel held extensive rights in Campos and other areas and expected to gain a large proportion of the behetrías as she was already in possession of many landholdings which came into this category. In addition, Don Juan Alfonso believed he had this right as the confidant of the king, to whom many places which were behetrías had reverted through the death of Don Juan Núñez de Lara. The knights of Castile were not happy about agreeing to this, as they did not believe that the behetrías would be divided up fairly; and on this matter they had numerous disputes with Don Juan Alfonso, especially in the case of Don Juan Rodríguez de Sandoval, who was a very distinguished knight and had rights of lordship in the behetrías, and of others who were unhappy about it for the reasons that have already been explained. And so the behetrías were not permanently allocated and remained as they had been up to that point.

1351: CHAPTER XIV Concerning the nature of the behetrías in the kingdoms of Castile and León. Since we have just mentioned the behetrías, we would like to explain what was – according to what we have heard – the original nature of these places known as behetrías. There are some which are described as being ‘from sea to sea’: this means that those who live and settle in such places can take as their lord whomsoever they choose to serve and accept, of any lineage at all. For this reason they are designated ‘behetrías from sea to sea’, which signifies that they can take as their lord someone from

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toman señor si quier de Seuilla si quier de Vizcaya o de otra parte. E otros lugares de behetrias son que toman señor de çierto linaje e de sus parientes entre si. E otras behetrias que han naturaleza con linages que seran naturales dellos e estos tales toman señor destos linages qual se pagan. E dizen que todas estas behetrias pueden tomar e mudar señor siete vezes al dia. E esto quiere decir: quantas vezes les pluguiere e entendiere que los agrauia el que los tiene. E deuedes saber que segund se puede entender e lo dizen los antigos, maguer non sea escrito, que quando la tierra de España fue conquistada por los moros en el tienpo que el rrey Rodrigo fue muerto e desbaratado e el conde don Yllan fizo la maldat que traxo los moros en España, e despues los christianos començaron a guerrear, venianles ayudas de muchas partes a la guerra. E en la tierra de España non auia sy non pocas fortalezas e quien era señor del canpo era señor de la tierra. E los caualleros que eran en vna conpañia cobrauan algunos lugares llanos do se asentauan e comian de las viandas que ally fallauan. E mantenianse e poblauanlos e non los partian entre si nin los rreyes curauan de al, saluo de la justiçia de los dichos lugares. E pusieron los dichos caualleros entre si sus hordenamientos, que si alguno dellos touiesse tal lugar para lo guardar que non rreçibiese daño nin desaguisado de los otros, saluo que les diessen viandas por sus preçios rrazonables. E si por auentura aquel cauallero non los defendiesse o les fiziese sinrrazon, que los del lugar pudiessen tomar otro de aquel linaje qual a ellos pluguiesse e quando quisiesen para los defender. E por esta rrazon dizen behetrias: que quiere dezir ‘quien bien les fiziere, que las tenga’. E en esto ouo entre los caualleros sus posturas e condiciones; ca los vnos lugares fueron conquistados de omnes estraños de otros rregnos, que se tornaron a sus tierras, que son llamados ‘de mar a mar’. E estos

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Seville or from Vizcaya or from anywhere else. There are other places designated as behetrías which take their lord from a particular lineage and from its family members; and there are others which have a bond with families enjoying seigneurial rights and such behetrías take any lord from these families that they wish. It is said that all of these behetrías can take and change seven times a day the person to whom they owe their allegiance, which means as frequently as they like and whenever they consider that they are wronged by their lord. You should know – and this is to the best of our understanding and is what is said by the people of old, even if it is not recorded in writing – that, when the lands of Spain were conquered by the Moors in the time when King Roderic was defeated and killed and when Count Julian committed the evil deed that brought the Moors to Spain, and then the Christians began to wage war, those Christians received support in their struggle from many places. In the lands of Spain there were just a few fortresses, and the person who was lord of the field of battle was lord of the land. The knights who formed part of an army received land without encumbrance where they settled and lived on the fare with which it furnished them. They took their income from the lands, settled them but did not divide them up among them. In those communities, the kings were concerned only with maintaining the rule of justice.23 Those knights established their laws among themselves, stipulating that if any one of them undertook to give protection to such a community it should not suffer harm or injustice from the other knights, but that the produce of the land should be offered to them at reasonable prices; but if it turned out that this knight failed to give them protection and acted unfairly towards them, the members of the community could choose any other member of his family to give them protection, and they could do so whenever they wished. It is for this reason that they are called behetrías, which means: ‘Let their benefactor have possession of them’. In this respect there were knights with different perspectives and of different backgrounds, for some places had been conquered by foreigners from other kingdoms who later returned to their own lands. Those places are known as ‘from sea to sea’ and they take as their

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toman defendedor qual quieren e dizen que estos lugares son quatro, es a saber: Bezerril e Auia e Palaçios de Meneses e Villa Silos. E otros fueron ganados de linages çiertos e segund aquello toman señor. E pusieron mas los caualleros naturales de las behetrias, que puesto que aya el lugar defendedor señalado que este en possesion de los guardar e tener, enpero que los que son naturales de aquella behetria ayan dineros çiertos en coñosçimiento de naturaleza cada año, por que non se olvide la naturaleza. E el que los rrecabda por ellos prenda a los lugares de las behetrias quando ge los non pagaren. E de commo deuen pasar en esto e en las fuerças, si vnos a otros las fizieren, e en todas las otras cosas, el rrey don Alfonso, padre del rrey don Pedro, de quien fabla este libro, proueyo en ello con consejo de los señores rricos omnes e caualleros del rregno en las leyes que fizo en Alcala de Henares e alli lo fallaredes. E por ende non curamos mas de lo poner aqui. Otrossi vn libro fue fecho en su tienpo deste rrey don Pedro, que fabla quales señores e caualleros son naturales e de quales behetrias, e es llamado el libro del Bezerro e trayenlo sienpre en la camara del rrey. E commo quier que, segund dizen algunos caualleros antigos, ay ende algunos yerros, pero parte muchas contiendas, pues esta hordenado. E mas vale sofrir algund poco de yerro que en el aya que non aver alguna declaraçion sobre tales porfias de las dichas behetrias.

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protector whomsoever they wish. It is said that there are four of these: Becerril, Abia, Palacios de Meneses and Villasilos. Other places were won by members of particular families and it is that which determines their choice of lord. The knights who were associated by birth with the behetrías also specified that, even though the community possesses a designated protector whose role it is to provide defence and authority, nevertheless those who have seigneurial rights in that behetría should receive certain payments each year in recognition of that birthright, so that it should not be forgotten; and that the person collecting it on their behalf should seize the people of the behetrías in cases when they do not make payment to them.24 With regard to how this is to be applied, to the measures which might be taken in disputes and to all other aspects of this subject, provision was made by King Alfonso, the father of King Pedro who is the subject of this book, with the counsel of the lords, magnates and knights of the realm, among the laws that he drew up in Alcalá de Henares.25 You can find the information there, and therefore we are not going to the lengths of setting it out here. In addition, a book was compiled in the time of King Pedro which specifies which lords and knights have rights of lordship and over which behetrías. It is known as the Libro del Becerro and it is always carried with the effects of the king’s chamber.26 Although it is said by some older knights to contain a number of errors, it settles many disputes as it has been carefully compiled. It is better to put up with the occasional error that it may contain than to have no pronouncement on such arguments over the behetrías.

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Capitulo XVº. Commo enbio el rrey don Pedro por sus enbaxadores a don Iohan Sanchez de las Ruelas, natural de Toledo, obispo que fue despues de Burgos, e a don Aluar Garçia de Albornoz a Françia por firmar su casamiento con doña Blanca, fija del duc de Borbon, sobrina del rrey de Françia. Don Iohan Alfonso, señor de Alburquerque, e don Vasco, obispo de Palençia, chançeller del rrey, con consejo de la rreyna doña Maria, madre del rrey don Pedro e de otros del consejo del rrey, enbiaron enbaxadores a Françia a tratar casamiento para el rrey, por quanto les dixeron que el duc de Borbon, que era primo del rrey de Françia e del linaje de la flor de lis, tenia fijas. E enbio el rrey por sus enbaxadores a don Iohan Sanchez de las Ruelas, obispo que fue de Burgos, e era natural de Toledo, e a don Aluar Garçia de Albornoz, vn cauallero que biuia en el obispado de Cuenca muy honrrado. E fueron a Françia e vieron las fijas del dicho duque de Borbon e nonbraron a vna de ellas que dizian doña Blanca por su muger del rrey don Pedro de Castilla. E fablaron con el rrey de Françia que dezian don Iohan, e plogole mucho dello. E leuauan poder del rrey don Pedro para lo desposar con ella por palabras de presente e otrossi por fazer sus ligas e amistades con el dicho rrey de Françia, e assy lo fizieron. E auia el dicho duque de Borbon vn fijo, que despues del fue duque de Borbon. Otrossy ouo seis fijas: la vna era esta doña Blanca, que caso con el rrey don Pedro de Castilla; e otra fija ouo, que caso con el rrey de Françia don Carlos, fijo deste rrey don Iohan que en este

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1351: CHAPTER XV How King Pedro sent as his ambassadors to France Don Juan Sánchez de las Roelas, a native of Toledo who later became bishop of Burgos, and Don Álvar García de Albornoz, to complete the negotiations for his marriage with Blanche, the daughter of the duke of Bourbon and niece of the king of France. Don Juan Alfonso, lord of Alburquerque, and Don Vasco, bishop of Palencia and chancellor to the king, acting on the advice of King Pedro’s mother Queen María and of others who were members of the royal council, sent ambassadors to France to negotiate a marriage for the king. This was because they had been told of the daughters of the duke of Bourbon, who was a cousin of the king of France and a member of the French royal line. The king sent as his ambassadors Don Juan Sánchez de las Roelas, who became bishop of Burgos and was a native of Toledo, and Don Álvar García de Albornoz, a knight who lived in the diocese of Cuenca and was a man of great honour. They went to France and met the daughters of the duke of Bourbon, and they chose one of them, who was called Blanche, as a wife for King Pedro of Castile. They spoke with King Jean of France and he was greatly pleased by what they said. They had authorization from King Pedro to arrange the engagement and also to establish a bond and alliance on his behalf with the king of France, and this they did. The duke of Bourbon had a son who succeeded him as duke and he also had six daughters, one of whom was Blanche who married King Pedro of Castile. He also had another daughter who married King Charles of France, the son of the King Jean who at that time was on the

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tienpo rreynaua. E la otra caso con el conde de Saboya, vn grand señor del Inperio. E la otra caso con el conde de Haricourt, vn grand señor del rregno de Françia, en la partida de Normandia. E la otra caso con el señor de Lebret, vn grande señor de Gujana, e esta caso con el dicho señor de Lebret por quanto el rrey don Carlos de Françia lo quiso auer de su parte; ca era primero de la parte del rrey de Inglaterra; la otra fue monja. E desque los enbaxadores del rrey don Pedro ouieron firmado su casamiento con la dicha doña Blanca, fizieronle ge lo luego saber al rrey, e el les enbio luego mandar que viniessen luego e traxiessen la dicha su esposa a Castilla e anssy lo fizieron, segund adelante lo contaremos.

Capitulo XVIº. Commo en estas Cortes ouo porfia entre Toledo e Burgos qual fablaria primero e que es la rrazon por que tales porfias suelen seer e commo se determino. Un dia que el rrey don Pedro se asento en las Cortes que fiziera en Valladolid e los del rregno le ouieron de rresponder, ouo grand porfia entre los procuradores de Toledo e de Burgos qual dellos rresponderia primero a lo que el rrey les dixera. E esta porfia sienpre se acostunbro en las Cortes que los rreyes fizieron e esso mesmo assi entre las otras çibdades e villas del rregno. E el rrey, quando vio esta porfia, dixo que el ouiera ý su consejo en esta rrazon qual deuria fablar primero, Toledo o Burgos. E que fallaua que ya en otras Cortes que el rrey don Alfonso, su padre, fiziera en la villa de Alcala de Henares, do los procuradores de Burgos e Toledo porfiaron sobre fablar, e ouiera en las dichas Cortes grand porfia. Ca don Iohan Nuñez de Lara señor de Vizcaya sostenia la parte de Burgos,

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throne. Another married the count of Savoy, a great lord in the Empire, and another the count of Harcourt, a prominent lord in the kingdom of France in the region of Normandy. One more married the lord of Albret, a great lord in Guyenne, entering into this marriage because the king of France wanted the lord of Albret as his ally as he had originally supported the king of England.27 The last of the daughters was a nun. Once King Pedro’s ambassadors had completed the negotiations for his marriage to Blanche, they lost no time in informing the king. He immediately sent word to them to come to him without delay and to bring to Castile this lady to whom he was betrothed. They carried out his command, as we shall go on to relate.

1351: CHAPTER XVI How at the cortes there was a dispute between Toledo and Burgos with regard to who would be first to speak; and concerning the reason why such disputes tend to occur and how the matter was resolved. One day when King Pedro took his place at the cortes that he had summoned in Valladolid and as the representatives of the kingdom were due to give their responses, a great dispute broke out between the procurators of Toledo and Burgos as to which of them was to be the first to reply to what the king had said to them. This dispute was a common occurrence in the cortes that the kings held, and it took place in a similar way among other cities and towns of the realm. The king, on witnessing this dispute, declared that he had already consulted his advisers with regard to which of them should speak first – Toledo or Burgos – and had found that there had been a great dispute at previous cortes held by his father King Alfonso in Alcalá de Henares, where the representatives of Burgos and Toledo had also argued about the order of speaking. This had happened because Don Juan Núñez de Lara, lord of Vizcaya, had taken the side of Burgos as

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por quanto es cabeça de Castilla; e don Iohan fijo del infante don Manuel la parte de Toledo, diziendo que fue e es cabeça de España. E por esta rrazon todos los grandes señores que alli eran se fizieron dos partes, de lo qual llegaron las cosas en las dichas Cortes a estado que non cunplia. E por ende que el rrey don Alfonso, su padre, fallara por su consejo, e el eso mesmo fallaua agora, que el deuia fazer assy: mandar a los procuradores de Toledo e de Burgos que callasen, e que el rrey dixiesse estas palabras. E assi lo dixo su padre en las dichas Cortes de Alcala e assi las dizia el en estas. E dixo assi: ‘Los de Toledo faran todo lo que mandare, e assy lo digo por ellos, e por ende, fable Burgos’, e fizosse assy. E la vna parte e la otra se touieron por contentos.

Capitulo XVIIº. Por que rrazon dize el rrey tales palabras por Toledo e por que Toledo non fabla commo las otras çibdades saluo desta guisa. Deuedes saber que el rrey don Alfonso, fijo del rrey don Ferrando el Magno, e hermano del rrey don Sancho que murio sobre Çamora, quando gano de moros la çibdat de Toledo, por quanto es la mas fuerte çibdat del mundo en el su asentamiento por seer tan grande los moros que en ella estauan quando se ouieron a dar al dicho rrey don Alfonso, que los conquirio por mucha guerra e muchos atalamientos que les fizo, ouieron su pleytesia con el dicho rrey don Alfonso en esta manera. Que todos los moros vezinos de la çibdat, que estonçe alli biuian, fincasen en sus casas e con sus heredades e con su mezquita mayor e con los sus alcaldes e ofiçiales segund primero estauan en tienpo del rrey moro cuyos eran. Enpero para se apoderar de la dicha çibdat, el rrey fiziesse vn alcaçar en alguna parte de la çibdat e tomasse con el algund apartamiento do touiesse gentes suyas por seer seguro dellos e de la çibdat.

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the principal city of Castile, and Don Juan, son of Prince Manuel, had been on the side of Toledo, asserting that it was and is the principal city of Spain. On account of this all the great lords who were present had divided up into two factions, which led to the situation at those cortes deteriorating to an unseemly extent. Therefore his father King Alfonso had decided through the counsel he took, and King Pedro was taking the same decision now, to command the representatives of Toledo and Burgos to be silent; and the king had also decided to speak these words, which his father had likewise used at the Alcalá cortes: ‘The men of Toledo will do all that I command them: and so I will speak for them. Therefore, let Burgos speak.’28 This was done and both parties considered themselves satisfied.

1351: CHAPTER XVII Concerning the reason why the king speaks in such a way on behalf of Toledo and why Toledo expresses itself in this manner and not like other cities. You need to know this of King Alfonso, son of King Fernando the Great and brother of King Sancho who died outside Zamora: that when he conquered the city of Toledo from the Moors, given that in its location it is the best protected city in the world, and of such great prominence, when those who dwelt there were forced to hand it over to King Alfonso – after a long struggle and a lengthy process of attrition – they negotiated with him the following terms of surrender.29 It was agreed that all the Moorish citizens who were living there at that time should remain in their homes and keep their inherited property, along with their principal mosque and with their magistrates and officials, as had previously been the case in the times of the Moorish king whose subjects they had been. However, in order to impose his authority on the city, the king was to build an alcázar in one part of it and together with this he was to occupy a separated area where he could garrison his own troops, to ensure their own security and that of the city.

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E el rrey don Alfonso, por cobrar vna tal çibdat que eran tan noble e tan grande e tan honrrada commo ella, ouo ge lo a otorgar a los moros que estauan en Toledo segund lo demandauan. E mando estonçe dexarlos estar quedos en sus casas e moradas que tenian e en sus heredades, e mando fazer vn alcaçar, el qual es oy alli, e vn muro del alcaçar fasta el monesterio que dizen de Sand Pablo. E tenia aquel muro el andamio de la parte de fuera e las menas contra la çibdat, e fizieron en el torres. E puso el rrey por alcayde del dicho alcaçar al Çid Ruy Diaz. E este fue el primero alcayde que alli fue e ouo. E el Çid dexo por si vn cauallero suyo muy bueno, que dezian don Aluar Hañez Minaya, que tenia el alcaçar. E commo quier que luego el dicho alcaçar de Toledo non fue acabado, saluo que fizieron alli commo castillo defendero, do podria el alcayde tener algunas conpañas, enpero despues por tienpo fue labrado segund oy esta. Ca el rrey don Alfonso, fijo del rrey don Ferrando que gano a Seuilla, mando labrar todo lo mejor que alli es. Otrossi dexo el rrey estonçe, por guardar la dicha çibdat de Toledo e para el seguro que auia prometido a los moros que biuian en ella, mill omnes de cauallo de los fijos dalgo de Castilla. E dioles las casas que fueran del rrey moro, do se criara vna su fija que dizian Galiana, la qual dizen que levo Carlos Magno en Françia e la torno christiana e caso con ella, segund lo escriue Viçençio en las sus istorias. E algunas otras posadas, que fincaron de fuera diolas a otros caualleros que alli dexo, e avn ellos labraron otras casas; ca el Çid labro e mando ý fazer vna posada que es agora de la orden de Sand Iohan, la qual es oy dia llamada Sand Iohan de los Caualleros. E asi fizieron otros señores e caualleros que fincaron ally assy commo fronteros. E quando el rrey fazia su hueste e enbiaua por algunos dellos, yuan a el e guardauan el cuerpo del rrey, eran muy honrrados en la corte e hueste del rrey, por quanto estauan en tan grande e noble guarda commo de la çibdat de Toledo. E eso mesmo los que en la guarda de la çibdat fincauan, quando

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In order to take possession of such a city, so noble, so great and so distinguished, King Alfonso was obliged to grant to the Moors in Toledo everything that they sought of him. Therefore he allowed them to continue to enjoy their homes and dwellings and the possessions that they had inherited; and he ordered the construction of an alcázar, which is still there today, and of a wall running from the castle to the monastery which bore the name of San Pablo.30 This wall had its walkway on the outside and the battlements facing in towards the city, and it was reinforced with towers. The king appointed as governor of this alcázar the Cid Ruy Díaz and he was the first governor that it had. The Cid then nominated as his representative a very fine knight in his service called Don Álvar Fáñez Minaya, who held the alcázar on his behalf.31 At that time the alcázar in Toledo was not completed but what was built there was just a defensive fortification where the governor could keep a garrison. However, in due course it was built up as it is today, for King Alfonso, son of the King Fernando who won Seville, ordered the construction of the best part of what is there.32 The king also then took a further measure to protect the city of Toledo and, as he had promised, to ensure the safety of the Moors who lived there: he left a thousand horsemen drawn from the nobility of Castile, and he allocated to them the palaces which had belonged to the king of the Moors. It was here that Galiana, the Moorish king’s daughter, had been brought up: this was the girl that Charlemagne took back to France, converted to Christianity and married, as Vincent describes in his Histories.33 Some more lodgings outside the palaces were allotted to other knights whom King Alfonso stationed there and they also built further accommodation; for the Cid Ruy Díaz had a dwelling built there, which now belongs to the Order of Saint John, today known as Saint John of the Knights.34 Other lords and knights who remained there to defend this frontier city did likewise. When the king mustered his army and sent for some of these men, they would attend him and act as protectors of his person, receiving great honour in his court and in his army by virtue of being part of a garrison as great and noble as that of the city of Toledo. Likewise, those who remained as part of the garrison of the city,

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enbiauan sus cartas al rrey non se llamauan conçejo, ca lo non eran; ca los moros eran conçejo e tenian la çibdat; mas llamauansse los alcaldes e el alguazil e los caualleros de Toledo, e sellauan las cartas con los sellos de sus ofiçiales e non leuauan pendon del conçejo, pues lo non era, saluo cada rrico omne o cauallero levaua su pendon e sus armas, e por esta rrazon commo quier que adelante digamos commo paso este fecho de Toledo, esta costunbre finco assi, que nunca se llamo conçejo nin fablo en manera de conçejo nin era rrazon de se llamar conçejo; ca los moros, que tenian toda la çibdat, eran el conçejo. Por ende, los rreyes acostunbraron en sus Cortes dezir las palabras que suso auemos dicho por ellos.

Capitulo XVIIIº. Commo pleytearon los christianos que biuian en Toledo con los moros quando se perdio España. Deuedes saber que, por quanto auemos fecho mençion de la çibdat de Toledo, conuiene que digamos algunas cosas que acaesçieron en la su conquista, por que los de Toledo ouieron de auer algunas costunbres que han oy en dia. E commo quier que en las coronicas de Castilla que fablan de quando el rrey don Alfonso gano a Toledo, fallaredes commo paso la pleytesia que el rrey don Alfonso fizo con los moros vezinos de Toledo, quando la gano e la conquisto. E por quanto atañe a la materia presente, diremos dende algunas cosas, espeçialmente que lo dize en la coronica antiga, segund que se falla en otros libros antigos que fablan dello e son abtenticos, e avn segund que finco por rremenbrança de generaçion en generaçion fasta hoy. E deuedes saber que, segund ya diximos, la çibdat de Toledo, por la gran fortaleza del su assentamiento, sienpre en la conquistas que ouo

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when they wrote officially to the king, did not call themselves a council, for that is not what they were – since the Moors formed the council and dwelt in the city – but rather these men called themselves the judges, the constable and the knights of Toledo, and they sealed their letters with the seals of their officers. They did not bear the banner of a council, as that is not what it was, but rather each magnate or knight carried his own banner and his arms. Therefore − although we shall go on to explain how this situation developed in Toledo − it remained the custom for it never to refer to itself as a council or to speak as though it were one; nor had it any cause to use this title, for the Moors who occupied the city as a whole were the council. It is for this reason that the kings at their cortes were accustomed to speak on behalf of Toledo the words that we have used above.

1351: CHAPTER XVIII How the Christian inhabitants of Toledo negotiated with the Moors at the time when Spain was lost. You need to know – since we have made mention of the city of Toledo – that it is appropriate for us to relate some events that took place when it was conquered and on account of which the people of Toledo came to have some customs which they retain in the present day. In the chronicles of Castile which talk of the time of King Alfonso’s conquest of Toledo, you will find an account of how King Alfonso negotiated with the Moorish citizens of that city when he captured and took possession of it. Nevertheless, because it has a bearing on our present subject, we shall give some information about this event, especially as it is recorded in the ancient chronicle, in accordance with what is to be found in other books giving an authentic account and also with what has been preserved in people’s memory over the generations down to the present day. As we have already said, you should be aware that, on account of the strength of its situation, whenever in time of conquest it was

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de seer en otro poderio e mudar señorio, trato sus pleytesias a mayor auentaja que otra çibdat alguna. E en tienpo del rrey don Rodrigo sin auentura, que fue postrimero rrey de los godos, e se perdio España de mar a mar, ca se perdio de la çibdat de Caliz, que es en la mar de Poniente, que es dicho Oçeano, fasta el lugar de Belcayre, que es en Françia çerca de Auiñon, que es en la rribera del rrio Ruedano, que entra en mar de Levante. E ansi fue de mar a mar perdida España. E avn se perdio en Africa, que es allen mar, grand tierra que era de christianos, que era suya Çebta e Tanjar e mucha otra tierra. E todo esto se perdio por ayuda e consejo e trayçion e maldad del conde don Yllan, que era conde de Espartaria, que quiere dezir de la Mancha, que oy dizen de Monte Aragon, quando puso por tierra a Tarif Abenziet e a Muça Abennazayr, que eran dos caudillos de los alarabes, los quales Sand Ysidro en su coronica llama caldeos. E pasaron de Africa e rrobaron e conquistaron toda la tierra. E despues paso Vlit Amiramomelin, fijo de Abdel Melic, que quiere dezir en lengua de los alarabes Amiramomelin, el señor mayor de los creyentes, que quiere decir, de los que nueuamente creyeron la seta de Mahomad. E el conde don Yllan fizo esto diziendo que el rrey don Rodrigo le tomara vna fija que se criaua en su palaçio, a la qual dizian la Caba, e era fija del conde e de su muger doña Faldrina, que era hermana del Arçobispo Opa e fija del rrey Betiza. E este conde don Yllan non era del linaje godo, mas fuera del linaje de los Çesares, que quiere dezir de los rromanos. E los prinçipes moros entraron en España año del Señor sieteçientos e catorze e de la era de Çesar, sieteçientos e çinquenta e dos años. E despues pelearon con el rrey don Rodrigo çerca de Xerez de la Frontera, en el canpo de Sengonera, çerca el rrio de Guadalete, e lo vençieron e fueron desbaratados los christianos e perdido el rrey Rodrigo; commo quier que non fue ý fallado muerto, mas despues por tienpo fue fallado en Portogal, en vna çibdat que dizen Viseo, en vna sepultura en que estauan vnas letras que dizian assy: ‘Aqui yaze don Rodrigo, postrimero rrey de los godos’. E fue esta pelea en el año del Señor sieteçientos e diez e siete años, e de la era de Çesar sieteçientos e çinquenta e quatro años, en el mes de junio, e era en la quaresma de

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obliged to change hands or submit to new lords, the city of Toledo was in a better position to negotiate than any other. In the time of the hapless King Roderic, who was the last king of the Goths, Spain was lost from sea to sea, from the city of Cádiz which stands on the shore of the sea to the west known as the Ocean, as far as the town of Beaucaire near Avignon in France, on the banks of the river Rhône which flows into the sea to the east. And in this way Spain was lost from sea to sea. In Africa, too, beyond the sea, much territory that had belonged to Christians was lost, for they had held Ceuta and Tangiers and much land besides. All of this was lost through the assistance, counsel, treachery and wickedness of Count Julian, who was count of Carthago Spartaria, which means La Mancha and today is known as Montearagón.35 Count Julian brought to Spain Tāriq ibn Ziyād and Mūsā ibn Nusayr, two leaders of the Arabs, the people that Saint Isidore in his chronicle refers to as Chaldeans.36 The Arabs crossed over from Africa and plundered and conquered the whole land; and they were followed by Abd al-Mālik’s son Walīd ‘Miramomelin’, which in the language of the Arabs means ‘the supreme lord of the believers’: that is to say, of those who had converted to a belief in the sect of Muhammad.37 Count Julian did this claiming that King Roderic had seduced a daughter of his who was being brought up in the king’s palace. She was called Cava and was the daughter of the count and of his wife Faldrina, sister of archbishop Orpas and daughter of King Wittiza. This Count Julian did not belong to the line of the Goths but to that of the Caesars, that is to say of the Romans. The Moorish princes entered Spain in the year of the Lord 714, the year 752 reckoning from the era of Caesar. Then they fought with King Roderic near to Jerez de la Frontera, on the field of Sangonera by the river Guadalete. They defeated him, the Christian forces were crushed and Roderic disappeared. Although his dead body was not found there, some time later it was discovered in Portugal in a city called Viseu, in a tomb which bore the following inscription: ‘Here lies Roderic, the last king of the Goths’. This battle took place in the year of the Lord 717, the year 754 reckoning from the era of Caesar, in the month of June. It was during the period of Lent observed by the Moors which they call Ramadan, and from the time when Muhammad had begun to preach his false religion 95 years had passed.

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los moros, que ellos llaman Ramadan, e andaua el año que Mohomad auia començado a predicar su falsa ley en nouenta e çinco años. E despues desto los moros ganando e conquistando a España, llegaron a la çibdat de Toledo, e commo quier que algunos dias se detouo la çibdat de Toledo e se defendio, enpero dizen que vn dia, con maldad de judios que alli biuian, dixeron a los moros commo los christianos de la çibdat de Toledo sallian, el dia de Ramos, todos fuera de la çibdat a oyr las horas de aquel dia e a tomar los ramos bendichos a vna iglesia que es en la vega, que dizen Santa Locadia la de fuera, e que poniendo anssy sus çeladas, que los podrian tomar e ganar la çibdat. E los moros fizieronlo assy, e vn dia de Ramos, commo lo auian acostunbrado, los christianos sallieron a oyr sus horas aquella dicha iglesia de Santa Locadia, que es fuera de la çibdat. E los moros tenian puesta su çelada en vnas huertas ý çerca, e fueron a ellos e tomaron los mas catiuos e mataron muchos; enpero algunos acogieronsse a la çibdat, que es çerca, e los que se acogieron a la çibdat e algunos otros que non sallieron fuera defendieron la çibdat. E por quanto eran muy pocos non pudieron luengamente anpararsse e fizieron su pleytesia con los moros en esta manera: que ellos diessen la çibdat a los moros faziendoles estas cosas. Primeramente que ellos fuessen libres e quitos de todo pecho. Otrossi que ouiessen seys yglesias en la çibdat que non fuesen destruidas mas fincasen eglesias segund que estonçe eran, en las quales pudiessen oyr sus misas e sus oras, las quales nonbraron segund que adelante diremos. Otrossi que ouiessen alcalde christiano, assi en lo criminal commo en lo çeuil, entre ellos e todos sus pleytos se librassen por el su alcalde. Otrossi que su fuero que auian que era de los godos, al qual llamauan Libro Juzgo, que se fizo en vn conçilio que vn rey godo que llamaron Sçisnando fiziera en el Conçilio de Toledo, este mesmo fuero ouiessen e por ally fuessen juzgados; ca era bueno e prouado por muchos rreyes godos que lo vieron. E los moros desque oyeron las petiçiones de los christianos moradores de Toledo, con grand voluntad de cobrar tal çibdat e tan noble que era cabeça de todas las Españas e era llamada ‘la çibdat rreal’, e era tan grand fortaleza que dende se apoderaua toda la tierra de España, otorgaronles todas estas petiçiones segund que las

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Following this, the Moors, as they seized and took control of Spain, came to the city of Toledo. Athough for some days the city resisted and put up a defence, it is said that one day, out of wickedness, the Jews living there told the Moors how the Christian inhabitants of the city of Toledo all left it on Palm Sunday to go out to a church which stands on the plain and is known as Santa Leocadia ‘Outside the City’, to hear the hours for that day and to take the palm branches which had been blessed.38 The Jews told the Moors that by setting an ambush they could capture the people and take the city. The Moors acted on this and on Palm Sunday the Christians, as was their custom, went out to hear the liturgical hours in that church which is situated outside the city. The Moors had laid their ambush in an area of farmland nearby and they went after them, capturing most of them and killing a large number. However, some took refuge in the city a short distance away, and these, together with some others who had not left the city, continued to put up a defence. As there were very few of them they were not able to hold out for long. They reached an agreement with the Moors that they would hand the city over to them, in return for which they received the following concessions: firstly that they should be free and exempt from all taxes; and in addition that they should have six churches in the city which were not destroyed but were to remain as churches, just as they had been up to then, in which they could hear Mass and the liturgical hours; they nominated these churches as we shall go on to say. It was also agreed that they should have a judge who was a Christian to decide in both criminal and civil matters among their community, and that all their law cases were to be decided by their judge. And a further concession was made with regard to their law code, which belonged to the Goths and was known as the Fuero Juzgo, produced by a Gothic king called Reccesuinth at the Council of Toledo.39 They were to retain this same law code and be judged by it, for it was good and had been approved by many Gothic kings who had examined it. The Moors, once they had heard the petitions of the Christian citizens of Toledo, longed to have in their possession so great and so noble a city, the heart of all the Spains and known as ‘the royal city’, and so great a fortress that from there it was possible to dominate all of the lands of Spain; and so they

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demandaron e rrespondieronles de esta guisa. Al primero capitulo en que demandaron que fuessen libres de todo pecho, rrespondieron que les plazia. E por ende despues por sienpre en Toledo non ouo pecho ninguno fasta el dia de oy, assi en fijos dalgo commo en omnes de otra qual quier condiçion. E este priuillejo ouieron sienpre en tienpo de los moros e mucho mas lo ouieron despues, en tienpo de los christianos, señaladamente por quanto los christianos que alli fincaron, despues que la çibdat se dio al rrey Alfonso que la gano, eran omnes fijos dalgo e todos los otros que ý bivieron assi fueron libertados. E en el tienpo del rrey don Alfonso, que vençio la batalla de Tarifa, que dizen de Benamarin e de quien este libro fizo mençion al comienço, quando el echo en el rregno vn pecho que dizen ‘sisa’, que eran dos meajas del marauedi, el qual pecho non ouo en el rregno fasta en su tienpo, que hoy dizen alcabala, e ouo grand porfia, que dizian los de Toledo que lo non deuian pagar. E el rrey dizia que este era vn pecho tal que non lo echaua a las personas mas a çiertas viandas e mercadurias, e que el mesmo, que era rrey, e la rreyna su muger, e los perlados e rricos omnes e todos los libertados del su rregno assi pechauan, e avn que si el papa o rrey estraño viniesse en el su rregno, asi lo pecharia. E con esta rrazon se puso el dicho pecho de sisa e la pagaron e otorgaron en Toledo; pero nunca otro pecho nin pedido se pago ý fasta el dia de hoy. Otrossi dieron e otorgaron los moros a los christianos moradores de Toledo que ouiessen las seys iglesias que demandaron para oyr sus misas e sus oras, las quales duraron e duran sienpre fasta oy en este dia. E dizen en las tres iglesias dellas el ofiçio segund la ordenança de Sand Leandre, e en las otras tres, segund la ordenança de Sand Ysidro, que fueron arçobispos de Seuilla e santos omnes e hordenaron el ofiçio e seruiçio diuinal commo se dixiessen las horas. E fueron estos dos arçobispos en aquel tienpo de los godos e la letra gotica de los libros oy en dia es, e dizen la misa con otras çirimonias que las otras misas se dizen, enpero las palabras de la consagraçion todas son vnas. E

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granted all these requests just as they were made, giving the following answers: to the first request, that the Christians be exempt of all taxes, they replied that they were in agreement, and therefore ever since then there have been no taxes in Toledo until today, either on members of the nobility or on men of any other status. This privilege was enjoyed in the times of the Moors and all the more so subsequently in the time of the Christians, particularly as the Christians who stayed there after the city was handed over to its conqueror King Alfonso were of noble birth; and all the other people who lived there there were similarly exempted. During the reign of King Alfonso, who won the battle of Tarifa, known as the battle of the Banū Marīn, which was mentioned at the beginning of this book, the king imposed on his realm a tax called the sisa, at the rate of two meajas in the maravedí.40 This tax had not existed in the kingdom until Alfonso’s reign – today it is known as the alcabala – and it gave rise to a great dispute because the people of Toledo claimed that they did not have to pay it. The king said that it was a tax that he was imposing not on persons but on certain foodstuffs and merchandise, and that he himself, who was king, and his wife the queen and also the prelates and magnates and all the people enjoying exemptions in his kingdom were paying tax in this way. Even the Pope or a foreign king, if they came to his kingdom, would pay this tax. For this reason this tax known as the sisa was imposed, paid and accepted in Toledo. However, no other tax or tribute ever was, and this continues to be the case today. The Moors made another concession, granting the Christians who continued to dwell in Toledo the right that they sought to keep the six churches in order that they might hear their masses and the hours. These, moreover, were retained and have continued to be used until the present day. In three of the churches the liturgy of Saint Leander is used and in the other three that of Saint Isidore.41 These men were archbishops of Seville and holy men and they determined how in the divine service the liturgical hours were to be said, and the two archbishops lived in the times of the Goths. The gothic script of the books is preserved today and the masses are said using a rite different from other masses, although the words of consecration are all the

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quien lo quisiere veer e saber mas espeçialmente alli lo podra veer. Ca oy en dia se dizen ally las misas e ofiçios segunt se dizian en el tienpo de los godos. E llamaron a aquellas iglesias e a los christianos que alli fincaron entre los moros despues aca, moçaraues, que quiere dezir, christianos mezclados con alarabes. E son oy aquellas mesmas seys iglesias en Toledo do dizen las tales horas e ofiçios, las quales son: Sand Lucas e Sand Sebastian e Santa Olalla e Santa Justa e Rufina e Sand Orcad e Sand Marcos.

Capitulo XIXº. Por que ha en Toledo vn alcalde que dizen de los moçaraues e otro alcalde que dizen de los castellanos. Otrossy, segund auemos ya contado, quando los moros conquistaron a España e ganaron la çibdat de Toledo, los christianos que fincaron en Toledo demandaron a los moros en su pleytesia, que ouiessen su alcalde que los juzgasse segund su fuero, que era el Libro Juzgo. E assi les fue otorgado e guardado, e maguera estudieron en poder de los moros, fueron sienpre juzgados por aquel fuero. E despues que los moros perdieron a Toledo e la cobraron los christianos, la qual çibdat de Toledo se gano domingo veynte e çinco dias de mayo, dia de Sant Vrban, año del Señor mill e ochenta e cinco años, e de la era de Çesar, mill e çiento e veynte e tres años, e estonçe aquellos christianos antigos que alli biuian, touieron su alcalde dentro en la çibdat e juzgaronse por el dicho fuero del Libro Juzgo, segund lo vsaron en el tienpo que fueran en poder de moros. Enpero los caualleros de Castilla que el rrey don Alfonso que gano la dicha çibdat dexo, segund ya deximos, por guarda de la dicha çibdat, pidieron al rrey que les diesse alcalde, segunt su fuero de Castilla. E el rrey dio ge lo, e a este llaman el alcalde de los christianos, e juzgaualos segund su fuero. E anssi auian los christianos de la çibdat de Toledo, dos alcaldes. Los moçarabes, que eran los antigos, que

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same. Anyone who wishes to see and know more will be able to discover it there, for still today there they say the masses and liturgies as they used to be said in the times of the Goths. Those churches and the Christians who remained there among the Moors were known as Mozárabes, which means ‘Christians intermingled with Arabs’. Nowadays those same six churches in which these hours and liturgies are used still exist in Toledo, namely San Lucas, San Sebastián, Santa Olalla, Santas Justa e Rufina, San Torcad and San Marcos.

1351: CHAPTER XIX Why in Toledo there is one judge said to be for the Mozárabes, and another said to be for the Castilians. As we have already explained, moreover, when the Moors conquered Spain and took the city of Toledo, the Christians who remained there also negotiated with the Moors that they would be allowed to have their own judge who would administer justice under their own law code, which was the Fuero Juzgo. This was granted and respected in practice and, although they were under the domination of the Moors, they were always judged under that code of law. Then, once Toledo had been lost by the Moors and recovered by the Christians − the city was regained on Sunday the 25th of May, the Feast Day of Saint Urban, in the year of the Lord 1085, the year 1123 reckoning from the era of Caesar −, those old Christians living there had their own judge in the city and were judged under the Fuero Juzgo that we have already mentioned, just as it had been applied while they had been living under Moorish domination. However, the knights from Castile who – as we have already explained – were left to garrison the city by its conqueror, King Alfonso, asked him to appoint for them a judge to dispense justice according to their Castilian code of law. The king did so and this person, known as the judge of the Christians, based his rulings on their own code. In this way the Christians of the city of Toledo had two judges: the Mozárabes,

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sienpre biuieron en la çibdat, auian el fuero del Libro Juzgo, e los castellanos, que el rrey dexo por guarda de la çibdat, auian alcalde al su fuero, que era castellano. E despues que la çibdat, por la graçia de Dios, torno a seer de christianos e entraron a biuir e morar dentro, por quanto el alcalde que los christianos que antiguamente alli fincaron fuera primero e llamauan el alcalde de los moçarabes, hordeno el rrey que aquel juzgasse de çeuil e de crimen, por dar mayor honrra a los que sienpre biuieran en la çibdat. E el otro alcalde, que dizen de los castellanos, juzgasse solamente de çeuil. E llaman al primero el alcalde de los moçaraues, e anssi finco oy en este dia, e al otro el alcalde de los castellanos. E si oy algund vezino de la çibdat que sea castellano e nueuamente alli sea venido por vezino, fuere demandado por el alcalde de los moçarabes e pidiere que le enbien al su alcalde de los castellanos, enbiarlo han. E assi, desa mesma guisa, faran al que fuere moçaraue e vezino de padre e de ahuelo de la çibdat si fuere en esta manera demandado delante el alcalde castellano e pidiere que lo enbien al su alcalde de los moçaraues, otorgar ge lo han, saluo en caso de crimen, que espeçialmente el alcalde de los moçaraues juzga. E llamase en Toledo, castellano, todo aquel que es de tierra de los señorios del rrey de Castilla, do non se juzga por el Libro Juzgo.

Capitulo XXº. Commo se vieron en Çibdat Rodrigo el rrey don Pedro e el rrey don Alfonso de Portogal su avuelo. Agora dexaremos de fablar de estas cosas e tornaremos a contar commo fizo el rrey don Pedro despues de las Cortes de Valladolid. E anssi fue que estando el rrey en las dichas Cortes de Valladolid, fue tratado entre el e el rrey don Alfonso de Portugal su avuelo, padre de la

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the original citizens who had always lived in the city, had their Fuero Juzgo, whilst the Castilians, left by the king to garrison the city, had a Castilian judge who used their own legal code. Once, by the grace of God, the city again belonged to Christians who settled and dwelt within its walls, since the judge with authority over the Christians who originally lived there – known as the judge of the Mozárabes – occupied a position of greater antiquity, the king directed that this man should have jurisdiction over both civil and criminal matters, as a token of respect for those who had always lived in the city. On the other hand, the other judge, known as the judge of the Castilians, was to have jurisdiction only over civil cases. The first of them is known as the judge of the Mozárabes, and this has continued to be the case until the present day, whilst the second is called the judge of the Castilians. If today the judge of the Mozárabes prosecutes some citizen of Castilian origin who has recently settled in the city and this man asks to be sent to the judge of the Castilians, he is indeed to be sent to him. Likewise, in the case of a Mozárabe, a citizen whose father and grandfather belonged to the city, if this man is brought before the Castilian judge and asks to be sent to the judge of the Mozárabes, this is to be granted to him. The exception would be in the case of a crime, which is judged specifically by the judge of the Mozárabes. Moreover, in Toledo, all those who are from the dominions of the king of Castile, where the Fuero Juzgo does not apply, are known as ‘Castilians’.

1351: CHAPTER XX How King Pedro and his grandfather King Afonso of Portugal met in Ciudad Rodrigo. Now we shall leave these matters and go back to our account of King Pedro’s actions after the cortes which took place in Valladolid. It happened that, while the king was attending those cortes in Valladolid, an arrangement was made between him and his grandfather King

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rreyna doña Maria, su madre, que se viesen en vno. E fizo mucho por que se fiziesen estas vistas don Iohan Alfonso, señor de Alburquerque, que gouernaua el rregno de Castilla estonçe, por quanto el auia debdo con el rrey de Portugal, e fizieronlo assi. E partiendo de las dichas Cortes, el rrey se fue para Çibdat Rodrigo, e el rrey don Alfonso de Portogal su avuelo, vino alli. E posaua el rrey don Alfonso de Portogal dentro en la çibdat, e el rrey don Pedro de Castilla, su nieto, poso en el arraual de la dicha çibdat, que era estonçe muy grande, e alli se vieron en vno. E fizo el rrey muchas honrras al rrey don Alfonso de Portogal su ahuelo e diole muchas joyas el rrey de Portogal a el. E estonçe firmaron los dos rreyes sus amistades e partieron muy amigos dende, assi commo era rrazon segund el debdo que entre ellos era. E alli rrogo el rrey de Portogal al rrey de Castilla, su nieto, por el conde don Enrrique, que estaua en su rregno por temor del, e perdonole el rrey e tornosse para Asturias. E estaua el conde don Enrrique en Portogal, que se fuera para alla quando el rrey don Pedro vino a Castilla e matara a Garçi Laso; ca non oso estar en Asturias.

Capitulo XXIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro sopo que don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel basteçia sus castillos e commo el rrey fue para el Andaluzia. Despues destas vistas que el rrey don Pedro fizo con el rrey don Alfonso de Portogal, su avuelo, en Çibdat Rodrigo, segund dicho es, el rrey don Pedro se fue para el Andalozia, por quanto don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel non viniera a sus Cortes e sopo que basteçia la villa de Aguilar e todos sus castillos. E por que sepades la rrazon deste fecho, por que don Alfonso Ferrandez fiziera esto, contar vos la hemos. Assi fue que don Alfonso

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Afonso of Portugal, the father of his mother Queen María, that the two of them should meet. Don Juan Alfonso, lord of Alburquerque, who at that time held sway over the kingdom of Castile, was instrumental in the organization of this meeting, as he was related to the king of Portugal. The planned encounter went ahead. On departing from the cortes, the king headed for Ciudad Rodrigo and his grandfather King Afonso of Portugal also made his way there. The king of Portugal lodged inside the walls and his grandson King Pedro of Castile in the outskirts of the city, which at that time was very extensive. There they met: the king honoured his grandfather King Afonso richly and in return the king of Portugal gave him numerous jewels. Then the two kings confirmed their treaty of friendship and departed as close allies, as was right in view of the relationship that existed between them. While they were there, the king of Portugal spoke to his grandson the king of Castile on behalf of Count Enrique, who was residing in his kingdom on account of his fear of King Pedro. King Pedro pardoned Count Enrique, who set off back to Asturias. Count Enrique had been in Portugal, having gone there when King Pedro came to Castile and killed Garci Laso, for he had not dared to remain in Asturias.

1351: CHAPTER XXI How King Pedro learned that Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel was preparing his castles for siege; and how the king went to Andalusia. After this meeting which, as has already been related, he held in Ciudad Rodrigo with his grandfather King Afonso of Portugal, King Pedro left for Andalusia, as Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel had not attended his cortes and the king had learned that he was making his town of Aguilar and all his castles ready to defend. To help you to grasp the background to these events, we will give you an explanation of why Don Alfonso Fernández had done this.

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Ferrandez, en vida del rrey don Alfonso, demandaua a Aguilar: ca dizia que le pertenesçia por herençia de su linaje. E en tienpo del dicho rrey don Alfonso, ouo grand contienda con don Bernal de Cabrera, vn vizconde e grand señor, que vino de Aragon diziendo que le pertenesçia a el, por herençia, Aguilar. E don Alfonso Ferrandez dizia que pertenesçia a el. Pero el rrey don Alfonso enbio contento al dicho don Bernal e diole en emienda de Aguilar la puebla de Alcoçer, que tomara a la çibdat de Toledo. E despues la vendio don Bernal a Toledo. E dio el rrey a don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel a Capilla, vn castillo muy fuerte e de buena rrenta, que fuera de la horden del Tenplo. E el rrey tomo a Aguilar para si e non la dio a ninguno. E dio el rrey esto que dicho es a don Bernal de Cabrera e a don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel en emienda de Aguilar, si algunt derecho auian, commo quier que dizia el rrey que don Gonçalo, señor que fuera de Aguilar, ouiera rrazon de perder la dicha Aguilar; ca le corriera la tierra e le fiziera guerra de la dicha villa de Aguilar. E avn dizia que labrara en ella moneda e por ende tornaua a la su corona. Otros dizian que, puesto que asi fuera, despues, que perdonara el rrey don Alfonso a don Gonçalo e le siruiera el muy bien: mas non fincaron herederos que lo pudiessen demandar. E fizose assi; pero por contentar el rrey estos caualleros, dioles el rrey esto que dicho es. E despues que el rrey don Pedro rregno el primero año, luego que el dicho don Iohan Alfonso, señor de Alburquerque tomo la guarda del rrey e del rregno, el dicho Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel fablo con don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, que tenia al rrey en su gouernança e por el se fazian todos los libramientos del rregno e pidiole que le ayudasse a cobrar la dicha villa de Aguilar; que el rrey ge la diesse e lo fiziesse rrico ome e le diesse pendon e caldera; ca estonçe el dicho don Alfonso Ferrandez era cauallero e muy bueno, mas non lo tenian por rrico omne; e que el dicho don Alfonso Ferrandez daria al dicho

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The fact was that, during the lifetime of King Alfonso, Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel had laid claim to Aguilar, saying that it belonged to him as his family inheritance. During the reign of King Alfonso he was involved in a serious dispute with Don Bernat de Cabrera, a viscount and great lord who came from Aragon claiming that the town of Aguilar belonged to him by inheritance. Don Alfonso Fernández argued that the town was his own property. However, the king gave satisfaction to Don Bernat, granting him in place of Aguilar Puebla de Alcocer which he had taken from the city of Toledo; and Don Bernat subsequently sold it back to the same city. The king gave to Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel the heavily fortified castle of Capilla, which brought with it a good income and which had belonged to the Order of the Temple; and he took Aguilar for himself and gave it to neither of them. He granted the places that we have mentioned to Don Bernat de Cabrera and Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel as compensation for any right that they might have to Aguilar, although he said that Don Gonzalo, who had previously been lord of Aguilar, had had good reason to forfeit the town: the king argued that Don Gonzalo had ravaged his land and waged war on him from Aguilar, and also that he had minted coins there and that therefore ownership of the town was reverting to the Crown. Others said that, although this had been the case, King Alfonso had later pardoned Don Gonzalo and been very well served by him, but that no heirs had remained to claim possession of the town. This is what happened, but, in order to give satisfaction to the two knights, the king granted them the concessions which we have mentioned. Once King Pedro had been on the throne for the first year and as soon as Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque began to exercise power over both the king and the kingdom, Alfonso Fernández Coronel spoke with Don Juan Alfonso, who held sway over the king and through whom all the decisions of the realm were taken. He asked him to help him to gain possession of the town of Aguilar and to persuade the king to grant it to him, to raise him to the rank of grandee and to award him his banner and insignia – for at that time Don Alfonso Fernández was a knight and a very good one indeed, but he was not ranked as a member of the highest level of the nobility.42 Don Alfonso Fernández

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don Iohan Alfonso vna su villa con vn castillo muy fermoso e muy bueno, que dizian Burguillos, que el rrey don Alfonso le diera quando la horden del Tenplo fue desatada, segund que partio otros bienes del Tenplo e los dio a otros caualleros del rregno. E despues le dio el rrey don Alfonso, segund dicho auemos, a Capilla, e algunos dizen que conpro don Alfonso Ferrandez del rrey algunos destos castillos. E el dicho don Iohan Alfonso prometiole al dicho don Alfonso Ferrandez de le ayudar a cobrar a Aguilar, e que el dicho don Alfonso Fernandez le diesse a Burguillos. E ayudolo don Iohan Alfonso a don Alfonso Ferrandez en guisa que el rrey don Pedro le dio la villa de Aguilar e le fizo rrico omne e le dio pendon e caldera segund la manera e costunbre de Castilla al que faze el rrey rrico omne. E velo don Alfonso Ferrandez en la iglesia de Santana de Seuilla, que es en Triana, su pendon, que le dauan estonçe; e fuele mandada entregar la villa de Aguilar. E traya de primero don Alfonso Ferrandez por armas çinco aguilas blancas en canpo bermejo, e de aquel dia en adelante traxo vna aguila india en canpo blanco, ca estas eran las armas de Aguilar, e de aquel dia en adelante fue llamado don Alfonso Ferrandez, señor de Aguilar. E despues don Alfonso Ferrandez, quando el rrey don Pedro adolesçio que ouiera de morir en Seuilla, teniendo que sy el rrey don Pedro moriesse, que don Iohan Nuñez de Lara rregnaria, touo con don Iohan Nuñez […]. E don Iohan Alfonso fue muy quexado e le queria grand mal por ello; ca mas pluguiera a don Iohan Alfonso, si el rrey moriera, que rregnase el infante don Ferrando de Aragon, primo del rrey, que non don Iohan Nuñez. E avn todos los del rregno assi lo querian e tenian que auia mas derecho a ello. Estonçe quando el rrey don Pedro adolesçio e llego a aquel peligro, segund auemos ya contado, don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel e Garçi Laso de la Vega tratauan que el dicho don Juan Nuñez de Lara, señor de Vizcaya, casase con la rreyna doña Maria, madre del rrey don Pedro e muger que fuera del rrey don Alfonso; en caso que el rrey don Pedro

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said that he would give Don Juan Alfonso a town that he owned called Burguillos, which possessed a very fine and handsome castle and which King Alfonso had given him at the time when the Order of the Temple was dissolved, just as he had distributed other property of the Order among different knights of the realm. Subsequently, as we have explained, King Alfonso granted Capilla to Don Alfonso Fernández. Some say that Don Alfonso had bought some of these castles from the king.43 Don Juan Alfonso promised Don Alfonso Fernández that he would help him to gain possession of Aguilar, provided that Don Alfonso Fernández gave him Burguillos. Don Juan Alfonso did give his assistance to Don Alfonso Fernández, such that King Pedro granted him the town of Aguilar and raised him to the status of grandee, awarding him his banner and insignia as is usual, according to the ways and custom of Castile, for a man who is given this honour by the king. In the Sevillian church of Santa Ana, situated in Triana, Don Alfonso Fernández kept his vigil over the banner being granted to him; and the command was given for the town of Aguilar to be handed over to him. Previously Don Alfonso Fernández’s arms had consisted of five white eagles on a red background, but henceforth he bore a purple eagle on a white background, for these were the arms of Aguilar. From that day on he was known as Don Alfonso Fernández, lord of Aguilar. Later on, when King Pedro’s illness brought him to the point of death in Seville, Don Alfonso Fernández – in the belief that if the king died Don Juan Núñez de Lara would succeed to the throne − gave Don Juan Núñez his support. This caused Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque considerable annoyance and left him very ill-disposed towards Don Alfonso Fernández, since if the king had died Don Juan Alfonso would have preferred the throne to go to the king’s cousin Prince Ferran of Aragon rather than to Don Juan Núñez. Indeed, most of the people of the kingdom desired this too and considered that the prince had the greater right. Then, as we have already related, when King Pedro fell so dangerously ill, Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel and Garci Laso de la Vega sought to negotiate the marriage of Don Juan Núñez with Queen María, King Pedro’s mother and King Alfonso’s widow, so that in the case of Pedro’s

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moriera, por que don Iohan Nuñez rregnasse. E por esto don Alfonso Ferrandez, teniendo que don Iohan Alfonso que auia saña del porque non quiso darle el dicho castillo de Burguillos e fue descubiertamente del vando de don Iohan Nuñez, que era avn bivo estonçe quando esto se trato; por lo qual don Iohan Alfonso le buscaua quanto mal pudia con el rrey diziendo que quando el adolesçiera en Seuilla e don Iohan Nuñez cuydaua auer el rregno, que don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel touiera con el e esforçara su parte e pusiera grandes vandos en Seuilla e le plazia de la su muerte. E don Alfonso Ferrandez ouo grand miedo del dicho don Iohan Alfonso señaladamente desque don Iohan Nuñez era ya finado. E por esta rrazon se puso en Aguilar e non fue a las cortes que el rrey fizo en Valladolid. E don Iohan de la Çerda, fijo de don Luys de la Çerda, era casado con doña Maria Coronel, su fija del dicho don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel, su suegro, e non fue a las cortes del rrey. E por estas cosas basteçia don Alfonso Ferrandez las sus fortalezas; ca tenia a Aguilar e a Montaluan e Capilla e Burguillos e Torija e en Canpos, la casa de Bolaños. E otrossi tenia don Alfonso Ferrandez, grand esfuerço en muchos de Castilla, sus amigos, pensando que ternian con el, e en otros algunos del Andalozia, con quien auia fablado e querian mal a don Iohan Alfonso, e despues non le ayudaron. E el rrey, desque sopo que don Alfonso Ferrandez basteçia sus fortalezas e sus castillos, ouo su consejo de yr al Andalozia e poner rrecabdo en esto. E porque los moros, en atreuimiento de vn tan grand cauallero commo el, e que tenia tan grandes fortalezas en el rregno, e teniendo por yerno a don Iohan de la Çerda, que era muy grande en el rregno de Castilla, non se mouiessen a fazer guerra, e assi lo fizo. Ca luego fizo su mandamiento e enbio por muchas gentes, asi de Castilla commo del Andalozia, para çercar a don Alfonso Ferrandez en la dicha villa.

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death Don Juan Núñez might succeed to the throne. As a result of this, in the belief that Don Juan Alfonso bore him a grudge because he had not been willing to hand over to him the castle of Burguillos, Don Alfonso Fernández had openly declared himself a supporter of Don Juan Núñez, who had still been alive when these dealings took place; and on account of this Don Juan Alfonso was now seeking to cause as much trouble as possible for him with the king, saying that when he had fallen ill in Seville and Don Juan Núñez had his eyes set on the kingdom, Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel had been Don Juan’s ally, lent support to his cause and assembled a strong force in Seville, and that he would have been pleased if the king had died. Don Alfonso Fernández was in great fear of Don Juan Alfonso, particularly once he had learned of Don Juan Núñez’s death, and this is why he installed himself in Aguilar rather than attending the cortes which the king held in Valladolid. Don Juan de la Cerda, son of Don Luis de la Cerda, was married to Doña María Coronel, Don Alfonso Fernández’s daughter, and, likewise, he did not attend the king’s cortes.44 On account of all this Don Alfonso Fernández was preparing his fortresses for defence, for he held Aguilar, Montalbán, Capilla, Burguillos, Torija and in Tierra de Campos his residence in Bolaños. In addition, Don Alfonso Fernández was counting on receiving considerable support from many allies in Castile, believing that they would back him, and from some from Andalusia with whom he had been negotiating and who were hostile to Don Juan Alfonso; but in the end they gave him no assistance. The king, once he learned that Don Alfonso Fernández was making ready his fortresses and castles, resolved to go to Andalusia and make the situation secure. He also wished to prevent the Moors from launching an attack in the light of the audacious conduct of so great a knight, who possessed such powerful fortresses in the realm and whose son-in-law was Don Juan de la Cerda, a man of very high standing in the kingdom. He therefore acted accordingly: he promptly issued his command and called together a large force from both Castile and Andalusia in readiness to besiege Don Alfonso Fernández in the town of Aguilar.

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Capitulo XXIIº. De lo que acaesçio este año en el rregno de Françia. Por que segund la buena hordenança de las coronicas, es usado e acostunbrado que en fin del año, desque la ystoria es acabada, se cuenten algunos fechos notables e grandes que acaesçieron por el mundo en otras partidas en aquel año, por ende nos queremos aqui tener esta hordenança e cada que el cuento se cunpla, contaremos en fin del año lo que acaesçio en otras partes. Ca bien es que se sepan los tales fechos. E asi fue que, en este año que dicho es, que fue año del Señor mill e trezientos e çinquenta e vno, e de la era de Çesar mill e trezientos e ochenta e nueue, murio el rrey Phelipe sesto de Françia, que asi ouo nonbre. E rregno el rrey Phelipe veynte e tres años, e fue primero conde de Valoys, e ouo el rregno de Françia por herençia de Carlos quarto, que llamaron el Bel, el qual morio sin fijo varon heredero, saluo que dexo vna fija, que despues fue duquesa de Orliens e fue casada con vn fijo deste rrey Phelipe, que era duque de Orliens. E por quanto era fija, non heredo el rregno de Françia. E este rrey Phelipe fue el que peleo con el rrey Eduarte de Inglaterra en la batalla de Carsi, en Picardia, çerca vna villa que llaman Sand Requier, que es en el condado de Pontis. E fue vençido el rrey de Françia, e morio ý aquel dia el rrey de Bohemia, que viniera a ayudar al rrey de Françia e era çiego, que non veya; pero por proeza de caualleria, vino aquel dia a seer en la batalla. E era este rrey de Boemia padre de madama Bona, que era casada estonçe con don Iohan, primo genito del rrey de Françia, que despues fue rrey de Françia, e fue fijo deste rrey Phelipe. E morieron ý el conde de Flandes e el conde de Alançon, hermano del rrey de Françia e diez e seys condes de Françia e otros muchos nobles señores de la parte del rrey de Françia. E otrossi morieron

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1351: CHAPTER XXII Concerning what happened during this year in the kingdom of France. In accordance with the best principles for the compilation of chronicles, it is the practice and custom that, at the end of a year, once the narrative of the events has been completed, there should be an account of some notable and important occurrences which took place in other parts of the world during the year in question. Therefore, we wish to observe this principle here: each time that the account of a year is completed we shall, at its end, relate what happened elsewhere, for it is right that such events should be known about. Thus it was that in this said year, the year of the Lord 1351, 1389 reckoning from the era of Caesar, there occurred the death of King Philippe of France, the sixth to bear that name. King Philippe had reigned for 23 years and had previously been count of Valois. He inherited the kingdom of France from Charles IV, known as ´the Handsome’, who died without leaving a son as his heir but did leave a daughter who later became duchess of Orléans. This daughter married a son of King Philippe who was duke of Orléans. Since she was a daughter she did not inherit the kingdom of France. It was this King Philippe who fought against King Edward of England in the battle of Crécy in Picardy, near to a town called SaintRiquier in the county of Ponthieu, and in this battle the king of France suffered defeat. Moreover, on that day the king of Bohemia, who had come to support the king of France, died in the battle. Although he was totally blind, as an act of chivalric prowess he went to take part in the battle on that day. This king of Bohemia was the father of Madame Bonne, and at that time she was married to King Philippe’s son Jean, who as first-born son of the king of France later inherited the French throne. The battle of Crécy saw the deaths, on the side of the king of France, of the count of Flanders and the count of Alençon, brother of the king, 16 other counts of France and many other noble lords. In the battle

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ý dos mill ballesteros de Genoua, que estauan a sueldo del rrey de Françia. E fue esta batalla en Françia, en el año del Señor mill e trezientos e quarenta e seys, e de la era de Çesar mill e trezientos e ochenta e quatro años.

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there also died 2,000 crossbowmen from Genoa who were in the pay of the king of France. This battle took place in France in the year of the Lord 1346, 1384 reckoning from the era of Caesar.

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AÑO TERÇERO que el rrey don Pedro rregno, que fue año del Señor mill e trezientos e çinquenta e dos e de la era de Çesar, segund costunbre de España, en mill e trezientos e nouenta.

Capitulo primero. Commo el rrey don Pedro llego a la villa de Aguilar, do estaua don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel, e lo que ý paso. En el año terçero que el rrey don Pedro rregno, que fue en el año del Señor mill e trezientos e çinquenta e dos, e de la era de Çesar, segund costunbre de España, mill e trezientos e nouenta, e del Criamiento del mundo, segund la cuenta de los ebreos, en çinco mill e çiento e doze años, e del año de los alarabes, que Mahomad començo, sieteçientos e çinquenta e quatro, llego el rrey don Pedro a la çibdat de Cordoua e dende fue para Aguilar, e fallo en la dicha villa a don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel e a don Iohan de la Çerda, su yerno. E el rrey enbio estonçes pieça de gentes e omnes de armas con su pendon a la dicha villa. E enbio a Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo, su camarero mayor, e a Sancho Sanchez de Rojas, su ballestero mayor, a fablar con don Alfonso Ferrandez e a saber si lo acogeria en la villa de Aguilar. E dixeron e rrequirieron a don Alfonso Ferrandez que acogiesse al rrey. E el dixo e rrespondio a los que el tal rrequerimiento fizieron, que veya alli a don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, que traya grand poder e grand priuança con el rrey, del quien el se temia, e que non lo osaua acoger. E avn por poner algund color e escusa, con miedo e temor que auia, dixo algunas otras rrazones, diziendo: que el rrey le diera aquella villa con mero misto inperio, con tantas libertades que,

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YEAR THREE (1352) of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1352 and, counting from the era of Caesar, according to Spanish custom, 1390. 1352: CHAPTER I How King Pedro came to the town of Aguilar, where Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel was present, and what took place there. These events occurred in the third year of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1352; in 1390, counting from the era of Caesar, according to Spanish custom; 5,112 years from the creation of the world by the reckoning of the Hebrews; and, from the beginning of the period of the Arabs, established by Muhammad, it was in the year 754. The king reached the city of Córdoba and from there went on to Aguilar, where he found Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel and his son-in-law Don Juan de la Cerda. The king then dispatched a substantial force of troops and men-atarms to the town, bearing his standard; and with them he sent Gutier Fernández de Toledo, his master chamberlain, and Sancho Sánchez Rojas, head of the royal guards, to negotiate with Don Alfonso Fernández and to find out if he would grant King Pedro access to the town of Aguilar. They spoke to Don Alfonso Fernández, demanding that he allow the king to enter the town, but Don Alfonso replied to the men making this demand that he was aware of the presence there of Don Juan Alfonso, lord of Alburquerque, a man who wielded great authority and influence over the king and of whom he was in great fear, and so he dared not grant King Pedro entry. In his great fear and trepidation, he also put forward other arguments in order to claim exemption, asserting that the king had given him that town with absolute authority

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segund el preuillejo que el tenia, non era tenudo de lo acoger en la manera que el venia. Enpero la rrazon mas çierta en que el se afirmaua mas, era el miedo que auia de don Iohan Alfonso; ca aquel miedo le fizo a el dubdar.

Capitulo segundo. Commo paso el fecho de don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel e commo el rrey dio sus bienes. Los caualleros que leuauan el pendon del rrey, despues que supieron la rrespuesta que diera don Alfonso Ferrandez, por la qual les paresçio que non acogeria al rrey, llegaron a la puerta de la villa de Aguilar con omnes de armas, que alli estauan, e pelearon en las barreras llegando el pendon del rrey a la puerta de la dicha villa. E yua con el pendon Dia Gomez de Toledo, que era cabdillo de los escuderos del cuerpo del rrey. E despues tornaronsse para el rrey diziendo que el su pendon, que era rroto de las piedras e saetas que tirauan de la villa de Aguilar, e que el dicho don Alfonso Ferrandez non lo queria acoger, poniendo sus escusas. E luego ese dia, algunos amigos de don Alfonso Ferrandez dixeronle que non auia buen seso en se alçar contra el rrey su señor, e que non podria leuar adelante tal cosa, e que fuese çierto que, si luego non acogiesse al rrey o non catase alguna buena pleytesia con el, que el rrey entendia pasar contra el de sentençia e contra sus bienes. E algunos sus amigos de don Alfonso Ferrandez tratauan con el rrey que entregasse al rrey las fortalezas que auia en el rregno de Castilla, e que el rrey lo mandaria poner en saluo en otro rregno qual el quisiese, a el e a don Iohan de la Çerda, su yerno, e a los que con el quisiesen yr. E que despues se cataria manera commo el rrey le perdonasse e le tornasse lo suyo.

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and with such a degree of autonomy that, according to the rights that he possessed, he was not bound to grant the king entry when he was approached by him in such a manner. Nevertheless, the strongest argument that he gave for his actions was the great fear that he felt for Don Juan Alfonso, for it was that fear which made him wary.

1352: CHAPTER II What took place concerning Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel and how the king distributed his possessions. The knights who bore the king’s standard, on learning what answer Don Alfonso Fernández had given − from which they concluded that he would not grant the king entry to the town − approached the town of Aguilar with the men-at-arms who were accompanying them and fought at the ramparts, taking the king’s standard right up to the town’s gateway. The man bearing the standard that day was Día Gómez de Toledo, who was head of the royal body of squires.1 They then returned to the king, saying that the standard had been torn by the stones and bolts from the crossbows sent down from the town of Aguilar and that Don Alfonso Fernández was not willing to grant him entry and had set out his reasons. Later that same day some friends of Don Alfonso Fernández told him that he had not been wise to act rebelliously against his lord the king, that he could not succeed in such an enterprise and that he should be certain that, if he did not at once grant the king entry or manage to agree some favourable terms with him, King Pedro intended to pass judgement condemning him and confiscating his possessions. Some of Don Alfonso Fernández’s friends were negotiating with the king a deal by which Don Alfonso would hand over to him the fortresses that he possessed in the kingdom of Castile and in return the king would allow him, together with his son-in-law Don Juan de la Cerda and any others who wished to go with him, safe conduct into any other kingdom that he wished; and subsequently a way would be negotiated for the king to pardon him and return to him what was his.

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E don Alfonso Ferrandez tan grande era el miedo que auia de don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque que non quiso fazer esta pleytesia. E los caualleros sus amigos le dixieron lo que le podria venir de daño e de mal si esto quisiese porfiar. E don Alfonso Ferrandez les rrespondio que el rrey podia fazer lo que su merçed fuese, pero que todo esto fazia el con miedo e temor de don Iohan Alfonso señor de Alburquerque, que alli era e traya al rrey en su poder, de quien el se temia de muerte. E el rrey luego ese dia, desque vio tornados a Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo e a Sancho Sanchez de Rojas, los quales auia enbiado con su pendon a fazer el rrequerimiento a don Alfonso Ferrandez, e vio el su pendon roto de las piedras, paso contra don Alfonso Ferrandez e confisco todos sus bienes e partiolos segund adelante diremos. E partio el rrey estonçes de Aguilar e dexo a don Iohan Nuñez de Prado, maestre de la horden de Calatraua, e a Men Rodriguez de Biedma, cabdillo del obispado de Jahen, e otros caualleros de Castilla e de Cordoua por fronteros de Aguilar, en lugares çerca dende, e tornosse el rrey para Castilla.

Capitulo IIIº. Commo el rrey tomo los castillos de don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel. Despues que el rrey don Pedro dexo sus fronteros puestos en comarca çerca de Aguilar contra don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel, vinose para Castilla por quanto sabia que el conde don Enrrique fazia basteçer sus fortalezas en Asturias. E en el camino veno por las tierras do eran los castillos de Montaluan e de Burguillos e de Capilla e Torija, que eran de don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel, e tomolos, ca luego ge los dieron. E tenia

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Don Alfonso Fernández was in such great fear of Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque that he was unwilling to agree to this arrangement. The knights who were his friends told him what harm and misfortune could come to him if he sought to persist in this approach. However, Don Alfonso’s response was to explain that – although the king was able to act according to his will – in all of this he was driven by fear and dread of Don Juan Alfonso, lord of Alburquerque, who was there in person and had the king under his influence; and Don Alfonso Fernández was afraid that he was in mortal danger from him. Shortly afterwards that same day, the king, having witnessed the return of Gutier Fernández de Toledo and Sancho Sánchez de Rojas, whom he had sent bearing his standard to present Don Alfonso Fernández with his demands, and having seen his standard torn by the stones, formally condemned Don Alfonso Fernández, confiscating all his possessions and distributing them as we shall go on to relate. Then the king departed from Aguilar and left Don Juan Núñez de Prado, the master of the Order of Calatrava, and Men Rodríguez de Biedma, military commander for the diocese of Jaén, together with other knights of Castile and Córdoba, as field commanders for the troops besieging Aguilar, based in nearby villages; and the king set off back to Castile.

1352: CHAPTER III How the king took the castles belonging to Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel. King Pedro, having established his field commanders against Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel in the area around Aguilar, made his way to Castile, as he knew that Count Enrique was equipping his fortresses in Asturias in readiness to face an attack. On the way he passed through the lands where Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel’s castles of Montalbán, Burguillos, Capilla and Torija were situated. He took control of them – for they were rapidly surrendered

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a Montaluan vn escudero, que dizian Arias Gonçalez Quexada; e a Capilla otro, que dizian Suer Alfonso de Mallean, que era asturiano; e dieronlos al rrey. E el castillo de Burguillos detouosse algund tienpo, e tenialo vn escudero, criado de don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel, que dizian Iohan Ferrandez de Canedo; pero despues lo cobro el rrey mandandolo çercar e faziendole poner bastidas, e fue preso el dicho alcayde e cortaronle las manos e desque fue sano de las llagas de las manos fuesse para Aguilar. Quando el rrey la çerco despues otra vez, segund que adelante diremos, pidiole por merçed que le mandasse poner dentro en la villa de Aguilar para que alli pudiesse morir con su señor don Alfonso Ferrandez, e el rrey mandolo assi. E despues que el rrey partio de la Frontera para yr a Castilla, luego don Iohan de la Çerda, su yerno de don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel, sallio de Aguilar e paso al rregno de Granada, e dende, fue para allen mar por veer si fallaria algund esfuerço en los moros para acorrer a don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel, su suegro, e non lo fallo e estudo grand tienpo alla. E alli se acaesçio en vna pelea que el rrey Albuhaçen ouo con el rrey Aluanen su fijo, e fue vençido el padre. E don Iohan era de la parte del fijo, e fue aquel dia muy buen cauallero en aquella pelea e muy loado; e despues se vino para Portogal, segund adelante diremos.

Capitulo IIIIº. Commo don Tello se fue para Monte Agudo e rrobo la recua de Burgos en Aranda. Quando el rrey don Pedro partio de Aguilar segund que dicho auemos, e se venia para Castilla, don Tello, su hermano, fijo del rrey don Alfonso e de doña Leonor de Guzman, estaua en la villa de Aranda de Duero, que era suya.

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to him. Montalbán was held by a squire called Arias González Quexada and Capilla by another by the name of Suer Alfonso de Malleán, who was from Asturias, and they both handed the castles over to the king. The castle of Burguillos resisted for some time. It was held by a squire called Juan Fernández de Cañedo who had been brought up in the household of Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel. However, in due course it was captured by the king, who had ordered it to be besieged and attacked with assault towers. The castellan was taken prisoner and his hands were cut off; but as soon as the wounds from his hands were healed he left for Aguilar. When the king renewed the siege there – as we shall go on to relate – Juan Fernández begged to be allowed into the town of Aguilar in order to die with his lord Don Alfonso Fernández. The king commanded that this be done. After the king had left the Frontier region to go to Castile, Don Juan de la Cerda, Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel’s son-in-law, immediately left Aguilar and made his way into the kingdom of Granada and from there travelled over the sea to see if he could obtain any support from the Moors for his father-in-law, Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel. He did not succeed in this, but he remained there for a considerable time, becoming involved in a conflict between Abū’l-Hasan and his son Abū ‘Inān in which the father was defeated.2 Don Juan had taken the side of the son, on the day proving himself to be a very fine knight in the battle and winning great praise. Later he went on to Portugal, as we shall relate at a later stage.

1352: CHAPTER IV How Don Tello went to Monteagudo and near Aranda stole the baggage train which had come from Burgos. When King Pedro had left Aguilar, as we have already related, and was making his way to Castile, his brother Don Tello, son of King Alfonso and Doña Leonor de Guzmán, was in the town of Aranda de Duero, which belonged to him.

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E quando sopo que el rrey venia, ouo grande miedo del, e estaua con el Pero Ruyz de Villegas, su mayordomo mayor. E partieron de Aranda, e rrouaron la rrecua que venia de Burgos e se yua para la feria de Alcala de Henares, en la qual tomaron grande auer, e fuesse don Tello para Monte Agudo, que era suya e es frontera del rregno de Aragon. E despues contaremos commo fue del.

Capitulo Vº. Commo el rrey don Pedro çerco a Gijon en Asturias, e de otras cosas. Por quanto sopo el rrey nueuas que el conde don Enrrique era en Asturias e basteçia a Gijon, fuesse para alla e çerco la villa de Gijon, do estaua la condesa doña Iohana, muger del conde don Enrrique, e estauan ay pieça de caualleros con ella. E era esta condesa doña Iohana, muger del conde, fija del dicho don Iohan que primero deximos, que era fijo del infante don Manuel e de doña Blanca, hermana de don Iohan Nuñez de Lara, señor de Vizcaya, segund auemos ya contado. E el conde non se atreuio atender al rrey alli en Gijon e pusose en Asturias, en vna montaña muy fuerte, que dizian Montoya, e alli estouo en quanto el rrey touo su rreal sobre Gijon. E daua el conde por sueldo a los que con el andauan, joyas muy nobles de piedras e aljofar, que le diera su madre doña Leonor en Seuilla, quando estaua presa, por quanto non tenia dineros. E el rrey estouo algunos dias sobre Gijon e despues partio de alli con esta pleytesia: que los caualleros del conde que alli estauan en Gijon fizieron pleyto e omenaje al rrey, que el, perdonando al conde, del dicho logar de Gijon nin de las otras sus fortalezas que el conde auia, non fiziesse guerra. E este pleyto fizo Pero Carrillo, que estaua en el dicho logar de Gijon por mayor; e eran ý caualleros, Pero Ferrandez Quexada e Furtado Diaz de Mendoça e otros asturianos. E en este tienpo, yendo el rrey a Gijon, tomo a doña Maria de Padilla,

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Don Tello was filled with terror when he learned that the king was on his way. With him was Pero Ruiz de Villegas, his chief steward. They set out from Aranda and stole the baggage train which was coming from Burgos and heading for the market in Alcalá de Henares, and they carried off goods of considerable value. Don Tello went on to Monteagudo, which belonged to him and is situated on the frontier with Aragon. In due course we shall relate what became of him.

1352: CHAPTER V How King Pedro besieged Gijón in Asturias and concerning other events which took place. Having heard the news that Count Enrique was in Asturias, preparing Gijón for defence, the king made his way there there and laid siege to the town, where Count Enrique’s wife, Countess Juana, and also a good number of knights were present. As we have already explained, Countess Juana was a daughter of Don Juan, son of Prince Manuel and Doña Blanca, the sister of Don Juan Núñez de Lara, lord of Vizcaya. The count did not dare to await the king at Gijón but instead he established his camp in Asturias, in a very steep mountainous area called Mongayo, where he remained while the king was encamped outside Gijón.3 The count, as he had no money, paid those who accompanied him with precious stones and pearls that he had been given by his mother Doña Leonor in Seville when she was imprisoned there. The king remained outside Gijón for some days and then departed having come to the following agreement: that the count’s knights who were in Gijón were to submit and pay homage to the king provided that he pardoned the count and did not launch an attack on Gijón or on any of his other fortresses. This agreement was reached with Pero Carrillo, who was the senior commander in Gijón; and also present were the knights Pero Fernández Quexada and Hurtado Díaz de Mendoza, together with some other Asturians. During this time, on his way to Gijón, the king took as his mistress

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que era vna donzella muy fermosa e andaua en casa de doña Ysabel de Meneses, muger de don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, que la criaua. E traxogela a Sand Fagund, Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa, tio de la dicha doña Maria, hermano de doña Maria Gonçalez, su madre. E todo esto fue por consejo de don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, segund adelante diremos.

Capitulo VIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro partio de sobre Gijon e vino para Castilla e lo que acaesçio. El rrey don Pedro, despues que esto assi paso, partio de Gijon e vino para Valladolid. E sopo commo don Tello, su hermano, e Pero Ruyz de Villegas, su mayordomo mayor de don Tello, desque rrobaran la rrecua de Burgos, que pasara por Aranda, villa de don Tello, e se fueran para Monte Agudo, vn logar del dicho don Tello, çerca de Aragon. E que, desque ý llegaron, que el dicho don Tello se fuera para el rrey de Aragon e Pero Ruyz, que fincara en Monte Agudo con conpañas de armas, e fazian guerra dende. E fue el rrey para alla, e fallo que Fuente Dueña, que era de don Tello, e Munox, que era de Pero Ruyz de Villegas, que fazian guerra. E el rrey llego a los dichos logares e defendieronse algund tienpo, e despues dieron ge los. E llego el rrey a Monte Agudo, e Pero Ruyz libro su pleyto con el rrey que non faria guerra e que non lo çercasen. E el rrey fizolo assi por quanto queria yr sobre Aguilar; ca don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel e los que con el estauan fazian mucho daño por aquella tierra del Andalozia. E fue el rrey para Soria, e alli vinieron a el mensageros del rrey don Pedro de Aragon e vieron con el algunas cosas sobre fecho de don

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Doña Maria de Padilla, a lady of great beauty who was under the tutelage of Doña Isabel de Meneses, the wife of Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque, and in service in her household. Doña María was taken to Sahagún by her uncle Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, the brother of her mother, Doña María González. All of this took place on the advice of Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque, as we shall relate in due course.

1352: CHAPTER VI How King Pedro left the siege of Gijón and travelled to Castile, and what happened there. After these events had taken place, King Pedro departed from Gijón and travelled to Valladolid. There he learned about the actions of his brother Don Tello and Pero Ruiz de Villegas, chief steward in Don Tello’s service: once they had stolen the mule train from Burgos which had passed through Aranda − a town belonging to Don Tello – they had headed for Monteagudo, which also belonged to Don Tello and was situated close to Aragon.4 He also heard how, after reaching Monteagudo, Don Tello had gone on to see the king of Aragon whilst Pero Ruiz remained with a body of troops in Monteagudo, from where they carried out raids. The king made his way there and discovered that Fuente Dueña, which belonged to Tello, and Moñux, which was the property of Pero Ruiz de Villegas, had taken up arms. The king went to attack both of these places and, after holding out for some time, they were surrendered to him. The king moved on to Monteagudo, where Pero Ruiz reached an agreement with him by which he would not carry out any raids and in return he should not be besieged. The king agreed to this on account of his desire to move against Aguilar, for Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel and his supporters were doing great harm to the lands of Andalusia. The king went on to Soria, where he was approached by emissaries sent by King Pere of Aragon who discussed with him certain proposals

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Tello, en que el rrey de Aragon le rrogaua que le quisiesse perdonar. Otrossi firmaron con el rrey amistades segund que el dicho rrey don Pedro de Aragon las ouiera con el rrey don Alfonso, su padre.

Capitulo VIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro fue al Andalozia e çerco la villa de Aguilar. Esto fecho, el rrey se fue para el Andalozia por quanto le dizian que don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel e los que estauan con el en Aguilar fazian grand guerra por toda la comarca, e que prendiera, en vna pelea que ouiera, a Men Rodriguez de Biedma, cabdillo del obispado de Jahen, que el rrey dexara por frontero. E otrossi sopo el rrey que don Iohan de la Çerda, yerno de don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel, era partido de Aguilar, donde primero estaua con don Alfonso Fernandez, su suegro, e que era pasado allen mar e trataua e buscaua acorro en los moros. E el rrey fue al Andalozia, e luego que alli llego, çerco la villa de Aguilar. E fue esto en el mes de otubre deste dicho año, e pusole engeños e mandole fazer muchas cauas, e estudo sobre ella quatro meses. E morio dentro en la villa de Aguilar, de vna piedra de engeño, Iohan Esteuanez de Burgos, que fuera muy priuado del rrey don Alfonso e su chançeller del sello de la poridat, e con miedo del rrey don Pedro, fuxo e pusierase alli con don Alfonso Fernandez.

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in connection with Don Tello, the king of Aragon asking King Pedro to grant his brother pardon. They also concluded with him an alliance in accordance with the one which had previously existed between King Pere and King Alfonso, the present king’s father.

1352: CHAPTER VII How King Pedro went to Andalusia and besieged the town of Aguilar. When this had been completed, the king travelled to Andalusia, for news was reaching him of how Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel and those with him in Aguilar were raiding throughout the whole area and in one encounter had captured Men Rodríguez de Biedma, military governor for the diocese of Jaén, whom the king had left as his field commander. The king also learned that Don Juan de la Cerda, Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel’s son-in-law, had set out from Aguilar, where he had initially been with his father-in-law Don Alfonso Fernández, and that he had crossed the sea and was negotiating with the Moors, seeking their support. The king moved on to Andalusia and, on his arrival, he lost no time in besieging the town of Aguilar. This was in the month of October of the year in question. He brought up siege engines and ordered the digging of many mines, besieging the town for four months. During this time Juan Estévanez de Burgos died in the town of Aguilar after being hit by a stone from a siege engine. He had been a close confidant of King Alfonso and his chancellor of the confidential seal, and through fear of King Pedro he had fled and joined Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel in the town of Aguilar.

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Capitulo VIIIº. De lo que en este año acaesçio en Çerdeña entre catalanes e ginoueses e veneçianos. Segund que auemos dicho, que en fin del año diremos algunas cosas de las que contesçieron en otros rregnos e partidas, assi agora aqui contaremos lo que acaesçio en el rregno de Aragon en este año. E asi fue que en este año, los catalanes fazian guerra al juzge de Arborea, que tenia a Çerdeña. E tenian los catalanes çercado el castillo de Alguer, e los veneçianos ayudauan a los catalanes, e los ginoueses a los de Çerdeña. E el juzge de Arbolea, que era señor de Cerdeña, ayudaua a los ginoueses. E los catalanes estauan en Cerdeña sobre el dicho castillo de Alguer. E eran los veneçianos e catalanes setenta galeas, e era almirante de los catalanes don Bernal, vizconde de Cabrera. E los ginoueses llegaron con çinquenta galeas e era almirante dellas miçer Antonio de Grimaldo. E fue la pelea, e estando el fecho de la batalla commo al mediodia en peso, ouo viento en la mar. E eran ý dos naos de Castilla, e la vna era de Castro de Vrdiales, que dezian la Rosa de Castro, e era de dozientos toneles, e venian al sueldo de los catalanes. E de que ouo viento, llego vna nao destas a la batalla, e pasaua por çima de las galeas de genoueses, e a la galea que fallaua, anegauala, e fueron assi desbaratados los genoueses. E escaparon diez e nueue galeas de las suyas, e perdieron treynta e vna.

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1352: CHAPTER VIII Concerning what happened during this year in Sardinia involving Catalans, Genoese and Venetians. In accordance with our statement that at the end of each year’s account we shall mention some of the events which took place in other kingdoms and regions, we shall now tell you of what happened this year in the kingdom of Aragon. In the course of this year the Catalans were waging war on the Judge of Arborea, who had authority over Sardinia.5 The Catalans had laid siege to the castle of Alghero and the Venetians were supporting the Catalans while the Genoese were on the side of the Sardinians. The Judge of Arborea, who was lord of Sardinia, was giving assistance to the Genoese, and the Catalans were in Sardinia besieging the castle of Alghero. The Venetian and Catalan fleet consisted of 70 galleys and the Catalan admiral was Viscount Bernat of Cabrera. The Genoese brought with them 50 galleys, under the command of Miçer Antonio de Grimaldo.6 The battle got underway and, with the outcome still in the balance at mid-day, the sea wind got up. Two large Castilian sailing ships were involved, one of them a 200-tonne vessel from Castro Urdiales known as the ‘Rosa de Castro’, and these were in the pay of the Catalans.7 Once the wind arose, one of these ships joined the battle and sailed over the galleys of the Genoese, sinking any galleys with which it clashed and throwing the Genoese into disarray, with 19 of their galleys escaping and 31 lost.

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AÑO QUARTO que el rrey don Pedro rregno, que fue año del Señor de mill e trezientos e çinquenta e tres, e de la era de Çesar, segund costunbre de España, mill e trezientos e nouenta e vno.

Capitulo primero. Commo el rrey don Pedro tomo la villa de Aguilar e fizo matar a don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel e a otros caualleros que ý estauan. En el año quarto que el rrey don Pedro rregno, que fue en el año del Señor de mill e trezientos e çinquenta e tres, e de la era de Çesar, segund costunbre de España, mill e trezientos e nouenta e vno, e del Criamiento del mundo, segund la cuenta de los ebreos, en çinco mill e çiento e treze años, e del año de los alarabes, que Mahomad començo, sieteçientos e çinquenta e cinco, pasados los quatro meses que el rrey don Pedro auia çercado la dicha villa de Aguilar, tomola el rrey por fuerça, faziendo minas e cauas en esta manera. Jueves primero dia de febrero, dieron fuego a las cauas que tenian fechas e cayo vn grand portillo e muchos de la villa sallian por alli e vinianse para el rrey. E otro dia viernes, el rrey mando armar todos los de la hueste para conbatir la villa, e fizieronlo assi. E non auia en la villa saluo muy pocos ya para la defender; e antes que las gentes llegassen, Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo, que era muy amigo de don Alfonso Ferrandez, llego a la villa de Aguilar e vio a don Alfonso Ferrando que andaua rrequiriendo las barreras en vn cauallo. E dixole Gutier Ferrandez a don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel: ‘Conpadre amigo, commo me pesa de la porfia que tomastes’. E dixole don Alfonso Ferrandez: ‘Gutier Ferrandez, ¿puede seer algund rremedio?’ E dixole Gutier Ferrandez: ‘En verdad, non lo veo, en tal estado son llegados los fechos ya’. E dixole don Alfonso Ferrandez: ‘Pues, assi es, yo lo veo’. E dixole Gutier Ferrandez: ‘¿Que rremedio?’,

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YEAR FOUR (1353) of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1353 and, counting from the era of Caesar according to the Spanish custom, 1391. 1353: CHAPTER I How King Pedro took the town of Aguilar and had Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel killed, together with other knights who were in the town. These events occurred in the fourth year of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1353; in 1391, counting from the era of Caesar according to Spanish custom; 5,113 years from the creation of the world by the reckoning of the Hebrews; and, from the beginning of the period of the Arabs, established by Muhammad, it was in the year 755. Four months after King Pedro had laid siege to the town of Aguilar, he took it by force through mining and tunnelling which worked as follows: On Thursday the first of February the attackers set fire to the tunnels that they had dug out and a large section of the wall collapsed; many of the people in the town left that way and went over to the king. On the following day – Friday – the king commanded his whole force to arm itself ready to move against the town, and this they did. There were very few people left in the town to defend it. Before the attackers entered, Gutier Fernández de Toledo, a close friend of Don Alfonso Fernández, came up close to the town of Aguilar and saw him riding around inspecting the outworks. ‘My friend and companion,’ he said to him. ‘How sorry I am to see that you have been so stubborn!’ ‘Tell me, Gutier Fernández,’ Don Alfonso Fernández replied, ‘can there be any other way out?’ And Gutier Fernández said, ‘In truth I cannot see one, since things have reached such a state.’ ‘Well that is so,’ Don Alfonso Fernández replied, ‘as I can see.’ ‘What way out is there?’,

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a don Alfonso Ferrandez. E dixo el estonçe: ‘Gutier Ferrandez, amigo, el rremedio de aqui adelante es este: morir lo mas apuestamente que yo pudiere, commo cauallero’. E armosse de vn ganbax e vna loriga e vna capellina, e anssi fue a oyr misa. E llegose a el vn escudero suyo e dixole: ‘¿Que fazedes, don Alfonso Ferrandez? Que la villa se entra por el portillo que cayo, e don Pero Esteuanez Carpentero, comendador mayor de Calatraua, es ya entrado en la villa con mucha gente’. E don Alfonso Ferrandez rrespondio: ‘Que quiera que sea, primero vere a Dios’. E estudo quedo fasta que alçaron el Cuerpo de Dios. E despues sallio de la iglesia e vio que las gentes del rrey eran ya entradas en la villa. E pusosse en vna torre de la villa armado commo estaua, e llego ý estonçe Dia Gomez de Toledo, que era cabdillo de los escuderos del cuerpo del rrey, e quando le vio don Alfonso Ferrandez dixole: ‘Dia Gomez, amigo, poner me hedes delante mi señor el rrey, bivo’. Dia Gomez dixo: ‘Non se si lo podre fazer, mas seed çierto don Alfonso Ferrandez que fare todo mi poder por ello’. E dixole don Alfonso Ferrandez: ‘Pues euadme alla convusco, e rruegovos, Dia Gomez, amigo, que mandedes a vuestros omnes que fagan lo que pudieren por guardar mis fijos, que estan en la mi posada, que non passen mal’. E desçendio don Alfonso Ferrandez de la torre, e fue luego preso e desarmado saluo del ganbax. E leuaronlo al rrey preso, dos escuderos del cuerpo del rrey; vno que dezian Ferrando Diaz Calderon e otro que dezian Alfonso Ruyz de Turizes, por mandado de Dia Gomez de Toledo, que era cabdillo de los escuderos del cuerpo del rrey. E fallaron a don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, e quando vio a don Alfonso Ferrandez dixole: ‘¡Que porfia tomastes tan sin prouecho, seyendo tan bien andante en este rregno!’ E don Alfonso Ferrandez le dixo: ‘Don Iohan Alfonso, esta es Castilla, que faze los omnes e los gasta: assaz lo entendi, pero non fue mi ventura de me desuiar deste mal. Pero tanto vos pido de mesura, que me den oy aquella muerte que yo fize dar a don Gonçalo Martinez, maestre de Alcantara’. E confeso ally que el ouiera culpa

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Gutier Fernández asked Don Alfonso, and he replied, ‘My friend Gutier Fernández, the way from here on is this: to die with all the dignity that I can as a knight.’ He put on a padded gambeson, a cuirass and a headpiece and wearing these he went to hear Mass. While he was in the church, one of his squires approached him and said to him: ‘What are you doing, Don Alfonso Fernández? The town is being entered through the breach made where the wall collapsed, and Don Pero Estébanez Carpenteyro, grand commander of Calatrava, has already entered with a large number of troops.’ Don Alfonso Fernández answered, ‘However that may be, first I will set my eyes on God.’ He did not move until the body of Christ was raised on high and then he left the church and saw that the king’s troops were already inside the town. Armed just as he was, he made his way onto one of the town’s towers. Día Gómez de Toledo, head of the royal body of squires, reached him there and Don Alfonso Fernández, on seeing him, said to him, ‘Día Gómez, my friend, will you take me into the presence of my lord king alive?’ Día Gómez replied: ‘I do not know if I shall be able to do so, but you can be sure, Don Alfonso Fernández, that I will do all that I can to bring it about.’ ‘So take me there with you,’ said Don Alfonso Fernández; ‘and I beg of you, my friend Día Gómez, that you instruct your men to do all that they can to protect my children, who are in my dwelling, and see that they come to no harm.’ Don Alfonso Fernández made his way down from the tower and was promptly made captive and disarmed, except for the gambeson. On the orders of Día Gómez de Toledo, head of the royal body of squires, he was taken to the king as a prisoner by two of its members, one called Fernando Díaz Calderón and the other Alfonso Ruiz de Torices. They found Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque, and, when he set his eyes on Don Alfonso Fernández, he said to him, ‘How stubbornly you acted, to no gain, and just when your affairs in this kingdom were prospering to such an extent!’ ‘Don Juan Alfonso,’ Don Alfonso Fernández replied to him, ‘this is Castile, which makes men only to break them down. I understood it well enough, although it was not my fortune to avoid this adversity. But I ask you to show such restraint as to inflict on me the same death that I caused to be given to Don Gonzalo Martínez de Oviedo, master of Alcántara.’1 There and

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en la muerte del maestre don Gonçalo Martinez; e dizen que en tal dia e en tal mes moriera el dicho don Gonçalo Martinez maestre, commo murio don Alfonso Ferrandez. E estando asi, llego el rrey don Pedro e vio a don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel, pero non le fablo. E don Alfonso Ferrandez non veya al rrey. E estonçe fue entregado a los alguaziles, e luego alli mataron a don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel, e a Iohan Alfonso Carrillo, que era vn cauallero muy bueno e su amigo e su conpadre de don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel; e solia tener los lugares de Cabra e Lucena por doña Leonor de Guzman, e quando ella fue presa, el rrey ge los mando entregar a otros caualleros, e el estonçe vinosse a don Alfonso Ferrandez que era su amigo e estudo algunos dias con el. E quando lo vio en este menester, pusosse en Aguilar por grande amor que auia con el. E mataron esse dia a Pero Coronel, sobrino del dicho don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel, e a Iohan Gonçalez de Deça e a Ponçe Diaz de Quesada e a Rodrigo Yñiguez de Biedma. E mando el rrey derribar los muros de Aguilar.

Capitulo segundo. Commo el rrey don Pedro fue para Cordoua e commo nasçio ý doña Beatriz. Despues que el rrey tomo la villa de Aguilar, segund dicho auemos, fuesse para la çibdat de Cordoua. E alli nasçio estonçe doña Beatriz, su fija e de doña Maria de Padilla. E diole el rrey a doña Beatriz, su fija, los castillos de Montaluan e Capilla e Burguillos e el lugar de Mondejar e Yuncos, que fueran de don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel.

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then he confessed that he had been guilty of the death of the master Gonzalo Martínez: it is said that this man had died on the same day and in the same month as Don Alfonso Fernández. When events had reached this point, the king arrived and saw Don Alfonso Fernández, but he did not speak to him, and Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel was unable to see the king. Then he was handed over to the king’s officers and they promptly killed both him and Juan Alfonso Carrillo. This man was a very fine knight and a friend and close ally of Don Alfonso Fernández: he had held the towns of Cabra and Lucena on behalf of Doña Leonor de Guzmán but when she was imprisoned the king commanded that they be handed over to other knights. Juan Alfonso had then come to Don Alfonso Fernández, who was his friend, and had remained with him for some days; and, when he saw him in this position of need, he had joined him in Aguilar out of the great affection which he had for him. And on that day they put to death Don Alfonso Fernández’s nephew Pero Coronel, Juan González de Deza, Ponce Díaz de Quesada and Rodrigo Íñiguez de Biedma. The king also ordered the demolition of the walls of Aguilar.

1353: CHAPTER II How King Pedro went to Córdoba and his daughter Doña Beatriz was born there. Once the king had taken the town of Aguilar − as we have related −, he travelled to the city of Córdoba where during that time the birth took place of Doña Beatriz, daughter of King Pedro and Doña María de Padilla. The king made over to his daughter Doña Beatriz the castles of Montalbán, Capilla and Burguillos and the settlements of Mondéjar and Yuncos, which had belonged to Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel.

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Capitulo IIIº. Commo el rrey Pedro fue ferido en vn torneo e commo sopo que venia su esposa, doña Blanca de Borbon. Despues desto partio el rrey de Cordoua e vino para tierra de Toledo, e estudo algunos dias en vn su logar que llaman Torrijos, a çinco leguas de Toledo. E fizo el rrey alli fazer vn torneo e entro en el e fue ferido el en la mano derecha, de vna punta de espada en guisa que estudo en grand peligro que le non podian tomar la sangre, e estudo ally fasta que sano. E otrossi ya sabia el rrey commo el obispo don Iohan de Burgos e don Aluar Garçia de Albornoz, que el auia enbiado por mensageros al rrey don Iohan de Françia a le demandar que le diesse por muger a doña Blanca, su sobrina, fija del duque de Borbon, commo ya venian e trayan la dicha doña Blanca; e que enbiaua el rrey de Françia con ella al vizconde de Narbona e otros grandes caualleros de Françia e que eran ya en Castilla e que llegaran a Valladolid, do estaua la rreyna doña Maria, su madre del dicho rrey don Pedro, lunes veynte e çinco dias de febrero deste dicho año. E el rrey tenia estonçes en Torrijos consigo a doña Maria de Padilla, que auia tomado en la villa de Safagun quando yua sobre Gijon, segund dicho auemos. E el rrey amaua mucho a la dicha doña Maria de Padilla, tanto que non auia voluntad de casar con la dicha doña Blanca de Borbon. E era doña Maria muy fermosa e de buen entendimiento e pequeña de cuerpo.

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1353: CHAPTER III How King Pedro was injured in a tournament, and how he learned that Blanche of Bourbon, to whom he was betrothed, was on her way to him. After this, the king left Córdoba and travelled to the lands of Toledo, where he remained for some days in a small town called Torrijos, which belonged to him and was situated five leagues from the city of Toledo. There the king arranged for a tournament to be held, in which he took part, and he suffered an injury to his right hand from a sword thrust, such that he was in serious danger, it not being possible to take his blood. He remained there until the wound healed. Now the king also had news of Bishop Juan of Burgos and Don Álvar García de Albornoz, whom he had sent as his ambassadors to King Jean of France to ask on his behalf for the hand in marriage of King Jean’s niece Blanche, daughter of the duke of Bourbon: they were on their way, bringing Blanche, and with her the king of France was sending the viscount of Narbonne and other great knights of France. They were already in Castile and by Monday the 25th of February of this same year they had reached Valladolid, where King Pedro’s mother Queen María was waiting. At that time the king was accompanied in Torrijos by Doña María de Padilla, whom he had taken as his mistress in the town of Sahagún during his campaign against Gijón, as we have already explained. The king was much in love with Doña María de Padilla, so much so that he felt no desire to marry Blanche of Bourbon. Doña María was of great beauty, quick of mind and slight in stature.

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Capitulo IIIIº. Commo don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque llego a Torrijos e traxo consigo a don Iohan de la Çerda. El rrey estando en Torrijos segund auemos ya contado, llego ý don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, el qual auia enbiado el rrey, despues que tomo Aguilar, a Portogal en mensageria al rrey don Alfonso de Portogal, padre de la rreyna doña Maria, su madre. E traxo consigo don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque aquel camino a don Iohan de la Çerda, fijo de don Luys, yerno de don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel, de quien suso deximos que estaua en Portogal, que era venido de allen mar; e auiale ganado el rrey de Portogal perdon del rrey de Castilla, pues su suegro don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel era muerto e todos las sus fortalezas tomadas. E el rrey don Pedro rresçibio bien a don Iohan, pero non le torno ningunos bienes de los que fueron de don Alfonso Ferrandez su suegro; ca ya los auia dados. Ca diera a doña Beatriz, su fija que estonçe nasçio en Cordoua de doña Maria de Padilla, los castillos de Montaluan e Capilla e Burguillos, con sus tierras, e Mondejar e Yuncos, segunt dicho auemos. E dio a Bolaños, que es en Canpos, a Pero Suarez de Toledo el mozo, su rrepostero mayor. E dio a Casa Ruuios del Monte a Dia Gomez de Toledo, hermano del dicho Pero Suarez e su notario mayor del rregno de Toledo. E dio a Torija a Yñigo Lopez de Horozco. E assy partio sus bienes a estos e a otros; ca era don Alfonso Ferrandez muy heredado en Castilla. E despues que don Iohan Alfonso vino de Portogal, llego al rrey a Torrijos. E por quanto sabia que doña Blanca de Borbon, sobrina del rrey de Françia, que auia a seer muger del rrey, era ya en Valladolid e entendiera que el rrey non auia grand voluntad de yr fazer sus bodas,

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1353: CHAPTER IV How Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque arrived in Torrijos, bringing with him Don Juan de la Cerda. While the king was in Torrijos − as we have already related − Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque also arrived there. After the capture of Aguilar, Don Juan Alfonso had been sent by the king as an ambassador to King Afonso of Portugal, who was King Pedro’s grandfather, being the father of his mother Queen María. Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque brought back with him from that journey Don Juan de la Cerda, son of Don Luis and son-in-law of Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel. We explained above that Don Juan de la Cerda was in Portugal, having returned from over the sea, and the king of Portugal had obtained for him a pardon from the king of Castile, since Don Juan’s father-in-law Don Alfonso Fernández was dead and all his castles and fortresses had been seized. King Pedro gave Don Juan a warm reception but he did not return to him any of the possessions which had belonged to his father-in-law Don Alfonso Fernández, for he had already distributed them: he had given to his daughter Doña Beatriz – who had recently been born in Córdoba to Doña María de Padilla – the castles of Montalbán, Capilla and Burguillos with their lands and also Mondéjar and Yuncos, as we have already related; he had given Bolaños, situated in Tierra de Campos, to Pero Suárez de Toledo the Younger, the lord high butler; he had given Casarrubios del Monte to Día Gómez de Toledo, Pero Suárez’s brother, who was his chief notary in the kingdom of Toledo; and Torija he had given to Íñigo López de Orozco. In this way the king had distributed Don Alfonso Fernández’s possessions among these and other people, for the knight had been well endowed with property in Castile. On his return from Portugal, Don Juan Alfonso came to join the king in Torrijos. He knew that Blanche of Bourbon, the niece of the king of France who was to be King Pedro’s wife, was already in Valladolid, and he had understood that the king had no great desire to make his way

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fablo con el rrey e dixole que se fuese para Valladolid e tomasse a la dicha doña Blanca, su esposa, sobrina del rrey de Françia, fija del duque de Borbon, por su muger, segund que era desposado, e fiziesse sus bodas, diziendole que en esto faria mucho su serviçio. Ca bien sabia que estos rregnos de Castilla e de Leon estudieron en grande auentura a quien tomarian por rrey e por su señor en el primer año que el rregnara, quando ouiera de morir de la grand dolençia que ouiera en Seuilla. E que el auiendo fijos de su muger, todas estas cosas çesarian. Otrossi que parasse mientes commo la rreyna doña Leonor de Aragon, su tia, e sus fijos, los infantes don Ferrando e don Iohan, eran legitimos herederos destos rregnos e que non catauan por al saluo si el moriesse syn fijos legitimos, e que esto todo Dios non lo quisiese. Enpero acaesçiendo esto todo asi, que aurian en el rregno grand parte, e que podrian rrecresçer muchas guerras e males, lo qual seria grand peligro para toda la christiandat por la vezindad que los rregnos de Castilla han con los moros de Granada que son aquien mar, e con los otros moros de allen mar. E que fuesse su merçed de partir luego de Torrijos e yr fazer luego sus bodas con su esposa, doña Blanca, a la qual llamarian luego rreyna de Castilla, e que todo su rregno tomaria grand plazer. E commo quier que todo esto dezia don Iohan Alfonso consejando al rrey bien, enpero plaziale de lo arredrar de doña Maria de Padilla, porque parientes suyos eran ya contra el. E eran estonçes sus priuados del rrey Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa, tio de doña Maria, hermano de su madre; e Diego Garçia de Padilla, hermano de la dicha doña Maria; e Iohan Tenorio, que lo auia fecho estonçe su rrepostero mayor el rrey, e era muy amigo de los parientes de doña Maria.

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there to go ahead with his wedding. He therefore spoke with the king and told him to go to Valladolid to take Blanche – niece of the king of France and daughter of the duke of Bourbon − as his wife, as he was betrothed to her. Don Juan Alfonso said to the king that he should go ahead with the wedding, explaining to him that doing so would be greatly to his advantage; for he was well aware that in the first year of King Pedro’s reign − when he was on the point of dying from the serious illness that he had suffered in Seville − the kingdoms of Castile and León had been in a state of great uncertainty over whom they would take as their king and lord, and that if his wife bore him children all of these problems would be at an end. He also told him that he should take note of how his aunt Queen Leonor of Aragon and her sons, Princes Ferran and Joan, were legitimate heirs to these kingdoms and their only thought was for him to die without legitimate offspring. This, he added, let God forbid. Nevertheless, if it did come about, they would have a strong claim on the kingdom and it might lead to the outbreak of many wars and troubles, which would pose a serious threat for all of Christendom, on account of the proximity of the lands of Castile to the Moors of Granada on this side of the sea and to the other Moors from beyond the sea. He advised the king that it should be his will to set out without delay from Torrijos and to go ahead at once with his wedding with Blanche, to whom he was betrothed and who would very soon be called Queen of Castile. He told him that, if he did these things, he would delight all of his realm. Although Don Juan Alfonso offered all of this advice in good faith, on the other hand, as some of Doña María de Padilla’s relatives were by now at odds with him, he wished to make the king back off from his relationship with her. For King Pedro had already taken as his confidants Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, Doña María’s uncle – her mother’s brother –, Diego García de Padilla, Doña María’s brother, and Juan Tenorio, whom the king had now made lord high butler and who was on very good terms with Doña María´s relatives.

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Capitulo Vº. Commo el rrey partio de Torrijos para yr a Valladolid para fazer sus bodas, e commo dexo a doña Maria de Padilla en Montaluan. El rrey don Pedro, pero que non de buena voluntad, fizolo assi segund lo aconsejaua don Iohan Alfonso. E dexo a la dicha doña Maria de Padilla en el castillo de Montaluan, çerca de Toledo, que es vn castillo muy fuerte. E dexo con ella un hermano bastardo della, que dizian Iohan Garçia, que fue despues maestre de Santiago, e otros de quien el fiaua por que estudiesse segura; ca se rresçelaua el rrey de don Iohan Alfonso, que le pesaua porque la el tanto amaua; commo quier que al comienço el fue en el consejo que la tomasse el rrey, por quanto la dicha doña Maria andaua donzella en casa de doña Ysabel, su muger de don Iohan Alfonso, e cuydo el dicho don Iohan Alfonso apoderar mas al rrey por ella, pues era de su casa, e non se le fizo assi. E el rrey partio de Torrijos e fuesse para Valladolid, do eran ya ayuntados por su mandado, para las bodas, todos los grandes del rregno. E luego que alli llego, hordeno de fazer sus bodas con la dicha doña Blanca de Borbon, su esposa, que era en hedat de diez e ocho años, e muger bien fermosa, e era del linaje del rrey de Françia, de la flor de lis.

Capitulo VIº. Commo el rrey ouiera de pelear con el conde don Enrrique en Çigales, e commo venieron el conde e don Tello a la su merçed. Estando el rrey don Pedro en Valladolid, luego que alli llego, sopo commo el conde don Enrrique e don Tello, sus hermanos, venian a sus bodas; pero que trayan muchas conpañas de cauallo e de pie, e que

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1353: CHAPTER V How the king left Torrijos to go to Valladolid for his wedding, and how he left Doña María de Padilla in Montalbán. King Pedro, although against his will, followed Don Juan Alfonso’s advice; and he left Doña María de Padilla in the heavily fortified castle of Montalbán which is situated near to Toledo.2 With her, for her security, he left Juan García, her illegitimate brother, who later became master of Santiago, and other men who enjoyed the king’s confidence; for he did not trust Don Juan Alfonso, who was not pleased that King Pedro was so much in love with Doña María, even though at the beginning he had been in favour of the king taking her as his mistress: Doña María had been in the service of Don Juan Alfonso’s wife Doña Isabel and Juan Alfonso had believed that, as she was a member of his own household, through her he could tighten his control over the king. It was not to work out like that for him later. The king left Torrijos and travelled to Valladolid, where all the principal figures of the kingdom had gathered at his command to celebrate the wedding. Immediately on his arrival he instructed that his marriage to Blanche of Bourbon, to whom he was betrothed, was to go ahead: Blanche was 18 years of age, she was a highly attractive woman and she was of the lineage of the king of France, that of the fleur-de-lis.

1353: CHAPTER VI How the king was on the point of doing battle with Count Enrique in Cigales, and how the count and Don Tello promised him their allegiance. While he was in Valladolid – immediately after his arrival −, King Pedro learned how his brothers Count Enrique and Don Tello were coming to his wedding but were bringing considerable numbers of

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estauan en Çigales, a dos leguas de Valladolid. E que dizian que non entrarian en Valladolid a las bodas del rrey, a menos que su conpaña toda entrasse con ellos, e que esto dizian con rresçelo que auian de don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, que venia alli muy poderoso, de quien se temian. E otro dia despues que llego el rrey en Valladolid, por consejo del dicho don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, acordo de los yr prender o matar en Çigales al conde e a don Tello, diziendole e afincandole el dicho don Iohan Alfonso al rrey e dandole a entender que non venian a sus bodas del rrey los dichos conde e don Tello commo deuian, e que era al rrey grande verguença e poco su seruiçio en venir a asonadas, e de mas que dizian que non vernian a la villa de Valladolid, do el rrey estaua, si non con todas sus conpañas que con ellos eran. E partio el rrey sabado de mañana, en el mes de mayo del año sobre dicho, e fuesse para Çigales con todas las conpañas que con el eran en Valladolid; ca yuan con el esse dia, los infantes don Ferrando e don Iohan de Aragon, sus primos, e don Iohan de la Çerda e don Iohan Alfonso, señor de Alburquerque, e muchos rricos omnes. E yendo el rrey para Çigales, vino a el vn escudero que le enbiaua el conde don Enrrique, ca dixieran al conde commo el rrey venia para el, pero non lo sabia de çierto, al qual escudero dizian Aluaro de Carreño, e era asturiano, e venia en vn cauallo castaño, e vn lorigon vestido, e sus quexotes e canilleras, e otros dos escuderos con el. E dixo al rrey que el conde le besaua las manos e le enbiaua a la su merçed a le contar commo el e don Tello, su hermano, venieran por su mandado a las sus bodas; pero por temor de don Iohan Alfonso, que estaua en la su corte e tenia grandes conpañas, que eran de su vando, que le pidian por merçed, que les non pusiesse culpa por se querer defender del dicho don Iohan Alfonso e de venir aconpañados a las sus bodas, e que ellos estauan en Çigales con aquellas gentes que con ellos venieran, pero que ellos estauan prestos a todo lo que su merçed

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men on horse and on foot. He also heard that they were in Cigales, two leagues from Valladolid, but that they were refusing to come into Valladolid to attend the king’s wedding unless all their company entered with them. They were saying all of this out of their distrust for Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque, who was there with troops in force and of whom they were in fear. The day after his arrival in Valladolid, on the advice of Don Juan Alfonso, the king determined to go and take prisoner or kill the count and Don Tello in Cigales. Juan Alfonso had argued insistently to the king that he should do so and convinced him that the count and Don Tello were not attending his wedding in a manner that was fitting and that it was a great insult and an act of disloyalty to the king that they should come in such a violent and openly provocative manner; and he also said that they were making it clear that they would not come to join the king in Valladolid unless they were accompanied by all their troops. The king set off one Saturday morning in the month of May of the year in question and made for Cigales with all the troops that he had with him in Valladolid. With him that day went his cousins Princes Ferran and Joan, Don Juan de la Cerda, Don Juan Alfonso, lord of Alburquerque, and numerous magnates. As the king made his way to Cigales, he was approached by a squire sent to him by Count Enrique; for the count had been told of how the king was coming after him, although he did not know about this for certain. This squire was called Álvaro de Carreño and he was from Asturias; he was riding a chestnut horse and wore a coat of mail with cuisses and greaves, and he was accompanied by two other squires. The squire told the king that Count Enrique kissed his hands in submission and that he had been sent to his Grace to explain to him how the count and his brother Don Tello had come to the king’s wedding at his command. He added, however, that they were in fear of Don Juan Alfonso, who was in the royal court and had a large number of troops with him, and therefore they begged him not to consider them at fault in wishing to protect themselves against Don Juan Alfonso and for that reason bringing their own men to the wedding. He explained that they were in Cigales with the troops who had come with them, but that they were ready to accept whatever his Grace commanded, provided that

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mandasse, seyendo seguros de don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque que era su priuado e tenia tan grand poder con el e en el rregno. E el rrey dixo a don Iohan Alfonso: ‘Veed estas rrazones que el conde e don Tello me enbian dezir con este escudero, pues tañen a vos’. E el dicho don Iohan Alfonso, que estaua con el rrey, rrespondio e dixo que aquella rrazon que el conde don Enrrique e don Tello enbiauan dezir con aquel escudero, non era buena nin el conde e don Tello tenian buena escusa en venir assi asonados con gentes de cauallo e de pie, armados de fuste e de fierro, a do el rrey estaua; ca el rrey a todos auia de tener en paz en la su corte. E assi ge lo enbiara dezir el rrey al conde e a don Tello, con Iohan Gonçalez de Baçan, quando le enbiara a ellos e les enbiara sus cartas de seguro, para venir a las bodas, de la quales non deuieran dubdar, e que el conde e don Tello non deuieran çerca de su rrey e su señor, que alli estaua, venir asonados con gentes de armas e omnes de pie commo venian, e que todo esto fazia Pero Ruyz de Villegas, e que el ponia al conde e a don Tello en estas dubdas. E dixo estonçe el rrey al dicho escudero, que dixiesse al conde que el le enbiaua dezir e mandar a el e a don Tello, e a todos los suyos, que luego sin otro detenimiento se veniessen para el a su merçed, e que les aseguraua de todos aquellos de quien el dicho conde e don Tello e los suyos se rreçelauan e auian temor, e las conpañas que tenian en Çigales, que las enviassen para sus tierras. E el dicho Aluaro de Carreño, oydas las rrazones que don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque le dixo, e lo que dixo el rrey, non oso tornar rrespuesta, saluo que yria a su señor el conde e le diria todas aquellas rrazones que le mandaua dezir, e fizolo assi, e tornosse para el conde a Çigales, e dixole todo lo que el rrey e el dicho don Iohan Alfonso le dixeron.

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they were in no danger from Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque, who was King Pedro’s confidant and was so heavily relied on by him in his affairs and in those of the kingdom. ‘Take note of this message that the count and Don Tello are sending me through this squire,’ the king said to Don Juan Alfonso, ‘since it has to do with you.’ Don Juan Alfonso, who was accompanying the king, replied that the message which the count and Don Tello were sending by means of the squire was not a satisfactory one, and that they had no adequate excuse for coming into the king’s presence in such a violent and openly provocative manner, with troops on horse and foot, armed to the teeth. For, he said, it was the king’s responsibility to maintain peace among all those in his court, and he had communicated this to the count and Don Tello through Juan González de Bazán when he had sent him to them. Moreover King Pedro had sent them safe passes to come to the wedding, passes which had left them no room for doubt. He added that it was wrong for the count and Don Tello to enter the presence of their king and lord in this way, in such a violent and openly provocative manner and with men-at-arms and men on foot, and that all of this was down to Pero Ruiz de Villegas, who was putting these doubts in the minds of the count and Don Tello. Then the king told the squire to convey to the count the message that he, King Pedro, was sending him a command that he, together with Don Tello and all their men, should come without any delay to place themselves at his service. The king also gave them an assurance with regard to all those whom the count, Don Tello and their men distrusted and feared, and said that the troops with them in Cigales should be sent back to their own lands. Álvaro de Carreño, having heard the things that Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque had said to him and also what the king had told him, dared give no answer, except that he would go to his lord the count and tell him everything that the king commanded him to say. That is what he did, and he made his way back to the count in Cigales and reported to him all that he had been told by the king and by Don Juan Alfonso.

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Capitulo VIIº. Commo fizo el conde don Enrrique quando sopo, en Çigales, que venia el rrey. El conde don Enrrique tenia esse dia en Çigales seysçientos omnes de cauallo e mill e quinientos omnes de pie de Asturias. E luego que sopo commo el rrey salliera de Valladolid con todas las conpañas que alli eran venidas, para venir contra el, e oyo las rrazones que el dicho Aluaro de Carreño, el escudero que enbio al rrey, le dixo, que el rrey e don Iohan Alfonso le enbiauan dezir, ouo su consejo commo faria. E commo quier que algunos de los suyos le conssejauan que non esperase al rrey, e otros le dezian que luego se fuese poner en poder del rrey. E el conde non lo quiso fazer, antes fizo armar todas sus conpañas e sallio del aldea de Çigales, e parosse fuera del aldea en vnos panes que alli estauan. E el rrey llego e pusosse en vnas viñas que eran de la otra parte, çerca do estaua vna ermita pequeña, e estaua entre medias vn pequeño arroyo. E era en el mes de mayo del sobre dicho año. E el rrey non auia voluntad de pelear con el conde, por quanto ya non amaua tanto a don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque commo solia, commo quier que lo non entendian assi todos. Otrossi los parientes de doña Maria de Padilla, que eran Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa, su tio, e Diego Garçia de Padilla, su hermano, e otros caualleros que ý eran, que los querian bien e los ayudauan, tratauan ya con el conde, sabiendolo el rrey, contra el dicho don Iohan Alfonso, e ponian con el sus amistades quanto pudian. E era el que traya estas pleytesias entre ellos, vn cauallero que era del conde e dizianle Iohan Gonçalez de Baçan, e auia estado ante desto tres meses en la corte del rrey trayendo todas estas pleytesias, sabiendolo el rrey.

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1353: CHAPTER VII What Count Enrique did when he learned in Cigales that the king was approaching. That day in Cigales Count Enrique had with him 600 horsemen and 1,500 men on foot from Asturias. As soon as he had learned how the king had set out from Valladolid, bringing all the troops that had assembled there in order to make an attack on him, and having heard the things that King Pedro and Don Juan Alfonso had instructed his messenger Álvaro de Carreño to say to him, he consulted his counsellors with regard to what he should do. Although some of his supporters advised him not to await the king’s arrival and others said that he should lose no time in going to place himself at the king’s mercy, the count was unwilling to do so. Instead he had all his men arm themselves and rode out from Cigales, taking up a position in some wheatfields which lay outside the village. On his arrival, the king drew up his troops in an area of vines which lay on the other side near to a small chapel, with a small river flowing between the armies; and this took place in the month of May of the year in question. The king had no desire to do battle with the count, since he was no longer on such good terms with Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque as he had been previously, although this was not generally understood to be the case. Moreover, Doña María de Padilla’s relatives, namely her uncle Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, her brother Don Diego García de Padilla, and other knights there present who were their allies and supporters, were already holding talks with the count – to the full knowledge of the king – against Don Juan Alfonso’s interests, and they were forming with the count such alliances as they could. The man who negotiated these agreements between them was one of the count’s knights, a man by the name of Juan González de Bazán, who had previously spent three months in the royal court – to the full knowledge of the king –, involved in all these discussions.

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Capitulo VIIIº. Commo el rrey enbio mandar a Pero Carrillo que non traxiesse la vanda pues non era su vasallo. Aquel dia vio el rrey delante las azes del conde andar rrigiendo la batalla a vn cauallero, que traya vnas sobre señales bermejas con vanda de oro, e pregunto el rrey que quien era, e dixeronle algunos de los suyos que lo conosçian, que era Pero Carrillo. E el rrey enbio a el vn su donzel e mandole que dixiesse a Pero Carrillo que pues non era su vasallo, que non auia por que traer la vanda. Ca esta horden de la vanda, que el rrey don Alfonso fiziera, era muy honrrada e muy escogida e presçiada en el rregno de Castilla, e avn en otras partes, e non la trayan si non muy escogidos e esmerados en costunbres e en linaje e en caualleria, seyendo vasallos del rrey o de su fijo heredero primo genito e non en otra manera. E el donzel del rrey llego a Pero Carrillo e dixole lo que el rrey le enbiaua dezir. E luego Pero Carrillo tiro las sobre señales que traya, e eran de vn tapete colorado con vna vanda de oro, e dixo assi al donzel: ‘Dezid a mi señor el rrey que quando Abulhaçen, rrey de Benamarin, çerco la villa de Tarifa, me mando el rrey don Alfonso, su padre, entre otros nobles e buenos que alla enbio para le ayudar e defender que yo fuese alla, e ouimos vna noche pelea con los moros que querian entrar por vn portillo de la villa de Tarifa, que cayera de los engeños. E aquella noche morio el señor de los Montes Claros, e era vn moro muy poderoso e tenia alli muchas gentes. E luego dende a quinze dias me enbio mi señor el rrey don Alfonso, que Dios perdone, estas sobre señales de su cuerpo e me enbio mandar que traxiesse la vanda, e despues aca las tengo, e de aqui adelante yo non las traere mas sin su liçençia del rrey, pues non le plaze’. E plogo al rrey quando vio que las tiro de sobre si, e tan çerca

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1353: CHAPTER VIII How the king sent a command to Pero Carrillo that he was not to bear the insignia of La Banda, since he was not his vassal. In the course of that day the king caught sight of a knight in front of the count’s battle lines, organizing the troops. This knight bore red insignia with a gold band, and the king inquired who it was. Some of his men who knew the knight told him that it was Pero Carrillo. The king sent one of his pages to Pero Carrillo with instructions to inform him that, as he was not the king’s vassal, he had no right to bear the insignia of La Banda; for this order, founded by King Alfonso, was held in great esteem, and was of great distinction and highly prized in the kingdom of Castile as well as elsewhere and its emblem was only borne by the élite of men, outstanding in manner, lineage and chivalry, vassals of the king or of his first-born heir, and under no other circumstances.3 The page sent by the king approached Pero Carrillo and spoke to him as the king had commanded. At once Pero Carrillo threw off the insignia that he bore, which was of scarlet cloth with a band of gold, and he spoke to the young man in this way: ‘Tell my lord the king that when Abū’l-Hasan, king of the Marinids, laid siege to the town of Tarifa, his father, King Alfonso, commanded me to take my place there among other good and noble men that he sent to support and defend the town. One night we fought a battle with the Moors, who were trying to force their way into the town of Tarifa through a breach in the wall made by siege engines. That night saw the death of the lord of the Shining Mountains, who was a very powerful Moor and was accompanied there by a large number of troops.4 Two weeks later my lord King Alfonso – may God grant him pardon – sent me this surcoat from his own body with the command that I should wear the insignia of La Banda. It is in the light of that event that I am wearing it now, but from now on I shall no longer do so without the permission of the king, since it would be against his wish.’ The king was pleased when he saw the knight remove the insignia,

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estauan los vnos de los otros que se veyan bien. E esta rregla se guardo sienpre en la orden de la vanda en las cortes de los rreyes de Castilla: que omne que non fuese vasallo del rrey o de su fijo heredero, que non traxiesse vanda.

Capitulo IXº. Commo don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque acuçiaua que pelease el rrey con el conde e commo el rrey enbio sus mensajeros al dicho conde. Commo quier que don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque acuçiaua que el rrey peleasse aquel dia diziendo que era ya ora de biesperas e que el conde le tenia en palabras por esperar la noche para fuyr, enpero el rrey non queria nin lo auia voluntad, antes enbio por mensajeros al conde, a don Aluar Garçia de Albornoz, copero mayor de la rreyna doña Blanca, su esposa, que auia de seer estonçe su muger, e a Sancho Sanchez de Rojas, su vallestero mayor, con los quales le enbio mandar que se viniesse luego a la su merçed e que le diesse caualleros en arrehenes fasta que le entregasse las fortalezas que tenia en Asturias e las que tenia don Tello, su hermano, e que le aseguraua e que le faria muchas merçedes a el e a don Tello, su hermano, e a los que con el eran, e que en esto non pusiessen dubda ninguna e que lo fiziesse asi. E los dichos don Aluar Garçia de Albornoz e Sancho Sanchez de Rojas llegaron al conde e a don Tello e dixeronles todas las rrazones que el rrey les enbiaua dezir e mandar, e consejaron les que lo fiziessen assi.

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for they were close enough to see each other clearly. This rule has always been observed in the Order of La Banda in the courts of the kings of Castile: that any man who was not a vassal of the king or of his son and heir should not wear the insignia of La Banda.

1353: CHAPTER IX How Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque urged the king to do battle with Count Enrique and how the king sent his envoys to the count. Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque was urging the king to do battle that same day with the count, arguing that it was already the hour of Vespers and that the count was keeping him talking while he waited for night to come so that he might make his escape.5 Nevertheless, King Pedro had no wish or desire to do so. Instead he sent two men as his envoys to the count: Don Álvar García de Albornoz, head cupbearer to Queen Blanche − to whom the king was betrothed and who was about to become his wife − and Sancho Sánchez de Rojas, head of the royal guards. Through these envoys the king commanded the count to come and swear allegiance to him without delay; and he also instructed him to give him knights as hostages until such time as he handed over to him the fortresses that he held in Asturias, together with those which were in the possession of his brother Don Tello. The king sent an assurance of safe conduct and promised that he would treat with great generosity the count, his brother Don Tello and the men in their company; he told them that they should not be in any doubt about this and that the count should act accordingly. Don Álvar García de Albornoz and Sancho Sánchez de Rojas went to the count and Don Tello, conveying to them all the king’s declarations and commands and advising them to act on his words.

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Capitulo Xº. Commo el conde ouo su consejo commo faria, e commo el e don Tello e los que con con ellos eran venieron a la merçed del rrey e de las razones que ý pasaron. El conde ouo su consejo con los caualleros que ý estauan con el commo faria. E Iohan Gonçalez de Baçan, que era con el conde e sabia bien commo estauan los fechos de la corte del rrey, ca auia tienpo que por mandado del conde estudiera ý, e sabia bien la voluntad del rrey, dixole que en ninguna manera non fiziesse al saluo yr a la merçed del rrey, su señor e su hermano, e el fizolo assi. E luego fueron desarmados de las lorigas el conde e don Tello e los que con ellos yuan, e fueronsse para el rrey en cauallos e mulas, segund estauan, fasta treynta. E quando llegaron çerca donde el rrey estaua, querian descaualgar de las bestias e venir de pie al rrey el dicho conde e don Tello, su hermano, e otros caualleros de los que estauan con ellos, fasta treynta, todos de pie a le besar la mano, estando el rrey en su cauallo, pero el non quiso que ninguno descaualgasse, e assi gelo mando. E desque llegaron, besaron al rrey las manos. E el rrey descaualgo del cauallo, desque le ouieron besado las manos, e entro en vna hermita que alli estaua. E el conde e don Tello e algunos de los del rrey, e otros del conde, entraron con el e dixo el conde assi: ‘Señor, don Tello mi hermano e yo e los caualleros que aqui estan con nusco e todos los otros que comigo e con el son, somos venidos a la vuestra merçed, e si tan ayna non lo fezimos non fue por nos non auer voluntad de vos servir, mas fue por algund rreçelo que teniamos de algunas cosas que nos dizian que algunos vuestros priuados vos enformauan contra nos; pero señor, pues nosotros somos venidos a la vuestra merçed, de aqui adelante vos fazed de nos e de los nuestros commo la vuestra merçed fuere: ca nosotros en vuestro poder e en la vuestra merçed nos ponemos’. E el rrey le rrespondio assy: ‘Conde e hermano, a mi plaze mucho oy con la vuestra venida e

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1353: CHAPTER X How the count consulted his advisers with regard to what to do and how he and Don Tello and those accompanying them went to swear allegiance to the king; and concerning the words that were exchanged. The count consulted the knights who were present with regard to what he was to do. Juan González de Bazán, who was accompanying the count, knew well how matters were in the king’s court, for he had spent some time there on the count’s orders and was well aware what the king’s intentions were. He told the count that the only way for him to act was to go and swear allegiance to the king, his lord and brother. This is what the count did. The armour of the count, of Don Tello and of those accompanying them was removed and some 30 of them made their way to the king on horses and mules, just as they were. When they came close to where the king was waiting, they sought to dismount and approach him on foot in order to kiss his hands in submission, whilst he remained on horseback. The king, however, wished for no-one to dismount and commanded them not to do so. On reaching the king they kissed his hands. Once they had done this, the king dismounted and entered a small chapel which stood nearby, and with him went the count, Don Tello, some of the king’s men and some of those accompanying the count. The count spoke as follows: ‘My lord: my brother Don Tello and I, the knights who are here with us, and all the others who are accompanying myself or Don Tello, have all come to pledge our allegiance to you. If we were not quicker in doing so, it was not because we did not desire to do your will but rather through a certain concern on our part at reports that we heard of what you were being told about us by some of your close advisers. However, my lord, since we have come to give you our allegiance, from now on do with us and with our men according to your will, for we are placing ourselves in your hands and at your mercy.’ The king replied as follows: ‘My brother count, today I take pleasure in the fact that you and my brother Don Tello

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de don Tello, mi hermano, a la mi merçed, e con todos los vuestros, e yo fare a vos e a ellos muchas merçedes en guisa que vos seades bien contentos’. E esto fecho, el rrey caualgo e mando al conde e a don Tello e a los caualleros que con ellos eran venidos a la su merçed, que caualgasen. E el rrey e todos estos con el tornaronse para Valladolid, de lo qual ovieron muchos grand plazer e a otros non plogo. E este fue don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque e los que tenian su partida, por lo que adelante diremos commo estos fechos acaesçieron. E çenaron el conde e don Tello e los sus caualleros que eran con ellos essa noche en Valladolid con don Iohan Alfonso, señor de Alburquerque. E aquella noche el conde e don Iohan Alfonso pusieron sus amistades en vno, pero que duro poco la amistad segund adelante lo contaremos. E luego otro dia despues que el rrey llego en Valladolid, dio el conde en arrehenes, [fasta] que entregasse al rrey las fortalezas que el e don Tello tenian en el rregno, estos caualleros: a Pero Alvarez de Osorio e a Pero Carrillo e a Pero Ruyz de Villegas e a Gonçalo Bernal de Quiros e a Iohan Rodriguez de Villegas, el caluo, e a Ferrand Aluarez de Naua e a Garçi Laso de la Vega, fijo de Garçi Laso, el que morio en Burgos, que era estonçes mozo. E fueron todos estos caualleros en poder de don Iohan Alfonso de Benauidez, alguazil mayor del rrey, que los touiesse fasta que los castillos fuesen entregados.

Capitulo XIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro fizo bodas en Valladolid con la rreyna doña Blanca de Borbon. Despues que todas cosas assi pasaron segund que auemos ya contado, el rrey don Pedro fizo sus bodas con doña Blanca de Borbon, su esposa. E tomola por su muger e velosse con ella en Santa Maria la Nueua de Valladolid. E fizieronsse muchas alegrias e muchas justas e torneos.

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are coming to give me your allegiance, together with that of all your followers. I shall treat you with great generosity, such that you will be well content.’ When this was over, King Pedro mounted and commanded the count to do the same, along with Don Tello and the knights who had come with them to place themselves at his service. Then he and all of those accompanying him returned to Valladolid, at which many were greatly pleased and others were displeased: the latter were Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque and his supporters, and we shall relate at a later stage how, in this regard, events turned out. That night the count, Don Tello and the knights accompanying them dined in Valladolid with Don Juan Alfonso, lord of Alburquerque, and the count and Don Juan Alfonso came together in friendship. However, this friendship was short-lived, as we shall explain in due course. The day after King Pedro arrived in Valladolid, the count promptly handed over the following knights as a guarantee that he would surrender to the king the fortresses that he and Don Tello held in the kingdom: Pero Álvarez Osorio, Pero Carrillo, Pero Ruiz de Villegas, Gonzalo Bernal de Quirós, Juan Rodríguez de Villegas ‘the Bald’, Fernán Álvarez de Nava and Garci Laso de la Vega, son of the Garci Laso who had been killed in Burgos, and who at that time was still a young man. All these knights were placed in the hands of Don Juan Alfonso de Benavides, the king’s head constable, for him to hold until the castles were handed over.

1353: CHAPTER XI How King Pedro married Queen Blanche of Bourbon in Valladolid. After all these events had taken place, just as we have related them, King Pedro married the lady to whom he was betrothed, Blanche of Bourbon, taking her as his wife, and they were veiled in the church of Santa María la Nueva in Valladolid; there was great rejoicing and there were many jousts and tournaments.6

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E yuan el rrey don Pedro e la rreyna doña Blanca, su muger, aquel dia vestidos de vnos paños de oro blancos enforrados de armiños e en cauallos blancos. E era padrino del rrey don Iohan Alfonso, señor de Alburquerque, e madrina de la rreyna era la rreyna doña Leonor de Aragon, que yua en vna mula, e leuaua la rreyna de Aragón paños de lana blancos con peñas grises. E yuan de pie con la rreyna doña Blanca, la muger del rrey, que leuauan esse dia las rriendas del cauallo, el conde don Enrrique e don Tello, su hermano, e don Ferrando de Castro e don Iohan de la Çerda e el maestre de Calatraua, don Iohan Nuñez, e don Pedro de Haro e otros muchos señores. E el infante don Ferrando de Aragon leuaua por la rrienda a su madre, la rreyna doña Leonor, que era madrina. E yua la rreyna doña Maria, madre del rrey don Pedro, en vna mula, e leuaua paños de xametes blancos con peñas veras, e leuauala por la rrienda el infante don Iohan de Aragon, primo del rrey. E estudo aquel dia de las bodas a las espaldas de la rreyna doña Blanca, segund se suele husar en Castilla, doña Margarida de Lara, hermana de don Iohan Nuñez, que era donzella e nunca casara. E eran alli con el rrey en estas bodas, el infante don Ferrando e el infante don Iohan, sus primos, fijos del rrey de Aragon, e la rreyna doña Maria, madre del rrey, e la rreyna doña Leonor, madre de los dichos infantes, e el conde don Enrrique e don Tello, su hermano, e don Ferrando de Castro e don Iohan de la Çerda e don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque e don Pedro de Haro e el maestre de Calatraua, don Iohan Nuñez de Prado, e otros muchos grandes del rregno. E fueron las bodas lunes tres dias de junio deste dicho año.

Capitulo XIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro, luego que fizo sus bodas, partio de Valladolid e fuese para Montaluan do estaua doña Maria de Padilla. Luego el miercoles siguiente despues de las bodas, el rrey comia en su palaçio, en las casas que dizen del abad de Santander, do el posaua,

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That day King Pedro and his wife the queen wore clothes of white lined with ermine and were mounted on white horses. The king was accompanied by Juan Alfonso, lord of Alburquerque, and attendant on the queen was Queen Leonor of Aragon, who rode a mule and was dressed in woollen garments of white trimmed with grey fur. And on that day, walking with Queen Blanche, the king’s wife, and holding her horse’s reins, were Count Enrique, his brother Don Tello, Don Fernando de Castro, Don Juan de la Cerda, the master of Calatrava Don Juan Núñez de Prado, Don Pedro de Haro and many other lords. Prince Ferran of Aragon held the horse’s reins for his mother Queen Leonor, who attended the queen. Queen María, King Pedro’s mother, rode a mule and wore clothes of rich white silk faced with marten fur and her mount was led by the king’s cousin Prince Joan of Aragon. On that wedding day, too, behind Queen Blanche − according to the custom of Castile – rode Don Juan Núñez’s sister Doña Margarita de Lara, a maid who had never married. At the wedding the king was accompanied by his cousins Prince Ferran and Prince Joan, sons of the king of Aragon; by his mother Queen María; by Queen Leonor, the mother of the aforementioned princes; by Count Enrique and his brother Don Tello; by Don Fernando de Castro, Don Juan de la Cerda, Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque and Don Pedro de Haro; by the master of Calatrava Don Juan Núñez de Prado; and by many other high nobles of the kingdom. The wedding took place on Monday the 3rd of June of the year in question.

1353: CHAPTER XII How, as soon as his wedding was over, King Pedro set off from Valladolid and travelled to Montalbán to join Doña María de Padilla. Soon afterwards, on the Wednesday following the wedding, the king was eating in the royal apartments in the houses known as the residence

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que son çerca del monesterio que es agora de las Huelgas. E comia esse dia sin otras conpañas, apartadamente, e estando el rrey a la mesa llegaron a el la rreyna doña Maria, su madre, e la rreyna de Aragon, su tia, llorando. E el rrey leuantosse de la mesa e aparte fablaron con el e dixeronle assi, segund despues el e ellas lo contauan: ‘Señor a nos es dicho que vos queredes luego partir de aqui para yr do esta doña Maria de Padilla e pedimos vos por merçed que lo non querades fazer; ca si tal cosa fiziessedes, lo primero, fariades en ello muy poco vuestra honrra en dexar asi vuestra muger luego que casastes, estando aqui convusco todos los mayores e mejores de los vuestros rregnos. Otrossi el rrey de Françia se ternia de vos por muy mal contento, que por el dicho casamiento nueuamente se ha aliado con vos, e vos enbio esta sobrina suya, la qual vos le enbiastes demandar para casar con ella e vos la enbio muy honrradamente commo era rrazon, e muy aconpañada. E eso mesmo, señor, porniades en vuestro rregno muy grand escandalo en vos partir assi de aqui, do estan todos los mas grandes de vuestro rregno e son venidos aqui por vuestro mandado e non seria vuestro seruiçio partir vos sin les dezir ninguna cosa nin les fablar’. E el rrey les rrespondio que se marauillaua mucho en ellas creer que el se partiria assi de Valladolid nin dexaria su muger e que lo non creyessen. E las rreynas le dixeron que por çierto les era dicho que el se queria yr luego do estaua doña Maria de Padilla. E el rrey las aseguro dello, que lo non faria nin lo tenia en voluntad de lo fazer e que lo non creyessen. E las rreynas con tanto se partieron del, commo quier que lo sabian de çierto que el rrey se partia luego, pero non pudieron al fazer. E luego a vna hora despues desto, el rrey dixo que le traxiessen las mulas, que queria yr veer la rreyna doña Maria, su madre. E luego que gelas truxieron partio de la villa de Valladolid e fue esse dia a dormir a vn logar que dizen Pajares, que es a diez e seys leguas de Valladolid, e es una aldea allende Olmedo. E otro dia fue a la puebla de Montaluan, do estaua doña Maria de Padilla. Ca commo quier que el la dexara en el castillo de Montaluan,

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of the abbot of Santander, where he was lodged. This building is situated near to the convent which is now that of las Huelgas. On that day he was eating privately and unaccompanied. While the king was at table, his mother, Queen María, and his aunt, Queen Leonor, came to him in tears. The king got up from the table and they spoke to him in private and – as both he and they later related – what they said to him was as follows: ‘Lord king, we have been told that you wish to leave here immediately in order to go and join Doña María de Padilla. We beg you to make up your mind not to do this, for, if you were to commit such an act, in the first place you would bring dishonour on yourself by abandoning your wife in this way just after marrying her, when all the greatest and the finest of your subjects are gathered here with you. Moreover, the king of France would consider himself greatly offended by your action, having just allied himself with you through this wedding and having sent you his niece: you made a request for her hand in marriage and he sent her to you with great honour, as was fitting, and with a considerable retinue. As well as this, lord king, you would cause a great disturbance in your kingdom by leaving here in such a way: all the most distinguished people in your realm are here and have come at your command. It would serve you ill to depart without warning them or speaking to them.’ The king replied that he was amazed at their belief that he would leave Valladolid or his wife in such a way and he told them not to give these reports any credence. The queens told him that they had been told for certain that he intended to go at once to join Doña María de Padilla. The king gave them his assurance that he would not do so, that he had no such intention, and that they should not believe it. At this the queens left his presence for, although they had certain knowledge that the king was soon to leave, they could do no more. Then, just one hour later, the king ordered mules to be brought to him as he wished to go and see his mother, Queen María. As soon as they were brought he set out from Valladolid and that day he went to sleep in a village called Pajares, which lies beyond Olmedo, 16 leagues from Valladolid. On the following day he went on to La Puebla de Montalbán to join Doña María de Padilla, for, although he had left her in the castle of

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ya le auia enbiado dezir que se viniesse a la Puebla de Montaluan, que es dos leguas aquende, e alli la fallo. E tenia ya el rrey e los que con el yuan, mulas en lugares çiertos e non llegaron con el si non tres de mulas, los quales eran estos: Diego Garçia de Padilla, hermano de doña Maria de Padilla, e Iohan Tenorio, su rrepostero mayor del rrey, e Suer Perez de Quiñones; pero muchos otros que yuan por yr con el, llegaron otro dia.

Capitulo XIIIº. Commo los infantes de Aragon e el conde don Enrrique e don Tello e don Iohan de la Çerda se fueron en pos el rrey. Luego a dos dias que el rrey partio de Valladolid, partieron el conde don Enrrique e don Tello, su hermano, e don Iohan de la Çerda, fijo de don Luys, e fueron en pos el rrey. E otro dia despues partieron los infantes de Aragon, primos del rrey, los quales eran don Ferrando, marques de Tortosa, señor de Albarrezin, e el infante don Iohan, su hermano −e todos estos eran amigos de parientes de doña Maria de Padilla por fazer plazer al rrey, e todos eran contra don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque. Otrosi don Ferrando de Castro, que veniera a las bodas del rrey, desque vio al rrey partido de Valladolid, fuesse para Gallizia. E luego que el rrey don Pedro partio de Valladolid, fueron libres los caualleros que el conde don Enrrique auia dado en arrehenes para entregar los castillos al rrey, los que el auia e los de Tello, su hermano, commo dicho auemos. E esto fue con voluntad del rrey, que dio mandamiento para esto ante que partiesse de Valladolid, e fueronsse despues al rrey los dichos caualleros, commo quier que el conde e don Tello entregaron al rrey todos sus castillos segund lo pusieron con el.

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Montalbán, he had already sent word to her that she should come to La Puebla de Montalbán, two leagues closer, and there he found her. The king and his companions had mules waiting at certain points, and just three men on mule-back arrived with him: Don Diego García de Padilla, Doña María de Padilla’s brother; Juan Tenorio, the king’s lord high butler; and Suer Pérez de Quiñones; but many others who went to be with him arrived on the following day.

1353: CHAPTER XIII How the princes of Aragon and Count Enrique, Don Tello and Don Juan de la Cerda followed after the king. Two days after the king had left Valladolid, Count Enrique, his brother Don Tello and Don Juan de la Cerda, son of Don Luis, set off after him; and on the next day the king’s cousins, the princes of Aragon – Prince Ferran, marquis of Tortosa and lord of Albarracín and his brother Prince Joan – also set off. All of these men were friends of members of Doña María de Padilla’s family, seeking to please the king. They were also all opposed to Don Juan Alfonso, lord of Alburquerque. In addition, Don Fernando de Castro, who had come to the royal wedding, on seeing that the king had departed from Valladolid, left for Galicia. As soon as King Pedro had left Valladolid, freedom was granted to the knights given as hostages by Enrique as a guarantee that his castles and those of his brother Tello would be handed over to the king, as we have already related. This was done with the blessing of the king, who gave his authorization for it before setting out from Valladolid. Those knights subsequently went to join the king, even though the count and Don Tello handed over all their castles as they had agreed with him.

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Capitulo XIVº. Del consejo que don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque e el maestre de Calatraua ovieron con las rreynas doña Maria, madre del rrey, e doña Blanca de Borbon, su muger, despues que partio el rrey don Pedro, e lo que acaesçio por esto. Luego que en la villa de Valladolid se sopo commo el rrey era partido e que yua a do estaua doña Maria de Padilla, ouo grande alboroço e grand movimiento. E los infantes de Aragon, primos del rrey, don Ferrando e don Iohan, despues que el rrey partio de Valladolid, eso mesmo fizieron ellos, e siguieron el camino del rrey, ca non se atreuieron a fazer al. Otrossi el conde don Enrrique e don Tello, su hermano, fueron en pos el rrey e plaziales mucho por que don Iohan Alfonso non era en este consejo, que sin su voluntad se fazia esto. Otrossi, don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque e don Iohan Nuñez de Prado, maestre de Calatraua, e otros caualleros fueron luego veer a las rreynas doña Maria, madre del rrey, e a la rreyna doña Blanca, su muger, e a la rreyna doña Leonor de Aragon, tia del rrey, e fallaronlas muy tristes. E estauan todos los que alli fincaron muy desmayados e muy desconsolados teniendo que aquel dia se leuantaria mucha guerra e mal en Castilla, commo fue. E ouieron su conseio diziendo que non fiziera el rrey bien en esto, en se partir assi de su muger, e pesauales mucho dello, e hordenaron que el maestre don Iohan Nuñez e don Iohan Alfonso partiessen luego para el rrey, e muchos otros caualleros con ellos, de los quales diremos adelante quales eran, e que trabajasen mucho por fazer tornar al rrey a su muger, la rreyna doña Blanca, e que se emendasen estos fechos.

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1353: CHAPTER XIV Concerning the deliberations which, following King Pedro’s departure from Valladolid, took place between Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque, the master of Calatrava and the two queens − María, the king’s mother, and his wife Blanche of Bourbon − and what happened as a result of this. Once it was known in the city of Valladolid that the king had left and that he was going to join Doña María de Padilla, there was great disturbance and upheaval. After King Pedro had departed from Valladolid, his cousins the princes of Aragon, Ferran and Joan, did the same and followed his path, not daring to do otherwise. Count Enrique and his brother Don Tello also went after the king and took great pleasure in doing so as Don Juan Alfonso had no say in this matter, since it was being done without his approval. In addition, Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque and the master of Calatrava Don Juan Núñez de Prado, together with some other knights, lost no time in going to see the king’s mother, Queen María, his wife Queen Blanche of Bourbon, and his aunt Queen Leonor of Aragon. They found them full of sadness, and all of those remaining there were distraught and deeply troubled, believing that that day would be the cause of much conflict and affliction in Castile, as indeed proved to be the case. They deliberated together, saying that the king had acted wrongly in abandoning his wife in such a way. They were deeply troubled at this and they determined that the master of Calatrava Don Juan Núñez de Prado and Don Juan Alfonso should set off at once to join the king, taking with them a large body of other knights – we shall say at a later point which knights these were – and that they should strive to persuade the king to return to his wife Queen Blanche, so that the situation might be resolved.

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Capitulo XVº. Commo don Iohan Alfonso partio de Valladolid e se yua para el rrey a Toledo, e quales caualleros yuan con el dicho don Iohan Alfonso. Segund el consejo que, auemos dicho, don Iohan Alfonso e don Iohan Nuñez, maestre de Calatraua, ouieron con las rreynas doña Maria e doña Blanca, partio luego de Valladolid el dicho don Iohan Alfonso, e yuan con el mill e quinientos de cauallo e de mulas. E los caualleros del rrey que yuan con don Iohan Alfonso eran estos: Iohan Rodriguez de Çisneros e Aluar Rodriguez Daça e Iohan Rodriguez de Sandoual e Lope Rodriguez de Villalobos e Ferrand Ruiz Giron e Alfonso Tellez Giron e Iohan Alfonso Giron e don Aluar Perez de Castro, hermano de don Ferrando de Castro, e don Garçi Ferrandez Manrrique e Lope Diaz de Rojas e Ruy Gonçalez de Castañeda e Suer Yañez de Parada e Aluar Gonçalez Moran e Garçi Jufre Tenorio, fijo del almirante don Alfonso Jufre, e Gutier Gomez de Toledo e Iohan Martinez de Rojas e otros. Otrossi vasallos de don Iohan Alfonso eran estos: Diego Perez Sarmiento e Ruy Diaz Cabeça de Vaca, su mayordomo mayor, e Ferrand Garçia Duque e Pero Diaz de Sandoual e Ferrand Gutierrez, su hermano, e Ferrand Sanchez de Touar e Iohan Ferrandez de Touar e Martin Alfonso de Arnillas e Iohan Ferrandez Cabeça de Vaca, el Romo, e otros muchos. E miercoles ocho dias despues que el rrey partiera de Valladolid, don Iohan Alfonso partio de Valladolid camino de Toledo, do estaua el rrey, e fue a vnas aldeas çerca de Olmedo. E otro dia jueues fue dormir a Parrazes. E otro dia uiernes fue comer al Espinar de Segouia e dormir al Filipar. E otro dia sabado fue comer e dormir a Sand Martin de Val de Iglesias. El domingo fue Almorox, vna aldea de Escalona.

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1353: CHAPTER XV How Don Juan Alfonso set out from Valladolid and made his way to the king in Toledo, and which knights went with him. In accordance with the deliberations which, as we have recorded, Don Juan Alfonso and the master of Calatrava Don Juan Núñez had held with Queens María, Blanche and Leonor, Don Juan Alfonso at once set out from Valladolid, taking with him 1,500 men mounted on horses and mules. Those of the king’s knights who went with Don Juan Alfonso were as follows: Juan Rodríguez de Cisneros, Álvar Rodríguez Daza, Juan Rodríguez de Sandoval, Lope Rodríguez de Villalobos, Fernán Ruiz Girón, Alfonso Téllez Girón, Juan Alfonso Girón, Don Álvar Pérez de Castro – brother of Don Fernando de Castro –, Don Garci Fernández Manrique, Lope Díaz de Rojas, Ruy González de Castañeda, Suer Yáñez de Parada, Álvar González Morán, Garci Jofré Tenorio – son of Admiral Alfonso Jofré –, Gutier Gómez de Toledo, Juan Martínez de Rojas and others. There were also these vassals of Don Juan Alfonso: Diego Pérez Sarmiento, his chief steward Ruy Díaz Cabeza de Vaca, Fernán García Duque, Pero Díaz de Sandoval and his brother Fernán Gutiérrez, Fernán Sánchez de Tovar, Juan Fernández de Tovar, Martín Alfonso de Arnillas, Juan Fernández Cabeza de Vaca, ´the Snub-nosed’, and many others. On Wednesday, a week after the king had left Valladolid, Don Juan Alfonso departed for Toledo where the king was staying and travelled as far as some villages near Olmedo; on Thursday, the next day, he went on from there to sleep in Parraces; on the Friday he went to eat in El Espinar, near Segovia, and to spend the night in El Filipal; on the Saturday he went to eat and spend the night in San Martín de Valdeiglesias; and on the Sunday he travelled on to Almorox, a village near Escalona.

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Capitulo XVIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro enbio sus mensajeros a don Iohan Alfonso, señor de Alburquerque, que acuçiasse su camino para Toledo a el. El domingo a la media noche, que don Iohan Alfonso auia llegado en la aldea de Almorox, vino a el don Simuel el Leui, thesorero mayor del rrey, que fue primero almoxarife de don Iohan Alfonso, que era muy priuado del rrey e su consejero e seruia quanto podia a doña Maria de Padilla, e dixo a don Iohan Alfonso que le enbiaua a el por acuçiar su yda a Toledo do estaua el rrey, e que non auia por que tomar ningund temor, ca el rrey dizia que el queria fazer con consejo del dicho don Iohan Alfonso, commo lo fiziera fasta estonçe, todo lo que ouiesse de fazer, e que los parientes de doña Maria eso mesmo le dizian e que non le cunplia leuar tantas gentes commo alli yuan con el e que las mandasse tornar. E avnque don Simuel al entendia, non osaua dezir al. Pero ouo ý algunos de los que yuan con don Simuel, que contauan por nueuas, en casa de don Iohan Alfonso commo el rrey, por quanto sabia que don Iohan Alfonso leuaua muchas conpañas, mandara guardar todas las puertas de Toledo. E que non auia abierta saluo vna puerta, que dizen la puerta de Visagra, e que tirara el alguaziladgo mayor de la dicha çibdat a Suer Tellez de Meneses por que queria bien a don Iohan Alfonso, e que diera el dicho ofiçio a Alfonso Jufre Tenorio, hermano de Iohan Tenorio, su rrepostero mayor del rrey e su priuado, que era amigo de los parientes de doña Maria de Padilla. E don Iohan Alfonso, desque sopo estas nueuas que los que venian con don Simuel contaran, maguer don Simuel gelo encubrio, ouo su consejo con aquellos ricos omnes que venian con el, e acordaron que otro dia fuessen a Fuen Salida, vna aldea camino de Toledo, e que de alli enbiaran recabdo al rrey, e sabrian commo estauan estos fechos.

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1353: CHAPTER XVI How the king sent messengers to Don Juan Alfonso, lord of Alburquerque, urging him to hasten on his way to him in Toledo. At midnight on the Sunday of Don Juan Alfonso’s arrival in the village of Almorox, he was visited by Don Samuel Ha-Levi, the king’s chief treasurer, who had previously been Don Juan Alfonso’s tax collecting official and now enjoyed the king’s close confidence and was his advisor. Don Samuel was dedicated to the service of Doña María de Padilla and he told Don Juan Alfonso that he had been sent by her to urge him to hasten to Toledo where the king was waiting, arguing that he had no reason for fear, since the king said he wanted to count on Don Juan Alfonso’s advice in all his affairs, just as he had done until then. Don Samuel added that the members of Doña María’s family said just the same. Moreover, he also said that it was not right for Don Juan Alfonso to take with him as many troops as he had with him and that he should send them back. Although Don Samuel understood otherwise, he dared not say anything different. However, there were some people in his company who let it be known in Don Juan Alfonso’s household how, since he knew that Don Juan Alfonso had a large number of troops with him, the king had ordered a guard to be placed on all the gates of Toledo, leaving open just one gateway, known as that of Bisagra; and they also reported how King Pedro had relieved Suer Téllez de Meneses of his position as head constable of Toledo as he was a supporter of Don Juan Alfonso, giving the post to Don Juan Tenorio’s brother, Alfonso Jofré Tenorio, lord high butler to the king and also his confidant. This man was a friend of members of the family of Doña María de Padilla. As soon as Don Juan Alfonso heard this news being reported by people accompanying Don Samuel – even though Don Samuel himself kept it from him −, he consulted the magnates and knights in his company and they agreed that the next day they should go on to Fuensalida, a village on the way to Toledo from where they would send word to the king: in this way they would know how matters stood.

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Capitulo XVIIº. Commo don Iohan Alfonso ouo rresçelo de las acuçias que el rrey don Pedro le fazia por que fuese a el e commo se torno e enbio vn su cauallero al rrey a se saluar por que non yua a el. Este consejo auido, don Iohan Alfonso quiso partir de Almorox e ya las azemilas e el rrastro partido camino de Fuent Salida, llego vn cauallero que el rrey enbiaua a don Iohan Alfonso, que dizian Pero Gonçalez Orejon, natural de Lieuana e omne de quien el rrey fiaua, por el qual el rrey eso mesmo enbiaua a don Iohan Alfonso a acuçiar su camino. E don Iohan Alfonso ouo grand rreçelo de tantas acuçias commo el rrey le fazia, e ouo su consejo con los caualleros que estauan con el e acordaron que se tornasse e que todos ternian con don Iohan Alfonso en mostrar todos estos fechos al rrey. E enbiaron por sus azemilas que eran partidas, e pusieronle todos los que venian con don Iohan Alfonso grand esfuerço que el rrey por ninguna guisa non lo queria perder, e en tanto que se tornasse e enbiasse al rrey sus mandaderos e non se pusiesse en otra auentura. E acordo de fazer su consejo dellos. E enbio don Iohan Alfonso al rrey a Ruy Diaz Cabeça de Vaca, vn buen cauallero, que era su mayordomo mayor. E llego a Toledo e fallo al rrey fuera de la villa, que andaua folgando, e con el todos los señores e caualleros que alli eran venidos con el. E Ruy Diaz Cabeça de Vaca llego al rrey e dixole delante todos los que alli estauan con el assi: ‘Señor, don Iohan Alfonso besa vuestras manos e se encomienda en la vuestra merçed, e vos faze saber que el se venia para vos e sopo que algunos vuestros privados vos enformauan mal contra el, e el ouo miedo de muerte, por lo qual se torno del camino. E señor, vos sabedes commo don Iohan Alfonso ha grand debdo en la vuestra merçed e de mi señora, la rreyna doña Maria, vuestra madre, e commo sienpre despues que vos nasçistes, fue vuestro mayordomo mayor e

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1353: CHAPTER XVII How Don Juan Alfonso was suspicious of the pressure that he was under from the king to go to him, and how he turned back, sending one of his knights to the king to make his excuses for his failure to appear. Once these deliberations had taken place, Don Juan Alfonso determined to leave Almorox. When the convoy with the pack animals had already set off for Fuensalida, a knight arrived, sent by the king to Don Juan Alfonso. His name was Pero González Orejón, he was a native of Liébana and was a man trusted by the king, and he had been sent by King Pedro to urge Don Juan Alfonso to hasten on his way. Don Juan Alfonso was highly suspicious of all the pressure that the king was putting on him and consulted the knights in his company. They agreed that he should turn back and that they would all be as one with Don Juan Alfonso in presenting this whole affair to the king. They sent for their pack animals which had already left, and all those accompanying Don Juan Alfonso gave him great encouragement, saying that in no way did the king want to lose him; and that in the meantime he should turn back, send his envoys to the king and not run any further risk. He agreed to heed their counsel. Don Juan Alfonso sent Ruy Díaz Cabeza de Vaca to the king. This man was a fine knight and was Don Juan Alfonso’s chief steward. The envoy reached Toledo and found the king at leisure outside the city, together with all the lords and knights who had come to be with him. Ruy Díaz Cabeza de Vaca approached the king and, in front of all who were present, spoke to him as follows: ‘My lord, Don Juan Alfonso kisses your hands in submission and commends himself to your mercy. He informs you that he was on his way to you but, on learning that some of those who enjoy your confidence were giving you false reports of him, he felt in fear for his life. For this reason he abandoned his journey. My lord, you know how Don Juan Alfonso is dedicated to the service of your Grace and to that of my lady Queen María, your mother; how, right from your birth, he was your chief

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paso muchos peligros por vos en tienpo del rrey Alfonso, vuestro padre, e de doña Leonor Guzman. E dize que non puede saber que es la rrazon por que vos auedes saña del, e si alguno o algunos dizen que el nunca fizo contra vuestro seruiçio alguna cosa, el esta presto para se saluar en aquella guisa que vos, señor, le mandaredes. E si algund cauallero al quisiere dezir contra don Iohan Alfonso que sea contra lo que yo digo, señor, yo so presto asi commo su mayordomo mayor e su vasallo, para le poner mi cuerpo por todo lo que tocare a seruiçio de mi señor don Iohan Alfonso, cuyo vasallo e mayordomo so’.

Capitulo XVIIIº. De la respuesta que el rrey dio a Ruy Diaz Cabeça de Vaca. El rrey, despues que oyo las rrazones que Ruy Diaz Cabeça de Vaca le dixo, rrespondio en pocas palabras e dixo a Ruy Diaz Cabeça de Vaca que don Iohan Alfonso fiziera su voluntad de se tornar e creer las tales cosas, e que fiziera mejor venirsse a la su merçed. E mando a Ruy Diaz que se tornasse luego para el e diole sus cartas para don Iohan Alfonso de creençia sobre ello. E partiose del rrey estonçe Ruy Diaz, e conto a don Iohan Alfonso la rrespuesta que fallara en el rrey. E fallo a don Iohan Alfonso en Valladolid; pero por aquella rrespuesta, don Iohan Alfonso non se aseguro, ca tenia grande temor del rrey.

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steward; and how he endured many dangers on your behalf during the time of your father King Alfonso and of Doña Leonor Guzmán. He says that he cannot tell what the reason is for your anger towards him, and that, if one man, or more, claims that he committed any act of disloyalty towards you, he is ready to defend himself against the accusation in whatever way that you, my lord, may command. And if any knight wishes to make an accusation against Don Juan Alfonso that contradicts what I am saying, my lord, I am ready, as his vassal and as his chief steward, to uphold with my own person all that concerns the service of my lord Don Juan Alfonso.’

1353: CHAPTER XVIII Concerning the reply that the king gave to Ruy Díaz Cabeza de Vaca. The king, after hearing the arguments which Ruy Díaz Cabeza de Vaca put to him, replied in just a few words, telling him that Don Juan Alfonso had followed his own inclination in turning back and in giving credence to such things, and that he would have done better by returning to the king’s service. He commanded Ruy Díaz to return to his lord without delay, giving him written assurances for Don Juan Alfonso with regard to this matter. Then Ruy Díaz left the king and went to Don Juan Alfonso to report to him the response that he had obtained from the king. He found him at Valladolid.7 However, Don Juan Alfonso was not at all reassured by this reply, for he was deeply afraid of King Pedro.

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Capitulo XIXº. Commo don Iohan Alfonso, señor de Alburquerque, despues que torno a Almorox, se vio en el lugar del Ferradon con Iohan Nuñez, maestre de Calatraua. Don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, despues que se torno de Almorox, segund auemos contado, fue a comer a Santa Maria del Tienblo e a dormir al Ferradon, e fallo ý a don Iohan Nuñez, maestre de Calatraua, que venia de Valladolid e queria llegar a Toledo, do estaua el rrey, segund que el e don Iohan Alfonso lo auian acordado en Valladolid. E era su amigo de don Iohan Alfonso, e fablaron en vno, e don Iohan Alfonso le conto al Maestre don Iohan Nuñez todas las nueuas que sopiera de la corte del rrey e las rrazones por que se tornaua. E el maestre de Calatraua ouo otrossi rreçelo e miedo del rrey por quanto el e don Iohan Alfonso eran de vn acuerdo e venian por estrañar al rrey la partida que fiziera de Valladolid. E acordaron en vno que el maestre de Calatraua se fuesse para el su maestradgo e don Iohan Alfonso, a sus castillos que tenia en la vera de Portogal, e que esperassen fasta veer commo se ponian estos fechos. E otro dia partio don Iohan Alfonso del Ferradon e fue comer a vna aldea de Auila que dizen Santo Domingo e alli hordeno que todos los suyos se fuessen camino de Caruajales, que era suya e es en tierra de Alua de Aliste, saluo aquellos mayores, que fuessen con el fasta dozientos de mulas. E el tomo camino de Valladolid e alli vio en las Huelgas, que eran entonçe fuera de la villa, a la rreyna doña Maria, madre del rrey don Pedro, e a la rreyna doña Blanca, su muger; pero non entro don Iohan Alfonso en Valladolid. E luego partio dende e se fue para Fuent Pudia e dende a Montalegre e a Castro Monte e a Villalua del Alcor, lugares suyos, e levo dende tesoros que tenia. E paso por Castro Torafe, que era de la horden de

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1353: CHAPTER XIX How Don Juan Alfonso, after making his way back from Almorox, met with Don Juan Núñez, the master of Calatrava, in the village of El Herradón.8 Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque, after he had made his way back from Almorox as we have already related, went to eat in Santa María del Tiemblo and to sleep in El Herradón. There he found Don Juan Núñez de Prado, master of Calatrava, who had come from Valladolid and was heading for Toledo, where the king was now present. This meeting had been arranged by Don Juan Núñez and Don Juan Alfonso in Valladolid. They were friends and they now spoke together: Don Juan Alfonso told the master Don Juan Núñez all the news that he had heard about the king’s court and he explained the reasons why he had turned back. The master of Calatrava also felt suspicion and fear towards the king and so he and Don Juan Alfonso were of one mind in their concern at the king’s departure from Valladolid. They both agreed that the master of Calatrava should return to the territories of his Order and Don Juan Alfonso to the castles that he held in La Vera in Portugal and that they should wait to see how these events developed.9 The next day Don Juan Alfonso left El Herradón and went to eat in a village belonging to Ávila called Santo Domingo; and from there he ordered all of his company to head for Carbajales, which belonged to him and is situated in the territories of Alba de Aliste.10 The exceptions to this were the men of high rank, who were to go with him, making up a train of some 200 mules. He took the road to Valladolid and there, in the convent of las Huelgas – which at that time was outside the city – he saw Queen María, the mother of King Pedro, and Queen Blanche, the king’s wife. However, Don Juan Alfonso did not enter Valladolid. Don Juan Alfonso left without delay, moving on to Ampudia and thence to Montealegre, Castromonte and Villalba del Alcor, which were his own possessions.11 Collecting treasure that he held in these places, he went on to pass through Castrotarafe, which belonged to

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Santiago, e teniala el por el maestre de Santiago, e dende el fue para Caruajales. E alli se juntaron con el todas las otras conpañas, que yuan por las otras partes.

Capitulo XXº. Commo fizo el rrey don Pedro despues que partio de Valladolid. Agora tornaremos a contar commo fizo el rrey don Pedro otro dia despues que partio de Valladolid segund auemos contado. E assi fue que llego a la Puebla de Montaluan e fallo ý a doña Maria de Padilla, ca el auia enbiado mandar que viniesse alli; ca ella estaua en el castillo de Montaluan, que es a dos leguas dende. E el rrey llego al dicho logar de la Puebla e estudo alli, do estaua doña Maria, el dia que llego e otro dia. E dende partio el rrey e vinosse para la çibdat de Toledo, e troxo consigo a doña Maria. E luego tiro los ofiçios a los caualleros, que los auian dados en el tienpo que don Iohan Alfonso era su priuado, e diolos a otros. E poso el rrey en el alcaçar de Toledo.

Capitulo XXIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro torno a Valladolid a la rreyna doña Blanca, su muger, e quanto estudo ay. El rrey don Pedro desque sopo que don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque e el maestre de Calatraua don Iohan Nuñez eran tornados e que non osaron yr a el, e que el maestre de Calatraua era ydo para su tierra e don Iohan Alfonso para la frontera de Portogal, a sus castillos que alli tenia, partio luego de Toledo e acordo de se yr para Valladolid,

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the Order of Santiago and which he held on behalf of the master. From there he headed for Carbajales, where they met up with the remainder of his company which had been following a different route.

1353: CHAPTER XX What King Pedro did once he had left Valladolid. Now we shall go back to our account of what King Pedro did the day after he left Valladolid. In fact he arrived in La Puebla de Montalbán, where he found Doña María de Padilla; for he had sent word to her that she should make her way there from where she was staying in the castle of Montalbán, two leagues away. The king reached the village of La Puebla, where Doña María was waiting, and spent the day of his arrival and the following one there. He then left the village and made his way to Toledo, taking Doña María with him. He promptly dismissed from their posts those knights who had been appointed during the time that Don Juan Alfonso had enjoyed his confidence and named others in their place. The king stayed in the alcázar in Toledo.

1353: CHAPTER XXI How the king went back to his wife Queen Blanche in Valladolid and how long he remained there. King Pedro learned that Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque and the master of Calatrava Don Juan Núñez had turned back, not daring to come to him, and that the master had departed for his own lands and Don Juan Alfonso for the borderlands of Portugal to stay in his castles there. He then at once left Toledo and, in order to avoid trouble in the kingdom, he decided to make his way to Valladolid, where his mother

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do estaua la rreyna doña Maria, su madre, e la rreyna doña Blanca, su muger, por que non ouiesse en el rregno escandalo. E este consejo le dieron los caualleros que estauan con el, que eran Gutier Gomez de Toledo e los parientes de doña Maria e Iohan Tenorio, que eran priuados suyos. E assi despues el rrey partio de Toledo e vino a Valladolid e estudo con la rreyna doña Blanca, su muger, dos dias: ca nunca mas pudieron con el que mas alli asosegasse. E luego partio de Valladolid e fue a Mojados, vna aldea çerca dende e otro dia fue a Olmedo e estudo ally algunos dias. E nunca jamas vio a la rreyna doña Blanca, su muger. E el vizconde de Narbona e otros caualleros de Françia que vinieron con la rreyna doña Blanca, partieronsse luego della syn despedirse del rrey e tornaronsse para Françia. La rreyna doña Maria, madre del rrey don Pedro, tomo conssigo a la rreyna doña Blanca, su nuera, e fue para Otordesillas.

Capitulo XXIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro partio de Valladolid e fue a Olmedo e commo vino ý doña Maria de Padilla, e de las pleytesias que traya don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque con el rrey. Despues que el rrey don Pedro partio de Valladolid fuesse para Olmedo segund dicho auemos, e alli llego doña Maria de Padilla, por quien el auia enbiado a Toledo, do estaua en el alcaçar de la dicha çibdat, do el la dejara. E era ydo por ella don Iohan de la Çerda. E traxo el rrey sus pleytesias estonçe con don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, que estaua en Caruajales, en tierra de Alua de Liste. E enbio a el a Iohan Tenorio, su rrepostero mayor, e a Suer Perez de Quiñones, que seruia el cuchillo delante del.

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Queen María and his wife Queen Blanche were waiting. He was advised to do this by the knights who were accompanying him: Gutier Fernández de Toledo and the members of Doña María de Padilla’s family, together with Juan Tenorio, who were his confidants. So then the king set out from Toledo and travelled to Valladolid, where he spent two days with his wife, Queen Blanche. He could not be persuaded to rest there for any longer. Shortly afterwards he left Valladolid and travelled to Mojados, a nearby village. The next day he moved on to Olmedo where he remained for a few days. Never again did he set his eyes upon his wife, Queen Blanche. The viscount of Narbonne and some other French knights who had come with Queen Blanche promptly departed from her company without taking their leave of the king and they returned to France. Queen María, the king’s mother, took her daughter-in-law Queen Blanche with her and headed for Tordesillas.

1353: CHAPTER XXII How the king left Valladolid and went to Olmedo, and how he was joined there by Doña María de Padilla; and concerning the negotiations carried out by Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque with the king. As we have already related, after the king left Valladolid he travelled to Olmedo, where he was joined by Doña María de Padilla. He had sent for her to come from Toledo where she had been waiting in the alcázar in which he had left her, and Don Juan de la Cerda had been dispatched to fetch her. Then the king entered into negotiation with Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque, who was in Carbajales in the territory of Alba de Aliste. He sent to him as his envoys Juan Tenorio, his lord high butler, and Suer Pérez de Quiñones, the officer with responsibility for carving at his table.

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E trataron con don Iohan Alfonso que diesse al rrey en arrehenes su fijo don Martin Gil, fijo legitimo que auia de doña Ysabel, su muger, fija de don Tello de Meneses. E non auia don Iohan Alfonso otro fijo legitimo, el qual fijo luego don Iohan Alfonso lo enbio con don Iohan Tenorio e con Suer Perez de Quiñones, los quales el rrey enbiara a el. E fue la pleytesia en esta guisa: que el dicho don Iohan Alfonso non faria guerra de sus fortalezas nin bolliçio ninguno en el rregno, e que fincassen seguros todos su castillos e bienes que auia en Castilla, e assi gelo prometio el rrey, e que don Iohan Alfonso, si su voluntad fuesse de estar en Portogal, que lo fiziesse assi.

Capitulo XXIIIº. Commo don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque enbio su fijo don Martin Gil al rrey don Pedro en arrehenes. Asosegada esta pleytesia entre el rrey e don Iohan Alfonso, segund auemos ya contado, enbio don Iohan Alfonso a su fijo don Martin Gil con Iohan Tenorio e con Suer Perez de Quiñones. E enbio con el a Diego Alfonso, otro su fijo bastardo. Otrossi acordo de enbiar al rrey a Aluar Perez de Castro e a Iohan Martinez de Rojas, fijo de Ruy Diaz Çençerro e a Gutier Gomez de Toledo e Aluar Gonçalez Moran e a Diego Gonçalez de Ouiedo, fijo del maestre de Alcantara don Gonçalo Martinez. E estos caualleros enbiaua don Iohan Alfonso al rrey por le contar toda la su entençion e commo su voluntad fue sienpre e era agora, de guardar su seruiçio. E todos estos caualleros que don Iohan Alfonso enbiaua eran vasallos del rrey, pero aguardauan a don Iohan Alfonso commo fazian otros grandes e muchos buenos del rregno por la priuança que don Iohan Alfonso auia con el rrey. E estos caualleros partieronsse de don Iohan Alfonso en Caruajales e fueron vn dia a Çamora e otro dia a Toro e otro dia a Villalar e otro dia a Otordesillas. E alli fallaron las rreynas doña Maria e doña Blanca, e

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These envoys arranged with Don Juan Alfonso that he should hand over to the king as a hostage Don Martín Gil, his legitimate son by his wife Doña Isabel, daughter of Don Tello de Meneses. Don Juan Alfonso had no other legitimate son, and he now sent Don Martín back with Juan Tenorio and Suer Pérez de Quiñones, the king’s envoys. The agreement was that Don Juan Alfonso would not wage war from his fortresses or cause any disturbance in the kingdom and that in return all his castles and possessions in Castile would be respected. The king gave him this assurance and also promised that, if it was Don Juan Alfonso’s wish to stay in Portugal, he should do so.

1353: CHAPTER XXIII How Don Juan Alfonso sent his son Don Martín Gil to King Pedro as a hostage. Once these discussions between the king and Don Juan Alfonso had been successfully concluded, as we have already related, Don Juan Alfonso sent his son Don Martín Gil with Juan Tenorio and Suer Pérez de Quiñones, and with him he also sent Diego Alfonso, another son of his but in this case illegitimate. He also agreed to send to the king Don Álvar Pérez de Castro, Juan Martínez de Rojas, son of Ruy Díaz Cencerro, Gutier Gómez de Toledo, Álvar González Morán and Diego González de Oviedo, son of the master of Alcántara Don Gonzalo Martínez. Don Juan Alfonso was sending these knights to the king to make fully clear to him his intentions and to demonstrate how his desire had always been – and continued to be – to serve him loyally. All these knights that Don Juan Alfonso was sending were vassals of the king but they served Don Juan Alfonso, as did other high-born nobles and many men of standing in the kingdom, on account of the position of confidence that Don Juan Alfonso enjoyed with the king. These knights parted from Don Juan Alfonso in Carbajales and travelled on the first day to Zamora, on the second to Toro, on the third to Villalar and on the final day to Tordesillas, where they found

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segund las nueuas que alli fallaron de la corte del rrey, ovieron miedo de yr adelante e tornaronsse de alli Gutier Gomez de Toledo e Iohan Martinez de Rojas. E el Iohan Martinez de Rojas partio de aquella conpaña e fuesse para su tierra e alla lo prendio Ferrand Perez Portocarrero, que era Adelantado mayor de Castilla por mandado del rrey; pero despues lo mando el rrey soltar. E Gutier Gomez de Toledo fue preso luego otro dia que se partio de don Martin Gil en Otordesillas, e leuaronlo preso al rrey, que estaua en Olmedo, vna cadena echada al cuello; pero doña Maria de Padilla le gano perdon del rrey por ruego de parientes suyos, que estauan en la corte, e fue luego suelto.

Capitulo XXIIIIº. Commo doña Maria de Padilla enbio aperçebir a don Aluar Perez de Castro e Aluar Gonçalez Moran que non fuessen al rrey. Don Aluar Perez de Castro e Aluar Gonçalez Moran fueronsse camino de Olmedo do estaua el rrey, e non sallio ninguno a ellos saluo don Simuel el Leui, thesorero mayor del rrey, e este sallio a ellos por los assegurar. E llego a ellos vn escudero antes que entrassen en la villa, e aparto a don Aluar Perez de Castro e Aluar Gonçalez Moran e dixoles que les enbiaua dezir doña Maria de Padilla muy secretamente que se pusiesen en saluo; ca si entrassen en la villa, que eran muertos. E subieron estonçe don Aluar Perez de Castro e Aluar Gonçalez Moran, en sendos cauallos, e volvieronsse, e todos los suyos con ellos. E esto les enbio dezir doña Maria de Padilla con bondat, ca non le plazia de muchas cosas que el rrey fazia, e era asi verdad que si los dichos don Aluar Perez de Castro e Aluar Gonçalez de Moran

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Queen María and Queen Blanche. In the light of the news that they heard there about the king’s court, they were afraid to go on, and Gutier Gómez de Toledo and Juan Martínez de Rojas turned back. Juan Martínez de Rojas departed from that group of knights and left for his own lands. There he was captured by Fernán Pérez Portocarrero, who, by the king’s command was governor general of Castile. However, subsequently the king ordered his release. Gutier Gómez de Toledo was promptly captured the day after parting from Don Martín Gil in Tordesillas and he was taken to the king in Olmedo as a prisoner with a chain fastened to his neck. However, Doña María de Padilla persuaded the king to pardon him at the request of some of his relatives who were present in the court, and soon afterwards he was set free.

1353: CHAPTER XXIV How Doña María de Padilla sent a warning to Don Álvar Pérez de Castro and Álvar González Morán that they should not go to the king. Don Álvar Pérez de Castro and Álvar González Morán headed for Olmedo, where the king was waiting, and no-one came out to meet them except for Don Samuel Ha-Levi, the king’s chief treasurer, who did so in order to reassure them. A squire reached them before they entered the town, took Don Álvar Pérez de Castro and Álvar González Morán on one side and told them that Doña María de Padilla had sent him to let them know as a matter of great secrecy that they should seek safety, for if they set foot in the city they were as good as dead. Then Don Álvar Pérez de Castro and Álvar González Morán both mounted their horses and, together with all their company, made their way back. Doña María de Padilla had sent them this message out of kindness, for she took no pleasure in many of the king’s actions. It was indeed true that, had Don Álvar Pérez de Castro and Álvar González de

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llegaran al rrey, luego auian de seer muertos, segund que el rrey lo dezia despues publicamente.

Capitulo XXVº. Commo el rrey don Pedro mando a Iohan Alfonso de Benauides, justiçia mayor de la su casa, que fuese a prender a don Aluar Perez de Castro e Aluar Gonçalez Moran. El rrey don Pedro, desque sopo commo don Aluar Perez de Castro e Aluar Gonçalez Moran eran tornados e non venian a el, mando a Iohan Alfonso de Benauides, su alguazil e su justiçia mayor de la su casa, que fuese en pos ellos e que los prendiesse e gelos truxiesse presos. E Iohan Alfonso de Benauides luego partio de Olmedo e fue en pos ellos por los prender, segund el rrey ge lo mandaua. E don Aluar Perez de Castro e Aluar Gonçalez Moran, despues que fueron aperçebidos e se tornaron, llegaron a Medina del Canpo e fallaron ý las rreynas doña Maria, madre del rrey Don Pedro, e la rreyna doña Blanca, su muger, que esse dia llegaron ý. E contaronles commo yuan fuyendo del rrey, e la rreyna doña Maria dioles sendos cauallos. E Aluar Gonçalez Moran tomo camino de Salamanca e don Aluar Perez tomo camino de Castro Nuño. E Iohan Alfonso de Benauides, alguazil mayor del rrey, que yua en pos dellos, tomo camino de Castro Nuño, e tomole todos los omnes de mulas e de pie, e todas la azemilas que leuaua don Aluar Perez de Castro; pero luego solto todos los omnes, saluo las azemilas e lo que leuauan en ellas. E don Aluar Perez llego a Castro Nuño e fallo ý al prior de Sand Iohan, que dizian don Ferrand Perez de Deça, e rogole que le acorriesse con vn cauallo folgado, ca leuaua muy cansado el cauallo que la rreyna doña Maria le diera. E estando don Aluar Perez de Castro fablando con el prior de Sand Iohan, entro Iohan Alfonso de Benauides por la

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Morán reached the king – as he later declared in public – they would soon have met their deaths.

1353: CHAPTER XXV How the king ordered Juan Alfonso de Benavides, chief justice in his household, to go and arrest Don Álvar Pérez de Castro and Álvar González Morán. Once he had learned how Don Álvar Pérez de Castro and Álvar González Morán had turned back and were not coming to him, the king ordered Juan Alfonso de Benavides, his head constable and chief justice in his household, to go in search of them, arrest them and bring them to him as captives. Juan Alfonso de Benavides, following the king’s command, quickly set out from Olmedo and went after them in order to take them prisoner. Don Álvar Pérez de Castro and Álvar González Morán, having been warned and having turned back, reached Medina del Campo where they found Queen María, King Pedro’s mother, and his wife Queen Blanche, who had arrived there on that same day. They told them how they were fleeing from the king, and Queen María, the king’s mother, gave each of them a horse. Álvar González Morán took the road to Salamanca and Don Álvar Pérez de Castro set off towards Castronuño. Juan Alfonso de Benavides, the king’s head constable who was pursuing them, headed towards Castronuño. He seized all the men riding mules and those on foot and all the pack animals that Don Álvar Pérez de Castro had with him, but he promptly freed all the men, keeping just the pack animals and what was being carried on them. Don Álvar Pérez reached Castronuño where he found the prior of the Order of Saint John, whose name was Don Fernán Pérez de Deza, and asked him to help him by providing him with a well rested horse as the one given to him by Queen María was exhausted. However, while Don Álvar Pérez de Castro was in discussion with the prior of Saint John,

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villa de Castro Nuño. E don Aluar Perez quando lo sopo acogiosse al cauallo en que auia venido, que le auia dado la rreyna doña Maria, madre del rrey don Pedro. E sallio por la otra parte de la villa e paso a Duero e tomo camino de Tiedra, vn castillo de don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque. E Iohan Alfonso de Benauides e los que con el yuan catauan la villa de Castro Nuño a veer si fallarian a don Aluar Perez de Castro, teniendo que se auia puesto en alguna casa escondido, que ya sabian commo llegara alli. E don Aluar Perez, desque partio de Castro Nuño, paso a Duero e fue por Morales e non yua con el sy non Alfonso Gomez de Lira, vn cauallero de Galizia que lo guardaua en vna mula. E despues que paso por Morales vn terçio de legua, llego ý Iohan Alfonso de Benauides que lo siguia e fallo ý vn cauallero que dizian Aluar Rodriguez de Osorio, e dixole commo el yua por mandado del rrey en pos de don Aluar Perez de Castro e que el e los suyos leuauan los cauallos tan cansados que lo non pudian seguir, por mucha tierra que auian andado, e que le rrogaua que subiesse en vn cauallo que traya conssigo Aluar Rodriguez e con omnes suyos que yuan con el, que lo alcançasse e lo prendiesse. E Aluar Rodriquez de Osorio, desque esto le dizia Iohan Alfonso de Benauides, que era alguazil del rrey, ouo de yr en pos de don Aluar Perez de Castro, pero contra su voluntad. E alcançolo çerca de Tiedra, vn castillo de don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, e fablo con don Aluar Perez de Castro e dixole e aconsejole que en ninguna manera non se ençerrase en Tiedra, si non que lo tomarian. E mostrole vn camino que yua a Castro Torafe, do estaua don Iohan Alfonso. E don Aluar Perez de Castro fizolo assi segund Aluar Rodriguez le consejo e agradesçiogelo mucho. E llego don Aluar Perez a Castro Tarafe e fallo ý a don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, que tenia ý muchas conpañas. E plogole mucho a don Iohan Alfonso e contole todo lo que le auia contesçido e commo escapara de seer muerto. E desque don Iohan Alfonso entendio qual era la voluntad del rrey, luego otro dia se torno para Caruajales, e dende fuesse para Portogal,

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Juan Alfonso de Benavides rode into the town of Castronuño. When Don Álvar Pérez learned of this, he went back to the horse on which he had come, the one given to him by Queen María, and rode off through the other side of the town, crossing the Duero and heading for Tiedra, a castle belonging to Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque. Juan Alfonso de Benavides and the men in his company were searching Castronuño to see if they could find Don Álvar Pérez de Castro, believing that he must have concealed himself in one of the houses, for they were aware that he had arrived in the town. Don Álvar Pérez, after leaving Castronuño, crossed the Duero and headed for Morales, and with him went only Alfonso Gómez de Lira, a knight from Galicia who was accompanying him mounted on a mule. When Don Álvar Pérez had gone a third of a league past Morales, Juan Alfonso de Benavides arrived there in pursuit of him. He came across a knight called Álvar Rodríguez Osorio and explained to him how at the king’s command he was pursuing Don Álvar Pérez de Castro and how his horses and those of his men were exhausted and could not continue the pursuit on account of the great distance that they had covered. He asked Álvar Rodríguez Osorio to mount a horse that he had with him and, together with other men accompanying him, catch up with and arrest the fugitive. Álvar Rodríguez Osorio, having been given these instructions by the king’s constable, Juan Alfonso de Benavides, had no choice but to go after Don Álvar Pérez de Castro, although it was against his will. He caught up with him near Tiedra, which belonged to Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque. He spoke to Don Álvar Pérez, informing and advising him that on no account should he take refuge in Tiedra − for that way he would be captured − and he showed him a road which led to Castrotorafe, where Don Juan Alfonso was to be found. Don Álvar Pérez de Castro followed Álvar Rodríguez´s advice and thanked him warmly. Don Álvar Pérez reached Castrotorafe, where he found Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque, together with a large number of troops. His arrival greatly pleased Don Juan Alfonso and he told him of all that had happened to him and of how he had escaped death. Once Don Juan Alfonso grasped what the king’s intention was, the next day he quickly turned back to Carbajales, from where he went

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ca se non seguro de estar alli por miedo del rrey, ca ya las cosas se dañauan mas de cada dia. E era ya don Alfonso muy arrepentido, por quanto enbiara su fijo don Martin Gil al rrey en arrehenes.

Capitulo XXVIº. Commo don Aluar Perez de Castro se fue para Portogal. Don Aluar Perez de Castro, despues que vio que non podia estar seguro en el rregno de Castilla por miedo que auia del rrey, fuese para Portogal, para el infante don Pedro de Portogal, que fue despues rrey, que tenia a doña Ynes de Castro su hermana, la qual el rrey don Pedro de Portogal dixo que era casado con ella, e llamaronla rreyna doña Ynes, e yaze enterrada con el dicho rrey de Portogal en el monesterio d’Alcobaça e ouo della el dicho rrey don Pedro, fijos, al infante don Iohan e al infante don Donis e a la infanta doña Beatriz, que caso con el conde don Sancho, hermano del rrey don Enrrique de Castilla, de los quales diremos en su lugar. E el dicho infante don Pedro de Portogal rresçibio muy bien al dicho don Aluar Perez de Castro e fizole mucho bien e muchas merçedes e heredolo en el rregno de Portogal e alli fizo su vida.

Capitulo XXVIIº. Commo el maestre de Santiago don Fadrique vino al rrey a Cuellar. Don Fadrique, maestre de Santiago e hermano del rrey don Pedro, fijo del rrey don Alfonso e de doña Leonor de Guzman, llego a la villa de Cuellar do el rrey estaua. E el rrey rresçibiolo muy bien, e non lo

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on to Portugal: he did not feel confident to remain there for fear of the king, as now the situation was becoming more aggravated day by day; and by now Don Juan Alfonso greatly regretted having sent his son Don Martín Gil to the king as a hostage.

1353: CHAPTER XXVI How Don Álvar Pérez de Castro made his way to Portugal. Don Álvar Pérez de Castro, once he had realized that he could not be safe in the kingdom of Castile for fear of the king, left for Portugal to see Prince Pedro, who was later to become king of that country. Prince Pedro kept the company of Doña Inés de Castro, Don Álvar Pérez’s sister: later, once he was king of Portugal, he argued that he had been married to her and she was then known as Queen Inés. She lies buried with him in the monastery of Alcobaça.12 She bore King Pedro of Portugal the following children: Prince João, Prince Dinis and Princess Beatriz. Princess Beatriz married Count Sancho, brother of King Enrique of Castile, and we shall speak of them later at the appropriate point. Prince Pedro of Portugal gave a very warm welcome to Don Álvar Pérez de Castro, treated him with great generosity and granted him many favours. He endowed him with territory in the kingdom of Portugal, where he settled.

CHAPTER XXVII How the master of Santiago Don Fadrique came to meet the king in Cuéllar. Don Fadrique, master of Santiago, brother of King Pedro and son of King Alfonso and Doña Leonor de Guzmán, came to the town of Cuéllar into the presence of the king, who gave him a very warm

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viera el maestre al rrey despues que auemos contado que viniera a el al Erena luego que el rrey rregno, quando leuauan presa a Talauera a doña Leonor de Guzman, su madre. E estando el maestre con el rrey en Cuellar, estonçe tiraron la encomienda mayor de Castilla a don Ruy Chacon e dieron la a Iohan Garçia de Vallajera, hermano de doña Maria de Padilla, de ganançia, por quanto el maestre don Fadrique, esse camino, puso sus amistades con la dicha doña Maria de Padilla e con Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa, su tio, e con Diego Garçia de Padilla, su hermano, por fazer plazer al rrey.

Capitulo XXVIIIº. Commo caso don Tello en Segouia, con doña Iohana de Lara e commo mando el rrey que la rreyna doña Blanca, su muger, que la leuassen a Areualo, e commo se mudaron algunos ofiçios en casa del rrey. El rrey don Pedro partio de Cuellar e fuesse para Segouia e alli fizo fazer bodas a don Tello, su hermano, con doña Iohanna, señora de Vizcaya, fija de don Iohan Nuñez de Lara e de doña Maria, su muger, con quien el dicho don Tello fuera desposado en vida del rrey don Alfonso su padre. E partio luego don Tello de Segouia con doña Iohana, su muger, e fue tomar el señorio de Vizcaya. E este casamiento fizieron parientes de doña Maria de Padilla por cobrar a don Tello de su parte e al conde don Enrrique e al maestre don Fadrique, sus hermanos, que querian mal a don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque. Otrossi enbio mandar el rrey que la rreyna doña Blanca, su muger, que estaua en Medina del Canpo, fuesse para Areualo e que alli estudiesse, en guisa que la rreyna doña Maria, su madre, non la viesse, nin otros caualleros veniessen a ella; ca la enbiaua ya commo en manera de presa. E yuan con ella, por guardas, don Pero

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welcome. The master had not seen the king since, as we related, he had come to him in Llerena shortly after the beginning of King Pedro’s reign, when his mother Doña Leonor de Guzmán had been taken as a prisoner to Talavera. While the master was with the king in Cuéllar, the post of grand commander of Castile was taken away from Don Ruy Chacón and given to Juan García de Villagera, Doña María de Padilla’s illegitimate brother. This was because the master Don Fadrique by so doing aligned himself with Doña María de Padilla, her uncle Juan Fernández de Henestrosa and her brother Diego García de Padilla in order to curry favour with the king.

1353: CHAPTER XXVIII How Don Tello married Doña Juana de Lara in Segovia and how the king commanded that his wife, Queen Blanche, be taken to Arévalo; and how some positions in the king’s household changed hands. King Pedro set out from Cuéllar and travelled to Segovia where he oversaw the wedding of his brother Don Tello and the lady of Vizcaya Doña Juana de Lara, daughter of Don Juan Núñez de Lara and his wife Doña María. Don Tello had been betrothed to Doña Juana during the lifetime of his father, King Alfonso. Soon afterwards, Don Tello departed from Segovia with his wife Doña Juana and went to take up the lordship of Vizcaya. This wedding was arranged by members of the family of Doña María de Padilla in order to win over Don Tello, together with his brothers Count Enrique and the master Don Fadrique, who were hostile to Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque. The king also sent instructions that his wife Queen Blanche, who was in Medina del Campo, was to go to Arévalo and that she should be kept there in such a way that his mother Queen María did not see her and she would not receive visits from any other knights; for he was now sending her there as a prisoner.13 Moreover, the following men

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Gomez Gudiel, natural de Toledo, obispo de Segouia, e Tel Gonçalez Palomeque, vn cauallero de Toledo, e Iohan Manso de Valladolid, que eran ofiçiales de casa de la rreyna, e otro escudero asturiano, que dizian Suer Gutierrez de Nauales, criado de Ferrand Perez Porto Carrero, e seruia la escudilla de la rreyna por el. Otrossi hordeno el rrey los ofiçios de su casa en esta guisa: dio la su camara, que tenia Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo, a Diego Garçia de Padilla, hermano de doña Maria. E tiro la copa a Iohan Rodriguez de Biedma, sobrino del dicho Gutier Ferrandez e diola a Aluar Garçia de Albornoz. E la escudilla que tenia Gutier Gomez de Toledo, diola a Pero Gonçalez de Mendoça. E assi se mudaron otros ofiçios, assi en su casa commo en el rregno, en guisa que ninguno que ofiçio ouo por ayuda de don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque non finco en el.

Capitulo XXIXº. Commo el rrey don Pedro fue al Andalozia e se hordenaron los ofiçios del rregno. Despues desto partio el rrey don Pedro de Segouia e fuesse para Seuilla, e alli se mudaron todos los otros ofiçios del rregno por quanto los tenian omnes a quien don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque los diera con el poder del rrey. E dieron los aquellos que quisieron los parientes de doña Maria de Padilla, ca estauan muy apoderados en el rregno e todo lo que ellos fazian auia el rrey por bien fecho. E estos eran: Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa, su tio de doña Maria, hermano de su madre, e Diego Garçia de Padilla, hermano de doña Maria. E dio el rrey el alguaziladgo mayor de Seuilla a don Iohan de la Çerda, fijo de don Luys. E el adelantamiento de Castilla dio el

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went with her in order to watch over her: Don Pero Gómez Gudiel, who was a native of Toledo and bishop of Segovia, Tel González Palomeque, a knight from Toledo, and Juan Manso de Valladolid, all of whom were officers in the queen’s household, and also another squire from Asturias called Suer Gutiérrez de Navales, who was in the service of Fernán Pérez Portocarrero and was keeper of the bowl for the queen on his behalf. The king also allocated positions in his household as follows: he appointed Diego García de Padilla, Doña María’s brother, as chamberlain in the place of Gutier Fernández de Toledo; the post of the king’s cup-bearer was taken away from Juan Rodríguez de Biedma, Gutier Fernández’s nephew, and given to Álvar García de Albornoz; and that of keeper of the bowl, previously held by Gutier Gómez de Toledo, now went to Pero González de Mendoza. Other positions, both in the king’s household and in the kingdom, similarly changed hands in such a way that no man who had held office through enjoying the favour of Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque continued to do so.

1353: CHAPTER XXIX How the king went to Andalusia and the positions of authority in the kingdom were reorganized. After this, King Pedro set out from Segovia and went to Seville. There changes were made with regard to all the other positions held in the kingdom by men who had been granted them by Don Juan Alfonso with the king’s authority. These positions were now given to men designated by the relatives of Doña María de Padilla, for this family wielded great influence in the kingdom and their every action was viewed favourably by the king. Those in question were Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, Doña María’s uncle, the brother of her mother, and Diego García de Padilla, Doña María’s brother. The king granted the position of head constable of Seville to Don Juan de la Cerda, Don Luis’s son. Fernán Pérez Portocarrero received

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rrey a Ferrand Perez Puerto Carrero, e tenielo don Garçi Ferrandez Manrrique, e tirarongelo por quanto era casado con doña Teresa, sobrina de Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo. E esto fue por quanto el arçobispo de Toledo don Vasco e todos estos querian bien a don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque. E estonçe el conde don Enrrique (que) era aliado a abenido con parientes de doña Maria, e el maestre don Fadrique e don Tello, su hermano, e el maestre de Alcantara, don Ferrand Perez Ponçe, su pariente dellos, e otros. E estonçe torno el rrey al dicho maestre de Alcantara los castillos de Moron e Cote e otros castillos de la horden de Alcantara, los quales tomara luego que el rregno, segund dicho avemos, por non se fiar del por quanto era pariente de doña Leonor de Guzman. E tornogelos estonçe el rrey al dicho maestre, e el rrey mesmo fue a gelos entregar, e era en el mes de nouienbre de la dicha era. E este año ouo en Seuilla muy grandes cresçimientos del rrio de Guadalquiuir, en guisa que çerraron e calafatearon las puertas de la çibdat e ouieron muy grand miedo que seria la çibdat en grand peligro.

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from him the governorship of Castile, a post which had been held by Don Garci Fernández Manrique but which was taken away from him on account of his marriage to Doña Teresa, Gutier Fernández de Toledo’s niece. This was done because the archbishop of Toledo, Don Vasco, and all of these men were supporters of Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque. Now, moreover, Count Enrique was a friend and ally of the family of Doña María de Padilla; and so too were the master Don Fadrique, his brother Don Tello, the master of Alcántara Don Fernán Pérez Ponce, who was related to them, and a number of others. At this point the king returned to the master of Alcántara the castles of Morón and Coto and other castles belonging to the Order of Alcántara which he had seized at the beginning of his reign, as we have already related. This had been because King Pedro did not trust the master as he was related to Doña Leonor de Guzmán, but now he returned the castles to him and went in person to hand them over. This took place in the month of November of the year in question. During the course of this year, in Seville the waters of the river Guadalquivir rose to such an extent that the city gates were closed and caulked and there was a great fear that the city would be in serious danger.

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AÑO QUINTO del rrey don Pedro que fue en el año del Señor de mill e trezientos e çinquenta e quatro, e de la era de Çesar, segund costunbre de España en mill e trezientos e nouenta e dos.

Capitulo primero del quinto año. Commo fue preso don Iohan Nuñez, maestre de Calatraua e mando el señor rrey a los freyres de la horden que tomasen por maestre a don Diego Garçia de Padilla. En el quinto año que el sobredicho rrey don Pedro rreyno, que fue en el año del Señor de mill e trezientos e çinquenta e quatro, e de la era de Çessar, mill e trezientos e nouenta e dos, e del Criamiento del mundo, segund la cuenta de los ebreos, en çinco mill e çiento e catorze años, e del año de los alarabes, que Mahomad començo, sieteçientos e çinquenta e seys años, segun suso auemos dicho, quando el rrey don Pedro partio de Valladolid e dexo su muger la rreyna doña Blanca, luego despues de las bodas e se fuera para tierra de Toledo, do estaua doña Maria de Padilla, estonçes don Iohan Nuñez de Prado, maestre de Calatraua, fue en consejo con don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque de gelo extrañar al rrey por las mejores maneras que pudiessen. E quando sopo que don Iohan Alfonso non osara llegar al rrey e se tornara de Almorox, çerca de Toledo e se viera con el en el Ferradon, segund que auemos contado, el dicho maestre se fuera para su maestradgo e el dicho don Iohan Alfonso se fuera, por rreçelo del rrey, para tierra de Alua de Liste e dende, para Sand Phelizes de los Gallegos, que era suya. E non se asegurando de estar ally, con miedo que auia del rrey, despues se fuera para Portogal, segund que todo esto auemos contado. E eso mesmo acaesçio, que don Iohan Nuñez, maestre de Calatraua, este dicho año, con grand miedo que ouo del rrey, fuesse a vna

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YEAR FIVE (1354) of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1354 and, counting from the era of Caesar according to the Spanish custom, 1392. 1354: CHAPTER I OF THE FIFTH YEAR How Don Juan Núñez, master of Calatrava, was arrested and how the lord king commanded that the brothers of the Order take Don Diego García de Padilla as their master. These events occurred in the fifth year of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1354; in 1392, counting from the era of Caesar; 5,114 years from the creation of the world by the reckoning of the Hebrews; and, from the beginning of the period of the Arabs, established by Muhammad, it was in the year 756. As we related above, when King Pedro departed from Valladolid, leaving his wife Queen Blanche immediately after the wedding, and travelled to the region of Toledo to join Doña María de Padilla, the master of Calatrava Don Juan Núñez de Prado discussed with Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque the best ways of changing the king’s mind. After learning that Don Juan Alfonso had not dared to appear before the king and that he had turned back from Almorox, near Toledo, and after meeting with him in El Herradón, as we have related, the master had left for the lands over which he had authority. Apprehensive of the king, Don Juan Alfonso had gone to the territories of Alba de Aliste and from there to San Felices de los Gallegos, which belonged to him, and, since on account of his fear of King Pedro he did not feel that it was safe to remain there, he had subsequently gone on to Portugal, all of this just as we have already related. Moreover, during this year it happened that Don Juan Núñez, the master of Calatrava, unnerved by the king, went to a landed

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tierra que los maestres de Calatraua tienen en Aragon, que dizen la encomienda de Alcañiz e estudo en Aragon apartado algunos dias del rrey. Pero despues, enbiando el rrey a el sus cartas e sus mandamientos asegurandole, tornosse el dicho maestre para Castilla. E llego a vn su lugar de la horden que dizen Almagro, e el rrey, desque sopo que era ay, partio de Sevilla e enbio adelante a don Iohan de la Çerda, fijo de don Luys, e llego a Villa Real. E llego vn dia lunes e leuo consigo todos los de la villa e algunos que traya consigo, e çerco el lugar de Almagro, donde estaua el dicho maestre don Iohan Nuñez. E estaua con el maestre don Iohan Nuñez vn cauallero de la orden, su criado e pariente, que dezian don Pedro Muñiz de Godoy, que fue despues maestre de Calatraua, e dixo anssy al maestre: ‘Señor, vos tenedes aqui çiento e çinquenta de cauallo e pieça de omnes de pie, e vos conosçedes al rrey, que es sañudo contra vos, e sy sodes presso, non podedes escusar de la muerte; por ende, mi consejo es que salgades a pelear con don Iohan: o los desbarataredes ho podredes tornar para Aragon antes que el rrey venga o morir en el canpo’. E el maestre dixo que el nunca erraria al rrey e que mas queria atender a la su merçed. E otro dia llego el rrey ý, e el maestre sallio a el e fue luego presso e luego dispuesto e desapoderado del maestradgo de Calatraua. E mando el rrey que ouiessen los freyres de Calatraua por maestre a don Diego Garçia de Padilla e non espero que los freyres ouiesen otro consejo sobre ello, saluo que quisso, en todas las guisas, se fiziesse anssy. E fueron todos los castillos de la horden de Calatraua entregados a don Diego Garçia de Padilla, maestre nueuo. E todos los freyres de la horden se vinieron para el.

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estate which the masters of Calatrava possess in Aragon, known as the Encomienda de Alcañiz, and remained for a number of days in Aragon well away from the king.1 However, when King Pedro later sent him an official order and a warrant assuring him of safe conduct, the master made his way back to Castile and came to a town called Almagro which was held by the Order.2 Once the king became aware that he was there, he set out from Seville, sending on ahead Don Juan de la Cerda, son of Don Luis. Don Juan arrived in Villa Real one Monday.3 He took with him all the men of the town militia and some that he had brought with him and he laid siege to the town of Almagro where the master Don Juan Núñez was to be found. Accompanying the master was a knight of his Order, a member of his household and of his family, called Don Pero Muñiz de Godoy, who later became master of Calatrava, and he addressed the master as follows: ‘My lord, here you have 150 horsemen and a substantial force of men on foot, and you are well acquainted with the king and are aware that you have incurred his anger: you know that if you are captured you will not be able to escape death. So my advice is that you engage Don Juan in battle. Either you will defeat him and you will then be able to return to Aragon before the king arrives, or otherwise you will die on the field of battle.’ The master said that he would never fail in his duty to the king: he preferred to place himself at his mercy. The next day the king arrived. The master went out to meet him and was promptly arrested and stripped of his position and his authority as master of the Order of Calatrava. The king commanded that the brothers of Calatrava take as their master Don Diego García de Padilla, not giving them the opportunity to put forward any other point of view but rather expecting this command to be carried out in any circumstances. All the castles of the Order of Calatrava were handed over to Don Diego García de Padilla, the new master, and all the brothers of the Order gave him their allegiance.

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Capitulo segundo. Commo fue muerto don Iohan Nuñez de Prado, maestre de Calatraua, en el alcaçar de Maqueda. Despues quel dicho don Iohan Nuñez, maestre de Calatraua, fue presso, entregolo el rrey luego a don Diego Garçia de Padilla, que nueuamente era fecho maestre, e el enbiolo presso al alcaçar de Maqueda en poder de vn cauallero de Auila, que dezian Esteuan Domingo el moço, que tenia por el maestre el dicho alcaçar. E el dicho don Iohan Nuñez fue dende a pocos dias muerto en el castillo de Maqueda, que es de la horden de Calatraua, do estaua preso por mandado del dicho don Diego Garçia, maestre nueuo de Calatraua. Pero muchas vezes dezia el rrey don Pedro despues que nunca lo el mandara matar, e que lo fiziera matar el dicho don Diego Garçia, maestro nueuo, syn su liçençia e mandamiento del rrey. E fizolo matar al dicho maestre, segund dicho auemos, el dicho don Diego Garçia de Padilla, que ya era maestre de Calatraua, en la prission, teniendo el dicho castillo por el, el dicho Esteuan Domingo de Auila. E enbio el maestre don Diego Garçia a matar al dicho don Iohan Nuñez maestre a vn escudero que biuia con el, que dizian Diego Lopez de Porras, el qual por conplir el mandamiento del dicho maestre con quien biuia, fizolo anssi. E dezian algunos que el dicho maestre don Iohan Nuñez fuera en disponer de maestre al maestre de Calatraua don Garçi Lopez, que lo freylara, e que anssi venian los juizios de Dios.

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1354: CHAPTER II How Don Juan Núñez de Prado, master of Calatrava, was killed in the alcázar at Maqueda. Once Don Juan Núñez de Prado, master of Calatrava, had been placed under arrest, the king was quick to hand him over to Don Diego García de Padilla who had just been named master, and he sent him as a prisoner to the castle at Maqueda, under the authority of a knight from Ávila called Esteban Domingo the Younger, who held this castle on behalf of the master. On the orders of the new master, Don Diego García, Don Juan Núñez was put to death a few days later in the castle at Maqueda, which belongs to the Order of Calatrava. However, later King Pedro repeatedly declared that he had never ordered that Don Juan Núñez be killed and that Don Diego García, the new master, had had it done without his permission or authority. As we have already related, Don Diego García de Padilla, who was now master of Calatrava, had the master killed while he was imprisoned in the castle held on his behalf by Esteban Domingo de Ávila: Don Diego sent a squire who was a member of his household, called Diego López de Porras, to carry out the killing of Don Juan Núñez, which the squire did in order to obey the command of the master, as he belonged to his household. Some people said that the master Juan Núñez had been involved in the deposition as master of Calatrava of Don Garci López, who had received him into the Order, and that such were God’s judgements.

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Capitulo IIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro fue sobre Medellyn, lugar de don Iohan Alfonso e lo tomo. El rrey don Pedro, desque ouo fecho que los freyres de Calatraua touiessen por maestre a don Diego Garçia de Padilla, fue para Medellin, vn castillo e villa de don Iohan Alfonso. E tenia el dicho castillo Diego Gomez de Silua, vn cauallero de Gallizia, e los de la villa acogieron al rrey. E Dia Gomez de Silua e otro cauallero que dezian Pero Aluarez de Soto Mayor, que eran vasallos de don Iohan Alfonso e los que estauan ay acogieronse al castillo del dicho lugar. E trataron pleytesia que enplazasen el dicho castillo a don Iohan Alfonso, que era en Portogal. E enbiaron a el vn escudero que dezian Ferran Gasqueça, que biuia con Diego Gomez de Silua. E el enplazo el dicho castillo. E don Iohan Alfonso dixo que lo non podria acorrer e mandoles que lo entregasen al rrey. E entregaron gelo, e el rrey mandolo derribar.

Capitulo IIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro llego sobre el castillo e villa de Alburquerque que era de don Iohan Alfonso e lo que ý acaesçio. Despues que el rrey ouo tomado el castillo de Medellyn, fue sobre la villa e castillo de Alburquerque e non lo acogieron ally. E dio sentençia contra don Pedro Esteuañez Carpentero, comendador mayor de Calatraua, pariente del maestre don Iohan Nuñez, que estaua alli, e contra Martin Alfonso Botello, vn cauallero de Portogal, que tenia el castillo de Alburquerque por don Iohan Alfonso.

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1354: CHAPTER III How King Pedro attacked Medellín, a town held by Don Juan Alfonso, and captured it. After he had obliged the brothers of Calatrava to take Don Diego García de Padilla as their master, King Pedro headed for Medellín, a castle and town belonging to Don Juan Alfonso. The castle was held by Diego Gómez de Silva, a knight from Galicia. The people of the town welcomed the king, and Diego Gómez de Silva and another knight called Pero Álvarez de Sotomayor, vassals of Don Juan Alfonso, together with the others who were there with them, took refuge in the town’s castle. They negotiated that Don Juan Alfonso, who was in Portugal, should be given time to come to the aid of the castle. They sent to him a squire called Fernán Gasqueza, who was a member of Diego Gómez de Silva’s household, and he gave him a time limit for coming to their aid.4 Don Juan Alfonso said that he could not do so and ordered the castle to be handed over to the king. This was indeed done and the king gave instructions for it to be demolished.

1354: CHAPTER IV How King Pedro moved against the castle and town of Alburquerque which belonged to Don Juan Alfonso, and what took place there. After the king had captured the castle of Medellín, he moved against the town and castle of Alburquerque, which belonged to Don Juan Alfonso, but he was not allowed entry. He issued a formal condemnation of Don Pero Estébanez Carpenteyro − grand commander of Calatrava and a relative of the master Don Juan Núñez − who was in the town, and of Martim Afonso Botelho, a knight from Portugal who held the castle of Alburquerque on behalf of Don Juan Alfonso.

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E don Pero Esteuañez dezia que non auia el rrey rrazon de pasar contra el; ca el veniera ally con miedo quando prendieran a don Iohan Nuñez, su tio, maestre de Calatraua, e que el non tenia la villa nin el castillo de Alburquerque, saluo que auia miedo del rrey e se pussiera ally, e que nunca le fiziera desseruiçio, antes le seruiera sienpre en todos sus menesteres segun el rrey bien sabia. E otrossy Martin Alfonso Botello, que era alcayde del castillo, dizia que era natural del rregno de Portogal e non pudia el rrey passar contra el nin curaua dello. E fue el rrey sobre Cobdesera, vn castillo de don Iohan Alfonso, e fizolo conbatir; pero non lo pudo tomar. E el rrey dexo estonçes fronteros de Alburquerque en Vadajoz al conde don Enrrique e al maestre de Santiago don Fadrique, sus hermanos, fijos del rrey don Alfonso e de doña Leonor de Guzman, e a Iohan Garçia de Vallegera, hermano de doña Maria de Padilla, que era freyre de la orden de Santiago e comendador mayor de Castilla, e otros caualleros. E el rrey partio de ally e llego a la villa de Ca[çe]res e dende enbio sus mensageros al rrey de Portogal don Alfonso, su ahuelo. E fueron don Enrrique Enrriquez e don Ferrand Sanchez de Valladolid, su chançeller del rrey.

Capitulo Vº. Commo los mensageros del rrey de Castilla llegaron al rrey don Alfonso de Portogal e lo que el rrespondio. Los dichos mensageros que el rrey de Castilla enbiaua al rrey de Portogal sobre el fecho de don Iohan Alfonso, los quales eran don Enrrique Enrriquez e don Ferrand Sanchez de Valladolid, chançeller del rrey, llegaron al rrey don Alfonso de Portogal, a la çibdat de

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Don Pero Estébanez claimed that the king was not right to condemn him as he had come there out of fear when his uncle Don Juan Núñez, master of Calatrava, had been arrested. He asserted that he did not hold either the town or the castle of Alburquerque, but that in dread of the king he had sought refuge there; and that he had never been disloyal to the king but had always served him loyally in all the demands he had made upon him, as the king knew well. Moreover, Martim Afonso Botelho, who held the position of military commander in that castle, argued that he was a native of Portugal and that the king could not pass sentence against him, nor did the matter cause him any concern. From there the king moved against La Codosera, one of Don Juan Alfonso’s castles, and launched an attack on it. However, he was unable to take it. Then the king appointed his field commanders against Alburquerque in Badajoz. These were Count Enrique and the master of Santiago, Don Fadrique – King Pedro’s brothers and sons of King Alfonso and Doña Leonor de Guzmán – and Doña María de Padilla’s brother Juan García de Villagera, who was a member of the Order of Santiago and its grand commander for Castile, together with some other knights. The king left the area and advanced as far as the town of Cáceres, from where he sent his emissaries to his grandfather King Afonso of Portugal. These emissaries were Don Enrique Enríquez and Don Fernán Sánchez de Valladolid, the king’s chancellor.

1354: CHAPTER V How the king of Castile’s emissaries came before King Afonso of Portugal and the answers that he gave them. The envoys that the king of Castile sent to the king of Portugal in connection with the affair of Don Juan Alfonso – Don Enrique Enríquez and Don Fernán Sánchez de Valladolid, the king’s chancellor – reached King Afonso in the city of Évora, where at that time the celebrations

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Euora, que fazia estonçes bodas a la infanta doña Maria, su nieta, con el infante don Ferrando de Aragon, marques de Tortosa, fijo del rrey don Alfonso de Aragon, los quales dichos mensageros llegaron ý al rrey. E acaesçio quel dia de las bodas del dicho infante don Ferrando, el rrey don Alfonso de Portogal, estando en Sand Francisco de Euora, do posaua el dicho infante don Ferrando marques, estando ý el infante don Iohan, su hermano, e todos los caualleros de Portogal que eran del rrey, que comian ese dia alli con el dicho infante don Ferrando, llegaron los dichos mensageros del rrey de Castilla que nonbrado auemos, por fablar con el rrey de Portogal lo que les era mandado. E don Iohan Alfonso, desque los vio, antes que los mensageros del rrey de Castilla dixesen alguna cosa, dixo al rrey don Alfonso de Portogal: ‘Señor, sea la vuestra merçed de me perdonar por quanto tal dia commo hoy, que es fiesta en que vos fazedes, señor, bodas a vuestra nieta la infanta doña Maria con el infante don Ferrando, marques de Tortosa, fijo del rrey de Aragon, me atreuo a dezir algunas cosas’. E el rrey le dixo que le plazia que dixiese lo que quisiese. E don Iohan Alfonso dixo assy: ‘Señor, a mi dizen que son aqui mensageros del rrey de Castilla, mi señor, a uos dar e mostrar algunas querellas de mi, de lo qual, señor, sabedes que a mi pesa mucho dello; pero a esto digo, señor, assy breve mente en pocas rrazones, por vos non enojar, que sy ha algunos en Castilla que digan que yo fize cosa que non fuesse seruiçio del rrey de Castilla, mi señor, yo esto presto para les poner las manos, si vos, señor, fallaredes que las deuo poner, toda via que el canpo sea delante vos, por quanto yo no so seguro de yr ante el rrey de Castilla, mi señor. E si el conde don Enrrique e el maestre don Fadrique, su hermano quisieren tomar contra mi esta demanda e dixeren que yo fize alguna cosa que fuesse contra seruiçio del rrey de Castilla, mi señor, yo les porne las manos vno por vno fasta çiento por çiento. E por quanto, enla su partida del conde don Enrrique, tiene al maestre su hermano, yo tomare al maestre de Santiago que aqui esta, que dizen don Gil Ferrandez de Carualo, que por su mesura, me quiere ayudar. Otrossy, señor, verdat es que luego que el rrey don Pedro de Castilla,

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were underway for the marriage of King Afonso’s granddaughter Doña Maria to Prince Ferran of Aragon, marquis of Tortosa and son of King Alfons of Aragon. These envoys arrived in the presence of King Afonso of Portugal: on Prince Ferran’s wedding day King Afonso was in the convent of São Francisco in Évora − where the marquis Prince Ferran was lodging − together with Prince Joan and all the knights of the king of Portugal who were eating there with him that day; and it was then that the king of Castile’s emissaries, whose names we have already given, arrived with the purpose of discussing with the king of Portugal the matter that had been entrusted to them. Don Juan Alfonso, as soon as he set eyes upon them and before the king of Castile’s emissaries could utter a word, addressed himself to the king of Portugal: ‘My lord, I beg you to forgive me if – on such a day as today, a day of celebration by which you, my lord, are marking the wedding of your granddaughter Princess Maria to Prince Ferran, marquis of Tortosa and son of the king of Aragon – I dare to speak out.’ The king told him that he was pleased for him to say what he wished. Don Juan Alfonso spoke as follows: ´My lord, I am told that emissaries of my lord the king of Castile are here to make and set before you some complaints against me, which – God knows – causes me great sorrow. However, to this I say, my lord, briefly and in few words so as not to cause you annoyance, that, if there are any people in Castile who say that I committed any act of disloyalty to my lord the king of Castile, I am ready to do combat with them if you, my lord, judge that I must do so, provided that this is in your presence, as I do not feel safe to go before my lord the king of Castile. Should Count Enrique and his brother the master of Santiago, Don Fadrique, wish to make this allegation against me and claim that I committed any act of disloyalty towards my lord the king of Castile, I will do combat against them, one to one or as many as a hundred against a hundred. And, as on his side Count Enrique has his brother, the master of Santiago, I will take in my support the master of the Order of Santiago in Portugal, here present – Don Gil Fernandes de Carvalho – who, in his good judgement, wishes to give me his aid. Moreover, my lord, it is true that as soon as King Pedro of Castile,

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vuestro nieto e mi señor, rregno, yo tome cargo, por su seruiçio, en todas aquellas cosas que entendia que debia fazer por guarda de su seruiçio e pro. E esto fize por seer su mayordomo mayor en aquel tienpo, e lo fuy primero quando el era infante, e passe por el muchos males e muchos peligros con doña Leonor de Guzman, madre del conde don Enrrique e del maestre don Fadrique e de los otros fijos que tenia el rrey don Alfonso. E despues que rregno mi señor el rrey don Pedro, toue que era rrazon de tomar yo mas carga por su seruiçio que primero, otrossy por quanto yo he debdo e linaje en la su merçed por parte de mi señora la rreyna doña Maria su madre, vuestra fija. E señor, es verdat que en los ofiçios del rregno de Castilla, hordene muchas cosas segund que entendia que cunplian a su seruiçio del rrey mi señor, de lo qual tengo que non fallara que yo fize cosa de que a el viniesse deseruiçio alguno. E pusse en los dichos ofiçios omnes buenos e abonados e si algo fizieron que non deuian, den cuenta dello, e si ellos o alguno dellos non han de que pagar lo que fizieron, quiero que lo paguen mis bienes, pues yo los puse en los dichos ofiçios. Pero por lo que atañe al dinero e al su thesoro e rrentas del su rregno, señor, yo digo assy que sea la su merçed de mandar venir delante sy sus contadores, e sy fallaren que yo tome de sus thesoros o rrentas o dineros cosa que non deuiera tomar, yo lo quiero pechar luego commo fuere rrazon. E quanto al su dinero, yo non pongo otra escusa, e el fallara que nunca otro dinero tome saluo aquello que en tienpo del rrey don Alfonso, su padre, me solia seer librado. Otrosi nin le demande donadio alguno de heredat nin consenti que lo diesse a ninguno, saluo los bienes de Garçi Laso e de don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel que el dio a aquellas personas a quien le plogo. Otrossy fize mucho por le catar buen casamiento, ca le allegue e ayunte con la casa de Françia e con muger del su linaje del rrey de Françia e su sobrina. Otrossy pecho nueuo ninguno en su rregno, en quanto lo yo gouerne, nunca conssenti que se echasse. Otrossi puse amor e ligas entre el e los rreyes sus vezinos, ca le fiz sus amigos al rrey de Aragon e al rrey de Nauarra e al rrey de Portogal, e puesto

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your grandson and my lord, came to the throne, I took responsibility, out of loyalty to him, for all those things that I understood I must do to defend and further his interests. I did this as I had previously been his chief steward, a position that I occupied originally when he was still prince. On his behalf I endured many difficulties and dangers from Doña Leonor de Guzmán, mother of Count Enrique and the master Don Fadrique and of the other offspring that she bore King Alfonso. After my lord King Pedro came to the throne, I considered that it was right for me to take on greater responsibility in his service than previously, and this is also because I am connected by descent and lineage with his Grace through my lady, his mother Queen María, who is your daughter. And, my lord, it is true that in the offices of the kingdom of Castile, I ordered many matters in the way I understood to serve best the needs of my lord, the king. In this respect I believe that he will not find that I have acted against his interests in any way. I placed in those posts men who were good and worthy of trust: if they did anything improper, let them answer for it, and if they, or any of them, do not have the wherewithal to pay for what they did, I want it to be paid out of what I own, since I appointed them. However, inasfar as concerns money and the treasury and incomes of his kingdom, my lord, I say this: may it be his will to summon his financial administrators into his presence and, should they find that I took from his treasuries, revenue or moneys anything that I should not have taken, it is my desire to pay back at once whatever is due. With regard to his money, I make no other justification: he will find that I have never taken any other payment than that which used to be made to me during the reign of his father, King Alfonso. Also, I neither asked him for any grants of property to be made to me nor gave my consent for them to be made to anybody else, with the exception of the possessions of Garci Laso and Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel, which he gave to those persons that he wished. Also, I worked hard to find him a good partner in marriage, bringing him a link and alliance with the House of France and with a woman of the royal line of France, the king’s niece. Also, I never allowed any new tax to be introduced in his kingdom whilst I was responsible for it. Also, I established pacts and alliances between him and the neighbouring kings, making the kings of Aragon, Navarre and Portugal his allies;

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que lo fuessen del rrey don Alfonso, su padre, avn mas firme mente lo fueron suyos. E todo esto, señor, es verdat e notorio en el rregno de Castilla’. E los mensageros del rrey de Castilla que ally eran dixeron que don Iohan Alfonso se aperçibiera a rresponder antes que sopiesse que querian ellos dezir; enpero que lo que el rrey de Castilla, su señor, enbiaua dezir al rrey don Alfonso de Portogal, su ahuelo, que estaua presente, era esto: quel rrey, su señor, dezia e pidia que don Iohan Alfonso deuia yr a Castilla a dar cuenta de todo lo que fiziera en el rregno de Castilla despues que el rrey don Pedro rregnara, e que alla podia alegar e dezir todo esto que dezia. E por tanto, que dezian e anssy ge lo pidian e rrequirian al rrey de Portogal de partes del rrey de Castilla, su señor. E el rrey don Alfonso de Portogal, desque oyo las rrazones que don Iohan Alfonso dixera e lo que pidian los mensageros del rrey de Castilla, dixo a los mensageros sobredichos que don Iohan Alfonso se ponia en rrazon, segund que a el paresçia, e que el queria enbiar sus mensageros al rrey de Castilla, su nieto, sobre todo esto. E rrecresçieron delante el rrey de Portogal muchas rrazones de los mensageros del rrey de Castilla con don Iohan Alfonso. E tomo su vando del dicho don Iohan Alfonso, esse dia, don Gil Ferrandez de Caruallo, maestre de Santiago, de Portogal, e otros caualleros de Castilla que estauan ý con el infante don Ferrando e eran venidos con el a sus bodas, e tenian la parte de los mensageros del rrey de Castilla tanto que cuydaron que aurian rruydo; pero el rrey don Alfonso de Portogal mando a todos que estudiessen quedos, e anssy lo fizieron.

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and, although they had been in alliance with his father, King Alfonso, with King Pedro they now made this association even firmer. All of this, my lord, is true and it is well known throughout the realm of Castile.’ The Castilian emissaries who were present said that Don Juan Alfonso had got ahead of himself in giving his answer before knowing what they intended to say. However, the message that their lord the king of Castile was sending to his grandfather King Afonso of Portugal, who was there present, was this: that he, their lord and king, informed him – and requested of him – that Don Juan Alfonso should go to Castile to answer for all that he had done in the kingdom of Castile since the beginning of King Pedro’s reign, and that there he could declare and set out in full his arguments. They were thus making this declaration, request and requirement of the king of Portugal on behalf of their lord the king of Castile. Once the king of Portugal had heard the words of Don Juan Alfonso and the request made by the emissaries of the king of Castile, he informed the emissaries that, in his judgement, Don Juan Alfonso was within his rights and that he wished to send his own emissaries to his grandson the king of Castile with regard to this matter. There, in the presence of the king of Portugal, a lengthy argument broke out between the king of Castile’s emissaries and Don Juan Alfonso. On that day Don Gil Fernandes de Carvalho, master of the Order of Santiago in Portugal, sided with Don Juan Alfonso whilst other Castilian knights who were there accompanying Prince Ferran at his wedding took the side of the king of Castile’s emissaries. This became so heated that it was thought that they would come to blows. However, King Afonso of Portugal ordered them all to calm down and they did so.

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Capitulo VIº. Commo se trato abenençia entre el conde don Enrrique e el maestre don Fadrique, su hermano, con don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque. Despues que todas estas cosas pasaron en la çibdat de Euora en Portogal delante el rrey don Alfonso, segund auemos contado, los mensageros del rrey de Castilla tornaronse para el. E fallaron lo partido de sobre el castillo de Alburquerque e que auia dexado al conde don Enrrique e al maestre don Fadrique, sus hermanos, por fronteros de Alburquerque en la çibdat de Vadajoz, e los mensageros fueronse para el rrey. E despues desto, el infante don Ferrando de Aragon, marques de Tortosa, primo del rrey, que auia fecho sus bodas en Portogal en la çibdat de Euora, con la infanta doña Maria, fija del infante don Pedro, heredero de Portogal, e nieta del rey don Alfonso de Portogal, que estonçes rregnaua, segund lo auemos dicho, luego despues de las bodas del infante don Ferrando e partido el dicho infante del rregno de Portogal, partio el rrey de Portogal de la su çibdat de Euora e la rreyna doña Beatriz, su muger, que fuera fija del rrey don Sancho de Castilla, que estaua ý con el, e uinieronse a Estremos, que es vna villa de Portogal en la frontera de Castilla por estar ý. E despues quel rrey don Alfonso e la rreyna doña Beatriz, su muger, fueron en el lugar de Estremos e estaua ý don Iohan Alfonso, llego ý frey Diego Lopez de Riba de Neyra, que era confesor del conde don Enrrique, e era de la horden de Sand Françisco e maestro en theologia, e traxo tratos con don Iohan Alfonso de partes del conde don Enrrique e del maestre de Santiago don Fadrique, su hermano, los quales auia dexado el rrey don Pedro en la çibdat de Vadajoz por fronteros de Alburquerque, segund auemos contado. E los tratos que frey Diego Lopez fizo entre ellos eran que fuesen amigos e se ayudasen e entrassen todos en Castilla, e esta fabla andaua muy secreta.

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1354: CHAPTER VI How negotiations took place between Count Enrique and his brother the master Don Fadrique and Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque. After all these events had taken place in the city of Évora in Portugal in the presence of King Afonso − just as we have related − the king of Castile’s emissaries returned to their lord. They found that he had left the siege of the castle of Alburquerque, appointing his brothers Count Enrique and Don Fadrique, master of Santiago, as his field commanders in the city of Badajoz against Alburquerque. The emissaries went to see the king. Later the king’s cousin Prince Ferran of Aragon, the marquis of Tortosa, set off. As we have already explained, he had just been married in the city of Évora in Portugal to Princess Maria, who was the daughter of Prince Pedro, the heir to the throne of Portugal, and granddaughter of the current king, Afonso. Soon after the wedding of Prince Ferran and once he had left the kingdom, the king of Portugal also set out from his city of Évora. With him was his wife, Queen Beatriz − daughter of King Sancho of Castile − who had been accompanying him in Évora, and they travelled to Estremoz, a town in Portugal on the border with Castile, with the intention of spending some time there. After King Afonso and Queen Beatriz had come to Estremoz, where Don Juan Alfonso was also staying, they were joined by Brother Diego López de Ribadeneyra. Brother Diego was confessor to Count Enrique, a brother of the Order of Saint Francis and a master of Theology. He brought proposals for Don Juan Alfonso on behalf of Count Enrique and his brother the master Don Fadrique, whom King Pedro had left in the city of Badajoz as his field commanders against Alburquerque, as we have already explained. The agreement which Brother Diego López negotiated among them was that they should form an alliance, give each other mutual support and all of them together make an entry into Castile. These discussions took place in total secrecy.

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E el rrey don Alfonso de Portogal partio estonçes de Estremos e tornosse para la çibdat de Euora. E el infante don Pedro, su fijo, fue con la rreyna doña Maria, su hermana, fasta Badajoz, que se tornaua para Castilla, e dende boluiose para Yelues. E don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque encubrio esta rrazon, que la non sopiesse el rrey de Portogal, nin le dixo ninguna cosa dello, que se rreçelaua que gelo estoruaria.

Capitulo VIIº. Commo don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque se vio con el conde don Enrrique e con el maestre de Santiago e se avinieron. En estas pleytesias que frey Diego Lopez, confesor del conde, traya con don Iohan Alfonso, fue acordado que don Iohan Alfonso se viese con el conde don Enrrique e con el maestre don Fadrique, su hermano, para afirmar todo lo que entrellos era asosegado, e que estas vistas fuesen en Riba de Caya, que es entre Yelues e Vadajoz. Esto era ya publicado e todos sus tratos tenian ya concertados e eran abenidos. E antes de las vistas prendieron el conde e el maestre a don Iohan Garçia, hermano de doña Maria de Padilla, que era comendador mayor de Castilla, que auia el rrey don Pedro dexado con ellos por frontero en la fronteria de Alburquerque, el qual fuxo dende a dos dias de la prision e fuesse para el rrey don Pedro. E despues que estas cosas se yuan anssy descubriendo, la rreyna doña Maria, que estaua estonçes en Portogal, que era yda con liçençia del rrey, su fijo, a veer al rrey don Alfonso, su padre, ouo rreçelo que su fijo el rrey don Pedro pensaria que ella auia seydo en los tratos que se fizieron entre don Iohan Alfonso e el conde, por quanto don Iohan Alfonso era su pariente e ella lo quisiera sienpre bien. E por esta rrazon tornosse por el camino de Ronchas para Portalegre e estudo ally vnos quatro dias acordando commo faria.

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At this point King Afonso of Portugal left Estremoz and returned to the city of Évora. His son Prince Pedro accompanied his sister Queen María as far as Badajoz, for she was on her way back to Castile; and from there he returned to Elvas.5 Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque kept these matters secret from the king of Portugal and did not tell him anything at all about it for fear that he might stand in the way.

1354: CHAPTER VII How Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque met with Count Enrique and the master of Santiago and how they came to an agreement. As a result of these negotiations carried out by the count’s confessor Brother Diego López with Don Juan Alfonso, it was agreed that Don Juan Alfonso should meet with Count Enrique and his brother Don Fadrique, the master of Santiago, to confirm all that had been settled between them and that this meeting should take place in Riba de Caya between Elvas and Badajoz. This was made public, now that all their discussions were successfully concluded and they had formed their alliance. Before the meeting, the count and the master seized Don Juan García, Doña María de Padilla’s brother, who was the grand commander of the Order of Santiago for Castile and had been left with them as a field commander in the confrontation with Alburquerque. Two days later Don Juan García fled his captivity and went to join King Pedro. Queen María was currently in Portugal, having gone with the permission of her son the king to see her father King Afonso. Now that all these developments were beginning to come to light in this way, she felt concerned that her son the king would think she had been involved in the negotiations that had taken place between Don Juan Alfonso and the count, since she was related to Don Juan Alfonso and she had always been on close terms with him. For this reason she went back along the road through Arronches to Portalegre and spent some four days there deciding what she should do.

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E el conde don Enrrique e el maestre don Fadrique, su hermano, e don Iohan Alfonso, despues que fueron acordados e abenidos, vinieronse para Alburquerque. E dioles ally don Iohan Alfonso dozientas mill marauedis. E entrego don Iohan Alfonso el castillo de Alburquerque e los castillos de Cobdesera e de Azagala e de Alconchel a Pero Ruyz de Villegas, que los touiesse en fieldat e en arrehenes por que todos fuessen seguros de se guardar verdat.

Capitulo VIIIº. De otra pleytesia que el conde e el maestre e don Iohan Alfonso mouieron al infante don Pedro de Portogal. Estando el conde e el maestre e don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque en vno ya abenidos, llego a ellos don Aluar Perez de Castro, que venia a veer a don Iohan Alfonso por debdo que auia con el. E el conde e el maestre, su hermano, e don Iohan Alfonso fablaron con el, que el fablase con el infante don Pedro de Portogal, que pues era nieto legitimo del rrey don Sancho de Castilla, ca su madre la rreyna doña Beatriz, que era estonçe biua, era fija del rrey don Sancho de Castilla, e que si el quisiese, que ellos tomarian boz con el porque el fuesse rrey de Castilla. E el dicho don Aluar Perez fablo lo con el infante don Pedro, e el infante oyolo de buen talante a don Aluar Perez lo que le dezia e plogole dello e quisieralo fazer. E este fecho sopolo el rrey don Alfonso de Portogal, su padre, e pesole dello. E enbio luego para ge lo destoruar por sus mensageros al dicho infante don Pedro, su fijo, a Ferrand Gonçalez Cogomino, e a maestre Iohan de las Leyes, que eran del su consejo e sus priuados. E fablaron con el infante don Pedro de Portogal e tiraronle de fazer rrespuesta alguna a don Aluar Perez de Castro de que fuesen contentos los que este fecho le enbiaran a cometer.

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Count Enrique, his brother the master Don Fadrique and Don Juan Alfonso, now that they were in agreement and alliance, came to Alburquerque, where Don Juan Alfonso gave the others 200,000 maravedís. Don Juan Alfonso also handed over the castle of Alburquerque and those of Cobdesera, Azagala and Alconchel to Pero Ruiz de Villegas for him to hold as surety and as a guarantee to them all that he would keep his word.

1354: CHAPTER VIII Concerning further negotiations carried out by the count, the master and Don Juan Alfonso with Prince Pedro of Portugal. Now that the count and the master had formed an alliance with Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque, they were joined by Don Álvar Pérez de Castro, who had come to meet with Don Juan Alfonso on account of his family relationship with him. The count, his brother the master and Don Juan Alfonso discussed with Don Álvar the idea that he should make an approach to Prince Pedro of Portugal: they proposed that, since Prince Pedro was the legitimate grandson of King Sancho of Castile – as his mother, Queen Beatriz, who was still alive, was the daughter of King Sancho of Castile –, if he was willing, they would declare their support for him to become king of Castile. Don Álvar Pérez discussed the proposal with the prince, who listened with interest and reacted favourably to what he was saying to him, expressing a willingness to be involved. Prince Pedro’s father King Afonso of Portugal learned of this plan and it annoyed him. In order to put a stop to it, he promptly sent emissaries to his son; these were Fernão Gonçalves Cogominho and Mestre João das Leis, members of his council and his confidants. They spoke to Prince Pedro of Portugal and forbade him to give any reply to Don Álvar Pérez de Castro which was favourable to the men behind this proposal.

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Capitulo IXº. Commo la rreyna doña Maria, madre del rrey don Pedro, se temia que el rrey, su fijo, cuydaria que ella fuera en estas pleytesias de las abenençias del conde don Enrrique e del maestre con don Iohan Alfonso e commo fizo. En estos dias partio la rreyna doña Maria de Portogal do deximos que auia estado, e non quiso venir por do estauan el conde e don Iohan Alfonso, e tomo otro camino e fue con ella el infante don Pedro, su hermano, que fue despues rrey de Portogal, e don Aluar Perez de Castro e don Rodrigo Yañez, maestre de Christus en el rregno de Portogal. E fueron a Nissa e dende, a Castil Blanco, e alli estudieron ocho dias, e dende fueron a Sand Vicente de la Vera. E leuaua Martin Alfonso Tello, en este camino, a la rreyna doña Maria por la rrienda, e de ally se leuanto la fama que despues ouieron. E dende fueron a Cobillana e dende, a la Guardia e dende, a Troncoso e a la Torre de Moncoruo e a Mogadoyro. E fueron el infante don Pedro e don Aluar Perez de Castro e el maestre de Christus con la rreyna fasta fuera del rregno de Portogal, e dende se tornaron. E la rreyna fuesse para Çamora e dende, a Toro. E fue con ella Martin Alfonso Tello. E alli fallaron al rrey don Pedro de Castilla su fijo.

Capitulo Xº. Commo el rrey don Pedro dixo que casaua con doña Iohana de Castro en Cuellar. Agora tornaremos a contar commo fizo el rrey don Pedro despues que dexo al conde don Enrrique e al maestre don Fadrique fronteros de Alburquerque. E anssi fue que, despues que el rrey don Pedro partio

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1354: CHAPTER IX How Queen María, King Pedro’s mother, feared that her son the king would believe that she had been involved in negotiating the pact between Count Enrique and the master and Don Juan Alfonso; and what she then did. During this time Queen María left Portalegre, where − as we have already said − she had been staying. Unwilling to pass through the place in which the count and Don Juan Alfonso were meeting, she took a different route. She was accompanied by her brother Prince Pedro, who later became king of Portugal, Don Álvar Pérez de Castro and Don Rodrigo Anes, master of the Order of Christ in the kingdom of Portugal.6 They travelled to Nisa and from there to Castilblanco, where they spent a week, and from there they went on to San Vicente de la Vera. During this journey, Martim Afonso Telo led Queen María’s horse by the reins, which was the origin of the reputation that they subsequently acquired. From there they passed on to Cobillana and thence to Guarda, Troncoso, Torre de Moncorvo and Mogadouro.7 Prince Pedro, Don Álvar Pérez de Castro and the master of the Order of Christ accompanied the queen until she was outside the kingdom of Portugal and then turned back. The queen travelled in the company of Martim Afonso Telo to Zamora and from there to Toro, where they found her son, King Pedro of Castile.

1354: CHAPTER X How King Pedro declared that he was marrying Doña Juana de Castro in Cuéllar. Now we shall return to our account of King Pedro’s actions after appointing Count Enrique and the master Don Fadrique as his field commanders against Alburquerque. In fact, after the king had departed

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de Alburquerque e ouo dexado ý al conde don Enrrique e al maestre de Santiago don Fadrique, sus hermanos, e otros caualleros con ellos por fronteros, vinose para Valladolid. E de alli traxo sus pleytesias con doña Iohana de Castro, fija de don Pedro de Castro, que dezian ‘de la guerra’, e muger que fue de don Diego de Haro, fijo de don Lope de Haro e nieto de don Diego, señor de Vizcaya, que fino sobre Algezira quando la tenia çercada el rrey don Ferrando. E era esta doña Iohana muger bien fermosa, e el rrey dezia que queria casar con ella. E este casamiento trataua entrellos vn cauallero de Galizia que dezian Men Rodriguez de Senabria. Otrossy era en ello don Enrrique Enrriquez, que fuera casado con doña Vrraca su tia de la dicha doña Iohana, hermana de doña Ysabel, su madre de doña Iohana de Castro. E la dicha doña Iohana dizia que el rrey era casado con doña Blanca de Borbon e que mostrase commo se podria partyr della primero e estonçe que a ella plazia de cassar con el. E el rrey dezia que el lo mostraria, que con derecho se podria partir de la dicha doña Blanca e que non era su muger e abinieronse a esto. E la pleytesia fecha, don Enrrique Enrriquez, que fuera casado con doña Vrraca, hermana de doña Ysabel, madre de la dicha doña Iohana de Castro, segund dicho auemos, queria firmar este fecho diziendo que el casamiento fuesse firme. E trato que el rrey le entregasse el alcaçar de Iahen e el castillo de Dueñas e el castillo de Castro Xeriz en arrehenes por que el rrey estudiese por aquel casamiento, e fue anssy fecho. E el rrey entrego los dichos castillos a don Enrrique Enrriquez. E el rrey llego en Cuellar e la dicha doña Iohana de Castro era ally, ca çerca dende tenia su comarca. E el rrey enbio por los obispos don Sancho de Auila e don Iohan de Salamanca. E el dixoles que el non era casado con la rreyna doña Blanca por muchas protestaçiones que fiziera, e mostro delante ellos sus rrazones, quales el por bien touo, e mandoles que pronunçiassen que el podia casar con quien le pluguiesse. E los dichos obispos, con muy gran miedo que ouieron, fizieronlo assi. E dixeron por mandado del rrey a la dicha doña Iohana de Castro, que el casamiento que el rrey fiziera con doña Blanca de Borbon era ninguno e que pudia el rrey casar con quien quisiesse.

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from Alburquerque leaving his brothers Count Enrique and Don Fadrique, master of Santiago, there as field commanders, together with some other knights, he headed for Valladolid, from where he went to begin negotiations for marriage with Doña Juana de Castro, daughter of Don Pedro de Castro, known as ‘the Man of the War’. Doña Juana had been the wife of Don Diego de Haro, son of Don Lope de Haro and grandson of Don Diego, lord of Vizcaya, who met his death outside Algeciras when it was being besieged by King Fernando.8 Doña Juana was a woman of great beauty and the king declared that he wanted to marry her.9 This marriage was being negotiated by a knight from Galicia by the name of Men Rodríguez de Sanabria. Also involved was Don Enrique Enríquez, who had been married to Doña Urraca, Doña Juana’s aunt and sister of her mother, Doña Isabel. Doña Juana de Castro maintained that the king was married to Blanche of Bourbon and that first he should demonstrate how he would be able to separate from her, under which circumstances she would be happy to marry him. The king declared that he would show that he could separate from Blanche in all legality and that she was not his wife, and they reached agreement on this. Once these discussions had been finalized, Don Enrique Enríquez – who had been married, as we have explained, to Doña Urraca, sister of Doña Isabel, Doña Juana de Castro’s mother – wanted this agreement to be endorsed confirming that the marriage was definite. He proposed that the king should hand over to him the alcázar at Jaén and the fortresses of Dueñas and Castrojeriz as a guarantee that he wished for that marriage to take place. This was indeed put into effect and the king handed over these castles to Don Enrique Enríquez. The king arrived in Cuéllar and Doña Juana de Castro was present there too, for her own lands were nearby. The king sent for Bishops Sancho of Ávila and Juan of Salamanca and informed them that he was not married to Queen Blanche, however much she might protest. He set out to them his reasoning, which he considered sound, and he commanded them to pronounce that he was able to marry anyone that he liked. The bishops obeyed the king out of fear and, at his command, they informed Doña Juana de Castro that King Pedro’s marriage to Blanche of Bourbon was null and void and that he could marry whomsoever he wished.

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E doña Iohana touose a estas rrazones, e luego fizieron publicamente bodas en la dicha villa de Cuellar, el rrey e doña Iohana. E llamaronla ‘la rreyna doña Iohana’, e velolos el obispo de Salamanca en la yglesia solepne mente segund se podria fazer.

Capitulo XIº. Commo llegaron nueuas al rrey don Pedro, que el conde don Enrrique e el maestre don Fadrique de Santiago e los que auia dexado por fronteros sobre Alburquerque eran abenidos con don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque. Aquel dia mesmo de las bodas que el rrey fazia con doña Iohana de Castro en Cuellar, a ora de biesperas, llego vn cauallero que dezian Diego Gutierrez de Çauallos, vasallo del rrey, el qual el rrey auia enbiado con el conde don Enrrique sobre Alburquerque en Vadajoz, donde estauan fronteros otros caualleros sus vasallos que ally dexara. E dixo al rrey que supiesse por çierto commo el dicho conde e el maestre don Fadrique, su hermano, maestre de Santiago, e muchos caualleros, que estauan con ellos, eran ya abenidos con don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, e que prendieran a don Iohan Garçia de Vallajera, hermano de doña Maria de Padilla, que era comendador mayor de Castilla, que el rrey dexara con ellos, e por mayor firmeza, que entregara don Iohan Alfonso el castillo de Alburquerque e los castillos de Cobdesera e Azagala e Alconchel, que eran suyos, a Pero Ruyz de Villegas que los touiesse en fialdad e arrehenes por que el conde fuese seguro del dicho don Iohan Alfonso. Otrossy conto por nueuas commo diera estonçe el dicho don Iohan Alfonso al conde e al maestre dozientas mill marauedis, e commo estos señores fueron todos juntos çerca Vadajoz e que entendian entrar por Castilla. E era verdad todo segund que dezia Diego Gutierrez de Çauallos e segun que lo el conto al rrey.

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Doña Juana accepted these arguments and she and the king promptly celebrated their wedding in public in the town of Cuéllar. She was given the title of ‘Queen Juana’ and, insofar as this could be done, the bishop of Salamanca solemnly performed the ceremony of the veil.

1354: CHAPTER XI How the news reached the king that Count Enrique, Don Fadrique, master of Santiago, and the other men that he had left as his field commanders against Alburquerque had formed an alliance with Don Juan Alfonso. On that same day when the king’s wedding to Doña Juana Castro took place in Cuéllar, at the hour of Vespers, there arrived a knight called Diego Gutiérrez de Zaballos. This man was a vassal of the king, who had appointed him to be with Count Enrique in Badajoz as a field commander against Alburquerque, along with other knights who were also his vassals. He left the king in no doubt as to how his brothers, the count and the master Don Fadrique, and also many other knights accompanying them, had now formed an alliance with Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque. He told him how they had seized Doña María Padilla’s brother, Don Juan García de Villagera, who was his Order’s grand commander for Castile and whom the king had left with them; and he also informed him of how as surety Don Juan Alfonso had handed over the castles of Alburquerque, Cobdesera, Azagala and Alconchel, all of which were his own possessions, to Pero Ruiz de Villegas to keep as a guarantee and token of trust, so that the count could be sure of Don Juan Alfonso’s intentions. He also reported how at that time Don Juan Alfonso had given the count and the master 200,000 maravedís and how the lords were all gathered near Badajoz and intended to make an entry into Castile. All of this was true just as Diego Gutiérrez de Zavallos reported and exactly as he told the king.

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Capitulo XIIº. Commo fizo el rrey don Pedro despues que sopo que el conde e el maestre don Fadrique e don Iohan Alfonso eran juntos en vno. Luego esse dia que el rrey fizo las bodas en Cuellar con doña Iohana de Castro, segund que dicho auemos, e ouo estas nueuas, otro dia partio de Cuellar e vinose para Castro Xeriz. E nunca vio jamas a doña Iohana de Castro con quien estonçe caso; mas diole la villa de Dueñas e alli biuio mucho tiempo, e llamose sienpre ‘rreyna’, maguer non plazia al rrey dello. E los castillos de Iahen e de Castro Xeriz, que el diera a don Enrrique Enrriquez en arrehenes del casamiento de doña Iohana, segund que auemos contado, tomogelos luego el rrey desque partio de Cuellar. E el rrey desque llego a Castro Xeriz, enbio por los infantes don Ferrando e don Iohan, fijos del rrey de Aragon e de la rreyna doña Leonor, que eran sus primos e estauan en Toledo, que venian de Portogal de las bodas que el dicho infante don Ferrando fiziera, e vinieronse para el a Castro Xeriz. E eso mesmo vinieron otras muchas conpañas del rregno por quien el rrey enbio.

Capitulo XIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro caso al infante don Iohan, su primo, con doña Ysabel de Lara, fija de don Iohan Nuñez, en Castro Xeriz. El rrey estando en Castro Xeriz fizo casamiento del infante don Iohan de Aragon, su primo, con doña Ysabel, fija de don Iohan Nuñez. E mandole que se llamase ‘señor de Lara e de Vizcaya’, por quanto el rrey sabia çierto que don Tello, que era casado con doña Iohana, la hermana mayor, trataua con el conde don Enrrique, su hermano, que era de la su parte. E voluntad del rrey era que el dicho infante

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1354: CHAPTER XII What the king did on learning that the count, the master Don Fadrique and Don Juan Alfonso had formed an alliance. On the very next day after the king – as we related − celebrated his wedding to Doña Juana de Castro in Cuéllar and learned the news of the alliance against him, he left Cuéllar for Castrojeriz. He never again saw Doña Juana de Castro whom he had just married, but he gave her the town of Dueñas, where she lived for a long time, always using the title of ‘queen’ in spite of the king’s disapproval. The king promptly seized back – as soon as he left Cuéllar – the castles of Jaén and Castrojeriz which, as we have already related, he had given to Don Enrique Enríquez as a guarantee of his marriage to Doña Juana. As soon as the king reached Castrojeriz, he sent for his cousins, Princes Ferran and Joan, sons of the king of Aragon and of King Pedro’s aunt Queen Leonor.10 They were in Toledo on their way back from Prince Ferran’s wedding in Portugal and they came to King Pedro in Castrojeriz. Many other troops sent for by the king likewise arrived from throughout the kingdom.

1354: CHAPTER XIII How King Pedro married his cousin Prince Joan to Doña Isabel de Lara, daughter of Don Juan Núñez, in Castrojeriz. While he was in Castrojeriz, King Pedro oversaw the marriage of his cousin Prince Joan of Aragon to Doña Isabel, daughter of Don Juan Núñez de Lara. He instructed him to adopt the title ‘Lord of Lara and Vizcaya’, since the king was well aware that Don Tello, who was married to Doña Juana, the elder of the sisters, was in discussion with his brother Count Enrique who was giving him his backing. The king’s wish was that Prince Joan of Aragon should possess the territories of

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don Iohan de Aragon ouiesse las tierras de Vizcaya e de Lara, e las perdiesse don Tello. E a esta entençion se fizo este casamiento. E despues partio el rrey de Castro Xeriz e fue para Toro. Este año en el mes de jullio, ouo nueuas el rrey que le nasçiera vna fija de doña Maria de Padilla, en la villa de Castro Xeriz, que dixeron doña Costança, la qual caso despues con el duque de Alencastre e fue duquesa de Alencastre, e ouieron fija a la rreyna doña Catalina, que es agora muger del rrey don Enrrique.

Capitulo XIIIIº. Commo el maestre de Santiago don Fadrique llego a Montiel e non le quisieron dar el castillo. Despues destos fechos estando el dicho rrey en Toro e por aquellas comarcas, sopo commo el conde e el maestre don Fadrique e don Iohan Alfonso llegaron a Çibdat Rodrigo, e commo el maestre don Fadrique se partiera del conde don Enrrique, su hermano, en Çibdat Rodrigo, e se fuera para tierra de la horden, apoderandose de las fortalezas e allegando a sy las mas conpañas que pudia. E el llegara estonçes a Montiel, que es vn castillo de la horden muy bueno. E Pero Ruyz de Sandoual, comendador de Montiel, non le quiso acoger, diziendo que tenia fecho pleyto e omenaje por el castillo al rrey. E dexo Pero Ruyz vn escudero en el castillo de Montiel que lo entregasse al rrey por el pleyto que le feziera luego que el dicho rrey don Pedro rregnara; ca assi fizieron todos los caualleros de la horden de Santiago por los castillos de la horden en la villa del Erena, al rrey don Pedro, el segundo año que rregno, segund auemos contado. E por ende, por guardar su pleyto, el dicho Pero Ruyz de Sandoual dexo ý quien entregasse el castillo de Montiel al rrey don Pedro, segund dicho auemos. E el por su cuerpo vino al maestre don Fadrique por quanto era su freyre e cauallero de la horden del dicho maestre. E

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Vizcaya and Lara and that Don Tello should be deprived of them, and this wedding was arranged with just that purpose. And afterwards the king left Castrojeriz for Toro. In July of this same year the king received news that in the town of Castrojeriz Doña María de Padilla had borne him a daughter who was given the name of Doña Constanza. Doña Constanza was later to marry the duke of Lancaster and become duchess of Lancaster, and Queen Catalina, now wife of King Enrique, was their daughter.11

1354: CHAPTER XIV How the master of Santiago, Don Fadrique, came to Montiel and they were not willing to surrender the castle to him. After these events had taken place and while he was in Toro and the surrounding area, the king learned how the count, the master Don Fadrique and Don Juan Alfonso had arrived in Ciudad Rodrigo and how the master Don Fadrique had taken his leave of the count in that city and then gone on into the territories held by the Order, taking control of the fortresses and gathering all the forces that he could. The master had then come to Montiel, a very fine castle belonging to the Order, and Pero Ruiz de Sandoval, commander of Montiel, was not willing to allow him to enter, saying that he had pledged his word and done homage to the king for the castle. Pero Ruiz left in the castle of Montiel a squire, ordering him to hand it over to the king in accordance with the pledge he had made when King Pedro had recently succeeded to the throne. As we have already related, when the king came to Llerena in the second year of his reign, all the knights of the Order of Santiago took this oath regarding its castles; and therefore, in order to be true to his act of homage, Pero Ruiz de Sandoval left a lieutenant to hand the castle of Montiel over to King Pedro − as we have already said − and he went in person to the master Don Fadrique as a brother and knight of his Order. Everybody judged that the knight had done what it was right for him to do, and still in

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touieron todos que fiziera el cauallero lo que deuia fazer e es fazaña de Castilla que asi se deue fazer. E el maestre don Fadrique, despues que vio que non pudo cobrar el castillo de Montiel, fuesse para Segura de la Sierra, que es vn castillo de la horden muy notable e muy fuerte. E acogiolo don Lope Sanchez de Avendaña, que era comendador mayor de Castilla, que lo tenia. Otrossi Gomez Carrillo de Quintana, fijo de Ruy Diaz Carrillo, tenia por el maestre de Santiago a Fornos, vn castillo muy bueno, çerca Segura. E este Gomez Carrillo non era freyre de la horden, pero biuia con el maestre e era su vasallo.

Capitulo XVº. Commo el rrey fue sobre Montalegre e otros lugares de don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque. Segund auemos contado, el rrey estando en la villa de Castro Xeriz, enbio gentes a Salamanca e a los lugares que sabia mas çercanos donde el conde don Enrrique e don Ferrando de Castro e don Iohan Alfonso se ayuntauan. E despues desto partio el rrey de Castro Xeriz e fue sobre vn lugar de don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque e es en Canpos, que dizian Montalegre. E estaua en el dicho lugar doña Ysabel, muger del dicho don Iohan Alfonso, e caualleros vasallos de don Iohan Alfonso, los quales eran Ruy Diaz Cabeça de Vaca, su mayordomo mayor, e Ferrand Sanchez de Touar e Ferrand Garçia Duque e Iohan Ferrandez Cabeça de Vaca e Ferrand Gutierrez de Sandoual e Ferrand Sanchez de Rojas e Pero Diaz de Sandoual e Martin Alfonso de Arnillas e otros caualleros e escuderos muy buenos vasallos de don Iohan Alfonso. E desque llego ý el rrey pelearon los suyos en las barreras, e fue ferido por el rrostro de vna lança, Iohan Martinez de Rojas, fijo de Ruy Diaz Çençerro, e morio dende a pocos dias de la dicha ferida, e era muy buen cauallero. E el rrey non tomo el lugar de Montalegre estonçe.

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Castile this is widely held as an outstanding example of the correct way to act. The master Don Fadrique, once he saw that he could not take possession of the castle of Montiel, travelled on to Segura de la Sierra, a distinguished and strongly fortified castle belonging to the Order of Santiago, where he was welcomed by Don Lope Sánchez de Bendaña, grand commander for Castile, who held the castle in his possession. In addition, Gómez Carrillo de Quintana, son of Ruy Díaz Carrillo, held Fornos, a very fine castle near Segura, on behalf of the master. This Gómez Carrillo was not a brother of the Order but a member of the master’s household and his vassal.

1354: CHAPTER XV How the king moved against Montealegre and other places belonging to Don Juan Alfonso. As we have already related, while he was in the town of Castrojeriz, the king sent troops to Salamanca and to the places that he knew to be nearest to where Count Enrique, Don Fernando de Castro and Don Juan Alfonso were meeting. After this the king left Castrojeriz and moved against a castle called Montealegre, which was situated in Tierra de Campos and belonged to Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque.12 Don Juan Alfonso’s wife Doña Isabel was present there, together with a number of his knights and vassals: Ruy Díaz Cabeza de Vaca, his chief steward, Fernán Sánchez de Tovar, Fernán García Duque, Juan Fernández Cabeza de Vaca, Fernán Gutiérrez de Sandoval, Fernán Sánchez de Rojas, Pero Díaz de Sandoval, Martín Alfonso de Arnillas and other knights and squires who were very loyal vassals of Don Juan Alfonso. On the king’s arrival, his men confronted their opponents at the outworks and Juan Martínez de Rojas, a very fine knight and son of Ruy Díaz Cencerro, suffered a lance thrust in the face, such that he died from the wound a few days later. The king failed in that attempt to take Montealegre.

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Capitulo XVIº. Commo el rrey tomo algunos logares de don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque. Despues que el rrey llego a Montalegre e non la pudo cobrar, partio dende e fue para Fuente Pudia, vn lugar de don Iohan Alfonso, e dierongelo. E otrossy le dieron a Villalua del Alcor, donde tenia don Iohan Alfonso vna casa fuerte muy buena. E esto fecho el rrey dexo por fronteros contra los que estauan en Montalegre, al infante don Iohan de Aragon, su primo, en Palaçios de Meneses. E el rrey fue para Safagun e por essa comarca e fue a Çea, que la tenia Iohan Diaz de Cahuernega, e dierongela: e era vn castillo muy fuerte, e mandolo el rrey derribar, e tomo a Grajal. E dende hordeno el rrey que el infante don Ferrando marques de Tortosa, su primo, fijo del rrey de Aragon don Alfonso, e otros caualleros vasallos del rrey, con el se fuesen para Salamanca, por quanto el conde don Enrrique e don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque e los otros caualleros que con ellos eran, venian por aquella partida. E el rrey mando al infante e a los otros caualleros que enbiaua con el, que peleasen con el conde don Enrrique e con don Iohan Alfonso. E el infante don Ferrando e los que con el yuan fueron luego para Salamanca, segund el rrey lo hordenara.

Capitulo XVIIº. De las pleytesias que el conde don Enrrique e don Iohan Alfonso truxieron con don Ferrando de Castro. El conde don Enrrique e don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, despues que fueron abenidos en vno, enbiaron a acometer por sus pleytesias a don Ferrando de Castro, que era en Gallizia, que les quisiesse ayudar

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1354: CHAPTER XVI How the king captured some places belonging to Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque. After the king’s arrival at Montealegre and his failure to take it, he set off from there and moved against Ampudia, which belonged to Don Juan Alfonso: it was surrendered to him. Also handed over to him was Villalba de los Alcores, where Don Juan Alfonso had a very fine and heavily fortified residence. Then the king left his cousin Prince Joan of Aragon in Palacios de Meneses as his field commander against the forces present in Montealagre. From there the king advanced to Sahagún and, passing through that region, he moved on to Cea, held by Juan Díaz de Caduérniga, which was surrendered to him. This was a strongly fortified castle and the king ordered that it be demolished. He also took Grajal. From here he instructed his cousin Prince Ferran, marquis of Tortosa and son of King Alfons of Aragon, to head for Salamanca together with others of his knights and vassals, since Count Enrique, Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque and the other knights accompanying them were approaching from that direction. The king’s command was that the prince and the other knights being sent with him should do battle with Count Enrique and Don Juan Alfonso. Prince Ferran and those with him promptly headed for Salamanca, following the king’s instructions.

1354: CHAPTER XVII Concerning the negotiations that Count Enrique and Don Juan Alfonso held with Don Fernando de Castro. Count Enrique and Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque, having established their alliance, now sent a proposal to Don Fernando de Castro, who was in Galicia, that he should give them his assistance

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e que lo casarian con doña Iohana, hermana del dicho conde, de la qual auia grand tienpo que el dicho don Ferrando de Castro andaua enamorado. Otrossy le enbio rrogar don Iohan Alfonso, que les quisiese ayudar por el grand debdo que auian en vno. E don Ferrando les rrespondio que le plazia, e enbioles fazer çierto dello. E partio luego de Monforte de Lemos en el mes de jullio de la dicha era, e fuese para vn lugar de Portogal que dizian Monçon que es rribera de Miño, çerca de Saluatierra, vn lugar de Castilla, e puso ay su rreal, çerca del dicho lugar de Monçon, nueue dias, e cada dia despues de misa passaua el vado e yua a Saluatierra, que es lugar de Castilla, e delante vn notario publico dizia que se dispidia e desnaturaua del rrey don Pedro de Castilla e de Leon porque sin lo meresçer, lo quisiera matar en vn torneo que fiziera en Valladolid quando casara. Otrossi por quanto desonrrara a doña Iohana de Castro, su hermana, diziendo que casaua con ella e le fiziera tomar titulo de rreyna e despues, que la dexara e la escarnesçiera, e cada dia de los nueue dias tomaua vn testimonio. E pasados los nueue dias partio don Ferrando de Monçon e dende fuesse para Orenes e dende, a Ual de Horras e alli mando llamar a todos sus vasallos, e desque fueron todos juntos con el, partio dende e fuesse para Cacauelos. E de alli partio con seteçientos e treynta de cauallo e mill e dozientos omnes de pie, e fue para Ponferrada, que era de su hermana, doña Iohana de Castro, la que se llamaua ‘rreyna’. E estudo ally diez dias esperando saber del conde e de don Iohan Alfonso do eran e donde se yria a ayuntar con ellos. E de cada dia auian sus rrecabdos vnos de otros commo auian de fazer.

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and that in return they would arrange his marriage to the count’s sister Doña Juana, with whom Don Fernando had been in love for a long time. Don Juan Alfonso also asked him to assist them on the grounds that they had a close family relationship. Don Fernando de Castro expressed his agreement and sent them confirmation of this. Don Fernando promptly set out from Monforte de Lemos in July of that year and headed for a town in Portugal called Monção, on the banks of the River Miño and close to a Castilian town called Salvaterra.13 There, close to this town of Monção, he established his encampment, and after Mass each day for nine days he forded the river and there in the presence of a public notary he repeated that he was formally breaking the links of vassaldom which bound him to King Pedro of Castile and León. This, he explained, was because, without any guilt on his own part, the king had tried to kill him in a tournament which he had held in Valladolid at the time of his marriage; and it was also because the king had dishonoured his sister Doña Juana de Castro, claiming to be marrying her and having her take on the title of ‘queen’ but then abandoning her and leaving her open to mockery. Each one of the nine days he received an authenticated copy of his oath. When the nine days had passed, Don Fernando left Monção for Orense. He then went on to Valdeorras, from where he had a summons sent out to all his vassals. Once they had all joined him, he left for Cacabelos. From there he set off again with 730 horsemen and 1,200 men on foot for Ponferrada. This town belonged to his sister Doña Juana de Castro, the lady who had taken the title of ‘queen’. He remained there for 10 days waiting to hear from the count and Don Juan Alfonso about where they were and where he was to meet up with them; and each day they were in touch to consult each other as to how they were to proceed.

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Capitulo XVIIIº. Commo el conde don Enrrique e don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque e don Ferrando de Castro se juntaron en vno e lo que acaesçio en este tiempo. Agora diremos commo fizieron el conde don Enrrique e el maestre don Fadrique e don Iohan Alfonso. Assi fue quel conde don Enrrique e don Fadrique, maestre de Santiago, su hermano, e don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, desque ouieron asossegados sus tratos en Alburquerque, estudieron algunos dias en aquella comarca e estragaron toda la tierra de Vadajoz e passaron el rrio de Tajo sobre Alcantara. E eran quatroçientos de cauallo e vinieron a Çibdat Rodrigo e traxieron sus pleytesias con don Ferrand Perez Ponçe, maestre de Alcantara, que fuesse con ellos e les ayudasse, e para seer seguros del, diesse en arrehenes el castillo de Sand Yuañez, e non se abinieron. E el dicho maestre nin les ayudo nin fue al rrey, e estudo en su tierra. E el maestre de Santiago don Fadrique partiosse de ally e fuesse para su tierra de la horden, segund dicho auemos. E en este tienpo estauan en Salamanca, de partes del rrey por fronteros, mill de cauallo con el infante don Ferrando de Aragon e con su hermano el infante don Iohan, que el rrey enbiara despues ally. E el conde don Enrrique e don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque juntaronse en Robreda, çerca Fuente Aguinaldo, e fueron passar el vado de Tormes entre Alua e Salamanca. E los infantes de Aragon, que estauan en Salamanca por fronteros de la parte del rrey, non quisieron pelear con ellos, maguera tenian muchas mas conpañas. E algunos dezian que trayan sus fablas para se abenir, segund se abinieron despues, e que por tanto non quisieron pelear.

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1354: CHAPTER XVIII How Count Enrique, Don Juan Alfonso and Don Fernando de Castro met up and what took place on this occasion. Now we shall give an account of what Count Enrique, the master Don Fadrique and Don Juan Alfonso did next. The fact is that Count Enrique, his brother Don Fadrique, master of Santiago, and Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque, once they had settled their discussions in Alburquerque, remained for some days in that area ravaging all the lands around Badajoz. 400 of them on horseback crossed the River Tagus by Alcántara and came to Ciudad Rodrigo, negotiating with Don Fernán Pérez Ponce, the master of Alcántara, to accompany them and give them his assistance. As a guarantee, to allow them to be sure of his support, they proposed that he give them the castle of Santibáñez el Alto. However, they did not reach agreement and the master neither supported them nor went to the king but rather remained in his own territory. At this point the master of Santiago Don Fadrique departed and went to the territories of his own Order, as we have already related. During this time a garrison of 1,000 horsemen had been left in Salamanca, with Prince Ferran of Aragon and his brother Prince Joan, whom the king had subsequently sent there. Count Enrique and Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque came together at Robleda near to Fuenteguinaldo and forded the River Tormes between Alba and Salamanca. The princes of Aragon, who were in Salamanca as the king’s field commanders, were not willing to do battle with them, in spite of being numerically much stronger. It was said by some that they were ready to negotiate an agreement, just as they indeed did at a later stage, and that it was for this reason that they did not wish to do battle.

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Capitulo XIXº. Commo el rrey don Pedro fue a Segura, do estaua el maestre de Santiago don Fadrique, e commo mando leuar a Toledo la rreyna doña Blanca, su muger, e lo que acaesçio. Agora dexa la historia de fablar del conde e de don Iohan Alfonso, e torna a contar commo fizo el rrey don Pedro. E anssy fue que el rrey don Pedro, despues que tomo el castillo de Çea e los otros castillos que pudo tomar, que eran de don Iohan Alfonso, fuese para Toledo, ca yua a Segura, do estaua alçado el maestre de Santiago don Fadrique su hermano, e passo por Toledo e estudo ally quatro dias. E ay ordeno que Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa, su camarero mayor e tio de doña Maria de Padilla, fuesse a Areualo do estaua la rreyna doña Blanca de Borbon, su muger, e la truxiesse ally a Toledo e la pusiesse en el alcaçar de la dicha çibdat de Toledo. E fue assi publicado que todos lo sopieron. E esto sopieron los caualleros de Toledo e a algunos dellos, pesoles mucho que tal señora commo ella auia a seer presa e que la su prision fuesse en Toledo. E otrosy ouo algunos otros caualleros de la corte del rrey, que les pesaua, con quien los caualleros de Toledo fablaron esta rrazon. E todos acuçiauan quanto podian en buscar mal al dicho Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa. E fablaron los de Toledo entre sy de matar al dicho Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa por esta rrazon, por quanto les dezian que el tratara todo esto. E auia estonçe en Toledo muy grand conpaña de caualleros e escuderos, ca eran dentro en la çibdat, moradores, seysçientos de cauallo, e non pensauan lo que dende podria rrecresçer. Enpero dexaron de fazer lo que acordauan de matar a Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa, con rreçelo que estando ay el rrey, su señor, acaesçiesse pelea e armas en su presençia o alguna ocasion. E acordaron de lo alongar para adelante si troxiesse Iohan Ferrandez a la rreyna doña Blanca a Toledo non estando ý el rrey. E el rrey don Pedro partio de Toledo e fue sobre Segura, do estaua

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1354: CHAPTER XIX How King Pedro went to Segura, where the master of Santiago Don Fadrique was present; how the king ordered that his wife Queen Blanche be taken to Toledo; and what took place there. Now this history will cease dealing with the count and Don Juan Alfonso and return to the narrative of King Pedro’s actions. And so it was that the king, after taking the castle of Cea and the other castles belonging to Don Juan Alfonso that he was able to capture, moved on to Toledo; for he was on his way to Segura, where his brother the master of Santiago, Don Fadrique, was in rebellion. He passed through Toledo, spending four days there. And there he instructed Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, his master chamberlain and Doña María de Padilla’s uncle, to go to Arévalo, where the king’s wife Queen Blanche of Bourbon was being held, to bring her to Toledo and to place her in the city’s alcázar. This was proclaimed for all to know and the knights of Toledo learned of it. Some of them were deeply troubled that such a lady as Queen Blanche should be imprisoned and that she should be held in Toledo. There were also some other knights of the king’s court who were disturbed by this and the knights of Toledo discussed the matter with them. All of them pressed as hard as they could for things to be made difficult for Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, and so the knights of Toledo discussed with each other the possibility of killing him, having been told that he had been behind all of these developments. At that time there was in Toledo a very large force of knights and squires – there were 600 horsemen staying within the city − and they had no thought of what the consequences might be. However they did stop short of killing Juan Fernández de Henestrosa as they had agreed to do. This was out of fear that, as their lord the king was present, there might be an outbreak of fighting or armed conflict in his presence, or some other harm might arise. They agreed to put this action off for a later occasion in the case of Juan Fernández bringing Queen Blanche to Toledo when the king was not present. King Pedro left

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alçado el maestre don Fadrique, su hermano, e leuo conssigo los mas caualleros e escuderos de Toledo para los poner fronteros del maestre don Fadrique, saluo algunos pocos que fincaron en Toledo. E enbio el rrey a Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa a Areualo, do estaua la rreyna doña Blanca, su muger, para que la traxiesse a Toledo para la poner en el alcaçar de la dicha çibdat, segund dicho auemos que era acordado. E Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa fue para Areualo, segund que el rrey mandara, e traxo dende la rreyna doña Blanca a la çibdat de Toledo. E venia con la dicha rreyna, un obispo de Segouia, natural de Toledo, e auia nonbre don Pero Gomez Gudiel, e otro cauallero de Toledo que dezian Tel Gonçalez Palomeque, a los quales el rrey don Pedro mandara, ante desto, estar con la dicha rreyna doña Blanca, e a estos pesaua mucho de la prision. E fablaron con los sus parientes, desque llegaron a Toledo, sobre todo lo que acaesçio despues, segund oyredes. E quando la rreyna doña Blanca de Borbon entro en la çibdat de Toledo, dixo luego que queria yr fazer oraçion a la iglesia de Santa Maria, e fue alla. E desque alla llego, non quiso sallir de la iglesia, con miedo que auia de prision o de muerte, e esto fue con consejo del obispo e de los que con ella vinian. E Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa, que auia trayda la rreyna doña Blanca a Toledo, quando vio que ella non queria sallyr fuera de la iglesia, pidiole por merçed que quisiesse yr al alcaçar del rrey e suyo, ca tenia alli muy buena posada; pero ella non lo quiso fazer. E quando Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa vio que la rreyna non queria yr para el alcaçar, non se atreuio a le fazer sallir de la iglesia contra su voluntad: lo vno por quanto Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa era buen cauallero e mesurado e cuerdo; otrosi auia rreçelo de los de la çibdat de Toledo, ca entendia que a todos pesaua de la su prision de la rreyna. E por tanto quando esto vio Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa, partio de Toledo e fuesse para el rrey, que era ydo a Segura, do estaua el maestre don Fadrique, su hermano, alçado. E contole commo la rreyna doña Blanca, su muger, desque viniera a Toledo, llegara a la yglesia

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Toledo and moved against Segura, where his brother, the master Don Fadrique, was in rebellion, and he took with him from Toledo most of the knights and squires to form a garrison against the master Don Fadrique, leaving just a few behind in Toledo. He sent Juan Fernández de Henestrosa to Arévalo, where the king’s wife Queen Blanche was being held, to bring her to Toledo and imprison her in the city’s alcázar; this had been decided on previously, as we have already said. Juan Fernández de Henestrosa went to Arévalo as the king had commanded and from there he brought Queen Blanche to the city of Toledo. She was accompanied by the bishop of Segovia, a native of Toledo called Don Pero Gómez Gudiel, and another knight from Toledo called Tel González Palomeque, both of whom King Pedro had previously sent to be with Queen Blanche. These men were deeply troubled by her imprisonment and, once they arrived in Toledo with her, they spoke with the members of their families about all that was later to happen, as you will hear. When Queen Blanche of Bourbon entered Toledo she said at once that she wished to go and pray in the church of Santa María.14 She did so and, as soon as she arrived she refused to leave again on account of her fear of imprisonment or death. This was done on the advice of the bishop and of those who were accompanying her. Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, who had brought Queen Blanche to Toledo, on seeing that she was refusing to leave the church, pleaded with her to agree to be moved to the alcázar, which belonged to the king – and to her – for she had excellent lodgings there. She would not do so, however, and, when Juan Fernández de Henestrosa saw that the queen was not prepared to go to the alcázar, he dared not force her to leave the church against her will. On the one hand this was because Juan Fernández de Henestrosa was a fine knight, prudent and wise, but in addition he was uneasy about the people of Toledo, for he understood well that they were all troubled by the queen’s imprisonment. Therefore, when Juan Fernández de Henestrosa saw what was happening he left Toledo and went to the king, who had already moved against Segura where his brother the master Don Fadrique was in rebellion. Juan Fernández de Henestrosa told King Pedro how his wife Queen Blanche, since her arrival in Toledo, had taken refuge in

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de Santa Maria de Toledo e non quisiera sallyr, e que el non osara fazer al, por seer su muger, sin su mandado e que sobre esto mandasse commo fuesse su merçed. E el rrey dixole que el vernia por Toledo e faria lo que cunpliesse a su seruiçio sobre esto.

Capitulo XXº. Commo el rrey llego a Segura, do estaua el maestre de Santiago e lo que ý passo. El rrey don Pedro desque llegara a Segura, do estaua el maestre don Fadrique, su hermano, enbio al alcayde que lo acogiesse en el castillo. E el alcayde del dicho castillo e villa era el comendador de Segura, vn cauallero que dizian don Lope Sanchez de Vendaña, natural de Galizia, que fue comendador de Castilla. E quando el rrey llego en Segura, demando a don Lope Sanchez de Vendaña comendador, que estaua ay en el castillo, que le diesse aquel castillo de Segura e le acogiesse en el segund el omenaje que le tenia fecho por el dicho castillo. E el dicho don Lope Sanchez comendador le mostro commo tenia vna cadena a la garganta, la qual le fiziera poner el maestre don Fadrique, su maestre e su señor, fiandose del e andando con el, e le tomara el castillo e se apoderara del, por lo qual el non era en su poder libre para lo acoger en el dicho castillo segund le auia fecho omenaje nin lo podia conplir. E el rrey fue muy sañudo veyendo que esto era infinta e que el comendador don Lope Sanchez fuera en aquel consejo; pero non passo contra el. E pelearon los del rrey con las conpañas del maestre de Santiago en las barreras e non pudo cobrar el rrey estonçe el lugar de Segura. E dexo el rrey sus fronteros contra el maestre de Santiago en la comarca enderredor de Segura. E tornose el rrey para Castilla e non vino estonçe el rrey por Toledo,

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the church of Santa María in the city and had been unwilling to leave it, and he explained to him that he had not dared to take any other action without the king’s authorization, since Queen Blanche was his wife. He asked him to tell him how he wished him to proceed; and the king informed him that he was coming to Toledo and that in this matter he would do what his interests demanded.

1354: CHAPTER XX How the king came to Segura, where the master of Santiago was present, and what took place there. Once King Pedro had reached Segura, where his brother the master Don Fadrique was present, he sent word to the castellan instructing him to allow him to enter. The governor of this castle and town was the commander of Segura, a knight called Don Lope Sánchez de Bendaña, a native of Galicia who subsequently became grand commander for Castile. When the king arrived at Segura, he required the commander, Don Lope Sánchez de Bendaña, who was present there in person, to surrender the castle to him and allow him to enter, in accordance with the act of homage that Don Lope had performed to him in return for the castle. The commander, Don Lope Sánchez, showed him how he bore a chain around his throat, which the master Don Fadrique, his master and lord, had had fitted there, in trust and comradeship, annexing and taking possession of the castle, as a result of which it was not within his power to admit the king in accordance with the homage that he had done him, a vow which he could not honour. The king was enraged on seeing that this was a pretence and that the commander Don Lope Sánchez had played his part in the plan. However, he did not formally condemn him. The king’s men did battle with the troops of the master of Santiago at the outworks, but at that time he failed to take the castle and town of Segura. He left a garrison to oppose the master of Santiago in the area around Segura. The king made his way back to Castile. He did not go to Toledo

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segun tenia acordado para poner la rreyna doña Blanca en el alcaçar, por quanto auia nueuas que los infantes de Aragon e el conde don Enrrique e don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque e don Ferrando de Castro se querian abenir e juntar todos en vno, e asi era la verdat segund adelante diremos. E partio el rrey de sobre la villa e castillo de Segura, do fallara al maestre don Fadrique. E vino por Ocaña, e fizo ayuntar los caualleros e freyres de la horden de Santiago que eran con el, e mandoles que ouiessen por su maestre a don Iohan Garçia de Vallejera, hermano de doña Maria de Padilla, e assy fue fecho. E de ally adelante se llamaua ‘maestre de Santiago don Iohan Garçia’. E este fue el primero maestre de Santiago que fue casado de que los omnes se acordauan estonçe, ca quando el rrey lo fizo maestre de Santiago, casado era el primero. E despues aca ouo otros maestres de Santiago casados, ca dizen que ssegund su Regla lo pueden fazer.

Capitulo XXIº. Commo los de la çibdat de Toledo se alçaron con la rreyna doña Blanca diziendo que el rrey la queria prender. Dicho auemos ante desto commo Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa, camarero del rrey e su priuado e tio de doña Maria de Padilla, viniera con la rreyna doña Blanca a Toledo, e commo la rreyna desque entrara en la iglesia de Santa Maria de Toledo, que es en la çibdat, commo non quisiera sallyr de ella, e Iohan Ferrandez se fuera para el rrey. E anssi fue que, desque partio Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa de Toledo, la rreyna doña Blanca fablo con muchas grandes dueñas de Toledo, que son ally e la venian veer de cada dia, e dixoles commo se temia de la muerte e auia sabido que el rrey queria venir a Toledo

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at that time, as he had planned, to imprison Queen Blanche in the alcázar, since he had received a report that the princes of Aragon had come to an agreement with Count Enrique, Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque and Don Fernando de Castro and that they all intended to join in an alliance. This was indeed true, as we shall explain at a later stage. The king left the siege of the town and castle of Segura, where he had found the master Don Fadrique, and came to Ocaña. There he summoned together the knights and brothers of the Order of Santiago who were accompanying him and commanded them to take as their master Don Juan García de Villagera, Doña María de Padilla’s brother. This they did and from this point onwards he was known as ‘the master of Santiago Don Juan García’. As far as men at that time could remember, this was the first master of Santiago to have been married, for when the king appointed Don Juan García as master he already had a wife. Subsequently there have been other masters of Santiago who have been married, for it is said that according to their Rule it is permissible for them to do so.

1354: CHAPTER XXI How the people of the city of Toledo rebelled in support of Queen Blanche, maintaining that the king wished to place her under arrest. We told previously of how Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, the king’s chamberlain and confidant and Doña María de Padilla’s uncle, had come with Queen Blanche to Toledo; how the queen, on entering the church of Santa María in the city, had refused to leave it; and how Juan Fernández had gone to see the king. So it was that, once Juan Fernández de Henestrosa had left Toledo, Queen Blanche came to speak with many great ladies residing in the city who went to see her each day. She told them how she was in fear of her life and explained that she had learned that the king intended to come to Toledo to have

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por la fazer prender o matar, e que les pidia e rrogaua que le pusiessen algund cobro. E todo este fecho de la rreyna doña Blanca era por quanto avn ella era muy moça, ca non auia mas de diez e ocho años. Estonçe trataua vna dueña que era su aya, e la tenia por hordenança de la rreyna doña Maria, su madre del rrey don Pedro, que la pusiera ally, a la qual dueña dizian doña Leonor de Saldaña, que era rrica dueña e muy noble, fija de don Ferrant Ruiz de Saldaña e muger de don Alfonso Lopez de Haro, fijo de don Iohan Alfonso de Haro, señor de los Cameros. E esta doña Leonor fablaua en Toledo, con las dueñas e con los caualleros, que catasen alguna manera commo la rreyna doña Blanca non fuesse muerta en aquella çibdat. E las dueñas de Toledo, quando estas razones oyeron de la rreyna doña Blanca, que ge lo dezia de cada dia; otrosi de doña Leonor de Saldaña, su aya de la rreyna que gelo dezia eso mesmo, ouieron muy grand piadat de la rreyna, e fablaron con sus maridos e con sus parientes diziendoles que serian los mas menguados omnes del mundo sy tal rreyna commo aquella que era su señora, muger de su señor el rrey, muriesse tal muerte en la çibdat donde ellos estauan, e pues que tenian poder, que lo non conssintiessen; ca la rreyna pensaua e cuydaua que Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa auia a tornar luego con mandamiento del rrey para la poner presa en el alcaçar, donde ella era çierta que la matarian, e que ella tenia que esto non era voluntad del rrey saluo por enduzimiento de algunos consejeros del rrey, parientes de doña Maria de Padilla, e que tienpo vernia que el rrey, su señor e su marido, gelo ternia en seruiçio a los que de tal muerte la librassen, e entenderia que non auian fecho mal en la defender de la muerte, saluo su seruiçio. E los caualleros de Toledo, por muchos enduzimientos que les fizieron llorando muchos la prision e muerte de tan noble señora commo la rreyna, vna criatura sin pecado e de tan grand linaje, otrossi por quanto todos los mas e mayores del rregno non se tenian por contentos de los parientes de doña Maria de Padilla, los mas dellos mouieronse a defender la rreyna a todo su poder e poner por ello, a

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her imprisoned or to kill her, and so she was begging and entreating them to provide her with some place of sanctuary. This whole situation in which Queen Blanche found herself came about as she was still very young – for she was no more than 18 years of age. She was in the care of a lady acting as her tutoress, whom King Pedro’s mother, Queen María, had provided for her on her own authority. This lady was of high standing and great nobility. She was called Doña Leonor de Saldaña and was the daughter of Don Fernán Ruiz de Saldaña and the wife of Don Alfonso López de Haro, son of Juan Alfonso de Haro, lord of Los Cameros.15 Doña Leonor spoke in Toledo with the ladies and the knights about devising some way in which Queen Blanche could avoid meeting her death in that city. When the ladies of Toledo heard from Queen Blanche these things that she was saying to them day after day and also what was being said by her tutoress Doña Leonor de Saldaña, they took great pity on the queen and spoke with their husbands and with the members of their families, telling them that they would be the most wretched men in the world if such a queen as this, their lady and the wife of their lord the king, were to die such a death in the city in which they dwelt; and since they had power, they should prevent it from happening, for the queen truly believed that Juan Fernández de Henestrosa was soon to return with the king’s command that she be imprisoned in the alcázar, where she was convinced that she would be put to death. They also said that she believed this not to be through the wish of the king but rather through the inducement of some of his counsellors, relatives of Doña María de Padilla, and that the time would come when her lord and husband the king would hold as loyal service the action of those who saved her from such a death and when he would understand that they had not done wrong in protecting her from death but rather that they had carried out their duty to him faithfully. Spurred on by the many tears that were shed over the imprisonment and death of a lady as noble as the queen, a child without sin and born of so exalted a line, and also in view of the fact that all the great and good of the kingdom were displeased with the relatives of Doña María de Padilla, most of the knights of Toledo committed themselves to protect the queen to the best of their ability and to risk in that cause

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qualquier auentura, cuerpos e quanto auian. E fablaron con algunos buenos omnes del comun de la çibdat e fallaron los todos muy prestos para la obra, saluo algunos caualleros que eran alcaldes e alguaziles por el rrey en la çibdat, que non quisieron seer en ello. E todos los que estos fechos fizieron non cataron nin penssaron los peligros que dende podrian venir, segund adelante rrecresçieron, commo oyredes, que fueron assaz grandes. Mas teniendo que, si el rrey mandaua prender la rreyna su muger, que esto era por ocasion de algunos priuados que le auian induzido a ello. E por quanto supieron los caualleros e escuderos e omnes buenos de la çibdat de Toledo que Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa queria venir a Toledo, commo quier que avn con el rrey estaua, pero que si viniesse, pensauan que tomaria la rreyna e la pornia en prision, segund les era fecho entender, e tomaron la rreyna doña Blanca de la iglesia de Santa Maria donde estaua e leuaronla al alcaçar de la dicha çibdat, jueues a hora de terçia, biespera de Santa Maria de agosto de este dicho año, e con ella, todas sus donzellas e dueñas e muchas otras dueñas de la çibdat. E pusieron las torres anssi del alcaçar commo de la çibdat, en poder de caualleros e omnes buenos de la dicha çibdat para las guardar; ca todos vinieron fazer esta obra de buena voluntad. E a los caualleros sus parientes, que non quisieron seer en ello, prendieronlos luego esse dia que esta obra se fizo. E prendieron a don Martin Ferrandez, que fue ayo del rrey don Alfonso e era alcalde mayor de Toledo, e prendieron a don Gonçalo Ferrandez Palomeque, alcalde de la dicha çibdat, e a don Suer Tellez de Meneses, que era grand cauallero en Toledo. E sus parientes mesmos los touieron presos en el alcaçar. E el dicho don Martin Ferrandez el ayo, a pocos dias despues que fue preso, adolesçio en el alcaçar estando preso, e leuaronlo doliente a su posada e ally fino. E soltaron despues a don Gonçalo Ferrandez alcalde e a don Suer Tellez de Meneses e fueronse para el rrey. Otrossy era ý alguazil mayor Alfonso Jufre Tenorio e non quiso

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both their persons and all they possessed. They discussed this with some of the leading citizens among the commoners of the city and found them all most willing to be involved, with the exception of a number of knights who were judges and constables on behalf of the king in the city and who were unwilling to be part of it. All those people who were party to these actions failed to take into consideration or reckon on the dangers which could come from them and which indeed later materialized; for, as you will hear in due course, these dangers proved to be quite considerable. Rather, they acted out of a belief that, if the king was ordering the arrest of his wife the queen, this was on account of some of his confidants who had pushed him into it. Since the knights, squires and men of high standing in the city learned that Juan Fernández de Henestrosa intended to come to Toledo and since, although he was still with the king, they believed that if he came he would arrest the queen and imprison her – as they had been given to understand –, they took Queen Blanche from the church of Santa María where she was taking refuge and moved her to the city’s alcázar at the hour of Terce on Thursday, the eve of the Feast Day of Saint Mary, 1354.16 She was accompanied by all her maids and ladies and by many other ladies of the city. The towers, both of the alcázar and of the city, were to be guarded by knights and men of standing in the city, for they all went willingly to carry out this task. Those knights − members of their families − who did not wish to be involved were promptly arrested on the same day that this step was taken. They arrested Don Martín Fernández who had been tutor to King Alfonso and was the senior judge in Toledo, Don Gonzalo Fernández Palomeque, a judge in the city, and Don Suer Téllez de Meneses, a knight of high standing in Toledo. Their own relatives held them as prisoners in the álcazar. A few days after being imprisoned, Don Martín Fernández, the tutor, fell ill in the álcazar and, now a sick man, was taken to his home, where he died. They later released the judge, Don Gonzalo Fernández, and Don Suer Téllez de Meneses, and these men went to the king. The head constable, Alfonso Jofré Tenorio, was present too and

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seer en ello, e fuesse para el rrey. E algunos otros caualleros de Toledo non quisieron seer en esta obra e estudieron con el rrey. E la obra fue muy peligrosa segund adelante paresçio.

Capitulo XXIIº. Commo los de la çibdat de Toledo enbiaron por el maestre don Fadrique que viniese a Toledo. Para mas esforçar su fecho, los de Toledo enbiaron por el maestre don Fadrique, que estaua en Segura, que se veniesse luego para Toledo e que le acogerian con todas las conpañas que traxiesse. E eso mesmo enbiaron sus cartas al conde don Enrrique e a don Ferrando de Castro e a don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, que pues ellos pidian al rrey que tomase su muger, la rreyna doña Blanca de Borbon, que ellos mesmo querian e pidian, e querian seer con ellos en este fecho, de vn coraçon, diziendo toda via que esta era su entençion: que el rrey tomasse su muger la reyna doña Blanca. E a muchos del rregno, assy señores commo caualleros, e çibdades e villas e logares, plazia mucho deste fecho. E los caualleros de Toledo que estauan fronteros por el rrey contra el dicho maestre venieronsse abenidos e juntos con el luego para Toledo. E eran con el maestre los que con el vinieron, assy suyos commo de Toledo, fasta seteçientos de cauallo, sin los que estauan en la çibdat. E dieronle al maestre posadas en el arraual de la dicha çibdat e fue luego el maestre veer a la rreyna al alcaçar e fizo sus pleytos e sus juras a la rreyna e a los de la çibdat de Toledo. E touieron con Toledo, en esta entençion, la çibdat de Cordoua e la çibdat de Cuenca e el obispado de Jahen e Talauera. E commo quier que todo fue fecho con buena entençion de algunos, pero fue obra de

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was unwilling to be involved, and he also went to the king. Some other knights of Toledo did not want to take part in these actions and took the king’s side. The course on which the people had embarked was a highly dangerous one, as was subsequently to become clear.

1354: CHAPTER XXII How the people of Toledo sent for the master Don Fadrique to come to the city. The people of Toledo, in order to strengthen their position, sent word to the master of Santiago Don Fadrique, who was in Segura, requesting that he come at once to Toledo and declaring that they would welcome him into the city together with all the forces that he brought. They also sent letters to Count Enrique, Don Fernando de Castro and Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque stating that, since they were asking the king to go back to his wife Queen Blanche of Bourbon − the same thing that the lords were themselves asking and seeking −, they wanted to be of a single mind with them in this matter; and they made it clear that their intention was for the king to take Queen Blanche as his wife. Many people in the kingdom, both lords and knights and those who dwelt in the cities, towns and villages, took great pleasure in what they did. Those knights from Toledo who were part of the garrison left by the king against the master promptly set off back to their city, together and in alliance with him. With the master there went – including both men of his own and others from Toledo – as many as 700 men on horseback, and these were in addition to those already in the city. The master was provided with accommodation in Toledo’s outlying quarter and he went straightaway to see the queen in the city’s alcázar and there concluded agreements and made his pledges to the queen and to the people of the city of Toledo. The city of Córdoba, the city of Cuenca, the diocese of Jaén, and Talavera gave their support to Toledo. However, although all of this was done with good intent on the part of some, it was

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grande auentura, por lo qual despues non se fallaron bien dello los que en ello fueron, segund que adelante se contara en este libro. Este año enbio el papa Ynoçençio vn obispo por mensagero e legado a Castilla por poner bien estos fechos, e estudo en el rregno grand tienpo e non pudo librar ninguna cosa e tornosse para el papa.

Capitulo XXIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro ouo nueuas que la çibdat de Toledo era alçada e que la rreyna doña Blanca estaua en el alcaçar, e commo algunos señores e caualleros se partieron del rrey. El rrey don Pedro era en Tordehumos e llegaronle nueuas commo los de la çibdat de Toledo auian leuado e puesto la rreyna doña Blanca, su muger, en el alcaçar e pesole mucho dello. E otrossy los que con el rrey estauan, anssy commo los infantes don Ferrando e don Iohan, fijos del rrey don Alfonso de Aragon e primos del rrey, e otros muchos caualleros de la corte ouieron destas nueuas grand plazer, ca non les plazia del gouernamiento que el rrey tenia en su rregno e en su casa. E luego començaron a tratar vnos con otros por se partyr del rrey, segund lo fizieron e lo contaremos adelante. E otrossy enbiauan sus cartas e mensajeros al conde don Enrrique e a don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque por se abenir con ellos. E otrossy en estos dias, don Iohan Alfonso de Haro, fijo de don Alfonso Lopez de Haro e de doña Leonor de Saldaña, de la qual deximos que estaua en Toledo por aya de la rreyna doña Blanca, partiosse del rrey e fuesse para Montalegre, lugar de don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, que estaua alçado, e entro ý con gentes de cauallo e de pie. E luego a pocos dias se fue para el dicho lugar de Montalegre con Aluar Garçia de Albornoz e se puso ý con otros que

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nevertheless an enterprise that implied a great risk, to the detriment of those involved, as will be related at a later stage in this book. In the course of this year Pope Innocent sent a bishop as his emissary and legate to Castile in order to set these matters to rights.17 His legate spent a long time in the kingdom and returned to him without being able to bring about any solutions.

1354: CHAPTER XXIII How the king heard the news that the city of Toledo was in rebellion and that Queen Blanche was in the alcázar; and how some lords and knights severed their bond with him. King Pedro was in Tordehumos when reports reached him of how the people of Toledo had taken his wife, Queen Blanche, and installed her in the alcázar, and he was deeply annoyed. Moreover, the people who were with the king, such as Princes Ferran and Joan, the sons of King Alfons of Aragon and cousins of the king, and many other knights of the royal court, were delighted at this news, for they disliked the way in which the king´s realm and household were being governed. They then began to discuss with each other the question of severing their bond of allegiance to the king – which indeed they did, as we shall go on to relate. They also sent letters and messengers to Count Enrique and Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque with the intention of entering into an alliance with them. Moreover, in the course of these days, Don Juan Alfonso de Haro, son of Don Alfonso López de Haro and Doña Leonor de Saldaña – the lady that we said was in Toledo as Queen Blanche’s tutoress − severed his bond of allegiance to the king and headed off to Montealegre, which belonged to Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque and was in rebellion. Don Juan Alfonso de Haro arrived with men on horseback and on foot and just a few days later Don Álvar García de Albornoz also went to Montealegre, establishing himself there with a company of supporters. And so day by day large numbers joined Count Enrique

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lo aguardauan. E assi de cada dia se allegauan muchas conpañas al conde e a don Iohan Alfonso, e se partian del rrey.

Capitulo XXIIII. Commo el rrey estando en Otordehumos, se partieron los infantes de Aragon del, e otros caualleros, e commo enbiaron sus cartas al rrey. Despues que los infantes de Aragon e los caualleros que con ellos tratauan, segund dicho auemos, fueron çiertos del conde don Enrrique e don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, juntaronse todos e partieronse del rrey e fueronse para vn lugar çerca de Otordefumos, que dizian Villa Braxima. E dende tomaron la rreyna doña Leonor, madre de los infantes, e fueronse para Montalegre, lugar de don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, e estudieron ý algunos dias e despues se fueron para Cuenca de Tamariz. E los caualleros que con los infantes se apartaron del rrey fueron Diego Perez Sarmiento e Pero Gonçalez d’Aguero e Ferrand Perez de Ayala e Ferrand Gomez de Albornoz e Sancho Ruyz de Rojas e Ruy Gonçalez de Castañeda e Pero Aluarez de Osorio e Aluar Rodriguez de Aça e Iohan Ramirez de Guzman e Pero Ferrandez de Velasco e Gonçalo Alfonso Carrillo, que dizian de Quintana, e muchos otros. E desque fueron los infantes e los caualleros que con ellos yuan en Cuenca de Tamariz, enbiaron al rrey don Pedro sus cartas commo todos ellos querian e amauan su seruiçio; pero que se partian de la su corte por que el dexara la rreyna doña Blanca, su muger, lo qual era contra su honrra e su seruiçio. Otrossi por quanto los priuados suyos parientes de doña Maria de Padilla non tenian buen rregimiento en el rregno nin en su casa nin fazian honrra a los señores e caualleros que y andauan, e de mas que se rreçelauan e temian de sus vidas e que le pidian por merçed que quisiese poner en esto algund buen

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and Don Juan Alfonso and severed their bond of allegiance to the king.

1354: CHAPTER XXIV How, while the king was in Tordehumos, the princes of Aragon and other knights formally parted from him, and how they wrote to him. Once the princes of Aragon and the knights with whom they were in discussion − as we have already related − were certain of the intentions of Count Enrique and Don Juan Alfonso, they gathered together, formally parted from the king and headed for a village near to Tordehumos known as Villabráxima. From there they collected Queen Leonor, the princes’ mother, and went on to Montealegre which belonged to Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque and where they remained for some days. Then they left for Cuenca de Tamariz.18 The knights who were together with the princes in renouncing their allegiance to the king were Diego Pérez Sarmiento, Pero González de Agüero, Fernán Pérez de Ayala, Fernán Gómez de Albornoz, Sancho Ruiz de Rojas, Ruy González de Castañeda, Pero Álvarez de Osorio, Álvar Rodríguez de Daza, Juan Ramírez de Guzmán, Pero Fernández de Velasco, Gonzalo Alfonso Carrillo, known as ‘de Quintana’, and numerous others. When the princes and the knights accompanying them had arrived in Cuenca de Tamariz, they wrote to King Pedro, explaining to him how they were all devoted to serving him loyally but informing him that they were severing their bond with his court since he had abandoned his wife Queen Blanche, an act which brought him dishonour and went against his own interests; and also because his confidants − the relatives of Doña María de Padilla − were acting without restraint both in the kingdom and in his household and were showing no respect towards the lords and knights who formed part of it; and, moreover, they added that they felt anxious and in fear for their lives. They implored him to be prepared to find some suitable

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rremedio por que ellos pudiesen estar en la su corte en su seruiçio, lo que ellos deseauan que fuesse a su honrra e aseguramiento dellos. E commo quier que esto enbiaron dezir al rrey, enpero non ouieron tal rrespuesta que se touiesen por contentos.

Capitulo XXVº. Commo el conde e don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque e don Ferrando de Castro fueron a Cuenca de Tamariz e lo que ý acaesçio. Agora tornaremos a contar commo fizieron el conde don Enrrique e don Ferrando de Castro e don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque. E anssy fue quel conde don Enrrique, segund auemos contado, despues que se partiera de don Iohan Alfonso, era ydo ha Asturias por gentes de pie. E desque veno juntose con don Iohan Alfonso e con don Ferrando, e partieron todos tres de los barrios de Salas vn miercoles en el comienço del mes de agosto del sobre dicho año. E eran mill e dozientos de cauallo e tres mill e quinientos de pie, e fueron esse dia dormir a Ual de Sand Llorenço. E otro dia jueues pasaron por la puente de Astorga e fueron dormir a la puente de Oruego. E otro dia viernes fueron camino de Valençia e fueron comer a vna aldea dos leguas de Mayorga, e de alli partieron en la tarde e pasaron de noche por Mayorga. E quando amanesçio, otro dia sabado, estauan a la puente de Villalon, que era villa de don Tello. E desque llegaron çerca de Villalon, sopieron commo los infantes de Aragon e don Tello eran abenidos e que eran de vn acuerdo e que estauan en Cuenca de Tamariz con pieça de gentes de armas, pero non sabian el conde e don Iohan Alfonso e don Ferrando de Castro avn la entençion de los infantes. E desque llegaron çerca de Cuenca de Tamariz, enbio el conde tres de cauallo ginetes que estudiesen por atalaya en vn lomo, que es entre medias, donde paresçia Cuenca. E mandaron a todos que comiesen

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solution which would enable them to serve him loyally in his court. It was their desire that this should both bring him honour and give them reassurance. However, although they sent this message to the king, they received no answer to give them satisfaction.

1354: CHAPTER XXV How Count Enrique, Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque and Don Fernando de Castro went to Cuenca de Tamariz and what took place there. We shall now return to our account of the actions of Count Enrique, Don Fernando de Castro and Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque. Indeed, as we have already related, Count Enrique, after taking his leave of Don Juan Alfonso, had gone to Asturias for footsoldiers. On his return he joined up with Don Juan Alfonso and Don Fernando, and all three of them set out from Salas de los Barrios one Wednesday at the beginning of the month of August in the year in question. There were 1,200 horsemen and 3,500 men on foot and they passed the following night in Val de San Lorenzo. On Thursday, the following day, they crossed the bridge at Astorga and went on to spend the night by the bridge over the river Órbigo.19 The next day, Friday, they took the road to Valencia and went to eat in a village two leagues from Mayorga.20 From there they set off late in the day and passed through Mayorga during the night. When Saturday dawned they were at the bridge near Villalón, a town belonging to Don Tello. As soon as they came near to Villalón, they learned of how the princes of Aragon and Don Tello had made a pact and were allies, and of how they were in Cuenca de Tamariz with a substantial force of men at arms; but at this stage the count, Don Juan Alfonso and Don Fernando de Castro did not know the princes’ intention. As they drew near to Cuenca de Tamariz, the count sent three horsemen to keep watch from a hilltop situated halfway from Cuenca and from which the town was in view. They ordered all their men to eat

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e diesen çeuada en vnas paruas que estauan ay, que era en el mes de agosto. E a poca de ora, vino vno de los ginetes e dixo que sallian de Cuenca çinquenta de cauallo, las lanças en las manos, e venian a mas andar contra ellos. E el conde e don Iohan Alfonso mandaron a todos que caualgasen e pusiesen las capellinas e fiziessen lo que el les mandaua e ellos fizieron lo anssy. E mouieron luego contra el lomo do estauan las atalayas e pusieron sus batallas en esta hordenança: los pendones todos tres en vno e los de cauallo juntos en vna haz, e los de pie, la meatad en vna parte de los de cauallo e la otra meatad, de la otra parte.

Capitulo XXVIº. Commo los ynfantes de Aragon se abinieron con el conde don Enrrique e con don Iohan Alfonso. Los çinquenta de cauallo que las atalayas vieron sallyr de Cuenca eran Diego Perez Sarmiento e Lope Diaz de Rojas e Iohan de Auendaño e otros que venian con ellos. E desque llegaron do estaua el conde e don Iohan Alfonso e don Ferrando de Castro, fablaron con ellos aparte estando ý algunos que con ellos venian. E luego a poca de ora, mouieron todos para Cuenca de Tamariz, e desque llegaron a la puerta de la villa, mandaron a todos que fincasen fuera e entraron todos los tres señores en la villa e con ellos quatro caualleros, los quales eran estos: Pero Ruyz de Villegas e Iohan Gonçalez de Baçan e Suer Yañez de Parada e Andres Sanchez de Grez. E estaua ay la rreyna doña Leonor, madre de los infantes don Ferrando e don Iohan. E los infantes e el conde don Enrrique e don Iohan Alfonso e don Ferrando de Castro e don Tello fablaron aparte por espaçio de vna ora grande con la rreyna doña Leonor de Aragon. E las conpañas del conde e de don Iohan Alfonso e de don Ferrando de Castro que estauan fuera tenianlo por marauilla e auian grand miedo de la entrada dellos que anssy fizieron, ca non sabian commo eran abenidos.

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and give their animals fodder from some grain stores that they found there, as it was the month of August. Shortly afterwards, one of the horsemen arrived bringing the news that 50 mounted troops were riding out from Cuenca, coming towards them at full gallop and with lance in hand. The count and Don Juan Alfonso ordered them all to mount their horses, don their helmets and follow their commands. They did so. They hastened out towards the hill-top where their men were on watch, drawing up their forces as follows: all three banners were together and the horsemen were in a single line of battle, with half the footsoldiers to the right of the horsemen and the other half to the left.

1354: CHAPTER XXVI How the princes of Aragon made a pact with Count Enrique and Don Juan Alfonso. The 50 horsemen that the men on watch saw emerging from Cuenca de Tamariz were Diego Pérez Sarmiento, Lope Díaz de Rojas, Juan de Avendaño and others in their company, and, on reaching the count, Don Juan Alfonso and Don Fernando de Castro, they rode off with them to one side to speak together in the presence of some of their companions. A short while later they all set off for Cuenca de Tamariz, where, on reaching the gate of the town, the whole company was instructed to remain outside and the three lords entered, together with four knights: Pero Ruiz de Villegas, Juan González de Bazán, Suer Yánez de Parada and Andrés Sánchez de Grez. Queen Leonor, the mother of Princes Ferran and Joan, was waiting there and for a good hour the princes, Count Enrique, Don Juan Alfonso, Don Fernando de Castro and Don Tello spoke in private with her. The troops of the count, Don Juan Alfonso and Don Fernando de Castro, who were waiting outside, were amazed at this and were filled with anxiety by the way in which they had entered the town, as they were not aware that an agreement had been reached.

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E despues sallieron fuera de la villa, el conde e don Iohan Alfonso e don Ferrando de Castro e con ellos don Tello, e fueronse para Villalon, que era de don Tello, e acogieronlos dentro e estudieron en Villalon dos dias. E la rreyna de Aragon doña Leonor e los infantes sus fijos fincaron en Cuenca. E todos ellos enbiaron sus cartas a la çibdat de Toledo e de Cuenca e de Cordoua e de Iahen e de Vbeda e de Baeça e de Talauera, que estauan todas en esta demanda e commo ellos, auian su abenençia en vno. E enbiaron sus cartas e mensageros al rrey por los quales le pidian por merçed que dexasse a doña Maria de Padilla e fiziesse vida con la rreyna doña Blanca de Borbon, su muger; otrossy que fuesse la su merçed de poner buen rregimiento en el rregno e en su casa por que los que le auian de seruir ouiessen honrra e bien del cada vno en su estado. Otrossy les fizieron saber a las dichas çibdades e villas que ellos todos eran ayuntados en vno e que eran en essa entençion, e que les rrogauan que quisiesen seer en esto e seer firmes en ello pues que lo auian començado. E otrossy enbiaron sus cartas a la rreyna doña Blanca, que estaua en Toledo, en commo le fazian saber que ellos todos estauan prestos para su seruiçio e que eran abenidos e juntos en vno por esta entençion, e que anssy lo entendian leuarlo adelante con la ayuda de Dios.

Capitulo XXVIIº. Despues que los señores todos fueron juntos en vno, que fizo el rrey don Pedro e lo que acaesçio despues. El rrey don Pedro desque sopo que los infantes de Aragon, sus primos, e don Tello eran abenidos con el conde don Enrrique e con don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque e con don Ferrando de Castro, e que todos los mas caualleros e grandes de sus rregnos eran juntos en esta demanda, e el fincaua con pocas conpañas, fuesse para Otordesillas, que es lugar rrezio. E non fincaron con el mas de seysçientos de cauallo. E eran con el rrey don Diego Garçia de Padilla, maestre de Calatraua, e don

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After some time the count, Don Juan Alfonso and Don Fernando de Castro rode out from the town, together with Don Tello, and they left for Villalón, which belonged to Don Tello. There they were welcomed in, and they remained in Villalón for two days while Queen Leonor of Aragon, together with her sons the princes, stayed in Cuenca. They all sent letters to the cities of Toledo, Cuenca, Córdoba, Jaén, Úbeda, Baeza and Talavera, which were all involved in this campaign and, like them, had come together in an alliance. They sent letters and envoys to the king, imploring him to abandon Doña María de Padilla and make his life with Queen Blanche of Bourbon who was his legitimate wife. Likewise, they asked that it be his will to ensure sound government for his kingdom and his household, so that those who were to serve him might gain from him honour and advantage, with each one in his fitting place. They also informed the aforementioned cities and towns that they had all united with this as their purpose, asking them to be ready to be involved and to remain firm now that they had begun. In addition, they wrote to Queen Blanche, who was in Toledo, letting her know how they were all prepared to serve her loyally, that they had all come together in an alliance with this aim and that, with God’s assistance, they intended to persevere in it.

1354: CHAPTER XXVII After the lords had all formed an alliance, how the king acted and what took place next. Once he had learned that his cousins, the princes of Aragon, and Don Tello had formed an alliance with Count Enrique, Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque and Don Fernando de Castro, that most of the knights and magnates of his realms had joined in this campaign, and that he was left with just a small number of troops, King Pedro went to Tordesillas, which is heavily fortified. He now had just 600 horsemen. The following men were with the king: Don Diego García

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Pero Nuñez de Guzman e don Garçi Ferrandez Manrrique e Iohan Alfonso de Benauidez e Yñigo Lopez de Horozco e Iohan Fernandez de Henestrosa e Pero Gonçalez de Mendoça e Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo e Iohan Rodriguez de Çisneros e otros caualleros. Pero todos non eran mas de seysçientos de cauallo. E leuo el rrey consigo a la rreyna doña Maria, su madre, e a doña Maria de Padilla a Tordesillas. E los señores de quien auemos dicho, fueron todos a Montalegre e a esa comarca, e estudieron ý algunos dias. E despues partieron dende e fueron a la comarca de Otordesillas. E passaron los infantes de Aragon e la rreyna doña Leonor, su madre, en Villalar. E el conde don Enrrique e don Tello e don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, en Pedrosa, e don Ferrando de Castro, en Casa Sola. E juntose estonçe con ellos, que venia de Sevilla, don Iohan de la Çerda. E despues desto trataron sus pleytesias con el rrey, e fue a Tordesillas la rreyna de Aragon doña Leonor, su tia, e fablo con el rrey que fuesse su merçed de tomar la rreyna doña Blanca, su muger, e que pusiesse en horden en el rregno de Françia o en Aragon, a doña Maria de Padilla. Otrossy que non fuessen sus priuados los parientes de doña Maria de Padilla, e faziendo el esto, que todos sus vasallos que andauan arredrados del de vernian a la su merçed. E el rrey oyo todas las rrazones que la rreyna de Aragon doña Leonor, su tia, le dixo; pero el rrey non se touo por pagado nin contento de aquella pleytesia; ca el en ninguna manera non entendia dexar nin partir de sy a doña Maria de Padilla. E anssy fue que el rrey nin la rreyna, su tia, en esta rrazon non se pudieron abenir. E tornose la rreyna de Aragon do estauan aquellos señores que la rrogaran que fuesse al rrey con esta pleytesia e dixoles commo el rrey non fuera su merçed de se allegar a lo que ella le dixiera. E estudieron los señores en esta comarca bien diez dias, e despues partieron dende e fueron a andar por Canpos. E la rreyna doña Maria, que estaua con el rrey su fijo en Otordesillas, partio dende, con su liçençia, e fuesse para Toro. E los señores llegaron cuydando cobrar a Valladolid por fablas que trayan con Iohan Alfonso Tello, hermano de Martin Alfonso Tello, que tenia los ofiçios de Valladolid. E algunos

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de Padilla, master of Calatrava, Don Pero Núñez de Guzmán, Don Garci Fernández Manrique, Juan Alfonso de Benavides, Íñigo López de Orozco, Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, Pero González de Mendoza, Gutier Fernández de Toledo, Juan Rodríguez de Cisneros and some other knights. However, in all the horsemen did not number more than 600. The king took with him to Tordesillas his mother Queen María and Doña María de Padilla. The lords about whom we have been speaking all travelled to Montealegre and the surrounding area, where they remained for a number of days, and then they set off for the area around Tordesillas. The princes of Aragon went over to them along with their mother Queen Leonor in Villalar. Count Enrique, Don Tello and Don Juan Alfonso were in Pedrosa and Don Fernando de Castro in Casasola. At this point they were joined by Don Juan de la Cerda, who had come from Seville. Next they put their case to the king. His aunt Queen Leonor of Aragon went to Tordesillas, and she spoke with him beseeching him to accept his wife Queen Blanche and to place Doña María de Padilla in a convent in the kingdom of France or Aragon. She also asked him to dismiss Doña María’s relatives from their role as confidants and she assured him that, if he did this, all those of his vassals who were distanced from him would once again give him their allegiance. The king heard all the arguments that his aunt Queen Leonor of Aragon put to him, but he was not pleased or convinced by her reasoning, for in no way did he intend to abandon Doña María de Padilla or separate from her. Thus it was that the king and his aunt the queen were not able to come to an agreement in this matter. The queen of Aragon returned to those lords who had asked her to go to plead with him and she told them how it had not been the will of the king to make any concessions with regard to what she had put to him. Before going on their way, the lords remained for a full ten days in that region, roving over the lands of Tierra de Campos. Queen María, who had been with her son the king in Tordesillas, left with his permission and went to Toro. The lords arrived at Valladolid, which as a result of their negotiations with João Afonso Telo they expected to fall into their hands. João Afonso Telo was a brother of Martim Afonso Telo and was in charge of the town’s administration, and some

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dezian que por consejo del dicho Iohan Alfonso Tello fueron aquellos señores a Valladolid. E eso mismo les contesçio con la çibdat de Salamanca, que cuydaron entrar en ella por fabla que trayan con algunos. E Aluar Gonçalez Moran, que biuia en la dicha çibdat, entro en ella e non los pudo guisar. E dende fueron a conbatir a Medina del Canpo e entraronla por fuerza viespera de Sand Miguel de Setienbre, deste dicho año. E estauan en Medina seysçientos de cauallo, que el rrey don Pedro enbiara ý, e acogieronse a la villa vieja e pleytearon que los pusiesen en saluo, los quales eran estos: Iohan Rodriguez de Çisneros e Pero Gonçalez de Mendoça e Ferrand Aluarez de Toledo e Garçi Aluarez, su hermano, e Gomez Carrillo, fijo de Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo, e Suer Martinez, clauero de Alcantara, e Men Rodriguez Tenorio, que tenia la fazienda de don Iohan, fijo de don Pero Ponçe, e otros. E los señores e los caualleros que venian entraron la villa e posaron todos ý, e ouieron dende muchas viandas. E a pocos dias luego murio ý don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque. E segund se sopo despues, fue la su muerte en esta guisa: don Iohan Alfonso adolesçio en Medina del Canpo e era ý con el infante don Ferrando de Aragon, vn fisico rromano que dizian maestre Paulo, e curaua del dicho don Iohan Alfonso. E el rrey don Pedro sopolo e enbio tratar con el dicho maestre Paulo fisico, que diesse yeruas a don Iohan Alfonso e que el lo heredarie e le faria muchas merçedes, e el fisico fizolo assy. E dio las yeruas a don Iohan Alfonso en vn xarope de que murio. E despues el rrey don Pedro heredo e dio a maestre Paulo heredades en tierra de Seuilla, que valian çient mill marauedis e fizolo su contador mayor. E todos los mas de sus vasallos de don Iohan Alfonso estudieron con el su cuerpo con los otros señores, e prometieron de lo non enterrar fasta que acabasen la demanda que auian començado. E cada vez que fazian estos señores su consejo, fablaua en lugar de don Iohan Alfonso, Ruy Diaz Cabeça de Vaca, que era su mayordomo mayor.

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said that it was on his advice that the lords had gone to Valladolid. The same thing happened to them in the case of the city of Salamanca, which they expected to be able to enter as a result of their negotiations with some of its citizens. Álvar González Morán, who was a resident of the city, went in but was not able to win its people over. From there the lords went on to attack Medina del Campo, which they entered by force on the eve of Saint Michael’s Day in September of the year in question. In Medina there were 600 horsemen who had been sent there by King Pedro and they took refuge in the old town and negotiated their safe conduct. They included the following men: Juan Rodríguez de Cisneros, Pero González de Mendoza, Fernán Álvarez de Toledo and his brother Garci Álvarez, Gómez Carrillo, son of Gutier Fernández de Toledo, Suer Martínez, key-bearer of the Order of Alcántara, Men Rodríguez Tenorio, who was the lieutenant of Don Juan, son of Don Pero Ponce, and others.21 The lords and knights who were now arriving made their way into Medina, all found quarters there and took from the town an ample supply of provisions. It was there that, just a few days later, the death occurred of Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque. It was later discovered that this came about in the following way: Don Juan Alfonso fell ill in Medina del Campo, where in the company of Prince Ferran of Aragon there was a physician from Rome, by the name of Master Paolo. This man was treating Don Juan Alfonso. King Pedro found out about this and sent word to the physician Master Paolo, proposing that he give poison to Don Juan Alfonso and promising that in return he would endow him with property and grant him numerous favours. The physician agreed to do this, administering the poison to Don Juan Alfonso in a syrup which caused his death. At a later stage, King Pedro endowed Master Paolo with property in the region of Seville to the value of 100,000 maravedís and he also made him his chief financial administrator. Most of Don Juan Alfonso’s vassals remained with his body together with the other lords, and they made a promise not to bury him until they had achieved the purpose of the campaign on which they had embarked. Each time that these lords gathered to deliberate, the man who spoke in the place of Don Juan Alfonso was Ruy Díaz Cabeza de Vaca, who had been his chief steward.

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Capitulo XXVIIIº. Commo el maestre don Fadrique, que estaua en Toledo, vino para Medina del Canpo, do estauan los otros señores. El maestre de Santiago don Fadrique, que estaua en la çibdat de Toledo, segun dicho auemos, desque sopo commo los infantes e el conde don Enrrique e don Tello e don Ferrando de Castro e don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque e don Iohan de la Çerda e los otros rricos omnes e caualleros estauan todos juntos en vno, acordo e con voluntad e mandamiento de la rreyna Blanca, e con consejo de los de Toledo, que se fuesse juntar con ellos. E llegando en Guadarrama, que es vn lugar en el Real de Manzanares, sopo commo don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque era muerto e pesole mucho dello. E leuaua el maestre conssigo seysçientos de cauallo e muchos dineros que auia fallado en Toledo en las casas de don Simuel Leui, thesorero mayor del rrey. E enbiaua la rreyna doña Blanca a aquellos señores que estauan en Medina la mas moneda que auie podido auer. E los señores que se ayuntaron estonçe en Medina eran el infante don Ferrando marques de Tortosa, señor de Aluarrezin, fijo del rrey de Aragon, e el infante don Iohan, su hermano, e el conde don Enrrique e don Tello, su hermano, e don Ferrando de Castro e don Iohan de la Çerda e el maestre de Santiago don Fadrique que ý llegara estonçe e muchos rricos omnes e caualleros que pudian seer çinco mill de cauallo e mucha gente de pie, e otrossy las conpañas e vasallos de don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, que fincaran estonçe en la dicha villa de Medina e estauan con estos señores e trayan consigo el cuerpo de don Iohan Alfonso.

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1354: CHAPTER XXVIII How the master Don Fadrique, who was in Toledo, travelled to Medina del Campo where the other lords were gathered. The master of Santiago Don Fadrique was in the city of Toledo, as we have already stated, and, once he learned how the princes, Count Enrique, Don Tello, Don Fernando de Castro, Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque, Don Juan de la Cerda and the other magnates and knights were all gathered together, he determined – with the approval and backing of Queen Blanche and following the counsel of the people of Toledo – to go and join them. On his arrival in Guadarrama, a village in the Royal Territory of Manzanares, he learned of the death of Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque, which saddened him deeply.22 The master was accompanied by 600 horsemen and he was carrying with him a large sum of money that he had found in Toledo in the houses of Don Samuel Ha-Levi, the king’s chief treasurer. Queen Blanche, moreover, was sending to the lords gathered in Medina as great a sum of money as she had been able to put together. The lords who gathered in Medina at that time were Prince Ferran of Aragon, marquis of Tortosa and lord of Albarracín, his brother Prince Joan, Count Enrique and his brother Don Tello, Don Fernando de Castro, Don Juan de la Cerda and the master of Santiago Don Fadrique, who had just arrived, and numerous magnates and knights, of whom there could well have been 5,000 on horseback together with a large number of footsoldiers. In addition, the lords were accompanied by the troops and vassals of Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque who still remained in the town of Medina, bearing with them Don Juan Alfonso’s body.

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Capitulo XXVIIIIº. Commo estos señores que estauan en Medina enbiaron sus mensageros al rrey e de la pelea que fue en Toro entre algunos caualleros. Todos estos señores que dicho auemos que estauan en Medina del Canpo ouieron su acuerdo de enbiar sus mensageros al rrey, los quales eran Pero Carrillo, fijo de Gomez Carrillo de Maçuelo e Iohan Gonçalez de Baçan e Pero Gonçalez de Aguero, por traer algunas buenas maneras de sosiego en este fecho. E llegaron estos caualleros a Toro do el rrey estaua e ouo ý algunos caualleros de los que estauan con el rrey, que los querian bien e leuauan los a sus posadas por les fazer honrra, que posasen con ellos. E sobre esto porfiauan quales dellos los leuarian: e Ferrand Aluarez de Toledo queria leuar consigo al dicho Pero Carrillo, que era su amigo, que quisiese posar con el. E Alfonso Jufre Tenorio, que non queria bien al dicho Pero Carrillo, estrañogelo. E sobre esto ouieron sus palabras los dichos Ferrand Aluarez e Alfonso Jufre Tenorio, en manera que Alfonso Jufre cuydo dar de vn cuchillo pequeño al dicho Ferrand Aluarez, e sobre esto boluiose vn rruydo asaz grande. E Iohan Alfonso de Benauidez, justiçia mayor de la casa del rrey, que era pariente del dicho Alfonso Jufre Tenorio, ayudolo. E esso mismo le ayudo Pero Gonçalez de Mendoça, e otros ayudauan a Ferrand Aluarez de Toledo, ca le ayudo Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo e otros caualleros assaz. E fueron ý feridos: Men Rodriguez Tenorio, hermano del dicho Alfonso Jufre, e Iohan Alfonso de Benauidez, e fue muerto vn sobrino de Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo. E por esta rrazon se partieron de la corte del rrey e se fueron para los otros señores, Iohan Tenorio, rrepostero mayor del rrey, e Men Rodriguez Tenorio e Alfonso Jufre Tenorio, sus hermanos, por quanto el rrey se mostro por vandero aquel dia de la pelea de Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo e ouieron miedo del rrey, de estar alli. E desque estos

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1354: CHAPTER XXIX How the lords who were in Medina sent their envoys to the king, and how a number of knights were involved in a clash in Toro. All these lords who, as we have already stated, were gathered in Medina del Campo agreed to send the king their envoys – Pero Carrillo, son of Gómez Carrillo de Mazuelo, Juan González de Bazán and Pero González de Agüero – in order to achieve some kind of settlement to this affair. These knights arrived in Toro where the king was in residence, and there were some other knights there in the king’s company who were very friendly with them. They were going to take them to their lodgings in order to do them the honour of having them stay with them, but a disagreement broke out with regard to which of them would take the knights with them. Fernán Álvarez de Toledo wanted to take his friend Pero Carrillo with him so that he might lodge in his quarters, but Alfonso Jofré Tenorio, who was on bad terms with Pero Carrillo, tried to stop him. This led to angry words between Fernán Álvarez and Alfonso Jofré Tenorio, to the extent that Alfonso Jofré sought to wound Fernán Álvarez with a small knife. The result was quite a serious disturbance: Juan Alfonso de Benavides, chief justice in the king’s household, who was a relative of Alfonso Jofré Tenorio, gave him assistance and so did Pero González de Mendoza, whilst others, including Gutier Ferrando de Toledo and a good number of other knights, took the side of Fernán Álvarez de Toledo. Men Rodríguez Tenorio, who was Alfonso Jofré’s brother, and Juan Alfonso de Benavides suffered injuries in this dispute and a nephew of Gutier Fernández de Toledo was killed. On account of this, Juan Tenorio, the king’s lord high butler, and his brothers Men Rodríguez Tenorio and Alfonso Jofré Tenorio parted from the king’s court and went to join the other lords: their reason for doing this was that the king, on the day of the fight, had shown himself to be partisan and in favour of Gutier Fernández de Toledo and they were too afraid of him to remain there. Once these knights

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caualleros se partieron del rrey, dio el rrey la rreposteria que tenia Iohan Tenorio a Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo, e el alguaziladgo que tenia Alfonso Jufre Tenorio, diolo a Suer Tellez de Meneses, pariente del dicho Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo.

Capitulo XXXº. Commo los caualleros que los señores enbiaron al rrey le dixieron lo que les era mandado. Pero Carrillo e Iohan Gonçalez de Baçan e Pero Gonçalez de Aguero, que venieron por mensageros de los señores que estauan juntos en Medina del Canpo, al rrey, desque todo este rruydo fue asosegado, fablaron con el rrey e dixeronle que aquellos señores le enbiauan sus cartas de creençia, las quales le presentaron luego, por las quales le enbiaron dezir algunas cosas que cunplian a su seruiçio e le pidian por merçed que les diesse liçençia que gelas pudiesen dezir. E el rrey dixo que le plazia de las oyr, qual quier cosa que quisiesen dezir. E los caualleros gelo touieron en merçed e dixeronle anssy: que los dichos señores sus vasallos e sus naturales le besauan las manos e se encomendauan en la su merçed e le enbiauan dezir que bien sabia la su merçed commo el casara en Valladolid con la rreyna doña Blanca de Borbon, sobrina del rrey de Françia, e a las sus bodas mandara ý benir todos los grandes señores e caualleros del su rregno, e que estando todos con el, non les faziendo saber ninguna cosa, que el dexara la dicha rreyna doña Blanca, su muger, luego despues de las bodas e se partiera dende. E por quanto don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque e don Iohan Nuñez, maestre de Calatraua, mostraran que les pesara deste fecho en se el assy partir de Valladolid sin lo fazer saber a los grandes que alli fiziera venir, que el fiziera prender a don Iohan Nuñez, maestre de Calatraua, e diera el maestradgo a don Diego

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had parted from the king, he awarded to Gutier Fernández de Toledo the post of lord high butler which had been held by Juan Tenorio and the position of constable, previously held by Alfonso Jofré Tenorio, was given to Suer Téllez de Meneses, a relative of Gutier Fernández de Toledo.

1354: CHAPTER XXX How the knights sent to the king by the lords passed on to him the message which had been entrusted to them. Once all of this disturbance had been calmed down, the king was addressed by Pero Carrillo, Juan González de Bazán and Pero González de Agüero, who had come to him as envoys of the lords gathered in Medina del Campo. They informed him that the lords had sent him their letters of presentation, which they lost no time in setting before him: these letters gave them the authority to speak to him of matters pertaining to his loyal service and they asked him to grant them permission to do so. The king said that it was his pleasure to hear them and anything that they wished to say. The knights gave him their thanks and told him that those lords, his vassals and subjects, kissed his hands in loyal greeting and commended themselves to his mercy: the message that they wished to convey to him was that his Grace knew well how in Valladolid he had married Queen Blanche of Bourbon, niece of the king of France, and how he had commanded that all the great lords and knights of his kingdom attend the wedding; how, too, while all of them were in attendance but without them being given the slightest information, he had abandoned his wife immediately after the wedding and had left. Moreover, since Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque and the master of Calatrava Don Juan Núñez de Prado had made clear their displeasure at the way in which he had made such a departure from Valladolid without warning the grandees that he had summoned, he had ordered the arrest of the master of Calatrava Don Juan Núñez and given the

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Garçia de Padilla, hermano de doña Maria de Padilla. E que despues el dicho don Diego Garçia fiziera matar al dicho don Iohan Nuñez, maestre de Calatraua. E otrossy que el fiziera desterrar a don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque fasta yrse en Portogal, e auiendole dado a su fijo don Martin Gil en arrehenes e de seer sienpre en su seruiçio. E que estas cosas eran contra su seruiçio e contra su fama en seer anssy contra los suyos sin ge lo meresçer ellos. Ca otros yerros non le fizieron ellos saluo que les pesara en que se partiera anssy arrebatada mente de la villa de Valladolid do todos los mayores de su rregno estauan ayuntados. Otrossi que el perdia las voluntades de todos los suyos por quanto los sus priuados, que el estonçe auia, non les fizieran honrra en la su corte e eran dellos mal tratados. E que le pidian por merçed lo primero que el quisiesse tornar a la dicha su muger e traerla consigo commo deuia. Otrossy Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa, su tio de doña Maria de Padilla, e a Diego Garçia, su hermano, que les fiziesse merçed en al, mas que el rregno non se rregiesse nin se gouernasse por aquellos priuados que estonçe tenia, pues non honrrauan a los grandes señores e caualleros que venian a la su corte. E faziendolo anssy, que todos aquellos señores e los otros sus vasallos que eran con ellos, estauan e eran muy prestos para venir a el e seer en la su obediençia segund deuian.

Capitulo XXXIº. Commo el rrey rrespondio a los mensageros que los señores enbiaron a el, e commo trataron que se viessen con el rrey. Despues que los caualleros que auemos dichos que los señores enbiaron al rrey, le ouieron dicho todo lo que les fue mandado, el rrey les rrespondio e les dixo que estas rrazones que ellos le auian dicho

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mastership to Don Diego García de Padilla, Doña María de Padilla’s brother; and subsequently Don Diego García had ordered the death of the master of Calatrava Don Juan Núñez. And, in addition, King Pedro had ordered the exile of Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque, forcing him to go to Portugal, even though Don Juan Alfonso had given him his son Martín Gil as a guarantee of his enduring loyalty. These actions, they said, were against the king’s own interests and harmed his reputation as they were committed against his own people without due cause − for those concerned had committed no wrong other than that of being troubled by his hasty departure from the town of Valladolid where all the leading figures of the realm were gathered. They also pointed out that the king was losing the good will of all his supporters, since they had been treated without any respect by his present advisers and were receiving unjust treatment from them. They begged of him that, firstly, he should return to his wife and have her accompany him as was fitting; and also that, although Doña María de Padilla’s uncle Juan Fernández de Henestrosa and her brother Diego García should be honoured in other matters, he and his kingdom should not be governed or ruled by those men that he currently had as his confidants, for they paid no honour to the great lords and knights who attended his court. They added that, if he were to meet these requests, all those lords, knights and others of his vassals who were accompanying them were most willing to come over to him at once and obey his will, as was fitting.

1354: CHAPTER XXXI How the king replied to the envoys sent to him by the lords and how the envoys arranged that the lords should meet with the king. The knights that, as we have already related, the lords had sent to the king, passed on to him all that they had been bidden to say, after which he gave them his reply: that the arguments which they had put to him

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de parte de aquellos que los enbiauan a el eran luengas para luego rresponder e que su voluntad era de se veer con los infantes e conde e maestre e don Tello e don Ferrando de Castro e don Iohan de la Çerda e los otros caualleros e grandes que eran en su conpañia sobre todas estas cosas, que el entendia que, desque con el fuesen e e los viesse e fablasse con ellos, que todo seria bien. E fue tratado e asossegado ha qual dia se viessen los dichos señores con el rrey en vn lugar señalado, çinquenta por çinquenta de cauallo armados de lorigas, con almofares e quexotes e cañillares e espadas. E que ninguno dellos non troxiesse lança, saluo el rrey e el infante don Ferrando de Aragon. E estos tres caualleros que venieron con esta mensageria al rrey, desque todo esto fue asosegado, tornaronse para los señores que los auian enbiado a Medina del Canpo, do los dexaron, e contaronles toda la rrespuesta que fallaron en el rrey e commo era su voluntad de se veer con ellos, e plogoles de lo anssy fazer. E luego ellos partieron de Medina del Canpo, donde estauan, e venieron a la comarca de Toro, por estar çerca del rrey, e partieron sus posadas en esta guissa: en Morales posaua el conde don Enrrique e el maestre don Fadrique, su hermano; en Sand Roman de Ornija posaua el infante don Ferrando de Aragon e su hermano el infante don Iohan, e don Tello e don Iohan de la Çerda e posaua en Siete Iglesias don Ferrando de Castro. Otrossy don Iohan Alfonso era muerto, pero trayan sus vasallos su cuerpo e non lo querian enterrar fasta que ouiesse fin esta demanda que començaron, e que assy lo mandara don Iohan Alfonso en su testamento. E posauan sus vasallos de don Iohan Alfonso en el dicho lugar de Sand Roman de Ornija con los otros señores que ally posauan, e alli tenian en la yglesia de Sand Roman d’Ornija el cuerpo de don Iohan Alfonso.

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on behalf of the men who had sent them would take too long for him to answer there and then and that it was his will to meet to discuss all these matters with the princes, the count, the master, Don Tello, Don Fernando de Castro, Don Juan de la Cerda and the other knights and great lords in their company; for he could see that, once they had met with him and he had seen them and spoken with them, all would be well. A firm decision was taken with regard to a day for the lords to meet with the king in a specified place, with 50 horsemen in each party, equipped with body armour, a mail coif, cuisses, greaves and swords, and it was agreed that none of them should bear a lance with the exception of the king and Prince Ferran of Aragon. Once this had all been settled, the three knights who had brought the message to the king returned to the lords who had sent them, where they had left them in Medina del Campo. They reported to them in full on the response that they had received from the king and on how it was his will to meet with them; and the lords agreed to do this. They lost no time in setting off from where they were in Medina del Campo and they moved to the area around Toro in order to be closer to the king. They arranged their quarters as follows: Count Enrique and his brother the master Don Fadrique lodged in Morales de Toro, Prince Ferran of Aragon and his brother Prince Joan in San Román de Hornija, as well as Don Juan de la Cerda and Don Tello. In addition Don Fernando de Castro had his quarters in Siete Iglesias de Trabancos. The body of Don Juan Alfonso was also brought by his vassals: although he was dead, they were not willing to bury him until the campaign on which they were embarked had achieved its purpose, as had been directed by Don Juan Alfonso in his will; and they had their quarters in the village of San Román de Hornija with the other lords and there they kept Don Juan Alfonso’s body in the church.

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Capitulo XXXIIº. Commo el rrey se vio con los infantes de Aragon e el conde don Enrrique e el maestre de Santiago e don Tello e don Ferrando de Castro e don Iohan de la Çerda e los otros caualleros segund era tratado. El trato fue fecho de las vistas segund dicho auemos e vieronsse el rrey e estos señores entre Toro e Morales, en vn lugar que dizian Tejadillo; ca ally fueron las dichas vistas acordadas, e es a media legua de Toro e a otra media legua de Morales. E venieron de cauallo, armados todos de lorigas e con almofares e quexotes e cañilleras e espadas. E non traya donzel en cauallo ninguno dellos saluo el rrey que traya vn donzel con vna lança e vn yelmo. E de la otra parte el infante don Ferrando de Aragon, que traya otro donzel, e todos trayan sobre señales. E fueron estos de cada parte; e de la parte del rrey eran estos çinquenta. Primeramente el rrey don Pedro, e venieron con el don Diego Garçia de Padilla, maestre de Calatraua, e don Garçi Ferrandez Manrrique, adelantado mayor de Castilla, e don Pero Nuñez de Guzman, adelantado mayor de Leon, e don Iohan Alfonso de Benauides, justiçia mayor de la casa del rrey, e Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa, camarero mayor del rrey, e Pero Gonçalez de Mendoça e Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo, alcalde mayor de Toledo, e Diego Gomez de Toledo, notario mayor del rregno de Toledo, e Ferrand Aluarez de Toledo e Garçi Aluarez, su hermano, e Yñigo Lopez de Horozco e Gutier Gomez de Toledo e Pero Suarez de Toledo, el moço, e Suer Perez de Quiñones e Iohan Rodriguez de Çisneros e Ferrand Sanchez de Touar e don Iohan Rodriguez de Sandoual e Sancho Sanchez de Rojas e Iohan Martinez de Rojas, su fijo, e Yñigo Ortiz de las Cueuas e Ruy Perez de Soto e Pero Aluarez de Osorio e Ferrand Gutierrez de Sandoual e Dia Gomez de Sandoual e Dia Gutierrez de Çauallos e Pero Gomez de Porras, el viejo, e Suer Martinez, el clauero de Alcantara, e Ferrand Ruyz Giron e Alfonso Tellez Giron e Ferrand Rodriguez de Villalobos e Pero Ferrandez Quixada e Ruy Martinez

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1354: CHAPTER XXXII How the king met with the princes of Aragon, Count Enrique, the master of Santiago, Don Tello, Don Fernando de Castro, Don Juan de la Cerda and other knights, as had been agreed. The meeting had been arranged as we have already explained and now the king met with the lords in a village between Toro and Morales called Tejadillo, for it was there that it had been decided that the encounter would take place, half a league from Toro and the same distance from Morales. The participants arrived on horseback, all equipped with body armour, a mail coif, cuisses, greaves and swords. None brought a mounted page in attendance, with the exception of the king, who brought a page bearing a lance and helm, and, on the other side, Prince Ferran of Aragon, who was likewise accompanied by a page.23 All of them wore emblazoned surcoats. On each side these men were as follows – in the king’s party these 50: firstly, King Pedro, accompanied by the master of Calatrava Don Diego García de Padilla, Don Garci Fernández Manrique, governor general of Castile, Don Pero Núñez de Guzmán, governor general of León, Don Juan Alfonso de Benavides, chief justice in the king’s household, Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, the king’s master chamberlain, Pero González de Mendoza, Gutier Fernández de Toledo, principal judge of Toledo, Diego Gómez de Toledo, chief notary of the kingdom of Toledo, Fernán Álvarez de Toledo and his brother Garci Álvarez, Íñigo López de Orozco, Gutier Gómez de Toledo, Pero Suárez de Toledo the Younger, Suer Pérez de Quiñones, Juan Rodríguez de Cisneros, Fernán Sánchez de Tovar, Don Juan Rodríguez de Sandoval, Sancho Sánchez de Rojas and his son Juan Martínez de Rojas, Íñigo Ortiz de las Cuevas, Ruy Pérez de Soto, Pero Álvarez de Osorio, Fernán Gutiérrez de Sandoval, Día Gómez de Sandoval, Diego Gutiérrez de Zavallos, Pero Gómez de Porras the Elder, Suer Martínez, key-bearer of the Order of Alcántara, Fernán Ruiz Girón, Alfonso Téllez Girón, Fernán Rodríguez de Villalobos,

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de Solorzano e Lope Garçia de Porras e Aluar Gonçalez Moran e Gomez Perez de Porres e Iohan Sanchez de Ayala e Men Rodriguez de Senabria e Iohan Alfonso Giron e Martin Alfonso Tello e Garçi Ferrandez de Villaodre e Gomez Carrillo, fijo de Pero Ruyz Carrillo, e Pero Gonçalez Orejon e Gonçalo Gonçalez de Luzio e Diego Ferrandez de Cordoua, alcayde de los donzeles, e Rodrigo Rodriguez de Torquemada e Men Rodriguez de Biedma e Iohan Ferrandez de Touar e vn donzel del rrey que leuaua la lança del rey. E de la otra parte, que tenian la parte de la rreyna doña Blanca, que se vieron con el rrey en el sobredicho lugar, eran estos çinquenta. El infante don Ferrando marques de Tortosa e señor de Aluarrezin, fijo del rrey don Alfonso de Aragon e de la rreyna doña Leonor, hermana del rrey don Alfonso de Castilla, e el infante don Iohan, su hermano, e el conde don Enrrique, fijo del rrey don Alfonso de Castilla, conde de Trastamara, e don Fadrique, su hermano, maestre de Santiago, e don Tello, su hermano, señor de Vizcaya e de Lara e de Aguilar, e don Ferrando de Castro e don Iohan de la Çerda e don Aluar Perez de Castro e don Aluar Nuñez de Guzman comendador mayor de tierra de Leon, e don Lope Sanchez de Uendaña comendador mayor de Castilla, e Pero Carrillo e don Ferrand Perez de Ayala e Diego Perez Sarmiento e Pero Ruyz de Villegas e Andres Sanchez de Gres e Suer Yañez de Parada e Ferrand Yañez de Soto Mayor e Pero Gonçalez d’Aguero e Ruy Gonçalez de Castañeda e el arcediano don Diego Arias Maldonado e Sancho Ruyz de Rojas e Ferrand Garçia Duque e Iohan Rodriguez de Villegas e Gutier Ferrandez Delgadillo e Sancho Sanchez de Moscoso e Aluar Rodriguez Daça e Iohan Remirez de Guzman e Ruy Diaz de Rojas e Pero Ferrandez de Velasco e Iohan Alfonso de Haro e Ruy Diaz Cabeça de Vaca e Ferrando Diaz de Mendoça e Pero Ruyz de Sandoual e Alfonso Gomez de Liria e Gonzalo Sanchez de Vlloa e Lope Perez de Moscoso e Iohan Martinez de Heguelta, freyre de Santiago, comendador de Alhange, e don Ramon de Rocafuy, e Ferrand Sanchez de Rojas e Dia Gutierrez Calderon e Gomez Manrrique de Uruñuela e Aluar Rodriguez de Uendaña, comendador de Monte Molin, e Ferrand Sanchez Manuel, nieto de don Iohan Manuel, e Gomez Carrillo de Quintana e Pero Ferrandez de Villa Grande e Ferrand Aluarez de Escobar e Aluar Diaz

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Pero Fernández Quixada, Ruy Martínez de Solorzano, Lope García de Porras, Álvar González Morán, Gómez Pérez de Porres, Juan Sánchez de Ayala, Men Rodríguez de Sanabria, Juan Alfonso Girón, Martim Afonso Telo, Garci Fernández de Villodre, Gómez Carrillo, son of Pero Ruiz Carrillo, Pero González Orejón, Gonzalo González de Lucio, Diego Fernández de Córdoba, master of the pages, Rodrigo Rodríguez de Torquemada, Men Rodríguez de Biedma, Juan Fernández de Tovar and one of the king’s pages bearing his lance. On the other side, the following 50 men were those who, in support of Queen Blanche, attended this meeting in Tejadillo with the king: Prince Ferran − marquis of Tortosa and lord of Albarracín, son of King Alfons of Aragon and Queen Leonor, sister of King Alfonso of Castile −, his brother Prince Joan, Don Enrique, count of Trastámara, son of King Alfonso of Castile, his brothers the master of Santiago Don Fadrique and Don Tello, lord of Vizcaya, Lara and Aguilar, Don Fernando de Castro, Don Juan de la Cerda, Don Álvar Pérez de Castro, Don Álvar Núñez de Guzmán, grand commander for the lands of León, Don Lope Sánchez de Bendaña, grand commander for Castile, Pero Carrillo, Don Fernán Pérez de Ayala, Diego Pérez Sarmiento, Pero Ruiz de Villegas, Andrés Sánchez de Grez, Suer Yáñez de Parada, Fernán Yáñez de Sotomayor, Pero González de Agüero, Ruy González de Castañeda, Archdeacon Don Diego Arias Maldonado, Sancho Ruiz de Rojas, Fernán García Duque, Juan Rodríguez de Villegas, Gutier Fernández Delgadillo, Sancho Sánchez de Moscoso, Álvar Rodríguez Daza, Juan Remírez de Guzmán, Ruy Díaz de Rojas, Pero Fernández de Velasco, Juan Alfonso de Haro, Ruy Díaz Cabeza de Vaca, Fernando Díaz de Mendoza, Pero Ruiz de Sandoval, Alfonso Gómez de Liria, Gonzalo Sánchez de Ulloa, Lope Pérez de Moscoso, Juan Martínez de Huelgue, brother of the Order of Santiago and commander of Alange, Don Ramón de Rocafull, Fernán Sánchez de Rojas, Día Gutiérrez Calderón, Gómez Manrique de Uruñuela, Álvar Rodríguez de Bendaña, commander of Montemolín, Fernán Sánchez Manuel, grandson of Don Juan Manuel, Gómez Carrillo de Quintana, Pero Fernández de Villagrande, Fernán Álvarez de Escobar, Álvar

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de Escobar e Iohan de Herrera e Dia Sanchez de Terrazas e Ferrand Aluarez de Naua e Gonçalo Bernal de Quiros e vn donzel del infante don Ferrando, que leuaua la su lança, en vn cauallo. E llegaronsse todos estos señores e caualleros al rrey e besaronle las manos. E alli fablo de la parte del rrey, Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo, rrepostero mayor del rrey, por su mandado, e dixo que al rrey pesaua mucho de tan grandes señores de su rregno commo ellos eran e que tan gran debdo auian en la su corte, otrossy tan buenos caualleros commo ally estauan, de andar arredrados del rrey, e que maguera ellos ponian por sy que por los fechos de la rreyna doña Blanca era esta demanda, que el rrey entendia bien que era de otra manera, espeçial mente por non seer contentos de parientes de doña Maria de Padilla, que alli estauan e de otros sus priuados. E que esto non lo deuian tener ellos por marauilla, ca sienpre fuera en el mundo los rreyes e los prinçipes de auer priuados a aquellos que por bien touieron e fue la su merçed. Enpero que el rrey auia voluntad de los guardar e de los honrrar, e sy ofiçios grandes auian en su rregno e en su casa, que a ellos pertenesçiese, que el rrey ge los darie, e les faria otras muchas merçedes, e que quisiesen enbiar aquellas conpañas muchas que alli tenian, que estragauan el rregno, e non paresçia bien estar assy asonados tan çerca del rrey. E quanto a lo que dizian de la rreyna doña Blanca, que el rrey enbiaria por ella e la traeria commo a su muger e la honrraria commo deuia. E dixo Gutier Ferrandez que por la naturaleza que auian con el rrey, el por su mandamiento anssy ge lo rrequiria de parte del rrey. E pregunto Gutier Fernandez al rrey: ‘Señor, ¿mandastes vos a mi que gelo dixiese anssy e que les faga de vuestra parte este rrequirimiento?’. E el rrey dixo: ‘Sy.’ E de la otra parte sallieron a consejo e acordaron que, pues cauallero por el rrey fablara, que fablase por la suya dellos, cauallero e non ninguno dellos. E hordenaron que diesse la rrepuesta por ellos don Ferrand Perez de Ayala, que era vn cauallero cuerdo e bien rrazonado,

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Díaz de Escobar, Juan de Herrera, Día Sánchez de Terrazas, Fernán Álvarez de Nava, Gonzalo Bernal de Quirós and a squire of Prince Ferran who bore his lance on horseback.24 All of these lords and knights went up to the king and kissed his hands. The king had delegated Gutier Fernández de Toledo, his lord high butler, to speak on his behalf.25 He said that King Pedro deeply regretted that such great lords of his realm as these, who by birth had so close a bond with the royal court, and likewise other such fine knights as were then present, should be estranged from the king; and that, although their claim was that their petition was the result of matters concerning Queen Blanche, the king could see clearly that the truth was otherwise; in particular it had come about through dissatisfaction with the relatives of Doña María de Padilla, who were there present, and with others of his close advisers. They should not, he said, be surprised at this, for in the world it had always been the way for kings and princes to have as their confidants those people that they considered most suitable − and those that it was their will to have. However, he added that the king wished to honour the knights and lords and ensure their wellbeing, and, if there were positions of importance in his kingdom and his household that corresponded to them, he would give these to them as well as granting them many other favours. They should, added Gutier Fernández de Toledo, disband the large force that they had with them, which was doing great harm to the kingdom: it did not seem right for them to be acting so provocatively in such close proximity to the king. With regard to what they said about Queen Blanche, he assured them that the king would send for her, take her with him as his wife and pay her such honour as was fitting. Moreover, Gutier Fernández said that on account of their bond of vassalage with the king, with the authority vested in him, he demanded this of them on King Pedro’s behalf. ‘My lord,’ Gutier Fernández asked the king, ‘was it your command that I speak as I have and that I issue this enjoinder on your behalf?’ And the king replied, ‘It was.’ On the other side the princes and lords moved aside to deliberate. They agreed that, since a knight had spoken for the king, a knight should speak on their behalf instead of any of them. They determined that Don Fernán Pérez de Ayala, a wise and eloquent knight, was to

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e tornaron do estaua el rrey e dixo assy: ‘Señor, los señores que aqui estan, que han debdo en la vuestra merçed, e los otros rricos omnes e caualleros, vuestros vasallos, que aqui estan por vuestro mandado, venieron aqui a vos, e vos piden lo primero, por merçed, que vos les querades perdonar por ellos venir armados delante vos a estas vistas. E sy assy vienen, es por vuestra liçençia e hordenamiento, segund ge lo enbiastes mandar por vna vuestra carta firmada de vuestro nonbre e sellada con vuestro sello de la poridat. Ca todos los que aqui estan vos conosçen por su rrey e por su señor natural e vos desean seruir, e entre las otras cosas que aman vuestro seruiçio, querrian que la vuestra hordenança fuesse muy buena e que los vuestros vasallos non oviessen de auer temor de vos. E commo quier, señor, que dize Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo por vuestra parte, que estos señores que aqui estan e muchos otros rricos omnes e caualleros vuestros vasallos, que andan ayuntados por el fecho de la rreyna doña Blanca, que non es assy, saluo que se non tienen por contentos de algunos vuestros priuados. Con homill rreuerençia de la vuestra rreal magestad, señor, a esto vos rresponden estos señores assy: que verdadera mente su entençion es pedir vos por merçed, que la rreyna doña Blanca, vuestra muger sea convusco onrrada commo lo fueron las rreynas de Castilla e la trayades con vusco asy commo vuestra muger legitima. Esto vos piden entendiendo que cunple assy a vuestro seruiçio; ca, señor, vos sabedes que quando vos casastes con la rreyna doña Blanca, vuestra muger, en Valladolid, enbiastes llamar por vuestras cartas a todos lo que aqui son e a otros grandes de vuestro rregno, que veniesen donde vos erades, que queriedes cassar con la rreyna, e por vuestro mandamiento, el dia de las bodas vuestras, besaron la mano a la rreyna doña Blanca, vuestra muger, por su rreyna e por su señora assy commo vuestra muger, e todo esto fue por vuestro mandamiento e tienen que sy, señor, vos la dexastes e la mandastes despues leuar a Toledo, que todo esto fue fecho commo plogo a la vuestra merçed, e que fue por consejo de algunos que non amauan vuestro seruiçio; pero, con homil rreuerençia de la vuestra rreal magestad, tienen que fue esto fecho e hordenado por vos querer conplir vuestra voluntad e por consejo de doña Maria de Padilla e de parientes suyos. E algunos

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give the reply for them. Once this had been agreed, they went back to the king and Don Fernán Pérez spoke as follows: ‘My lord, the lords here present who are of your Grace’s lineage and the other high nobles and knights, your vassals, who also are here present and have come here to you at your command, first of all, beg you to pardon them for coming armed into your presence at this meeting, and point out that if they are doing so it is with your permission and at your command, as was set out in your letter signed with your name and authorized with your confidential seal. For all of those who are present here recognize you as their king and as their natural lord and it is their desire to serve you. Among their other desires as your loyal servants, it is their wish for your government to be fair and for your vassals not to be in fear of you. My lord, Gutier Fernández de Toledo says on your behalf that the lords here present and the many high nobles and knights, your vassals, who have come to you on account of your wife Queen Blanche are not really here for that reason but as a result of being unhappy because of some of your close advisers. However, my lord, with all due humble reverence to your Royal Majesty, these lords give you the following answer to what he says: that in truth their intention is to beg of you that your wife Queen Blanche be treated by you with just as much honour as that which has been shown to other queens of Castile; and that she may accompany you as your legitimate wife. They ask this of you in their understanding that by so doing they are serving you loyally. For, my lord, you must be aware that when you married your wife Queen Blanche in Valladolid, you sent out letters to summon all those who are here and also other great lords of your kingdom, commanding that they come to you, as you wished to marry the queen. On your command, on the day of your wedding, they kissed the hand of Queen Blanche in homage, as their queen and their lady, as well as your wife. They believe that, if you, my lord, abandoned her and later commanded that she be taken to Toledo, all of this was done at your wish but that it was on the advice of some people who were acting against your interests. However, with humble reverence for your Royal Majesty, they also believe that this was ordered and put into effect through a wish to carry out your will and on the advice of Doña María de Padilla and her relatives. Some of your vassals,

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vuestros vasallos a quien non plogo nin les paresçio seer esto bien fecho, ouieron dende pesar por vos non fazer lo que cunple a vuestro seruiçio, e mostrastes les grand saña, la qual paresçio por obra luego; ca, contra algunos que ý eran estonçe en Valladolid a quien peso dello, pasastes commo fue vuestra merçed contra ellos. E mandastes prender a pocos dias despues, e desponer de su honrra, al maestre de Calatraua don Iohan Nuñez de Prado e fue despues muerto en poder de parientes de doña Maria de Padilla. E echastes del rregno a don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque e tomastes le la tierra auiendo vos enbiado a su fijo don Martin Gil, que non tenia mas de aquel fijo, en arrehenes, que sienpre guardaria vuestro seruiçio, e le auiedes asegurado. E por que tales consejos vos dieron vuestros priuados, todos los señores e caualleros que aqui son delante vuestra merçed e los que aqui non son venidos estan con muy grand miedo de vos. E por esta rrazon andan arredrados de la vuestra casa. E vos, señor, catad alguna buena manera commo primera mente la rreyna, vuestra muger, nuestra señora, sea segura e este convusco commo deue segund cunple a vuestro seruiçio e a honrra vuestra e suya della. Otrossy, commo estos señores e caualleros sean seguros en vuestro rregno e en vuestra casa, e vos puedan seruir, que ellos de buena mente estan prestos para seruir a vos assy commo deuen e commo es rrazon: ca sodes nuestro rrey e nuestro señor natural. E, señor, por quanto breue mente non se pueden fazer estas cosas todas, piden vos por merçed, estos señores e caualleros vuestros vasallos e vuestros naturales, que aqui estan por sy e por todos los otros que son en esta demanda con ellos, que sea la vuestra merçed de dar quatro caualleros, e estos señores daran otros quatro, que fablen en ello, e faran rrelaçion a la vuestra merçed de lo que acordaren que cunple a vuestro seruiçio e pro de vuestros rregnos e seguramiento dellos. E sobre todo esto, señor, hordenad commo vos pluguiere e entendieredes que cunple a vuestro seruiçio’. E dixo don Ferrand Perez de Ayala a los señores que alli estauan que le mandaran rresponder por ellos, sy lo dezian assy e todos dixeron ‘sy’. E el rrey dixo que assy le plazia que se fiziesse e que el hordenaria quales caualleros serian de la su parte. E partieron luego todos de ally

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who were troubled by this and who did not view it as right, were saddened because you acted in a way which did you a disservice. You displayed great anger towards them, which was soon to show in your actions, for, because some of those present in Valladolid were displeased, you condemned them as was your will. Just a few days later you ordered the arrest of Don Juan Núñez de Prado, depriving him of his position as master of Calatrava, and he was subsequently killed whilst in the power of relatives of Doña María de Padilla. Moreover, you drove Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque out of the kingdom, seizing his lands, although he had sent you the only son that he had, Don Martín Gil, as a guarantee that he would always serve you loyally; and you had given him your assurances. Since you were given such counsel by your advisers, all the lords and knights who are here before your Grace, and likewise those others who have not come with them, are in great fear of you and for this reason are estranged from your household. We ask that you, my lord, seek out firstly some suitable way in which your wife and our lady the queen may be in safety and accompany you as is right and as is fitting to your interests and brings honour to you and also to her; and secondly a way in which these knights and lords may be in safety in your kingdom and your household and give you loyal service. They are truly ready to serve you as they should and as is right, for you are our king and our natural lord. And, my lord, since in such a short time it is not possible to deal with all these things, these lords and knights, your vassals and your naturally ordained subjects here present, beg of you, on their own behalf and that of all the others who are with them in making this petition, that it may be your will to provide four knights – and these lords will provide four others – to discuss the matter and give an account to your Grace of what they agree to be in your interest and to the benefit and safety of your kingdoms. On all of this, my lord, we ask that you pronounce according to your wish and your judgement as to what best serves your purpose.’ Don Fernán Pérez de Ayala asked the lords there present who had commanded him to speak for them if they concurred with what he had said and they all replied: ‘We do.’ The king said that he was in agreement with the proposal and that he would determine which knights would take part on his behalf.

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besando la mano al rrey. E tornosse el rrey para Toro e los señores para los otros lugares do estauan. E el rrey non curo de hordenar quien fablase en este fecho mas; ca el traya apartada mente sus fablas entre ellos por los departir prometiendoles grandes merçedes, segund adelante se dira, a cada vno dellos, e segund se fizo adelante commo oyredes e vos sera contado. E tornaronsse estos señores a los lugares do posauan.

Capitulo XXXIIIº. Commo los infantes de Aragon, don Ferrando e don Iohan, e el conde don Enrrique e los otros señores passaron delante la villa de Toro, donde el rrey estaua, e commo el rrey partio de Toro e la rreyna doña Maria, su madre, enbio por los señores e los acogio en Toro. Estando el rrey don Pedro en Toro e los otros señores, de quien auemos contado, en Morales e en Sand Roman e en otros lugares do posauan, veyendo que el rrey non curaua de hordenar aquellos quatro caualleros que auia dicho que pornia para fablar en estos fechos, segund fuera acordado el dia de las vistas de Tejadillo, e sabian ya commo el rrey traya sus pleitesias con algunos dellos por los departir; otrossy veyendo commo en aquella comarca do estauan non fallauan ya viandas, ca eran gastadas por las gentes que eran muchas e auian estado alli grand tienpo, acordaron de se yr a tierra de Çamora, que era bien abastada de viandas e guardada, que ninguna gente non auia estado ally, e que ally esperarian la rrespuesta e mandamiento del rrey, commo era su merçed de fazer en estos fechos. E acordaron commo deuian fazer e assy lo fizieron; ca se juntaron todos en Morales, e otro dia pasaron por delante la villa de Toro, do era el rrey. E los caualleros e escuderos vasallos de don Iohan Alfonso,

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Without delay they all departed, kissing the king’s hands to take their leave, and King Pedro went back to Toro whilst the lords returned to the other places where they lodged. The king did not take the trouble to give instructions with regard to who was to speak further in this affair, for he was privately in discussion with some of those concerned in order to create divisions, promising substantial gifts to each one of them; and this did indeed happen at a later stage, as you will hear and as will be related to you. The lords then went back to their quarters.

1354: CHAPTER XXXIII How Prince Ferran and Prince Joan of Aragon, Count Enrique and the other lords passed by the town of Toro, where the king was present; and how the king left Toro and his mother Queen María sent for the lords and welcomed them into the town. The king was now in Toro and the lords about whom we have been telling you were in Morales, San Román and other villages where they were lodged. They could see that the king was not bothering to make the arrangements for the four knights that he had said that he would nominate to take part in the talks, as had been agreed on the day of the meeting in Tejadillo. They were, moreover, well aware of how he was negotiating individually with some of them in order to create divisions; and they could also see how in the area where they had their quarters they were no longer finding provisions, for by now these had been exhausted by their troops: there were many of them and they had been there for a long time. They decided, therefore, to head for the lands of Zamora, which were well supplied with provisions and in good condition, for no troops had been there. There they would await the king’s response in order to see what he directed and what course of action it was his will to choose. They agreed on how to proceed and acted accordingly, all of them gathering in Morales and the next day processing past the town of Toro where the king was present. Numerous knights and squires who

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que eran muchos e buenos, que ý andauan, leuauan conssigo el cuerpo de su señor don Iohan Alfonso, que lo non auian avn enterrado. Ca anssy lo mandara el dicho don Iohan Alfonso antes que finasse: que fasta que aquellos señores ouiesen acabado la demanda sobre que eran ayuntados, que el su cuerpo e los sus vasallos andudiessen con ellos e non lo enterrassen e anssy se fizo. E quando estos señores fueron delante la villa de Toro, todos los señores que ý eran pusieronse a pie e tomaron ellos el cuerpo de don Iohan Alfonso en vnas andas cubiertas de paños de oro, e anssy lo pasaron delante la villa de Toro veyendolo el rrey que estaua fuera de la villa. E eran estonçe con el rrey fasta ochoçientos de cauallo; ca non auia mas gente fincado con el. E los señores pudian esse dia seer çinco mill de cauallo e mucha gente de pie, e fueron posar aquel dia a vna aldea açerca de Toro, que dizen Coreses e por toda esa comarca. E luego esse dia que estas gentes pasaron delante Toro e fueron a los lugares do auian de posar, partio el rrey de la villa de Toro e con el fasta çiento de cauallo, castellanos e ginetes, e fuese para Vrueña, vna villa e castillo fuerte, do estaua doña Maria de Padilla, ca ally la auia dexado el rrey, e con ella algunos sus parientes, porque la villa es muy fuerte. E en aquella noche estando los sobre dichos señores en Coreses e enderredor dende, aposentados por partir otro dia dende e se yr para tierra de Çamora segund lo tenian acordado, a la medianoche ouieron cartas de la rreyna doña Maria, madre del rrey, que estaua en Toro, e enbioles dezir que supiessen que luego que ellos pasaran por Toro, partiera el rrey de Toro e se fuera para Vrueña, do estaua doña Maria de Padilla. E que fuessen çiertos que el rrey non curaua de estar a ninguna hordenança de lo que entre el e ellos era acordado en las vistas de Tejadillo, de lo qual le pesaua a ella mucho. Enpero pues assy era, que les rrogaua que quisiessen tornar para Toro, que ella les mandaria acoger e dar muy buenas posadas. E que bien pensaua que desque el rrey sopiesse commo ellos eran ý venidos e ella tenia con

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were vassals of Don Juan Alfonso were taking part and they were good men. They carried with them the body of their lord Don Juan Alfonso, as yet unburied according to the instruction left by Don Juan Alfonso before his death: that, until the lords had achieved the objectives of the campaign which had brought them together, his body, borne by his vassals, should accompany them and should not be interred. In this his will was obeyed. When the lords were outside the town of Toro, all of those who were present dismounted and accompanied Don Juan Alfonso’s body, on a bier and covered with cloths of gold, and in this way it was escorted past the town of Toro, before the eyes of the king, who had come out from the town. With the king there were some 800 horsemen, no more troops than this remaining with him. With the lords on that occasion there may have been 5,000 horsemen and a large number of men on foot. Later in the day they went to where they were billeted in a village near Toro called Coreses and throughout all of the surrounding area. That same day, after these forces had processed past Toledo and gone on to the villages in which they were to be lodged, the king lost no time in setting out from the town of Toro, accompanied by up to 100 horsemen, some Castilian knights and some light cavalry, and headed for Urueña, a town with a heavily fortified castle where, in view of the strength of the town, Doña María de Padilla had been left by the king together with some of her relatives.26 That night, when the lords were in Coreses and the surrounding area, where they had been billeted, ready to set off the next day and head for the lands of Zamora – as they had agreed to do – at midnight they received a letter from the king’s mother Queen María, who was in Toro. She had written to inform them that, as soon as they had processed past Toro, the king had set out from the town and gone to Urueña, where Doña María de Padilla was waiting for him, and that they could be certain that the king had no care to be bound by what had been agreed between them at the meeting in Tejadillo. By this she was deeply disappointed. However, as that was how things stood, she asked them to agree to return to Toro, saying that she would order that they be welcomed in and well accommodated. She said she was confident that, as soon as the king knew of how they had come there

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ellos, que el vernia a mejor carrera de la que fasta aqui tenia e tornaria a tomar su muger la rreyna doña Blanca e poner buena hordenança en sy e en su rregno, e que en esto non pusiessen dubda nin luenga, mas luego lo pusiessen por obra, que si de otra manera lo fiziessen, ella seria en grant peligro con el rrey su fijo, por quanto el sabia bien que ella les auia enbiado sus cartas sobre esta rrazon. E los señores, quando tal mandado e tales cartas ouieron, tomaron muy grand plazer, e partieron luego todos e tornaron a Toro en guisa que fueron alla al alua del dia. E luego les abrieron las puertas e fueron los señores veer la rreyna doña Maria e les dieron posadas e enbiaron por la rreyna doña Leonor de Aragon, madre de los infantes, e por la condesa doña Iohana, muger del conde don Enrrique, e por doña Ysabel, muger que fuera de don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, que estauan en Montalegre, vna villa de don Iohan Alfonso, que se veniesen para Toro do ellos estauan. E assy lo fizieron; ca luego venieron estas señoras ally e anssy fueron todos juntos en Toro. E desque llegaron todos en acuerdo e consejo e mandamiento de la rreyna doña Maria, madre del rrey, e de la rreyna doña Leonor de Aragon, enbiaron sus cartas al rrey, que fuesse su merçed de se venir para Toro e que ally se hordenarian todas las cosas commo cunplian a su seruiçio. E fueron con esta rrazon, por mandado de la rreyna e de los señores, al rrey ha Vrueña, don Iohan Rodriguez de Sandoual, que era vn cauallero de quien el rrey don Pedro fiaua e otro cauallero del conde don Enrrique, que dizian Iohan Rodriguez de Baçan. E llegaron al rrey e dixeronle todas las rrazones que la rreyna doña Maria e la rreyna doña Leonor e los señores que estauan en Toro le fazian saber.

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and was aware that they had her support, he would choose a better course than the one he had been following until now, take back his wife Queen Blanche and ensure that both he and his kingdom were given more appropriate guidance. They should be in no doubt about this, nor should they hesitate at all in acting: if they pursued any other course she would be in grave danger from her son the king, for he was well aware that she had written to them about this matter. The lords were delighted at receiving such a bidding and such a letter and they all promptly set off back to Toro so that they arrived there at dawn. The gates were opened to them at once and the lords went to see Queen María and were allocated lodgings. They sent for Queen Leonor of Aragon, the princes’ mother, for Countess Juana, the wife of Count Enrique, and for Doña Isabel, the widow of Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque − who were in Montealegre, a town which had belonged to Don Juan Alfonso − asking these ladies to join them in Toro. This they did, all of them making their way there at once; and in this way they all came to be assembled in Toro. Once they were there, all of them − with the agreement, counsel and authority of Queen María, the king’s mother, and of Queen Leonor of Aragon − wrote to the king requesting that it be his will to come to them in Toro, where matters would be settled in accordance with their loyal duty to him. On the authority of the queen and of the lords, this message was conveyed to the king in Urueña by Don Juan Rodríguez de Sandoval, a knight who enjoyed the trust of King Pedro, and by another of Count Enrique’s knights called Juan González de Bazán.27 These men came to the king and communicated to him all the points that Queen María, Queen Leonor and the lords gathered in Toro were putting to him.

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Capitulo XXXIIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro acordo de se poner en poder de la rreyna doña Maria, su madre, e de los dichos señores, e lo que ý acaesçio. El rrey don Pedro estaua en Vrueña, do era ydo por quanto estaua ay doña Maria de Padilla, segund dicho auemos. E quando sopo que la rreyna doña Maria, su madre, auia enbiado por aquellos señores e commo ellos eran venidos a Toro e eran todos en la villa de Toro con la rreyna doña Maria, de vna entençion, e que la rreyna doña Leonor de Aragon e las otras señoras que eran en Montalegre eran venidas a Toro, pesole mucho. E desque ouo cartas que le enbiaron con los caualleros que dicho auemos, por las quales le enbiauan pedir por merçed que se fuese para Toro e que alli se ordenarian todas estas cosas commo cunpliesen a su seruiçio, e oyo todas las rrazones que don Iohan Rodriguez de Sandoual e Iohan Gonçalez de Baçan le dixeron, ouo su consejo con Iohan Fernandez de Henestrosa e con Diego Garçia de Padilla, maestre de Calatraua, e con don Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo. E algunos dellos le dixeron que por su consejo el non yria a se poner en poder de aquellos señores, ca rresçelauan que podria auer grand peligro en su persona del e que si queria yr alla, que ellos non yrian alla con el, ca se temian de muerte. E Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo, por que doña Leonor de Guzman, madre del conde don Enrrique, fuera muerta en Talauera por mandado de la rreyna doña Maria en el alcaçar de Talauera, el qual tenia estonçe Gutier Ferrandez, e dezia que auia miedo del conde don Enrrique e de don Fadrique, maestre de Santiago, e de don Tello, fijos de la dicha doña Leonor de Guzman, los quales estauan en Toro. E otrosi don Diego Garçia de Padilla, que era estonçe maestre de Calatraua, dizia que se temia por la muerte del maestre de Calatraua don Iohan Nuñez de Prado, que el fiziera matar en Maqueda teniendolo ally preso, segund contado auemos. E Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa, tio de doña Maria de Padilla, hermano de su madre, era buen cauallero

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1354: CHAPTER XXXIV How the king agreed to place himself in the hands of his mother Queen María and of the lords, and concerning what took place in Toro. As we have already explained, the king had gone to Urueña as Doña María de Padilla was there. It was while he was in Urueña that he found out that his mother Queen María had sent for the lords, that they had indeed gone to Toro and were now there and of one mind with Queen María, and that Queen Leonor of Aragon and the other ladies who had been in Montealegre had also arrived in Toro. He was greatly annoyed. He received the letter sent with the knights that we have mentioned, in which the lords beseeched him to go to Toro, where all these matters would be settled in accordance with their loyal duty to him; and he heard all the points that Don Juan Rodríguez de Sandoval and Juan González de Bazán put to him. He then consulted Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, the master of Calatrava Diego García de Padilla and Don Gutier Fernández de Toledo. Two of them told him that their advice would be for him not to go and place himself in the hands of those lords − for they were afraid that he might find himself in serious danger – and that if it was his wish to go there they would not accompany him as they feared for their lives. Gutier Fernández de Toledo said that he was afraid of Count Enrique, the master of Santiago Don Fadrique and Don Tello, sons of Doña Leonor de Guzmán, who were in Toro, and this was because Doña Leonor, Count Enrique’s mother, had been killed in the castle of Talavera – which at the time was under Gutier Fernández’s command – on the orders of Queen María. Don Diego García de Padilla, who was now master of Calatrava, also said that he was afraid on account of the death of the previous master, Don Juan Núñez de Prado, whose death he had ordered in Maqueda while he was his prisoner, as we have already explained. However, Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, Doña María de Padilla’s

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e dixo al rrey que su consejo era que el se fuesse para Toro, do estauan las rreynas doña Maria, su madre, e doña Leonor, su tia, e otrosi todos los grandes señores del su rregno e que el se acordasse con ellos, e que nin por el nin por el maestre de Calatraua don Diego Garçia, hermano de la dicha doña Maria de Padilla, non pusiese su rregno en auentura; ca estaua de la otra parte el infante don Ferrando de Aragon, que era heredero del rregno de Castilla despues del, pues el non auia fijos, e que pudian tomarlo por rrey si estas cosas fuessen tan desuariadas commo estauan de presente. Otrossy dixo Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa al rrey que pues el le daua consejo de yr a Toro, segund que la rreyna doña Maria, su madre, e los otros señores le enbiaron dezir, que el yria con el, puesto que le quisiesen mal aquellos señores por seer su tio de la dicha doña Maria de Padilla, e que por esto non lo dexaria de yr con el rrey nin por miedo de muerte. E el rrey gelo touo en seruiçio todo lo que le dezia e consejaua.

Capitulo XXXVº. Commo el rrey don Pedro vino a Toro a do las rreynas e los otros señores estauan e lo que ý acaesçio. El rrey don Pedro, desque todo esto fue dicho delante el, touosse al consejo de Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa e acordo de yr otro dia para Toro e assy lo fizo. E fueron con el rrey Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa e don Simuel el Leui, su thesorero mayor, e era muy grand priuado e consejero, e don Ferrand Sanchez de Valladolid, su chançeller. E eran estos que yuan con el rrey fasta çiento de mulas. E los señores que estauan en Toro le sallieron a rresçibir; pero todos armados encubierta mente e besaronle la mano. E luego el

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uncle and her mother’s brother, who was a fine knight, told the king that his counsel was that he should go to Toro, where the two queens – his mother Doña María and his aunt Doña Leonor – were present along with all the great lords of the realm. He argued that the king should come to an agreement with them and that neither on account of him nor on account of Don Diego de García, master of Calatrava and Doña María de Padilla’s brother, should he place his kingdom at risk; for in the other party was Prince Ferran of Aragon, heir to the kingdom of Castile after King Pedro – as the king had no legitimate offspring – and Prince Ferran could be made king if the situation remained as disturbed as it was at present. Juan Fernández de Henestrosa also told King Pedro that, since he was advising him to go to the town of Toro, as the message from his mother Queen María and the other lords was asking him to do, he would accompany him, for even though those lords bore a grudge against him for being Doña María de Padilla’s uncle neither this nor the fear of death would prevent him from going with the king. King Pedro considered that everything he had said to him and all of his counsel was in loyal service of his interests.

1354: CHAPTER XXXV How King Pedro came to Toro, where the queens and the other lords were present, and concerning the events which took place there. After all of this had been said in his presence, King Pedro accepted the counsel of Juan Fernández de Henestrosa and agreed to go to Toro on the following day, and this he indeed did. With the king went Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, Don Samuel Ha-Levi, his chief treasurer, who was his close adviser and counsellor, and Don Fernán Sánchez de Valladolid, his chancellor. These were the men who went with the king, making up a train of some 100 mules. The lords who were in Toro came out to welcome him, though all secretly armed, and they kissed his hand in greeting. The king then

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rrey fue derecha mente al palaçio do estaua la rreyna doña Maria, su madre, que era en el monasterio de los freyres pedricadores de Santo Domingo de Toro. E estaua ý la rreyna de Aragon, su tia del rrey. E el rrey, assy commo llego, beso las manos a la rreyna doña Maria, su madre, e ella le abraço e le dixo que veya muy buen dia en la su venida por que todos aquellos señores e caualleros sus vasallos se asosegassen en su seruiçio. E la rreyna doña Leonor de Aragon, su tia, le dixo estas palabras: ‘Sobrino señor, mejor vos paresçe estar aconpañado assy commo agora sodes, de todos los grandes e buenos de vuestro rregno, que andar de la guisa que fasta aqui auedes andado, dexando vuestra muger legitima, la rreyna doña Blanca, apartado por los castillos, e vos non auedes culpa, ca non sodes aun de tan grande hedat – era el rrey estonçe de hedat de veynte e vn años – ; enpero esto fazen los priuados que tenedes, que vos assi aconsejan, de los quales es vno Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa, que aqui viene con vusco, e don Simuel, el Leui, vuestro thesorero, e otros. E sera bien que estos sean arredrados de vos e que vos rrijades de aqui adelante por otros que sean mas honrrados e que caten mejor por vuestro seruiçio e por vuestra honrra’. E el rrey dixo que Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa non auia culpa nin auia por que passar mal e pues auia uenido con el, que le pesaria sy le fiziessen enojo ninguno. Enpero era ya acordado de lo prender, e asi lo prendieron luego delante el rrey en el dicho monesterio, estando presentes las rreynas. E hordenaron que el infante don Ferrando, que lo mandasse guardar. Otrossy prendieron a don Simuel, el leui, su thesorero mayor, e que lo mandasse guardar don Tello. E hordenaron estos señores los ofiçios del rrey en esta guisa, luego ante que el rrey partiesse de ally e del palaçio de la rreyna, su madre: e que el maestre de Santiago don Fadrique fuesse camarero mayor del rrey, e que el infante don Ferrando fuesse chançeller mayor. E mandaron prender a don Ferrand Sanchez de Valladolid fasta que le diesse los sellos. E el infante don Iohan de Aragon fuesse alferez

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went directly to the royal residence where his mother Queen María was staying – it was situated in the convent of the Preaching Brothers of Saint Dominic in Toro –, and his aunt, the queen of Aragon, was also present.28 As soon as he arrived, the king went to kiss the hands of his mother Queen María and she embraced him and said that she saw his coming there as being a very good sign that those lords and knights, all of them his vassals, might be settled in his service. ‘My nephew, my lord,’ his aunt the queen of Aragon said to him, ‘it is more seemly that you are accompanied, as you now are, by all the great and good men of your realms than that you live the life that you have led until now, abandoning your legitimate wife, Queen Blanche, and kept remote by castles. The blame for this is not yours, for you are not of so great an age,’ – the king was at the time 21 years old – ‘but this is brought about by the confidants who give you their counsel, one of whom is Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, who has come here with you, and another is your treasurer Don Samuel Ha-Levi, and there are others. It will be advisable for these men to be kept away from you and for you to be guided from now on by others who are more honourable and who are more concerned with serving you loyally and upholding your reputation.’ King Pedro said that Juan Fernández de Henestrosa bore no guilt and had no reason to be ill-treated: since Juan Fernández had come with him to Toro, the king would be concerned if he were to come to any harm. However, it had already been agreed that he would be placed under arrest and so he was at once detained there in the convent, in front of the king and in the presence of the queens; and Prince Ferran was given the responsibility for him being kept under guard. They also placed under arrest Don Samuel Ha-Levi, the king’s chief treasurer, and Don Tello was made responsible for guarding him. As soon as the king had left the residence of his mother the queen, the lords reallocated the offices of the royal household as follows: the master of Santiago was to be the king’s master chamberlain and Prince Ferran his lord chancellor, and orders were given for Don Ferrán Sánchez de Valladolid to be held under arrest until he had handed over to him the royal seals; Prince Joan of Aragon was to be the king’s commander-in-chief and the standards were passed to him;

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mayor del rrey, e entregaronle los pendones. E que don Fernando de Castro fuesse mayordomo mayor. E partieron asy del palaçio. E el rrey fue a posar a las casas del obispo de Çamora, que ha en la dicha villa de Toro, e fue con el el maestre de Santiago don Fadrique, su hermano, camarero mayor. E el infante don Ferrando leuo conssigo a Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa e a Ferrand Sanchez de Valladolid, que tenia los sellos e los auia de traer al dicho infante que hordenaran que fuesse chançeller mayor. E cada vno tomo la posesion de su ofiçio desque llegaron al palaçio del rrey segund dicho auemos de suso.

Capitulo XXXVIº. Commo los señores que estauan en Toro partieron estos ofiçios e commo caso don Ferrando de Castro con doña Iohana, hermana del conde don Enrrique. Luego que los señores que auemos ya nonbrado fueron en Toro e touieron al rrey en su poder, dexaron de hordenar quales quier otras cosas que fuessen su seruiçio del rrey nin pro de los rregnos. E tomaron acuerdo de partir entre si todos los ofiçios assy de la casa del rrey commo del rregno, lo qual les touo muy gran daño adelante. E el maestre don Fadrique posaua con el rrey por su camarero mayor en el palaçio e puso por si, en la camara, a don Lope Sanchez de Vendaña, comendador mayor de Castilla, del que suso diximos que tenia a Segura quando el rrey don Pedro llego ally. E el comendador puso por camarero a Alfonso Ferrandez de Mena, vn escudero que viuia con el maestre de Santiago. E estaua el rrey muy apretado, ca le non dexauan fablar con muchos de los que venian a el. E el rrey teniasse por preso porque veya que vn tan grand señor commo el maestre, su hermano, queria seer su

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and Don Fernando de Castro was to be the king’s chief steward. With this they left the royal apartments. The king went to be lodged in the houses which the bishop of Zamora possesses in the town of Toro and he was accompanied by his brother, the master of Santiago Don Fadrique, who was his master chamberlain. Prince Ferran took with him Juan Fernández de Henestrosa and Fernán Sánchez de Valladolid. Fernán Sánchez was in possession of the seals and was to bring them to the prince, who had been allocated the role of lord chancellor. Once they had reached the king’s residence each person took up his new role, just as we explained above.

1354: CHAPTER XXXVI How the lords who were present in Toro distributed the positions of authority and how Don Fernando de Castro married Doña Juana, Count Enrique’s sister. As soon as the lords that we have already named were settled in Toro and had the king in their power, they ceased to take decisions which were in the interests of the king and to the benefit of the kingdoms. Instead, they now agreed to allocate all the positions of authority among themselves, both those in the king’s household and those in the realm, and in the long term this was to do them great harm. The master Don Fadrique was lodging with the king as his master chamberlain and he appointed Don Lope Sánchez de Bendaña, grand commander for Castile, to take his place in the chamber: we explained above how Don Lope had been in charge of Segura at the time of King Pedro’s arrival there. The commander in turn appointed as chamberlain Alfonso Fernández de Mena, a squire in the household of the master of Santiago. The king’s actions were tightly controlled, for he was not allowed to speak to many of those who came to see him him. He realized that he was a prisoner on seeing that so great a lord as his brother the

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camarero; ca tales ofiçios sienpre los ouieron caualleros llanos, e nunca tan grand señor commo el maestre de Santiago fuera camarero mayor del rrey fasta aqui que el maestre su hermano lo queria seer. Otrosi se quexaua el rrey por quanto veya a don Lope Sanchez de Uendaña, comendador mayor de Castilla, su camarero, el qual non quisiera entregar el castillo de Segura. E auia el rrey miedo que tales cosas commo estas non se fazian, saluo por venir a lo peor que esto. E luego esto fecho, don Ferrando de Castro demando por muger a doña Iohana, fija del rrey don Alfonso e de doña Leonor de Guzman, hermana del conde don Enrrique e del maestre de Santiago e del conde don Tello, la qual estaua en el palaçio del rrey e ally se criara, e que se fiziesse luego el casamiento, segund que el conde don Enrrique, su hermano, gelo enbiara prometer quando se abenio con el e con don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, el dicho don Ferrando de Castro, segund dicho auemos. E commo quier que al rrey non plogo deste casamiento desta su hermana, enpero dierongela por muger al dicho don Ferrando de Castro e fizo ally en Toro estonçe bodas con ella. E los señores, quando vieron yr las cosas por esta manera, rresçelaron que non podrian durar e cada vno trataua quanto podía por tomar la parte del rrey. E fazian sus pleytesias lo mejor que pudian con el rrey, por algunos omnes de quien el rrey fiaua, que tratauan con ellos, e anssi fueron desuariados sus fechos.

Capitulo XXXVIIº. Commo leuaron el cuerpo de don Iohan Alfonso a enterrar al monesterio del Espina. Estando estos señores que dicho auemos con el rrey en Toro hordenaron que, por quanto don Iohan Alfonso, señor de Alburquerque, antes

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master of Santiago wished to be his chamberlain: such posts were always occupied by ordinary knights and never had so senior a lord as the master of Santiago been the king’s master chamberlain until now when his brother, the master, desired to do so. The king was also aggrieved at seeing the duties of chamberlain being carried out by Don Lope Sánchez de Bendaña, grand commander for Castile, the man who had not been willing to hand over to him the castle of Segura. The king was afraid that such things as these did not happen unless worse was yet to come. As soon as these arrangements had been put in place, Don Fernando de Castro asked for the hand in marriage of Doña Juana, daughter of King Alfonso and Doña Leonor de Guzmán and sister of Count Enrique, the master of Santiago and Count Tello; Doña Juana was in the royal court, where she had been brought up. Don Fernando asked for the marriage to take place at once, just as her brother Count Enrique had promised when he made his pact with him and with Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque, as we have already explained. Although the king was annoyed at this marriage being arranged for his sister, she was nevertheless given to Don Fernando de Castro as his wife and their marriage was celebrated there and then in Toro. The lords, on seeing these developments, suspected that the situation could not last. Each one tried on his own behalf to move onto the king’s side, negotiating with him as best they could through the mediation of some men who enjoyed the king’s confidence and with whom they were in discussion. In this way, their dealings became fragmented.

1354: CHAPTER XXXVII How Don Juan Alfonso’s body was taken for burial at the monastery of La Santa Espina. Don Juan Alfonso, lord of Alburquerque, had left instructions before his death that his body was not to be buried until the objectives of this

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que finasse, mando que el su cuerpo non fuesse enterrado fasta que esta demanda fuesse acabada, e mando que los sus vasallos non se partiessen del su cuerpo fasta seer todo esto conplido e ouiessen liçençia de los infantes e del conde don Enrrique commo les plazia que fiziesen del dicho cuerpo. E los caualleros sus vasallos assy lo fizieron; ca Ruy Diaz Cabeça de Vaca, que era su mayordomo mayor, traxo sienpre el cuerpo de don Iohan Alfonso, su señor, en la conpañia destos señores e era muy aconpañado de otros sus vasallos. E agora estos señores, despues que vieron que el rrey se veniera para Toro do estaua la rreyna, su madre, e la rreyna de Aragon doña Leonor, su tia, e teniendo que las cosas yuan asosegando, acordaron de enterrar el cuerpo de don Iohan Alfonso. E partio la rreyna doña Leonor de Aragon e doña Ysabel de Meneses, muger de don Iohan Alfonso, e don Tello e el infante don Iohan de la Çerda e otros caualleros con el cuerpo de don Iohan Alfonso e leuaronlo ha enterrar al monesterio de Espina, que es de monges blancos, do don Iohan Alfonso se mandara enterrar. E fizieronle fazer sus conplimientos, segund que pertenesçia. E desque el cuerpo fue enterrado, tornaronse para Toro do estaua el rrey e los otros señores e caualleros.

Capitulo XXXVIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro partio de Toro e se fue para Segouia. El rrey don Pedro veyendose assy ençerrado en la villa de Toro, segund que dicho auemos, con grand afincamiento que fizo diziendo que lo tenian preso, dexauanle cada dia caualgar e yr a caça e alla fablaua con los que queria, e otros algunos que por mandado del rrey secreta mente trayan estas pleytesias. E alli fue tratado quel rrey

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campaign had been achieved and that his vassals should not leave his body until these matters were all brought to completion and they had the authorization of the princes and Count Enrique with regard to what they wished to be done with his body. Therefore, while the lords of whom we have already spoken were in Toro they gave their command. The knights – Don Juan Alfonso’s vassals – had carried out his instructions, for Ruy Díaz Cabeza de Vaca, his chief steward, had constantly ensured that the body of his lord Don Juan Alfonso was borne in the company of the lords and it had been escorted by numerous others of his vassals. The lords, once they saw that the king had come to Toro, where his mother Queen María and his aunt Doña Leonor, the queen of Aragon, were present, and judging that a settlement was being achieved, now agreed that Don Juan Alfonso’s body should be buried. Queen Leoñor de Aragon and Doña Isabel de Meneses, widow of Don Juan Alfonso, set off together with Don Tello, Prince Juan de la Cerda and other knights accompanying the body of Don Juan Alfonso. They took it for burial in the monastery of La Santa Espina, which belongs to the white monks and is where Don Juan Alfonso had instructed that he should be buried.29 There they paid him the tributes that were fitting and, once the body had been interred, they made their way back to Toro, where the king was present together with the other lords and knights.

1354: CHAPTER XXXVIII How the king left Toro and went to Segovia. King Pedro, finding himself so closely confined in the town of Toro − as we have already explained – complained so persistently about being held prisoner that he was allowed to go out riding and hunting each day, and there he had discussions with those people that he wished and with others who at his behest came in secret to negotiate with him. There it was arranged that the king would hand over the town of Roa

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diese a la rreyna doña Leonor de Aragon, su tia, la villa de Roa, e al infante don Ferrando, su primo, la villa de Madrigal e el Real de Mançanares e Aranda e a tierra del Andaluzia. E dio al infante don Iohan, su hermano, a Vizcaya e a Lara e a Valdecorneja e Oropesa e el adelantamiento mayor de la Frontera. Otrosi que diesse a Pero Ruyz de Villegas el adelantamiento mayor de Castilla e la villa de Barahona. E a don Iohan de la Çerda a Gibraleon. E a Diego Perez Sarmiento dio vna aldea de Treuiño de Yuda, que dizen Añastro, e otra aldea de Villalua de Losa, que dizen Berberana, e otra aldea de Peña Çerrada que dizen Bergançon, e a Villa Sana en Mena. E dio a don Aluar Perez de Castro, hermano de don Ferrando de Castro, en Galizia, vna villa que es entre Duero e Miño, que dizen Saluatierra. E dio a Sancho Ruyz de Rojas la merindat de Burgos e cresçiole la tierra que tenia del. E finco assi asosegado destos señores e caualleros con el rrey, e ellos fuesen suyos e se fuesen para el e se partiessen de las otras demandas. Enpero el conde don Enrrique e el maestre don Fadrique e don Tello, sus hermanos, e don Ferrando de Castro non truxieron pleytesia con el rrey nin sabian avn bien çierto estas pleytesias que trayan los otros; commo quier que ge las dizian, pero non podian fazer al, ca eran muchos los que en esta fabla eran con el rrey. E assi acaesçio que, estando en la villa de Toro, el rrey caualgo vn dia, de grand mañana, para yr a caça, e fazia esse dia grand niebla, e desque se vio alongado de la villa, acuçio el andar quanto pudo e fue camino de Segouia. E yuan con el fasta dozientos de mulas e de cauallo. E don Simuel el Leui, su thesorero mayor, yua con el rrey; ca andaua ya sobre fiadores por muchos dineros que auia pechado a don Tello. E, desque sopieron en la villa de Toro, la rreyna doña Maria, su madre del rrey, e el conde don Enrrique e el maestre de Santiago e don Tello e don Ferrando de Castro, commo el rrey era ydo, ouieron muy grand pesar por que se assy partieran del rrey; pero la rreyna

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to his aunt Queen Leonor of Aragon and, to his cousin Prince Ferran, the town of Madrigal, the Royal Territory of Manzanares, Aranda and also some lands in Andalusia. To Ferran’s brother Prince Joan he gave Vizcaya, Lara, Valdecorneja and Oropesa and the position of governor of the Frontier region. He was also to appoint Pero Ruiz de Villegas governor of Castile and give him the town of Barahona; to Don Juan de la Cerda he was to give Gibraleón, and to Diego Pérez Sarmiento three villages, one belonging to Treviño de Uda which is called Añastro, one belonging to Villalba de Losa called Berberana and one belonging to Peñacerrada by the name of Verganzón together with Villasana de Mena.30 To Don Álvar Pérez de Castro, Don Fernando de Castro’s brother, he gave a town in Galicia called Salvaterra, situated between the Duero and the Miño; and Sancho Ruiz de Rojas received the position of royal administrative officer for Burgos, the amount of land that he held from the king being increased. All of this was settled between these lords and knights and King Pedro in such a way that they would go over to him, give him their support and disassociate themselves from the other demands being made. On the other hand, his brothers Count Enrique, the master Don Fadrique and Don Tello, together with Don Fernando de Castro, did not negotiate with the king, nor did they as yet know for certain about the negotiations of the others: although they were told about about them, there was nothing else that they could do, for a large number of people were involved in these discussions with the king. And so it came about that, during the time when he was in the town of Toro, the king rode out early one morning to go hunting. There was thick fog that day and, once he could see that he had gone a good distance from the town, he hastened his pace as much as he could, heading off towards Segovia. With him went as many as 200 men on mules and on horseback. Don Samuel Ha-Levi, his chief treasurer, accompanied him, for the king was in debt to creditors for the considerable sums that he had paid over to Don Tello. Once − in the town of Toro − the king’s mother Doña María, Count Enrique, the master of Santiago, Don Tello and Don Fernando de Castro became aware of the king’s departure, they were seriously concerned that he had evaded them in this way. On the other hand, the

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doña Leonor de Aragon e sus fijos los infantes non fizieron muestra ninguna que les plazia de la partida del rrey, por que era su trato encubierto fasta aqui.

Capitulo XXXIXº. Commo el rrey don Pedro enbio demandar a los que estauan en Toro que le enbiasen sus sellos e la chançelleria que dexara ý. Despues que el rrey don Pedro partio de Toro, segund auemos oydo e se fue para Segouia, finco su chançelleria en Toro. E el rrey desque llego en Segouia, enbio sus cartas a la rreyna doña Maria, su madre, e a los otros que ý eran, que le enbiassen su chançelleria e sus sellos. E si non que supiesen que el podria bien auer plata e fierro para fazer otros sellos. E los que estauan en Toro enbiaron le sus sellos, e mandaron a los chançelleres e notarios que se fuessen para el e anssi lo fizieron. E de aqui adelante cobraua el rrey muchos caualleros que se yuan para el.

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queen of Aragon and her sons the princes gave no indication that they were pleased at the king’s departure, for up to this point their dealings with him had been kept secret.

1354: CHAPTER XXXIX How the king sent the people in Toro a demand that they return to him the seals and the officers of his chancellery that he had left in that town. After King Pedro had left Toro, as we have heard, and gone on to Segovia, his chancellery remained in Toro. Once he had arrived in Segovia, he wrote to his mother Queen María and to the others present there instructing them to send to him all the officers of his chancellery and his seals; if they did not do so, they should be aware that it would be easy for him to find enough silver and iron to produce new seals. The people who were in Toro sent him his seals and dispatched the chancellery officers and notaries to join him, which they did. From this point on, there were a growing number of knights steadily going over to the king’s side.

NOTES GENERAL PROLOGUE

1. This prologue appears only in some of the manuscripts of the versión primitiva and not in the versión vulgar (see Valdaliso Covadonga, 2017, 57 and also Introduction, section V). 2. The Maccabees were the leaders of the successful Jewish rebellion against the Hellenistic Seleucid empire which took place in 167−60 BC, and their history is recounted in two books which appear in some canons of the Bible. Judas Maccabeus, the most prominent figure in the conflict, was regarded in the Middle Ages as a model of chivalric qualities (Keen, 1984, 16, 143). 3. Athanaric is considered to be the first king of the Visigoths, ruling from 364 to 376 AD. Far from embracing Christianity, he fiercely persecuted the Goths who had converted to the Christian faith. However, before his death in 381, he was welcomed in Rome by the Christian emperor Theodosius I. 4. Mūsā ibn Nusayr, governor of the Muslim territories of North Africa, and the Berber military commander Tāriq ibn Ziyād were the leading figures in the Islamic conquest of the Iberian Peninsula in 711. Count Julian was the man (probably the last Byzantine governor of Ceuta) who according to legend assisted them as an act of vengeance for the rape of his daughter by King Roderic. In the years following the invasion, Pelayo established a small kingdom in the mountains of Cantabria and resisted attacks by Moorish armies. Medieval historians subsequently presented him as beginning the process of reconquest and representing a link between the Gothic kings and the rulers of the later Christian kingdoms. The battle of Tarifa, also known as the battle of Río Salado, took place in 1340 between the armies of Alfonso XI of Castile and Afonso IV of Portugal and those of the Marinid sultan Abū’l-Hasan ‘Ali (known to the Christians as Muley Hacén) and Yūsuf I of Granada. The Christians’ decisive victory put an end to the Marinids’ attempts to establish themselves in the Iberian Peninsula and led to the capture of Algeciras four years later. 5. The chronicler states that he is including a table giving details of the content of each chapter, but curiously (see note 1, above) it appears only in the versión vulgar. This table consists of the chapter headings as they appear throughout the work and has been omitted from the present volume. A summary of the content of the Crónica has been included separately.

EPIGRAPH (p. 93) 1. This epigraph is included in the Orduna text although it is missing from most

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of the surviving versions of the chronicles. It omits mention of the fourth of the monarchs, Enrique III. The content of the text and translation contained in the present series of volumes does not go beyond the end of the reign of King Pedro.

YEAR 1 (1350)

1. King Alfonso the Tenth: this is the monarch who is usually known as Alfonso the Eleventh. The chronicler seeks to emphasize the unbroken link between the first Asturian rulers (and therefore the Goths) and the Castilian monarchs of the fourteenth century, and he has omitted from his reckoning Alfonso IX who was king of León but not of Castile (Valdaliso Casanova, 2010, 21−23; Gimeno Casalduero, 1975, 65−79). 2. Abū Mālik crossed the Strait into Spain in 1337, promising to conquer Tarifa, which was of vital strategic importance. Anticipating a Marinid invasion, the Christian kingdoms prepared for a lengthy campaign. In spite of a truce which lasted for over a year, Abū Mālik launched a destructive campaign in the course of which he met his death in an encounter with the forces of Gonzalo Martínez, master of Alcántara, and the militia of Seville. Subsequently, however, Gonzalo Martínez found himself in conflict with King Alfonso, proposed an alliance with Yūsuf I of Granada and was finally hanged as a traitor (O’Callaghan, 2011, 167−70). 3. the chronicle which relates his deeds: this is the Crónica de Alfonso Onceno (Chronicle of Alfonso XI), which was composed at the behest of King Alfonso and is usually attributed to Fernán Sánchez de Valladolid, a member of his royal chancellery. (For a discussion of the role of Fernán Sánchez as chronicler, see Benítez Guerrero, 2015). This chronicle is unfinished and does not include the events dealt with in the present chapter. 4. The Marinids, the Banū Marīn, in Spanish known as the benimerines, ruled Morocco from the mid-thirteenth to the mid-fifteenth century. They were at the height of their power in the 1330s and 1340s, supporting the Muslim kingdom of Granada in an attempt to establish themselves in the Iberian Peninsula, until they suffered a crushing defeat in the battle of Tarifa. 5. A jubilee year is marked by the granting of a special indulgence to the faithful. The first such occasion was proclaimed in 1300 by Pope Boniface VIII and in 1350 Clement VI established the principle of a jubilee year being called every 50 years. 6. transferred to Córdoba: it was Enrique II who in 1371, two years after Pedro’s death, had their father’s remains, together with those of their grandfather Fernando IV, moved to the cathedral – which had previously been the great mosque – in Córdoba. In the eighteenth century both sets of remains were transferred to the royal collegiate church of San Hipólito.

404

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7. Count of Trastámara: this is the title which Enrique had been granted by his father Alfonso XI and which he retained until he acceded to the throne of Castile. The name is derived from the River Tambre in Galicia and applies to the territory across, or north of, that river. It is the name given to the dynasty of monarchs descended from Enrique. See also Introduction, note 1. 8. his town of Olvera: the term lugar has been translated variously in the present text as ‘village’, ‘town’, ‘place’ and also ‘castle’. It is applied to a small settlement larger than an aldea (village) but not of sufficient size to be considered a villa (town). The important feature of a lugar such as Olvera is that it possesses a castle, in this case of Moorish origin, and is thus of strategic importance. 9. A number of these positions of responsibility involved, as their titles suggest, a clearly defined ceremonial role in the royal household, but in several cases this was accompanied by a variety of important public or, for example, military functions. For an introduction to the nature of these roles, see Estow, 1995, 81−84. The titles have been preserved in the translation, although at times they may have an incongruous ring to the modern ear, as when King Pedro sends his lord high butler into battle against the Aragonese with 2,000 cavalry (1363, IV). 10. The prominent Galician nobleman Fernando de Castro was to be one of King Pedro’s most loyal and enduring supporters. In 1350 he was about 23 years old, but there is considerable doubt as to whether at this point he was actually appointed to the prestigious post of chief steward (Díaz Martín, 1987, 89). 11. The term alcázar is of Arabic origin and denotes a fortress or fortified palace. It is often applied, although certainly not exclusively, to buildings of Muslim origin, and the alcázar of Seville which survives today was constructed on the site of a Muslim residential fortress. Work on King Pedro’s palace, which involved a radical transformation of the complex of buildings, took place between 1356 and 1366 (Rodríguez Moreno, 2015, 276) and the fortress in which Doña Leonor was held will have borne very little resemblance to the palace which Pedro created. The usual practice in this translation has been to preserve the term alcázar and to translate castillo as ‘castle’, even though it is possible for the two words to be synonymous. 12. Muhammad VI of Granada was known to the Castilians as ‘el Rey Bermejo’ or ‘the Red King’, on account of his red hair. He ruled the kingdom of Granada from 1360 to 1362, expelling his rival Muhammad V, and he came into conflict with King Pedro by aligning himself with the king of Aragon. The events which led to his gruesome death in Seville are narrated in the Crónica (1362, I−VI). 13. Don Juan Manuel was a nephew of King Alfonso X and was a man of great wealth and one of the most powerful noblemen of his time. See 1359, V, note 7. Doña Juana’s mother, Blanca, was herself the great-granddaughter of Alfonso X.

Notes

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14. The lordship of Vizcaya, or Biscay, had come into existence in the eleventh century, and it was to remain in the hands of the Haro family and their descendants until the second half of the fourteenth century. Vizcaya was a wealthy and strategically important region, and by the reign of King Pedro the lordship still retained a strong degree of autonomy. 15. Don Juan’s grandfather was Fernando de la Cerda, the eldest son of Alfonso X. Although he acted for a time as regent, Fernando died before his father and neither he nor his descendants inherited the throne. Nevertheless, the House of la Cerda continued to play a prominent political role. The word ‘cerda’ means ‘bristle’ and Fernando was so called because he is said to have been born with a thick clump of hair on his chest (or, according to other accounts, on his back). 16. For explanation of the significance of the behetrías and of the disputes that arose over them, see 1351, XIII−XIV and note 22. 17. The maravedí was named after the Muslim Almoravids, who were the first to strike it in Spain. Originally it was a gold coin but by the time of Alfonso X silver maravedís were being issued. By the mid-fourteenth century the term was commonly applied to coinage in general, as in this passage, and the maravedí, although the standard accounting unit, was no longer issued as a coin. Estow (1995, 50) points out that in 1351 three maravedís might represent a day’s wages for a carpenter in Seville, and a lamb cost eight maravedís. Villalon (2008, 171) cites evidence that in the 1360s a horseman might be paid six maravedís per day for his services and a ballestero (see 1351, VI, note 10) one or two maravedís. See also the study by Lincoln (2017) of the value of this and other denominations in terms of day-to-day expenditure at the beginning of King Pedro’s reign.

YEAR 2 (1351)

1. The calends or kalends is the term applied to the first day of the month in the Roman calendar. 2. In Castile the decision to abandon the era system of dating was taken by Juan I at the Segovia cortes in 1383 and put into effect towards the end of the following year. This is mentioned briefly in the entry for year 5, chapter V in Pero López de Ayala’s chronicle of King Juan’s reign. 3. The cortes were an assembly traditionally convened in order to obtain financial concessions, and this was evidently King Pedro’s reason for summoning them at this early point in his reign. Estow (1995, 40−41) points out that, in addition to seeking to bring stability to an economy deeply affected by both King Alfonso’s expensive military campaigns and by the Black Death, Pedro wished to endorse his father’s recent legislative reforms. The cortes were attended by representatives of the clergy, the nobility and the principal municipalities. However, as Estow points out, the municipal ‘procurators’ were highly likely

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to be drawn from the ranks of the lesser nobility, and the chronicler’s assertion in chapter V that King Pedro summoned ‘all the people of his realm’ suggests a degree of universality which was certainly not the case. 4. Llerena, situated in the present-day province of Badajoz, was an important administrative centre for the Order of Santiago and was the usual place of residence of Don Fadrique as master of the Order. Don Fadrique was, of course, not King Pedro’s brother, but his half-brother. The same term is applied on numerous occasions in the text to the offspring of Leonor de Guzmán, as in the case of Tello in chapter IV, below. 5. within just a few days: Estow (1995, 125–26) points out that the chronicler seems to be telescoping events in order to implicate King Pedro directly in Leonor’s murder: according to his account, Leonor was killed in spring 1351 but a document issued at the Valladolid cortes appears to confirm that she was in fact still alive several months after this. 6. sons of great importance: at this point, six of Leonor’s sons were still alive, as well as her daughter Juana. 7. The alcabala or sales tax imposed on some foodstuffs and on wine, and later more generally, had first been collected on a regular basis under King Pedro’s father. For Pedro, although he reduced the range of goods to which it applied, it was an important source of income. The murdered man was probably a royal tax collector. 8. The Jewish quarter was an enclosed and fortified area close to the castle which rose above the city. The knights were instructed to occupy it – in case of conflict − on account of its strategic importance. 9. This is the Andalusian town of Aguilar de la Frontera, situated in the presentday province of Córdoba. 10. Guards ...: the word ballestero is used in various contexts in the Crónica with different meanings. Here it is applied to a royal guard: a ballestero de maza would be armed with a mace and such individuals are on a number of occasions used by Pedro to perform unpleasant and violent tasks. On the other hand, in a military context the term is used for archers, or more probably crossbowmen. It can also be applied in a more general sense to footsoldiers (Villalon, 2008, 171). 11. The translation here follows the Llaguno Amirola text (1779, 42) rather than the reading adopted by Orduna. 12. The body lay in what is now known as the Plaza del Rey San Fernando and was previously called the Plaza del Sarmental, after the door to the cathedral to which it gave access. 13. The translation again follows Llaguno Amirola’s text (1779, 42), with its allusion to the square of la Comparada which was situated close to the city walls and is today known as ‘la Plaza de la Libertad’.

Notes

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14. The Tierra de Campos is an extensive fertile area of the Castilian plateau which takes in parts of the present-day provinces of León, Zamora, Palencia and Valladolid. 15. This chief administrator, the prestamero mayor, was a magistrate appointed by the king for the region of Vizcaya. He was responsible for the dispensation of justice and the collection of taxes. 16. Juan de Avendaño: for the role of this prominent Vizcayan nobleman and of the Avendaño family in general in the later Middle Ages, see García Fernández, 2007. 17. Don Fernán Pérez de Ayala was the chronicler’s father. Las Encartaciones, near to Vizcaya: although this strategically important area today forms part of the Basque province of Vizcaya, it was for a long time relatively independent and its incorporation into the territory of Vizcaya was a gradual and faltering process, not finally concluded until the beginning of the nineteenth century. 18. This would probably not have been the usual legal position, but it reflects the degree of hostility which existed between King Pedro and the family of Don Juan Núñez and more generally the king’s policy of limiting the political and economic power of such a family (Doubleday, 2001, 113). 19. The prestige of Don Juan ‘the One-eyed’ had been such that he acted as the guardian of King Alfonso XI during his minority. However, his pursuit of power was later to bring him into conflict with the king, who arranged for him to be murdered in Toro in 1326. The plain of Granada, an extensive and highly fertile agricultural area crossed by the river Genil, is known as la Vega. In 1319 it was the scene of a disastrous military defeat for the Castilian forces, in which the two princes, Juan and Pedro, died. 20. Count Lope: this was Lope Díaz III de Haro, who rose to a position of considerable power under King Sancho IV of Castile. His ambition led to a direct confrontation with the king, who ordered his death in Alfaro in 1288. 21. Prince Enrique was the sixth of the 10 children of King Fernando III (by his first wife Beatrice of Swabia) and a younger brother of King Alfonso X. Fernando was the monarch whose conquests in Andalusia included Córdoba and Seville. 22. The chronicler goes on to explain the origin and nature of behetrías in the following chapter. What was being sought was essentially the conversion of the communities known as behetrías, with their special rights and privileges and particularly that of choosing their own lord, into the fixed possession of a particular member of the nobility. The chronicler’s emphasis on disputes among the minor nobility has been called into question: see Alfonso Antón (2001, 243), who describes this claim as a ‘smoke-screen’ which conceals a power struggle among higher echelons of the aristocracy, both lay and ecclesiastical. 23. For a discussion of how an orally transmitted version of history is here being

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used to uphold the stance of the Castilian nobility against the centralizing legislation of the monarchy, see Soler Bistue (2010, § 6−7). 24. Orduna’s text here omits ‘the people of’, which is included in other editions. 25. This is the Ordenamiento de Alcalá, a set of legislation drawn up at the cortes held at Alcalá de Henares by Alfonso XI in 1348. It emphasized the king’s absolute right to make and impose laws. Its essential aim was to introduce a uniform body of law to apply throughout the kingdom and to reinforce the central authority of the monarch. See Estow, 1995, 16−17. 26. Libro del Becerro: at the cortes of 1351 King Pedro set in motion a survey which led to the production of the Libro becerro de las behetrías (‘Calfskin Book of the Behetrías’), which furnished a detailed account of the behetrías situated in Castile north of the river Duero. It constitutes a rich and authoritative source of information on the social and economic history of the period. 27. Guyenne (or Guienne): this region of south-western France was under English domination for much of the later Middle Ages and it was, with neighbouring Gascony, central to the Anglo-French conflicts. By the Treaty of Paris of 1259 King Henry III of England had accepted lordship of Guyenne and Gascony as a vassal of the French monarch. Guyenne had been seized by the French early in the Hundred Years War but in 1360 it was to be restored to English sovereignty by the Treaty of Brétigny. 28. The suggestion here seems to be that the people of Burgos, and by extension those of Castile, will not necessarily obey the king’s will (see Soler Bistue, 2010, § 10). 29. The Alfonso in question here is Alfonso VI of León and Castile, son of Fernando I. It was during the war between Alfonso and his brother Sancho II of Castile that the latter was killed whilst besieging Zamora in 1072. Alfonso went on to capture the city of Toledo from the Muslims after a long siege in 1085. 30. This monastery of San Pablo probably stood on the site of the Dominican convent of that name founded in 1229, which today is in ruins. 31. Rodrigo or Ruy Díaz de Vivar, known as El Cid, was a Castilian nobleman who lived in the second half of the eleventh century. His military prowess and victories over the Almoravids were to turn him into a figure of legendary stature, celebrated in the Poema de Mio Cid. He was not, however, involved in the consolidation of Castilian power in Toledo in the period following its capture, as at the time he was serving the Muslim ruler of Zaragoza as a mercenary. 32. This Alfonso is King Alfonso X, known as el Sabio (‘the Learned’), who ruled Castile and León from 1252 to 1284. During Alfonso’s reign significant additions were made to the defences of the alcázar, including the construction of four towers at the corners of the fortress. 33. According to legend, Galiana − the daughter of Galafre, a Muslim king of Toledo – fell in love with a youthful and heroic Charlemagne and accompanied

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him back to France, where she converted to Christianity and became his wife. The story was incorporated into Alfonso X’s Primera crónica general. The Vincent mentioned here is the thirteenth-century Dominican scholar Vincent de Beauvais, author of the Speculum historiale which in book xxiv, devoted to the deeds of Charlemagne, records the legend of Galiana. 34. The Order of Saint John, otherwise known as the Knights Hospitaller, was founded in Jerusalem to care for poor and sick pilgrims and, having acquired an important military role, became established in the Iberian Peninsula early in the twelfth century. The Order of Saint John was less prominent in León and Castile than Aragon but, together with the Order of the Temple, it provided a model for the establishment of the Iberian military Orders of Calatrava, Santiago and Alcántara. The Order was organised into eight ‘Tongues’, including the Crowns of Aragon and Castile, each adminstered by a prior or grand prior. See, for example, Zeno Conedera, 2015, 35. 35. The Montearagón mentioned here corresponds to Chinchilla de Montearagón, situated in the present-day province of Albacete. Tradition claims that the original settlement was founded by Hercules. 36. Saint Isidore (San Isidoro) was archbishop of Seville during the first three and a half decades of the seventh century. He was a scholar whose encyclopaedic works, including his History of the Kings of the Goths, Vandals and Suevi, had a considerable influence on the development of Spanish historiography. 37. Walīd ‘Miramomelin’: this is Al-Walīd ibn ‘Abd al-Mālik, or Al-Walīd I, the Umayyad caliph who ruled from 705 to 715. 38. Saint Leocadia, born in Toledo, died as a martyr in the same city at the beginning of the fourth century. As the text makes clear, the church involved in this episode is not the one which currently bears the saint’s name. It occupied the site of the present ‘ermita del Cristo de la Vega’, situated on the river flood plain outside the city walls. 39. The Fuero Juzgo (Libro Juzgo in the Spanish text) is the Spanish name for the Liber Iudiciorum (‘Book of the Judges’), produced during the reign of the Visigothic King Reccesuinth, probably in 654. This compilation of new laws sought to limit abuses of power on the part of the king. 40. For the Banū Marīn or Marinids, see 1350, I, note 4, and for the maravedí, 1350, XIV, note 16. A meaja was worth one sixtieth of a maravedí. 41. Saint Leander was bishop of Seville during the final two decades of the sixth century and was succeeded by his brother Saint Isidore (see note 36, above). Both played an important part in the development of liturgical practice in the Iberian Peninsula and of what is variously known as the Hispanic, Visigothic or Mozarabic rite: Leander added to and revised a Hispanic-Gallican rite which was already in existence and, following the Fourth Council of Toledo, Isidore gave the rite its definitive form prior to the Muslim invasion.

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42. Don Alfonso seeks to become a member of the highest level of the nobility. The Spanish term used in the text for this is rico omne, which has been translated on other occasions as ‘grandee’ or ‘magnate’. The banner would have borne the arms of the lordship of Aguilar and the insignia took the form of the symbol of the cauldron (hence the phrase pendon e caldera) which represented the nobleman’s ability to maintain troops on campaign at his own expense. 43. This statement relates to the suggestion made in the versión primitiva of the Crónica that altogether Don Alfonso received three castles from King Alfonso. 44. Don Luis de la Cerda, a grandson of Alfonso X, was born and lived most of his life in France, where he acquired great wealth and distinction and rose to the position of admiral of France.

YEAR 3 (1352)

1. This appears to be the first time that such a position is mentioned in a Spanish text (Díaz Martín, 1987, 75). 2. Abū ‘Inān became Marinid ruler of Morocco in 1348 after a heavy defeat suffered by his father. However, the struggle between the two of them continued until the death of Abū’l-Hasan, which occurred in May 1351. 3. Mongayo is the site of an impressive waterfall in the area of the Nalón valley. This reading is based on the ‘Monteyo’ of the Llaguno Amirola text. 4. This Monteagudo corresponds to the present-day Monteagudo de las Vicarías, situated in the extreme south east of the province of Soria and on the frontier with Aragon. 5. The Crown of Aragon had completed the conquest of Sardinia in 1223−24, benefiting considerably from the support of the Judges of Arborea. Arborea was an autonomous state occupying much of the west of the island, and it was ruled by Giudicati or Judges, whose position was derived from that of the Byzantine magistrates but whose role was now filled by the leading noble dynasty. It was the clear ambition of Mariano IV (1346−76) to extend his authority to the whole of Sardinia. The Judges became embroiled in a lengthy struggle with CataloniaAragon, aided by Genoa but opposed by the Venetians, long-standing trading rivals of the Genoese. For a succinct account of this conflict, see Hillgarth, 1976, 265−66 and 366−68. The battle described in this chapter of the Crónica in fact took place not in 1352 but in August 1353. 6. Miçer was an honorific title used in the Crown of Aragon. 7. These large Castilian sailing ships were a kind of carrack, known as a nao. A nao would be able to carry 1,000 troops and, although such vessels were relatively difficult to manoeuvre, they were large enough to attack and destroy any other kind of craft.

Notes YEAR 4 (1353)

411

1. According to the Crónica de Alfonso IX, Don Alfonso Fernández had ordered that Don Gonzalo Martínez’s throat be cut and his body burned (see Llaguno Amirola, 1779, 82). 2. Montalbán: this castle in La Puebla de Montalbán is distinct from the one in San Martín de Montalbán which had belonged to Alfonso Fernández Coronel. Both are situated in the present-day province of Toledo. 3. For an explanation of the significance of the the Order of La Banda (‘the Sash’) and of its importance in the context of the narrative of the Crónica, see Introduction, section III. The page dispatched to convey the king’s reprimand to Pero Carrillo, as the versión primitiva makes clear, is none other than the chronicler, Pero López de Ayala (see Garcia, 1983, 137). 4. The Shining Mountains (‘los Montes Claros’) was a name given to the Atlas Mountains. There is a similar allusion to the ruler of ´los Montes Claros’ in the Poema de Mio Cid (lines 1181−82), and the Poema de Fernán González (stanza 36b) also uses the term ‘Montes Claros’ to describe the territory of a hostile people in North Africa. For the battle of Tarifa, Alfonso XI’s decisive victory over the forces of the Marinids and of the kingdom of Granada, see 1350, I. 5. Vespers is one of the canonical hours of prayer in the Church day. According to Roman custom, the day began at sunrise and ended at sunset, and so the lengths of the ‘hours’ would vary with the time of year. Counting Matins and Lauds as a single hour, Vespers was the sixth of the seven hours, that of evening prayer . 6. They were veiled: this ceremony took place after the wedding mass; the shoulders of the bridegroom were covered with a veil and the bride’s head was covered completely. The act symbolized the indissoluble nature of the union, a highly significant point in the context of the marriage between King Pedro and Blanche. 7. He found Don Juan Alfonso at Valladolid: this cannot have been inside the city, as it is made clear in chapter XIX that Don Juan Alfonso remained outside the walls, meeting the three queens in the convent of las Huelgas. 8. The Orduna text states that Don Juan Alfonso made his way back to Almorox, but this is not consistent with what follows or with the sense of the narrative. 9. La Vera is a district situated in the north east of the present-day Spanish province of Cáceres. 10. The heavily fortified castle of Alba de Aliste was the seat of the counts of that name, members of an illustrious noble family. It was situated in the village of Castillo de Alba in the west of the present-day province of Zamora, and was the centre of territories which from the early thirteenth century until 1310 had belonged to the Templars. 11. Ampudia is the current name of the village, but Orduna (1994, 108) points out that in the fourteenth century it was known as Fuent Pudia. Montealegre is

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today Montealegre de Campos and Villalba del Alcor is Villalba de los Alcores. All of these villages are situated in the present-day province of Valladolid, from where Don Juan Alfonso then heads westwards towards the frontier with Portugal. 12. Don Álvar’s sister Inés de Castro had gone to Portugal as a lady-in-waiting to her cousin Princess Constanza of Castile, who had recently been married to King Afonso IV’s son Pedro. A passionate relationship developed between Prince Pedro and Doña Inés and after the death of Constanza they lived together openly and had four children. The influence of Inés and her family provoked hostility at court and the tensions increased, partly in consequence of Prince Pedro laying claim to the throne of Castile in 1354. The following year King Afonso arranged for Inés to be executed in the prince’s absence. When Pedro succeeded to the throne in 1357 her body was exhumed and interred in splendour in the abbey church at Alcobaça. Inés’ story was later to be recounted in a wealth of narrative and epic poetry, dramas and novels, as well as in numerous operas. 13. Estow (1995, 143) points out that the chronicler is here giving a distorted picture of events: Queen Blanche was not at this stage being held as a prisoner but went to Arévalo to take possession of the town, which had been promised to her as part of the marriage settlement.

YEAR 5 (1354)

1. The ancient castle of Alcañiz had been recaptured from the Muslims in 1119 and 60 years later Alfons II of Aragon had handed it over to the Order of Calatrava. It was the Order’s first foothold in the kingdom of Aragon. An encomienda (or commandery) was a property or territory with its corresponding income entrusted to a member of the Order, the comendador or commander, whose role and whose responsibilities were essentially those of a feudal lord. 2. The administrative headquarters of the Order was situated in Almagro. 3. Until the early fifteenth century Villa Real was the name of the city which is now called Ciudad Real. 4. Their action here is in accordance with a clearly defined procedure set out in detail in King Alfonso X’s legal compilation, the Siete Partidas, 2, 18, 20−24 (Parsons-Scott and Burns, 2001, 396). 5. Prince Pedro of Portugal was the brother of Queen María, mother of King Pedro of Castile. Elvas was a Portuguese frontier fortress, situated just eight kilometres from the Castilian city of Badajoz. 6. The Order of Christ was a military Order founded in the second decade of the fourteenth century by King Dinis I of Portugal in the wake of the suppression of the Templars. 7. They make their way from eastern central Portugal to the north-eastern corner of the country, from where they cross into Castile and head for Zamora.

Notes

413

8. The death of Don Diego, lord of Vizcaya, occurred during the unsuccessful siege of Algeciras carried out by Castilian forces commanded by Fernando IV in 1309−10. 9. A woman of great beauty: King Pedro’s desire to marry Doña Juana de Castro was probably in fact based on a belief that the alliance would bring political benefits (Estow, 1995, 146−47). 10. the king of Aragon: this is King Alfons IV, father of King Pere. Ferran and Joan were Pere’s half-brothers. Leonor, although she retained the title of Queen, was in fact King Pere’s stepmother as well as King Pedro’s aunt. 11. The King Enrique mentioned here is Enrique III, grandson of the Count (and later King) Enrique who plays a prominent part in the events of the present chronicle. Enrique III ruled Castile from 1390 to 1406 and married Catherine (or Catalina) who was a daughter of John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, and King Pedro’s daughter Constanza. 12. a castle called Montealegre: this is the imposing castle of Montealegre de Campos, situated in the north east of the present-day province of Valladolid. 13. The Galician town of Salvaterra (now known as Salvaterra de Miño) is today connected to Monçao by a bridge over the River Miño (or Minho) and the two communities are separated by just 2.5 kilometres. 14. The church of Santa María is the city’s cathedral. 15. Los Cameros are a range of hills in the southern part of La Rioja. The lordship of Los Cameros had originally been created in the early eleventh century by the king of Navarre and it had remained in the hands of the House of Haro until the disgrace and death of Don Juan Alfonso de Haro in 1334. 16. The Feast Day of Saint Mary is the 8th of September, the celebration of the Birth of the Blessed Virgin Mary. Terce is the third of the seven canonical hours and in late summer this would have been in the early morning, probably between about 7.00 and 8.00 a.m. 17. Pope Innocent VI had been elected at Avignon in 1352 and was repeatedly to impose severe ecclesiastical penalties on King Pedro. He died in 1362. 18. Cuenca de Tamariz is now known as Tamariz de Campos. 19. the bridge over the river Órbigo: this is the same bridge, situated on the pilgrim route to Santiago de Compostela, which was to be made famous in 1434 by the tournament known as ‘el paso honroso’, when during a month the Leonese knight Suero de Quiñones and his companions issued a challenge to any knight wishing to cross the bridge. 20. This Valencia was Valencia de Campos, later renamed Valencia de Don Juan. 21. The office of key-bearer, which was particular to the Orders of Alcántara and Calatrava, implied responsibility for the defence of their principal castle or convent and was entrusted to one of the leading figures in the Order’s hierarchy (see, for example, López Benito, 1991, 203).

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Notes

22. The Royal Territory of Manzanares had been created as a possession of the Crown by King Alfonso X in 1275, in an attempt to put an end to repeated disputes about ownership. It took in an extensive area in the north of the present-day province of Madrid and the south of the province of Segovia. 23. accompanied by a page: the versión primitiva tells us that this is the chronicler, Pero López de Ayala. 24. 50 individuals have here been identified as participating on each side. However, the versión primitiva lists only 20. 25. The identification of Gutier Fernández de Toledo as the royal lord high butler appears to contradict what we were told when he was listed among the members of the king’s company as the principal judge of Toledo. 26. light cavalry, known as ginetes or jinetes, were an important feature of warfare in the Iberian Peninsula in the Middle Ages. They were named after the jennet or small horse that they rode. ‘They were equipped in a semi-Moorish fashion, with a round steel cap, a large shield, a quilted gambeson, and two long javelins ... Their tactics were not to close, but to hover round their opponents, continually harassing them, till they should give ground or break their formation, when a chance would come of pushing a charge home.’ (Oman, 1924, ii, 180; see also Villalon and Kagay, 2017, 229.) 27. Juan González de Bazán: the following chapter makes it clear that this is the correct reading, although the Orduna text has ‘Iohan Rodriguez de Baçan’. 28. the convent of the Preaching Brothers of Saint Dominic: the two queens were almost certainly staying in the Dominican ‘monasterio de Sancti Spiritus el Real’, a convent much favoured by ladies of the Castilian royal family. 29. The Cistercian monastery of Santa María de la Santa Espina (Saint Mary of the Holy Thorn) is situated in Castromonte in the present-day province of Valladolid, some 45 kilometres from Toro. 30. Treviño de Uda took its name from the river Ayuda (originally Ivita), but was subsequently known as just Treviño. The village known in the fourteenth century as Verganzón is today called Berganzo.

Aris & Phillips Hispanic Classics

PERO LÓPEZ DE AYALA

CHRONICLE OF KING PEDRO Crónica del rey don Pedro Volume II 1355−1362 (Years 6–13 of the reign of King Pedro)

Translated with an introduction and notes by

Peter Such Spanish text taken from Pero López de Ayala, Crónica del rey don Pedro y del rey don Enrique, su hermano, hijos del rey don Alfonso Onceno. Volume 1, edited and with notes by Germán Orduna, and preliminary study by Germán Orduna and José Luis Moure. Volume 2 edited and with notes by Germán Orduna. SECRIT, Buenos Aires, 1994 and 1997.

LIVERPOOL UNIVERSITY PRESS

First published 2020 by Liverpool University Press 4 Cambridge Street Liverpool L69 7ZU www.liverpooluniversitypress.co.uk Copyright © 2020 Peter Such The right of Peter Such to be identified as the author of this book has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication data A British Library CIP record is available ISBN 978-1-78962-134-1 hardback ISBN 978-1-80034-531-7 webpdf Typeset by Tara Montane Printed and bound by TJ International Ltd, Padstow, Cornwall, PL28 8RW Cover image:

King Pedro kneeling in prayer (Museo Arqueológico Nacional)

CONTENTS

Volume II THE CHRONICLE OF KING PEDRO Text, Translation and Notes Years VI−XIII of the reign of King Pedro: 1355−1362

Year VI (1355) Year VII (1356) Year VIII (1357) Year IX (1358) Year X (1359) Year XI (1360) Year XII (1361) Year XIII (1362) Notes

2 56 94 112 150 226 284 304 354

CHRONICLE OF KING PEDRO (CRÓNICA DEL REY DON PEDRO)

AÑO SESTO que el rrey don Pedro rregno, que fue año del Señor de mill e trezientos e çinquenta e çinco e de la era de Çesar, mill e trezientos e nouenta e tres años.

Capitulo primero. Commo algunos de los señores e caualleros de que auemos contado, se venian para el rrey e otros se yuan a otras partes e commo el rrey fizo cortes en Burgos. En el año sesto que el sobre dicho rrey don Pedro rregno, que fue en el año del Señor de mill e trezientos e çinquenta e çinco, e de la era de Çesar, mill e trezientos e nouenta e tres, e del Criamiento del mundo, en çinco mill e çiento e quinze años, segund la cuenta de los ebreos, e del año de los alarabes, en sieteçientos e çinquenta e siete años, partieron de Toro la rreyna doña Leonor e los infantes sus fijos: fueronse para la villa de Roa, que el rrey le auia a dar, e luego ge la mando entregar el rrey don Pedro. E dende los infantes fueronse para el rrey; ca todos los lugares e ofiçios que les prometio en Toro por que se veniesen para el, todo gelo auia mandado entregar. Otrossi se fue para el rrey don Iohan de la Çerda, e mandole el rrey entregar a Gibraleon, segund ge lo auia prometido. E Aluar Perez de Castro fuesse para el rrey, e mandole el rrey entregar a Saluatierra, que es entre Duero e Miño. E Pero Ruyz de Villegas fuese para el rrey, e diole el rrey estonçe el adelantamiento de Castilla, que tenia don Garci Ferrandez Manrrique. E dieron a don Garci Ferrandez Manrrique las tenençias de las villas de Algezira. E fuesse para el rrey Diego Perez Sarmiento e diole los lugares que suso auemos dicho que le mandara. E el maestre don Fadrique desque vio estos fechos commo yuan,

YEAR SIX (1355) of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1355 and, counting from the era of Caesar, 1393. 1355: CHAPTER I How some of the lords and knights whose actions we have described were coming to join the king, how others went elsewhere, and how the king held cortes in Burgos. These events occurred in the sixth year of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1355; in 1393, counting from the era of Caesar; 5,115 years from the creation of the world by the reckoning of the Hebrews; and, according to that of the Arabs, it was in the year 757. Queen Leonor and her sons the princes set out from Toro and travelled to the town of Roa, which she was to receive from the king; and without delay King Pedro gave instructions for it to be handed over to her. From there the princes went to join the king, since he had already given orders that they should receive the estates and the official positions which he had promised them in Toro in order to win them over. Don Juan de la Cerda likewise went over to the king, who directed that he be given Gibraleón, thus fulfilling his promise. Álvar Pérez de Castro also gave his allegiance to the king, who commanded that he be given Salvaterra, situated between the Duero and the Miño. Pero Ruiz de Villegas likewise went over to the side of the king, who appointed him to the position of governor general of Castile, until then held by Don Garci Fernández Manrique; and Don Garci Fernández Manrique was named as governor of the towns of Algeciras.1 Diego Pérez Sarmiento also went over to the king, who handed over to him the estates which we indicated above that he had allocated to him. When he saw the direction that these affairs were taking, the master

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ouo su consejo con la rreyna doña Maria e con el conde don Enrrique, su hermano, e fuesse para Talauera, que estaua por el e tenia ally conpañas suyas, que ally auia dexado. E el conde don Enrrique finco en Toro con la rreyna doña Maria, su madre del rrey don Pedro. E don Ferrando de Castro con su muger doña Iohana, con quien estonçe casara, segund dicho auemos, fuesse para Galizia. E don Tello fuese para Vizcaya e dexo algunos caualleros suyos en Rioja, en vn lugar suyo que le dizen Trepiana. E assi de aqui adelante començo de auer grand departimiento entre estos señores.

Capitulo IIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro fizo sus ayuntamientos en la çibdat de Burgos. El rrey don Pedro desque llego a la çibdat de Segouia, dende a pocos dias fuesse para Burgos e ally fizo ayuntamiento de fijos dalgo e de algunos de las çibdades, estando ý los infantes de Aragon con el. E querellose delante todos commo fuera preso e detenido en Toro e dixoles que le ayudasen a fazer venir a su obediençia a la rreyna, su madre, que estaua en Toro e le auia buscado mucho desto. Otrossy al conde don Enrrique e al maestre de Santiago e a don Tello, sus hermanos, e a don Ferrando de Castro, que le eran alçados e le fazian guerra. Otrossy pidio a las çibdades e villas que le siruiessen con dineros e con gentes para esto. E todos le dixeron que les plazia e assy lo fizieron.

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5

Don Fadrique deliberated with Queen María and his brother Count Enrique and left for Talavera, which had given him its support and where he had stationed some troops. Count Enrique remained in Toro with Queen María, the mother of King Pedro. Don Fernando de Castro, with his wife Doña Juana, whom – as we have explained – he had recently married, left for Galicia. Don Tello went to Vizcaya, leaving some of his knights in La Rioja, in a town which belonged to him called Treviana. And so, from this point on, great divisions started to develop among the lords.

1355: CHAPTER II How King Pedro summoned assemblies in the city of Burgos. Just a few days after arriving in the city of Segovia, King Pedro went on to Burgos and there, accompanied by the princes of Aragon, he summoned an assembly of noblemen and of some representatives of the cities. In the presence of all of them, he criticized how he had been detained and held prisoner in Toro and told them to help him to reduce to obedience his mother, the queen, who was in Toro and had brought much of this upon him. He also demanded their help against his brothers, Count Enrique, the master of Santiago and Don Tello, and also Don Fernando de Castro, all of whom had rebelled against him and were waging war on him. In addition, he asked the cities and towns to support him with money and troops for this purpose. They all expressed their agreement and consented to his request.

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Capitulo IIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro fizo matar en Medina del Canpo a algunos caualleros e prendio a otros. El rrey don Pedro despues que ouo fecho sus ayuntamientos en la çibdat de Burgos, vinosse para Medina del Canpo. E luego que ally llego, en la semana de Ramos fizo matar en su palaçio, vn dia en la siesta, a Pero Ruyz de Villegas e a Sancho Ruyz de Rojas, e el dicho Pero Ruyz era adelantado mayor de Castilla. E mando prender a Iohan Rodriguez de Çisneros e a Suer Perez de Quiñones e estudieron vna vez por seer muertos, e despues fue merçed del rrey que non muriessen, mas que fuessen presos. E mataron vn escudero de Pero Ruyz de Villegas, que le dezian Martin Nuñez de Arandia. E leuaron a Iohan Rodriguez de Çisneros e a Suer Perez de Quiñones, presos al castillo de Castro Xeriz. E dio el rrey estonçe el adelantamiento de Castilla, que tenia Pero Ruyz de Villegas, a Diego Perez Sarmiento; e el ofiçio del cuchillo, que tenia Suer Perez de Quiñones, dieronlo a Gonçalo Gonçalez de Luzio. E despues partio el rrey de Medina e vinose para Toro, do estaua la rreyna doña Maria, su madre del rrey, e el conde don Enrrique e otros muchos caualleros con ellos alçados. E pelearon los suyos del rrey en las barreras de partes de Santa Maria de la Vega: e mataron estonçe en esta pelea a Ferrand Ruyz de Giron, que era con el rrey, e murio çerca del rrio de Duero. E Alfonso Tellez Giron, su hermano, despues de la muerte de Ferrand Ruyz Giron, demando la tierra e merçed que su hermano tenia. E el rrey non ge la dio. E Alfonso Tellez fue muy quexado e dende a quatro dias, pusose en la villa de Toro, do estaua la rreyna doña Maria e el conde don Enrrique, con treynta de cauallo.

Chronicle of King Pedro

7

1355: CHAPTER III How in Medina del Campo King Pedro had some knights killed and others imprisoned. After holding his assemblies in the city of Burgos, King Pedro travelled to Medina del Campo. As soon as he arrived there, in the week of Palm Sunday he had Pero Ruiz de Villegas and Sancho Ruiz de Rojas killed in his apartments one day in mid-afternoon. Pero Ruiz had been governor general of Castile. King Pedro also ordered the arrest of Juan Rodríguez de Cisneros and Suer Pérez de Quiñones; at one point they were expecting to meet their deaths, but subsequently it was the king’s will that they should not die but be imprisoned. One of Pero Ruiz’s squires called Martín Núñez de Arandia was killed and Juan Rodríguez de Cisneros and Suer Pérez de Quiñones were taken off as prisoners to the castle of Castrojeriz. Then the king awarded the position of governor general of Castile, which had been held by Pero Ruiz de Villegas, to Diego Pérez Sarmiento, and the post of bearer of the king’s knife, which had belonged to Suer Pérez de Quiñones was given to Gonzalo González de Lucio. Afterwards the king departed from Medina and made his way to Toro, where his mother Queen María was to be found, together with Count Enrique and many other knights who had joined them in rebellion. The king’s men made an attack on the outworks in the area of Santa María de la Vega, and at that time Fernán Ruiz Girón, who was with the king, was killed in the fighting.2 He died near to the river Duero. After Fernán Ruiz Girón’s death, his brother, Alfonso Téllez Girón, asked to be given the lands and privileges that had been enjoyed by his brother, but the king refused to grant them to him. Alfonso Téllez was deeply aggrieved and four days later, accompanied by 30 mounted troops, he joined Queen María and Count Enrique in the town of Toro.

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Crónica del rey don Pedro

Capitulo IIIIº. Commo fue suelto Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa, que estaua preso en Toro. Otrossy Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa, que fuera preso en la villa de Toro, segund dicho auemos, estaua en poder del infante don Ferrando, e quando el infante partio de Toro, entregolo a la rreyna doña Maria, madre del rrey don Pedro. E dio Iohan Ferrandez arrehenes, por si, a la rreyna doña Maria e al conde don Enrrique, algunos caualleros sus parientes, los quales eran Dia Gutierrez de Çauallos e Yñigo Ortiz de las Cueuas e Pero Gomez de Porres, el viejo, e Iohan Diaz de Cabuerniga; ca estos eran parientes e amigos de Iohan Ferrandez. E dixo Iohan Ferrandez a la rreyna doña Maria que el, seyendo suelto de la dicha prision e yendo para el rrey, traeria pleytesia que todos estos fechos veniesen a bien. E la rreyna mandolo soltar de la prision e tomo los arrehenes; pero despues que fue Iohan Ferrandez suelto e se fue para el rrey, non torno a Toro nin curo de los arrehenes que auia dado por si. E la rreyna, desque aquello vio, solto a los caualleros que entraron en arrehenes por el dicho Iohan Ferrandez e dexolos yr al rrey. Enpero Iohan Diaz de Cabuerniga finco en Toro e non quiso yr al rrey. E el rrey despues que estudo algunos dias por esa comarca, hordeno de partir de donde estaua e passar los puertos para yr a Toledo, que estaua alçada teniendo la boz de la rreyna doña Blanca, su muger segund dicho auemos. E el conde don Enrrique, quando vio que el rrey queria passar los puertos, partio de Toro para yr a Talauera para se juntar con el maestre don Fadrique, su hermano, que estaua en Talauera.

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9

1355: CHAPTER IV How Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, who was imprisoned in Toro, came to be released. Moreover, Juan Fernández de Henestrosa – who, as we have already stated, had been imprisoned in the town of Toro – was being held under the supervision of Prince Ferran; and when the prince left Toro he handed him over to Queen María, the mother of King Pedro. Juan Fernández provided Queen María and Count Enrique with hostages in exchange for his person, knights who were members of his family, namely: Día Gutiérrez de Zaballos, Íñigo Ortiz de las Cuevas, Pero Gómez de Porres the Elder and Juan Díaz de Cabuérniga – for these were relatives and friends of Juan Fernández. Juan Fernández told Queen María that, once freed from imprisonment and on his way to join the king, he would act as a negotiator to ensure that everything would be satisfactorily resolved. The queen ordered his release from prison and accepted the hostages, but once Juan Fernández had been set free and gone to join the king he neither returned to Toro nor showed any concern for the hostages that he had exchanged for his person. When the queen saw that this was the case, she released the knights who had been acting as hostages for Juan Fernández and allowed them to go back to join the king. Juan Díaz de Cabuérniga, however, remained in Toro and opted not to go to King Pedro. The king, after spending some days in that region, gave the command to set off and cross the mountain passes towards Toledo, which had risen up in support of his wife Queen Blanche, as we have already explained. Count Enrique, when he saw that the king intended to cross the mountain passes, set out from Toledo to join up with his brother the master Don Fadrique, who was in Talavera.

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Capitulo Vº. Commo el conde fue aquexado de los del Colmenar de Auila en el puerto del Pico e commo despues torno ally e les fizo mucho daño. El rrey don Pedro, despues que partio de la villa de Toro, segund auemos contado, sopo commo el conde don Enrrique queria partir de Toro e pasar a Talauera. E enbio luego mandar a todos los de la tierra de Segovia e de Auila que guardassen los puertos por do el dicho conde podia pasar. E fizieronlo asi ellos. E el conde don Enrrique tomo el camino para pasar el puerto del Pico; ca queria yr a Talauera por juntarse con el maestre don Fadrique su hermano, que estaba ý. E los de la tierra de Auila tenianle ya tomado el puerto e desque le vieron venir al conde para pasar el puerto, estudieron todos quedos fasta que el conde ouo pasado la meatad del puerto, e estonçe los de la tierra que guardauan el puerto se descubrieron e escomençaron a pelear con el conde, que leuaua consigo fasta ciento de cauallo. E los de la tierra eran muchos, entre los quales estaua ay el concejo del Colmenar, que es de tierra de Auila, que eran los que le mas afincaron. E el conde desque lo acometieron, non pudo andar por la tierra, que es muy fragosa e ouosse de apartar vn poco por se defender, pero los de la tierra eran muchos e ouieronse de apoderar del puerto, que es muy fuerte. E el conde, commo quier que fazia mucho por se defender, enpero el lugar era muy fragoso e ouo de catar commo escapasse, e andudo commo mejor pudo, e algunos con el defendiendosse, e paso el puerto. E mataronle ally a Ferrand Sanchez Manuel, fijo de Sancho Manuel el moço, que era fijo de don Iohan Manuel, e otros. E el conde desque fue en lo llano, andudo fasta que llego a Talauera

Chronicle of King Pedro

11

1355: CHAPTER V How the count was harassed on the pass of El Pico by the people of El Colmenar in Ávila and how later he went back there and inflicted great harm on them. After leaving the town of Toro, as we have already related, King Pedro learned how Count Enrique intended to set out from Toro and head for Talavera. He promptly sent a command to all the inhabitants of the territories of Segovia and Ávila that they were to defend the mountain passes through which the count might pass. His command was obeyed. Count Enrique followed the route to cross the pass of El Pico, with the intention of making his way to Talavera in order to link up with his brother the master Don Fadrique who was waiting there. The men of the lands of Ávila had already occupied the pass and, once they saw the count approaching and about to cross, they all waited quietly until he had gone half way, and then those men of the area who were guarding the pass came out into the open and began to do battle with the count, who had with him about a hundred men on horseback. The men from the area made up a substantial force and they included the troops of the militia of El Colmenar, which belongs to the territories of Ávila. It was these who pressed him the hardest. The count, on finding himself under attack, could not move forward over the land – which was very rugged – and had to withdraw some way in order to defend himself. The men from the area, however, were large in number and they managed to take control of the pass, whose terrain makes it very hard to attack. Although the count was defending himself vigorously, the land was difficult and it was a struggle for him to find a way to escape. He made his way as best he could, with a few other men fighting to survive, and he succeeded in crossing the pass. There he lost, among others, Fernán Sánchez Manuel, son of Sancho Manuel the Younger, who was a son of Don Juan Manuel. As soon as the count reached level ground, he rode on until he reached Talavera in a state of disarray. There he found his brother, the

12

Crónica del rey don Pedro

desbaratado, e fallo ý al maestre don Fadrique su hermano, con mucha conpaña que tenia ý. E luego otro dia que el conde llego a Talauera, partieron el e el maestre su hermano e venieron al Colmenar. E por quanto el conde tenia grand saña dellos por que le touieron el puerto, destruyo el lugar del Colmenar e quemolo e morio ý mucha gente del dicho logar, e tornaronsse para Talauera el conde e el maestre su hermano.

Capitulo VIº. Commo el conde don Enrrique e el maestre su hermano se venieron a Toledo e de lo que ý acaesçio. El conde don Enrrique e el maestre de Santiago don Fadrique su hermano, estando en Talauera, sopieron commo el rrey don Pedro pasara por el puerto de la Tablada e era en Torrijos, a çinco leguas de Toledo. E partieron de Talauera el conde e el maestre, e vinieron para Toledo por allende de Tajo, en guisa que el rio de Tajo estaua entre ellos e el rrey, que estaua en Torrijos. E llegaron vn sabado en el mes de mayo, vna grand mañana, a la puente de Sand Martin de la çibdat de Toledo; e los caualleros que estauan en la çibdat de Toledo, quando lo supieron, sallieron a ellos e fizieronles leuar muchas viandas. E fablaron con el conde e con el maestre de Santiago, en que manera era su venida ally. E el conde e el maestre les dixeron que ellos auian sabido por çierto commo el rrey era en Torrijos, a çinco leguas de la çibdat de Toledo, e que se rreçelauan que si el entrasse en la çibdat que pasaria mal la rreyna Blanca, que ally estaua, e los de la çibdat, por quanto auian tomado su parte en esta demanda de la rreyna doña Blanca. E que por esta rrazon que eran ally venidos, por los acorrer e estar con ellos a les ayudar, segund los juramentos que sobre esto auian fecho, e que les rrogauan que los quisiessen acoger dentro en

Chronicle of King Pedro

13

master Don Fadrique, with the large force of troops that he had with him. The very next day after the count reached Talavera, he and his brother the master set off and rode to El Colmenar. In his fury with its people for holding the pass against him, Count Enrique destroyed the village of El Colmenar, burning it to the ground, and many inhabitants of that settlement were killed. The count and his brother the master then rode back to Talavera.

1355: CHAPTER VI How Count Enrique and his brother the master came to Toledo and concerning the events which took place there. While Count Enrique and his brother Don Fadrique, master of Santiago, were in Talavera, they learned of how King Pedro had crossed over the pass of Tablada and was in Torrijos, five leagues from Toledo. The count and the master left Talavera and approached Toledo along the far bank of the Tagus, in such a way that the river was between them and the king, who was in Torrijos. One Saturday in the month of May, early in the morning, they arrived at the Bridge of San Martín, which belonged to the city of Toledo.3 The knights who were in the city of Toledo, when they heard about this, went out to meet them and had a large quantity of supplies taken out to them. They discussed with the count and the master the reason why they had come: Count Enrique and the master Don Fadrique told them that they had learned for certain that the king was in Torrijos, five leagues from the city of Toledo, and that they feared that, if he entered the city, things would go badly for both Queen Blanche, who was in Toledo, and for the city’s people, since they had taken part in this campaign on her behalf. They explained that this was why they had come: to bring them assistance and to stay to give them support, in accordance with the oaths that they had sworn to that effect. Therefore they asked to

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la çibdat; ca estando ellos ally erales grand bien para tratar todos los sus fechos a su honrra, desque el rrey los viesse ayuntados e abenidos en vna. E los caualleros de la çibdat de Toledo que auian sallido a fablar con ellos a la puerta de Sand Martin, que es en la çibdat de Toledo segund que auemos contado, desque oyeron todas las rrazones que el conde e el maestre dixeron, rrespondieronles assy: primera mente que les gradesçian e les tenian en merçed la su venida; ca segund paresçia venian con entençion de les ayudar e de les acorrer en tal tiempo; pero que les pluguiese saber que desque en Toledo sopieran commo la rreyna doña Leonor de Aragon, tia del rrey, e los infantes de Aragon don Ferrando e don Iohan, sus primos del rrey, e eso mesmo, otros grandes señores e caualleros se partieran de la demanda que auian començado e se fueran para el rrey, e que ellos entendieron que aquella çibdat de Toledo pues era del rrey e estaua ay su muger la rreyna doña Blanca, que les cunplia traer con el rrey buenas maneras de sosiego para dar lugar al bien, e non poner el fecho mas en otra porfia, e que sobre esto auian enbiado caualleros sus parientes al rrey, a Torrijos, que estaua ay, para fablar en este fecho e pedirle merçed en esta rrazon. E dixeronles que los tratos que los de Toledo trayan con el rrey se tratauan en honrra de los dichos conde e maestre de Santiago e de todos los otros que se pusieran con esta demanda e eran agora en ella; ca tenian que el rrey estaua ya amansado en su coraçon para fazer toda buena pleytesia anssy con su muger la rreyna doña Blanca commo en tirar de sy todo enojo que ouiera de los que en esta demanda se pusieran. E que si agora ellos los acogiessen a los dichos conde e maestre en la çibdat de Toledo, que era çibdat del rrey e lugar tan noble e tan fuerte, que se rreçelauan que el trato se rronperia e que las cosas que estauan en buen estado se podrian dañar. E dixeron que pues el conde e el maestre de Santiago tenian la villa de Talauera, que es villa muy fuerte e muy rrezia e estauan ay muchas

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be allowed to enter the city, for their presence there would be of great benefit in bringing all their affairs to an honourable conclusion, once the king saw that they were all together and united in agreement. Some knights of the city of Toledo had come out onto the Bridge of San Martín to negotiate with the count and the master – the bridge, as we have already explained, being part of Toledo – and, on hearing what Count Enrique and Don Fadrique had to say, they replied as follows: firstly, they were grateful to them and were beholden to them for having come, for it seemed that they had indeed done so with the intention of supporting them and giving them aid at such a time; but they asked them to understand that, once the people in Toledo had learned how the king’s aunt, Queen Leonor of Aragon, and his cousins, Princes Ferran and Joan of Aragon, and likewise other great lords and knights, had abandoned the campaign that they had begun and gone over to the king, and, taking into account that the city of Toledo belonged to the king and that his wife Queen Blanche was present there, they could see that it was in their interests to bring about a peaceful settlement with King Pedro in order to achieve a satisfactory outcome, rather than cause further conflict; and that to this end they had sent knights – their relatives – to the king in Torrijos, where he was waiting, to discuss these matters and to place themselves at his mercy in this affair. They also told them that the discussions between the people of Toledo and the king were being conducted with due concern for the honour of the count and the master of Santiago and of all the others who had given their support to this campaign and were now involved in it, for they believed that by now the king’s emotions had calmed down sufficiently for him both to engage in positive negotiations with his wife Queen Blanche and to cast aside all the anger that he had felt for those who had joined in this campaign. They explained, therefore, that if they welcomed the count and the master into the city of Toledo, which belonged to the king and was a place of such nobility and such stature, they feared that the discussions would be broken off and a situation which had reached a positive stage might be thrown into jeopardy. They asked that, as the count and the master of Santiago held Talavera, which is powerful and heavily fortified and where there was a good stock of provisions and a large force of

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viandas e conpañas, que fuesse su merçed de se yr para Talauera fasta que viessen en que se ponian estos fechos e que ellos, de qual quier respuesta que ouiessen del rrey don Pedro, gelo farian saber, e con su consejo dellos si a ellos pluguiesse, se faria todo. E el conde e el maestre non se touieron por contentos desta respuesta que los que estauan en la çibdat de Toledo les dieran. E estauan con el conde e con el maestre algunos caualleros e escuderos de Toledo, que eran sus vasallos e venian con ellos de Talauera. E otros estauan en la çibdat de Toledo que maguer non eran sus vasallos, los querian bien e tenian esse dia su partida e su voluntad e querian que ellos entrassen en la çibdat en todas maneras. E dixeron al conde e al maestre que pues por aquella puente de Sand Martin non les acogian, que se fuessen enderredor del rrio de Tajo para la huerta del rrey, que era a la otra parte de la puente de Alcantara, e que posarian alli e que algunos auria en la çibdat que catarian manera por aquella otra partida de la puente de Alcantara que ellos entrassen. E el conde e el maestre fizieronlo assi e fueronsse por enderredor de la çibdat de Toledo rribera del rrio de Tajo para la huerta del rrey que es de la otra parte de la puente de Alcantara de la dicha çibdat. E aquel dia sabado estudieron alli e otro dia domingo a ora de medio dia, algunos de la çibdat de Toledo que estauan con el conde e con el maestre dieronles entrada por la puente de Alcantara. E vieron buen dia el conde e el maestre, ca non tenian ninguna abenençia con el rrey nin se fiauan del e querian apoderarse de la çibdat tal e tan buena commo Toledo en qual quier manera que fuesse fasta auer seguramiento del rrey qual ellos quisiesen. E commo a ora de medio dia estando todos seguros en la çibdat e non pensando en desto ninguna cosa, non cataron si non quando entraron por la puente de Alcantara gentes de armas e los pendones del conde e del maestre. E algunos de los caualleros de la çibdat que estauan dentro, a los que les plazia, luego se juntaron con el conde e con el maestre. E otros caualleros de la çibdat a quien non plogo desta

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men, it might be their will to go to that town and remain there until they saw how events were developing. The people of Toledo added that they would inform them about whatever response they received from King Pedro and that all of these dealings would be carried out in consultation with them, if this was their will. The count and the master were not satisfied with this reply that they had been given by the people in the city of Toledo. Accompanying the count and the master were some knights and squires from Toledo who were their vassals and who had come with them from Talavera. There were others, too, in the city of Toledo who, although they were not their vassals, were their allies and who on that day gave them their support and their backing. These people wanted them to go into the city in any case and they told the count and the master that, since they were not being allowed to enter it by that Bridge of San Martín, they should pass around the River Tagus as far as the Huerta del Rey which was on the far side of the Bridge of Alcántara, that they should set up their camp there and that there would be people in the city who would find some way by which they could make an entry on the other side of that bridge.4 The count and the master did what they suggested and made their way around the city of Toledo along the banks of the River Tagus as far as the Huerta del Rey, on the far side of the city’s Alcántara Bridge. That same day, which was a Saturday, they waited there, and the following day, at noon on Sunday, some citizens of Toledo who were supporters of the count and the master allowed them to enter by the Bridge of Alcántara. The count and the master saw cause for celebration, for they had reached no agreement with the king and did not trust him and their desire was to take control of a city of the status and the distinction of Toledo by any means whatsoever and hold it until they received from the king assurances which were to their satisfaction. Since at midday everybody was securely in the city not suspecting any of this, no one realized what was happening until coming over the Bridge of Alcántara there appeared men-at-arms and the standards of the count and the master. Rapidly Count Enrique and the master were joined by those among the knights from the city who were there

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entrada que el conde e el maestre fizieron en la çibdat, acogieronse al alcaçar e enbiaron poner rrecabdo en el castillo de la juderia mayor, que era çercada. E ouo luego muy grand buelta en toda la çibdat.

Capitulo VIIº. Commo algunos de la çibdat de Toledo a quien non plogo la entrada del conde e del maestre enbiaron por el maestre e dixieronle que non auia fecho bien en entrar en la çibdat de Toledo e commo enbiaron por el rrey don Pedro e commo vino luego otro dia e lo que ý acaesçio. Los de la çibdat de Toledo a quien non plogo la entrada del conde don Enrrique e del maestre de Santiago, quando los vieron entrados en Toledo, segund dicho auemos, estrañaron gelo mucho al maestre e dixeronle que por el vernia grand daño a la çibdat. E enbiaron luego cartas al rrey don Pedro, que estaua en Torrijos, a çinco leguas dende, por las quales le enbiaron dezir que le pidian por merçed que se viniesse para la su çibdat de Toledo, que ellos lo acogerian. Ca el conde e el maestre, desque entraron en la çibdat asosegaron en sus posadas, pero las sus conpañas començaron a rrobar vna juderia apartada que dizian el alacaua e rrobaronla e mataron los judios que fallaron fasta mill e dozientas presonas, omnes e mujeres, grandes e pequeños; pero la juderia mayor non la pudieron tomar, que estaua çercada e mucha gente dentro. E algunos caualleros que tenian ya la partida del rrey ayudauan a los judios e, todos en vno, defendian la juderia mayor. E otro dia lunes ocho dias de mayo deste dicho año, de grand mañana, llego el rrey don Pedro, que partio de Torrijos aquel dia. E paso el rrey por vn vado que era baxo en aquel tienpo, çerca de vna aldea que

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within the walls and gave them their support. Others of the city’s knights who were opposed to this entry made by the count and the master took refuge in the alcázar and arranged for the defence of the fortified Jewish quarter with its surrounding wall. A great commotion spread throughout the entire city.

1355: CHAPTER VII How some citizens of Toledo who were opposed to the entry of the count and the master sent for Don Fadrique and told him that he had not been right to enter the city; how they sent for King Pedro and how he came on the very next day; and concerning the events which took place there. The citizens of Toledo who were opposed to the entry made by Count Enrique and the master of Santiago, on seeing that they had made their way into the city – as we have already related – expressed their considerable annoyance to the master, telling him that he would be the cause of great harm coming to the city. They then wrote to King Pedro, who was five leagues away in Torrijos, beseeching him to come to Toledo and saying they would welcome him into the city. This was because, although the count and the master, once they had entered the city, rested in their quarters, their men began to raid a separate Jewish community in an area known as the Alacava, plundering and killing the Jews that they found there: some 1,200 people, men and women, young and old alike. However they could not take the main Jewish quarter which was walled and had a large number of people inside. Some knights who had already declared their support for the king came to the aid of the Jews and they fought together to defend that principal Jewish district. The following day, Monday the 8th of May of the year in question, King Pedro arrived early in the morning, having set out from Torrijos that same day. The king crossed the river by means of a ford, where the water level at that time was low, near to a small village called

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llaman Portusa, e veno por la parte de la puente de Sand Martin por quanto estaua allegada a la juderia, que estaua por el. E anssy ge lo enbiaron dezir los de Toledo que tenian la su partida, que por aquella parte veniesse, por quanto las açudas estauan secas e eran de la otra parte de la juderia, e los que alli estauan los pudian acoger. E traya el rrey muchas gentes conssigo e luego que llego, mando conbatir la puente de Sant Martin e poner fuego a las puertas. E algunos de los suyos començaron luego a pasar por las açudas que estauan en derecho de la juderia, que estauan secas mas que nunca fueran en veynte años. E era en el mes de mayo segund dicho auemos. E pasaron fasta trezientos omes de armas e ayudandoles los judios que en la juderia estauan, con cuerdas de cañamo que les dauan, que pasauan el rrio por las açudas e se tenian a las cuerdas de cañamo que les dauan. E estos que anssy pasaron entraron en la juderia mayor juntandosse con los que estauan en el castillo de la juderia, que tenian la parte del rrey don Pedro, e defendieron la juderia; ca ya la començauan los del conde a entrar e fazian grandes portillos e derribauan las paredes.

Capitulo VIIIº. Commo el conde don Enrrique e el maestre don Fadrique, su hermano, e don Pero Esteuañez Carpentero sallieron de la çibdat de Toledo e commo entro el rrey don Pedro en la çibdat. El conde don Enrrique e el maestre de Santiago don Fadrique e don Pero Esteuañez Carpentero, sobrino del maestre don Iohan Nuñez, el que don Diego Garcia, maestre que era agora de Calatraua, fiziera matar en Maqueda, segund suso auemos contado, todos estos que estauan dentro en la çibdat de Toledo llegaron a la puerta de Sand Martin de la çibdat de Toledo, que conbatian los del rrey, e mandaron a caualleros e escuderos que con ellos estauan que subiessen en la torre de la puente

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Portusa, and he approached from the direction of the Bridge of San Martín since it was close to the the Jewish quarter, which supported him. The citizens of Toledo who supported his cause had sent word to him that he should go that way, since the irrigation waters were running dry, they were across the river from the Jewish quarter and the people inside could give them access. The king had a large force with him and, as soon as he arrived, he ordered his troops to make an attack on the Bridge of San Martín and to set fire to the gates. Some of his men rapidly began to cross over from the area of the weirs, which were situated opposite the Jewish quarter and where the waters had dried up to a greater extent than at any point in the previous 20 years. And, as we have already said, this was in the month of May. As many as 300 men-at-arms made their way over with the help of the Jews within their quarter, who passed them hemp rope onto which they held as they crossed over the weir. The men who made the crossing in this way entered the main Jewish quarter and joined up with the supporters of King Pedro who were within its fortifications and they defended the district; for the count’s men were by now beginning to make their way in, opening up breaches and bringing down the walls.

1355: CHAPTER VIII How Count Enrique, his brother the master Don Fadrique and Don Pero Estébanez Carpenteyro left the city of Toledo and how King Pedro entered it. Count Enrique, Don Fadrique, master of Santiago, and Don Pero Estébanez Carpenteyro, nephew of the master Don Juan Núñez – the man whom, as we have related above, Don Diego, now master of the Order of Calatrava, had ordered to be killed in Maqueda – were all in the city of Toledo.5 They now came to the city gate of San Martín, which was under attack from the king’s forces, and they instructed knights and squires in their company to climb up onto the tower of the bridge to defend it, and this they did. However, those who went

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para la defender e fizieronlo anssi. Pero los que subieron enla torre fueron luego feridos de saetas, ca el rrey tenia grand ballesteria, e la torre de la puente do estos caualleros e escuderos subieron non tenia petril nin lugar para se defender e ouieronla de dexar. E eran los que subieron esse dia en la torre para la defender estos caualleros que aqui dira: don Pero Ruyz de Sandoual, comendador de Montiel de la horden de Santiago, e Alfonso Jufre Tenorio e Ferrand Sanchez de Rojas e vn cauallero de la horden de Calatraua que dezian Pero Aluarez e otros. E fezieron mucho por defender la dicha torre pero que fueron todos feridos de saetas. E desçendieron de la dicha torre, ca non pudieron sofryr la grand ballesteria que traya el rrey don Pedro e demas que en la torre non auia defendimiento de petril nin de almenas. El conde don Enrrique e el maestre don Fadrique e don Pero Esteuañez Carpentero, maestre que se llamaua de Calatraua, e los caualleros que con ellos eran, ouieron su acuerdo que pues la tenian en tan grande peligro, que las gentes del rrey toda via pasauan por las açudas e cresçian toda via las conpañas del rrey en la çibdat, que mejor era morir en el canpo que por las calles de la çibdat de Toledo; ca si el rrey entrasse, que los de la çibdat de Toledo ternian todos con el rrey e que sus gentes se pornian por las casas e por las iglesias con miedo e que era mejor morir en el canpo. E anssy commo lo dixeron anssi lo fizieron, e sallieron luego todos de la çibdat por la puente de Alcantara. E tomaron camino en derredor de Tajo para yr a la puente de Sand Martin do estaua el rrey, para pelear con el; pero, en quanto ellos esto acordaron e eran ya fuera de la çibdat en tanto las puertas de la puente ardieron con grand fuego que les era puesto, e cayeron. E el rrey don Pedro entro con todas sus conpañas e con sus pendones por la puente de Sand Martin; pero las azemilas e el rrrastro avn non eran entrados, ca non pudian, tan grande era la priesa. E el conde don Enrrique e el maestre don Fadrique e don Pero Esteuañez Carpentero maestre que se llamaua de Calatraua, e los otros caualleros que con ellos yuan quando llegaron a do cuydauan fallar al rrey, çerca la puente de Sand Martin, para pelear con el, fallaronlo ya

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up onto the tower soon suffered casualties from crossbow-fire, for the king had with him a large number of crossbowmen and the tower which these knights and squires had mounted had no parapet and offered nowhere to seek protection, and they were obliged to abandon it. The following knights were those who went up that tower that day in order to defend it: Don Pero Ruiz de Sandoval, commander for Montiel of the Order of Santiago, Alfonso Jofré Tenorio, Fernán Sánchez de Rojas, a knight of the Order of Calatrava called Pero Álvarez, and others. They fought hard to defend the tower but they all suffered arrow-wounds. They came down from the tower, for they were unable to cope with the large force of crossbowmen brought by King Pedro, and in addition on the tower there was no protection from a parapet or battlements. Count Enrique, the master Don Fadrique and Don Pero Estébanez Carpenteyro – who termed himself master of Calatrava – and the knights who were with them agreed that, since the situation was so full of danger, the king’s troops were still making their way in from the area by the weir and the size of his forces in the city was continuing to increase, it was better to die in the open countryside than in the streets of the city of Toledo; for if the king made his entry the citizens of Toledo would all give him their support and their troops would take to the houses and the churches in fear, and so it was better to meet their death in the open country. Just as they had decided, they lost no time in leaving the city by the Bridge of Alcántara. They set off to follow a route around the Tagus and go to do battle with the king in his position by the Bridge of San Martín, but no sooner had they determined on this and left the city than the gates of the bridge, which were aflame as a result of the fierce fire that had been applied to them, came crashing down. King Pedro made his way in, crossing the Bridge of San Martín, with all his forces and with his standards flying; but the mules and the pack-train had not yet entered the city, for they had not been able to do so, so strong was the surge. Count Enrique, the master Don Fadrique and Don Pero Estébanez – who termed himself master of Calatrava – and the other knights who were with them, reached the place by the Bridge of San Martín where they expected to find the king in order to do battle with him; but

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entrado con sus gentes en la çibdat. E los que con ellos yuan rrobaron las azemilas e el rrastro que alli fallaron de las conpañas del rrey e tomaron su camino para Talauera. E era ya el sol puesto quando esto fue. E tenia el rrey aquel dia dos mill e quinientos de cauallo castellanos e seysçientos ginetes. E el conde don Enrrique e el maestre de Santiago e los que con ellos eran pudian seer todos fasta ochoçientos de cauallo, pero con la grand desesperaçion, sallieron a tomar el auentura que les venia.

Capitulo IXº. Commo el rrey don Pedro quisiera pelear con el conde don Enrrique e con el maestre don Fadrique e commo ouo sobre ello su consejo. Otrossy, commo priso a la rreyna doña Blanca su muger. El rrey don Pedro, que era ya entrado en Toledo, desque sopo commo el conde don Enrrique e el maestre don Fadrique e los que con ellos eran auian rrobado todo el rrastro que venia en pos del, boluio a la puente de Sand Martin e sallio fuera de la çibdat de Toledo por pelear con ellos. E llego fasta vn lugar que le dizen la Pedrosilla, que es a vna legua de la çibdat; ca aquel camino leuauan el conde e el maestre. E desque ý llego el rrey era ya tarde e yuan con el rrey muy pocas conpañas; ca los mas se detouieron en la çibdat de Toledo, que auian tomado posadas e algunos dellos rrobauan las posadas que dexaran los del conde e del maestre. E el rrey ouo su acuerdo; ca lo vno, leuaua poca conpaña, otrossy que lo auian de auer con omnes desesperados, e tornosse para Toledo, e ya era çerca de la noche. E el rrey despues que fue en la çibdat de Toledo, poso en vnas casas que eran de Martin Ferrandez, que dizian el Ayo, e non quiso yr al alcaçar, por que estaua ay la rreyna doña Blanca su muger, nin la

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they discovered that he had already entered the city with his forces. The men in their company then stole the mules and the pack-train belonging to the king’s troops which they found there and headed off towards Talavera. It was already sunset when these events took place. That day the king had with him 2,500 Castilian knights and 600 light cavalry. Count Enrique and the master of Santiago, together with those in their company, may have numbered altogether up to 800 horsemen, but in their great despair they rode off to face what their fortune brought.

1355: CHAPTER IX How King Pedro wished to do battle with Count Enrique and with the master Don Fadrique and how he consulted his advisers on this matter; also how he imprisoned his wife Queen Blanche. Once King Pedro, who had now entered Toledo, learned how Count Enrique and the master Don Fadrique and the men in their company had stolen the whole of the pack-train that had been following behind his troops, he returned to the Bridge of San Martín and rode out from the city of Toledo to do battle with them. He went as far as a settlement known as La Pedrosilla, which lies one league from the city, for that was the route followed by the count and the master. However, by the time the king arrived there it was already late and he had only a very small force with him, for most of his men had remained in the city of Toledo: they had occupied dwellings and some of them were plundering the quarters that had been abandoned by the troops of the count and the master. So the king took his decision, partly because he did not have a large number of troops and partly because they would be dealing with desperate men: he went back to Toledo, and by now it was almost dark. Once he was in the city of Toledo, he stayed in some apartments which belonged to Martín Fernández, known as the Tutor. He did not wish to go the alcázar as his wife Queen Blanche was residing there:

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quiso veer nin la vio nunca despues, antes mando a Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa su camarero mayor, que fuesse luego alla e pusiesse tal rrecabdo commo ella non pudiesse por ninguna manera partyr de ally del alcaçar fasta que el rrey hordenase do la auia a tener presa. E dende a quatro dias mando el rrey a Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa su camarero mayor, que leuase la rreyna doña Blanca su muger al alcaçar de la villa de Siguença, que tenia el dicho Iohan Ferrandez. Ca al obispo de Siguença, que era natural de Toledo, tomaralo esse dia el rrey e tenielo preso por quanto andaua en esta demanda con el conde don Enrrique e con el maestre don Fadrique. E este dicho obispo era natural de Toledo e dezianle don Pero Gomez Barroso, e despues fuera cardenal, e todo lo suyo fue tomado e rrobado, e los castillos del obispado de Siguença suyos mandaralos el rrey guardar a Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa. E Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa fizolo anssy, segund el rrey lo mando, e levo la rreyna doña Blanca a Siguença e dexola ý. E fincaron ý por sus guardas dos caualleros vasallos del rrey, los quales eran Yñigo Ortiz de las Cueuas e Ruy Perez de Soto; pero a pocos dias despues, Yñigo Ortiz de las Cueuas finco ý en la guarda de la rreyna e non otro cauallero. E mato el rrey estonçes en Toledo a Ferran Sanchez de Rojas e Alfonso Gomez, comendador de Otos, de la horden de Calatraua, e algunos otros de quien diremos adelante.

Capitulo Xº. Commo el rrey don Pedro fizo matar a algunos en Toledo e prender a otros. Despues que el rrey don Pedro ouo enbiado a la rreyna doña Blanca su muger a Siguença presa, fueron presos e muertos algunos caualleros e escuderos que bivian con el conde don Enrrique e con el maestre de

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he was not willing to see her, nor indeed did he ever see her again, but rather he instructed Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, his master chamberlain, to go there and impose restrictions such that there was no way in which she could leave the castle until the king determined where he was to hold her prisoner. Four days later the king ordered Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, his master chamberlain, to transfer his wife Queen Blanche to the alcázar in the town of Sigüenza, which was held by Juan Fernández. For that same day the bishop of Sigüenza, a native of Toledo, had been arrested by the king who was holding him prisoner because he had taken part in the campaign with Count Enrique and the master Don Fadrique. The aforementioned bishop was a native of Toledo and his name was Don Pero Gómez Barroso, and he subsequently went on to become a cardinal.6 All his possessions were seized and pillaged and the king had instructed that the castles of his which belonged to the bishopric of Sigüenza were to be placed under the control of Juan Fernández de Henestrosa. Juan Fernández carried out all of this exactly as the king had commanded and took Queen Blanche to Sigüenza, where he left her. Two knights who were vassals of the king remained there as her guards: Íñigo Ortiz de las Cuevas and Ruy Pérez de Soto. However, a few days later just Íñigo Ortiz de las Cuevas was left there as the queen’s guard and no other knight. Then, in Toledo, the king executed Fernán Sánchez de Rojas and Alfonso Gómez, the commander of Otos for the Order of Calatrava, together with some others of whom we shall go on to tell.

1355: CHAPTER X How, in Toledo, King Pedro had some men executed and others imprisoned. Once King Pedro had sent his wife Queen Blanche to Sigüenza as a prisoner, there took place the imprisonment and execution of some knights and squires from the households of Count Enrique and the

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Santiago que fincaran en la çibdat de Toledo. Otrossy mando matar estonçe en Toledo, por quanto fueron en aquel consejo de se alçar la çibdat, veynte e dos omnes buenos del comun de la çibdat, que el por bien touo. E ally acaesçio que entre los de la çibdat que el rrey mando matar, vn platero viejo, que auia ochenta años, e teniendolo para matar, llego al rrey vn fijo del dicho platero, que auia fasta diez e ocho años, e pidiole merçed que mandasse matar a el e escapar a su padre, e fue fecho assy. E pluguiera a todos que el rrey mandara que non matassen a ninguno dellos nin al padre nin al fijo. Otrossy mando el rrey matar a quatro caualleros de los buenos de la çibdat de Toledo, e touolos grand tienpo presos, a los quales dizian Gonçalo Melendez e Lope de Velasco e Tel Gonçalez Palomeque e Pero Diaz, su hermano. E [a] Gonçalo Melendez e Lope de Velasco pusolos presos en el castillo de Mora, e a los otros dos, que dizian Tel Gonçalez e Pero Diaz, que eran hermanos, enbiolos presos a Aguilar de Canpo. E eso mismo leuaron a Aguilar de Canpo al obispo de Siguença, que fuera estonçe preso e tenialo Gonçalo Gonçalez de Luzio, por mandado del rrey.

Capitulo XIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro fue para la çibdat de Cuenca, que estaua alçada, e lo que ý fizo. Despues desto partio el rrey de Toledo e fuese para la çibdat de Cuenca, que estaua en ella don Aluar Garcia de Albornoz e don Ferrand Gomez, su hermano, e otros sus parientes, los quales eran en esta demanda de la rreyna doña Blanca. E tenia en Cuenca don Aluar Garcia de Albornoz a don Sancho, fijo del rrey don Alfonso e de doña Leonor de Guzman, ca don Aluar Garcia lo criara.

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master of Santiago who had remained behind in the city of Toledo. Likewise, the king ordered the deaths in Toledo of 22 leading citizens from among the common people of the city, as he considered appropriate, because they had been involved in the decision for the city to rebel. The following event took place in Toledo: among other executions, the king ordered that of an old silversmith, a man of 80 years of age, and as they were making ready to kill him, a son of the silversmith, who was about 18, beseeched the king to have him killed and to pardon his father. This was done, but everybody would have been happier if the king had commanded that neither the father nor the son should die. Likewise, the king ordered the execution of four of the leading knights of the city, holding them in prison for a long time. By name they were Gonzalo Meléndez, Lope de Velasco, Tel González Palomeque and his brother Pero Díaz. King Pedro imprisoned Gonzalo Meléndez and Lope de Velasco in the castle of Mora and the other two – Tel González and Pero Díaz, who were brothers, – he sent as prisoners to Aguilar de Campoo. The bishop of Sigüenza, who by then had been arrested, was similarly taken to Aguilar de Campoo and held as a prisoner by Gonzalo González de Lucio at the king’s command.

1355: CHAPTER XI How King Pedro went to the city of Cuenca, which had risen up in rebellion, and what he did there. After this King Pedro departed for the city of Cuenca, where Don Álvar García de Albornoz and his brother Don Fernán Gómez were to be found together with other members of their family: these were men who had supported the campaign on behalf of Queen Blanche. Don Álvar García de Albornoz had with him in Cuenca Don Sancho – son of King Alfonso and Doña Leonor de Guzmán – for Don Álvar García had brought him up as a member of his household.

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E llego el rrey a vna aldea que le dizen Xauega, que es vna legua de la çibdat de Cuenca, e estudo ally el rrey vnos quinze dias. E traxo sus pleytesias con don Aluar Garcia e don Ferrand Gomez de Albornoz, su hermano, por que la çibdat es muy fuerte e non la podian cobrar por fuerça nin çercarla, por quanto el conde don Enrrique e el maestre, su hermano, e don Pero Esteuañez Carpentero maestre que se llamaua de Calatraua, eran ydos a Toro e fazian dende mucha guerra a toda la tierra. E por tanto fizo el rrey su pleytesia con estos caualleros que estauan en la çibdat de Cuenca, que non fiziessen guerra della, e el rrey, que non fiziese estonçe nin entrasse nin tomasse otro apoderamiento sobrella.

Capitulo XIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro fue para Toro, do estaua la rreyna doña Maria, su madre, e el conde don Enrrique e el maestre don Fadrique, su hermano. Despues que el rrey dexo fecha pleytesia que la çibdat de Cuenca estouiesse asosegada, que della non fiziesen guerra alguna aquellos caualleros que estauan en ella, partio el rrey de aquella aldea çerca de Cuenca do estaua. E el rrey enbio a Yñigo Lopez de Horozco e a Pero Gonçalez de Mendoça a la villa de Santa Olalla por fronteros de Talauera; ca estauan ý pieça de conpañas que el conde e el maestre dexaran ý. E fuesse el rrey para Segouia e para Otordesillas e dende para Toro, que ya sabia que eran ý el conde don Enrrique e el maestre don Fadrique, su hermano, e don Pero Esteuañez Carpentero, que se llamaua maestre de Calatraua, que muchos freyres criados del maestre don Iohan Nuñez lo ovieran esleydo por maestre al dicho Pero Esteuañez despues que esta demanda se començara, e era muy buen cauallero.

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The king came to a small village known as Jábaga, situated one league from the city of Cuenca, and he spent about two weeks there. He negotiated with Don Álvar García and his brother Don Fernán Gómez de Albornoz, because the city is very well protected and it was not possible to take it by force or to lay siege to it; and he did this in view of the fact that Count Enrique, his brother the master and Don Pero Estébanez Carpenteyro – who termed himself master of Calatrava – had gone on to Toro from where they were repeatedly launching raids on the surrounding area. The king therefore negotiated terms with the knights who were present in the city of Cuenca, by which they would not launch raids from the city and the king would not move against them at that time, enter the city or take any other form of control over it.

1355: CHAPTER XII How King Pedro headed for Toro, where his mother Queen Maria was present along with Count Enrique and his brother, the master Don Fadrique. After he had negotiated terms leaving the city of Cuenca at peace, such that those knights who were residing there would not use it as a base for carrying out raids, the king set out from the nearby village where he was staying. He sent Íñigo López de Orozco and Pero González de Mendoza to the town of Santa Olalla as field commanders against Talavera, for the substantial garrison which the count and the master had left there still remained in place. The king now moved on to Segovia, to Tordesillas and from there to Toro, for he was by now aware of the presence there of Count Enrique and his brother, the master Don Fadrique, and also Don Pero Estébanez Carpenteyro. Don Pero Estébanez termed himself master of Calatrava, for many brothers who had been members of the household of the master Don Juan Núñez had elected him master once the campaign had begun, and he was a very fine knight.

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E segund auemos ya contado, el conde don Enrrique e el maestre don Fadrique e todos los que eran en su conpañia eran partidos de Talauera e eran en Toro. E dexaron rrecabdo de gentes en Talauera e eran fasta mill e dozientos de cauallo con el conde e con el maestre e con los que con ellos fueron e con los que fallaron en Toro, e mucha gente de pie. E la rreyna doña Maria, madre del rrey don Pedro, auia enbiado por el conde don Enrrique e por el maestre de Santiago diziendo que, pues ella los acogiera otra vez en la dicha villa de Toro, segund suso deximos, e se perdiera por ellos con su fijo el rrey, agora que les rrogaua que le fuessen a acorrer por que si el rrey su fijo llegasse primero que ellos a Toro, ella seria en grand peligro. E ellos desque ouieron sus cartas e sus mandamientos de la rreyna doña Maria, fizieronlo assy e fueron luego para Toro e pusieronsse ally con las mas conpañas que pudieron de cauallo e de pie. E el rrey don Pedro, desque partiera de la comarca de Cuenca donde estudiera, segunt auemos contado, vino para Segovia e dende para Otordesillas e dende llego a Castro Nuño, que es a tres leguas de Toro, e ally rrecogio todas sus conpañas. E de ally llego a Toro e fallo que estauan en la dicha villa de Toro, la rreyna doña Maria, su madre, e el conde don Enrrique e el maestre don Fadrique, su hermano; e don Pero Esteuañez Carpentero, maestre que se dizia de Calatraua, e Alfonso Tellez Giron e Ruy Gonçalez de Castañeda e Martin Alfonso Tello, que era natural de Portogal e viniera con la rreyna doña Maria quando ella vino de Portogal, segund dicho auemos, e otros caualleros e escuderos e muchos buenos que estauan en Toro con los dichos señores que ý entraron, e segund suso auemos dicho, eran fasta mill e dozientos de cauallo e mucha gente de pie. E pelearon con la gente del rrey los que estauan en la villa, en las barreras, luego aquel dia, e murieron omnes de la vna parte e de la otra, pero non morio aquel dia omne de cuenta. E el rrey tornosse para Castro Nuño, e despues dende a ocho dias, el rrey paso de la otra parte a vnas aldeas que llaman Pozo Antigo e

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As we have already related, Count Enrique and the master Don Fadrique, together with all their troops, had left Talavera and were now in Toro. They left a garrison in Talavera, and with the count and the master there were as many as 1,200 horsemen, including both those that they took with them and those that they found in Toro, as well as a large number of footsoldiers. Queen María, King Pedro’s mother, had sent for Count Enrique and the master of Santiago, saying that, since she had allowed them to enter that same town of Toro on the previous occasion – as we related above – and since on account of them she had fallen out with her son the king, now she was imploring them to go to her aid; for, if her son the king reached Toro before them, she would be in great danger. Once they had received Queen María’s letter and learned her bidding, they did what she asked and hurried to Toro, where they installed themselves with as large a force of both horsemen and infantry as they could manage. Once King Pedro had departed from the area around Cuenca, where he had been staying – as we have already related – he travelled to Segovia and then Tordesillas, and from there he went on to Castronuño, which is three leagues from Toro. At Castronuño he mustered all his troops and then advanced as far as Toro, where he found that all of the following people were gathered in the town: his mother Queen María, Count Enrique and his brother the master Don Fadrique, Don Pero Estébanez Carpenteyro – who termed himself Master of Calatrava –, Alfonso Téllez Girón, Ruy González de Castañeda and Martim Afonso Telo, who was a native of Portugal and had accompanied the queen on the way back from that country – as we have already said – and also other knights and squires and many citizens of high standing who were in Toro together with those lords who had made their entry into the town. As we have already indicated, there were as many as 1,200 horsemen and a large body of men on foot. That same day the people in the town fought at the ramparts with the king’s men. There were deaths on both sides, but on that day these included no man of standing. The king returned to Castronuño and a week later he took a different route passing through some villages called Pozoantiguo,

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Vezdemaruan e Veçames, e quiso talar viñas e panes que estauan de aquella partida e non pudo ay estar, ca non auia agua para la hueste, saluo vna poça. E partio de ally e dexo en Pozo Antigo a don Iohan de la Çerda, fijo de don Luys, e a don Pero Nuñez de Guzman con gentes de armas. E el rrey fue a echar vna çelada a los de la villa de Toro contra el camino de Çamora. E non sallio ninguno de la villa de Toro contra el camino de Çamora nin ouo pelea alguna, e tornose el rrey a Pozo Antigo. E dende vinose para vna aldea de Toro que dizian Morales, e alli ouo agua para alguna gente suya, e de los otros suyos que ally eran con el, mando yr posar trezientos omnes de armas a Sand Roman Dornija, e otros por otras aldeas enderredor de la comarca. E cada semana, dos dias yua el rrey a la villa de Toro e fazia pelear los suyos con los de la villa en las barreras.

Capitulo XIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro partio de Morales e fue para Valderas e la fizo conbatir e non la pudo tomar e commo torno otra vegada e la tomo, e conbatio a Rueda. Estando el rrey don Pedro en Morales çerca de Toro enbiaronle dezir commo caualleros e escuderos que estauan por el conde don Enrrique en la villa de Valderas, que es en Canpos, que fazian mucho daño e guerra por aquella comarca. E partio el rrey de Morales con çiertas conpañas e dexo en Morales al infante don Ferrando su primo e a don Iohan de la Çerda e a Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa su camarero mayor e su priuado, e al maestre de Calatraua don Diego Garcia de Padilla e a Iohan Alfonso de Benauides e a Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo e otros muchos caualleros fronteros de Toro. E el rrey fuesse a Ualderas e fizola conbatir e non la pudo tomar e tornosse para Morales. E dende a quinze dias cato mas ballesteria e fue otra vez a Valderas e conbatiola e tomola. E Gomez Manrrique

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Vezdemarbán and Abezames. He wanted to chop down the vines and destroy the cereal crops of that area, but he was unable to remain there as there was just one natural well and insufficient water for his army. He departed from the region and left Don Juan de la Cerda, the son of Don Luis, and Don Pero Núñez de Guzmán in Pozoantiguo with menat-arms. The king then went to lay an ambush for the people of Toro on the road to Zamora. However, no one left Toro along that road nor was there any clash at all, and the king returned to Pozoantiguo. From there he moved on to a village belonging to Toro which was called Morales, where there was water for some of his troops. Of the other men of his company he ordered 300 men-at-arms to be given quarters in San Román de Hornija and others in villages scattered around the area. On two days of each week the king went to Toro and had his troops fight with the men of the town at the ramparts.

1355: CHAPTER XIII How King Pedro set out from Morales and headed for Valderas, on which he launched an assault without being able to capture it; how he went back on a second occasion and took the town; and how he attacked Rueda. While King Pedro was in Morales, near to Toro, word was sent to him that knights and squires who were partisans of Count Enrique and were in the town of Valderas, in Tierra de Campos, were raiding and causing great damage throughout that area. The king set out from Morales with some of his troops, leaving behind as field commanders against Toro his cousin Prince Ferran, Don Juan de la Cerda, Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, his master chamberlain and confidant, the master of Calatrava Don Diego García de Padilla, Juan Alfonso de Benavides, Gutier Fernández de Toledo and several other knights. The king went to Valderas and launched an assault on it, but he was unable to capture the town and he returned to Morales. A fortnight later he assembled a larger force of crossbowmen, went back to

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que dizian de Uruñuela, que estaua ay por mayor, e Pero Ferrandez de Villa Grande e Pero Ferrandez de Villa Carlon e Iohan Ferrandez de Ferrera e otros que ay estauan acogieronse a vn castillo pequeño que ý auia e pleytearon con el rrey que los pusiesen en saluo en Toro a los que con el non quisiesen quedar e perdonasse e fiziese merçed a los que con el quisiesen quedar. E el rrey fizolo anssy e algunos fueron para Toro e otros fincaron en la merçed del rrey. E esto fecho el rrey partio de Valderas e fue a Rueda, que es en tierra de Leon, que estaua por el conde don Enrrique, e teniala çercada, por mandado del rrey, don Pero Nuñez de Guzman, adelantado mayor de tierra de Leon, e fizola conbatir el rrey, pero non la pudo tomar. E estauan en ella Aluar Diaz de Escobar e Ferrand Aluarez de Escobar e otros caualleros e escuderos del conde don Enrrique, que la defendian.

Capitulo XIIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro sopo commo el conde don Enrrique era partido de Toro para Gallizia e de otras cosas que acaesçieron en este tienpo. Estando el rrey don Pedro sobre Rueda ouo nueuas commo el conde don Enrrique era partido de Toro e que era ydo para Gallizia a se juntar con don Ferrando de Castro. E los vnos dizian que fiziera el conde esta partida de Toro por se juntar con don Ferrando de Castro, que era en Gallizia, e le acuçiar a fazer guerra por que el rrey afloxasse de la çerca de Toledo, e otros dizian que lo fiziera el conde por que non queria seer çercado, e que lo fiziera sienpre asi, ca en Gijon non se quiso poner ende por non ser çercado, ca se rreçelaua mucho del rrey. E el rrey desque sopo commo el conde era partido de Toro, partio

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Valderas, attacked the town and captured it. Gómez Manrique, known as ‘de Uruñuela’ − who was there as the senior commander −, Pero Fernández de Villagrande, Pero Fernández de Villacarlon, Juan Fernández de Herrera and others who were present took refuge in a small castle at Valderas and negotiated with the king for him to grant safe conduct to Toro to those men who did not wish to remain with his company and to pardon and grant his mercy to those who did choose to do so. The king agreed to do this and some went to Toro whilst others remained in the service of the king. After this had taken place, the king departed from Valderas and rode on to Rueda, which was situated in the lands of León and had given its support to Count Enrique. At the king’s command Rueda was being besieged by Don Pero Núñez de Guzmán, governor general of the Leonese territories. The king commanded that an attack be made on Rueda but he was unable to capture it. Within the town and fighting to defend it were Álvar Díaz de Escobar and Fernán Álvarez de Escobar, together with other knights and squires of Count Enrique.

1355: CHAPTER XIV How King Pedro learned that Count Enrique had set out from Toro for Galicia; and concerning other events which took place at this time. While King Pedro was outside Rueda he received news of how Count Enrique had left Toro and set off for Galicia with the intention of linking up with Don Fernando de Castro. Some said that the count had left Toro on this journey in order to join Don Fernando, who was in Galicia, and to urge him to wage war and thus force the king to release the pressure of the siege on Toledo. Others said that the count had done so because he did not want to find himself besieged and that he had always acted in this way; for in Gijón he had avoided entering the town in order not to be caught in a siege, so great was his fear of the king.

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de sobre Rueda e vino a Morales e ouo su consejo commo faria. E vna vez queria dexar fronteros en Morales de Toro e yrsse para Gallizia do estaua el conde don Enrrique e don Ferrando de Castro: e mandaua enderesçar el lugar de Morales e fazer cauas e cadahalsos para dexar ý conpañas e el yr a Galizia. Pero despues ouo su consejo de se non partir de Morales e de aquella comarca do estaua fasta que tomasse la villa de Toro e a los que en ella estauan o veniessen a la su merçed, e anssy lo fizo. E en este año estando el rrey en Morales çerca de Toro, le nasçio vna fija de doña Maria de Padilla, en Otordesillas, que dixieron doña Ysabel, que caso despues con mossen Aymon fijo del rrey Eduarte de Ynglaterra, que fue despues duquesa de Yorte. E otrosy ouo nueuas el rrey commo el infante don Iohan de Aragon, su primo, ganara por pleytesia a Trepeana, lugar de don Tello su hermano, que andaua en su deseruiçio, e que se viniera para la merçed del rrey Pero Ferrandez de Velasco e Gonçalo Alfonso Carrillo que dizian de Quintana e Pero Gonçalez Carrillo, su fijo, e otros que estauan en la villa de Trepeana en boz de don Tello. E el rrey enbio mandar al infante don Iohan, que fuesse para Santa Gadea, que es vna villa del señor de Vizcaya, e que dende fiziesse guerra a don Tello. E el infante don Iohan fizolo assy e fuesse para Santa Gadea, pero non se partio de ally de Santa Gadea e de aquella comarca; ca non se atreuia entrar en Vizcaya por quanto la tierra es muy fuerte. E en estos dias entraron conpañas del infante don Iohan a Gordojuela, que es termino de las Encartaçiones de Vizcaya, que estaua por don Tello. E la tierra es mucho espesa de arboles e los del infante yuan de cauallo e rrecudieron a ellos gentes de pie de la Encartaçion e desbarataronlos. E en este año otra vez enbio el infante don Iohan caualleros e escuderos vasallos del rrey e suyos, e entraron a Ochandio que es en Vizcaya çerca de Durango, e fallaron ý vn

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Once he learned how the count had departed from Toro, the king left the siege of Rueda and moved on to Morales, where he consulted his advisers as to how to proceed. At one point he intended to leave field commanders in Morales de Toro and head for Galicia where Count Enrique and Don Fernando de Castro were to be found: he instructed that the defences of the village of Morales be strengthened and entrenchments and wooden fortifications be put in place in order to make it possible to leave a garrison there, while he was to go to Galicia. However, he was later advised that he should not leave Morales and the area where he was staying until either he had captured the town of Toro and the people in it or they had come over to him, and this was the course that he followed. During this year, while the king was in Morales, near Toro, Doña María de Padilla bore him a daughter in Tordesillas. She was named Doña Isabel and later was to marry Edmund, son of King Edward of England, and become duchess of York.7 The king also received news of how his cousin Prince Joan of Aragon had taken Treviana through negotiation. This was a town which had belonged to his brother Don Tello, who was in rebellion against the king, and King Pedro also heard that Pero Fernández de Velasco, Gonzalo Alfonso Carrillo − known as ‘de Quintana’ – and his son Pero González Carrillo, together with some other partisans of Don Tello who were in the town of Treviana, had come over to him. The king sent word to Prince Joan instructing him to go to Santa Gadea, which is a town belonging to the lord of Vizcaya, and from there to wage war on Don Tello. Prince Joan obeyed his command and went to Santa Gadea. However, he did not venture out from Santa Gadea and its surrounding area as he dared not enter Vizcaya on account of the very difficult terrain. During that time some troops commanded by Prince Joan did enter Gordejuela, an area which is part of Las Encartaciones in Vizcaya and which was in support of Don Tello. The land there is thickly forested, the Prince’s men were on horseback and they were met and defeated by foot soldiers from Las Encartaciones. Also in this same year Prince Joan again dispatched knights and squires, some of them vassals of the king and some of them vassals of his own, and they entered Ochandio, which is situated

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cauallero que dizian Iohan de Auendaño de Vizcaya, que estaua con don Tello, con muchas conpañas. E los de cauallo que yuan con el infante don Iohan fueron desbaratados e algunos muertos, que la tierra es muy fuerte e muy esquiua para gentes de cauallo.

Capitulo XVº. En que manera don Simuel el Leui, thesorero mayor del rrey fizo thesoro para el rrey. Agora vos queremos contar algunas cosas que pasaron en la casa del rrey en este tienpo. E anssy fue que en este año estando el rrey don Pedro en la aldea de Morales, que es a vna legua de Toro, por quanto la rreyna doña Maria su madre e el conde don Enrrique e don Fadrique, su hermano, maestre de Santiago e otros grandes caualleros estauan en Toro, segunt auemos contado, e asi fue que vn dia el rrey jugaua a los dados e teniale vn su rrepostero çerca del arquetones con doblas delante el, e dixo el rrey que todo su thesoro era aquello, que pudia seer fasta valia de veynte mill doblas en oro e en plata e que otro thesoro el non auia. E aquel dia luego en la noche, estando el rrey en su camara e con el Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa su camarero mayor e Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo su rrepostero mayor e don Simuel el Leui su thesorero mayor, dixo el dicho don Simuel al rrey: ‘Señor, oy fue la vuestra merçed de dezir delante muchos caualleros vuestros que vos non auiades otro tesoro saluo veynte mill doblas con que tomedes plazer. E esta palabra tengo que la dixistes contra mi e en mi verguença, pues so vuestro thesorero mayor e vos non auer otro thesoro que esto es por poner yo pequeño rrecabdo en vuestra fazienda. Señor, es verdat que la vuestra merçed quiso que, luego que vos rregnastes, yo ouiesse este ofiçio de la vuestra thesoreria, e don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, cuyo thesorero yo estaua primero, anssy vos lo pidio

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in Vizcaya near Durango. There they encountered a Vizcayan knight called Juan de Avendaño, a supporter of Don Tello, who had a large number of troops. Prince Joan’s horsemen were defeated and a number of them killed, for the terrain there is very rough and difficult for men on horseback.

1355: CHAPTER XV Concerning the way in which Don Samuel Ha-Levi, the royal chief treasurer, obtained revenue for the king. We now wish to tell you of some events which occurred in the king’s household during this time. So it was that in the course of the year in question King Pedro was in the village of Morales, one league away from Toro, since – as we have already related − his mother Queen María was there together with Count Enrique, his brother the master of Santiago Don Fadrique and other knights of distinction. It happened that one day the king was playing dice and one of his stewards had with him treasure chests containing doblas which were set before the king.8 King Pedro claimed that this was all the treasure that he possessed, that it might be worth at the most 20,000 doblas in gold and silver, and that he had no other treasure. Later that same night the king was in his chamber together with his master chamberlain Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, the lord high butler Gutier Fernández de Toledo and his chief treasurer Don Samuel Ha-Levi. Don Samuel spoke to him as follows: ‘My lord, today your Grace chose to say in front of many of your knights that you possessed no treasure other than 20,000 doblas with which to take your pleasure. I feel that you spoke these words as a criticism of me and to my dishonour, given that I am your chief treasurer and that if you have no other treasure than this it is because I am taking scant care over your financial affairs. My lord, it is true that it was your will, from the beginning of your reign, for me to hold this responsibility for your treasury, and Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque, whose treasurer I had been previously, requested it

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por merçed. E commo quier que ouistes saña de don Iohan Alfonso, sienpre la vuestra merçed fue que yo estudiesse en mi honrra e en el ofiçio que me auiedes dado. E señor, despues que vos rregnastes, por quanto erades en hedat de diez e seys años e avn non conplidos, ouo algunos bolliçios en el rregno fasta aqui e los ha agora, por lo qual vuestros rrecabdadores de las vuestras rentas se atreuieron a fazer algunas cosas que non cunplian nin deuian e yo non pude tomar cuenta anssy asosegada mente commo era rrazon. Enpero, loado sea Dios, vos sodes ya en hedat de veynte e dos años e todos los de vuestro rregno vos aman e vos temen, e tengo que puedo tomar todas vuestras cuentas segund deuo de rrazon. E señor, sea la vuestra merçed de me señalar dos castillos vuestros e que me los mandedes entregar e yo quiero poner vos en ellos thesoro en poco tienpo, en guisa que vos digades que auedes tesoro mas de las veynte mill doblas que dezides que tenedes del juego de los dados’. E al rrey plogo mucho de la dicha rrazon que don Simuel el Leui su thesorero mayor le dixo. E el rrey mando que le nonbrase quales castillos queria e que gelos mandaria entregar. E don Symuel le dixo: ‘Sea la vuestra merçed de me mandar entregar el alcaçar de Trugillo e el castillo de Hita’. E al rrey plogo dello e entregaronlos a don Simuel. E el puso en el alcaçar de Trugillo a Martin Martinez, chançeller que fuera del sello de la poridat, criado de don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque, e era omne bueno e fiel e de buen rrecabdo. E puso en el castillo de Hita a Iohan Diaz de Yllescas, su rrecabdador de don Simuel el Leui. E desque esto fue hordenado, luego enbio sus cartas del rrey a todos los rrecabdadores que auian seydo despues que el rrey regnara, que viniessen a darle cuenta. Si dezia el rrecabdador que diera a vn señor o cauallero, por ponimientos fechos en el, por el rrey o por don Simuel su thesorero, quarenta mill marauedis o mas o menos, don Simuel fazia venir delante si a aquel que ouiera de auer los dichos marauedis e tomauale jura sobre la cruz e los santos Euangelios

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of you as a favour. Although Don Juan Alfonso incurred your anger, your wish has always been that I should continue to enjoy respect and to occupy the position which you had granted me. Moreover, my lord, since you came to the throne, in view of the fact that at that time you were not yet fully of the age of 16, there has been some disturbance in the kingdom which has lasted until now and still continues, as a result of which the collectors of your revenues dared to do some things which were not right and which they should not have done, and I was not able to keep track of them as closely as would have been fitting. However – thanks be to God! –, you are now 22 years old and all the people of your kingdom hold you in affection and in awe, and I feel that I can now take control of your accounts as by rights I must. My lord, may it be your will to nominate two of your castles that you will order to be handed over to me: I intend, within a short time, to provide you with a store of treasure to be held in them so that you may assert that you have treasure worth more than the 20,000 doblas that you say you have for the game of dice.’ The king was delighted by these words that his chief treasurer Don Samuel Ha-Levi spoke to him. He instructed him to nominate which castles he wanted and said that he would give orders for them to be handed over to him. ‘May it be your will’, Don Samuel said to him, ‘to command that I be entrusted with the alcázar in Trujillo and the castle at Hita.’ The king gave his assent and the castles were handed over to Don Samuel. Martín Martínez was appointed to be in charge of the Trujillo stronghold: he had been chancellor of the confidential seal and a member of the household of Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque and he was a good, loyal and reliable man. Juan Díaz de Illescas, Don Samuel Ha-Levi’s own collector of taxes, was appointed to the castle at Hita. Once these arrangements had been made, Don Samuel wrote on behalf of the king to all those who had served as tax collectors since the king had come to the throne, calling them to account. If the collector said that he had handed over approximately 40,000 maravedís, on behalf of the king or his treasurer Don Samuel, to a lord or knight as payment of his stipend, then Don Samuel made the man who was supposed to have received the said sum appear before him and swear on the cross and on the Holy Gospels that he was speaking the truth,

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que dixiesse la verdad, e preguntauale si el rresçibiera los dichos marauedis de aquel rrecabdador. E el cauallero o aquel a quien fueron librados los marauedis dizia que non ouiera del mas de los veynte mill marauedis e que de los otros fuera cohechado. E si el rrecabdador non mostrase el contrario dando logar çierto donde le fueron librados e pagados en dineros, mandaua don Simuel al rrecabdador que pagasse los veynte mill marauedis que fincauan en el en esta guisa: los diez mill marauedis, al cauallero e los diez mill, para el thesoro del rrey. E el cauallero a quien tal libramiento auian fecho era muy contento e pagado commo aquel que los tenia perdidos. E desta manera fizo don Simuel con todos los rrecabdadores en guisa que fasta vn año ouo en los castillos de Trugillo e Hita muy grand algo. E anssy desta manera se tomaron las cuentas de qual quier contia de ponimientos que en los rrecabdadores fueron librados. E otrossy fallo e alcanço muchos marauedis de los rrecabdadores que fincauan en ellos de las rrentas del rrey. E anssy fue el comienço del thesoro que el rrey don Pedro fizo.

Capitulo XVIº. Commo el rrey mando a los freyres de Alcantara que fiziesen maestre de Alcantara a un cauallero que dezian Diego Gutierrez de Çauallos e commo murio don Iohan Rodriguez de Sandoual e commo fue preso luego, por mandado del rrey, el dicho maestre de Alcantara. Estando el rrey en Morales çerca de Toro, commo dicho auemos, ouo nueuas commo era finado don Ferrand Perez Ponçe de Leon, maestre de Alcantara. E mando a los freyres de la horden de Alcantara que estauan ay con el rrey, que tomassen por maestre a Diego Gutierrez de Çauallos, que era vn grand cauallero e querielo al rrey muy bien. E fizieronlo assy los freyres de Alcantara, commo quier que non de buena voluntad por quanto Diego Gutierrez de Çauallos non era freyre

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and he asked him whether he had indeed received that money from the tax collector.9 The knight or other person to whom the payment had been made would say that he had received from him no more than 20,000 maravedís and he had been obliged dishonestly to forgo the remainder. If the tax collector did not prove the contrary to be the case, specifying a particular place where the cash was paid and handed over, Don Samuel obliged the collector to pay the remaining 20,000 maravedís in the following way: 10,000 maravedís to the knight and 10,000 to the king’s treasury. The knight to whom such a payment had been made, having despaired of receiving the money, would be filled with pleasure and satisfaction. Don Samuel dealt with all the collectors of revenue in this way until within a year he had built up a considerable sum of wealth in the castles of Trujillo and Hita. In this way a record was kept of payments − of whatever size − made by the tax collectors. Don Samuel also tracked down and obtained large sums which those collectors had kept back from the king’s revenues. This was the origin of the wealth built up by King Pedro.

1355: CHAPTER XVI How the king instructed the brethren of Alcántara to choose as their master a knight by the name of Diego Gutiérrez de Zaballos; how Juan Rodríguez de Sandoval met his death; and how the aforementioned master of Alcántara was imprisoned at the king’s command. While the king was in Morales, near to Toro, as we have said, he received news of the death of Don Fernán Pérez Ponce de León, master of Alcántara. King Pedro instructed the brothers of the Order who were there with him to take as their master Diego Gutiérrez de Zaballos, a knight of great qualities who was a loyal supporter of the king. The brothers obeyed him, although it was against their wishes as Diego Gutiérrez de Zaballos was not a brother of their Order. In spite

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de su horden; enpero por mandado del rrey tomaronlo por maestre, ca non osaron fazer al. E fue domingo treze dias de setienbre deste dicho año. E despues el rrey sopo commo Dia Sanchez de Terrazas e Iohan de Ferrera, su hermano, e otros que estauan en Palençuela, mataran a don Iohan Rodriguez de Sandoual, que estaua por mandado del rrey, frontero de Palençuela e le pusieran çelada en vn lugar que dizen el monte de Negredo. E don Iohan Rodriguez de Sandoual estaua en vn lugar suyo que le dizen Quintana de la Puente. E sallio a los corredores, e la çelada sallio a el, e fue traydo el dicho don Iohan Rodriguez fasta Quintana de la Puente e mataronlo a la puerta del lugar. E los que se acogieron primero a Quintana çerraron la puerta e don Iohan Rodriguez non pudo entrar e ally a la puerta le mataron el cauallo e despues a el. E enbio el rrey al dicho Diego Gutierrez, que estonçe fiziera maestre de Alcantara, con buena conpaña que tenia, frontero de Palençuela, e poso en el aldea de Quintana. E a pocos dias que ally auia llegado, enbio el rrey luego por el, que viniesse a el diziendo que lo queria para algunas cosas que cunplian a su seruiçio. E el maestre dexo en Quintana con su conpaña al comendador mayor de Alcantara que dizian don Pero Malfeyto. Otrossi dexo ý a Sancho Manuel, que era nieto de don Iohan Manuel e era primo del dicho maestre de partes de Castañeda. E el maestre llego al rrey e por quanto algunos parientes de doña Maria de Padilla non le querian bien por algunas maneras que eran en el palaçio, auian lo buelto con el rrey, e luego que llego en el palaçio del rrey, mandolo prender. E fue esto martes diez dias de nouienbre deste dicho año, assy que non estudo Dia Gutierrez en su estado commo maestre mas de çinquenta e ocho dias. E desque fue preso entregaronlo a Iohan Alfonso de Benauides alguazil mayor del rrey, e el enbiolo al alcaçar de Çamora, que tenia por el rrey. E dende a pocos dias que el dicho maestre estudo preso en Çamora, Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa, camarero mayor del rrey, demandolo al rrey por que era su pariente, e touolo preso en vna casa suya que

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of this, at the king’s command they took Don Diego as their master, for they dared not do otherwise. This happened on Sunday the 13th of September of the year in question. Later the king learned how Día Sánchez de Terrazas, his brother Juan de Herrera and some other men in Palenzuela had killed Don Juan Rodríguez de Sandoval, field commander against that town, in an ambush that they had set for him in a place known as El Monte de Negredo. Don Juan Rodríguez de Sandoval was in a village that belonged to him called Quintana del Puente. He rode out after raiders and the ambushers came after him. They pursued Don Juan Rodríguez as far as Quintana del Puente and killed him at the gateway to the village. The first men to take refuge in Quintana closed the gate behind them and Don Juan Rodríguez was unable to enter. There, outside the gateway, they killed first his horse and then Don Juan himself. The king sent Don Diego Gutiérrez − whom he had just appointed as master of Alcántara – with a substantial force of troops as a field commander against Palenzuela, and Don Diego lodged in the village of Quintana. Just a few days after his arrival there he was summoned back by the king, who said that he desired his presence in connection with some aspects of his service to him. With his troops in Quintana the master left the grand commander of Alcántara, whose name was Don Pero Malfeyto, and also Sancho Manuel, grandson of Don Juan Manuel and a cousin of the master through the Castañeda family. The master reported to King Pedro. However, some members of Doña María de Padilla’s family hostile to him on account of some matters in the court had made trouble for him with the king who, as soon as he reached the royal apartments, ordered his arrest. This was on Tuesday the 10th of November of the year in question, and so Día Gutiérrez had occupied his position as master for only 58 days. Once he had been arrested, he was handed over to Juan Alfonso de Benavides, the king’s head constable, who sent him to the alcázar in Zamora, which he held on behalf of the king. When the said Master had been imprisoned at Zamora for just a few days, Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, the king’s master chamberlain, requested that King Pedro hand him over into his custody, as he was related to him, and he then held him as a prisoner in a house of his

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dizian Sante Pedro de la Tarza. E dende quiso el dicho Iohan Ferrandez commo Diego Gutierrez fuxiesse de la prysion e assy lo fizo e fuesse para Aragon. E luego que Diego Gutierrez fue preso, mando el rrey fazer maestre de Alcantara estando sobre Palençuela al clauero de Alcantara que dezian don Suer Martinez, e era esturiano.

Capitulo XVIIº. Commo el rrey partio de Morales e puso su rreal en las huertas de Toro. El rrey don Pedro era partido del lugar de Morales, que es a vna legua de Toro, do estudiera, segund deximos, dos meses e medio, lo vno por quanto non fallaua agua e non se podia mantener la hueste, otrossy por quanto la villa de Toro non tenia tantas gentes commo al comienzo quando el rrey vino ally; ca los vnos eran idos con el conde don Enrrique a Galizia e los otros venian cada dia al rrey e otros morian cada dia en las peleas, assy que las gentes fallesçian. E acordo el rrey de llegarse mas a la villa de Toro, e non pudo por otra parte ninguna saluo por la parte de las huertas contra la puente de la villa que esta sobre el rrio de Duero. E alli asento el rrey su rreal en el mes de septienbre deste dicho año. E puso luego muchos engeños e bastidas en la puente de Toro que es sobre Duero.

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called San Pedro de la Zarza. From there Juan Fernández sought to devise a way by which Diego Gutiérrez might escape from his imprisonment. He did indeed escape and made his way to Aragon. As soon as Diego Gutiérrez had been imprisoned, the king had given instructions that, while he was still present at the siege of Palenzuela, the key-bearer of the Order of Alcántara, an Asturian called Don Suer Martínez, be made master of the Order.

1355: CHAPTER XVII How the king left Morales and set up his encampment on the agricultural land outside Toro. King Pedro had now left the village of Morales, which is situated one league from Toro and where, as we have explained, he had been for two and a half months. His departure was, on the one hand, due to the fact that he could find no more water and it was impossible to keep his army supplied, but in addition the town of Toro did not now have as many defenders as when the king had first come there: some had left for Galicia with Count Enrique, some were coming over to the king day by day and others were dying each day in battle, and so there was a shortage of troops. The king decided to move closer to the town of Toro and the only way that he could do this was by means of the area of agricultural land situated adjacent to the bridge to the town which crosses the river Duero. The king established his encampment there in the month of September in the year in question, positioning a large number of siege engines and assault towers on the bridge which leads over the river Duero into Toro.

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Capitulo XVIIIº. Commo sopo el rrey don Pedro que don Iohan Garçia de Vallejera, maestre de Santiago, era muerto en pelea que ouiera con don Gonçalo Mexia e con Gomez Carrillo de Quintana. Estando el rrey don Pedro en el rreal de las huertas sobre la villa de Toro, segund dicho auemos, ouo muchas peleas de los suyos con los de la villa e mataron ý a Iohan Diaz de Caduerniga e otros que estauan en la villa de Toro. Otrossy el rrey ouo nueuas commo don Iohan Garçia de Vallejera, hermano de doña Maria de Padilla, que el rrey auia fecho maestre de Santiago, andaua por la tierra de la horden de Santiago e que peleara con don Gonçalo Mexia comendador mayor de Castilla e con Gomez Carrillo, fijo de Ruy Diaz Carrillo, entre Tarancon e Vcles, los quales don Gonçalo Mexia e Gomez Carrillo, fijo de Ruy Diaz Carrillo, vençieran e desbarataran al dicho don Iohan Garçia e lo mataran en la dicha pelea, la qual fue viernes veynte e siete dias de nouienbre deste dicho año. E ouo el rrey por estas nueuas muy grand enojo, pero non hordeno ninguna cosa del maestradgo de Santiago estonçe; ca tenia que podria auer alguna pleytesia con el maestre don Fadrique su hermano que estaua dentro en la villa de Toro.

Capitulo XIXº. Commo el cardenal don Guillen legado del papa vino al rrey don Pedro al rreal de Toro. Estando el rrey don Pedro sobre Toro en el rreal, a veynte e quatro dias de nouienbre deste dicho año, llego ý el cardenal don Guillen legado que enbio el Papa Ygnosçençio en Castilla, lo vno por el fecho de la

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1355: CHAPTER XVIII How King Pedro learned that Don Juan García de Villagera, master of the Order of Santiago, had been killed in an engagement with Don Gonzalo Mejía and Gómez Carrillo de Quintana. While King Pedro was in his encampment on the agricultural land outside the town of Toro, as we have said, there were numerous skirmishes between his troops and the men of the town, in which Juan Díaz de Caduérniga was killed as well as other men who were defending Toro. The king also heard the news of how Don Juan García de Villagera, Doña María de Padilla’s brother whom he had made master of the Order of Santiago, whilst travelling in the territories of his Order had been involved in a confrontation – between Tarancón and Uclés − with Don Gonzalo Mejía, commander major for Castile, and Gómez Carrillo, son of Ruy Díaz Carrillo. Gonzalo Mejía and Ruy Díaz’s son Gómez Carrillo had defeated and put to flight Don Juan García’s troops; and in the course of the engagement, which took place on the 27th of November of the year in question, he had been killed. The king was greatly angered by this news, but he made no arrangements for the mastership of Santiago at that time, as he considered that there might be some negotiations with his brother, the master Don Fadrique, who was inside the town of Toro.

1355: CHAPTER XIX How the papal legate Cardinal Guillaume came to King Pedro at the royal encampment outside Toro. While King Pedro was in the royal encampment outside Toro on the 24th of November of the year in question, he was visited by Cardinal Guillaume, the legate of Pope Innocent to Castile.10 The cardinal had been sent for two reasons − firstly because of the matter of the king’s

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rreyna doña Blanca su muger del rrey, e lo al por la guerra que era entre el e los suyos e por poner en este fecho algund buen rremedio. E luego que el cardenal don Guillen llego al rrey en el rreal, ante que otras cosas començasse de fablar e tractar, rrogo al rrey de partes del papa que le pluguiesse que non fuesse mas preso don Pedro Barroso, doctor en leyes, obispo de Siguença, que el rrey prendiera en la çibdat de Toledo, segund suso deximos, el qual estaua por mandado del rrey preso en Aguilar de Canpo en poder de vn cauallero que dezian Gonçalo Gonçalez de Luzio. E rrogo al rrey que lo mandasse soltar e quitar de la prision. E el rrey por honrra del cardenal legado, mandolo soltar de la prision al dicho obispo de Siguença. E este obispo fue despues obispo de Coynbra e despues, obispo de Lixbona en Portogal e despues, arçobispo de Seuilla e despues, cardenal de España. E este omne era grand dotor en leyes e omne de buena conçiençia e de buena vida, e yaze enterrado çerca Auiñon en el monesterio que dizen de España. E suelto el obispo de Siguença, el legado tiro el entredicho que estaua puesto por esta razon. E otrossy el cardenal don Guillen legado del papa fablo con el rrey por traer los fechos a buena concordia entre el e la rreyna doña Blanca su muger, por la fazer librar de la prision, ca estaua en Siguença presa, segund auemos contado, e non pudo librar ninguna cosa dello. Otrossy fablo el cardenal con el rrey en los fechos de entre el e la rreyna doña Maria su madre e el conde don Enrrique e el maestre don Fadrique, sus hermanos, e otros caualleros que eran con ellos, e por muchas vegadas trato entre ellos, pero non los pudo concordar, ca non quiso el rrey, assy eran ya los fechos tan dañados. Estando el cardenal don Guillen con el rrey, la guerra non çesaua en aquellos dias antes era cada dia mas crua.

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wife Queen Blanche and secondly because of King Pedro’s war with his own people − in order to find some solution to this question. As soon as Cardinal Guillaume came to the king in his encampment, before beginning to discuss and deal with other matters, he made a request to the king on behalf of the Pope to agree to the release of Don Pedro Barroso, doctor in law and bishop of Sigüenza, whom the king had arrested in the city of Toledo – as we related above – and who was being imprisoned at the king’s command in Aguilar de Campoo in the charge of a knight by the name of Gonzalo González de Lucio. The cardinal asked the king to set him free and release him from prison, and the king, out of respect for the cardinal legate, ordered the release of the bishop of Sigüenza. He went on to be bishop of Coimbra and subsequently bishop of Lisbon in Portugal, archbishop of Seville and finally cardinal for Spain. He was a great doctor in law and a man of good conscience and holy life and he is buried near to Avignon in the monastery known as ‘the Spanish church’.11 Then, once the order had been given for the bishop of Sigüenza’s release, the legate lifted the interdict which had been imposed on account of this matter. The Pope’s legate Cardinal Guillaume also spoke with the king about reaching a harmonious settlement between him and his wife Queen Blanche and having her freed from her captivity, for – as we have already related – she was being imprisoned in Sigüenza; but he could achieve nothing in this respect. The cardinal also spoke with the king about his dealings with his mother Queen María, his brothers Count Enrique and the master Don Fadrique and other knights accompanying them, and he tried many times to bring about a reconciliation, though without achieving any agreement: the king was unwilling to consent to this, so bad was the state that affairs had reached by now. Moreover, during those days that the cardinal spent with the king there was no letting up in the conflict but rather it became more violent day by day.

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Capitulo XXº. Commo fue tomada la torre de la puente de Toro por las conpañas del rrey. El rrey con el afincamiento de los engeños e bastidas que tenia fechas a la puente de Toro, ouo de cobrar por fuerça la torre, que era grand marauilla podersse defender fasta estonçe, ca la torre era baxa e pequeña fortaleza. E ganosse aquella torre de la puente viernes quatro dias de dizienbre deste año. E trauajo mucho ese dia en el conbatir e ganar la dicha puente don Diego Garcia de Padilla, maestre de Calatraua, e quebraronle ese dia el brazo de vn canto. E los señores e caualleros que estauan en la villa de Toro despues que perdieron la torre de la puente, cada dia se temian mas del poder del rrey. Otrossi las gentes dellos de cada dia menguauan; ca maguera en la villa auia mucha vianda, pero non la osauan tomar por non perder la voluntad de los de la villa, e non tenian dineros con que las conprar e anssy estauan muy lazdrados los que en la villa estauan.

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1355: CHAPTER XX How the tower of the bridge into Toro was captured by the king’s troops. As a result of the pressure applied from the siege engines and assault towers that he had set up on the bridge into Toro, the king managed to take the tower by force. Indeed, it was a great wonder that it had been possible to defend it until now, for it was not very high and was not heavily fortified. The tower on the bridge was captured on Friday the 4th of December of the year in question. That day a major part in the assault on the tower and in its capture was played by Don Diego García de Padilla, the master of Calatrava, but in the course of it his arm was broken by a large stone. Day by day, following the loss of the tower on the bridge, the lords and knights who were in the town of Toro felt increasingly fearful of the king’s power. In addition, their own troops were reducing in number. Although there was an ample supply of provisions in the town they dared not take them in case they lost the good will of the citizens of Toro, and they did not have the money with which to buy them. So those of them who remained in the town were suffering considerable hardship.

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AÑO SETENO del rrey don Pedro, que fue año del Señor de mill e trezientos e çinquenta e seys, e de la era de Çesar mill e trezientos e nouenta e quatro.

Capitulo primero. Commo algunos vezinos de Toro trayan su fabla con el rrey don Pedro de le dar la villa de Toro e commo el maestre don Fadrique se vino a la su merçed. En el año seteno que el sobre dicho rrey don Pedro rregno, que fue en el año del Señor en mill e trezientos e çinquenta e seys, e de la era de Çesar mill e trezientos e nouenta e quatro, e del Criamiento del mundo segund la cuenta de los ebreos, en çinco mill e çiento e diez e seys años, e del año de los alarabes en sieteçientos e çinquenta e ocho años, estando los fechos en este estado que auemos contado, vn omne vezino de la villa de Toro, que veia que estos fechos se yuan alongando syn auer pleytesia del rrey e de cada dia se yuan a perder e a peor estado señalada mente para los de la villa de Toro que eran vezinos. E a este omne dezianle por nonbre Garçi Alfonso Triguero e traxo sus pleytesias con el rrey secreta mente que el le daria vna puerta de la villa que dizian Santa Catalina, por do el rrey entrase con los suyos, e que el rrey perdonasse a el e a todos sus parientes e avn a los otros vezinos de la villa de Toro. E el rrey gelo prometio assy. E desto non sabia ninguna cosa la rreyna doña Maria nin el maestre don Fadrique nin los otros caualleros que estauan en la villa de Toro, nin avn los vezinos de la villa, saluo el dicho Garçi Alfonso Triguero e sus parientes. E esto se trataua secreta mente. E estando el dicho Garçi Alfonso para fazer esta obra segund era

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YEAR SEVEN (1356) of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1356 and, counting from the era of Caesar, 1394. 1356: CHAPTER I How some citizens of Toro held discussions with King Pedro about handing the town over to him, and how the master Don Fadrique gave him his allegiance. These events occurred in the seventh year of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1356; in 1394, counting from the era of Caesar; 5,116 years from the creation of the world by the reckoning of the Hebrews; and, according to that of the Arabs, it was in the year 758. Now that the situation had deteriorated to the extent that we have already described, a citizen of Toro made an approach to King Pedro: he could see that these events were going on for longer and longer without there being any proposals for negotiation on the part of the king, and he realized that with every day that passed the position was worsening and growing more serious, particularly for the people in Toro who were citizens of the town. This man’s name was Garci Alfonso Triguero and he made a secret proposal to King Pedro that he would place at his disposal a town gate known as the Gate of Santa Catalina, through which the king and his men would able to enter, and in return the king would extend a pardon to him and all the members of his family and also the other citizens of the town of Toro. The king promised him that this would be done. Nothing was known of this by Queen María, the master Don Fadrique or by the other knights who were in the town of Toro, or even by its citizens, with the exception of the said Garci Alfonso Triguero and the members of his family. These dealings were carried out in secret. Just when Garci Alfonso was about to put into effect what had been

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acordado, acaesçio que el rrey andaua vn dia por la rribera del rrio de Duero, çerca del rreal e çerca de la ysla que es en el dicho rrio delante la villa. E el maestre de Santiago don Fadrique estaua dentro en la [ysla que es çerca de la] villa de Toro e andauan con el vnos seys caualleros e escuderos de cauallo en derecho donde el rrey andaua, e fablauan con los del maestre algunos de los que estauan con el rrey, entre los quales estaua con el rrey Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa su camarero mayor. E quando Iohan Ferrandez vio al maestre de Santiago don Fadrique dixole estas palabras: ‘Maestre señor, pido vos por merçed que vos lleguedes mas aca e que me querades oyr’. E el maestre pregunto quien era e dixeronle que era Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa. E dixo el maestre: ‘Plazeme, dezid lo que quisieredes, ca bien vos oyre’. E Iohan Ferrandez le dixo assy: ‘Maestre señor, quando el rrey don Alfonso vuestro padre, que Dios perdone, vos puso casa antes que fuesedes maestre de Santiago e vos dio caualleros e escuderos por vasallos, entre los otros vos dio a mi por vasallo e assy lo fuy e rresçibi de vos muchas merçedes e sabe Dios que, guardando seruiçio del rrey mi señor, que a omne del mundo non so obligado de seruir tanto commo a vos, e assy querria e quiero vuestro seruiçio e querria vos guardar de daño e de mal do pudiesse non enbargando seruiçio del rrey. Por que yo se que vos cunple de lo assy fazer, pido vos por merçed e do vos mi consejo que vos vengades a la merçed del rrey mi señor e vuestro hermano, luego. E aperçibid vos de tanto que sy lo non fazedes, que vos estades en peligro de vuestra persona. E digo vos lo delante los caualleros e escuderos que estan con vos e delante los que desta otra parte estan, por que si non lo fizierdes e algund mal e daño vos viniere, non digades vos nin otro alguno que yo non vos lo aperçebi e que yo fuy en vuestro mal, e si al acaesçiere, yo so quito, ca en vos dezir esto e vos aperçebir dello, tengo que cunplo mi debdo por auer seydo vuestro vasallo’. E esto dezia Iohan Ferrandez por quanto

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agreed, it happened one day that the king was making his way along the bank of the river Duero, near to the royal encampment and to the island which lies in the river opposite the town. The master of Santiago Don Fadrique was on that island near to the town of Toro, in the company of about half a dozen knights and squires on horseback, right where the king was passing. Some of the men accompanying the king, among them his master chamberlain, Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, spoke with the master’s companions. Juan Fernández, on seeing the master of Santiago Don Fadrique, addressed him as follows: ‘My lord Master, I beseech you to come closer to me and ask you to be prepared to hear what I have to say’. The master asked his identity and was told that he was Juan Fernández de Henestrosa. ‘I will.’, the master replied. ‘Say what you wish. You will have my attention.’ ‘My lord Master,’ Juan Fernández continued, ‘when your father King Alfonso – may God grant him pardon! – established your household before you became master of Santiago and gave you knights and squires as vassals, I was among those that he allocated to you and I did indeed become your vassal. I received many mercies from you and God knows that, whilst still preserving my loyalty to my lord the king, there is no other man in the world that I am bound to serve as much as you. And so I would like – and I do indeed desire – to serve you loyally, and it would be my wish to protect you from harm and from ill whenever possible, notwithstanding my loyal duty to the king. Since I know that it is in your interest to do this, I beseech and advise you to lose no time in placing yourself at the service of my lord and your brother the king. You should realize that, if you do not do so, your person is in danger. I am telling you this in the presence of the knights and squires who are accompanying you and in that of the men who are on this opposing side. And I am doing it so that, in case you do not do as I am urging you and harm comes to you in consequence, neither you nor anyone else may say that I did not give you warning and that I sought to do you ill; if anything else happens to you, I am free of responsibility, for in giving you this information and this warning, I consider that I am fulfilling my duty to you as one who has been your vassal.’ Juan Fernández was saying this because – as we have explained – the king

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segund auemos dicho el rrey estaua çierto que Garçi Alfonso Triguero le auia a dar la puerta de Santa Catalina esa noche, o otro dia, por do el rrey auia de entrar e tomar la villa e matar al maestre de Santiago e a los que quisiese o fazer dellos commo su merçed fuesse. E quando Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa ouo dicho estas palabras que auedes oydo al dicho maestre don Fadrique, rrespondiole el maestre e dixole: ‘Iohan Ferrandez, yo vos conosçi sienpre por buen cauallero e es verdat que fustes mi vasallo e me seruistes sienpre bien e leal mente; pero agora non paresçe que me dades buen consejo en que yo desanpare e dexe la rreyna doña Maria mi señora, que esta en la villa e a mi hermana doña Iohana, muger del conde don Enrrique mi hermano, e muchos buenos caualleros e escuderos que han estado en esta villa e estan por seruir a la rreyna fasta que estos pleytos se libren bien con el rrey mi señor, e seamos todos en la su merçed. E agora consejaes me que vaya desta manera para el rrey fasta que la su merçed sea de quitar e cobrar la rreyna mi señora, su madre, e los que aqui estamos, en su gracia e merçed e perder enojo de todos, ca esto seria mucho su seruiçio e esto le deuiedes vos consejar’. E estonçe dixo Iohan Ferrandez: ‘Maestre señor, dicho vos he lo que deuo e lo que entiendo. Seed çierto que sy non venides para la merçed de mi señor el rrey vuestro hermano, que aqui esta, luego, que estades en peligro de muerte. E non vos puedo mas aperçibir. E sean mis testigos todos los que me oyen’. E el maestre de Santiago quando esto oyo, ouo grand miedo, ca el conosçia a Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa que era buen cauallero e de verdat, e non dizia estas palabras saluo entendiendo algunas cosas que se auian de fazer por que el maestre se veria en peligro; de mas que el maestre ya entendia que los de la villa se enojauan mucho de la guerra e que catarian manera commo el rrey cobrase la villa; pero non sabia que tan çerca estaua este fecho para se fazer segund lo tenia

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was confident that, on that same night or in the course of the following day, Garci Alfonso Triguero was going to hand over to him the Gate of Santa Catalina through which he would enter and capture the town; he would then kill the master of Santiago and whatever people he chose, or otherwise deal with them according to his will. After Juan Fernández de Henestrosa had spoken the words that you have heard to the master Don Fadrique, the master gave him the following reply: ‘Juan Fernández, I have always known you to be a fine knight and it is true that you were my vassal and gave me good and loyal service. However, now it does not seem that you are giving me sound advice to the effect that I should abandon and leave without support my lady Queen María, who is present in this town, and my sister-in-law Doña Juana, the wife of my brother Count Enrique, and many fine knights and squires who have remained in this town with the intention of serving the queen until this dispute with my lord the king is brought to a satisfactory conclusion and we all return to his loyal service. And now you are advising me to go over to the king in this way until such time as it is his will to pardon and take back into his grace and favour my lady, his mother the queen and those of us who are present here, and until he overcomes his anger towards us all. For this would be greatly to his benefit and it is what you should be advising him to do.’ Then Juan Fernández said to him: ‘My lord Master, I have said to you what it is my duty to say and what I understand to be the case. Be sure that if you do not entrust yourself without delay to the mercy of your brother the king, who is here present, you are in mortal danger. I cannot give you more warning. And let all who hear my words be my witnesses.’ When the master of the Order of Santiago heard this he was filled with terror: he knew Juan Fernández de Henestrosa to be a fine knight and a man true to his word, and he realized that he was only speaking these words because he was aware of some approaching events on account of which the master would find himself in danger. Moreover, the master already understood that the people of the town were becoming greatly annoyed at the state of war and that they would try to find some way for the king to take possession of the town. On the other hand, he did not know how imminent this development actually

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tratado Garçi Alfonso Triguero. E dixo estonçe el maestre asy: ‘Iohan Ferrandez, ¿commo me consejades yr a la merçed del rrey syn seer seguro del?’. E estonçe el rrey, que estaua en la rribera del rrio de Duero, que oyo todas las palabras que ý pasaran, dixo al maestre en guisa que lo el oyo: ‘Hermano maestre, Iohan Ferrandez vos conseja bien e vos venid vos para mi merçed, ca yo vos perdono e vos aseguro a vos e a esos caualleros e escuderos que ý estan en la ysla con vos’. E el maestre desque esto oyo al rrey dixole: ‘Señor, ¿perdonades me e asegurades me a mi e a estos que aqui estan comigo?’ E dixo el rrey: ‘Sy, pero, hermano, venid vos luego para mi’. E luego en esse punto el maestre paso el rrio e vinosse para el rrey e besole las manos el e los que con el estauan. E los de la villa, que estauan muchos caualleros e escuderos e otros mirando esto, pero non oyan las palabras, quando vieron al maestre de Santiago que paso el rrio, fueron muy espantados e leuantosse muy grand rruydo por toda la villa diziendo: ‘Muertos somos, ca el maestre de Santiago es ydo para el rrey e nos somos desenparados’. E denostauan mucho al maestre por que assy los dexara e luego començaron de se armar. E la rreyna doña Maria fuesse para el alcaçar de Toro e con ella, la condesa doña Iohana de Villena, muger del conde don Enrrique e algunos caualleros de los que estauan en Toro. E esto era al sol puesto, e algunos se quisieron yr de la villa pero el rrey tenia ya muchas gentes suyas por enderredor de la villa e guardas por quanto la pleytesia que Garçi Alfonso Triguero auia fecho con el rrey de le dar la puerta de Santa Catalina era ya fecha e tenian que por alli entraria el rrey en la villa. E luego que el rrey vio al maestre de Santiago pasado a el, torno al rreal, e era ya muy tarde e mando armar toda su hueste e paso el rrio, ca Garçi Alfonso Triguero, que le auia a dar la puerta de Santa Catalina, tenia ya conçertado todo lo que auia de fazer; de mas que

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was on account of the arrangement made by Garci Alfonso Triguero. ‘Juan Fernández,’ he then said, ‘how do you advise me to place myself at the king’s mercy without being sure of his intentions?’ And then the king, who was on the bank of the river Duero and had been listening to all the words that had been exchanged there, said to the master in such a way that he could hear him clearly: ‘Master – my brother – Juan Fernández is giving you sound advice. Place yourself at my mercy for I grant you my pardon and I give you and those knights and squires on the island with you my assurance of safety.’ On hearing the king speak these words, the master said to him, ‘My lord, do you grant me your pardon and give me and those here with me your assurance of safety?’ ‘Yes,’ the king replied, ‘but, my brother, come over to me at once.’ At that point the master immediately crossed the river and gave his allegiance to the king, and he and those with him kissed King Pedro’s hands in submission. The people in the town – many knights, squires and others who were watching this, although they were unable to hear the words that were spoken –, on seeing the master of Santiago cross the river, were terrified and a great outcry spread throughout the town: ‘We are as good as dead, for the master of Santiago has gone over to the king and we have no protection.’ They directed a great deal of abuse at the master for abandoning them in this way and promptly began to arm themselves for battle. Queen María made for the alcázar in Toro together with Countess Juana de Villena, the wife of Count Enrique, and some of the knights who were in Toro. This was after sunset and some people wished to leave the town. However, by now the king had a large number of his troops posted around the town and guards in position, since Garci Alfonso Triguero’s agreement with the king to hand over the Gate of Santa Catalina was already being put into effect and it was expected that the king would enter the town that way. As soon as the king saw that the master of Santiago had come over to him, he returned to the royal encampment. By now it was very late. He instructed his whole army to prepare for action and crossed the river, for Garci Alfonso Triguero, who was to hand over the Gate of Santa Catalina, had already made preparations for everything that he

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estaua mas esforçado desque sopo que el maestre de Santiago era ya pasado al rrey. E llego el rrey a la puerta de Santa Catalina e fallola abierta e entro el e todos los suyos en la villa, e aquella noche non fizieron al saluo aposentarse. E fue esto martes veynte e çinco dias de enero de la dicha era.

Capitulo segundo. Commo el rrey entro en Toro e mato algunos caualleros e priso la condesa doña Iohana e lo que ý acaesçio. Los caualleros e escuderos que estauan en Toro desque vieron que el maestre de Santiago era ido para el rrey e otrossy desque vieron que el rrey entraua en la villa, dellos se pusieron en el alcaçar con la rreyna doña Maria e dellos se escondieron por las casas commo pudieron. E muchos dellos quisieran sallyr fuera de la villa e yrse, mas non pudian, que el rrey tenia guardas a las puertas de partes de fuera, segund dicho auemos. E quando fue otro dia miercoles en la mañana, el rrey llego çerca del alcaçar de Toro. E estaua en la barrera vn cauallero que dizian Martin Abarca e era natural de Nauarra e biuia en Castilla tienpo auia, e tenia en los braços vn hermano del rrey don Pedro que dizian don Iohan, que era señor de Ledesma, e era en hedat de catorze años e era fijo del rrey don Alfonso e de doña Leonor de Guzman. E dixo Martin Abarca al rrey, que estaua atan çerca del alcaçar que lo podia bien oyr: ‘Señor, sea la vuestra merçed de me perdonar e yre para vos e leuar uos he a don Iohan vuestro hermano.’ E el rrey dixo: ‘A don Iohan mi hermano perdono yo, mas a vos Martin Auarca non perdono, e sed çierto que si a mi uenides que uos non perdono, antes vos matare’. E Martin Auarca dixo: ‘Señor, fazed commo fuere la vuestra merçed de mi’. E tomo a don Iohan en los braços e vinose al rrey; pero el rrey non lo quiso matar e plugo mucho a los caualleros que estauan con el rrey por que non le mato el rrey.

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was to do and had, moreover, been further emboldened since he had learned that the master of Santiago had gone over to the king. The king came to the Gate of Santa Catalina and found it open. He and all his troops entered the town, but that night they did no more than find lodgings. This took place on Tuesday the 25th of January of the year in question.

1356: CHAPTER II How the king entered Toro, killed some knights and took Countess Juana prisoner; and concerning the events which took place there. Once the knights and squires in Toro saw that the master of Santiago had gone over to the king and also that King Pedro was entering the town, some of them took refuge in the alcázar with Queen María and others hid as best they could scattered in the houses. Many of them would have sought to make their way out of the town and leave Toro, but they were not able to do so as the king had guards posted outside the gateways, as we have already mentioned. When the next morning – which was Wednesday – arrived, the king approached Toro’s alcázar. At the ramparts was a a knight called Martín Abarca, a native of Navarre who had been living in Castile for some time. In his arms he held a brother of King Pedro called Don Juan, lord of Ledesma, who was 14 years old and was a son of King Alfonso and Doña Leonor de Guzmán. Martín Abarca said to the king, who was so near to the alcázar that he could hear him clearly, ‘My lord, may it be your will to grant me pardon; I will then come to you bringing your brother Don Juan.’ ‘I pardon my brother Juan,’ said the king, ‘but you, Martín Abarca, I do not. You may be sure that if you come to me I will kill you rather than granting you pardon.’ ‘My lord,’ said Martín Abarca, ‘do with me according to your will.’ And he took Don Juan in his arms and came over to the king. However, King Pedro did not decide to kill him and the knights accompanying the king were greatly pleased that he did not.

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E estonçes luego enbio dezir el rrey a la rreyna doña Maria su madre, que estaua dentro en el alcaçar, que salliesse de ally e se viniesse para el. E la rreyna enbiole pedir por merçed por aquellos caualleros que ally estauan con ella, que los perdonase. E el rrey le enbio dezir que ella se viniesse, que el sabria despues que fazer de los caualleros que con ella estauan. E Ruy Gonçalez de Castañeda, que estaua con la rreyna, auia traydo su pleytesia secreta mente ante desto con el rrey, e tenia vn aluala suyo de perdon e esforçauase en aquel perdon, e dixo a la rreyna: ‘Señora, yd al rrey, ca lo non tenemos en al’. E la rreyna sallio del alcaçar e venia con ella la condesa doña Iohana muger del conde don Enrrique, otrossi don Pero Esteuañez Carpentero, que se llamaua maestre de Calatraua, e Ruy Gonçalez de Castañeda e Alfonso Tellez Giron e Martin Alfonso Tello. E don Pero Esteuañez e Ruy Gonçalez de Castañeda trayan a la rreyna del braço e los otros venian çerca della. E Ruy Gonçalez traya el aluala del rrey de perdon que le auia dado ante desto en la mano alta, diziendo que el rrey gela enbiara e le perdonara por aquella aluala. Pero dizia el rrey que el tienpo que el pusiera a Ruy Gonçalez de Castañeda para se venir a la su merçed, que era ya pasado; el termino del aluala que le diera de perdon, que ya non valia. E salliendo la rreyna doña Maria del castillo e con ella la condesa doña Iohana muger del conde don Enrrique e aquellos caualleros que auemos dicho, llegandose a vna puente pequeña que esta delante del alcaçar, llego vn escudero, que aguardaua a don Diego Garçia de Padilla maestre de Calatraua, que dizian Iohan Sanchez de Oteo, e dio con vna maza en la cabeça a don Pero Esteuañez Carpentero, que se llamaua maestre de Calatraua, en guisa que lo derribo en tierra çerca de la rreyna, e matolo luego. E otro escudero que dizian Alfonso Ferrandez de Castrillo llego a Ruy Gonçalez de Castañeda e diole con vn cuchillo por la garganta e derribolo e matolo. Otro escudero llego e mato a Martin Alfonso Tello e otros mataron a Alfonso Tellez. E la rreyna doña Maria madre del rrey, quando vio matar asi estos caualleros, cayo en tierra sin ningund sentido commo muerta e con ella la condesa doña Iohana, muger del conde don Enrrique. E desque

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King Pedro promptly sent word to his mother Queen María, who had remained in the alcázar, that she should leave and come over to him. The queen sent him a message begging, on behalf of those knights who were there with her, that he grant them his pardon. The king sent word to her that she should come to him and that he would determine in due course what he was to do with the knights who were with her. Ruy González de Castañeda, who was accompanying the queen, had previously negotiated secretly with the king and had received from him a letter of amnesty by which he now set great store, saying to the queen, ‘My lady, go to the king, for we have no other course before us.’ The queen left the alcázar, accompanied by Doña Juana, wife of Count Enrique and also by Don Pero Estébanez Carpenteyro, who termed himself master of Calatrava, Ruy González de Castañeda, Alfonso Téllez Girón and Martim Afonso Telo. Don Pero Estébanez and Ruy González de Castañeda held the queen by the arm and the others rode close to her. Ruy González brandished the letter of amnesty which the king had previously given to him, saying that the king had sent it and through it had granted him his pardon. However, the king argued that the period that he had allowed for Ruy González de Castañeda to return to his service had now expired; the amnesty that he had granted him was no longer valid. As Queen María emerged from the castle together with Count Enrique’s wife Countess Juana and the knights that we have mentioned and as they came to a small bridge outside the alcázar, a squire in the service of the master of Calatrava Don Diego García de Padilla, by the name of Juan Sánchez de Oteo, rode up and delivered a maceblow to the head of Don Pero Estébanez Carpenteyro – the man who termed himself master of Calatrava, – felling him beside the queen and bringing about his death instantly. Another squire called Alfonso Fernández de Castrillo went up to Ruy González de Catañeda and slashed his throat with a knife, knocked him to the ground and killed him. Another squire rode up and killed Martim Afonso Telo and others killed Alfonso Téllez. The king’s mother, Queen María, when she saw these knights being murdered in such a way, fell to the ground unconscious as though dead, as did Count Enrique’s wife Countess

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la rreyna cayo, estudo en tierra grand pieça e despues leuantaronla e vio los caualleros muertos enderredor de sy e desnudos, e començo a dar grandes bozes maldiziendo al rrey su fijo e diziendo que la desonrrara e la lastimara para sienpre, e que mas queria morir que biuir. Pero el rrey fizola leuantar e leuar a su palaçio do la rreyna solia estar, e dende a pocos dias pidio la rreyna doña Maria al rrey su fijo la enbiasse a Portogal al rrey don Alfonso su padre. E anssy lo fizo el rrey e alla fino segund adelante oyredes. E fizo el rrey prender esse dia a la condesa doña Iohana muger del conde don Enrrique. E otrossy fizo el rrey matar algunos de los que estudieron en la villa de Toro çercados, entre los quales fizo matar a Gomez Manrrique que dizian de Uruñuela e a Diego Moñiz de Godoy freyre de Calatraua e otros. E luego que la villa de Toro fue tomada e muertos los caualleros que estauan con la rreyna doña Maria e lo sopieron don Aluar Garçia de Albornoz e don Ferrand Gomez su hermano, que estauan en Cuenca, tomaron a don Sancho hermano del rrey, fijo del rrey don Alfonso e de doña Leonor de Guzman, que ellos lo tenian, e fueronse para el rregno de Aragon, ca non osaron estar en Castilla. Otrossy don Gonçalo Mexia, comendador mayor que era de la horden de Santiago, e Gomez Carrillo de Quintana, fijo de Ruy Diaz Carrillo, que tenian la parte del maestre don Fadrique e fueron en la muerte de don Iohan Garçia de Vallejera, que el rrey auia fecho maestre de Santiago segund auemos contado, despues que supieron commo el rrey cobrara la villa de Toro e matara estos caualleros e que el maestre don Fadrique era con el, partieron del rregno e fueronsse para Françia.

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Juana. After the queen had fallen she lay on the ground for some time and then she was lifted up and saw the dead knights around her, naked. She began to scream loudly, cursing her son the king and saying that he had brought upon her pain and dishonour which would last for ever and that she would rather die than live. The king, however, had her picked up and taken to the royal apartments in which she had been staying. A few days later Queen María asked her son the king to send her to Portugal to be with her father King Afonso. The king did so and there, as you will hear in due course, she ended her days. That day the king had Count Enrique’s wife Countess Juana placed under arrest. He also ordered the deaths of some of the men who had been besieged in the town of Toro, and among those that he had executed were Gómez Manrique, who bore the name ‘de Uruñuela’, Diego Muñiz de Godoy, a brother of Calatrava, and others. As soon as the town of Toro had been captured and the knights accompanying Queen Maria had been put to death, and once this was known by Don Álvar García de Albornoz and his brother Don Fernán Gómez, who were in Cuenca, they took the king’s brother Don Sancho, son of King Alfonso and Doña Leonor de Guzmán – who was under their tutelage – and left for the kingdom of Aragon, for they dared not remain in Castile. Don Gonzalo Mejía, commander major of the Order of Santiago, and Ruy Díaz Carrillo’s son Gómez Carrillo de Quintana had been supporters of the master Don Fadrique and had been involved in the death of Don Juan García de Villagera, whom the king had made master of Santiago. Once they learned that the king had captured the town of Toro and killed those knights and that the master Don Fadrique had gone over to him, they too left the kingdom and headed for France.

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Capitulo IIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro çerco la villa de Palençuela e lo que se hordeno ally. El rrey don Pedro desque ouo cobrado la villa de Toro e fecho lo que auedes oydo, segund que auemos contado, partio luego de Toro e fuese para Palençuela, que estaua alçada. E la villa de Palençuela dierala el rrey don Alfonso a doña Leonor de Guzman. E el rrey don Pedro dio luego que rregno la dicha villa de Palençuela a la rreyna doña Maria su madre e assy le dio todos los bienes que fueron de doña Leonor de Guzman. E la rreyna doña Maria quando el conde don Enrrique era en esta demanda de la rreyna doña Blanca, segund auemos contado, dio la villa de Palençuela al dicho conde don Enrrique. E el conde enbio poner rrecabdo en la dicha villa. E estauan ay dos caualleros que dizian Dia Sanchez de Terrazas e Iohan de Ferrera su hermano. E tenian la villa por el conde don Enrrique e auian auido de aquella villa grandes dichas en la guerra e auian fecho mal e daño en toda la tierra en quanto el rrey estudiera sobre la villa de Toro, ca mataron a don Iohan Rodriguez de Sandoual, segund que suso auemos contado. E el rrey estaua muy quexado de los dichos Dia Sanchez e Iohan de Ferrera e fue los çercar, e fizo poner engeños a la villa de Palençuela e bastidas e fazer les grandes conbates. E estando el rrey sobre Palençuela llegaron a el mensageros de don Tello su hermano, que estaua en Vizcaya, por los quales le enbio dezir que si lo perdonase, que se vernia para la su merçed. E el rrey enbiole sus cartas de perdon, pero que se viniese luego. E el rrey auia cartas de Iohan de Auendaño, vn cauallero de Vizcaya que era vasallo de don Tello e tenia grand poder en el consejo de don Tello su señor, por las quales le enbiaua dezir que el faria commo don Tello viniese luego a la su merçed. E el rrey quando sopo que

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1356: CHAPTER III How King Pedro laid siege to the town of Palenzuela and the arrangement that was made there. Once King Pedro had captured the town of Toro and done the things about which you have heard – just as we have reported them – he quickly departed from Toro and headed for Palenzuela, which was in rebellion against him. The town of Palenzuela had been given by King Alfonso to Doña Leonor de Guzmán, but as soon as he succeeded to the throne King Pedro had given it to his mother Queen Maria, together with all the property that had belonged to Doña Leonor de Guzmán. When Count Enrique was involved in the campaign on behalf of Queen Blanche – as we have related – Queen María gave him the town of Palenzuela. The count then sent men to garrison it. There were two knights there called Día Sánchez de Terrazas and Juan de Herrera, his brother, who were holding the town on behalf of Count Enrique: they had gained great benefits from it during the conflict and had inflicted great harm and damage throughout its territory while the king was involved in the siege of Toro, killing Don Juan Rodríguez de Sandoval – as we related above. The king was deeply annoyed with Día Sánchez and Juan de Herrera and went to besiege them, having siege engines and assault towers brought up to attack the town of Palenzuela and launching violent assaults. While the king was besieging Palenzuela, envoys came to him from his brother Don Tello, who was in Vizcaya. They told him that, if King Pedro granted him a pardon, Don Tello would submit to his will. The king sent him his letter of pardon but urged him to hasten to him. The king had also received correspondence from Juan de Avendaño, a Vizcayan knight who was a vassal of Don Tello and exercised considerable authority in the council of his lord. In this letter Juan de Avendaño informed him that he would persuade Don Tello to come quickly to place himself at his service. When the king learned

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don Tello se venia para el, con grand voluntad que auia de se vengar e de matar todos aquellos grandes que estudieron en vno en aquella demanda de la rreyna doña Blanca, diziendo que lo prendieron en Toro, segund auemos dicho. E quisiera luego alli matar al infante don Ferrando marques de Tortosa, su primo, e al infante don Iohan, su hermano del dicho marques, e a don Fadrique maestre de Santiago e a don Iohan de la Çerda. E estos quatro estauan ally con el rrey. E quando sopo que venia don Tello quiso esperarle e fablo con Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa e dixole que commo se guisaria que el los pudiesse matar todos estos çinco desque don Tello viniesse. E Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa queria bien a Dia Sanchez e a Iohan de Herrera que estauan dentro en Palençuela e buscaua manera para los escapar de la muerte e dixo al rrey: ‘Señor, vos a estos que tenedes çercados en la villa de Palençuela, perdonadlos agora, e quando vos quisierdes podedes fazer dellos lo que la vuestra merçed fuere. E fazed vuestra pleytesia con ellos que vos den la villa, e yo tomare aquel castillo pequeño que es en la dicha villa e dire que esto doliente, e vos venid me veer e dezid que queredes jugar a los dados en el castillo e enbiad por estos señores que vayan jugar con vusco, e ellos entraran dentro con poca gente e alli si quisierdes, lo faredes matar’. E plogo al rrey deste consejo e fizo su pleytesia con los que tenian la villa de Palençuela, e dieron la villa al rrey e entregaron a Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa el alcaçar. E queriendo fazer lo que dicho auemos, dixieron al rrey que don Tello non venia atan ayna, mas que se aparejaua para venir. E el rrey por esperar a don Tello para lo matar con los otros quatro que estauan con el, por esto non mato a los otros que tenia acordado de matar. E esto dixo el rrey don Pedro despues delante muchos, que anssy lo quisiera fazer, despues que todos estos fueran juntos en vno.

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that Don Tello was coming over to him he felt a great desire to take vengeance on and kill all those great lords who had collaborated in the campaign on behalf of Queen Blanche, arguing that he had been held as a prisoner in Toro, as we have already related. He would have liked to kill there and then his cousin the marquis of Tortosa Prince Ferran, together with the marquis’s brother Prince Joan, the master of Santiago Don Fadrique and Don Juan de la Cerda. Indeed, these four men were present there with King Pedro, but when he learned that Don Tello was on his way he decided to wait for him and he discussed with Juan Fernández de Henestrosa plans for killing all five of them on Don Tello’s arrival. Juan Fernández de Henestrosa was a good friend of Día Sánchez and Juan de Herrera who were inside Palenzuela and he looked for a way of avoiding their deaths. ‘My lord,’ he said to the king, ‘I advise you for the moment to pardon these men that you have under siege in the town of Palenzuela, and later, when you so wish, you can deal with them according to your will. Negotiate with them the surrender of the town. I will occupy that small castle in the town, and I will say that I am unwell. You then come to see me, saying that you wish to play dice in the castle, and you send for those lords to come and play with you. They will enter the castle with just a small company and there, if you wish, you will have them killed.’1 The king was pleased with this advice. He negotiated with the men who held the town of Palenzuela: the town was surrendered to him and the castle handed over to Juan Fernández de Henestrosa. King Pedro was still keen to carry out the plan that we have just explained when he was informed that Don Tello was not now coming to him with quite such haste, although he was indeed preparing to make the journey. The king, through waiting for Don Tello in order to kill him together with the other four lords, failed to kill the others whose deaths he had planned. King Pedro stated at a later time in the presence of many people that this is what he would have sought to do once all these men had come together.

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Capitulo IIIIº. Commo el rrey despues que tomo la villa de Palençuela fue a Tordesillas e del torneo que se fizo alli. Despues que el rrey don Pedro tomo la villa de Palençuela e vio que don Tello su hermano non venia, fue a Tordesillas e fizo alli fazer vn torneo muy grande de çinquenta por çinquenta. E segund dizian algunos de sus priuados despues, que aquel torneo mando el rrey fazer estonçe por que tenia fecha fabla que muriesse ay don Fadrique maestre de Santiago, el qual estaua ay estonçe e entrara en aquel torneo; pero non se pudo fazer, ca non quiso el rrey descobrir este secreto a los que entraron en el torneo que auian de fazer esta obra e por tanto çeso. E despues partio el rrey de Tordesillas para Villalpando vna grand mañana e enbio dezir al maestre don Fadrique que luego fuesse en pos el e el anssy lo fizo en guisa que los suyos non pudieron seguirle. E los alguaziles del rrey a quien era mandado, despues que el maestre e el rrey partieron de Tordesillas, prendieron a vn omne honrrado de Valladolid que aguardaua al maestre don Fadrique e dizianle Iohan Manso, e luego lo mataron, e prendieron otro omne de Toledo que dizian Pero Alonso, de los del comun, e aquel mataron eso mesmo, que guardaua al dicho maestre. E el maestre desque lo sopo pesole mucho e ouo muy grand miedo, enpero el rrey le dixo que non tomasse cuydado por ello, que aquellos dos eran omnes de quien le auian dado algunas querellas e por eso murieron. Enpero el maestre finco muy rresçelado del rrey, ca la verdat era que aquellos omnes non murieron por al saluo por auer estado en la conpañia del maestre en esta guerra pasada.

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1356: CHAPTER IV How, after capturing the town of Palenzuela, the king went on to Tordesillas; and concerning the tournament which took place there. After King Pedro had taken the town of Palenzuela and when he had realized that his brother Tello was not coming to him, he went to Tordesillas and there he held a very large tournament with fifty fighting against fifty. As some of his confidants said later, the king commanded that the tournament be held then because he had devised a scheme for Don Fadrique, the master of Santiago, − who was present at the time and had agreed to take part – to meet his death there. However, it was not possible for the plan to be carried out because the king was unwilling to reveal this secret to the participants in the tournament who had to perform the act, and for this reason it did not go ahead. Then, early one morning, the king set off from Tordesillas for Villalpando, sending word to the master Don Fadrique that he should follow him there immediately; he did so in such a way that Don Fadrique’s supporters were not able to go after him. Once the master and the king had left Tordesillas, the king’s constables, obeying the orders that they had been given, detained an honourable man from Valladolid called Juan Manso, who was in the service of the master Don Fadrique, and immediately killed him; and they also arrested another man from Toledo, a commoner called Pero Alonso who served the master, and he was likewise put to death. When the master learned of this, he was deeply disturbed and filled with fear. However, the king told him not to be troubled by these events, for those two were men who had caused him some trouble and had died for that reason. In spite of this, Don Fadrique remained very wary of the king, for the truth was that those men had died for no other reason than that they had been supporters of the master in the recent war.

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Capitulo Vº. Commo el conde don Enrrique enbio demandar al rrey cartas de seguro para sallyr del rregno. El conde don Enrrique que estaua en Gallizia desque sopo commo era tomada la villa de Toro e muertos aquellos caualleros que tenian su parte, e que era tomada Palençuela e el maestre don Fadrique su hermano era con el rrey, entendio que le non cunplia mas porfiar en guerra nin estar en el rregno. E fizo su pleytesia que le diesse el rrey sus cartas de seguro para pasar el rregno e que el yria para Françia. E el rrey diogelas.

Capitulo VIº. Commo el rrey mando al infante don Iohan e a Diego Perez Sarmiento adelantado de Castilla e a todos los de las montañas que le touiessen el camino al conde e commo por esto fue el conde por Asturias, e de otras cosas que acaesçieron en este año. El conde don Enrrique desque ouo asosegado con el rrey su pleytesia para sallyr del rregno e ouo sus cartas de seguro, aparejosse para partir dende, e luego sopo por çierto commo el rrey don Pedro enbiara mandar al infante don Iohan e a Diego Perez Sarmiento, su adelantado mayor, e a todos los otros ofiçiales e señores e caualleros de las comarcas por do el conde auia de pasar, que le touiesen el camino e le matasen. E el conde desque lo sopo, partio de Gallizia do estaua e fuesse para Asturias por quanto en aquella comarca non auian mandamiento del rrey, ca non cuydaua que el conde yria por aquella tierra, e anssi paso

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1356: CHAPTER V How Count Enrique sent the king a request for a letter of amnesty to enable him to leave the kingdom. As soon as Count Enrique, who was in Galicia, learned how the town of Toro had been captured and how those knights who had supported his cause had been killed, and when he discovered that Palenzuela had been taken and his brother the master Don Fadrique had gone over to the king, he realized that there was no point in struggling on with the war or in remaining in the kingdom. He negotiated with the king to be given a letter of amnesty in order to cross the kingdom on the understanding that he would go to France. The king granted it to him.

1356: CHAPTER VI How the king commanded Prince Joan and Diego Pérez Sarmiento, governor of Castile, and all the people of the mountain areas to cut off the count’s path, and how for this reason the count went by way of Asturias; and concerning other events which occurred during the course of this year. Once Count Enrique had successfully concluded his negotiations with the king in order to leave the kingdom and once he had his letter of amnesty, he prepared to make his departure from Castile. It was not long before he learned for certain of how King Pedro had sent instructions to Prince Joan and Diego Pérez Sarmiento, his governor general, and to all the other officials, lords and knights of the areas through which Count Enrique had to pass that they were to cut off his path and kill him. On becoming aware of this, the count set out from Galicia and headed for Asturias. This was because in that region no command had been received from the king, given that he did not believe that the count would follow that route; and so Count Enrique

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arrebatada mente e fuesse para Vizcaya do estaua su hermano don Tello, e dende se fue para la mar e paso para la Rochela, donde estaua el rrey don Iohan de Françia, que auia su guerra con el rrey de Ingla terra, e tomo sueldo del. Otrossi don Gonçalo Mexia e Gomez Carrillo desque ouieron la pelea con el maestre don Iohan Garçia e lo mataron, segunt dicho auemos, e sopieron commo era tomada Toro, partieron del rregno e fueronse para Françia a la çibdat de Tolosa e tomaron ý sueldo, que auia guerra entre los françeses e los ingleses. E era capitan en Tolosa el conde de Arminaque, e ally estudieron ellos e otros caualleros de Castilla que andauan fuera del rregno fasta que el conde don Enrrique fue en Françia e se juntaron con el. Otrossi en este año mato en Bilbao don Tello a Iohan de Auendaño, vn cauallero natural de Vizcaya, el qual se auia mucho apoderado del e de la tierra de Vizcaya. E desque Iohan de Auendaño fue muerto, don Tello finco mas señor en Vizcaya que primero. E este año fue el terremotus vigilia de Sand Bartolome e cayeron las maçanas que estauan en la torre de Santa Maria de Seuilla e tremio en muchos logares del rregno la tierra en aquel dia. E fizo grand estruymiento en el rregno de Portogal en el Algarbe e derribo la capilla de Lixbona que auia fecho el rrey don Alfonso.

Capitulo VIIº. Commo fue buelta la guerra entre los rregnos de Castilla e de Aragon. El rrey don Pedro estudo en Villalpando algunos dias esperando que vernia don Tello su hermano. E desque vio que non venia, partio de alli e fue al Andalozia. E estando en Seuilla mando armar vna galea para yr folgar e veer fazer la pesca que se fazia de los atunes en las

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passed hastily through and went on to join his brother in Vizcaya. From there he embarked for La Rochelle where King Jean of France was present. King Jean was at war with the king of England and the count entered his employ. Likewise, Don Gonzalo Mejía and Gómez Carrillo, after being involved in the engagement with the master Don Juan García and killing him − as we have related − and having learned of how Toro had been captured, left the kingdom and made their way to France, to the city of Toulouse, where they entered paid service, as the French and the English were at war. The count of Armagnac was the king’s lieutenant in Toulouse, and the two knights remained there together with others from Castile living in exile until Count Enrique arrived in France and they then joined up with him.2 Also during this year, in Bilbao, Don Tello killed Juan de Avendaño, a knight who was a native of Vizcaya and who had achieved great ascendancy over him and acquired considerable power in that region.3 After the death of Juan de Avendaño, Don Tello’s lordship over Vizcaya was asserted more strongly than before. This was the year of the earthquake of St Bartholomew’s Eve and the balls on top of the tower of the church of Santa María in Seville fell to the ground. That day in many places in the kingdom the ground shook. The earthquake caused great destruction in the Algarve in the kingdom of Portugal and brought down the Chapel in Lisbon which had been built by King Afonso.

1356: CHAPTER VII How war broke out between the kingdoms of Castile and Aragon. KIng Pedro spent some days in Villalpando waiting for the arrival of his brother Don Tello, but, once he saw that he was not coming, he set off from there for Andalusia. And while he was in Seville he gave instructions for a galley to be made ready so that he could sail at leisure and watch how the tuna were being caught in the traps.

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almadrauas. E fue en la galea el rrey e llego a Sant Lucar de Barrameda e fallo ý en el puerto de Barrameda diez galeas de catalanes e vn leño. E era capitan vn cauallero del rrey de Aragon que dezian mosen Françes de En Perellops e yua por mandado del rrey de Aragon con aquellas galeas al rrey de Françia en su ayuda, que auia guerra con el rrey de Ingla terra. E aquel capitan de las dichas galeas entrara en el puerto de Barrameda por tomar rrefrescamiento e fallo ý dos baxeles de plazentines cargados de azeite e yuan en Alixandria e tomolos diziendo que eran los aueres de ginoueses, con quien los catalanes auian guerra estonçe. El rrey don Pedro que llegara a la villa de Sand Lucar de Barrameda enbio al dicho capitan de Aragon vn cauallero suyo que dizian Gutier Gomez de Toledo e vn su secretario que dizian Iohan Alfonso de Mayorga e le rrequirieron que despues que aquellos baxeles estauan en su puerto, que los non quisiese tomar. Otrossi que lo dexase de fazer por honrra del pues estaua presente. E el capitan de Aragon rrespondio que aquellas gentes non eran amigos del rrey de Aragon e que los pudia tomar de buena guerra. E despues el rrey enbio otra vez al dicho Gutier Gomez de Toledo que le dixiesse que fuesse çierto que sy aquellos baxeles non dexasse, que el enbiaria mandar a Seuilla que fuessen todos los mercadores catalanes que ý estauan, presos e que fuessen tomados todos sus bienes. E el capitan de Aragon por todo esto non lo quiso fazer, e vendio luego ally los baxeles, el vno por quinientas doblas e el otro por dozientas. E fuesse con sus galeas por el cabo de Sand Viçente para Françia. E el rrey con saña que ouo desto, enbio luego a Seuilla vn su chançeller del sello de la poridad que dizian Iohan Ferrandez Melgarejo, el qual fizo luego prender todos los mercadores catalanes que alla estauan e escreuir sus bienes. E otro dia a medio dia partio el rrey de Sand Lucar por tierra para Seuilla e andudo catorze leguas e luego que alli llego, fizo poner los catalanes en fierros e vender todos sus bienes.

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The king embarked on the galley and sailed as far as Sanlúcar de Barrameda, where in the harbour he encountered ten Catalan galleys and one smaller vessel.4 The admiral was a knight in the service of the king of Aragon by the name of Mossèn Francesc de Perellós.5 At the command of the king of Aragon, he was taking these galleys to lend support to the king of France, who was at war with the king of England. The admiral had sailed his galleys into Barrameda harbour in order to take on fresh supplies and there he had come across two vessels from Piacenza laden with oil and heading for Alexandria; he had seized them, arguing that the merchandise belonged to the Genoese, with whom the Catalans were currently at war. King Pedro, who had reached the town of Sanlúcar de Barrameda, sent to the Aragonese admiral one of his knights, by the name of Gutier Gómez de Toledo, and a secretary called Juan Alfonso de Mayorga, and they made it clear to the admiral that, once those vessels were in a harbour belonging to the king, he should not attempt to take possession of them. Moreover, he should refrain from this act out of respect for King Pedro, given that he was present in person. The Aragonese admiral answered that those people were not allies of the king of Aragon and he was entitled to seize their vessels as a legitimate prize of war. Then King Pedro again sent Gutier Gómez de Toledo to tell him to be certain that, if he did not release those vessels, the king would send instructions to Seville that all the Catalan merchants present there should be imprisoned and all their goods confiscated. The Aragonese admiral did not give way in spite of all of this and there and then he sold the two vessels, one for 500 doblas and the other for 200. He sailed off with his galleys round Cape Saint Vincent towards France. In his fury at this King Pedro immediately dispatched to Seville Juan Fernández Melgarejo, his chancellor of the confidential seal, who promptly arranged for all the Catalan merchants in the city to be arrested and for their property to be impounded. At noon the next day the king set off overland from Sanlúcar for Seville, travelling 14 leagues, and as soon as he arrived he had all the Catalans put in irons and ordered all their merchandise to be sold off.

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Capitulo VIIIº. Commo el rrey ouo su consejo commo faria en este fecho de lo que el capitan de Aragon fiziera. El rrey don Pedro ouo su consejo commo faria sobre esto que acaesçio del capitan de Aragon. E los sus priuados del rrey eran ya en estado que el rrey ya non los queria bien commo solia e non les yua tan bien en la privança, e entendieron que si el rrey ouiesse menester de guerra que los presçiaria mas, que ellos auian cobrado grand cabdal en la su merçed de gentes e dineros e que en la guerra serian bien aconpañados e mas presçiados e el rrey los ternia en mayor cuenta que estonçe andauan. E dixeron al rrey que les paresçia que aquel capitan de las galeas del rrey de Aragon le auia fecho grand baldon e que seria mal de fincar assi este fecho, e que era bien que el rrey enbiasse al rrey de Aragon vn cauallero o escudero fijo dalgo o a quien fuesse la su merçed, a le rrequerir que quisiese fazer justiçia de aquel cauallero suyo que dizian mossen Françes de Perellops e gelo enbiasse preso. E si lo assi fazer non quisiesse el rrey de Aragon, que lo desafiasse de partes del rrey e le fiziesse guerra. E el rrey fizolo asi segund le aconsejaron; ca el rrey era mançebo en hedat de veynte e tres años e era omne de grand coraçon e de bolliçio e amaua sienpre guerras e creyo a los que le aconsejaron esto.

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1356: CHAPTER VIII How the king consulted his advisers as to how he was to proceed with regard to the actions of the Aragonese admiral. King Pedro consulted his advisers as to how to proceed in the affair resulting from the actions of the Aragonese admiral. By this time the position in which King Pedro’s confidants had found themselves was such that he no longer held them in as high regard as before and their role as close advisers was proving less successful: they understood that if the king needed them in a war he would value them more highly, for they had benefited greatly from the king’s largesse, in terms of both people in their service and wealth, and they believed that in time of war they would have greater prominence and would enjoy higher esteem and that the king would take more account of them than was at present the case. They told the king that in their opinion the conduct of the admiral of the king of Aragon’s galleys had been a great affront to him and that it would be wrong to let matters rest like this. Their advice was that it was appropriate for King Pedro to send to the king of Aragon a knight or noble squire, or whomsoever he might wish, to demand that he bring to justice the knight called Mossèn Francesc de Perellós and send him to him as a prisoner. Moreover, if the king of Aragon proved unwilling to do so, this envoy should issue a challenge to him on behalf of King Pedro and declare war on him. King Pedro did just as he had been advised. He was a young man, 23 years old, spirited, restless by nature and always keen on war, and so he believed the people who gave him this advice.

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Capitulo IXº. Commo el rrey don Pedro enbio rrequerir al rrey de Aragon e lo desafiar e la rrespuesta que le dio el rrey de Aragon. El rrey don Pedro, despues que fue en Seuilla, enbio al rrey de Aragon vn alcalde de la su corte que le dezian Gil Velazquez de Segouia, por el qual le enbio dezir commo el su capitan de las diez galeas que enbiara a Françia, en su presençia le tomara e cohechara aquellos dos baxeles de plazentines do venian aueres de genoueses e le catara pequeña honrra e poca verguença auiendole enbiado rrequerir que lo non quisiesse fazer, por ende que le enbiasse entregar aquel capitan suyo que esta deshonrra le auia fecho. Otrossi mando dezir al rrey de Aragon que don Pero Moñiz de Godoy comendador de Caracuel de la horden de Calatraua era omne que non amaua mucho su seruiçio, que se fuera para el su rregno de Aragon e le diera la encomienda de Alcañiz sabiendo que aquella encomienda se daua a hordenança del maestre de Calatraua de Castilla. E que le rrequiria que quisiese anssi fazerlo e tirar la dicha encomienda al dicho don Pero Moñiz e darla a hordenança de Castilla, de don Diego Garçia de Padilla maestre que era de Calatraua, segund que la dicha encomienda de Alcañiz se diera sienpre. E mando el rrey al dicho Gil Velazquez su alcalde, que si el rrey de Aragon non quisiese fazer estas dos cosas, que le enbiaua rrequerir que lo desafiasse de su parte e le fiziesse çierto que le faria guerra.

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1356: CHAPTER IX How King Pedro sent the king of Aragon his demands and his challenge, and the reply that he received from him. King Pedro, once he was in Seville, dispatched to the king of Aragon a legal officer from his court by the name of Gil Velázquez de Segovia. Gil Velázquez conveyed the message that the admiral in charge of the ten galleys, who had been sent by King Pere to France, had in King Pedro’s presence seized and commandeered those two vessels from Piacenza carrying Genoan merchandise. The admiral had shown King Pedro little deference and scant regard, in spite of receiving a command to refrain from this act; and for this reason King Pedro was sending a request that the king of Aragon hand over to him the admiral who had slighted his honour in this way. He also informed the king of Aragon that Don Pero Muñiz de Godoy, commander of Caracuel for the Order of Calatrava, was a man who was disloyal to him and had departed for the kingdom of Aragon, where King Pere had granted him the commandery of Alcañiz, in full awareness that it was usual for this commandery to be allocated according to the wish of the master of Calatrava for Castile.6 He demanded that the king of Aragon adhere to this principle and that the commandery be taken away from Don Pero Muñiz and placed under the authority of Castile − that of Don Diego García, master of Calatrava − just as the commandery of Alcañiz had always been answerable to the person holding that office. King Pedro sent instructions to his legal officer Gil Velázquez that, if the king of Aragon was unwilling to do these two things, then he was commanding the officer to issue a formal challenge on his behalf and leave King Pere in no doubt that he would wage war on him.

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Capitulo Xº. Commo llego el mensagero del rrey a Barcelona e denunçio al rrey de Aragon la mensageria que leuaua e de la rrespuesta que le dio el rrey de Aragon e commo lo desafio. Asi fue que Gil Velasquez de Segouia alcalde del rrey llego en Barçelona do estaua el rrey de Aragon e dixole todas las rrazones que el rrey don Pedro su señor le enbiaua dezir, a lo qual rrespondio el rrey de Aragon en esta manera: primera mente, a lo que dizia que aquel cauallero mossen Françes En Perellops, capitan de las diez galeas e vn leño, que el enbiara en ayuda del rrey de Françia, tomara dos baxeles de plazentines en el puerto de Sand Lucar de Barrameda, que era del rregno de Castilla, e en presençia del rrey, a esto dixo el rrey de Aragon que le pesaua de qualquier omne su natural, fazer cosa que fuesse enojo del rrey de Castilla, e que aquel cauallero non era en su regno e desque viniese, el lo oyria e faria justiçia del en manera que el rrey de Castilla se touiesse por contento. Otrossi a lo que dezia que tirasse la encomienda de Alcañiz, que era en su rregno de Aragon, a don Pero Moñiz de Godoy, natural del rregno de Castilla, del qual el rrey de Castilla non era contento e que le diesse la dicha encomienda a ordenança del maestre de Calatraua de Castilla, segund sienpre fuera acostunbrado. A esto rrespondio el rrey de Aragon que aquel cauallero era bueno e bivia en la su merçed e le fiziera merçed de aquella encomienda, e pues voluntad del rrey de Castilla non era buena contra el, que el cataria otra cosa de que le fiziesse merçed en su rregno, e fasta estonçe non gela podia tirar la dicha encomienda. E Gil Velasquez alcalle desque vio la rrespuesta del rrey de Aragon

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1356: CHAPTER X How the king’s emissary arrived in Barcelona and set before the king of Aragon the message that had been entrusted to him; concerning the reply that the emissary received from the king of Aragon; and how he issued a challenge to him. So it was that Gil Velázquez de Segovia, the king’s legal officer, arrived before the king of Aragon in Barcelona and set out to him all the arguments with which he had been charged by his lord King Pedro. The reply that the king of Aragon gave was as follows: firstly, in response to what Gil Velázquez had said about the actions of Mossèn Frances de Perellós, the admiral in charge of the ten galleys and the one smaller ship which he had sent in support of the king of France, and how in the very presence of the king the admiral had seized two vessels from Piacenza in the harbour of Sanlúcar de Barrameda, which belonged to the kingdom of Castile. The king of Aragon replied that he regretted that any subject of his should commit any act which caused annoyance to the king of Castile; the knight in question was not present in his kingdom and, once he returned, he would hear his evidence and mete out justice to him in a way which would satisfy the king of Castile. King Pedro had also demanded that he remove the commandery of Alcañiz – which was situated in King Pere’s own kingdom of Aragon − from Don Pero Muñiz de Godoy, a native of the kingdom of Castile who had incurred the displeasure of its king, and that he place the said commandery under the authority of the master of Calatrava for Castile, as had always been the custom. To this the king of Aragon responded that the knight in question was a good man and was his loyal vassal and that he had made him a grant of that commandery; and that, since the the king of Castile was not well disposed towards this man, he would seek out some other benefit that he could grant him in his kingdom. Until then he could not take the commandery away from him. Once he had seen the reply that the king of Aragon had given and

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e vio que el rrey de Aragon non venia a lo que el rrey de Castilla le enbiaua dezir; otrossi por quanto Gil Velasquez sabia qual era la voluntad del rrey de Castilla su señor en este fecho, dixole segund le auia mandado el rrey e los sus priuados, que lo desafiaua de partes del, al dicho rrey de Aragon e a todo su rregno. E el rrey de Aragon desque vio que el mensagero del rrey de Castilla le desafiaua, dixo que el rrey de Castilla fazia su voluntad; enpero que non auia justa rrazon contra el para lo desafiar e que lo dexaua todo en juyzio de Dios. E enbio luego cartas por todo su rregno a los aperçebir que se guardassen.

Capitulo XIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro fizo luego armar galeas en Seuilla e fue fasta Tauira. El rrey don Pedro de Castilla en quanto Gil Velasquez fue al rregno de Aragon, fizo armar en Seuilla siete galeas e seys naos muy apriesa, cuydando que fallaria enla costa del rregno de Portogal al capitan de las diez galeas de Aragon. E puso el rrey en las dichas siete galeas muchos caualleros e escuderos e mucha ballesteria. E fue en ellas el rrey por su cuerpo e llego fasta Tauira, que es vna villa rribera de la mar en Portogal, e ally sopo commo el dicho capitan con las dichas diez galeas auia muchos dias que era pasado por aquella comarca e que era ydo en el rregno de Françia. E el rrey, desque lo sopo, tornosse para Seuilla e enbio galeas suyas a la ysla de Yuiça. E pelearon ý e fue preso, de los de Castilla, vn cauallero que dezian Gomez Perez de Porres, que fue despues prior de Sand Iohan, e dieron lo por otro cauallero que estaua preso en Castilla, que tomaron en el rregno de Murçia, que era comendador

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realized that he was not giving a suitable reponse to the points that the king of Castile had sent him to make, and being aware of the will of his lord the king of Castile in this matter, the legal officer Gil Velázquez gave notice that – as King Pedro and his close advisers had determined – on the king’s behalf he was now issuing a formal challenge to the said king of Aragon and all his realm. On seeing how the king of Castile’s emissary was issuing this challenge, the king of Aragon replied that King Pedro was acting as he felt inclined. However he did not have just cause to issue this challenge against him and his own response was to leave the matter to God’s judgement. He lost no time in sending letters throughout his kingdom to warn his people to take precautionary measures.

1356: CHAPTER XI How immediately King Pedro had galleys fitted out in Seville and sailed as far as Tavira. King Pedro of Castile – as soon as Gil Velázquez had set off for the kingdom of Aragon – had seven galleys and six sailing ships fitted out very rapidly in Seville, expecting to find the admiral of the ten Aragonese galleys off the Portuguese coast. The king took on board those seven galleys numerous knights and squires and a substantial force of crossbowmen and he sailed with them in person. They reached Tavira, a coastal town in Portugal, where he learned how several days previously the admiral had passed by that area with the ten galleys and how he had gone on to the kingdom of France. Once he discovered this, the king sailed back to Seville and dispatched some of his galleys to the island of Ibiza. There they did battle and, on the Castilian side, a knight called Gómez Pérez de Porres was taken prisoner. He was later to become prior of the Order of Saint John. He was exchanged for another knight who was being held in Castile, having been captured in the kingdom of Murcia, and this man was the grand commander for the Order of Montesa.7 War

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mayor de Montesa. E la guerra se començaua por todas partes asaz grande e crua, segund adelante oyredes que paso. E en este año enbio el rrey a Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo por frontero a Molina, e entro en Aragon e sallio a el el conde don Lope de Luna, e pelearon e fue desbaratado ý Gutier Ferrandez. E morio ý vn cauallero su fijo, que dizian Gomez Carrillo.

Capitulo XIIº. De lo que acaesçio en este año en el rregno de Françia e Ingla terra e commo fue preso el rrey don Iohan de Françia. En este año fue la batalla de Piteus, en la qual el rrey don Iohan de Françia fue desbaratado e preso por el prinçipe de Gales fijo del rrey Eduarte de Ingla terra. E fue leuado a Londres, e fue preso con el su fijo don Phelipe, que agora es duc de Vergoña e conde de Flandes e morio en esta pelea el duc de Borbon. E perdiosse esta batalla por mala hordenança, segund muchas vegadas suele acaesçer. E fue esta batalla çerca de la çibdat de Piteus, diez e nueue dias de setienbre deste dicho año. Otrossy don Carlos rrey de Nauarra, que por mandamiento del rrey don Iohan de Françia era preso enla çibdat de Paris, fue suelto por voluntad de los de Paris por grand mouimiento que ouo en la çibdat, que los comunes se apoderaron della. Otrossy este año començo la conpaña de los Jaque en Françia, que el dicho rrey de Navarra desbarato e mato despues a Jaques Buen Omne, que era su capitan dellos. E este año Leonete fijo del rrey de Inglaterra entro en Escoçia e peleo con el rrey de Escocia e vençiolo e prisolo e traxolo preso a Londres. E luego a poco tienpo que el rrey don Iohan de Françia fue preso, se fizo paz entre los rreyes de Françia e Ingla terra. E entregaron el ducado de Gujana al rrey de Ingla terra

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was now breaking out on all sides on quite a large and brutal scale, as in due course you will hear tell. Also in the course of this year the king sent Gutier Fernández de Toledo to Molina as a frontier commander: he entered Aragon, was met in battle by Count Lope de Luna and was defeated. His son, a knight by the name of Gómez Carrillo, was killed in the encounter.

1356: CHAPTER XII Concerning events which took place during this year in the kingdoms of France and England; and how King Jean of France was taken prisoner. This was the year of the battle of Poitiers, in which King Jean of France was defeated and taken prisoner by the prince of Wales, the son of King Edward of England. King Jean was taken to London and held prisoner together with his son Philippe, who now is duke of Burgundy and count of Flanders. The duke of Bourbon died in the same battle. This battle was lost through poor tactics, as is often the case. It took place near to the city of Poitiers on the 19th of September of the year in question. In addition, King Carlos of Navarre, who at the command of King Jean of France was being held as a prisoner in the city of Paris, was released through the will of the people of Paris as the result of a great movement which took place in the city when the common people took control of it.8 This year also saw the beginning of the uprising of the Jacquerie, which the said king of Navarre defeated and then killed the movement’s leader Jacques Bonhomme.9 In the same year Lionel, son of the king of England, entered Scotland and fought with the Scottish king, defeating and capturing him and taking him as a prisoner to London. Not long after King Jean of France was taken prisoner, a truce was agreed between the kings of France and England. The duchy of Guyenne was handed over freely and unconditionally to the

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libre mente sin otra condiçion alguna e grand suma de oro por el rrey de Françia. E torno el rrey de Françia en su rregno e dexo por sy sus fijos en arrehenes, los quales se partieron de Ingla terra syn liçençia del rrey. E sopolo el rrey de Françia e torno alla a tener su verdad e ý murio de su dolençia. E rregno despues del Carlos, su fijo, que fue el quinto que assy ouo nonbre.

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king of England and a large sum in gold was paid as a ransom for the king of France. The king of France returned to his kingdom, leaving his sons as hostages in his place, although they left England without the king’s permission. The king of France learned of this and, so as to honour his word, returned to England, where he died of his illness.10 He was succeeded by his son Charles, the fifth king of France to bear that name.

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AÑO OCHAUO del rrey don Pedro que fue año del Señor mill e trezientos e çinquenta e siete, e de la era de Çesar mill e trezientos e nouenta e çinco años.

Capitulo primero. Commo el rrey de Aragon enbio tratar con el conde don Enrrique que estaua en Françia, que le viniesse a ayudar. En el año ochauo que el sobre dicho rrey don Pedro rregno, que fue en el año del Señor de mill e trezientos e çinquenta e siete, e de la era de Çesar mill e trezientos e nouenta e çinco, e del Criamiento del mundo, segund la cuenta de los ebreos, en çinco mill e çiento e diez e siete años, e del año de los alarabes, en sieteçientos e çinquenta e nueue, el rrey don Pedro de Aragon, quando vio que se non escusaua la guerra con el rrey de Castilla, enbio sus mensageros al conde don Enrrique, hermano del rrey de Castilla, el qual estaua en Françia, los quales mensageros fueron don Aluar Garçia de Albornoz e don Ferrand Gomez su hermano, que eran dos caualleros naturales de Castilla que estaban en Aragon por miedo del rrey don Pedro de Castilla. E en yendo estos dos caualleros por el conde, fallaron otros caualleros de Castilla que andauan en Françia e eran don Gonçalo Mexia comendador mayor de Castilla de la horden de Santiago e Gomez Carrillo, que estauan en Tolosa la grande al sueldo del rrey de Françia; ca era capitan de la guerra en Lenguadoc por el rrey de Françia el conde de Armiñaque e los tenia ally al sueldo e daua el sueldo a todos los estrangeros que ally venien. E don Aluar Garçia de Albornoz e don Ferrand Gomez su hermano trataron con ellos para que esperasen al conde don Enrrique e se veniessen con el a Aragon e ellos prometieronlo assy e plogoles de lo anssy fazer. E dende fueron don Aluar Garçia de Albornoz e don Ferrand Gomez

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YEAR EIGHT (1357) of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1357 and, counting from the era of Caesar, 1395. 1357: CHAPTER I How the king of Aragon sent to Count Enrique, who was in France, a proposal that he should come and give him his support. These events occurred in the eighth year of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1357; in 1395, counting from the era of Caesar; 5,117 years from the creation of the world by the reckoning of the Hebrews; and, according to that of the Arabs, it was in the year 759. When King Pere of Aragon saw that war with the king of Castile was inevitable, he sent emissaries to King Pedro’s brother Count Enrique, who was in France. These emissaries were Don Álvar García de Albornoz and his brother Don Fernán Gómez, two knights who were native Castilians but were in Aragon on account of their fear of King Pedro of Castile. When these two knights went in search of the count, they came across other Castilian knights who were currently in France: Don Gonzalo Mejía, commander major for Castile of the Order of Santiago, and Gómez Carrillo. These knights were in the city of Toulouse and in the pay of the king of France, for the count of Armagnac was the king of France’s lieutenant in the war in Languedoc and had in his pay all the foreigners who made their way there. Don Álvar García de Albornoz and his brother Don Fernán Gómez arranged with them that they would wait for Count Enrique and accompany him to Aragon. They pledged to do this and did so with great pleasure. From there Don Álvar García de Albornoz and his brother Don

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su hermano a Paris, donde estaua el conde don Enrrique e trataron con el commo se viniessen todos para el rrey de Aragon a esta guerra e fezieronlo assy. E venieronsse luego a el e el los rresçibio muy bien e le plogo mucho con ellos. E diole el rrey de Aragon al conde don Enrrique, desque fue con el, çiertas villas e lugares en Cataluña, los quales eran Tarrega e Villagrasa e Monte Blanque, e do touiesse su gente e sueldo para ocho çientos de cauallo. E el rrey don Pedro desque esto sopo, partio de Seuilla e vinosse para Molina e entro luego en Aragon e tomo algunos castillos e començo la guerra por todas partes.

Capitulo segundo. Commo don Iohan de la Çerda e don Aluar Perez de Guzman se partieron del rrey. Estando el rrey don Pedro de Castilla sobre vn castillo de Aragon que dizen Cubel, que es en la comarca de Molina, llegaron las nueuas commo don Iohan de la Çerda fijo de don Luys e don Aluar Perez de Guzman señor de Oluera, que el rrey auia dexado por fronteros en vna villa que dizen Seron en la frontera de Aragon, e que eran partidos dende do los el rrey auia dexado e que eran ydos a Andaluzia. E la rrazon por que don Iohan de la Çerda e don Aluar Perez de Guzman partieron de Seron dizian que era esta: ca les dixieron por çierto que el rrey queria tomar la muger de don Aluar Perez, que era doña Aldonça Coronel, fija de don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel, hermana que era de doña Maria Coronel muger del dicho don Iohan de la Çerda. E sy esto era anssy estonçe non se supo, pero despues por tienpo tomo el rrey a la dicha doña Aldonça Coronel segund adelante se dira. E quando el rrey sopo commo estos dos grandes caualleros eran partidos de la frontera de Aragon donde los el dexara e eran ydos su camino, ouo muy grand pesar teniendo que la guerra que auia

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Fernán Gómez went on to Paris to join Count Enrique and they arranged with him that they would all enter the service of the king of Aragon in the war. This indeed they did: they went to join him without delay and he gave them a warm welcome and took great delight in their presence. Once Count Enrique had joined his service, the king of Aragon granted him certain towns and villages in Catalonia, namely Tàrrega, Vilagrassa and Montblanc, with sufficient income to support his retainers and to provide pay for 800 horsemen. On learning of this, King Pedro set out from Seville and travelled to Molina. He immediately entered Aragon, taking a number of castles, and war broke out on all sides.

1357: CHAPTER II How Don Juan de la Cerda and Don Álvar Pérez de Guzmán left the service of the king. While King Pedro of Castile was besieging an Aragonese castle called Cubel in the area of Molina, news reached him concerning Don Juan de la Cerda, the son of Don Luis, and Don Álvar Pérez de Guzmán, lord of Olvera. The king had left them as field commanders in a town called Serón on the frontier with Aragon but they had abandoned the place where the king had posted them and gone off to Andalusia.1 Don Juan de la Cerda and Don Álvar Pérez de Guzmán gave as the reason for their departure from Serón the fact that they had been told for certain that the king wished to possess Don Álvar Pérez’s wife, Doña Aldonza Coronel, daughter of Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel and sister of Doña María Coronel, who was the wife of Don Juan de la Cerda. It was not known at the time if this was really the case, but subsequently – as will be related in due course – the king did indeed take Doña Aldonza Coronel as his mistress. When the king learned how these two prominent knights had abandoned the Aragonese frontier where he had left them and had gone on their way, he was greatly annoyed, feeling that war that had

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començado con Aragon se le desmanaua. E ouo su consejo que por quanto estos dos caualleros eran poderosos en el Andaluzia, que podrian poner en la tierra grand bolliçio, que era bien dexar sus fronteros contra Aragon e el yrse para tierra de Seuilla do ellos eran ydos. E despues acordo de estar quedo en la guerra de Aragon que auia començado e enbiar mandar al concejo de Seuilla e a todos los del Andalozia que pusiessen rrecabdo en defender la tierra porque los dichos don Iohan e don Aluar Perez non pudiessen fazer daño en aquella tierra, e fizieronlo assy. E a pocos dias ouo nueuas el rrey que don Iohan de la Çerda estaua en Gibraleon, que era suya, e ayuntaua conpañas para correr aquella tierra de Seuilla e que don Aluar Perez se fuera para Aragon. El rrey despues que ouo estado algunos dias en tierra de Molina entrando en el rregno de Aragon e tomando villas e castillos, vino a Seron, vna villa suya que era en aquella comarca, e dende entro otra vez en Aragon e tomo vn lugar de Aragon que dizian Burdalua, que es en aquella comarca, e otro lugar que dizen Enbite, e despues vinosse para Deça. E alli llego a el el cardenal don Guillen legado del papa Ynosçençio, e trataua paz entre el rrey de Castilla e de Aragon, e puso treguas de quinze dias. E partiosse dende e fuesse para do era el rrey de Aragon. E en este tienpo llegaron nueuas al rrey don Pedro commo la rreyna doña Maria su madre era finada e que moriera en el rregno de Portogal. E segund fue la fama, dixeron que el rrey don Alfonso de Portogal su padre della le fiziera dar yerbas con que muriesse por quanto non se pagaua de la fama que oya della.

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begun with Aragon was slipping out of his control. He obtained the advice of his counsellors, to the effect that, since these two knights held great power in Andalusia and could cause a great deal of trouble in the region, it was advisable to leave his field commanders to campaign against Aragon and to pursue the two knights in the area around Seville. He later, however, determined to continue with the war which was underway against Aragon and to send a command to the council of Seville that they should take precautions for the defence of the region so that Don Juan and Don Álvar Pérez would not be able to cause harm there; and the council acted according to his instructions. A few days later, the king received a report that Don Juan de la Cerda was in his town of Gibraleón, raising forces to raid the area around Seville, and that Don Álvar Pérez had left for Aragon. After spending some days in the area around Molina, making sallies into the kingdom of Aragon and taking towns and castles, King Pedro came to Serón, a town which belonged to him and which was situated in that area; and from there he again advanced into Aragon and captured an Aragonese settlement in that area by the name of Bordalba and another called Embid. Next he moved on to Deza, where he was joined by Cardinal Guillaume, the legate of Pope Innocent. The cardinal was attempting to negotiate a peace settlement between the kings of Castile and Aragon and he arranged a truce to last two weeks; he then left and went to join the king of Aragon. At this time news reached King Pedro that his mother Queen María had died, ending her days in the kingdom of Portugal. It was rumoured that her father King Afonso of Portugal had arranged for her to be poisoned out of displeasure at what he had heard of her reputation.

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Capitulo terçero. Commo el rrey don Pedro partio de Deça e entro en Aragon e gano la çibdat de Taraçona. El rrey don Pedro estando en Deça, vna su villa en la frontera de Aragon, sopo commo la çibdat de Taraçona, que es del rrey de Aragon, era buena çibdat e de muchas viandas e non era bien murada e auia en ella pocas gentes e estaua çerca de ally. E partio el rrey de Deça para Agreda, e otro dia partio de ally para Taraçona, e tomo en el camino vn castillo del rrey de Aragon que dizen Torrejas e otro que le dizian Santa Cruz. E dende fue adelante a Taraçona. E el dia que llego ý fue jueues nueue dias de março deste dicho año, e tomo la çibdat de Taraçona por fuerça e entrosse por la parte de la moreria, que era flaca, do conbatia el maestre don Fadrique su hermano e sus conpañas, e morieron gentes de la vna parte e de la otra. E las gentes de la çibdat rrecogieronse a vn çinto, que es otra villa pequeña e esta en ella vna posada pequeña commo castillo, que dizen el açuda. E era en ella vna dueña honrrada que moraua en ella, que dizian Guillelma, que era muger de vn grand cauallero de Aragon que dizian don Garçia de Loris, que era gouernador de Valençia, pero que el cauallero non estaua ý. E las gentes del rrey de Castilla entraron todos aquel dia en la çibdad. E a la media noche los de la çibdat que estauan rrecogidos al çinto, fizieron sus pleytesias que los pusiesen con los cuerpos e con todo lo que leuar pudiessen sobre ellos en saluo en la villa de Tudela de Nauarra, que es a quatro leguas dende. E el rrey fizolo assy e luego otro dia viernes a ora de nona partieron dende todos los de la çibdat de Taraçona e pusieronlos las gentes del rrey de Castilla en Tudela con todo lo que leuar pudieron. E el rrey cobro la çibdat de Taraçona e fallaron ý los suyos muchas viandas e cobro algunos otros castillos que eran en aquella comarca, que se le dieron; ca ouo a Alcala de Ueruela e Ferrejon e vn castillo

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1357: CHAPTER III How King Pedro set out from Deza and advanced into Aragon, capturing the city of Tarazona. While King Pedro was in Deza, a town which belonged to him and which stood on the Aragonese frontier, he learned about Tarazona, a city belonging to the king of Aragon: he heard that it was a fine city, rich in provisions, but not heavily fortified and with few defenders, and that it was situated nearby. The king set out from Deza for Ágreda, and the next day he moved on from there to Tarazona, capturing on the way a castle by the name of Torrellas, which had been in the possession of the king of Aragon, and another called Santa Cruz. From there he advanced to Tarazona, arriving there on Thursday the 9th of March of the year in question. He took the city of Tarazona by force, entering by the Moorish quarter, which was poorly protected. His brother Don Fadrique and his troops were engaged in the fighting there and there were deaths on both sides. The city’s defenders withdrew into a walled area which formed a town on a reduced scale containing a small residence like a castle, known as ‘the Weir’. An honourable lady by the name of Guillerma resided there and was present at that time. She was the wife of a prominent Aragonese knight called Mossèn García de Loriç, the governor of Valencia, but at the time he was not in Tarazona. That day all the king of Castile’s troops entered the city, and by midnight the citizens who were gathered in the walled area negotiated an arrangement by which they would be given safe conduct for their persons and for as much as they could carry with them to the town of Tudela in Navarre, situated four leagues away. The king honoured this agreement and the very next day – which was a Friday – at the hour of Nones all the citizens of Tarazona left and were accompanied by the king of Castile’s troops to Tudela, taking all that they could carry with them.2 And so the king captured the city of Tarazona and in it his troops found provisions in abundance. He also took some other castles in that area, which surrendered to him. He took control of Alcalá de Veruela

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que dizen los Fayos, que tenia vn cauallero que auia nonbre Martin Auarca. E tomo el dicho castillo el rrey e fizo matar al cauallero. E fue este Martin Auarca el que deximos que viniera a la merçed del rrey quando tomo el alcaçar de Toro e le traxo a don Iohan hermano del rrey. E el cardenal don Guillen legado del papa llego luego a Taraçona, do el rrey estaua, muy quexado diziendo que aquella çibdat fuera tomada en el termino de los quinze dias que el puso de treguas entre los rreyes de Castilla e de Aragon quando el rrey de Castilla estaua en Deça. E el rrey de Castilla dizia que non tomara la çibdat de Taraçona saluo en guerra, que non era tregua ninguna, ca las treguas de los quinze dias que el cardenal dizia eran ya pasadas. E sobre esto porfiauan el rrey e el cardenal. E en estos dias el rrey de Aragon estaua en la çibdat de Çaragoça e juntaua quantas conpañas pudia.

Capitulo IIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro llego a Borja do estaua el poder del rrey de Aragon e del conde don Enrrique. Estando el rrey don Pedro en Taraçona, llegaronle muchas conpañas de Castilla de todas partes. E vino ay don Tello su hermano del rrey, que era señor de Vizcaya e de Lara e señor de Aguilar, con muchas conpañas de vizcaynos. E eso mesmo estaua ay con el rrey don Fadrique su hermano, maestre de Santiago, e tenia ý seysçientos omnes de cauallo. E otrossy estauan ý con el rrey, el infante don Iohan su primo e don Ferrando de Castro e don Pedro de Haro, que era avn moço. E era ý con el rrey el maestre de Calatraua que dizian, don Diego Garçia de Padilla e don Suer Martinez maestre de Alcantara e don Adan Arias teniente prior de Sand Iohan e todos los otros grandes señores e caualleros del rregno. E eran todas estas gentes de su rregno que el rrey ayunto en Taraçona siete mill de cauallo e dos mill de la gineta e gente de pie mucha ademas.

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and El Ferrejón and a castle known as Los Fayos which was held by a knight called Martín Abarca. The king seized the castle and had the knight put to death: this Martín Abarca was the man that we said had thrown himself at King Pedro’s mercy when the king had captured the castle in Toro, bringing him his brother Don Juan. Soon afterwards the Pope’s legate Cardinal Guillaume joined the king in Tarazona, deeply aggrieved and arguing that the city had been seized within the period of the two weeks’ truce between the kings of Castile and Aragon that he had set when the king of Castile was in Deza. The king of Castile claimed that he had simply captured the city of Tarazona during a period of war and that this was no time of truce, since the two-week suspension of hostilities of which the cardinal spoke had already expired. On this matter the king and the cardinal were in dispute. Over the course of these days the king of Aragon was in the city of Saragossa, assembling as many troops as he could.

1357: CHAPTER IV How King Pedro approached Borja where the army of the king of Aragon and of Count Enrique was gathered. While King Pedro was in Tarazona, he was joined by numerous companies of Castilian troops coming from all parts. Among those who came to him was his brother Don Tello, lord of Vizcaya and Lara and of Aguilar, bringing large companies of Vizcayans. His brother Don Fadrique, master of Santiago, was also there with 600 mounted troops. Also accompanying the king were his cousin Prince Joan, Don Fernando de Castro and Don Pedro de Haro, who was still a young man. And likewise present were the man bearing the title of master of Calatrava, Don Diego García de Padilla, the master of Alcántara Don Suer Martínez, Don Adán Arias, acting prior of the Knights Hospitaller, and all the other great lords and knights of the kingdom. These forces from the kingdom of Castile assembled by the king in Tarazona amounted to 7,000 horsemen with another 2,000 light cavalry and in addition a large number of footsoldiers.

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E alli llegaron al rrey el señor de Lebret e sus hermanos que eran grandes señores en Gujana con buena caualleria que le venian a seruir. E esto fizieron ellos por quanto sopieron que el conde de Fox, su henemigo, era venido al rrey de Aragon a le ayudar. E sopo el rrey commo el conde don Enrrique su hermano e el conde de Fox, con muchas conpañas de señores e caualleros de Aragon, eran venidos a Borja, que es a quatro leguas de Taraçona. E partio el rrey de Castilla de Taraçona con todas sus conpañas que alli tenia con el e fue a Borja, vna villa del rrey de Aragon, e fallo que aquellas gentes que estauan por el rrey de Aragon eran alli e pusieran su batalla çerca la villa de Borja en vn lugar alto que llaman la Muela. E el rrey llego çerca dellos en guisa que ouo ý algunas escaramuças, pero los que estauan en la Muela non se partian de alli. E el rrey desque vio que non se podia al fazer nin querian los otros pelear, tornosse para Taraçona. E esse dia fazia grand calentura e ouo grand sed en la hueste del rrey e algunos omnes de pie peresçieron de sed. E era jueves, en el mes de abril e el rrey de Aragon era en Çaragoça e non tenia gentes para pelear con el rrey de Castilla. E el cardenal don Guillen legado del papa fazia su poder por los abenir e ponerlos en tregua.

Capitulo Vº. Commo el rrey don Pedro ouo nueuas que don Iohan de la Çerda fuera desbaratado del conçejo de Seuilla e preso. Estando el rrey don Pedro de Castilla en Taraçona llegaronle nueuas commo don Iohan de la Çerda, de que suso diximos que se partiera de Seron do el rrey lo auia dexado por frontero de Aragon e se fuera para el Andalozia, que el conçejo de Seuilla e vasallos con el pendon, e don Iohan Ponçe de Leon señor de Marchena e el almirante don Gil Boca

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The king was also joined there by the lord of Albret and his brothers, who were prominent noblemen in Guyenne, bringing a fine body of mounted troops to place at his service. They had taken this step as a result of learning that their enemy the count of Foix had come to lend his support to the king of Aragon.3 The king also heard that his brother Count Enrique and the count of Foix, with a large force of Aragonese lords and knights, had reached Borja, four leagues from Tarazona. The king of Castile left Tarazona taking all the troops that he had with him and advanced towards Borja, a town belonging to the king of Aragon. He found that the troops on the side of King Pere were already there and that they had been drawn up near to the town of Borja on a height known as La Muela. The king brought his army up close to them in such a way as to provoke some skirmishes, but the troops on La Muela were not dislodged. Once the king saw that he could do no more and that his adversaries did not wish to do battle, he set off back to Tarazona. It was an extremely hot day and there was great thirst among the men of the king’s army, which led to the death of some footsoldiers. It was a Thursday in April and the king of Aragon was in Saragossa without sufficient men to do battle with the king of Castile. Cardinal Guillaume, the papal legate, was doing all that he could to bring them to agreement and to put in place a truce.

1357: CHAPTER V How King Pedro received a report that Don Juan de la Cerda had been defeated by the Seville militia and taken prisoner. While King Pedro of Castile was in Tarazona, he received a report about Don Juan de la Cerda. We related above how Don Juan had left Serón, where the king had posted him as a field commander against Aragon, and gone to Andalusia. The news now arrived of how the militia of Seville and vassals of Pedro beneath his standard, together with Don Juan Ponce de León, lord of Marchena, Admiral

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Negra e otros caualleros e escuderos vasallos del rrey pelearon con don Iohan de la Çerda entre Veas e Trigueros, çerca vna rribera que ha nonbre Candon, e que lo vençieran e que fuera preso don Iohan de la Çerda e muertos caualleros suyos. E ouo el rrey grand plazer con estas nueuas desque las sopo e luego enbio sus cartas con vn su ballestero que dizian Rodrigo Perez de Castro para Seuilla e mando matar al dicho don Iohan de la Çerda e anssy se fizo. E llego en Taraçona luego doña Maria Coronel, muger del dicho don Iohan, a pedir merçed por su marido. E e el rrey diole sus cartas para que ge lo diessen biuo e sano; pero el rrey sabia bien que ante que aquellas cartas que daua a doña Maria Coronel, muger de don Iohan, llegassen a Seuilla, seria don Iohan muerto. E assy fue que quando doña Maria llego a Seuilla fuera don Iohan muerto bien auia ocho dias.

Capitulo VIº. Commo el cardenal don Guillen legado del papa puso sus treguas entre los rreyes de Castilla e de Aragon por vn año. Estando el rrey don Pedro en la çibdat de Taraçona del rregno de Aragon, que auia ganado, e el rrey don Pedro de Aragon en la su çibdat de Çaragoça, el cardenal don Guillen legado del papa trataua paz entre estos rreyes de Castilla e de Aragon e non los pudia abenir. E desque vio que non pudo acabar paz entre ellos, trato treguas por vn año. E anssy se fizo e luego firmaron treguas e se pregonaron en las çibdades de los dichos rreyes lunes diez dias de mayo deste dicho año. E dexo el rrey don Pedro en Taraçona a Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa su camarero mayor e a Yñigo Lopez de Horozco, mayordomo mayor de doña Blanca de Villena, por algunas cosas que eran hordenadas para se tener e guardar las dichas treguas. E el

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Gil Boccanegra and other knights and squires who were vassals of the king, had engaged Don Juan de la Cerda in battle between Beas and Trigueros, near to a river called the Candón.4 Don Juan de la Cerda had been defeated and taken prisoner and a number of his knights had been killed. On hearing this news the king was delighted and he immediately sent a letter to Seville, taken by one of his guards by the name of Rodrigo Pérez de Castro, ordering the death of Don Juan de la Cerda. His instructions were carried out. Don Juan’s wife, Doña María Coronel, was quick to come to Tarazona to beg for mercy for her husband. The king gave her a letter of amnesty to the effect that Don Juan should be handed over to her alive and well, but he was fully aware that by the time that the letter that he was giving to Doña María reached Seville Don Juan would be dead. And it did indeed prove to be the case that when Doña María reached Seville Don Juan had already been dead for a week.

1357: CHAPTER VI How the papal legate Cardinal Guillaume established a year’s truce between the kings of Castile and Aragon. While King Pedro was in the city of Tarazona, which belonged to the kingdom of Aragon but which he had captured, and King Pere of Aragon was in his city of Saragossa, the papal legate Cardinal Guillaume was involved in peace negotiations between the kings of Castile and Aragón but was unable to bring them together. Once he recognized that he could not broker peace between them, he negotiated a truce to last for a year. This was put in place, the treaty was confirmed and it was proclaimed in the cities of the two kings on Monday the 10th of May of the year in question. In Tarazona King Pedro left his master chamberlain Juan Fernández de Henestrosa and Íñigo López de Orozco, chief steward to Doña Blanca de Villena, to deal with arrangements for ensuring the full implementation and observance of the treaty. The king left Tarazona for Ágreda, where

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rrey partio de Taraçona para Agreda e estudo alli vnos quinze dias, e ally quisiera matar al maestre de Santiago don Fadrique su hermano, e al infante don Iohan su primo e a don Tello su hermano, segund el lo dixo despues. E acordo de lo dexar estonçe, que commo quier que su voluntad sienpre era de matar a los infantes de Aragon sus primos e al maestre de Santiago e a don Tello, por la saña que dellos auia por lo de Toro, que auemos ya contado, quando el rrey fue ally detenido; pero dexolo de fazer estonçe por quanto se trataua que el conde don Enrrique, que estaua en Aragon, viniesse a la merçed del rrey, e quisiera los matar todos juntos en vno. Otrossy dexo de fazer las dichas muertes en Agreda por quanto estauan ý estos señores con muchas conpañas e el rrey de Aragon çerca, e ouo rresçelo que se yrian muchos de los suyos para Aragon; ca maguer las treguas eran pregonadas, fincauan muchas cosas de conplir, e ouo rresçelo el rrey don Pedro que le podria dende venir grant daño a su seruiçio en perder muchas gentes. En otra manera el rrey non dexara de los matar, ca queria muy grand mal a estos señores; ca despues que fueron en Toro contra el, quando estudo commo preso en su poder dellos, nunca bien los quiso, segund dicho es. Otrossy en este tienpo que esta guerra se començo, el infante don Ferrando marques de Tortosa su primo del rrey se fuera para el rrey de Aragon, que era su hermano, ca el infante don Ferrando estaua en vna su villa que dezian Orihuela e de aquel lugar traxo su pleytesia con el rrey de Aragon su hermano e se fue para el. E tenia el infante don Ferrando muchas buenas fortalezas entre Aragon e Castilla, las quales eran las villas e castillos de Orihuela e Alicante e Guardamar e otros castillos en la val de Elda: e la villa de Albarrezin. Otrossy en la pleytesia de las treguas que el cardenal legado puso entre los rreyes, hordeno que por quanto el dicho cardenal dizia que el rrey don Pedro tomara la çibdat de Taraçona en la tregua de los quinze dias que el pusiera, que la çibdat fincase en fialdat en poder de Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa camarero mayor del rrey don Pedro, fasta que el cardenal librasse sobre ello lo que fallasse por derecho; ca en tanto pensaua el cardenal fazer entre los rreyes paz. E Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa dio la çibdat de Taraçona que la touiesse a vn cauallero de Castilla su pariente, que dezian Gonçalo

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he remained for about a fortnight and where he would have liked to kill the master of Santiago, his brother Don Fadrique, his cousin Prince Juan and his brother Don Tello, as he later declared. He made up his mind to to leave this for the time being: it was still his wish to kill his cousins the princes of Aragon, the master of Santiago and Don Tello, out of the anger he felt towards them on account of what happened when he was detained at Toro – as we have already related –; but he put it off because of the negotiations for Count Enrique, who was in Aragon, to come and renew his allegiance to the king. King Pedro would have liked to kill them all together. He also held back from inflicting these deaths in Ágreda because the lords were there with a large number of troops and the king of Aragon was nearby: he was afraid that many of his men would defect to the king of Aragon given that, although the truce had been proclaimed, there were still many objectives to be achieved and King Pedro feared that considerable disadvantage might result from the loss of a large number of troops. Otherwise the king would not have failed to kill them, for he bore them great ill will. As has been said already, he had never been well disposed towards them since they had been in Toro, when he had been held by them as a prisoner. Also during these early days of the war, the king’s cousin Prince Ferran, marquis of Tortosa, had gone over to the king of Aragon, who was his brother. Prince Ferran was in a town of his called Orihuela and from there he went to negotiate with his brother the king of Aragon and gave him his allegiance. Prince Ferran possessed many fine fortresses between Aragon and Castile: the towns and castles of Orihuela, Alicante and Guardamar, other castles in the Elda Valley and the town of Albarracín.5 Also among the terms of the truce which the cardinal legate negotiated between the two kings it was specified that, since the cardinal declared that King Pedro had seized the city of Tarazona during the fortnight’s truce that he had determined, it should be entrusted to Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, King Pedro’s master chamberlain, until the cardinal announced his legal judgement on the matter; for in this way the cardinal considered that he would achieve peace between the two kings. Juan Fernández de Henestrosa placed the city in the hands of a Castilian knight who was related to him, a man by the name of Gonzalo

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Gonçalez de Luzio; enpero el rrey de Castilla pagaua el sueldo e la tenençia a los que ally fincaron. E commo quier que esto anssy dizia el cardenal legado, que dexaua la çibdat de Taraçona en fialdad; enpero el rrey don Pedro tenia que era suya. E fizola poblar de gentes de su rregno e partir las heredades que ally eran. E estaua ya muy bien poblada, en guisa que auia en ella trezientos de cauallo de omnes fijos dalgo que ally tomaran vezindat. E el rrey don Pedro dexo ý rrecabdo de gentes en Taraçona e fuesse para Seuilla. E todo lo que finco deste año estudo el rrey en Seuilla mandando fazer galeas e lo que pertenesçia para fazer armada en la mar quando las treguas salliesen.

Capitulo VIIº. Commo Pero Carrillo vino en Castilla por leuar la condesa doña Iohana, muger del conde don Enrrique e commo la leuo a Aragon a su marido el conde. Este año de que fabla la ystoria, durante la tregua que el cardenal don Guillen legado del papa puso entre los rreyes de Castilla e de Aragon, Pero Carrillo fijo de Gomez Carrillo de Maçuelo, que estaua con el conde don Enrrique en Aragon, traxo sus pleytesias con el rrey don Pedro que queria venir para la su merçed e que lo heredasse en su rregno e que se partiria del conde. E al rrey plogo dello e fizolo assy. E vino Pero Carrillo a el e diole el rrey por heredat a Tamariz e pusole su tierra e prometiole de le fazer mucha merçed. E Pero Carrillo desque estudo asosegado algunos dias en Castilla, guiso commo pudiesse leuar la condesa doña Iohana de Villena, muger del conde don Enrrique su señor, a Aragon, que estudiera presa despues que el rrey tomara la villa de Toro. E anssy lo fizo e leuola a Aragon al conde su marido. E segund paresçio, la venida de Pero Carrillo al rrey non fue, saluo por esto. E ouo el rrey don Pedro, desque lo sopo, muy grande enojo.

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González de Lucio. However, it was the king who paid the wages and the living expenses of the men who remained there. Moreover, although the cardinal legate stated that he was leaving the city of Tarazona as surety, King Pedro viewed it as his. He had it repopulated with people from his kingdom and had the property there redistributed. It now had a very large number of inhabitants, given that there were 300 knights who had taken up residence in the city. The king of Castile left it well protected by troops and departed for Seville, where he stayed for the remainder of the year overseeing the construction of galleys and all the preparations for launching a battle fleet when the truce came to an end.

1357: CHAPTER VII How Pero Carrillo came to Castile to collect Countess Juana, the wife of Count Enrique, and how he took her to her husband the count in Aragon. In the year whose events the history is currently relating, the following episode occurred during the truce which the Pope’s legate Cardinal Guillaume had established between the kings of Castile and Aragon: Pero Carrillo, son of Gómez Carrillo de Mazuelo, who was with Count Enrique in Aragon, negotiated with King Pedro to come and swear allegiance to him, so that he would be granted estates in his kingdom and sever his bonds with the count. King Pedro consented and acted accordingly. Pero Carrillo placed himself at the service of the king, who granted him Tamariz, invested him with land and promised to confer on him many favours. After resting for a few days in Castile, Pero Carrillo sought a way of carrying off to Aragon Countess Juana de Villena, Count Enrique’s wife, who had been held as a prisoner since the king had captured the town of Toro. He did indeed manage to do this and he took her to her husband the count in Aragon. It seemed that Pero Carrillo’s coming over to the king had been solely for that purpose and, when he learned what had happened, King Pedro was furious.

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AÑO NOUENO que el rrey don Pedro rreyno, que fue año del Señor de mill e trezientos e çinquenta e ocho e de la era de Çesar, mill e trezientos e nouenta e seys.

Capitulo primero. Commo el rrey don Pedro tomo a doña Aldonça Coronel e commo prendieron en Seuilla a Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa, tio de doña Maria de Padilla, e de otras cosas que acaesçieron estonçe. En el año noueno que el sobre dicho rrey don Pedro rregno, que fue año del Señor de mill e trezientos e çinquenta e ocho, e de la era de Çesar, mill e trezientos e nouenta e seys, e del Criamiento del mundo segund la cuenta de los ebreos, en çinco mill e çiento e diez e ocho años, e del año de los alarabes, en sieteçientos e sesenta años. Estando el rrey don Pedro en Seuilla en este año, tomo del monesterio de Santa Clara, que es en la dicha çibdad, a doña Aldonça Coronel, muger de don Aluar Perez de Guzman e fija de don Alfonso Ferrandez Coronel, la qual doña Aldonça era venida al rrey durante la tregua de vn año que fue puesta entre Castilla e Aragon, por auer perdon para don Aluar Perez de Guzman su marido, que estaua en Aragon. E leuo el rrey del monesterio de Santa Clara de Seuilla a la dicha doña Aldonça Coronel, e maguera al comienço a ella non plazia quando esto se trataua, pero despues ella de su voluntad sallio del monesterio e pusola el rrey en la Torre del Oro, que es en la taraçana, por quanto doña Maria de Padilla estaua en el alcaçar del rrey. E dexo ý caualleros çiertos que la guardassen, los quales eran Pero Suarez de Velasco e Suer Perez de Quiñones e Dia Sanchez de Quesada. E dioles el rrey mandamiento para don Enrrique Enrriquez, su alguazil mayor de la çibdat de Seuilla, que fiziesse lo que aquellos caualleros le dixiessen, asi commo por el mesmo. E esto fazia el rrey por que

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YEAR NINE (1358) of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1358 and, counting from the era of Caesar, 1396. 1358: CHAPTER I How King Pedro made Doña Aldonza Coronel his mistress, how Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, Doña María de Padilla’s uncle, was arrested in Seville, and concerning other events that occurred at that time. These events occurred in the ninth year of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1358; in 1396, counting from the era of Caesar; 5,118 years from the creation of the world by the reckoning of the Hebrews; and, according to that of the Arabs, it was in the year 760. While during the course of this year King Pedro was in Seville, he removed Doña Aldonza Coronel from the convent of Santa Clara, which is situated in that city. Doña Aldonza was the wife of Don Álvar Pérez de Guzmán and daughter of Don Alfonso Fernández Coronel and she had come to the king during the year’s truce imposed on Castile and Aragon, with the aim of obtaining a pardon for her husband Don Álvar Pérez de Guzmán, who was in Aragon. The king took Doña Aldonza Coronel away from the convent of Santa Clara in Seville, and, although initially she resisted when this was put to her, she subsequently left the convent of her own free will and the king gave her accommodation in the Tower of Gold, which stands in the shipyard area, since Doña María de Padilla was in the alcázar.1 He left some knights there to watch over her: Pero Suárez de Velasco, Suer Pérez de Quiñones and Día Sánchez de Quesada. The king issued instructions to Don Enrique Enríquez, his chief constable for the city of Seville, that he should obey any orders given to him by those knights as though the king had given them himself. The king

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doña Aldonça se temia de doña Maria de Padilla e de sus parientes. E el rrey partio de Seuilla e fue andar a caça por essa tierra. E acaesçio que luego que el rrey tomo a doña Aldonça e la puso en la Torre del Oro, llego en Seuilla Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa, camarero mayor del rrey e tio de doña Maria de Padilla, que venia de Portogal, por tratar con el rrey de Portogal que diesse su ayuda de galeas al rrey don Pedro contra el rrey de Aragon despues de las treguas que en vno auian. E luego que llego el dicho Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa en Seuilla, fue veer a doña Maria de Padilla su sobrina, que estaua en el alcaçar. E los caualleros que tenian carga de guardar a doña Aldonça Coronel querian mal a Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa e mostraron a don Enrrique Enrriquez, alguazil mayor de Seuilla, las cartas del rrey que tenian de creençia para que fiziesse lo que ellos dixiessen assy commo si ge lo mandasse el rrey. E por la dicha creençia que le mostraron le dixeron e rrequirieron que luego syn detenimiento alguno prendiese a Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa por que assy cunplia a seruiçio del rrey. E don Enrrique Enrriquez, vistas las cartas que le mostraron del rrey aquellos caualleros e el rrequerimiento que le fazian, dixo que lo cunpliria segund que ellos rrequerian por la creençia de las dichas cartas. Luego pusolo asy por obra e prendio a Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa e leuolo conssigo. E fue esto lunes siete dias de mayo deste dicho año e el rrey estaua en Carmona e auia enbiado por doña Aldonça, que estaua en Seuilla e ella fuese para el. E sopo el rrey commo Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa era preso e pesole dello, ca lo tenia por buen cauallero e non auia mandado que lo prendiessen. Otrossy el rrey ya non tenia en tanto los amores de doña Aldonça commo solia nin commo cuydauan que los tenia, antes secreta mente enbiaua sus cartas a doña Maria de Padilla, que fuesse çierta que el non curaria mas de la dicha doña Aldonça.

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was taking this step because Doña Aldonza was in fear of of Doña María de Padilla and the members of her family. He then set out from Seville and went hunting in the area around the city. It so happened that as soon as the king took Doña Aldonza and gave her accommodation in the Tower of Gold, Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, the king’s master chamberlain and uncle of Doña María de Padilla, arrived in Seville. He had come from Portugal where he had been negotiating for the king of that country to provide some galleys to assist King Pedro against the king of Aragon after the end of the truce which had been agreed. As soon as Juan Fernández de Henestrosa arrived in Seville, he went to see his niece Doña María de Padilla, who was in the alcázar. The knights responsible for watching over Doña Aldonza Coronel were hostile to Juan Fernández de Henestrosa and showed Enrique Enríquez, the chief constable for Seville, the letters of authorization from the king that they had in their possession instructing him to obey any orders that they gave him as though they had been given by the king himself. Moreover, using the authorization that they showed him, they demanded of him that there and then he arrest Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, for this was his loyal duty to the king. Don Enrique Enríquez, in view of the royal letters of authorization that the knights placed before him and of the formal demand that they were making on him, agreed that, given the authority of the documentation, he would carry out what they were requiring of him. He lost no time in acting, arrested Juan Fernández de Henestrosa and took him off as his prisoner. This happened on Monday the 7th of May of the year in question. The king was in Carmona and had sent for Doña Aldonza, who was in Seville and now went to be with him. The king learned of how Juan Fernández de Henestrosa had been imprisoned and it annoyed him, for he considered Juan Fernández to be a fine knight and he had not ordered his arrest. In addition, the king no longer cared as much for the affections of Doña Aldonza as he had done previously or as much as people believed to be the case. But rather he wrote in secret to Doña María de Padilla, assuring her that he would no longer harbour any feelings for Doña Aldonza.

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E luego el miercoles siguiente el rrey enbio sus cartas a don Enrrique Enrriquez, su alguazil mayor de Seuilla, que soltasse a Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa de la prision e lo dexasse venir para el e el fizolo assi. E Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa fuesse e fallo al rrey andando a caça çerca vna rribera que dizen Guadaxos. E el rrey rresçibiolo muy bien e dixole que el nunca lo mandara prender, e finco muy bien en su merçed. Otrossy en esa semana acaesçio que andando el rrey a caça çerca de Vtrera, lugar de Seuilla, que don Diego Garçia de Padilla, maestre de Calatraua, hermano de doña Maria de Padilla, estando con el rrey sopiera commo Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa, su tio, era preso en Seuilla e ouo miedo e fuxo. E el rrey enbio en pos el, e prendieron lo çerca vnas marismas e traxieronlo al rrey e pusieronlo preso en la carçel de Utrera. E estudo ý dos dias en poder de Ferrand Sanchez de Touar, vn cauallero que andaua con el rrey a quien el rrey encomendo que lo guardasse. E quando soltaron de la prision a Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa eso mesmo enbiaron soltar de la prision a don Diego Garçia de Padilla maestre de Calatraua. E el rrey despues de todo esto dexo a doña Aldonça Coronel en Carmona e vinose para Seuilla do estaua doña Maria de Padilla, e non curaua ya de doña Aldonça, antes queria mal a todos aquellos que fueron en el consejo que la el tomasse.

Capitulo segundo. Commo el rrey don Pedro dixo al infante don Iohan su primo que queria matar al maestre don Fadrique su hermano. El rrey don Pedro estando en Seuilla sopo commo el maestre de Santiago don Fadrique su hermano venia, ca el auia enbiado por el e tenia acordado delo matar. E aquel dia que el maestre auia de llegar

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The following Wednesday, the king promptly wrote to Don Enrique Enríquez, his chief constable for Seville, instructing him to set Juan Fernández de Henestrosa free and to allow him to come to him. Don Enrique Enríquez obeyed his command. Juan Fernández de Henestrosa went and found the king hunting near to a river called the Guadajoz. King Pedro gave him a warm welcome and assured him that he had never given any instructions for his arrest. Juan Fernández was fully restored to the king’s confidence. During that same week it happened that, while King Pedro was out hunting near Utrera, a village belonging to Seville, Doña María de Padilla’s brother, the master of Calatrava Don Diego García de Padilla, on learning while he was with the king that his uncle Juan Fernández de Henestrosa had been arrested in Seville, took flight and fled. King Pedro sent men in pursuit of him and they caught up with him near to an area of marshes. He was taken back to the king and held in the prison at Utrera. There he remained under the authority of Fernán Sánchez de Tovar, a knight in the king’s company to whom he entrusted the responsibility for guarding Don Diego. Then, when Juan Fernández was freed, the master of Calatrava Don Diego García de Padilla was also given his liberty. After all of this, King Pedro left Doña Aldonza Coronel in Carmona and returned to Seville to join Doña María de Padilla. He no longer had any feelings for Doña Aldonza: on the contrary, he was resentful towards all those who had advised him to take her as his mistress.

1358: CHAPTER II How King Pedro told his cousin Prince Joan that he wished to kill hia brother the master Don Fadrique. While he was in Seville King Pedro learned that his brother Don Fadrique, the master of Santiago, was on his way to him, as he had sent for him and had made plans to kill him. On the morning of the day

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a Seuilla, por la mañana, el rrey fizo llamar a su camara al infante don Iohan de Aragon, su primo, e a Diego Perez Sarmiento, que era adelantado mayor de Castilla, pero aguardaua al infante don Iohan por mandado del rrey. E el rrey tomo jura sobre una cruz e vnos euangelios al infante don Iohan e a Diego Perez Sarmiento que touiesen secreto de lo que les diria, e ellos lo juraron. E despues dixo assy el rrey al infante: ‘Primo, yo se bien e vos asy lo sabedes que el maestre don Fadrique de Santiago, mi hermano, vos quiere grand mal e assy fazedes vos a el. E yo por algunas cosas en que se que el anda contra mi seruiçio, quiero lo matar oy, e ruego vos que me ayudedes a ello e en esto me faredes grant seruiçio. E luego que el sea muerto, yo entiendo partir de aqui para Vizcaya a matar a don Tello, e dar vos he las tierras de Vizcaya e de Lara, pues vos sodes casado con doña Ysabel, fija de don Iohan Nuñez de Lara e de doña Maria su muger, a quien las dichas tierras pertenesçian’. E el infante don Iohan rrespondio al rrey asy: ‘Señor, yo vos tengo en merçed por que vos queredes fiar de mi vuestros secretos. E es verdat, Señor, que yo quiero muy mal al maestre de Santiago e a su hermano el conde don Enrrique, e ellos quieren mal a mi por vuestro seruiçio, e yo soy muy plazentero de lo que vos tenedes ordenado de matar oy al maestre, e si la vuestra merçed fuere avn yo mesmo lo matare’. E al rrey plogo mucho de lo que el infante don Iohan assy rrespondio e dixole: ‘Infante, yo vos lo agradezco lo que me dezides e vos rruego que lo fagades assy.’ E Diego Perez Sarmiento, que estaua ý, dixo al infante: ‘Señor, plega vos de lo que el rrey fiziere, ca non menguaran ballesteros que maten al maestre.’ E quando esto dixo Diego Perez Sarmiento, peso mucho al rrey e de aquel dia en adelante, nunca quiso bien a Diego Perez, ca pluguiera al rrey que el infante matara al maestre.

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on which the master was due to arrive in Seville, the king summoned to his chamber his cousin Prince Joan of Aragon and Diego Pérez Sarmiento, who was governor general of Castile but, at the king’s command, was in the service of Prince Joan. The king had Prince Joan and Diego Pérez Sarmiento swear on a cross and the gospels that they would keep secret what he was to tell them, and they did indeed swear such an oath. Then the king spoke these words to the prince: ‘My cousin, I am well aware, and you know this too, that my brother Don Fadrique, master of Santiago, bears great resentment towards you and you likewise have no love for him. On account of some matters in which he is acting disloyally to me it is my wish to kill him this very day, and I am requesting you to help me to do this. By doing so you will do me a great service. Moreover, as soon as he is dead, I intend to leave for Vizcaya in order to kill Don Tello, and I will then grant you the territories of Vizcaya and Lara, since you are married to Doña Isabel, the daughter of Don Juan Núñez de Lara and his wife Doña María, to whom those lands used to belong.’ ‘My lord,’ Prince Joan replied to the king, ‘I am grateful to you for your willingness to entrust me with your secrets. It is true, my lord, that I bear deep resentment towards the master of Santiago and his brother Count Enrique, and they bear a grudge against me on account of my loyalty to you. It gives me great pleasure that you have made plans to kill the master today; and, should it be your will, I will indeed kill him with my own hands.’ The king was delighted with this reply given to him by Prince Joan. ‘Prince,’ he said to him, ‘I am grateful to you for what you say. It is my request that you go ahead and do as you have offered.’ Diego Pérez Sarmiento, who was present, said to the prince,’My lord, you should be pleased for the king to take this action: there is no shortage of royal guards to carry out the act of putting the master to death.’ The king was greatly annoyed by Diego Pérez Sarmiento’s words, and from that day on he always had a dislike for Diego Pérez, for he would have preferred the prince to kill the master himself.

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Capitulo IIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro fizo matar al maestre de Santiago don Fadrique en el alcaçar de Seuilla. Estando el rrey don Pedro en Seuilla en el su alcaçar martes veynte e nueue dias de mayo deste dicho año, llego ally don Fadrique maestre de Santiago, que venia de cobrar la villa e castillo de Jumilla, que es en el rregno de Murçia, que en las treguas que el cardenal don Guillen pusiera entre Castilla e Aragon de vn año, era tomada por parte de Aragon, por vn rrico omne que dizian don Pero Maça, por quanto dizia que era suya aquella villa e que non era del señorio del rrey de Castilla nin entrara en la dicha tregua; pero la dicha villa, en esta guerra, estaua primero por Castilla e el maestre don Fadrique desque lo sopo fue alla e çercola e cobrola por fazer seruiçio al rrey; ca el maestre don Fadrique auia voluntad de seruir al rrey e de le fazer plazer. E desque ouo cobrada el maestre la dicha villa e castillo de Jumilla, fuesse para el rrey, ca auia cartas suyas cada dia que fuesse para el. E el maestre llego en Seuilla el dicho dia martes por la mañana a ora de terçia e fue el maestre a fazer rreuerençia al rrey e fallolo que jugaua a las tablas en el su alcaçar de la çibdat de Sevilla e luego que llego besole la mano el e muchos caualleros que venian con el. E el rrey lo rresçibio con buena voluntad que le mostro e preguntole donde partiera aquel dia e sy tenia buenas posadas. E el maestre dixo que partiera de Cantillana, que es a çinco leguas de la çibdat de Seuilla e que de las posadas que avn non sabia quales las tenia, pero que bien creya que eran buenas. E el rrey dixole que fuesse a asosegar las posadas e que despues se viniese para el. E esto dizia el rrey por que entraran con el maestre muchas conpañas en el alcaçar. E el maestre partio estonçes del rrey e fue veer a doña Maria de Padilla e a las fijas del rrey, que estauan en otro apartamiento del alcaçar que dizen el Caracol. E sabia doña Maria todo lo que estaua

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1358: CHAPTER III How King Pedro had the master of Santiago killed in the alcázar in Seville. While King Pedro was in his palace in Seville on Tuesday the 29th of May of the year in question, he was joined there by Don Fadrique, master of Santiago, who had recently captured the town and castle of Jumilla in the kingdom of Murcia. During the truce between Castile and Aragon imposed by Cardinal Guillaume, Jumilla had been seized on behalf of Aragon by a magnate called Don Pero Maça, since he claimed that the town was his, that it did not come under the lordship of the king of Castile and that it had not been covered by the truce. However, in the present conflict the town had initially been on the side of Castile and, as soon as he became aware of this development, the master had gone to lay siege to it and had captured it as a sign of his support for the king; for it was his desire to serve King Pedro loyally and gain his favour. Having taken the town and castle of Jumilla he went to the king, for he had been receiving letters from him each day instructing him to go and join him. The master arrived in Seville on that Tuesday morning at the hour of Terce. He went to do reverence to the king and found him playing draughts in his alcázar in the city of Seville. As soon as he arrived he went to kiss his hand and he was accompanied in this by a considerable number of knights. The king received him warmly and enquired from where he had set out that day and whether he had good lodgings. The master replied that he had set out from Cantillana, which is five leagues from the city of Seville, and that with regard to his lodgings he did not yet know which they were but he was convinced that they were good. The king told him to go and settle the matter of his lodgings and to come to him afterwards. He said this because a large number of troops had come into the alcázar with the master. The master then left the king and went to see Doña María de Padilla and the king’s daughters, who were in other apartments in the alcázar which were known as the Caracol.2 Doña María was aware

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acordado contra el maestre e quando lo vio fizo tan triste cara que todos lo podrian entender; ca ella era buena dueña e de buen seso e non se pagaua de las cosas que el rrey fazia e pesauale mucho de la muerte que era hordenada de dar al maestre. E el maestre desque vio a doña Maria e a las fijas del rrey sus sobrinas partio de ally e fuesse al corral del alcaçar do tenia las mulas para se yr a las posadas e asosegar sus conpañas. E do llego al corral del alcaçar non fallo las bestias, ca los porteros del rrey auian mandado a todos desenbargar el corral e echaron todas las bestias fuera del corral e çerraron las puertas, que assy les era mandado por que non estudiessen muchas gentes ally. E el maestre desque non fallo las mulas, non sabia sy tornasse al rrey o que faria, e vn cauallero suyo que dizian Suer Gutierrez de Nauales, que era asturiano, entendio que algund mal era esto, que veya mouimiento en el alcaçar e dixo al maestre: ‘Señor, el postigo del corral esta abierto e sallid fuera que non vos menguaran mulas’. E dixogelo muchas vezes, ca tenia que si el maestre salliera fuera del alcaçar que por auentura bien pudiera escapar o que non lo pudieran assy matar que non muriessen muchos de los suyos delante del. E estando en esto llegaron al maestre dos caualleros hermanos que dizian Fernand Sanchez de Touar e Iohan Ferrandez de Touar, e non sabian nada desto, e por mandado del rrey dixieron al maestre: ‘Señor, el rrey vos llama’. E el maestre tornosse para yr al rrey espantado ca ya se rresçelaua del mal, e asy commo yua entrando por las puertas de los palaçios e de las camaras yua mas sin conpaña; ca los que tenian las puertas en guarda lo tenian assy mandado a los porteros que los non acogiessen. E llego el maestre do el rrey estaua, e non entro en aquel lugar sy non el maestre don Fadrique e el maestre de Calatraua don Diego Garçia, que esse dia aconpañaua al maestre don Fadrique e non sabia cosa deste fecho, e otros dos caualleros. E el rrey estaua en vn palaçio que dizen el palaçio del Yeso, la puerta çerrada. E llegaron los dos maestres de Santiago e de Calatraua

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of everything that was being planned against the master and when she saw him she gave him such a sad look that everybody was able to understand; for she was a fine and intelligent lady and took no pleasure in the things that the king did, and she was deeply unhappy about the plan that had been made for the master to be killed. Once the master had seen Doña María and the king’s daughters, he left and went to the alcázar’s stables where his mules were being kept, in order to make his way to his men’s quarters and see that they were settled. However, when he reached the palace stables he did not find the animals, for the king’s gatekeepers had ordered the stables to be vacated: the animals had been turned out and the gates closed behind them. They had been given these instructions in order to ensure that there would not be many people there. On failing to find the mules, the master did not know whether he should go back to the king or what he should do. One of his knights, an Asturian by the name of Suer Gutiérrez de Navales, seeing movement in the alcázar and realizing that something was wrong, said to the master, ‘My lord, the postern gate to the stables is open. Leave here – you will have no lack of mules.’ He repeated this to him several times, for he believed that if the master left the palace he might perhaps manage to escape or that otherwise they would not be able to kill him without many of his men dying before him. At this point the master was approached by two knights, brothers called Fernán Sánchez de Tovar and Juan Fernández de Tovar, who knew nothing about all of this. At the king’s command they said to the master. ‘My lord, the king is summoning you.’ The master turned back to go to the king, in trepidation as he had already begun to suspect that there was something wrong, and as he passed through the doors of the halls and chambers there were fewer and fewer people with him: the men in charge had instructed the guards on the doors not to allow them to enter. The master came into the presence of the king. The only ones to go in were the master Fadrique and Don Diego García, master of Calatrava, who was accompanying him that day and knew nothing of what was happening, and two other knights. The king was in a royal apartment known as the Hall of Stucco, with the door closed.3 The masters of Santiago and Calatrava reached

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a la puerta del palaçio do estaua el rrey e non les abrieron e estudieron a la puerta. E Pero Lopez de Padilla, que era vallestero mayor del rrey, estaua con los maestres de partes de fuera, e en esto abrieron vn postigo del palaçio do estaua el rrey, e dixo el rrey a Pero Lopez de Padilla, su vallestero mayor: ‘Pero Lopez, prendet al maestre.’ E Pero Lopez le dixo: ‘¿A qual dellos, señor, prendere?’. E el rrey le dixo: ‘Al maestre de Santiago.’ E luego Pero Lopez de Padilla trauo del maestre don Fadrique e dixole: ‘Seed preso.’ E el maestre estudo quedo muy espantado. E luego dixo el rrey a vnos vallesteros de maça que estauan ay: ‘Vallesteros, matad al maestre de Santiago.’ E avn los ballesteros non lo osauan fazer. E vn omne de la camara del rrey, que dezian Ruy Gonçalez de Atiença, que sabia el consejo, dixo a grandes bozes a los vallesteros: ‘Traydores, ¿que fazedes? ¿Non vedes que vos manda el rrey que matedes al maestre?’ E los vallesteros estonçe, quando lo vieron que el rrey lo mandaua, començaron a alçar las maças para ferir al maestre don Fadrique. E eran los vallesteros vno que dizian Nuño Ferrandez de Roa e otro que dizian Iohan Diente e otro que auia nonbre Garçia Diaz de Albarrezin e otro Rodrigo Perez de Castro. E quando esto vio el maestre de Santiago, desboluiosse luego de Pero Lopez de Padilla, vallestero mayor del rrey que le tenia preso, e salto en el corral e puso mano al espada e nunca la pudo sacar, ca tenia la espada el cuello deyuso del tabardo que traya e quando la queria sacar, trauaua la cruz del espada en la correa e non la pudia sacar. E los vallesteros llegaron a el por le ferir con las maças e non se les guisaua, ca el maestre andaua muy rezio de vna parte a otra e non lo podian ferir. E Nuño Ferrandez de Roa vallestero, que le siguia mas que otro ninguno, llego al maestre e diole vn golpe en la cabeça de la maça en guisa que cayo en tierra, e estonçe llegaron los otros vallesteros e firieronle todos. E el rrey desque el maestre yazia en tierra, sallio por el alcaçar cuydando fallar algunos de los del maestre para los matar, e non los fallo; ca dellos non eran entrados en el palaçio quando el maestre

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the door to the apartments where the king was to be found; it was not opened to them and they stood outside waiting. Pero López de Padilla, the king’s chief guard, was outside with the two masters, and at this point a postern door was opened into the apartment where the king was present. The king said to Pero López de Padilla, his chief guard, ‘Pero López, arrest the master.’ ‘My lord,’ Pero López replied, ‘which of them am I to arrest?’ ‘The master of Santiago’, the king said to him. Immediately Pero López de Padilla took hold of the master Don Fadrique and said to him: ‘You are under arrest.’ The master was struck still with horror, and at once the king addressed some mace-bearing guards who were present: ‘Guards, kill the master of Santiago!’ But the guards still dared not do it. So a man who was a member of the king’s chamber, called Ruy González de Atienza, who was party to the plan, yelled at the guards, ‘You traitors! What are you doing? Can’t you see that the king is commanding you to kill the master?’ The guards then, when they realized that the king really was giving that command, began to raise their maces to strike the master Don Fadrique. One of the guards was called Nuño Fernández de Roa, another Juan Diente, another García Díaz de Albarracín and another Rodrigo Pérez de Castro. When the master of Santiago saw what was happening he shook himself free of Pero López de Padilla, the king’s chief guard who had taken hold of him, and leapt into the courtyard. He grasped his sword but he did not manage to free it, for the hilt was beneath his tabard and, when he tried to draw the sword the cross-guard became caught up in his belt. The guards closed in on him in order to strike him with their maces they but could not manage to do so because the master was running rapidly one way and another and they could not land a blow on him. One of the guards, Nuño Fernández de Roa, who was keeping closer to the master than any of the others, caught up with him and dealt him a blow on the head with his mace, knocking him to the ground, and then the other guards came running up and all joined in striking him. Once the master was lying on the ground, the king made his way out through the palace, expecting to come across some of the master’s men to kill them, but he did not find any of them: some had not entered the palace when the master returned on being summoned by the king,

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torno, que le mandara llamar el rrey, por que las puertas estauan muy guardadas, e dellos eran fuydos e ascondidos. E entrara con el maestre vn cauallero de la su horden que dizian don Pero Ruyz de Sandoual al que dezian Rostros de Puerco e era comendador mayor de Montiel, que diximos que diera el castillo de Montiel al rrey por el omenaje que le ouiera fecho e se viniera el para su señor el maestre, e era agora comendador de Merida, e quisiera lo el rrey matar, e non lo fallo e assy escapo aquel dia que el rrey le andudo buscando para lo matar e non se pudo auer. Enpero fallo el rrey vn escudero que dizian Sancho Ruyz de Villegas, que dizian por sobre nonbre Sancho Portin e era cauallerizo mayor del maestre, e fallolo en el palaçio del Caracol do estaua doña Maria de Padilla e sus fijas del rrey, donde el dicho Sancho Ruyz se acogiera quando oyo el rruydo que matauan al maestre. E entro en la camara del rrey e auia tomado Sancho Ruyz a doña Beatriz, fija del rrey, en los braços cuydando escapar por eso de la muerte. E el rrey assy commo le vio, fizole tirar a doña Beatriz su fija de los braços e el rrey lo firio con vna broncha que traya en la çinta, e ayudo gelo a matar vn cauallero que era con el rrey, que dezian Iohan Ferrandez de Touar, que era su enemigo del dicho Sancho Ruyz. E desque fue muerto Sancho Ruyz de Villegas, tornosse el rrey do yazia el maestre e fallo lo avn que non era muerto e saco vna broncha que tenia el rrey en la çinta e diola a vn moço de su camara e fizo lo matar. E desque esto fue fecho assentosse el rrey a comer donde el maestre yazia muerto, en vna quadra que dizen de los azulejos, que es en el alcaçar. E mando luego el rrey venir delante si al infante don Iohan su primo e dixole secreta mente que el partia luego de ally para yr a Vizcaya e que fuesse con el e que su voluntad era de matar a don Tello e de le dar a Vizcaya. E el infante don Iohan era casado con doña Ysabel, hermana de la muger del conde don Tello, que era fija de don Iohan Nuñez de Lara señor de Vizcaya e de doña Maria su muger. E el infante besole las manos al rrey pensando que assy lo faria commo lo dezia.

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as the doors were heavily guarded; and some of them had fled or had gone into hiding. A knight of the master’s Order called Don Pero Ruiz de Sandoval, who was the commander major for Montiel and was known as ‘Pig-face’, had gone in with him. This was the man that we said had handed over the castle of Montiel to the king on account of the oath of homage that he had sworn to him but had given his support to his lord the master and was now commander for Mérida. The king would have liked to have him put to death but he could not find him, and so that day he escaped: although the king went in search of him with the intention of killing him, he could not be caught. However, the king did find a squire called Sancho Ruiz de Villegas, who was nicknamed Sancho Portín and was the master’s head equerry. He came across him in the Caracol apartments where Doña María de Padilla and her daughters were at the time and where Sancho Ruiz had taken refuge when he heard the news that the master was being killed. He entered the royal chamber and had already seized the king’s daughter Doña Beatriz in his arms with the intention of using this as a means of escaping death. As soon as the king saw what was happening, he had his daughter Doña Beatriz freed from Sancho Ruiz’s arms and struck him with a small dagger that he carried at his waist. The king was helped to kill him by a knight called Juan Fernández de Tovar who was accompanying him and who was an enemy of Sancho Ruiz. Once Sancho Ruiz de Villegas was dead, the king went back to where the master was lying and found him there, although still alive. The king took out a small dagger that he carried in his belt and gave it to a young page who was a member of his chamber and had him kill the master. Once this was done, the king sat down to eat where the master lay dead, in a room known as the Hall of Tiles, which is part of the alcázar. Immediately afterwards the king summoned Prince Joan to him and told him in secret that he was leaving at once to go to Vizcaya and that he was to accompany him. He also told him that his intention was to kill Don Tello and to grant lordship of Vizcaya to the prince. Prince Joan was married to Doña Isabel, sister of the wife of Count Tello and daughter of Don Juan Núñez de Lara, lord of Vizcaya, and his wife Doña María. The prince kissed the king’s hands, believing that he would do just as he had said.

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E luego esse dia, despues que murio el maestre don Fadrique, dio el rrey el adelantamiento de la Frontera, que tenia el infante don Iohan de Aragon su primo, diziendo que lo faria señor de Vizcaya, a don Enrrique Enrriquez, que era alguazil mayor de Seuilla. E dio el alguaziladgo de Seuilla a Garçia Gutierrez Tello, que era vn cauallero honrrado que biuia en la çibdat de Seuilla. Otrossy luego esse dia que el maestre de Santiago murio, enbio el rrey mandar matar en Cordoua a Pero Cabrera, vn cauallero que biuia ally, e a vn jurado que dezian Ferrando Alfonso de Gahete. E enbio mandar matar a don Lope Sanchez [de V]endaña, comendador mayor de Castilla e mataronlo en el Villarejo, que era vn lugar de la horden de Santiago suyo del comendador. E mataron en Salamanca a Alfonso Jufre Tenorio. E mataron en Toro a Alfonso Perez Fermosino. E mataron en el castillo de Mora a Gonçalo Melendez de Toledo, que estaua ý preso. E estos mando el rrey don Pedro matar diziendo que todos fueron en el leuantamiento quando en el rregno tomaron algunos la demanda de la rreyna doña Blanca segunt auemos contado. E commo quier que los auia perdonado, enpero avn non perdiera la saña, segund paresçio.

Capitulo IIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro fue a Vizcaya por matar a don Tello. Despues que fue muerto el maestre de Santiago, segund dicho auemos, el rrey despues que ouo comido aquel dia martes, partio esse dia de Seuilla e fue en siete dias a Aguilar de Canpo, do don Tello estaua. E el dia que el rrey ally llego, don Tello andaua a monte. E vn escudero de don Tello que dizian Gutier de Gurrea vio al rrey e fue gelo dezir a don Tello al monte. E luego don Tello fuxo para Vizcaya e llego a Bermeo, vna su villa rribera de la mar e assy commo llego entro en

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That same day, now that the master Don Fadrique was dead, the king granted the position of governor of the Frontier region, previously held by his cousin Prince Joan of Aragon, to Don Enrique Enríquez, who had been head constable for Seville. He told Prince Joan that he would make him lord of Vizcaya. He also gave the position of head constable to García Gutiérrez Tello, a distinguished knight who lived in the city of Seville. In addition, on the same day that the master of Santiago died, the king sent instructions to Córdoba that Pero Cabrera, a knight of that city, was to be executed, as well as an elected representative by the name of Fernando Alfonso de Gahete.4 He also sent instructions for the execution of Don Lope Sánchez de Bendaña, commander major for Castile, who was put to death in Villarejo, a village which belonged to the Order of Santiago and was under the authority of the commander himself. Alfonso Jofré Tenorio was executed in Salamanca, Alfonso Pérez Fermosino in Toro and Gonzalo Meléndez de Toledo in the castle at Mora where he had been imprisoned. King Pedro ordered these executions saying that all those concerned had been involved in the uprising when some elements of the kingdom took up the cause of Queen Blanche, as we have related. Even though he had pardoned them, it appeared that his anger remained unabated.

1358: CHAPTER IV How King Pedro went to Vizcaya to kill Don Tello. After the killing of the master of Santiago – which we have already described – , on that Tuesday, after eating, the king set off from Seville and in seven days made his way to Aguilar de Campoo, where Don Tello was to be found. On the day of the king’s arrival Don Tello was out hunting and one of his squires, called Gutier de Agüera, saw the king and went to inform Don Tello out in the countryside. Don Tello fled at once to Vizcaya and reached Bermeo, a town in his possession

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las pinaças de pescar e fuesse para vn lugar çerca de Vayona que dizen Sand Iohan de Luz. E dende fuesse para Vayona de Ingla terra. E el rrey desque llego en Aguilar de Canpo e non pudo fallar a don Tello, que fuera aperçibido, prendio a doña Iohana su muger de don Tello, fija de don Iohan Nuñez de Lara e de doña Maria, su muger, señora de Vizcaya, e por esta muger cobrara don Tello a Vizcaya, ca era la fija mayor de don Iohan Nuñez e heredaua la dicha tierra de Vizcaya, e estaua en la dicha villa de Aguilar de Canpo, que era de don Tello. E dende fuesse el rrey para Vizcaya e llego a Bermeo aquel dia que don Tello entrara en la mar, que fue jueues siete dias de junio deste dicho año. E el rrey entro en otros nauios e fue por la mar cuydando lo alcançar e llego fasta vn lugar de la costa que llaman Lequetio e la mar era vn poco braua e el rrey enojose desque vio que le non pudo alcançar, ca don Tello seria ya en la tierra de Vayona, que es del señorio del rrey de Ingla terra, e tornosse el rrey a Bermeo.

Capitulo Vº. Commo el infante don Iohan de Aragon demandaua a Vizcaya al rrey segund que gelo auia prometido. El infante don Iohan de Aragon desque vio que don Tello era partido del rregno, fablo con el rrey e dixole que bien sabia la su merçed commo le casara con doña Ysabel, fija de don Iohan Nuñez de Lara señor de Vizcaya e de doña Maria, muger del dicho don Iohan Nuñez, e commo le dixera en Seuilla que yua a matar a don Tello e que le daria a Vizcaya. E pues don Tello era ydo de su rregno, e non yua con la su graçia, que fuesse su merçed de le dar a Vizcaya segund le era prometido. E el rrey le dixo que el mandaria a los vizcaynos

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situated on the coast, and as soon as he arrived there he boarded one of the fishing vessels and sailed to a place near Bayonne called SaintJean-de-Luz. From there he travelled on to the city of Bayonne, which was an English possession. Having reached Aguilar de Campoo and not being able to find Don Tello, who had been warned of his coming, he seized Doña Juana, wife of Don Tello and daughter of Don Juan Núñez de Lara and his wife Doña María. Doña Juana held the lordship of Vizcaya and it had been through her that Don Tello had acquired that territory, for she was the elder daughter of Don Juan Núñez and inherited it from him. She was currently in the town of Aguilar de Campoo, which belonged to Don Tello. From there the king went on to Vizcaya and arrived in Bermeo on the same day that Don Tello had set sail, Thursday the 7th of June of the year in question. The king embarked on some other vessels and set off by sea expecting to overhaul Don Tello. He reached a place on the coast called Lequecio where the sea was rather rough and he flew into a fury on seeing that Don Tello could not be caught, since by now he would already be in the territory of Bayonne which is under the lordship of the king of England. So the king returned to Bermeo.

1358: CHAPTER V How Prince Joan of Aragon asked the king to give him Vizcaya as he had promised. On seeing that Don Tello had left the kingdom, Prince Joan of Aragon spoke with the king and said to him that his Grace was well aware of how he had arranged for him to marry Doña Isabel, daughter of Don Juan Núñez de Lara, lord of Vizcaya, and of Doña María, Don Juan Núñez’s wife; and that he was aware, too, of having told him in Seville that he was going to kill Don Tello and give him the lordship of Vizcaya. He told the king that, since Don Tello had left his realm and done so without his permission, it should now be his will to make him, Prince Joan, lord of Vizcaya as he had promised to do. The king said

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que fiziessen su junta, segund lo auian de costunbre, e que el yria a la junta e el infante con el e que mandaria que lo tomassen por su señor. El el infante besole las manos e touogelo en merçed. E el rrey mando que se ayuntasen los de Vizcaya en aquel lugar do lo auian por costunbre e que queria fablar con ellos, e ellos lo fizieron assy. E quando yua el rrey a se juntar con los de Vizcaya, fablo el rrey con los mayores dellos, secreta mente, que ellos dixiessen que non tomarian otro señor saluo el rrey, e en esto se afirmassen en todas maneras. E ellos dixieron que assy lo farian. E llego el rrey a la junta do estauan los vizcaynos e dixoles que bien sabian commo el infante don Iohan su primo era casado con doña Ysabel, fija de don Iohan Nuñez e de doña Maria su muger, e que le pertenesçia Vizcaya por quanto don Tello, que era casado con la otra hermana, que era doña Iohana, era ydo e partido de su rregno e andudiera e andaua en su deseruiçio, e que les rrogaua e mandaua que lo quisiesen tomar por su señor al dicho infante don Iohan e a la dicha doña Ysabel su muger. E ellos le dixeron que nunca aurian otro señor en Vizcaya si non al rrey de Castilla e que querian seer de la su corona e de los rreyes que despues del viniessen e que non les fablase ningund omne del mundo en al. E estauan ý esse dia, de los vizcaynos en aquella junta, diez mill omnes. E el rrey dixo al infante que ya veya la voluntad de los vizcaynos, que lo non querian auer por su señor; enpero que el yria a otra villa de Vizcaya que dizian Bilbao e que avn tornaria a fablar con los de Vizcaya que lo tomassen por su señor. E el infante don Iohan bien entendia ya que esto era encubierta que el rrey traya por que el non ouiesse a Vizcaya e que non era su voluntad de gela dar, e touosse por mal contento.

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to him that he would command the Vizcayans to hold their assembly as was their custom and that he would attend it accompanied by the prince and instruct them to take him as their lord. Prince Joan kissed his hands and held himself grateful to him. The king sent word to the people of Vizcaya to assemble in their accustomed meeting place and told them that he wished to talk with them, and they obeyed his command. Then, when King Pedro was about to meet with the people of Vizcaya, he spoke in secret with their elders, instructing them to say that they would accept no other lord than the king and ordering them to stand firm in this under any circumstances. They told him that they would do so. The king entered the assembly of the people of Vizcaya and told them that they were well aware of how his cousin Prince Joan was married to Doña Isabel, daughter of Don Juan Núñez and his wife Doña María; and they also knew that Vizcaya belonged to the prince since Don Tello – who was married to the other daughter, Doña Juana, – had left, abandoning King Pedro’s kingdom, and had acted and was continuing to act disloyally towards him. He requested and commanded them to be willing to take Prince Joan, together with his wife Doña Isabel, as their lord. However, they informed him that they would never accept any lord in Vizcaya other than the king of Castile, that they wished to be part of his realm and that of the monarchs who succeeded him, and that no man in the world should say otherwise to them. That day 10,000 of the people of Vizcaya were present at the assembly. The king said to the prince that he could already see what the will of the Vizcayans was: that they did not wish to have him as their lord. Nevertheless, he told him, he would go to another town in Vizcaya called Bilbao and that he would talk again with the people of the region to persuade them to do so. Prince Joan could see clearly by now that this was a subterfuge on the part of the king to prevent him from having the lordship of Vizcaya and that he had no intention of granting it to him, and this caused him great annoyance.

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Capitulo VIº. Commo mato el rrey don Pedro al infante don Iohan en Bilbao. En estos dias despues que fue la junta de Vizcaya, llego el rrey a la villa de Bilbao, que es del señorio de Vizcaya. E otro dia despues que veno en la dicha villa, vn dia enbio por el infante don Iohan que viniese a palaçio. E el infante veno e entro en la camara del rrey solo syn otras conpañas saluo dos o tres de los suyos, que fincaron a la puerta de la camara. E el infante traya vn cuchillo pequeño e algunos que ý estauan con el rrey, que sabian el secreto, cataron manera commo en burla le tirassen el cuchillo, e assy lo fizieron. E despues Martin Lopez de Cordoua camarero del rrey abraçosse con el infante por que el infante non pudiesse llegar al rrey. E vn ballestero del rrey que dizian Iohan Diente dio al infante con vna maça en la cabeça, e llegaron otros ballesteros de maça e firieronlo. E el infante ferido commo estaua avn non cayera en tierra, e fue sin sentido alguno contra do estaua Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa camarero mayor del rrey, que estaua en la camara. E Iohan Ferrandez quando lo vio venir, saco vn estoque que tenia e pusolo delante sy diziendo ‘alla, alla’. E vn ballestero del rrey que dizian Gonçalo Rezio diole de la maça en la cabeça al infante e estonçe cayo en tierra muerto. E mandolo el rrey echar por vnas ventanas de la posada do el rrey posaua a la plaça e dixo a los de Vizcaya que estauan muchos en la calle: ‘Catad ý el vuestro señor de Vizcaya que vos demandaua’. E mando el rrey leuar el cuerpo del infante don Iohan a la çibdat de Burgos e mandolo poner en el castillo, e despues por tienpo fizolo echar en un rrio en guisa que nunca jamas paresçio. E murio el infante don Iohan martes doze dias de junio, a quinze dias que el maestre don Fadrique murio en Seuilla.

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1358: CHAPTER VI How King Pedro had Prince Joan killed in Bilbao. In the course of the days after the Vizcayan assembly took place the king made his way to the town of Bilbao, which is part of the lordship of that region. Then, on the day after his arrival in the town, he summoned Prince Joan to the royal apartments. The prince obeyed his command and entered the king’s chamber alone, with no protection other than two or three of his men, who remained at the chamber door. He carried with him a small knife and some of the men who were accompanying the king and were party to the secret tried to find a way to take it from him, as though in jest. They succeeded in doing this and then Martín López de Córdoba, the king’s chamberlain, put his arms around the prince to prevent him from drawing near to King Pedro. One of the king’s guards, called Juan Diente, dealt the prince a blow on the head with a mace, and other guards bearing maces came up and began to strike him. Even after being struck these blows, the prince had not fallen to the ground and he staggered senseless towards where Juan Fernández de Henestrosa was standing in the chamber. When Juan Fernández saw him coming towards him, he drew a long sword that he was wearing and held it out in front of him, saying: ‘Stay where you are! Stay where you are!’ One of the king’s guards, by the name of Gonzalo Recio, struck the prince a blow on the head with his mace and he fell lifeless to the ground. The king instructed that the prince’s body be thrown from the windows of the royal apartments onto the square and he said to the people of Vizcaya, of whom there were a large number in the street: ‘Look at him! There is the man who was asking to be your lord of Vizcaya.’ The king instructed that the body of Prince Joan be taken to the city of Burgos and kept in the castle, and some time later he had it thrown into a river so that it never again appeared. Prince Joan died on Tuesday the 12th of June, a fortnight after the master Don Fadrique had met his death in Seville.

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Capitulo VIIº. Commo el rrey enbio a Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa su camarero mayor a la villa de Roa a prender la rreyna doña Leonor de Aragon su tia e a doña Ysabel de Lara, muger del infante don Iohan. Luego que el infante don Iohan fue muerto en Bilbao segund auedes oydo, mando el rrey a Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa su camarero mayor partir de Bilbao, e enbiolo a Roa do estaua la rreyna de Aragon doña Leonor, su tia, madre del dicho infante. E estaua ý con ella en Roa doña Ysabel, fija de don Iohan Nuñez de Lara señor de Vizcaya, muger del dicho infante don Iohan. E mando el rrey a Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa que anssy commo llegasse a Roa, que prendiese las dichas rreyna e doña Ysabel. E Iohan Ferrandez partio luego del rrey e tomo camino para Roa e llego ally. E avn la rreyna non sabia de la muerte del infante su fijo nin doña Ysabel su muger del infante don Iohan, de su marido. E Iohan Ferrandez luego que llego tomo las llaues de la villa e llego al palaçio do posaua la rreyna e prendio a la rreyna e a doña Ysabel muger del infante. E luego otro dia llego ý el rrey e fizo tomar quanto fallo ý de la rreyna e de doña Ysabel su nuera, muger del infante don Iohan, e mandolas leuar presas al castillo de Castro Xeriz, que tenia por el rrey Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa. E el rrey esto fecho, partio de Roa e tornosse para Burgos, e estudo ý vnos ocho dias e alli le traxieron las cabeças de los caualleros que mandara matar estonçes por el rregno, los quales eran estos: troxieronle la cabeça de don Lope Sanchez de Vendaña comendador mayor de Castilla, el que deximos que tenia a Segura quando el rrey llego alla, que estaua ý el maestre de Santiago don Fadrique su hermano, e la cabeça de vn cauallero de Toledo que el rrey tenia preso en el castillo de Mora, que dizian Gonçalo Melendez, e la cabeça de Pero Cabrera de Cordoua e de vn jurado de Cordoua que dizian

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1358: CHAPTER VII How the king sent his master chamberlain Juan Fernández de Henestrosa to the town of Roa to arrest his aunt Queen Leonor of Aragon and Doña Isabel de Lara, Prince Joan’s widow. As soon as Prince Joan had been killed in Bilbao – as you have heard – the king instructed his master chamberlain, Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, to set off from Bilbao and he sent him to Roa in search of Doña Leonor, queen of Aragon, King Pedro’s aunt and the prince’s mother. With her in Roa was Doña Isabel, daughter of Don Juan Núñez de Lara, lord of Vizcaya, and wife of Prince Joan. The king ordered Juan Fernández de Henestrosa to arrest the queen and Doña Isabel as soon as he reached Roa. Juan Fernández left the king immediately and followed the road as far as Roa. The queen was not yet aware of the death of her son the prince and likewise his wife Doña Isabel did not know that her husband had been killed. As soon as he arrived, Juan Fernández took possession of the keys of the town, went to the apartments where the queen was staying and arrested both her and the prince’s widow Doña Isabel. The very next day the king arrived and ordered the seizure of everything he found there belonging to the queen and her daughterin-law Doña Isabel, Prince Joan’s widow. He ordered the two women to be taken as prisoners to the castle of Castrojeriz, which Juan Fernández de Henestrosa held on the king’s behalf. Once all of this had been done, he left Roa and returned to Burgos, where he remained for about a week. While he was there he was brought the heads of the knights whose executions he had ordered around the kingdom: the head of Don Lope Sánchez de Bendaña, commander major of Castile, the man that we said was holding Segura when the king arrived there and when his brother Don Fadrique, master of Santiago, was present; that of a knight from Toledo called Gonzalo Meléndez, whom the king had been holding prisoner in the castle at Mora; those of Pero Cabrera de Córdoba and of an elected representative from Córdoba

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Ferrand Alfonso de Gahete, e la cabeça de Alfonso Jufre Tenorio, que mataron en Salamanca por mandado del rrey, e la cabeça de Alfonso Perez Fermosino, vezino de Toro.

Capitulo VIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro sopo que el conde don Enrrique entrara por tierra de Soria. Despues desto, partio el rrey de Burgos e vinosse para Valladolid. E segund el despues contaua en Valladolid, quisiera matar a algunos caualleros de los suyos, saluo que estando ally ouo nueuas commo el conde don Enrrique su hermano que estaua en Aragon, desque supiera que el maestre don Fadrique su hermano era muerto e que lo matara en Seuilla el rrey, el entrara en Castilla por tierra de Soria, maguera non era conplido el termino de las treguas que el cardenal don Guillen legado del papa pusiera entre los rreyes de Castilla y Aragon. E llegara el dicho conde a la villa de Seron e rrobola e dende fue a vn lugar e castillo fuerte que dizen Alcaçar, que es de Soria, e conbatiola, cuidando la tomar para poner ý gentes para fazer de alli guerra, e non la pudo tomar e tornosse para Aragon. E luego que el rrey sopo esto, partio de Valladolid e fuesse para Sant Esteuan de Gormaz e dende para Gomara. E estando en aquella comarca de Sant Esteuan sopo el rrey commo el infante don Ferrando marques de Tortosa, señor de Albarrezin, desque oyera commo el infante don Iohan su hermano era muerto e commo lo matara el rrey don Pedro en Vizcaya, entro por el rregno de Murçia e conbatio a Cartajena, pero non la pudo tomar, e talo la huerta de Murçia e fizo mucho daño en toda aquella tierra. E en este tienpo, antes que el rrey don Pedro partiesse de Valladolid, mando a los freyres de Sand Iohan que ouiessen por su prior a Gutier Gomez de Toledo, e assy se fizo. E dexo el rrey sus fronteros contra Aragon e fuesse para Seuilla.

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called Fernán Alfonso de Gahete; that of Alfonso Jofré Tenorio, who had been executed in Salamanca at the king’s command, and that of Alfonso Pérez Fermosino, a citizen of Toro.

1358: CHAPTER VIII How King Pedro learned that Count Enrique had entered the territory of Soria. After this, the king set out from Burgos and came to Valladolid. As he later told people in that town, he would have liked to kill some of his knights, but while he was there he received news about his brother Count Enrique. The count had been in Aragon, but on learning that his brother Don Fadrique was dead, killed in Seville by the king, he had entered the territory of Soria in Castile. This was in spite of the fact that the period of truce arranged between the kings of Castile and Aragon by the papal legate Cardinal Guillaume had not yet expired. The count had reached the town of Serón and seized it and from there he had moved on to a settlement with a heavily fortified castle called Alcázar, belonging to Soria, on which he launched an attack, expecting to capture it and leave a garrison to use it as a base for raiding.5 He was, however, unable to take it and he returned to Aragon. As soon as the king learned of this he set off from Valladolid and went to San Esteban de Gormaz and from there he moved on to Gómara. While he was there in the region of San Esteban, the king learned that Prince Ferran, marquis of Tortosa and lord of Albarracín, on hearing of how his brother Prince Joan had died at King Pedro’s hands in Vizcaya, had entered the kingdom of Murcia and made an unsuccessful attack on Cartagena, razing the agricultural land of Murcia and inflicting great damage throughout that whole region. During this time, before leaving Valladolid, King Pedro instructed the Hospitallers of Saint John to take Gutier Gómez de Toledo as their prior, and they obeyed his command. Then the king left his field commanders against Aragon and set off for Seville.

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Capitulo IXº. Commo el rrey don Pedro entro en la mar con galeas e commo las perdio con tormenta. El rrey don Pedro desque sopo estas nueuas en Sant Esteuan de Gormaz commo el infante don Ferrando de Aragon entrara en el rregno de Murçia, partio de aquella comarca do estaua para yr al rregno de Murçia cuydando que el infante don Ferrando estaria alli algunos dias. E llego a Toledo e ally sopo que el infante don Ferrando era tornado a Aragon, e el rrey enbio al prior de Sand Iohan que fiziera estonçe, que dizian don Gutier Gomez de Toledo al rregno de Murçia e otros caualleros con el. E el rrey fuesse para Seuilla e fizo armar doze galeas, e estando ay armando aquellas galeas llegaron a Seuilla seis galeas de genoueses, que auian estonçes guerra con los cathalanes. E plogo mucho al rrey con ellos e dioles sueldo e sus pagas, al mes mill doblas castellanas por cada galea. E assy leuaua el rrey en esta armada diez e ocho galeas, doze suyas e seys de genoueses. E con estas galeas llego el rrey a vna villa de Aragon que es en la rribera de la mar de Leuante, e era del infante don Ferrando marques de Tortosa, señor de Albarrezin, su primo del rrey, hermano del rrey de Aragon del qual deximos ya, e dizian a la dicha villa Guardamar. E fizo el rrey sallyr muchas conpañas de las galeas suyas e de ginoueses para conbatir la dicha villa de Guardamar por la mañana. E con la grand ballesteria que venia en las galeas, tomo la villa maguera era bien çercada e fuerte; pero estaua ý vn castillo do se rrecogio la gente de la villa. E fue viernes diez e siete dias de agosto deste dicho año, estando conbatiendo el castillo de Guardamar commo a ora de mediodia, leuantosse viento en la mar muy fuerte, que es trauesia en aquella tierra e tienpo muy peligroso e, commo fallo las galeas sin gentes que

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1358: CHAPTER IX How King Pedro set sail with a fleet of galleys and lost them in a storm. When King Pedro, while in San Esteban de Gormaz, received these reports of how Prince Ferran of Aragon had entered the kingdom of Murcia, he left the area of San Esteban to make his way to Murcia in the belief that Prince Ferran would be in that kingdom for some days. On reaching Toledo, the king heard that the prince had returned to Aragon and he dispatched Don Gutier Gómez de Toledo, the prior of Saint John whom he had just appointed, to the kingdom of Murcia together with a number of other knights.6 The king went back to Seville and had 12 galleys equipped for battle and, while this was being done, six galleys of Genoese ownership arrived there. At that time the Genoese were at war with the Catalans. King Pedro was delighted with them and placed the crew in his pay, agreeing to pay 1,000 Castilian doblas a month per vessel for the use of the galleys. And so the king set sail with this fleet of 18 galleys: 12 of his own and six of Genoese ownership. They reached a town in Aragon which stands on the coast of the Levante and which belonged to Prince Ferran, marquis of Tortosa and lord of Albarracín, cousin of the king and brother of the king of Aragon, about whom we have already spoken. This town was called Guardamar and in the morning the king had a large number of troops disembark from both his own ships and those of the Genoese to launch an assault on the town. With the aid of the large force of crossbowmen that had been brought in the galleys, he succeeded in taking the town even though it was well fortified and strongly protected. There was, however, a castle there where the people of the town took refuge. On Friday the 17th of August in the year in question, while the attack on Guardamar was going on – at about mid-day – there arose at sea a very strong cross-wind which produced very dangerous conditions. Catching the galleys without the men necessary to bring them under

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las pudiessen gouernar, dio el viento al traues con las galeas a la costa en guisa que las diez e ocho galeas del rrey e de genoueses, todas vinieron a quebrar en tierra saluo dos galeas, vna del rrey e otra de genoueses, que estauan mas dentro en la mar e cobraron el puerto de Cartajena, que es ally çerca, e escaparon. E acaesçio que el prior de Sand Iohan don Gutier Gomez de Toledo e Yñigo Lopez de Horozco e otros caualleros que estauan fronteros en Murçia eran ally venidos por mandado del rrey fasta seysçientos de cauallo. E el rrey e los que con el venian por patrones en las galeas ouieron caualgaduras dellos, e fuesse el rrey para Murçia. E a las diez e seys galeas que vinieron a quebrar mandoles el rrey poner fuego, ca se non podian rreparar ninguna cosa dellas, e de los rremos e velas e otros aparejos de las galeas non se pudieron sacar, saluo vnos pocos, que pusieron en vna nao que ally estaua, de Laredo. Otrossy mando quemar la villa de Guardamar, pero el castillo non lo pudo auer. E estaua en el vn cauallero que dizian don Berat de Cruyllas, natural del rregno de Aragon, vasallo del infante don Ferrando. E fuesse el rrey para Murçia e con el todos los de las galeas, de pie e desbaratados, e el fue muy triste deste desbarato de las galeas que le assy veniera. E paso por delante la villa de Oriuela, e era del infante don Ferrando, que por alli era el camino para Murçia.

Capitulo Xº. Commo el rrey don Pedro partio de Murçia e enbio a Seuilla a mandar que le fiziessen galeas nueuas e aparejar grand armada contra Aragon. Estando el rrey en Murçia despues que ý llego quatro dias, hordeno commo farian los caualleros que ý dexaua por fronteros. Otrossy

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control, the wind blew across them and drove them towards the land so that all the 18 galleys belonging to the king and to the Genoese were wrecked with the exception of just two: one of the king’s ships and one of those of the Genoese, which were further out to sea and made their way to the nearby harbour of Cartagena, thus reaching safety. It happened that Don Gutier Gómez de Toledo, prior of the Order of Saint John, together with Íñigo López de Orozco and some other knights who were garrisoning the frontier area in Murcia, had come there at the king’s command, with a force of some 600 horsemen. The king and those accompanying him as officers on the galleys obtained mounts from them and the king rode to Murcia. The 16 galleys that had been wrecked were ordered by the king to be burnt, for there was nothing from them that could be repaired: it was impossible to salvage more than just a few of the oars, sails and other fittings from the galleys, and these were placed on board a sailing ship from Laredo that was there at the time. He also ordered the burning of the town of Guardamar, although he was unable to capture the castle. Present in it was a knight called Don Bernat de Cruïlles, a native of the kingdom of Aragon and vassal of Prince Ferran. The king travelled to Murcia and with him went all those who had been on board the galleys, in disarray and on foot, and he was deeply saddened by the defeat that had been inflicted on his galleys in this way. He passed by the town of Orihuela, which belonged to Prince Ferran and was on their route to Murcia.

1358: CHAPTER X How King Pedro left Murcia and sent instructions to Seville for the construction of new galleys and for a large battle fleet to be made ready to sail against Aragon. Once the king had been in Murcia for four days, he gave instructions to the knights that he was leaving there as field commanders. He was

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catando nauios en Cartajena en que fuessen para Genoua las gentes de las çinco galeas que los genoueses perdieron en la tormenta de Guardamar, e catando bestias para el e para los que con el auian venido en la mar. Otrossi el rrey enbio a Martin Yañez de Seuilla, su priuado e tenedor de las sus taraçanas, a fazer galeas las mas que pudiessen, e anssy lo fizo; ca el rrey tenia mucha madera e todas las cosas que eran menester para galeas en Seuilla. E Martin Yañez fue para Seuilla e en ocho meses fizo fazer doze galeas nueuas e rreparar otras quinze que estauan en las taraçanas. E fizo fazer mucho almazen e muchas armas, que el rrey tenia en voluntad de fazer vna grande armada contra Aragon para el año que venia, segund lo fizo. E enbio el rrey cartas a todas las villas de la costa de la mar de Galizia e de Vizcaya e de Asturias e Guipuzcoa, que todos los nauios fuessen enbargados, que non freyteassen a otra parte; ca el los auia menester para el armada que queria fazer el año primero que venia, contra Aragon. E assy lo cunplieron todos los mareantes, e obedesçieron e cunplieron su mandamiento.

Capitulo XIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro llego a Almaçan e entro en Aragon e gano algunos castillos e se torno para Seuilla. El rrey partio de Murçia luego despues desto e fue para Almaçan do estauan sus caualleros fronteros contra Aragon, que eran tres mill de cauallo. E assy commo llego, entro e gano dos castillos que eran de don Ferrand Gomez de Albornoz, que estaua con el conde don Enrrique en Aragon, e dizian al vno de los castillos Miño e al otro, Arcos. E commo quier que estos dos castillos eran en tierra de Castilla, pero estauan alçados contra el rrey e fazian guerra por quanto eran de don Ferrand Gomez, que estaua en Aragon con el conde don Enrrique. E

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also looking out for vessels in Cartagena for the men from the five galleys lost by the Genoese in the storm at Guardamar, so that they could return to Genoa; and in addition he was trying to find mounts for himself and for those who had come with him by sea. The king also sent instructions to Martín Yáñez de Sevilla, his confidant and the man in charge of his shipyards, that as many galleys should be built as possible, and Martín Yáñez went ahead with this; for the king possessed an ample stock of timber and of everything that was necessary for the construction of galleys in Seville. Martín Yáñez went to Seville and in eight months he oversaw the construction of 12 new galleys and repairs to another 15 that were in the shipyards. He had a substantial supply of both provisions and arms laid in, for the king’s intention was to launch a large battle fleet against Aragon in the following year, as indeed he did. The king wrote to all the towns on the coasts of Galicia, Vizcaya, Asturias and Guipúzcoa with instructions that an embargo should be placed on all vessels prohibiting them from carrying goods elsewhere, as he required them for the fleet that he wished to launch against Aragon the following year. This was observed by all the sea-traders, who obeyed and carried out his command.

1358: CHAPTER XI How King Pedro arrived in Almazán and entered Aragon, capturing some castles and then returning to Seville. Shortly after this, the king left Murcia and went to Almazán, where he joined the knights that he had left as a garrison on the Aragonese frontier, a force of 3,000 horsemen. As soon as he arrived there he entered Aragon and captured two castles which belonged to Don Fernán Gómez de Albornoz, who was in Aragon with Count Enrique. One of them was called Miño and the other Arcos.7 Although these two castles were in Castilian territory, as they belonged to Don Fernán Gómez – who was accompanying Count Enrique in Aragon – they

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gano el rrey en Aragon otros castillos, que son Viguezca e Torijo. E dexo en Viguezca a Gomez Carrillo, fijo de Pero Ruiz Carrillo, e en Torijo a Ferrand Gutierrez de Sandoual, al qual los vezinos del lugar de Torijo, fiandosse el dellos, lo mataron en vna iglesia do venia a oyr missa, luego a pocos dias que ally finco. El rrey en este tienpo que andaua faziendo guerra a Aragon, llego a Monte Agudo, que commo quier que Monte Agudo fuesse de Castilla, estaua alçado contra el rrey porque era de don Tello. E fizolo conbatir el rrey muy de rrezio. E morieron esse dia en Monte Agudo, que estauan dentro algunos caualleros e escuderos del conde don Enrrique que auia enbiado al lugar para lo defender, entre los quales morieron Alfonso Gonçalez de Boz Mediano e Pero Gonçalez de Castillejo, que se llamaua Mexia, e Lope Diaz de Perea, freyre de la horden de Santiago, e otros. E fueron todos los mas de los otros que alli estauan feridos e non pudo el rrey estonçe cobrar el dicho lugar de Monte Agudo por quanto adolesçio e partio dende para Almaçan. E a pocos dias despues partieron de Monte Agudo los que estauan ý, e desenpararon el lugar e fueronsse para Aragon. E el rrey enbio tomar el lugar de Monte Agudo e puso ý a Ferrand Aluarez de Toledo, que era cabdillo de los escuderos del cuerpo del rrey, que era buena conpaña, fasta dozientos de cauallo de buenos escuderos. E dexo el rrey rrecabdo en estos castillos que gano e tornosse para Seuilla e estudo ý aquel invierno lo que fincaua deste año aparejando su flota con la mayor acuçia que pudo. E enbio sus mensajeros al rrey don Pedro de Portogal su tio, hermano de la rreyna doña Maria su madre, a rrogarle que le ayudasse con diez galeas para la armada que queria fazer para el año primero adelante, e assi lo fizo. E el rrey de Portogal gelas enbio, segund adelante oyredes. E enbio el rrey don Pedro al rrey Mahomad de Granada a rrogarle que le ayudase con algunas galeas e ansi lo fizo el rrey de Granada, ca enbiole tres galeas, segund adelante oyredes. E cada dia enbiaua el rrey a la marisma a poner acuçia en auer las mas naos que pudiesse.

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were in rebellion against the king and were being used as bases for raiding. In Aragon the king also took two other castles, called Bijuesca and Torrijo. In Bijuesca he left Gómez Carrillo, son of Pero Ruiz Carrillo, and in Torrijo Fernán Gutiérrez de Sandoval, who was killed by the people of Torrijo – in spite of the trust he showed in them – in a church to which he had come to hear Mass, when he had been there for just a few days. During this period that the king spent waging war on Aragon, he came to Monteagudo which, although it was in Castilian territory, had risen up against King Pedro because it belonged to Don Tello. The king launched a savage assault on the fortress. That day, among those who were inside Monteagudo, there occurred the deaths of some of Count Enrique’s knights and squires that he had sent to the castle to defend it, including Alfonso González de Vozmediano, Pero González de Castillejo, known as Mejía, Lope Díaz de Perea, a brother of the Order of Santiago, and a number of others. Most of the other men in the castle were wounded. The king was unable to take Monteagudo at that time because he fell ill, and he left for Almazán. However, a few days later those who had been in Monteagudo departed, abandoning the fortress and moving into Aragon. Now the king sent a force to seize the castle and he placed it in the hands of Fernán Álvarez de Toledo, head of the royal body of squires, which was an outstanding company of troops consisting of up to 200 cavalry made up of fine squires. The king left men to defend the castles that he had won and returned to Seville where he spent that winter, dedicating the remainder of the year to fitting out his fleet as rapidly as possible. He sent emissaries to his uncle King Pedro of Portugal, the brother of his mother Queen María, to ask that he assist him by providing ten galleys for the battle fleet that he intended to make ready for the next year. The king of Portugal agreed to his request and sent him the galleys, as you will hear in due course. King Pedro also sent to King Muhammad of Granada a request that he provide him with some galleys, and the king of Granada did indeed give him this assistance, sending him three galleys, as you will also hear in due course. And each day the king sent messages to the coastal area urging haste in assembling as many sailing ships as possible.

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E en este año, viernes veynte e quatro dias del mes de agosto, dia de Sand Bartolome, nasçio en el rregno de Aragon, en la villa de Epila, al conde don Enrrique, vn fijo que dixieron don Iohan, que fue despues rrey de Castilla, fijo de la condesa doña Iohana su muger, que despues fue rreyna de Castilla.

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During this year, on Friday the 24th of August, Saint Bartholomew’s Day, in the town of Épila in the kingdom of Aragon Count Enrique’s wife Doña Juana, who was later to become queen of Castile, bore him a son. The child was named Don Juan and in due course was to become king of Castile.

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AÑO DEZENO que el rrey don Pedro rregno, que fue en el año del Señor mill e trezientos e çinquenta e nueue, e de la era de Çesar mill e trezientos e nouenta e siete años.

Capitulo primero. Commo el rrey don Pedro sopo que el cardenal de Boloña era llegado en Castilla e que venia por mandado del papa Ynoçençio a tratar paz entre el e el rrey de Aragon. En el año dezeno que el sobre dicho rrey don Pedro rregno, que fue año del Señor de mill e trezientos e çinquenta e nueue, e de la era de Çesar mill e trezientos e nouenta e siete, e del Criamiento del mundo, segund la cuenta de los ebreos, en çinco mill e çiento e diez e nueue años, e del año de los alarabes que Mahomad començo, en sieteçientos e sesenta e vn años, sopo el rrey don Pedro, estando en Seuilla, commo don Guido de Bolonia, legado del papa Ygnoçençio, era venido a tratar paz entre el e el rrey de Aragon. E el dicho cardenal legado auia enbiado al rrey vn abad bendito monge negro, que era abad de Fiscan, e fue despues cardenal de Amienes, por el qual abad el dicho cardenal le enbio dezir al rrey commo el papa Ynoçençio le enbiaua legado en España para tratar paz entre el e el rrey de Aragon, e que uiniera por la Gascuña por non uer antes al rrey de Aragon [que] a el, e que el era llegado en la su villa de Almaçan do estauan los sus caualleros por fronteros contra Aragon. E que le enbiasse dezir commo le plazia que el fiziesse: sy queria que lo esperasse en aquella comarca do estaua, si entendia el venir alli, o si queria que fuesse para el a Seuilla; ca segund al rrey pluguiesse assi lo faria, ca tal mandamiento auia del papa. E el rrey don Pedro quando estas nueuas sopo que el cardenal era

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YEAR TEN (1359) of the reign of King Pedro, which was in the year of the Lord 1359 and, counting from the era of Caesar, 1397. 1359: CHAPTER I How King Pedro learned that the cardinal of Boulogne had arrived in Castile and that he had come at Pope Innocent’s behest to negotiate peace between him and the king of Aragon. These events occurred in the tenth year of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1359; in 1397, counting from the era of Caesar; 5,119 years from the creation of the world by the reckoning of the Hebrews; and, according to that of the Arabs, initiated by Muhammad, it was in the year 761. While he was in Seville, King Pedro learned of how Guy de Boulogne, Pope Innocent’s legate, had come to negotiate peace between him and the king of Aragon. The cardinal legate had sent to the king a mitred abbot, a black monk: the abbot of Fécamp who later became cardinal of Amiens.1 Through this abbot, the cardinal sent King Pedro an explanation of how Pope Innocent had dispatched him to Spain as his legate to negotiate peace between the kings of Castile and Aragon and of how he had come by way of Gascony so as not to see the king of Aragon first. The cardinal informed King Pedro that he had arrived in the Castilian town of Almazán, where the king had posted some of his knights as field commanders against Aragon. He requested that King Pedro send him word of how he wished him to proceed: whether he preferred him to await him in the area where he was at present, whether he intended to go and meet him there, or whether he wanted him to travel to Seville. The instructions that he had received from the Pope had been to do just as the king desired. By the time that he received the news of the cardinal’s arrival in

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llegado en Almaçan, (e) era ya partido de Seuilla para yr a la frontera de Aragon. E fallo al dicho abad de Fiscan en Villa Real: rresçibiolo muy bien e dixole commo le plazia con la venida del cardenal legado e enbio luego con el, vn su cauallero al cardenal legado del papa, por el qual le enbio dezir que le plazia mucho de la su venida en Castilla por quanto el sabia bien que el cardenal era de grand linaje e de la casa de Françia; otrossi por quanto el venia a tratar paz e bien. E pues era venido de tan luenga tierra, que le rrogaua que se detouiesse en Almaçan, do estaua, o en otra qualquier villa de las de su rregno, do le mas pluguiesse en aquella comarca, e que luego se yua su camino derecho a do quier que lo fallasse. E el dicho cauallero e el abad de Fiscan, que el cardenal auia enbiado al rrey, se juntaron en vno e fueronsse para Almaçan, do fallaron al cardenal legado del papa. E desque llegaron a el, el dicho cauallero quel rrey le enbio e [el] abad de Fiscan le dixeron lo que el rrey les auia mandado, segund suso auedes oydo. E al cardenal plogo mucho con todo lo que el rrey le enbio dezir e acordo, pues el rrey venia a esa frontera, de lo atender alli en Almaçan, e asi lo fizo. E con esta rrespuesta se torno el cauallero al rrey.

Capitulo segundo. Como el rrey don Pedro llego a Almaçan e fallo ý al cardenal de Boloña, legado del papa, e commo el cardenal fablo con el rrey. Luego que el abad de Fiscan e el cauallero que el rrey enbiaua al dicho cardenal de Boloña legado llegaron en Almaçan, llego luego ý el rrey en la dicha villa de Almaçan e fallo ý al cardenal de Boloña, e fizole el rrey todas las honrras e plazeres que pudo. E luego el cardenal fablo con el rrey e pidiole que le pluguiesse veer las cartas que traya del papa

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Almazán, King Pedro had already set out from Seville to travel to the Aragonese frontier. He found the abbot of Fécamp in Villa Real. He gave him a very warm greeting and expressed his pleasure at the arrival of Cardinal Guillaume. He then promptly sent one of his knights to accompany the abbot back to the Pope’s cardinal legate and tell him how pleased the king was that he had come to Castile; as he was well aware that the cardinal was a man of distinguished lineage who belonged to the House of France and as he had come to achieve peace and a successful outcome. The knight was also to say to the cardinal that, since he had travelled from so far afield, King Pedro was pleased for him to remain where he was in Almazán – or in any other town in his kingdom – or wherever he wished in that area, and that the king would make his way straight to wherever he found him to be. This knight and the abbot of Fécamp, who had been sent to the king by Cardinal Guillaume, joined together and travelled to Almazán, where they found the cardinal legate. And once they had arrived in the cardinal’s presence, the knight sent by the king and the abbot of Fécamp told him what – as you have just heard − the king had commanded them to say. The cardinal was delighted by all that the king had conveyed to him and, since the king was on his way to the frontier, agreed to await him there in Almazán; and that is what he proceeded to do. The knight then returned to the king with this reply.

1359: CHAPTER II How King Pedro arrived in Almazán, where he found the cardinal of Boulogne, the papal legate; and how the cardinal spoke with the king. Soon after the abbot of Fécamp and the king’s envoy to the cardinal of Boulogne − the papal legate − reached Almazán, King Pedro also arrived and found the cardinal there. The king paid him every honour and courtesy that he could. The cardinal lost no time in talking to the king and requesting that he be prepared to see the letter that he had

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e oyrle lo que queria fablar. E el rrey le dixo que le plazia mucho dello e pregunto el rrey al cardenal que esta fabla que con el queria fazer, si queria que fuesse secreta o delante los del de su consejo. E el cardenal dixo al rrey que esto fuesse commo a el pluguiesse e commo lo el hordenasse, e final mente finco que fuesse la primera fabla delante los del consejo del rrey que ý estauan estonçe, los quales eran estos: don Gomez Manrrique arçobispo de Santiago e Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa camarero mayor del rrey e don Diego Garçia de Padilla maestre de Calatraua e Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo rrepostero mayor del rrey e Iohan Alfonso de Benauides justiçia mayor de la casa del rrey e Diego Perez Sarmiento adelantado mayor de Castilla. E el cardenal, el dia que el rrey touo por bien de lo oyr en el su consejo segund fue ordenado, diole las cartas del papa e dixole sus saludaçiones e muchas buenas palabras diziendo que el papa tenia al rrey de Castilla por escudo e defendimiento de la christiandat, por quanto sostenia la guerra de los moros de allen mar e de aquien mar. E por esta rrazon fueran sienpre sus anteçesores muy presçiados entre los de la christiandat e que agora de poco tienpo aca, supiera de çierto commo por algunas ocasiones se leuantara guerra entre el e el rrey de Aragon, de lo qual sabia Dios que el papa tomaua grand pesar, lo vno por auer guerra e contienda entre los rreyes christianos, espeçial mente entre dos rreyes tan grandes commo de Castilla e de Aragon; otrossi por quanto por esta guerra çesaua la guerra de los moros enemigos de la fe de Ihesu Christo, e que podria dende rrecresçer grand mal e daño por esta rrazon, e por tanto le enbiaua a el e al rrey de Aragon, que el pudiesse fablar con ellos amos a dos e seer buen medianero de poner paz. E que le pidia que le dixiese commo tenia por bien de querer fazer en esto e que maneras le plazia que touiesse en esta rrazon para fablar, e que de todo viese el rrey e hordenasse commo le plazia e que

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brought from the Pope and to hear what he wished to say. The king told him that he was very pleased to do so and asked him how he would like to proceed in these discussions: whether they were to be secret or whether they were to take place in the presence of the members of his council. The cardinal told the king that this should be just as he desired and specified, and finally it was settled that the first round of discussions was to take place in the presence of the members of the king’s council who were present at the time, namely: Don Gómez Manrique, archbishop of Santiago, the king’s master chamberlain Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, the master of Calatrava Don Diego García de Padilla, the king’s lord high butler Gutier Fernández de Toledo, Juan Alfonso de Benavides, chief justice of the king’s household, and Diego Pérez Sarmiento, governor general of Castile. On the day when King Pedro saw fit to to hear him in front of his council, as had been arranged, the cardinal presented the Pope’s letter to the king and passed on to him his greetings and many fine words, saying that the Pope held the king of Castile to be his shield and the defender of Christendom, since he was keeping up the war against the Moors both beyond and on this side of the sea. It was, he said, for this reason that King Pedro’s predecessors had been so highly valued among the rulers of Christendom. However, he added that the Pope had recently received clear reports of how on a number of occasions conflict had broken out between King Pedro and the king of Aragon, and God knew how this had caused him great sorrow: on the one hand because there was war and conflict between Christian kings, especially as it was between two monarchs as great as those of Castile and Aragon, but also since this war was bringing to a halt the campaign against the Moors, who were enemies of the faith of Jesus Christ, on account of which there could arise great ill and much harm. For this reason, the cardinal said, he was being sent by the Pope to King Pedro and to the king of Aragon in order that he might talk with each of them and serve as a helpful intermediary in achieving peace. He said that he was now asking the king to explain to him how he saw fit to proceed in this matter and how he wished him to go about the negotiations; and he told him that the king should see to it and make arrangements as he wished and that he would act accordingly, for

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assi lo faria, ca tal mandamiento auia del papa. Otrossi que le enbiaua dezir el papa que en tal caso commo este, si el mesmo por su persona pudiesse venir a tratar esto e poner bien e paz entre el e el rrey de Aragon, que lo faria de buena voluntad. E el rrey don Pedro le agradesçio al cardenal legado todas las buenas rrazones que le el papa enbiaua dezir e el le auia dicho, assi de parte del papa commo de la su parte. E dixole que el auia guerra con Aragon a grand culpa del dicho rrey de Aragon segund el bien se podria enformar, e que le rrogaua luego lo primero, que le pluguiesse de saber el comienço de esta guerra entre el e el rrey de Aragon. E el cardenal le dixo que le plazia mucho de saber esto e que le rrogaua que le dixiesse o fiziesse dezir qual fuera el primero comienço desta guerra. E el rrey dixo que le plazia mucho, e hordeno que otro dia fablarian en ello. E fue asi que otro dia el rrey e el cardenal estudieron e vno e con ellos los del consejo del rrey que dicho auemos, e con el cardenal dos abades benditos, que eran monges negros que venian con el e eran grandes dos dotores, e el vno era el que avemos dicho que el cardenal enbiara al rrey luego que llegara en Castilla, que dizian abad de Fiscan, e el otro era abad de Sand Benigno, los quales despues fueron cardenales. E el rrey dixo assi: que, estando folgando en el Andaluzia por la marisma en vna villa rribera de la mar que dizen Sand Lucar de Barrameda e que vn cauallero del rrey de Aragon que era capitan de diez galeas, que dezian mossen Françes de Perellos, le catara pequeña rreuerençia tomando nauios que estauan en el su puerto e poniendolos a rrendiçion, e contole toda la manera e la rrazon commo acaesçiera, segundo suso auemos contado quando diximos commo se boluiera la guerra de Castilla e Aragon, e que maguera el rrey fiziera saber al dicho capitan del rrey de Aragon que alli era, commo esto non era bien fecho e que el dicho su capitan non mostrara por ello que le

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these were the instructions that he had received from the Pope. The Pope had also instructed him to say on his behalf that in such a case as this, if he in person could come and carry out these negotiations and achieve peace and wellbeing between the kings of Castile and Aragon, then he would willingly do so. King Pedro thanked the cardinal legate for all the kind words which the Pope had enjoined him to say and which he had indeed said, both on the Pope’s behalf and on his own. He informed him that he was at war with the king of Aragon through a serious fault committed by that king – about which the cardinal could easily obtain information – and he asked him first and foremost to agree to be informed about the origin of this war which was taking place between King Pedro and the king of Aragon. The cardinal told him that he was most willing to learn about this and requested that King Pedro inform him or have others inform him about the original cause of the war. The king told him that he would be very pleased to do so and arranged for them to talk about this the following day. So it was that the next day the king and the cardinal met, and with them were the members of the royal council that we have already mentioned and, with the cardinal, two mitred abbots, black monks who were accompanying him, both of them great scholars: one was the man known as the abbot of Fécamp that we have said the cardinal had sent to the king as soon as he had arrived in Castile, and the other was the abbot of Saint-Bénigne.2 Both of these men later became cardinals.The king then gave the following explanation: that, while he had been relaxing in Andalusia in the area of the marshes in a coastal town called Sanlúcar de Barrameda, he had been slighted by a knight in the service of the king of Aragon: a man called Mossèn Francesc de Perellós, the admiral of a fleet of ten galleys, who had seized ships which were in the king’s harbour and had then demanded a ransom for them. King Pedro gave him a full account and explanation of how this had occurred – as we related above when we told of how the war between Castile and Aragon had come about – and of how, although the king had informed the king of Aragon’s admiral that he was present in person and that the admiral had acted incorrectly, the admiral had shown no remorse and had done nothing to make amends. Indeed,

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pesara nin fiziera dende ninguna emienda, mas antes se partiera con las diez galeas que alli tenia con muy grand soberuia syn fablar al rrey nin enbiar al rrey a se escusar, e se fuera su camino. E que todo esto lo fiziera saber al rrey de Aragon rrogandole que le quisiesse conplir de derecho, segund que en tal caso pertenesçia, e le pluguiese de entregar a el el dicho cauallero, e que nunca quisiera poner en ello rremedio. E demas desto, ante que la guerra se començase e tenia lugar de se poner alguna concordia, que el rrey de Aragon enbiara a Françia por el conde don Enrrique, que era su henemigo, e por don Tello e don Sancho sus hermanos, los quales sienpre andudieran en su deseruiçio, e los truxiera a su rregno de Aragon con todos aquellos caualleros naturales de su rregno e señorios de Castilla, que le deseruieran sienpre, por lo qual diera menor lugar a la paz. E a lo que dizia el cardenal legado que si le plazia que fuese veer al rrey de Aragon, a esto dixo el rrey que plazia quel cardenal legado fiziesse libre mente todas aquellas cosas por que el papa le auia enbiado e que el rrey le auia dicho al cardenal que le plazia. E el cardenal agradesçio mucho al rrey todo lo que dixo e dixo que oya todo lo que el rrey le auia dicho e le plazia de seer por el enformado en que manera fuera el comienço desta guerra, e trabajaria a todo su poder por poner ý algund bien.

Capitulo IIIº. Como el cardenal legado del papa enbio al rrey de Aragon al abad de Sand Benigno. El cardenal desque oyo todas las rrazones que el rrey don Pedro de Castilla le dixo, hordeno de enbiar al rrey de Aragon luego vn abad de Sand Benigno, que fue despues cardenal de Anbrun, por el qual le

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instead of this, with great arrogance he had set sail with his fleet of ten galleys without addressing himself to the king or sending him any apology and had gone on his way. King Pedro explained how he had reported all of this to the king of Aragon, requesting that it be his will to see justice done as was fitting in such a case and that he be prepared to hand the said knight over to him; and he also pointed out that King Pere had never been willing to give him redress. He went on to say that, before the war broke out and while still he had an opportunity to bring about some kind of settlement, the king of Aragon had sent to France for Count Enrique, who was King Pedro’s enemy, and his brothers Don Tello and Don Sancho, who had always been disloyal to the Castilian king, and had brought them to his kingdom of Aragon, together with all those knights who by birth were subjects of King Pedro’s kingdom and of lordships in Castile but had always shown disloyalty towards him. And in this way the king of Aragon had reduced the opportunity for peace. In reponse to what the cardinal said about whether he would like him to go and see the king of Aragon, King Pedro stated that he was pleased for the cardinal legate to do freely those things for which the Pope had sent him and with which he had already told the cardinal that he was in agreement. The cardinal thanked the king warmly for all the explanations that he had given and said that he had taken note of everything that he had told him: he was glad to have been informed by him about how the war had begun and he would make every effort to improve the situation.

1359: CHAPTER III How the Pope’s cardinal legate sent the abbot of Saint-Bénigne to the king of Aragon. Once the cardinal had heard all the explanations that King Pedro of Castile had given him, he arranged to send the abbot of Saint-Bénigne to the king of Aragon without delay. The abbot of Saint-Bénigne was

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fizo saber commo el papa le auia enbiado por poner paz entre el rrey de Castilla e el, e que auia ya visto al rrey de Castilla e fablado con el e que queria yr a el e que le enbiasse dezir do le plazia que fuesse a el. E el cardenal en tanto espero en Almaçan e el rrey le fazia de cada dia grandes fiestas e todo el plazer e honrra que podia, segund era rrazon. E el abad de Sand Benigno partio del cardenal en Almaçan e fuesse para el rrey de Aragon, que era en Çaragoça, e dixole todo lo que el cardenal legado le mandara dezir. E plogo al rrey de Aragon con el abad de Sand Benigno e con lo que el cardenal de Boloña le enbio dezir e rrespondiole que a el plazia en que el cardenal viniesse quando le a el pluguiesse e que le fallaria en la çibdat de Çaragoça e que fuesse çierto que el se pornia en toda buena rrazon por escusar de auer guerra con el rrey de Castilla. E el abad de Sand Benigno torno a Almaçan, do fallo al cardenal legado e contole la rrespuesta que fallara en el rrey de Aragon.

Capitulo IIIIº. Como el cardenal de Boloña fablo con el rrey don Pedro de Castilla e commo el rrey le dixo lo que queria del rrey de Aragon para auer paz con el. El cardenal de Bologna, legado del papa, desque vio la rrespuesta del rrey de Aragon que le enbio con el abad de Sand Benigno e entendio que auia de yr a el, fablo con el rrey de Castilla secreta mente delante priuados suyos, rrogandole que le dixiesse que era la manera que el queria que touiesse en este trato o que pidia que fiziesse el rrey de Aragon por que esta guerra çesasse.

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later to become cardinal of Embrun. Through him Cardinal Guillaume informed King Pere of how the Pope had sent him to make peace between him and the king of Castile and that he wished to go to meet with him now that he had seen and spoken with the king of Castile. He asked King Pere to let him know where he desired him to go to see him. Meanwhile, the cardinal continued to wait in Almazán and King Pedro entertained him lavishly day after day and heaped upon him all the pleasures and all the honour that he could, as was indeed fitting. The abbot of Saint-Bénigne left the cardinal in Almazán and went to the king of Aragon, who was in Saragossa. There he passed on to him all that the cardinal had instructed him to say. The king of Aragon was impressed by the abbot of Saint-Bénigne and he was pleased by the cardinal’s message; he replied to the abbot that he was happy for Cardinal Guillaume to come to him whensoever he wished. The cardinal would find him in the city of Saragossa and he could be certain that King Pere would accept reasonable terms in order to avoid being at war with the king of Castile. The abbot of Saint-Bénigne returned to Almazán, where he found the cardinal legate and reported to him the reply that he had received from the king of Aragon.

1359: CHAPTER IV How the cardinal of Boulogne spoke with King Pedro of Castile and how the king told him what he sought from the king of Aragon in order to be at peace with him. The cardinal of Boulogne, the Pope’s legate, on learning of the reply given by the king of Aragon and conveyed to him by the abbot of Saint-Bénigne and on understanding that he was to go to King Pere, spoke with the king of Castile in private but in the presence of his confidants. He asked the king to tell him how he wished him to proceed in these negotiations and what he was asking the king of Aragon to do in order that the war might be brought to an end.

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E el rrey de Castilla le dixo que, por seruiçio de Dios e del papa e honrra suya del cardenal, el faria paz con el rrey de Aragon faziendo el rrey de Aragon estas cosas: primera mente, que aquel cauallero que dezian mosen Françes de Perellos, capitan de las diez galeas de quien el rrey de Castilla estaua muy quexado por lo que auemos contado que fiziera en la mar, que le fuesse entregado para poder del fazer justiçia do el quisiesse. Otrossi que echase al conde don Enrrique e a don Tello e a don Sancho, sus hermanos del rrey de Castilla. Otrossi que el rrey de Aragon echasse de su rregno e de todo su señorio al infante don Ferrando marques de Tortosa, su hermano del rrey de Aragon e primo del rrey. Otrossi que eso mesmo echasse a todos los caualleros e escuderos e gentes de Castilla que eran con los dichos conde don Enrrique e don Tello e don Sancho, sus hermanos, venidos de Castilla por le ayudar a esta guerra contra el. Otrossi que le diesse e tornasse el rrey de Aragon las villas e castillos de Orihuela e Alicante e Guardamar e Elche e Creuillen e la Val de Elda, que dizia que fueron del rregno de Castilla e se perdieran en tienpo del rrey don Ferrando su ahuelo seyendo en tutoria, e que el rrey don Jaymes de Aragon las auia cobrado estas villas e castillos a sin rrazon e a sin derecho. Otrossi que el rrey de Aragon le diesse, por despensas que fiziera en estas guerras assi por mar commo por tierra, diez cuentos de la moneda de Castilla o quinientas mill florines de la moneda de Aragon. E que el rrey de Aragon cunpliesse esto e que el estaua presto para auer paz con el. E el cardenal de Boloña legado maguera vio que el rrey de Castilla demandaua cosas que eran muy graues de librar, pero rrespondiole que el auia oydo lo que dizia el rrey e que le plazia de tomar cargo e de trabajar en ello. E esto fazia el por dar lugar aquel trato por que vna vez se escomençasse.

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The king of Castile informed him that, in the service of God and of the Pope and to the honour of the cardinal himself, he would make peace with the king of Aragon provided that King Pere did the following things: firstly, that the knight by the name of Mossèn Francesc de Perellós, the admiral of the ten galleys against whom the king of Castile bore a deep grievance – on account of the act that he committed at sea, as we have already related – be handed over to him so that he might have justice dealt out to him in whatever place the king desired. He should also oblige King Pedro’s brothers, Count Enrique, Don Tello and Don Sancho, to leave his realm, as well as expelling from his kingdom and from all the territories under his lordship Prince Ferran, marquis of Tortosa, brother of the king of Aragon and cousin of King Pedro. In addition, he should expel from his kingdom all the Castilian knights, squires and troops who were accompanying King Pedro’s brothers Count Enrique, Don Tello and Don Sancho and who had gone from Castile to serve in this war against him. The king of Aragon should also return to his possession the towns and castles of Orihuela, Alicante, Guardamar, Elche, Crevillente and the Elda valley, which, King Pedro argued, had belonged to the kingdom of Castile and had been lost in the time of King Fernando: this had been during his grandfather’s minority and King Jaume of Aragon had seized these towns and castles without right or justification.3 And the king of Aragon should also give him, in compensation for the expense that he had incurred in these conflicts, both at sea and on land, ten million in Castilian currency or 500,000 florins in that of Aragon.4 Provided that the king of Aragon fulfilled all these conditions, King Pedro was prepared to make peace with him. The cardinal legate of Boulogne, although he could see that the king of Castile was making demands that were very unlikely to be met, told him in reply that he had heard his words clearly and that he was pleased to take this on and work at the matter. He was doing this so as to encourage the negotiations in order they might once get underway.

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Capitulo Vº. Como el cardenal de Boloña legado del papa fablo con el rrey de Aragon sobre fecho de paz e de lo que rrespondio el rrey de Aragon que faria. Despues que el rrey don Pedro de Castilla dixo al cardenal de Boloña legado del papa su voluntad, que queria que el rrey de Aragon fiziesse para auer paz con el, partio luego el dicho cardenal de Almaçan e fuesse para Aragon e fallo ý al rrey de Aragon, que le rresçibio muy bien e le fizo muchas honrras. E desque fue asosegado luego otro dia vio el cardenal al rrey de Aragon e fablo con el e le dixo commo el papa le enbiara en Castilla e en Aragon por poner paz, e que estudiera con el rrey de Castilla e que lo fallara muy quexado de vn cauallero del dicho rrey de Aragon, de commo lo rrequiriera e que non pudiera auer emienda del. E final mente contole por espeçial todas las otras pleytesias que el rrey de Castilla le dixo al cardenal que faria si la paz ouiesse de ser. E rrogole el cardenal al rrey de Aragon que le pluguiesse de se llegar a la paz. E el rrey de Aragon le oyo al dicho cardenal a toda su voluntad. Otrossi oyo lo que el rrey de Castilla demandaua e dixo el rrey de Aragon al cardenal assi: ‘Cardenal amigo, vos veedes e entendedes bien que si el rrey de Castilla ouiesse voluntad de auer paz comigo, que non pidiria las cosas que enbia dezir. E al cauallero que dizen mosen Françes de En Perellos de quien el rrey se quexa, segund otras vezes le he rrespondido al rrey de Castilla, que non es derecho que assi fuesse entregado, que seria grand desonrra de la corona de Aragon que ningund omne pudiesse fazer justiçia de mis subditos si non yo; de mas que entiendo que non auia fecho el cauallero tal cosa por que deuiesse seer assi entregado; pero desto fare assi: Yo prendere el cauallero de

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1359: CHAPTER V How the papal legate, the cardinal of Boulogne, spoke with the king of Aragon about negotiating peace; and concerning the king’s reply with regard to what he would do. After King Pedro had set out his aims for the cardinal of Boulogne, the papal legate, and explained what he desired the king of Aragon to do in order to be at peace with him, the cardinal promptly set off from Almazán and made his way to Aragon where he found King Pere, who gave him a warm reception and treated him with every courtesy. Once he was settled, the very next day the cardinal saw the king of Aragon and spoke with him, explaining how the Pope had sent him to Castile and Aragon to bring about peace and how he had spent time with the king of Castile and found that he bore a deep grievance towards one of the king of Aragon’s knights: he explained how King Pedro had made a formal protest about the knight’s conduct but had been unable to gain redress. Then finally he spoke to the king of Aragon specifically of all the other stipulations that the king of Castile had told the cardinal that he would make in order for peace to be agreed. The cardinal asked the the king of Aragon to be prepared to come to terms. The king of Aragon listened to all that the cardinal wished to say and also to the demands made by the king of Castile, and then he gave the cardinal the following reply: ‘Your Eminence, my friend, you can see and understand clearly that if the king of Castile really desired to be at peace with me he would not be asking for the things which he has enjoined you to set out. With regard to the knight called Mossèn Francesc de Perellós about whom King Pedro bears a grievance, as I have replied to him on other occasions, it would not be right for him to be handed over in such a way, for it would be a deep dishonour to the Crown of Aragon that any man other than myself should be able to administer justice to my subjects. It is, moreover, not my understanding that the knight had done any such thing that he should be handed over like this. However, I will deal with the matter as follows: I will take into my own custody the knight about whom

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quien el rrey de Castilla se querella e que el rrey de Castilla lo enbie a acusar, e yo fare jura de lo non sostener saluo a derecho, e el dicho cauallero se defienda por justiçia. Ca el dicho cauallero dize que los fechos de que el rrey de Castilla se querella, que contesçieran en la mar salua su rreal magestad, que non pasara assi. Pero en este caso – dizia el rrey de Aragon al cardenal assi– si al dicho cauallero fallassen culpado, a mi plaze que publica mente sea fecha justiçia del. E avn por mayor cunplimiento digo que si el cauallero fuere fallado culpado e fuere juzgado a muerte, yo le mandare estonçe entregar preso al rrey de Castilla por que esecuçion de la justiçia mandasse fazer dentro en su rregno e en la su corte. Otrossy a lo que dizia el rrey de Castilla que yo eche de mi rregno al infante don Ferrando marques de Tortosa, mi hermano, e al conde don Enrrique e a don Tello e a don Sancho, sus hermanos del rrey de Castilla, e a los otros caualleros e escuderos naturales de Castilla que son comigo en esta guerra, a esto digo assi: que el infante don Ferrando es mi hermano legitimo e muy heredado en el rregno de Aragon e non he rrazon por que lo desterrar; pero al conde don Enrrique e don Tello e don Sancho, sus hermanos del rrey de Castilla, e todos los otros caualleros naturales del rregno de Castilla, por quanto yo los he fecho venir a la mi guerra por me ayudar de ellos, que en este caso, faziendo se paz entre el rrey de Castilla e yo, yo los contentare e pagare lo que les deuo de su sueldo e los enbiare fuera del mi rregno. Otrossi a lo que dize el rrey de Castilla que le tornasse las villas e castillos de Horihuela e Alicante e Guardamar e Elche e Creuillen e la Val de Elda, que fueran de Castilla e fueran enajenadas sin rrazon e sin derecho en tienpo de tutoria del rrey don Ferrando su ahuelo del rrey de Castilla, a esto digo yo que non podria tornar ninguna cosa de la corona de Aragon, ca mi ahuelo el rrey don Jaymes e mi padre

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the king of Castile is making this complaint. Then let King Pedro submit the accusation that he is making against him − I will swear not to give the man my backing unless it is legally right to do so – and let the knight make his own defence through the process of justice; for he argues that the events about which the king of Castile is making this complaint had taken place at sea and that, saving his Royal Majesty, it had not happened as has been claimed. However, in this case,’ – and these are the precise words that the king of Aragon spoke to the cardinal – ‘should the knight be judged guilty, I am content for justice to be dealt out to him in public, and, to go even further in meeting this demand I declare that, if the knight is found guilty and sentenced to death, I will then give instructions for him to be handed over as a prisoner to the king of Castile for him to see that the process of justice is carried out within his own kingdom and his own court. In addition, in response to what the king of Castile said about me expelling my brother Prince Ferran, marquis of Tortosa, from my kingdom, together with King Pedro’s brothers Count Enrique, Don Tello and Don Sancho and the other knights and squires who are natives of Castile but are supporting me in this war, I have the following to say: Prince Ferran is my legitimate brother and possesses extensive territories in his own right in the kingdom of Aragon and I have no reason to send him into exile. However, as for Count Enrique, Don Tello and Don Sancho, who are brothers of the king of Castile, together with the other knights who are subjects of the kingdom of Castile, given that I caused them to come and give me their assistance in this war, in this case – if peace is agreed between the king of Castile and myself – then I will deal with them to their satisfaction and pay them what I owe them of their salaries and I will send them away from my kingdom. In addition, with regard to what the king of Castile says about me returning to him the towns and castles of Orihuela, Alicante, Guardamar, Elche, Crevillente and the Elda valley and his claim that they had belonged to Castile and had been seized without right or justification during the minority of King Fernando, the king of Castile’s grandfather: to this I say that I could not return anything belonging to the Crown of Aragon, for my grandfather King Jaume and my father

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el rrey don Alfonso de Aragon me dexaron en tenençia e possesion de los dichos logares. E a la manera commo esto fue, este dotor del mi consejo vos lo dira, que aqui esta por que seades dende mejor enformado’. E luego vn dotor del consejo del rrey de Aragon, que dizian Françes Roma, dixo asi al cardenal: ‘Señor, assi es que en tienpo del rrey don Jaymes de Aragon e del rrey don Ferrando de Castilla ouo guerras e contiendas, e el rrey de Aragon tenia tomada la çibdat de Murçia e todo lo mas del rregno de Murçia, e despues por auer paz e concordia con el rrey de Castilla, fue tratada abenençia en guisa que lo pusieron en arbitros que lo librassen, los quales fueron don Donis rrey de Portogal e el infante don Iohan de Castilla, fijo del rrey don Alfonso, hermano del rrey don Sancho de Castilla, e don Ximeno obispo de Çaragoça, ca estonçe Çaragoça era obispado, e que los dichos rreyes don Ferrando de Castilla e don Jaymes de Aragon estudiessen por lo que estos arbitros sentençiassen. E los dichos rrey de Portogal e el infante don Iohan e el obispo de Çaragoça dieron su sentençia en esta manera: que la çibdat de Murçia e Molina e Monteagudo e Lorca e Alfama con sus terminos fuessen del rrey de Castilla. Otrossi que Guardamar e Alicante e Elche con su puerto de mar e Elda e Nouelda e Horihuela con todos sus terminos, segund que ataja el agua de Segura el rregno de Valençia fasta el mas soberano cabo del termino de Villena fincasse del rrey de Aragon quanto al señorio, pero quanto a la propiedat, fincasse de don Iohan Manuel. E desa mesma condiçion fincassen todos los castillos e heredades e lugares que rricos omnes e iglesias e hordenes e otras quales quier personas ouiessen en estos terminos sobre dichos. E esta sentençia fue obedesçida por amas las partes e jurada por los rreyes de Castilla e de Aragon e por los rricos omnes de sus rregnos, la qual sentençia fue dada en el lugar de Torrejas entre Taraçona e Agreda sabado ocho dias de agosto, año del Nasçimiento del Nuestro Saluador Ihesu Christo de mill e trezientos e quatro, e de la era de Çesar, mill e trezientos e quarenta e dos, seyendo presente el rrey de Aragon don Jaymes por la su persona, e de la otra parte del rrey don Ferrando de Castilla, sus procuradores, los quales eran don Ferrand Gomez de Toledo cauallero e notario mayor del rregno de

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King Alfons of Aragon left me in ownership and possession of those places. The way in which this came about will be explained to you by this scholar and member of my council who is attending our meeting in order that you may be more accurately informed.’ Immediately a scholar from the king of Aragon’s council, called Francesc Roma, addressed the cardinal as follows: ‘My lord, the fact is that during the reigns of King Jaume of Aragon and King Fernando of Castile there were wars and conflicts. The king of Aragon had captured the city of Murcia and a great part of the kingdom of that name, and afterwards, in order to achieve peace and concord with the king of Castile, an agreement was reached such that the resolution of the matter was placed in the hands of arbiters.5 These arbiters were King Dinis of Portugal, Prince Juan of Castile, who was the son of King Alfonso and brother of King Sancho of Castile, and Bishop Ximeno of Saragossa, for at that time Saragossa was the seat of a bishop.6 It was agreed that Kings Fernando of Castile and Jaume of Aragon would be bound by the decision of the arbiters. The said king of Portugal, Prince Juan and the bishop of Saragossa announced their ruling as follows: that the city of Murcia, together with Molina, Monteagudo, Lorca and Alhama with their associated territories should belong to the king of Castile; on the other hand, Guardamar, Alicante, Elche with its harbour, Elda, Novelda and Orihuela, with all their territories − as the river Segura cuts across the kingdom of Valencia reaching as far as the furthermost point of the territory of Villena – all of these should be held by the king of Aragon as regards jurisdiction, although, in terms of ownership, Villena should belong to Don Juan Manuel.7 Moreover, the same principle should apply to all the castles, villages and lands that magnates, churches, Military Orders and any other people might possess in the aforementioned territories. This ruling was accepted as binding by both sides and the kings of Castile and Aragon and the magnates of their realms swore to abide by it. The ruling was given in the town of Torrellas situated between Tarazona and Ágreda on Saturday the 8th of August in the year of the birth of our Lord 1304 and, counting from the era of Caesar, 1342, in the presence of King Jaume of Aragon and, on the side of King Fernando of Castile, his procurators, namely Don Fernán Gómez de Toledo, knight and chief

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Toledo e don Diego Garçia de Toledo cauallero e chançeller mayor del sello de la poridad. E fueron presentes por testigos a oyr la dicha sentençia, de partes del rrey de Castilla, don Iohan Osores maestre de la horden de Santiago e don frey Garçi Lopez maestre de la horden e caualleria de Calatraua e Pero Lopez de Padilla e Ferrand Gutierrez Quexada e Gutier Diaz de Çauallos e Lope Garçia de Fermosilla e Martin Ferrandez Porto Carrero e Alfonso Ferrandez de Saauedra e Lope Perez de Vargas e otros caualleros. E de partes del rrey don Jaymes de Aragon fueron testigos don Remon obispo de Valençia e don Martin obispo de Huesca e don Pero Remon de Cardona e don Remon de Montañana arçidiano de Taraçona, e otros. E despues por los dichos rreyes fueron dados caualleros para fazer la dicha partiçion: de partes del rrey de Castilla era el dicho don Diego Garçia de Toledo chançeller del sello de la poridad, e por partes del rrey de Aragon, don Gonçalo Garçia su priuado e consejero. E ouieron carta sellada con los sellos de los dos rreyes, la qual fue dada en Huerta de Hariza a veynte e seys dias de febrero año del Señor de mill e trezientos e çinco e de la era de Çesar, mill e trezientos e quarenta e tres. E fueron los dichos caualleros al lugar de Elche e presente vn notario publico de la çibdat de Murçia que dizian Bendito Flores, el qual veno alli por mandamiento del rrey de Castilla, e seyendo ý presente Martin Martinez de Espinosa notario publico de Elche, por partes del rrey de Aragon, declararon la partiçion en esta manera: que del soberano lugar del termino de Villena, do parte termino con Almansa, e del susano lugar del termino de Jumilla, do parte termino con Ançur e con Touarra e con Hellin e con Çieça, que todos estos logares que son dentro en estos mojones fasta la tierra del rrey de Aragon fincassen del dicho rrey de Aragon saluo Yecla, que fuesse de don Iohan Manuel, con jurediçion del rrey de Castilla, de la qual sentençia e partiçion fueron fechas dos cartas partidas por a b c de las quales mi señor el rrey de Aragon tiene la vna signada del dicho Bendito Flores notario de Murçia, e el rrey de Castilla deue tener otra signada del signo del dicho Martin Martinez notario de Elche, las quales fueron fechas en el

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notary of the kingdom of Toledo, and Don Diego García de Toledo, knight and lord chancellor of the confidential seal. Present as witnesses to hear the ruling, on behalf of the king of Castile, were Don Juan Osórez, master of the Order of Santiago, Brother Garci López, master of the Order and of the knights of Calatrava, Pero López de Padilla, Fernán Gutiérrez Quixada, Gutier Díaz de Zavallos, Lope García de Hermosilla, Martín Fernández Portocarrero, Alfonso Fernández de Saavedra, Lope Pérez de Vargas and other knights. On behalf of King Jaume of Aragon, the witnesses were Bishop Ramon of Valencia, Bishop Martín of Huesca, Don Pere Ramon de Cardona, Don Ramon de Montañana, archdeacon of Tarazona, and others. Subsequently the two kings nominated knights to put this partition into practice. On behalf of the king of Castile it was the aforementioned Don Diego García de Toledo, chancellor of the confidential seal, and on behalf of the king of Aragon his confidant and counsellor Don Gonzalo García. A treaty document was produced bearing the seals of the two kings, which was formalized in Huerta de Hariza on the 26th of February in the year of the Lord 1305 and, counting from the era of Caesar, 1343. The said knights went to the town of Elche and in the presence of a public notary from the city of Murcia by the name of Bendito Flores, who attended at the command of the king of Castile, and also in the presence of Martín Martínez de Espinosa, public notary of Elche, on behalf of the king of Aragon, they set out the terms of the partition as follows: that from the furthest point reached by the territory of the town of Villena, where it borders on Almansa, and from the limits of the territories of Jumilla, where they border on Letur, Tobarra, Hellín and Cieza, all places that fell within these boundaries, as far as the lands of the king of Aragon, were to belong to that king, with the exception of Yecla, which was to be the property of Don Juan Manuel, under the jurisdiction of the king of Castile.8 This ruling and division of the territories was recorded in two documents divided by ABC, of which my lord the king of Aragon possesses the one signed by Bendito Flores, the notary from Murcia, and the king of Castile must be in possession of one bearing the signature of Martín Martínez, notary of Elche.9 These documents were produced in the aforementioned town

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dicho lugar de Elche a diez e nueue dias de mayo deste dicho año. E fueron testigos a esta sentençia de la partiçion Iohan Garçia de Loaysa, señor de Petrel e Pero Martinez Caluillo, caualleros, e Pero Ximenez de Lorca e Gonçalo Martinez chançeller de don Iohan Manuel. E avn que el rrey de Castilla despues ordeno, por quanto la Val de Elda era de don Iohan Manuel e fincara con el rrey de Aragon, [se] le diera en emienda las villas de Escalona e Santa Olalla. E por tanto dize el rrey mi señor, que el rrey de Castilla non ha derecho a estos logares que demanda nin el rrey mi señor es tenudo a gelos dar, antes dize que es agrauiado en que algunos logares juzgados por la sentençia non los ha, e pertenesçen a el e son suyos. Pero, por dar lugar a la paz, mi señor el rrey dize que le plazeria que el papa fuesse juez desto o librasse segund fallasse por derecho mostrando cada vna de las partes de su derecho que ha e que el mostraria la sentençia que dicha es, que sobre estos lugares fue dada. E assi, que el rrey de Castilla mostrasse ante el papa que aquellos lugares eran suyos e que el papa fiziesse justiçia dello’. E despues que el dotor don Françes Roma ouo dicho estas rrazones, el rrey de Aragon dixo assi al cardenal: ‘E a lo que dize el rrey de Castilla que yo le diesse diez cuentos de la moneda de Castilla o que le diesse quinientas vezes mill florines de Aragon por espensas que el fiziera assi por mar commo por tierra, a esto digo que non so tenudo de pagar esta contia por quanto el rrey de Castilla sabia bien questa guerra non se començo por mi voluntad nin por mi plazer, antes me peso sienpre de auer esta guerra con el e me pusiera sienpre en buena rrazon e justiçia si a el pluguiera. Pero por quanto yo non querria auer guerra con el, si el rrey de Castilla ouiesse o quisiesse auer guerra con el rrey de Granada o con los moros de allen mar, yo le ayudare a mi despensa e de mi rregno cada año con diez galeas armadas quatro meses del año. E esta ayuda le fare fasta seys años, en quanto el ouiere guerra con moros. Otrossi si caso viniesse por que el rrey

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of Elche on the 19th of May of the year in question. The witnesses to this ruling on the partition were the knights Juan García de Loaisa, lord of Petrel, and Pero Martínez Calvillo, Pero Jiménez de Lorca and Don Juan Manuel’s chancellor Gonzalo Martínez. However, since the Elda valley had belonged to Don Juan Manuel but had been apportioned to the king of Aragon, the king of Castile subsequently determined that he should be given the towns of Escalona and Santa Olalla in compensation.10 And therefore my lord the king affirms that the king of Castile has no right to these places which he is demanding nor is my lord the king bound to give them to him. Rather, he affirms that he has been wronged in that he does not in fact have possession of some places which had been allocated to him by the ruling, although they belong to him and are his by right. In spite of this, for the sake of peace, my lord the king says that he would be pleased for the Pope to be the judge in this matter and to make his decision according to what he finds right, with each party producing evidence for its claim; the king of Aragon would cite the aforementioned ruling with regard to those places. So he has said that it is up to the king of Castile to demonstrate before the Pope that they are his: let the Pope see justice done in the affair.’ Then, after the scholar Francesc Roma had spoken these words, the king of Aragon made the following statement to the cardinal: ‘With regard to what the king of Castile says about me giving him ten million in Castilian currency or 500,000 Aragonese florins for expenses incurred by him both at sea and on land, to this I say that I am under no obligation to pay such a sum, as the king of Castile was well aware that this war was not begun through my wish or to my satisfaction, but rather that I have always regretted being in conflict with him and at all times would have followed a course of reason and justice had he been willing. However − given that I would prefer not to be at war with him −, in the case of the king of Castile being at war, or seeking to be at war, with the king of Granada or with the Moors from over the sea, I will assist him each year at my expense and that of my kingdom with ten armed galleys for four months in the year, and I will give him this help for up to six years from the time that he is at war with the Moors. And in addition, should the king of the Marinids

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de Benamarin o otro rrey o rreyes de allen mar pelearen o quisieren pelear con el rrey de Castilla, yo le ayudare por mi cuerpo e con todo mi poder e sere aquel dia con el en la batalla’. E ante que el cardenal dixiesse ninguna cosa dixo el rrey de Aragon al cardenal legado assi: ‘Cardenal amigo, vos dezid al rrey de Castilla que yo le rrequiero con Dios que el tenga por bien de me non querer fazer guerra, ca non ha rrazon por que la deua fazer, e me quiera por hermano e por amigo commo lo fuy del rrey don Alfonso su padre e lo fueron sienpre los rreyes de Castilla sus anteçesores e los rreyes de Aragon onde yo vengo. E si al quisiere fazer, yo lo dexo todo en el poder e hordenança e justiçia de Dios’. E el cardenal de Boloña dixo al rrey de Aragon que el oya toda su rrespuesta e que por el seruiçio de Dios e del papa e de la christiandad, trabajaria e tornaria al rrey de Castilla e le diria lo que le dizia; pero por que estas cosas se pudiessen mas breue mente tratar, que le paresçia, sy al rrey de Aragon pluguiesse, que se açercasse mas adonde el rrey de Castilla estaua por que el pudiesse mas ayna andar sus caminos e saber las voluntades dellos. E al rrey de Aragon plogo dello e dixo que el yria a Calatayud, vna su villa que era mas çerca de los terminos de Castilla e que alli estaria fasta saber commo se librauan estas cosas. E assi lo fizo, que quando el cardenal de Boloña partio del para yr al rrey de Castilla, luego el rrey de Aragon se vino para Calatayud, que era mas çerca que non Çaragoça, do primero estaua, diez e seys leguas.

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− or any other king or kings from beyond the sea – do battle, or seek to do battle, against the king of Castile, I will come to his assistance in person with all my army and on that day I will be at his side in the conflict.’ Before the cardinal could say anything, the king of Aragon addressed him as follows: ‘Your Eminence, my friend, tell the king of Castile that I, in the name of God, demand this of him: that he see fit not to wish to wage war on me − for there is no reason that he should do so – and that he be willing to take me as a brother and friend, just as I was for his father King Alfonso, and as has always been the case with his ancestors the kings of Castile and the line of kings of Aragon from which I come. If he wishes to do otherwise, I leave it all to the dominion, authority and jurisdiction of God.’ The cardinal of Boulogne informed the king of Aragon that he had listened closely to all he had said in reply and that, in the service of God, the Pope and Christendom, he would set to work, return to the king of Castile and pass King Pere’s words on to him, so that these matters might be dealt with as soon as possible. He also said that he considered it preferable, if the king of Aragon were willing, for him to move closer to where the king of Castile was to be found in order that he – the cardinal – might travel between the two monarchs more quickly in order to learn the wishes of each of them. The king of Aragon agreed to this and said that he would go to Calatayud, an Aragonese town which was situated closer to the frontier with Castile, and that he would remain there until he knew how these matters were being resolved. He did indeed do this and so, when the cardinal of Boulogne left him to go to the king of Castile, the king of Aragon lost no time in making his way to Calatayud, which was 16 leagues nearer than Saragossa where he had been previously.

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Capitulo VIº. Como el cardenal de Boloña legado del papa torno a fablar con el rrey de Castilla sobre el trato de la paz. El cardenal de Boloña legado despues que ouo estado e fablado con el rrey de Aragon en el trato de la paz, segund dicho auemos, tornosse para Almaçan do estaua el rrey don Pedro de Castilla. E desque ý fue, fablo con el rrey delante los sus priuados en el su consejo e dixole todo lo que auia fablado con el rrey de Aragon e la rrespuesta que le diera sobre las cosas que el le encomendara e le dixera, las quales queria que el rrey de Aragon fiziesse para auer paz con el, e que el rrey de Aragon non se allegaua assi a estas cosas. E dixo el cardenal que a el paresçia, si el rrey por bien touiesse, en estas cosas que se catase algund buen rremedio. E el rrey don Pedro de Castilla fue muy sañudo diziendo que el rrey de Aragon non preçiaua la guerra e que non queria llegarse a auer pleytesia con el; pero que esta vez lo prouaria cada vno que poder auia. E el cardenal desque vio estar las cosas tan duras e estos rreyes tan lexos de la abenençia, dixo al rrey de Castilla: ‘Señor, paresçeme que para dar lugar por que yo de buena guisa pudiesse fablar en esta pleytesia de paz, que seria bien sy a vos pluguiesse, que se pusiesse tregua de vn año o mas, e en este espaçio podria yo fazer algund bien e trabajar en este fecho por lo que el papa aqui me enbio’. E el rrey le dixo al cardenal que tregua ninguna el non faria con el rrey de Aragon, ca el tenia toda su flota aperçebida para el verano luego. Otrossi sus gentes puestas en las fronteras e pagadas e que la tregua le seria muy dañosa a el; pero por que el cardenal entendiesse que el auia voluntad de fazer paz con el rrey de Aragon, que el faria assi: que el se partiria de todas las otras cosas que demandaua, saluo de tanto que el rrey de Aragon le diesse las villas e castillos de Orihuela

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1359: CHAPTER VI How the papal legate, the cardinal of Boulogne, again spoke with the king of Castile about the peace negotiations. Having spent some time with the king of Aragon discussing the peace negotiations – as we have related above – the legate, the cardinal of Boulogne, went back to Almazán to join King Pedro of Castile. Once he was there, he addressed the king in the presence of his confidants in the royal council and communicated to him the content of his discussions with the king of Aragon. He informed him of King Pere’s reply to the conditions that, through him, King Pedro had stipulated for the agreement of peace between them and of how the king of Aragon did not accept these demands. However, the cardinal said that it seemed to him, if the king saw fit, that in these proposals there was scope for some suitable solution to be worked out. The king of Castile flew into a fury, saying that the king of Aragon did not appreciate the cost of the war and did not wish to negotiate peace with him, but that this time each one would show what strength he had. Once the cardinal saw just how difficult things were and how far these two kings were from coming to an understanding, he said to the king of Castile: ‘My lord, it seems to me that in order to give me an opportunity to carry out productive discussions in these peace negotiations, it would be helpful if you would agree to a truce of a year or more. In that period of time I could make some progress and work at this task for which the Pope has sent me here.’ The king informed the cardinal that he would agree to no truce with the king of Aragon, for he had all of his fleet made ready for the coming summer. He also had his troops stationed on the frontiers, already paid, and the truce would be greatly to his disadvantage. However, in order that the cardinal might understand that it was his desire to make peace with the king of Aragon, he would do the following: he would abandon all his other demands provided that the king of Aragon handed over to him the towns and castles of Orihuela,

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e Alicante e Elche e Creuillen e Guardamar e la Val de Elda, pues fueran de Castilla e se perdieran en tienpo de tutorias del rrey don Ferrando su ahuelo; ca todo lo que el rrey de Aragon le auia dicho que fuera dada sentençia por el rrey de Portogal e por otros en cuya mano fuera puesto todo este fecho del rregno de Murçia, que todo fuera seyendo el rrey Ferrando de Castilla su ahuelo, menor de edad e llamandosse el infante don Iohan rrey de Leon e don Alfonso de la Çerda, rrey de Castilla, e muchas guerras que auia en el rregno. E avn que pensaua que algunos privados fueran por el rrey de Aragon falagados por esta sentençia seer assi dada, pues fue dada en tutorias e por ende, por tal sentençia el non curaua nin fazia fuerça, antes pidia que el rrey de Aragon le tornasse aquellos lugares que pedia con todas las rrentas que auian rrendido; ca el rrey don Sancho las touiera en posesion e deuian seer suyas. Otrossi que el rrey de Aragon echasse de su rregno al conde don Enrrique e a don Tello e a don Sancho sus hermanos, e a los castellanos que alli eran con ellos. E que si el rrey de Aragon esto queria fazer, a el plazia de auer paz con el e de lo auer por amigo. E el cardenal de Boloña quando oyo que el rrey de Castilla dexaua tanto de las cosas que primera mente demandaua e era tornado a demandar estas que agora pedia, ouo muy grand plazer e touo que el rrey de Aragon eso mesmo llegaria a rrazon e que Dios querria que el pudiesse ý aprouechar en este trato e que la paz se faria, e gradesçiogelo mucho al rrey don Pedro lo que le dizia, e dixole que con su liçençia e buena voluntad el queria tornar al rrey de Aragon, ca fiaua por Dios que, pues las cosas eran abaxadas segund las primeras demandas que en ellas se fizieron, que el podria aprouechar en el trato de la paz que era començada.

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Alicante, Elche, Crevillente, Guardamar and the Elda valley, since they had belonged to the kingdom of Castile and had been lost during the minority of his grandfather, King Fernando. For, with regard to everything that the king of Aragon had said to him about adjudication by the king of Portugal and others in whose hands this dispute over the kingdom of Murcia had been placed, all of this had taken place before his grandfather King Fernando was of an age to rule, while Prince Juan had been calling himself king of León and Don Alfonso de la Cerda king of Castile and at a time when there was a great deal of conflict in the kingdom.11 King Pedro also believed that some advisers had been rewarded by the king of Aragon for the ruling being made in this way, since it was made during a period of minority; and therefore he neither valued nor set any store by such a ruling, but rather he was asking the king of Aragon to return those places to him together with all the income that they had yielded, for King Sancho had held them in his possession and they ought to be his.12 In addition, King Pedro asked that the king of Aragon expel from his kingdom his brothers Count Enrique, Don Tello and Don Sancho and the Castilians who were there with them. If the king of Aragon was prepared to do this, he would be pleased to be at peace with him and to have him as his ally. And when the cardinal of Boulogne heard that the king of Castile was abandoning such a large part of his original demands and had gone back to asking for just these things that he was now setting out, he was delighted, considering that the king of Aragon would likewise listen to reason: he thought that God would want him to succeed in these negotiations and that peace would be achieved. He thanked King Pedro warmly for what he was saying and told him that, with his agreement and his good will, he now wished to return to the king of Aragon, for he trusted in God that, since the king’s demands had been reduced in comparison with what had been asked for at the beginning of the talks, he would be able to achieve success in the peace negotiations which were underway.

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Capitulo VIIº. Como el cardenal legado torno al rrey de Aragon a le contar lo que fallaua en el rrey de Castilla e por poner acuerdo entre estos dos rreyes. El cardenal de Boloña desque ouo fablado con el rrey de Castilla e entendio toda la su entençion, partio luego de Almaçan e fuesse para Calatayud do el rrey de Aragon estaua, que era ya alli venido. E desque llego, fablo con el rrey de Aragon e dixole commo el rrey de Castilla, por bien de paz, se auia partido de las otras cosas que demandara e era tornado en pedir dos cosas sola mente que auedes oydo, es a saber, que el rrey de Aragon le diesse las villas e castillos de Horihuela e Alicante e Guardamar e Elche e Creuillen e la Val de Elda, los quales el rrey de Castilla dizia que fueran de su señorio e eran enagenadas en el tienpo del rrey don Ferrando su ahuelo en las tutorias, segund dicho auemos. Otrossi que el rrey de Aragon enbiasse fuera de su rregno al conde don Enrrique e don Tello e don Sancho sus hermanos del rrey de Castilla e a los castellanos que con ellos estauan. E el cardenal de Boloña dixo al rrey de Aragon que le pluguiesse de considerar e catar quantos prouechos le venian de la paz, ca auia guerra con vn rrey muy poderoso. E el rrey de Aragon dixo al cardenal que avria su consejo sobre esto. E luego otro dia ouo el rrey de Aragon su acuerdo con grandes señores que alli eran con el, perlados e condes e omnes rreales de su linaje e otros onbres sabidores e dotores. E dixoles todas las rrazones que el cardenal de Boloña le dixera que pidia el rrey de Castilla segund que auedes oydo. E final mente todos los del su consejo del rrey de Aragon que alli eran con el le dixeron que a lo que dizia el rrey de Castilla, que ellos non serian en consejarle que el entregasse las villas de Horihuela e Elche e Creuillen e Alicante e Guardamar e la Val de Elda diziendo que fueran de Castilla, nin ninguna otra villa

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1359: CHAPTER VII How the cardinal legate went back to the king of Aragon to inform him of the response that he had obtained from the king of Castile and in order to bring about an agreement between the two kings. Once he had spoken with the king of Castile and had understood fully what he proposed, the cardinal of Boulogne lost no time in setting out from Almazán and heading for Calatayud to join the king of Aragon, who by now had made his way there. Shortly after arriving he spoke with the king of Aragon and told him how the king of Castile, for the sake of peace, had abandoned his other demands and gone back to asking for just the two things of which you have just heard, namely: that the king of Aragon hand over to him the towns and castles of Orihuela, Alicante, Guardamar, Elche, Crevillente and the Elda valley, which the king of Castile claimed to have been part of the territory under his lordship and to have been appropriated during the minority of his grandfather King Fernando – as we have already explained; and also that the king of Aragon should expel from his kingdom the brothers of the king of Castile, Count Enrique, Don Tello and Don Sancho, together with the Castilians who were accompanying them. The cardinal of Boulogne asked the king of Aragon to be willing to consider and appraise just how many benefits he stood to gain from peace, given that he was at war with a very powerful monarch. The king of Aragon informed the cardinal that he would seek counsel on this matter. The very next day the king of Aragon consulted a number of great lords who were there with him: prelates, counts, men of royal blood of his own line and other men of wisdom and learning. He set out to them all the arguments that, as the cardinal of Boulogne had explained, the king of Castile was putting to him – just as you have heard. At the end of this, all the members of his council who were present informed him that, in reponse to what the king of Castile had said, they would not advise him to hand over the towns of Orihuela, Elche, Crevillente, Alicante, Guardamar and the Elda valley, for in this way he would

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de la corona de Aragon. Pero que entendian que el rrey de Castilla deuia seer contento en este caso de la primera rrespuesta que el rrey de Aragon diera, que lo pornia en mano e juyzio del papa, alegando cada vno de los rreyes de su derecho. E otrossi en echar al conde don Enrrique e don Tello e don Sancho, e los castellanos que con ellos eran, fuera de Aragon esto se podria fazer buena mente pagandoles el rrey de Aragon lo que les deuiesse de lo que auian seruido, commo quier que segund el trato que con ellos ouo quando en Françia estauan e le vinieron a acorrer e seruir, non lo podia fazer; pero que el podria tener con ellos tales maneras commo ellos se contentassen e non lo ouiessen por agrauio. E don Bernal de Cabrera, que era muy priuado e grand consejero del rrey de Aragon, dixo al cardenal de Boloña que si el pudiesse fazer con el rrey de Castilla que ouiesen los rreyes treguas, a lo menos de seys meses, e que en este espaçio dexasse el rrey a Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa su camarero mayor e su priuado por su parte, e el rrey de Aragon dexaria al dicho don Bernal de Cabrera de la suya o otro qual a el pluguiesse. E que fiaua en Dios que ayuntandosse en vno el e Iohan Ferrandez catarian maneras commo concordasen a los rreyes sus señores a sus honrras, con ayuda del dicho cardenal e tratandose estas cosas delante el, con buen espaçio podrian venir a bien. E desto plogo al rrey de Aragon e a los que estauan con el de su consejo. E el cardenal dixo que el trabajaria en ello e llegaria a Almaçan, do el rrey de Castilla estaua, e lo veria con el. Pero que bien pensaua que non se podria fazer, ca ya lo auia el fablado con el rrey de Castilla en rrazon de algunas treguas e non lo pudiera librar con el; pero quanto por su trabajo, que le plazia de tornar al rrey de Castilla e ge lo assi dezir, e assi lo fizo.

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be conceding that they had belonged to Castile; and the same also applied to any other town in the Crown of Aragon. Rather, they said their understanding was that the king of Castile must be satisfied in this case with the original answer given by the king of Aragon: that he would place the matter in the hands and jurisdiction of the Pope with each of the two kings making out his case. Also, with regard to expulsion from the kingdom of Aragon of Count Enrique, Don Tello and Don Sancho and the Castilians who were with them, although this could be done fairly if the king of Aragon paid them what he owed them for the service that they had given him, on the other hand, according to the terms of the agreement that he had made with them when they were in France and came to support and serve him, it was not possible for him to do so. Nevertheless, he would be able to arrive at an agreement with them which they would find satisfactory and by which they would not consider themselves wronged. Don Bernat de Cabrera, who was a close confidant and influential counsellor of the king of Aragon, proposed to the cardinal of Boulogne that he should arrange with the king of Castile for there to be a truce of at least six months between the two kings and that during this time the king of Castile should nominate on his side Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, his master chamberlain and confidant, and the king of Aragon should put forward Don Bernat de Cabrera or any other man that he chose. He trusted in God that, if he and Juan Fernández came together they would be able to devise ways in which the kings could come to an agreement to the honour of both of them. With the help of the cardinal and with the negotiations being carried out in his presence, given a reasonable amount of time they could arrive at a solution. The king of Aragon gave his approval to this proposal, as did the members of his council. The cardinal said that he would try to bring this about and that he would go to join the king of Castile in Almazán and put the suggestion to him. However, he added that he really considered that it could not be done as he had already discussed the idea of a truce with the king of Castile and he had not had any success. Nevertheless, with respect to his own efforts, he said that he was pleased to go back to the king of Castile and put the proposal to him. And this he did.

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E luego partio el cardenal de Calatayud e se vino para Almaçan al rrey de Castilla. E el rrey, quando sopo la venida del cardenal, fue muy alegre teniendo que pues el desçendia a aquellas dos cosas que dicho auemos que demandaua, que el rrey de Aragon se llegaria a ello e que non podria destoruarse la paz. E quando oyo quel cardenal venia, plogole mucho, ca cuydaua que lo traya otorgado. E desque el cardenal veno e fablo con el rrey e le dixo todas las cosas que auemos oydo, assi las que el rrey de Aragon e su consejo rrespondio a lo que el rrey de Castilla demandaua commo lo que le dixo don Bernal de Cabrera en rrazon de alguna tregua, el rrey de Castilla fue muy sañudo, ca touo que todo era palabras por le estoruar que non fiziesse la armada que tenia conçertada para fazer guerra e pasase el tienpo de la dicha guerra. E dixo luego al cardenal que le perdonasse, que non entendia mas fablar en esto, antes pornia la mayor acuçia que pudiesse en fazer la guerra. E al cardenal pesole mucho dello e dixo que sabia Dios que el veya en esta cosa que le desplazia mucho por los non poder concordar a el e al rrey de Aragon; pero que fiaua en Dios que si esta vez non se acordauan, que otra vez se acordarian, e que por tanto, el non dexaria toda via de trabajar en este fecho quanto pudiesse, ca lo tenia en carga e mandamiento del papa.

Capitulo VIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro desque ouo fablado e vio que se non fazia la pleytesia de la paz, fizo algunas cosas que aqui diremos. El rrey don Pedro, desque vio la pleytesia del e del rrey de Aragon que el cardenal trataua non se fazia, ouo grand saña espeçial mente por que

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The cardinal left Calatayud immediately and came to see the king of Castile in Almazán. The king was delighted when he learned that the cardinal was on his way, in the belief that, since he had reduced his demands to those two points that we have set out, the king of Aragon would meet him on this and there would be no obstacle to peace. He was highly pleased when he heard that the cardinal was coming, for he believed that he was bringing the news that the proposals had been accepted. However, when the cardinal arrived and spoke with the king, telling him all that we have heard, both how the king of Aragon and his council had replied to the king of Castile’s demands and what Don Bernat de Cabrera was suggesting with regard to a truce, King Pedro was furious; for he considered that it was all just talk with the aim of preventing him from launching the battle fleet that he had made ready for waging war so that the right time for beginning the war would go past. At once he asked the cardinal to forgive him but said that he had no intention of talking about this matter any more. To the contrary, he would now move as quickly as he could in opening hostilities. The cardinal was deeply unhappy about this and said that God knew that he was very sad not to be able to bring King Pedro and the king of Aragon together. However he trusted in God that if on this occasion they could not come to an agreement, then they would do so on another; and that therefore he would still not cease to work at this matter as hard as he could, for the Pope had enjoined and commanded him to do so.

1359: CHAPTER VIII How King Pedro, having had this discussion and having seen that the peace negotiations were proving unsuccessful, acted in a way of which we shall now tell. Once he saw that the negotiations between himself and the king of Aragon being conducted by the cardinal were having no success, King Pedro flew into a great rage, especially since Prince Ferran,

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el infante don Ferrando marques de Tortosa e el conde don Enrrique e don Tello e don Sancho, sus hermanos, e los otros caualleros de Castilla que con ellos eran en Aragon fincauan en guerra contra el en seruiçio del rrey de Aragon, e quisose vengar con saña en fazer algunas cosas que aqui diremos, en lo qual fizo lo que su merçed fue, ca pudierasse mejor fazer. E luego alli en Almaçan, presentes todos los que ý eran, dio sentençia assi contra el infante don Ferrando su primo commo contra el conde don Enrrique e otros caualleros muchos de Castilla que estauan en Aragon. E non cunple de los nonbrar por quanto tal obra commo esta fue saña e non al, e non fizo el rrey en ello su seruiçio grande, ca los mas destos señores e caualleros que en Aragon estauan de cada dia trayan sus pleytesias por se concordar con el e por se venir a su merçed. E desque esto fizo el rrey, todos perdieron esperança de se nunca abenir con el nin venir a su merçed. E assi lo fizieron de aquel dia en adelante e fueron sienpre muy henemigos e fizieron mas guerra que primero contra el.

Capitulo IXº. Commo el rrey don Pedro mando matar a la reyna doña Leonor de Aragon su tia e mando leuar presa a doña Iohana de Lara a Almodouar del Rio e a la Reyna doña Blanca a Xerez de la Frontera. Otrosi el rrey don Pedro desque vio que se non pudia fazer la paz entre el e el rrey de Aragon, con saña del infante don Ferrando marques de Tortosa su primo, que estaua en Aragon segund dicho auemos, mando matar a la rreyna doña Leonor de Aragon su tia, madre del dicho infante don Ferrando, e fue fecho assi luego; ca luego fue muerta la dicha rreyna doña Leonor en el castillo de Castro Xeriz do estaua presa despues que la leuaron de Roa quando morio el infante don

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marquis of Tortosa, and his brothers Count Enrique, Don Tello and Don Sancho, together with the other Castilian knights who were with them in Aragon, were continuing to wage war against him in the service of the Aragonese monarch. He sought to exact a furious vengeance by doing some things of which we shall now tell, in which he acted wilfully – for it would have been possible to choose a better course of action. There and then in Almazán, in the presence of everyone in the town, he formally condemned both his cousin Prince Ferran and also Count Enrique and many other Castilian knights who were in Aragon. It would not be right to name them, since an action such as this was committed purely in a fit of pique, and by doing so the king did not act for his own good: most of these lords and knights who were in Aragon were, day by day, coming to him to negotiate terms and to return to his loyal service. Indeed, once the king had done this they all lost any hope of ever coming to an agreement with him or restoring their bond of allegiance. They acted accordingly from that day on, consistently showing hostility to him and being more fiercely opposed to him than before.

1359: CHAPTER IX How King Pedro sent instructions for the killing of his aunt Queen Leonor of Aragon and how he had Doña Juana de Lara taken as a prisoner to Almodóvar del Río and Queen Blanche to Jerez de la Frontera. In addition, once King Pedro saw that it was not possible to negotiate peace between himself and the king of Aragon, he acted out of spite towards his cousin Prince Ferran, marquis of Tortosa – who was in Aragon, as we have already said – and ordered the death of his own aunt, Queen Leonor of Aragon, Prince Ferran’s mother. This command was quickly carried out: it was not long before Doña Leonor was killed in the castle of Castrojeriz where she had been imprisoned since she

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Iohan su fijo en Vizcaya, segunt auemos ya contado, de lo qual ouo muy grand sentimiento en todos aquellos que amauan seruiçio del rrey; ca era la rreyna doña Leonor de Aragon muy noble señora e era su tia del rrey, fija del rrey don Ferrando, hermana del rrey Alfonso, su padre. Otrossi mando el rrey leuar presa a Almodouar del Rio, vn castillo muy fuerte que esta çerca de Cordoua, a doña Iohana de Lara, mujer del conde don Tello su hermano, la qual tenia presa despues que el rrey fuera a Aguilar de Canpo por matar a don Tello, segund dicho auemos. E dende a pocos dias la mataron a la dicha doña Iohana en Seuilla. Otrossi mando leuar a la rreyna doña Blanca de Borbon su muger, que estaua presa en el alcaçar de Siguença, a Xerez de la Frontera. E mando ý poner con ella presa a doña Ysabel de Lara, fija de don Iohan Nuñez e muger que fuera del infante don Iohan, el que mataron en Bilbao, la qual doña Ysabel estaua presa primero en el castillo de Castro Xeriz con la rreyna doña Leonor de Aragon su suegra. E desque la rreyna fue muerta la leuaron de alli a Xerez, e algunos dias estudo alli presa e alli fino. E dizen que por mandado del rrey, le fueron dadas yeruas.

Capitulo Xº . Como el rrey don Pedro dexo sus fronteros contra el rregno de Aragon e se fue a Seuilla para fazer la armada de la mar. Despues que estas cosas fueron fechas e hordenadas segund dicho auemos, el rrey cunplio su voluntad, en lo qual non fizo su seruiçio. E dexo el rrey don Pedro sus fronteros contra Aragon en esta guisa: dexo en Gomara, que es vna villa del obispado de Osma, e en su comarca, a Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa su camarero mayor, e con el dexo caualleros e escuderos vasallos suyos mill e quinientos de cauallo. E

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had been taken there from Roa following the death of her son Prince Joan in Vizcaya, of which we have already told This produced very strong feelings in all of those who were loyal to the king, for Queen Leonor was a lady of great nobility and she was King Pedro’s aunt, the daughter of King Fernando and the sister of King Alfonso, the king’s father. King Pedro also ordered that Doña Juana de Lara, the wife of his brother Don Tello, be taken as a prisoner to Almodóvar del Río, a heavily fortified castle situated near to Córdoba. The king had been holding Doña Juana prisoner since he had gone to Aguilar de Campoo with the intention of killing Don Tello – as we have already related. Just a few days later Doña Juana was killed in Seville. He also gave instructions for his wife, Queen Blanche of Bourbon, who was imprisoned in the castle in Sigüenza, to be taken to Jerez de la Frontera, and for Doña Isabel de Lara to be held as a prisoner there with her. Doña Isabel was the daughter of Don Juan Núñez and the widow of Prince Joan, who had been killed in Bilbao, and she had originally been imprisoned in the castle at Castrojeriz with her mother-in-law Queen Leonor of Aragon. Once the queen was dead she was taken from there to Jerez where she was held for a few days and where she met her death. It is said that she was poisoned at the king’s command.

1359: CHAPTER X How King Pedro left his field commanders against the kingdom of Aragon and travelled to Seville in order to set sail with his battle fleet. These acts were ordered and carried out and thus – as we have explained – the king had his own way but did not act in his own interests. King Pedro then posted his field commanders against Aragon as follows: for Gómara, a town in the diocese of Osma, and the surrounding area, he left his master chamberlain Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, and with him a garrison of 1,500 horsemen drawn from knights and squires

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dexo en otra villa suya que dizen Almaçan, a don Ferrando de Castro e con el, quinientos de cauallo. E dexo en el lugar de Seron a don Diego Garçia de Padilla maestre de Calatraua e con el, quinientos de cauallo. E dexo en Molina a Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo e con el, quatroçientos de cauallo. E dexo en Agreda a Iohan Alfonso de Benauides justiçia mayor de la su casa e a Diego Perez Sarmiento su adelantado mayor de Castilla e otros caualleros fasta quinientos de cauallo, e de mas dexo con todos estos mucha gente de pie e ballesteros. E el rrey don Pedro partio de Almaçan e fuesse para Seuilla a fazer su armada en la mar segund tenia hordenado. E el cardenal de Boloña legado del papa desque vio todo lo que el rrey auia fecho en Almaçan contra los suyos e el trato de la paz que el traya entre el e el rrey de Aragon era desbaratado, ouo muy grand pesar dello; pero non dexaba de trauajar quanto pudia por veer si podria tratar con los dichos rreyes, por veer sy podria aprouechar en alguna manera para poner paz. Ca veya que los fechos yuan a mal e que el rrey don Pedro de Castilla con estas sañas, auia dañado mucho en su rregno contra su prouecho. E desque vio el cardenal que el rrey yua para Seuilla e que queria yr por la mar e con grand flota de galeas e naos que auia fecho armar e de galeas de Portogal e de Granada que le venian a ayudar para fazer mal e daño al rrey de Aragon en sus lugares que son en la costa de la mar, e sopo commo el rrey de Aragon era partido de Calatayud e se yua para Barçelona teniendo que el rrey de Castilla yua alla por mar, e por quanto la çibdat de Barçelona non era estonçe çercada de muros commo es agora, e que rresçebiria algund daño. E partio el cardenal legado de Almaçan, del rrey de Castilla e fuesse para Aragon, ca entendia, pues los rreyes se açercauan vno de otro, vno por mar e otro por tierra, que podria tratar alguna buena pleytesia entre ellos espeçial mente considerando pues non yua con el rrey de Aragon el infante don Ferrando marques de Tortosa su hermano nin el conde don Enrrique e don Tello e los caualleros de Castilla que estoruauan estas pleytesias, ca fincauan en las fronteras del rregno de Aragon contra Castilla.

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who were his vassals. To another of his towns, called Almazán, he posted Don Fernando de Castro with 500 horsemen. To that of Serón he posted Don Diego de Padilla, master of Calatrava, together with 500 horsemen. In Molina he left Gutier Fernández de Toledo with 400 horsemen. To Ágreda he posted Juan Alfonso de Benavides, chief justice of his household, and Diego Pérez Sarmiento, governor general of Castile, and some 500 mounted knights. In addition to all of these he left a large force of footsoldiers and crossbowmen. King Pedro left Almazán for Seville in order to launch his fleet according to his plans. The Pope’s legate, the cardinal of Boulogne, was filled with regret on seeing all that the king had done in Almazán against his own people and on realizing that the peace negotiations which he was trying to carry out between King Pedro and the king of Aragon had failed. Nevertheless he did not cease to make every effort in his attempt to negotiate with the two kings in the hope of finding some means of achieving peace. For he could see that things were going wrong and that King Pedro of Castile with his fits of rage had caused a great deal of harm in his kingdom against his own interests. The cardinal saw that the king was on his way to Seville and that he intended to set sail with a large fleet of galleys and sailing ships that he had had fitted out for battle, together with galleys from Portugal and Granada that had come to assist him in inflicting harm and destruction on the king of Aragon in his settlements which lay along the coast. He also learned how the king of Aragon had set out from Calatayud and was heading for Barcelona – in the belief that the king of Castile was heading there by sea and that, since it was not protected by surrounding walls as it is now, the city would come to harm. The cardinal legate set off from the Castilian town of Almazán and travelled to Aragon, as he understood that, since the two kings were approaching each other, the one by sea and the other on land, he might be able to set up successful negotiations between them, especially considering that the king of Aragon was not accompanied by his brother Prince Ferran, the marquis of Tortosa, or by Count Enrique, Don Tello and the knights of Castile − who were an obstacle to these negotiations − as they had remained on the Aragonese frontier with Castile.

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Capitulo XIº. Como el rrey don Pedro de Castilla fizo su armada e que flota leuaua e que gentes. El rrey don Pedro de Castilla fue para Seuilla e estudo ý despues que llego dos meses fasta que todas las galeas fueron armadas, e partio dende mediado el mes de abril de este año. E la flota que leuaua era esta: galeas suyas del rrey eran veynte e ocho, e dos galeotas e quatro leños; e naos de castil dauante, que allego por su rregno, eran ochenta; e galeas de moros que el rrey Mahomad de Granada le enbio en ayuda, eran tres galeas; e de Portogal, que llegaron despues al rrio de Tortosa segund adelante diremos, que le enbiaua en su ayuda el rrey don Pedro de Portogal, su tio, hermano de su madre la rreyna doña Maria, diez galeas e vna galeota, de las quales era almirante miçer Lançarote Peçaña ginoues commo quier que biuia en Portogal grand tienpo auia. E assi que era esta flota que el rrey don Pedro de Castilla leuaua en esta armada, eran quarenta e vna galeas e ochenta naos e tres galeotas e quatro leños. E los caualleros de Castilla que eran patrones de las galeas del rrey eran estos: en la galea del rrey yua por patron Garçi Aluarez de Toledo, que fue despues maestre de Santiago. E de las otras galeas eran estos patrones: el maestre de Calatraua don Diego Garçia de Padilla, el qual auia dexado frontero en Seron, e enbio por el, e miçer Gil Boca Negra almirante de Castilla, e Pero Lopez de Ayala, que fue en aquella armada capitan de la flota, e Ferrand Aluarez de Toledo e Garçi Jufre Tenorio, fijo del almirante don Alfonso Jufre, e Ferrand Sanchez de Touar e Iohan Ferrandez de Touar su hermano, e Pero Ferrandez de Velasco e Dia Gutierrez de Çauallos e Iohan Rodriguez de Villegas, que dizian el Caluo, e Iohan Gonçalez Orejon e Gomez Perez de Porres e Pero Gomez de Torres el Moço, e Arias Gonçalez de Valdes e Martin Lopez de Cordoua e miçer Bartolome Boca Fuego genoues e

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1359: CHAPTER XI How King Pedro of Castile set sail with his battle fleet and what vessels and men he took with him. King Pedro of Castile travelled to Seville and stayed there for two months after his arrival until all his galleys had been fitted out ready for battle. He set sail from there in mid-April of this year, taking with him the following fleet: there were 28 galleys belonging to the king, together with two smaller galleys and and four light craft; there were also 80 sailing ships with forecastles which he had acquired from throughout his kingdom; and then there were three Moorish galleys which King Muhammad of Granada had sent to assist him; and from Portugal there were ten galleys and one smaller galley, sent to him as assistance by his uncle King Pedro of Portugal, the brother of his mother Queen María. These Portuguese vessels which, as we shall explain in due course, arrived at the Tortosa river after the rest, were commanded by admiral Miçer Lanzarote Pessagno, who, although he was Genoese, had been living in Portugal for a long time.13 And so the vessels that made up King Pedro’s fleet were 41 galleys, 80 sailing ships, three smaller galleys and four light craft. The Castilian knights commanding the king’s galleys were the following: the captain of the king’s galley was Garci Álvarez de Toledo, who later became master of the Order of Santiago, and the captains of the other galleys were: Don Diego García de Padilla, master of the Order of Calatrava, whom the king had left as field commander in Serón and for whom he had subsequently sent; Miçer Gil Boccanegra, admiral of Castile, Pero López de Ayala, who on that campaign was captain of the fleet, Fernán Álvarez de Toledo, Garci Jofré Tenorio, son of Admiral Alfonso Jofré, Fernán Sánchez de Tovar and his brother Juan Fernández de Tovar, Pero Fernández de Velasco, Día Gutiérrez de Zaballos, Juan Rodríguez de Villegas, known as the Bald Man, Juan González Orejón, Gómez Pérez de Porres, Pero Gómez de Porres the Younger, Arias González de Valdés, Martín López de Córdoba, the Genoese Miçer Bartolomé Botafogo

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miçer Anbrosio Boca Negra ginoues e Suer Perez de Quiñones e Iohan Ximenez de Cordoua e miçer Bartolome Boca Negra genoues e Diego Gonçalez fijo de Gonçalo Martinez, maestre que fue de Alcantara. E en las otras galeas yuan mareantes por patrones por quanto eran galeas mas sotiles e mas ligeras e las enbiaua el rrey a muchas partes. E el rrey don Pedro desque partio de Seuilla con aquella flota, fuese para Algezira e estudo alli quinze dias esperando las galeas que el rrey de Portogal le enbiaua en su ayuda, que avn non eran llegadas. E tenia estonçe las villas de Algezira don Garçi Ferrandez Manrique. E desque vio el rrey don Pedro que non llegaran ý en Algezira las galeas de Portogal, partio dende e fuesse para Cartajena, e de alli enbio siete galeas suyas adelante si pudiessen fallar algunos nauios de Aragon que tomassen, e non los fallaron. E desque sopieron por la costa de Aragon que el rrey de Castilla auia fecho tan grande armada (que) todos los nauios eran puestos en sus puertos; pero aquellas siete galeas que el rrey don Pedro enbio de Cartajena adelante fallaron vna carraca de veneçianos de tres cubiertas e tomaron la en la ysla de Mallorcas en vn lugar que dizen la Cabrera e troxieronla a Cartajena al rrey para la armar por quanto los rreyes, segund su costunbre quando fazen armadas, toman los nauios que fallan por su sueldo avnque sean de amigos. E por esto tomaron las siete galeas del rrey aquella carraca de veneçianos avnque eran amigos del rrey. Enpero desque el rrey don Pedro sopo que la carraca de veneçianos traya muchas joyas e mercadurias, ouo dende cudiçia e tomolo todo, commo quier que despues se abino con los veneçianos. E el rrey don Pedro espero en Cartajena fasta que todas sus naos llegaron, e dende partio e fue sobre vna villa del infante don Ferrando de Aragon que dizian Guardamar e conbatiola e tomo la villa e el castillo e dexo en ella rrecabdo de gentes e de viandas. E dende fue para la costa de Aragon conbatiendo los lugares que fallaua e llego al rrio de Ebro, que es çerca de Tortosa, vna çibdat de Aragon, e alli llegaron las diez galeas e vna galeota que el rrey don Pedro de Portogal su tio le enbiaua en ayuda, e plogo al rrey mucho con ellas.

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and Miçer Ambrosio Boccanegra, Suer Pérez de Quiñones, Juan Jiménez de Córdoba, Miçer Bartolomé Boccanegra from Genoa, and Diego González, son of Gonzalo Martínez who had been master of Alcántara.14 The other galleys were commanded by naval captains, for they were faster, lighter vessels which the king sent to and fro. On setting sail from Seville with this fleet, King Pedro headed for Algeciras, where he spent a fortnight waiting for the galleys that the king of Portugal was sending to assist him and which had not yet arrived. At that time the towns of Algeciras were held by Don Garci Fernández Manrique. Once King Pedro saw that the Portuguese galleys had still not reached Algeciras, he sailed on to Cartagena, from where he sent seven of his galleys on ahead to see if they could find any Aragonese ships that they could seize. However, they found none. Once it became known along the Aragonese coast that the king of Castile had assembled such a huge fleet, all their ships were kept safe in the harbours. Nevertheless, the seven galleys that King Pedro had sent on ahead from Cartagena came across a three-decked Venetian carrack and they seized it off the island of Majorca at a place known as Cabrera. They took it to the king in Cartagena for it to be made ready for battle, for it is the custom for kings, when they assemble battle fleets, to take for their own service the ships that they come across, even if they belong to allies. It was for this reason that the king’s seven galleys took possession of that carrack belonging to the Venetians although they were his allies. On the other hand, once King Pedro learned that the Venetian carrack was carrying a large quantity of jewels and other merchandise, out of greed he seized it all, although he later reached a settlement with the Venetians. King Pedro waited in Cartagena until all his sailing ships had arrived and then he set sail and made for a town belonging to Prince Ferran of Aragon called Guardamar. He launched an attack on it and took both the town and the castle, leaving a garrison there with supplies. From there he sailed on to the Aragonese coast, attacking the settlements that he came across. He went as far as the River Ebro, near the Aragonese city of Tortosa, where his fleet was joined by the ten galleys and one smaller galley sent as assistance by his uncle King Pedro of Portugal. The king was delighted with them.

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Otrossi estando alli en el rrio de Ebro, llego a el el cardenal de Boloña legado del papa Ynosçençio, que venia de Tortosa e auia estado con el rrey de Aragon despues que partio de Calatayud, e vino en vnas varcas por el rrio de Ebro. E comio con el rrey en la su galea e fablaron en vno, pero non se llego el rrey a las pleytesias que el cardenal le mouia, ca eran todas que alguna tregua fuesse puesta entre el e el rrey de Aragon. E el rrey non quiso consentir en ello. E el cardenal tornosse para Tortosa.

Capitulo XIIº. Como el rrey don Pedro llego con toda su gente a Barçelona do el rrey de Aragon estaua. El rrey don Pedro de Castilla despues que las galeas de Portogal e naos suyas del rrey eran ý llegadas, partio del rrio de Ebro e fuesse para Barçelona do estaua el rrey de Aragon. E llego delante la çibdat con toda su flota biespera de Pascua de Çinquesma deste dicho año. E desque llego delante la çibdat, fallo ý doze galeas del rrey de Aragon que estauan ý armadas e non las pudo tomar, ca se pusieron delante la çibdat al traues en guisa que los de la tierra las pudian defender. E los de la çibdat pusieron de noche muchas ancoras en la mar delante la çibdat por que si las galeas de Castilla quisiessen prouar de yr tomar aquellas doze galeas que estauan pegadas a la tierra, que topasen en aquellas ancoras e pudiessen rresçibir mal e daño. E vn esclauo que estaua en la dicha çibdat fuxo de Barçelona e vinosse para la flota del rrey e dixolo al rrey commo auian los de Barçelona puesto muchas ancoras delante la çibdat por fazer daño a las sus galeas si alli se allegassen. E el rrey non sabiendo esto, auia mandado que en todas las galeas fuessen las gentes armadas para otro dia e llegassen a veer si podrian tomar las galeas de Aragon o algunas

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While they were there in the River Ebro he was also joined by the cardinal of Boulogne, Pope Innocent’s legate, who had come from Tortosa, having stayed with the king of Aragon since leaving Calatayud. The cardinal had travelled along the River Ebro with a number of small craft. He ate with King Pedro in his galley and they talked together. However, the king did not accept the proposals that the cardinal put to him as they all involved the agreement of a peace treaty between him and the king of Aragon. King Pedro would not consent to this and so the cardinal returned to Tortosa.

1359: CHAPTER XII How King Pedro with his whole force reached Barcelona, where the king of Aragon was present. Once the Portuguese galleys and his own sailing ships had joined him, King Pedro of Castile left the River Ebro and sailed to Barcelona, where the king of Aragon was present. King Pedro appeared with his whole fleet before the city on the eve of the Feast of Pentecost of the year in question and, on doing so, he found 12 of the king of Aragon’s galleys waiting there, made ready for battle. He was unable to seize them, for they were arranged crosswise in front of the city in such a way that they could be defended by the men on land.15 In addition, during the night the people of Barcelona positioned a large number of anchors in the sea in front of the city so that, in case the Castilan galleys sought to go and seize the 12 galleys which were sticking close to land, they would sail into those anchors and might suffer serious damage. A slave who was in Barcelona escaped from the city and made his way to the king’s fleet. He told King Pedro of how the people of Barcelona had positioned numerous anchors in front of the city to damage his galleys if they came close. The king, being unaware of this, had instructed that in all his galleys the troops should be armed ready for battle on the next day and that they should attempt to see

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dellas. E despues, lo vno por quanto las doze galeas de Aragon estauan muy pegadas a la tierra e al traues; otrossi por las ancoras que yazian en la mar delante sus galeas segund el esclauo gelo auia contado; otrossi por la grand ballesteria e truenos que los de Barçelona tenian en tierra, mando el rrey que non se prouasse ninguna cosa e que las sus galeas estudiessen quedas. E los de la flota del rrey entraron en los bateles de las naos armados e sacaron todas las ancoras que yazian en la mar delante las galeas de Aragon. E el rrey estudo delante Barçelona con toda su flota tres dias. E despues partio dende e veno a vn lugar çerca de Barçelona que dizen el cabo de Lobregant e esta ý vn rrio e vn lugar que llaman Sant Boy. E de los de la çibdat de Barçelona era ya mucha gente venida para defender el agua a las galeas de Castilla que la non tomasen. Enpero la gente de la flota del rrey de Castilla era mucha e pelearon con ellos e desbarataron a los que ý eran venidos por defender el agua.

Capitulo XIIIº. Como el rrey don Pedro çerco la villa de Yuiça en la ysla. El rrey don Pedro despues que partio delante la çibdat de Barçelona e de su comarca, fue a la ysla de Yuiça, que es del rrey de Aragon e sallio alli e çerco vna villa muy buena que ally esta, que es assi llamada Yuiça, e pusole engeños e bastidas. Enpero dexo en la mar çiertas galeas armadas con todas sus gentes e con su capitan, ca sabia bien que el rrey de Aragon armaua quarenta galeas para venir pelear con el, las quales galeas se armauan en esta guisa: en Barçelona se armauan veynte galeas e en Valençia, diez e en la ysla de Mallorcas, çinco e en Tortosa, dos e en Tarragona, vna e en Colibre, vna e en el puerto de Rosas, vna. E estando el rrey don Pedro sobre Yuiça que tenia çercada, la qual

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if they could capture the Aragonese galleys or at least some of them. He subsequently gave instructions that no such attempt should be made and that his galleys were to remain in place. This was partly because the Aragonese galleys were very close to land and positioned crosswise, partly because of the anchors lying in the sea in front of the galleys – as the slave had informed him −, and partly because of the large force of crossbowmen and of the bombards which the people of Barcelona had on the shore.16 Troops from the king’s fleet got into the rowing boats carried by the armed sailing ships and took up all the anchors that lay in the sea in front of the Aragonese galleys. The king remained before Barcelona, with his whole fleet, for three days. He then sailed for a place near Barcelona known as Cape Llobregat where there is a river and a village called Sant Boi. A large number of troops came out from Barcelona to prevent the galleys from seizing control of the river, but the men from the king of Castile’s fleet, of whom there were a great number, engaged those defending the river in battle and inflicted on them a heavy defeat.

1359: CHAPTER XIII How King Pedro lay siege to the town of Ibiza on the island. After King Pedro had sailed away from the city of Barcelona and the surrounding area, he went to the island of Ibiza, which belongs to the king of Aragon. There he disembarked and laid siege to the very fine town which stands there, also named Ibiza. He attacked it with siege engines and assault towers. However he left out at sea a number of armed galleys with all their troops and their commander, for he was well aware that the king of Aragon was preparing 40 galleys to come and do battle with him. These galleys were being fitted out as follows: 20 were being made ready for battle in Barcelona, ten in Valencia, five on the island of Majorca, two in Tortosa, one in Tarragona, one in Collioure and one in the port of Rosas. While King Pedro was attacking Ibiza, which he had placed under

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estaua muy afincada con los engeños e bastidas que le fazian, dos galeas del rrey fueron a la ysla de Mallorcas a saber nueuas del rrey de Aragon e otras dos galeas fueron a Barçelona, e supieron por çierto las vnas e las otras commo el rrey de Aragon era partido de Barçelona e era venido a la ysla de Mallorcas, e que eran ya con el todas sus quarenta galeas armadas, e que su entençion e ardid era para venir pelear con el rrey de Castilla. E las galeas del rrey de Castilla, que estas nueuas sopieron çiertas de gentes que tomaron en nauios que venian de Barçelona para Mallorcas e venieronsse luego para la ysla de Yuiça do estaua el rrey, e contaronle las nueuas que sabian del rrey de Aragon e commo era el por su persona venido en la ysla de Mallorcas e tenia ý quarenta galeas.

Capitulo XIIIIº. Como fizo el rrey don Pedro despues que sopo commo el rrey de Aragon venia a pelear con el. El rrey don Pedro desque sopo que el rrey de Aragon estaua en la ysla de Mallorcas, que es çerca de la ysla do el estaua, e que tenia armadas quarenta galeas e queria pelear con el, ouo su consejo que pues el rrey de Aragon estaua atan çerca donde el estaua e queria pelear con el, que le non cunplia estar en tierra nin tener çercada la villa de Yuiça, ca todo el fecho de la guerra se libraua por aquella batalla do los rreyes por sus cuerpos auian de seer. E luego mando rrecoger todos los suyos a las galeas e el mesmo vinosse para su galea en la qual el venia. Enpero tenia el rrey alli otra galea muy grande que dizian Vxel, que auia seydo de moros e fuera ganada con otras galeas de moros en tienpo del rrey don Alfonso su padre quando tenia çercada a Algezira. E los moros fazian estas galeas asi grandes para pasar

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siege and which had come under heavy pressure from the siege engines and assault towers, two of the king’s galleys went to the island of Majorca to obtain information about the king of Aragon and another two galleys went to Barcelona. In both cases they learned for certain that the king of Aragon had left Barcelona and come to the island of Majorca, that by now he had with him all of his 40 galleys ready for combat and that his intention and strategy was to come and do battle with the king of Castile. The truth of these reports was confirmed to the men on the king of Castile’s galleys by people captured on ships travelling from Barcelona to Majorca. They lost no time in going back to King Pedro on the island of Ibiza and reporting to him what they had learned about the king of Aragon and how he had come in person to the island of Majorca where he had a fleet of 40 galleys.

1359: CHAPTER XIV The action which King Pedro took after discovering that the king of Aragon was on his way to do battle with him. Once he learned that the king of Aragon was on the island of Majorca, near to the island where he was himself, and that he had 40 galleys prepared for combat and wanted to do battle with him, King Pedro sought the advice of his counsellors. They told him that, since the king of Aragon was so close by and intended to engage him in battle, it was not advisable for King Pedro to be on land or to be occupied in besieging the town of Ibiza, given that the whole outcome of the war would be settled by that one battle in which the two kings would take part in person. He rapidly gathered all his men back onto the galleys and he himself returned to the galley on which he had come. However, the king also had with him another very large galley called Uxel, which had belonged to the Moors and had been captured along with other Moorish galleys during the reign of his father King Alfonso, when he had been besieging Algeciras. The Moors used to build galleys of such great size to ferry across large numbers of troops

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muchas conpañas de Çebta a Gibraltar e Algezira, e avn pudian venir en aquella galea quarenta cauallos so sota. E el rrey entro en aquella galea grande e fizo fazer en ella tres castillos, vno en popa e otro en mediania e otro en proa, e fizo dellos tres alcaydes: en el castillo de popa yua Pero Lopez de Ayala e en el castillo de mediania yua por alcayde Arias Gonçalez de Valdes, señor de Veleña, e en el castillo de proa yua Garçi Aluarez de Toledo, patron de la galea del rrey. E puso el rrey en la dicha galea çiento e sesenta onbres de armas e çiento e veynte vallesteros. E partio el rrey de Yuiça con toda su flota e vinosse para vn lugar que es en la costa de la mar, que dizen Calpe, e fizo conbatir vnos lugares que son çerca dende, pero non los pudo tomar.

Capitulo XVº. Como las quarenta galeas de Aragon paresçieron en la mar e lo que se fizo. Estando el rrey en el lugar de Calpe, las quarenta galeas de Aragon paresçieron en la mar. E el rrey de Aragon non venia en ellas, ca los de Mallorcas, e todos los suyos que eran con el en aquella armada le rrequirieron que el non viniesse por su cuerpo pelear con el rrey de Castilla. E el fizolo assi e finco en la çibdat de Mallorcas. E las sus galeas del rrey de Aragon eran quarenta e non auia otras naos nin mas nin menos, e las dos galeas dellas eran gruessas e trayan castillos. E en la vna galea venia el conde de Cardona e en la otra, don Bernal de Cabrera, que era almirante de Aragon. E estas quarenta galeas despues que partieron de Mallorcas vinieron do estaua el rrey de Castilla en Calpe e llegaron a vista de la flota del rrey fasta dos leguas en la mar. E venian en tal hordenança que en medio dellas venian las dos galeas que tenian castillos, en que venian el conde de Cardona e don Bernal de Cabra, almirante. E venian dos galeas de la guarda quanto media legua delante ellos. E venian todas las quarenta galeas a las velas.

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from Ceuta to Gibraltar and Algeciras and this galley could transport as many as 40 horses below decks. The king boarded the large galley and had three castles constructed on it, one in the bow, one amidships and one at the aft, and in charge of them he placed three commanding officers: in the forecastle was Pero López de Ayala, in the castle amidships the commander was Arias González de Valdés, lord of Beleña, and in the aftercastle was Garci Álvarez de Toledo, captain of the king’s galley. On this galley the king placed 160 men-at-arms and 120 crossbowmen. The king left Ibiza with his whole fleet and headed for a town situated on the coast by the name of Calpe.17 He launched attacks on other places nearby but failed to capture them.

1359: CHAPTER XV How the 40 Aragonese galleys appeared out at sea and the action which was taken. While the king was in Calpe, the 40 Aragonese galleys appeared out at sea. The king of Aragon was not with them, however, as the people of Majorca and all of his own men accompanying him on that battle fleet beseeched him not to go in person to fight against the king of Castile. He heeded what they said and remained in the city of Majorca. The king of Aragon’s galleys were 40 in number and there were no sailing ships with them at all. Two of those galleys were were of large proportions and were fitted with castles. The count of Cardona was in one of them and Don Bernat de Cabrera, the Aragonese admiral, was in the other. After leaving Majorca these 40 galleys approached Calpe, where King Pedro now was, and they came within two leagues of the coast, in sight of the king’s fleet. They were drawn up in such a way that at the centre of their formation were the two galleys fitted with castles, carrying the count of Cardona and Admiral Bernat de Cabrera, which were preceded at a distance of some half a league by two scout ships. All 40 galleys were coming under sail.

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E assi acaesçio que por quanto la flota del rrey de Castilla asi galeas commo naos estauan en aquel lugar de Calpe que dicho auemos, e alli era una peña alta e la flota de naos e de galeas estauan pegadas çerca de aquella peña, por que alli auia fondura asaz que las naos podian echar ancoras, e por esta rrazon estauan çerca tanto de la tierra, pegadas a la peña, que non se deuisauan bien de lexos, e los que venian en las galeas de la flota de Aragon non las veyan quando alli llegaron, saluo por los que venian en las dos galeas de la guarda. E desque llegaron çerca, luego vieron la flota del rrey de Castilla, e assi commo la vieron, luego calaron las velas e tomaron los rremos. E los de las otras treynta e ocho galeas de Aragon luego que vieron calar las velas a las dos galeas suyas de la guarda, eso mesmo fizieron ellos e calaron las velas e tomaron los rremos en los puños por se poder rregir e gouernar a su voluntad e a su auentaja e que pudiesen llegarsse a la tierra que era suya, ca tenian ende grandes conpañas, que venian por la costa por los ayudar a los de las galeas si se pegassen a la tierra, assi de cauallo commo de pie. E assi commo vieron la flota del rrey de Castilla luego esse dia que la vieron, que pudia seer a ora de biesperas, las galeas de Aragon llegaronsse a la su tierra e entraron en el rrio de Denia. E esto fue con grand reçelo que ouieron por quanto en la noche en la mar comunal mente rrecreçe sienpre ayre e friura, e temian que las naos, con aquel tiempo, podrian yr sobre ellos.

Capitulo XVIº. Como fizo el rrey don Pedro de Castilla desque paresçio la flota de las galeas de Aragon en la mar. El rrey don Pedro de Castilla desque ouo vista destas quarenta galeas de Aragon que auemos dicho, fizo recoger e enderesçar todas sus conpañas e hordenar bien teniendo que otro dia seria la batalla. E quando fue otro dia ouo en la mar grand calma en guisa que non

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Both the galleys and the sailing ships of the king of Castile’s fleet were in that place called Calpe which we have already mentioned, where there was a high rock close to which the fleet of sailing ships and galleys were moored, since here there was sufficient depth for the sailing vessels to be able to drop anchor. In consequence, because for this reason it was so near to land and sticking close to the rock, King Pedro’s fleet proved impossible to make out clearly from a distance. So the men aboard the Aragonese fleet, with the exception of those on board the scout ships, could not see them when they arrived. As they drew close, the men on these two vessels at once saw the king of Castile’s fleet, and as soon as they did so they lowered their sails and took up the oars. As soon as those aboard the other 38 Aragonese galleys saw their two scout ships lower their sails, they did the same and clutched their oars tightly in order to be able to steer and control their direction at will, so that they could best bring themselves closer to the land which was their own territory; for there, if they remained close to the shore, the men on the galleys had a large number of troops, both cavalry and footsoldiers, coming along the coast to give them assistance. As soon as they sighted the king of Castile’s fleet, on that same day, towards the hour of Vespers, the Aragonese galleys reached their own territory and sailed up the river at Denia.18 They did this because of their concern at the way in which at sea during the night it is common for the weather to become windier and colder, and because they feared that, given such conditions, the sailing ships might launch an attack on them.

1359: CHAPTER XVI How King Pedro of Castile reacted once the fleet of Aragonese galleys appeared out at sea. Once King Pedro of Castile had caught sight of the 40 Aragonese galleys of which we have spoken, he had all his troops assembled, marshalled and drawn up in good order in the expectation that the battle would take place the next day. However, when that day came

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venteaua de ninguna parte para que el rrey se pudiesse aprouechar de sus naos que alli eran. E ouo su consejo en vna pequeña ysla que estaua delante Calpe do estudo en consejo el e todos los grandes que venian con el e su almirante e el almirante de Portogal e todos los mejores mareantes que venian en aquella su flota commo faria. E los consejos eran de muchas guisas. E el almirante de Castilla que era miçer Gil Boca Negra genoues, que fue muy buen cauallero e ouiera sienpre buenas dichas por la mar e con los moros en tienpo del rrey don Alfonso, dixo assi: ‘Señor, a mi paresçe que pues el rrey de Aragon non es en aquella su flota segund auedes ya sabido por çierto e finco en la ysla de Mallorcas e enbio su flota e en ella el su almirante don Bernal de Cabrera e al conde de Cardona para que peleen con vusco, que non es vuestro seruiçio nin honrra de pelear con ellos por vuestro cuerpo pues el rrey de Aragon non viene de la otra parte; por ende mi consejo es si la vuestra merçed fuere, que fagades commo el rrey de Aragon fizo de vos non yr por vuestra persona en esta flota; ca loado Dios, vos tenedes muchos buenos en esta vuestra flota e tenedes a mi que so vuestro almirante e lo fuy del rrey don Alfonso vuestro padre, e oue muchas buenas venturas en las guerras en su seruiçio e entiendo con la merçed de Dios e con la vuestra, que avre buena ventura aqui con ellos. E vos, señor, pues tenedes vuestras conpañas sobre Alicante que es çerca de aqui, ca ay estan don Gutier Gomez de Toledo prior de Sand Iohan, e don Enrrique Enrriquez e Yñigo Lopez de Horozco e muchos otros buenos caualleros, que vos, Señor, vos pongades en tierra e mandedes aqui a mi que so vuestro almirante e a los otros quales a vuestra merçed pluguiere, los que aqui son en esta flota, que vayamos pelear con aquella flota del rrey de Aragon e con el su almirante. E Dios por su merçed, con buena justiçia que vos tenedes en esta guerra, ayudara a los vuestros.’ Otrossi otros caualleros e mareantes que ý eran, que venian en las naos de Castilla dixeron al rrey que fuesse su merçed de lo fazer assi. Otros dizian que era bien de yr el rrey pelear con aquella

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a great calm had descended over the sea such that not the slightest breeze was blowing from any direction to enable the king to take advantage of the sailing ships that he had with him. He met with his council on a small island which lay off Calpe and there he consulted all the prominent nobles who were accompanying him, together with his admiral and the Portuguese admiral and also all the most skilful naval captains in his fleet, with regard to how he was to proceed. He received a wide range of advice. The admiral of Castile, the Genoese Miçer Gil Boccanegra, who was a very fine knight and during the reign of King Alfonso had always enjoyed great success at sea and against the Moors, spoke as follows: ‘My lord, the king of Aragon is not present on that fleet – as you have learned for certain – but instead he has remained on the island of Majorca, sending his fleet and on it Admiral Bernat de Cabrera and the count of Cardona to do battle with you. It seems to me, therefore, that it is not advisable and that it does not bring you any honour to fight with them in person given that the king of Aragon is not taking part on the other side. So my advice is, if such is your will, that you act in the same way as the king of Aragon by not sailing with this fleet in person. For − and for this may God be praised! − you have many good men present on your fleet and you have me for your admiral, a position that I also held under your father King Alfonso: I enjoyed much good fortune in the wars in which I fought in his service and I believe that, if God and you are willing, I will also do so here against our present enemy. Since you, my lord, have your forces ranged against Alicante, which is nearby, – and in view of the fact that Don Gutier Gómez de Toledo, prior of the Order of Saint John, Don Enrique Enríquez and Íñigo López de Orozco and many other fine knights are all there – I urge you to disembark and command that I, your admiral, go and do battle with the king of Aragon’s fleet and with his admiral, along with whichever other men your Grace chooses from among those present on this fleet. God in his mercy, by virtue of the just cause for which you are fighting in this war, will assist those in your service.’ Other knights and naval captains who were present and who had been on board the Castilian sailing ships also beseeched the king to do this. Others, however, argued that it was right for the king

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flota de Aragon, ca tenian muchas auantajas: lo primero, que era rrey e ninguno de los de la otra parte non tenian tan buen cabdillo commo ellos tenian en el; otrossi que podria seer commo por muchas vegadas ya contesçio, de auer e rrecresçer viento en la mar por que pudiesse ayudarse de las sus naos, en que el rrey tenia grand ventaja; puesto que viento non ouiese, que las galeas leuassen consigo a la batalla siquiera fasta diez naos e que los bateles de las otras naos todos armados a lo menos de la ballesteria, e que non ponian dubda que con la merçed de Dios, vençerian a los del rrey de Aragon e que era bien que el rrey se açertasse en tal batalla e ouiesse esta buena ventura. E desta manera auia muchos acuerdos. E en tanto estouo el rrey en aquellos dos dias en aquel lugar de Calpe e la flota de Aragon non paresçio mas, ca estaua en el rrio de Denia e non se atreuia a venir pelear con el rrey rreçelando las naos quel rrey tenia. E el rrey ouo su consejo que pues la flota de Aragon estaua en el rrio de Denia, e de tal guisa que el rrey non podia pelear con ellos por quanto el rrio era estrecho e de cada parte estaua mucha gente de la tierra de Aragon que alli eran venidos por esta rrazon, que lo mejor era que el rrey se fuesse para la villa de Alicante, por quanto alli estauan por su mandado çerca de la villa, partida de caualleros vasallos del rrey, que podrian entrar en la flota. Otrossi tenia el rrey alli pan para las galeas en Guardamar, do lo auia mandado traer, que estaua çerca dende, e que pudian alli atender algunos dias a ver si la flota del rrey de Aragon quisiesse pelear. E fizolo assi el rrey, ca partio de Calpe donde estaua con toda su flota de galeas e naos e las galeas de Portogal e de Granada con el, e fuesse para Alicante con toda su flota, e estudo alli seys dias. E los que estauan en la flota de Aragon desque supieron que el rrey era partido del lugar de Calpe e era ydo para Alicante con toda la flota, venieronsse para el lugar de Calpe donde el rrey de Castilla primero estaua.

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to take part in the battle with the Aragonese fleet, for they had many advantages: firstly, that he was king and none of their adversaries had as fine a leader as they had in him; secondly, that it might turn out – as on many occasions had already occurred – that a wind would arise and increase in strength out at sea, enabling the king to take advantage of his sailing ships, in which he held a great advantage. Even if there were no wind, the galleys should still be accompanied into the battle by as many as ten sailing ships and the small craft from the other sailing ships, all equipped at least with crossbowmen. They were in no doubt that, through God’s mercy, they would defeat the forces of the king of Aragon and that it was right for the king to be present in such a battle and enjoy this success. Many were in agreement with their argument. Meanwhile, the king remained for those two days in the in the town of Calpe and the Aragonese fleet failed to reappear, for it was in the river at Denia and dared not come and do battle with the king of Castile for fear of his sailing ships. The king sought counsel: he was advised that the Aragonese fleet was positioned in the river near Denia in such a way that he could not do battle with it, as the river was narrow and on either bank there were numerous troops from the lands of Aragon who had come there for just this reason; and therefore the best thing would be for King Pedro to head for the town of Alicante, since, on his instructions, there was a company of knights present there who were his vassals and who could join with the fleet. The king also had a supply of bread waiting for the galleys in Guardamar, where he had instructed that it be taken; Guardamar was situated nearby, and he judged that they could wait there for a few days to see if the king of Aragon’s fleet was willing to engage them in battle. The king acted accordingly, departing from Calpe where he had been waiting with his whole fleet of galleys and sailing ships and also the galleys from Portugal and Granada that were accompanying him. He sailed for Alicante where he remained for six days. When the men aboard the Aragonese fleet learned that the king had left Calpe and had sailed with all his fleet to Alicante, they went to Calpe, to the place where the king of Castile had just been.

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Capitulo XVII º. Como los que estauan en Alicante por el rrey de Aragon mataron algunos omnes de la flota. Estando el rrey çerca de Alicante con toda su flota e el prior de Sand Iohan, que dizian don Gutier Gomez de Toledo, e don Enrrique Enrriquez e Yñigo Lopez de Horozco e las otras conpañas del rrey, estauan çerca la villa de Alicante, que estaua yerma e despoblada por quanto fuera ante desto tomada en la guerra, de las gentes del rrey, e las gentes de la flota del rrey estauan de parte de la huerta de Alicante, de la otra parte, contra el castillo de Alicante. E assi acaesçio que vn dia don Diego Garçia de Padilla maestre de Calatraua sallio a la huerta por folgar alli e sallieron con el vnos veynte omnes de los suyos sin armas. E estando ý vinieron los del castillo de Alicante, e era un comendador e caualleros de la horden de Montesa, e salieron çinquenta de cauallo e vinieron a do estaua el maestre de Calatraua, e el maestre acogiosse a la mar, ca non tenia conpañas para los atender, e entro en vn pequeño varco que alli estaua, e vinosse a la galea. E los de cauallo llegaron do estauan los del maestre e mataron quatro escuderos, que auian nonbre el vno, Alfonso Ferrandez de Castrillo, del que diximos que matara en Toro a Ruy Gonçalez de Castañeda, e mataron a Iohan Sanchez de Oteo, el que matara en Toro a don Pero Esteuañez Carpentero maestre que se llamaua de Calatraua, e mataron otros dos escuderos del maestre de Calatraua, al vno dizian Alfonso Garçia de Mata e al otro, Ferrand Carbon. E los otros fuxeron por las rriberas fasta que fallaron varcos do fuessen a las galeas.

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1359: CHAPTER XVII How the king of Aragon’s supporters in Alicante killed some men from the fleet. While the king had his whole fleet moored off Alicante, Don Gutier Gómez de Toledo, prior of the Order of Saint John, Don Enrique Enríquez and Íñigo López de Orozco, together with the rest of the king’s troops, were camped by the town, which had been left uninhabited and abandoned, having already been captured at an earlier point in the war by King Pedro’s forces. The men from the king’s fleet were camped in the direction of Alicante’s area of irrigated land, on the far side of the town, below its castle.19 It so happened that one day Don Diego García de Padilla, the master of Calatrava, went out onto that irrigated land to spend some time at leisure, accompanied by some 20 of his men who were unarmed. While they were there, troops from Alicante castle, a commander and knights of the Order of Montesa, arrived on the scene. 50 horsemen rode out towards the master of Calatrava, who rode into the sea for safety as he had no troops for support; he got into a small boat waiting there and made his way to the galley. The horsemen then rode up to the master’s men and killed four squires: one was Alfonso Fernández de Castrillo, whom we named as the man who killed Ruy González de Castañeda in Toro; and another was Juan Sánchez de Oteo, who had killed Don Pero Estébanez Carpenteyro in Toro – Don Pero was the man who had termed himself master of Calatrava −; and in addition they killed two other squires of the master of Calatrava, one called Alfonso García de Mata and the other Fernán Carbón. The others fled along the shore until they found boats in which to make their way out to the galleys.

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Capitulo XVIIIº. Commo el almirante de Portogal se partio del rrey don Pedro en Cartajena e commo el rrey sallio de la mar e fue para Otordesillas e mando yr sus galeas a Seuilla. El rrey desque estudo seys dias en Alicante e la flota del rrey de Aragon non paresçia, estonçe partio de alli e vinosse para Cartajena. E alli le dixo el almirante de Portogal que el rrey de Portogal su señor le mandara que estudiesse con aquellas diez galeas suyas con el tres meses e que ya eran cunplidos e que non podia estar mas alli con las diez galeas nin osaria pasar el mandamiento de su señor el rrey de Portogal. E el rrey quando esto vio pesole dello, que non quisiera que tan ayna se partiera del; pero non le pudo fazer estar, e fuesse para Portogal. E el rrey acordo de partirsse de la flota e yrsse por tierra para Castilla, e fizolo assi. E mando al almirante suyo e al maestre de Calatraua e a los caualleros patrones de las galeas que alli eran e al su capitan que se fuesse con la flota para Seuilla. Otrossy dio liçençia a los maestres de las naos, que despues que llegassen en Caliz o en Malaga, se fuessen do les pluguiesse a sus mercadurias. E el rrey partio de Cartajena e fuesse para Otordesillas do estaua doña Maria de Padilla. E el almirante de Castilla e el maestre de Calatraua e el capitan de la flota e los otros caualleros fueronse para Seuilla. E las naos de Castilla tomaron de Malaga su camino para el cabo de Sand Viçente e dende para Asturias e a Vizcaya e Guipuzcoa, de donde eran.

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1359: CHAPTER XVIII How the Portuguese admiral took his leave of King Pedro in Cartagena and how the king disembarked and headed for Tordesillas, instructing his galleys to return to Seville. Once the king had been waiting at Alicante for six days without the king of Alicante’s fleet appearing, he set sail and headed for Cartagena. There he was informed by the Portuguese admiral that his lord the king of Portugal had ordered him to remain at King Pedro’s service with those ten Portuguese galleys for three months but that now that period had elapsed. So he could no longer remain there with the ten galleys and he did not dare to exceed the instructions given by his lord, the king of Portugal. When he realized this, King Pedro was annoyed, not wishing for him to leave so quickly. Nevertheless, it was not possible to prevail on the admiral to stay and he departed for Portugal. The king then resolved to leave the fleet and travel overland to Castile; and he proceeded to do so. He instructed his admiral and the master of Calatrava, together with the knights in charge of the galleys who were present and his commander, to accompany the fleet as far as Seville. He also gave his authorization to the masters of the sailing ships, after reaching Cádiz or Málaga, to go about their business wherever they wished. The king set out from Cartagena and headed for Tordesillas to join Doña María de Padilla, whilst the admiral of Castile, the master of Calatrava, the commander of the fleet and the other knights sailed to Seville. The Castilian sailing ships made their way from Málaga to Cape Saint Vincent and from there to their home regions of Asturias, Vizcaya and Guipúzcoa.

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Capitulo XIXº. Commo fizieron las galeas de Aragon desque supieron que el rrey de Castilla era ya fuera de la flota. El conde de Cardona e don Bernal de Cabrera e los otros patrones que venian en las galeas del rrey de Aragon desque supieron commo el rrey de Castilla era partido de la flota e era ya ydo por tierra e que enbiara la flota a Seuilla a desarmar, tornaronse los dichos conde de Cardona e don Bernal de Cabrera para el rrey de Aragon, que era en Barçelona, e fueron desarmar las treynta galeas a sus puertos donde fueran armadas. E las diez galeas dellas fincaron en la mar e pasaron contra Portogal para fazer algund daño si fallassen nauios de Castilla o de Portogal o de Gallizia. E asi fizieron algund daño en pequeños nauios; dende tornaronsse para Aragon. E algunos dizian que el conde de Cardona e don Bernal de Cabrera almirante de Aragon desque sopieron commo el rrey de Castilla era sallido de la su flota, que la deuieran seguir, demas sabiendo que las diez galeas de Portogal eran partidas de la flota del rrey de Castilla e eran tornadas para Portogal. Enpero la verdad es esta, que ellos todo lo supieron e quisieranlo fazer mas non tenian pan para la conpaña de las galeas, ca ellos cuydaron que la batalla seria luego e non tomaron pan mas de para quinze dias, e era ya gastado. E por esta rrazon desarmaron las treynta galeas.

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1359: CHAPTER XIX How the Aragonese galleys reacted on learning that the king of Castile was no longer with the fleet. Once the count of Cardona, Don Bernat de Cabrera and the other captains on board the king of Aragon’s galleys learned of how the king of Castile had left the fleet and had already set off overland, sending the fleet to Seville to be disarmed, the count and Don Bernat de Cabrera went back to the king of Aragon, now in Barcelona, and 30 of the galleys returned to be disarmed in the same ports where they had been made ready for battle. Ten of the galleys remained at sea and sailed towards Portugal with the aim of inflicting harm if they came across ships from Castile, Portugal or Galicia, They did indeed do some damage to small vessels before setting off back to Aragon. Some people argued that, once the count of Cardona and Don Bernat, the Aragonese admiral, became aware that the king of Castile had left his fleet, they should have pursued it, particularly as they knew that the ten Portuguese galleys had separated from King Pedro’s fleet and returned to Portugal. However, the truth of the matter is that they knew of all this and would have liked to do so but that they did not have sufficient bread for the men on the galleys: expecting the battle to take place at an early stage, they had taken a supply of bread for just two weeks and so this had run out. It was for this reason that they disarmed the 30 galleys.

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Capitulo XXº. Commo el rrey don Pedro mando a Garçi Aluarez de Toledo que fincasse en la mar con veynte galeas para tomar doze galeas de veneçianos. El rrey don Pedro, segund auemos dicho, tenia tomada vna carraca de veneçianos en que fallo algunas joyas e rriquezas, donde ouo cobdiçia. E algunos le dixeron que pues aquella carraca auia tomado, que los veneçianos ayudarian a los catalanes contra el, e pues auia esto fecho, que mejor era de todo fazerles el daño que pudiesse a los veneçianos, e que doze galeas de Veneçia estauan en Flandes, las quales andauan en mercaduria e eran muy rricas, e que auian de pasar por el estrecho de Marruecos entre Gibraltar e Çebta en este tiempo, e que era bien de enbiar galeas que las tomasen ca trayan muy grant rriqueza. E al rrey plogo, con cobdiçia que auia de thesoro grande que le dezian que podria auer de aquellas galeas. E el rrey enbio mandar a Seuilla que luego su flota alli llegase, se aparejasen veynte galeas bien armadas, que fuessen guardar el dicho estrecho quando las doze galeas de Veneçia pasasen por alli; ca forçado les era de pasar por alli, ca veniendo de Flandes para su tierra non podian escusar aquel paso, e que las tomasen. E aquellos a quien el rrey esto mando fueron don Garçi Aluarez de Toledo e Martin Yanes de Seuilla tenedor de las taraçanas e su priuado. E fizieronlo assi commo el rrey lo enbio mandar. E partieron de Seuilla con veynte galeas, las mejor armadas que pudian seer de las que fueron en la armada, e fueronsse para Algezira e dende a guardar el estrecho por do las dichas doze galeas de Veneçia auian de pasar, para las tomar. E assi acaesçio que vn dia ouo viento en la mar atal por que las dichas veynte galeas del rrey ouieron de pasar el cabo de Espartel que es en la parte de Africa, que es allen mar. E pasaron las doze galeas de

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1359: CHAPTER XX How King Pedro commanded Garci Álvarez de Toledo to remain at sea with 20 galleys in order to seize 12 Venetian galleys. As we have already said, King Pedro had captured a Venetian carrack and on board he had found jewels and treasure which filled him with greed. Some people told him that seizing this carrack would cause the Venetians to support the Catalans against him and that, since he had taken this step, the best thing now would be to do as much harm to the Venetians as possible. There were 12 Venetian galleys which had been trading in Flanders and had very valuable cargoes and they had to pass through the Moroccan straits between Gibraltar and Ceuta during this period; so King Pedro was advised that it would be a good idea to send galleys to seize them as they were carrying goods of great value. In his greed to lay his hands on the great treasure that he was told he might take from those galleys, the king was convinced by this. King Pedro sent a message to Seville giving instructions that, as soon as his fleet arrived there, 20 heavily armed galleys were to be made ready and that they were to make their way to the straits to guard them ready for when the 12 Venetian galleys passed through: those vessels had no choice but to take that route, since in making their way back from Flanders towards their own country they could not avoid passing through the straits; and the king ordered that the ships be seized. The men that King Pedro put in charge of this were Don Garci Álvarez de Toledo and Martín Yáñez de Sevilla, who was responsible for the shipyards and was the king’s confidant. They carried out exactly the instructions that the king had sent them: they departed from Seville with 20 galleys, the most heavily armed of all the vessels that could be selected from the battle fleet, and they sailed for Algeciras and then went on to patrol the straits through which the 12 Venetian galleys had to pass, with the intention of seizing them. It so happened that a wind arose out at sea, so strong that the king’s 20 galleys were forced to round Cape Spartel on the African coast, on the other side of the sea. The 12 Venetian galleys continued on their

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veneçianos su camino por la mar, que las non vieron los de las galeas de Castilla nin podieron saber dellas. E despues que tornaron del cabo de Espartel las veynte galeas del rrey de Castilla, sopieron en Gibraltar commo las doze galeas de Veneçia eran ya pasadas e que serian allende Almeria. E entendieron que las non podrian ya alcançar e tornaronsse las veynte galeas para Seuilla e desarmaron alli.

Capitulo XXIº. Commo el rrey llego a Tordesillas do estaua doña Maria de Padilla e despues luego torno a Seuilla, e commo le nasçiera vn fijo de doña Maria de Padilla. El rrey don Pedro desque partio de Cartajena a do dexo su flota segund dicho auemos, llego a Tordesillas do estaua doña Maria de Padilla e estudo alli quinze dias. E dende tornosse para Seuilla, e a pocos dias le llegaron nueuas commo doña Maria de Padilla encaesçiera de vn fijo, e ouo el rrey muy grant plazer e llamaronle don Alfonso, del qual diremos adelante. E tornosse luego para Tordesillas do estaua doña Maria de Padilla.

Capitulo XXIIº. Commo don Ferrando de Castro e Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa e Yñigo Lopez de Horozco e la mesnada del rrey pelearon con el conde don Enrrique e con algunos rricos omnes de Aragon en Arauiana, e fueron vençidos los de Castilla. En este año en el mes de setienbre, don Ferrando de Castro e Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa e otros caualleros que auia dexado el rrey por fronteros en Almaçan e en Gomara e en aquella tierra, segund

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route across the sea without the Castilian galleys sighting them or being aware that they were passing. On returning from Cape Spartel, the king of Castile’s 20 galleys learned in Gibraltar that the 12 Venetian galleys had already gone by and that by now they would have been beyond Almería. They realized that they would not now be able to overtake them and so the 20 galleys went back to Seville, where they were disarmed.

1359: CHAPTER XXI How the king joined Doña María de Padilla in Tordesillas and then returned to Seville; and how Doña María had borne him a son. After he left Cartagena, where – as we have already said – he had left his fleet, King Pedro joined Doña María de Padilla in Tordesillas. He remained there for two weeks. From there he returned to Seville, and a few days later he received the news that Doña María de Padilla had given birth to a son. The king was delighted at this and the boy was given the name Don Alfonso: we shall speak of him in due course. King Pedro lost no time in returning to join Doña María de Padilla in Tordesillas.

1359: CHAPTER XXII How Don Fernando de Castro, Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, Íñigo López de Orozco and the king’s troops did battle with Count Enrique and some Aragonese magnates in Araviana and how the Castilian army was defeated. As we have already related, the king had posted Don Fernando de Castro, Juan Fernández de Henestrosa and other knights as field commanders in Almazán, Gómara and the surrounding territory.

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dicho auemos, sopieron que el conde don Enrrique e don Tello su hermano e don Pedro de Luna e don Iohan Martinez de Luna e don frey Artal de Luna de la horden del Ospital, hermano del dicho don Pedro de Luna e rricos omnes naturales del rregno de Aragon eran entrados a tierra de Agreda e eran fasta ochoçientos de cauallo. E don Ferrando de Castro e Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa e los que con ellos eran juntaronsse en vno e fueron para alla, e serian fasta mill e quinientos de cauallo, e guisose en tal manera que ouieron de pelear çerca de Moncayo en vn lugar que dizen Arauiana e fueron vençidos don Ferrando de Castro e Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa. E don Ferrando de Castro escapo en vn cauallo e Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa morio alli e Yñigo Lopez de Horozco fue preso. E morieron esse dia de partes de los de Castilla en esta batalla don Gomez Suarez de Figueroa comendador mayor de tierra de Leon en la horden de Santiago, que el rrey tenia hordenado que fuesse maestre de Santiago, si biviera, e Ferran Garçia Duque e Pero Bermudez de Seuilla e don Gonçalo Sanchez de Vlloa, alferez mayor de don Ferrando de Castro, e Iohan Gonçalez de Bahabon e otros caualleros, e fueron presos otros. E esse dia que la batalla fue, don Ferrando de Castro e Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa e Iñigo Lopez de Horozco auian enbiado sus mensageros a Diego Perez Sarmiento adelantado mayor de Seuilla e a Iohan Alfonso de Benauides justiçia mayor de la casa del rrey, que estauan en Agreda, que se viniessen juntar con ellos para la dicha pelea. E Iohan Alfonso e Diego Perez venieron; enpero quando ellos alli llegaron, la pelea era ya fecha e pusieronsse en vn otero. E algunos dizian que non quisieron venir a la pelea por quanto querian mal a Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa, e otros dizian que non pudieron seer en la pelea, que quando ellos llegaron, que ya eran desbaratados los otros. Pero el rrey ouo grand saña de Diego Perez e de Iohan Alfonso, e de aquel dia en adelante Diego Perez Sarmiento nunca mas vio al rrey don Pedro, ca non osaua.

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During the month of September of the year in question they learned that Count Enrique, his brother Don Tello, Don Pedro de Luna, Don Juan Martínez de Luna and Fray Artal de Luna of the Order of Hospitallers – brother of Don Pedro de Luna –, together with some magnates who were subjects of the kingdom of Aragon, had entered the lands around Ágreda with a force of some 800 mounted troops. Don Fernando de Castro, Juan Fernández de Henestrosa and the others in their company assembled their troops and went to meet their opponents with a force of some 1,500 horsemen, and events turned out in such a way that they had to do battle near to Moncayo in a place called Araviana.20 Don Fernando de Castro and Juan Fernández de Henestrosa were defeated. Don Fernando de Castro escaped on horseback, but Juan Fernández de Henestrosa died there and Íñigo López de Orozco was taken prisoner. That day saw the deaths in battle on the Castilian side of Don Gómez Suárez de Figueroa, commander major in the Order of Santiago for the territory of León – this was the man that the king had appointed to be master, had he lived – as well as Fernán García Duque, Pero Bermúdez de Sevilla, Don Gonzalo Sánchez de Ulloa, commander-in-chief under Don Fernando de Castro, Juan González de Bahabón and a number of other knights; and others were taken prisoner. On the day of the battle Don Fernando de Castro, Juan Fernández de Henestrosa and Íñigo de Orozco had sent messengers to Diego Pérez Sarmiento, governor general for Seville, and Juan Alfonso de Benavides, chief justice in the king’s household, both of whom were in Ágreda, asking them to join up with them for the battle. Juan Alfonso and Diego Pérez did appear, but by the time they arrived the battle was already over and they took up position on a hilltop. Some people said that they were unwilling to enter the battle as they bore a grudge against Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, whilst others argued that they had no chance to take part because by the time they got there the others had already been defeated. Nevertheless, the king was furious with Diego Pérez and Juan Alfonso, and from that day on Diego Pérez Sarmiento never again set his eyes on King Pedro, not daring to do so.

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Capitulo XXIIIº. Como el rrey don Pedro sopo en Seuilla que don Ferrando de Castro era vençido e commo Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa era muerto e Yñigo Lopez de Horozco preso en la batalla de Arauiana, e commo fizo el rrey e commo mando matar a don Iohan e don Pedro sus hermanos, que tenia presos. El rrey don Pedro desque estas nueuas sopo en Seuilla do estaua, commo los suyos eran desbaratados, ouo grand pesar, ca amaua mucho a Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa, que era su camarero mayor e su chançeller mayor del sello de la poridad e mucho su priuado, e era tio de doña Maria de Padilla hermano de su madre. Otrossi pesole mucho en seer assi desbaratados los suyos e auer cobrado sus henemigos tan grand esfuerço. E luego esse dia que lo sopo, el rrey partio de Seuilla e vinosse su camino para Otordesillas do estaua doña Maria de Padilla, e dende enbio sus cartas a los caualleros que estauan en Almaçan e en las otras fronteras contra Aragon, a les mandar que se rrecogiessen todos e estudiessen quedos, que non partiesen de alli. E enbio el rrey sus cartas a Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo su rrepostero mayor, por las quales le enbio mandar que por su seruiçio tomasse carga de rregir e gouernar aquellos caualleros que por las fronteras estauan; ca les enbio mandar a ellos que fiziesen por el lo que les dixiese assi commo por su cuerpo mesmo, segund que primero fazian a Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa quando tenia carga de la frontera. E Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo estaua en Molina frontero e desque ouo las cartas del rrey, partio dende e vinosse para Almaçan, e todos los caualleros se rrecogieron alli e fizieron segund el rrey les enbio mandar. Enpero don Pero Nuñez de Guzman adelantado mayor de tierra de Leon e Pero Aluarez de Osorio, despues que fuera aquella pelea, partieronsse de las fronteras que tenian e eran ydos a tierra de

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1359: CHAPTER XXIII How in Seville King Pedro learned that Don Fernando de Castro had been defeated and that Juan Fernández de Henestrosa had been killed and Íñigo López de Orozco taken prisoner in the battle of Araviana; and how the king reacted, ordering the killing of his brothers Don Juan and Don Pedro, who had been his prisoners. King Pedro was in Seville when he received the report of how his forces had been defeated and, on doing so, he was deeply upset as he was very fond of Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, who had been his master chamberlain, his lord chancellor of the confidential seal and his close confidant, as well as the uncle – her mother’s brother – of Doña María de Padilla. He was also greatly annoyed that his troops had been defeated in this way and because his enemies had received such a boost to their morale. On the same day that he received the news, the king at once set off from Seville and went to join Doña María de Padilla in Tordesillas, and from there he sent letters to the knights who had been posted to Almazán and to the other points on the frontier with Aragon, commanding them to assemble at their base and remain there without venturing forth. He wrote to Gutier Fernández de Toledo, his lord high butler, entrusting him with the task of taking charge and exercising responsibility over the knights who were posted on the frontier: he sent the knights instructions that they should obey orders received from Gutier Fernández as though they were given by the king in person, just as previously they had done for Juan Fernández de Henestrosa when he had been in charge of the frontier. Gutier Fernández de Toledo was in Molina as a field commander and once he received the king’s letter he set off from there and made his way to Almazán, where all the knights assembled and followed the instructions that the king had sent them. However, Don Pero Núñez de Guzmán, governor general for the territories of León, and Pero Álvarez de Osorio had abandoned their frontier posts after the battle had taken place and had set off for Leonese territory. They claimed

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Leon, pero dizian ellos que fueran con entençion de se tornar, de lo qual ouo el rrey grand quexa dellos por la partida. E el rrey desque ouo hordenado que Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo touiesse aquella capitania, partio de Otordesillas e tornose para Seuilla. E fizo el rrey estonçe maestre de Santiago a don Garçi Aluarez de Toledo e diole el mayordomadgo de su fijo don Alfonso, que estonçes nasçiera, que era fijo de doña Maria de Padilla. E en este dicho año mataron en Carmona do estauan presos, a don Iohan e a don Pedro sus hermanos del rrey, fijos del rrey don Alfonso e de doña Leonor de Guzman. E matoles vn vallestero del rrey de maça, que dizian Garçi Diaz de Albarrezin. E era el dicho don Iohan en hedat de diez e nueue años e don Pedro en hedat de catorze años. E peso mucho a los que amauan seruiçio del rrey por que assi morieron, ca eran ynoçentes e nunca erraran al rrey.

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that they had gone with the intention of returning, but in consequence the king was extremely annoyed with them for leaving. Once the king had given instructions for Gutier Fernández de Toledo to be placed in this position of authority, he left Tordesillas and returned to Seville. He then created Don Garci Álvarez de Toledo master of Santiago and also made him chief steward to Don Alfonso, the son recently born to Doña María de Padilla. During this same year the king’s brothers Don Juan and Don Pedro, sons of King Alfonso and Doña Leonor de Guzmán, were killed in Carmona where they were being held prisoner. This act was carried out by one of King Pedro’s mace-bearing guards, a man by the name of Garci Díaz de Albarracín. Don Juan was 19 years old and Don Pedro 14, and those people who were loyal servants of the king were deeply troubled that they should have met their deaths in this way, for they were innocent of any blame and had never acted disloyally towards the king.

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AÑO HONZENO del rrey don Pedro que fue en el año del Señor de mill e trezientos e sessenta e de la era de Çesar mill e trezientos e nouenta e ocho.

Capitulo primero. Commo el conde don Enrrique se aparejaua para entrar en Castilla. En el año honzeno que el sobre dicho rrey don Pedro rregno, que fue año del Señor mill e trezientos e sesenta, e de la era de Çesar mill e trezientos e nouenta e ocho, e del Criamiento del mundo, segund la cuenta de los ebreos, en çinco mill e çiento e veynte años, e del año de los alarabes, en sieteçientos e sesenta e dos. E despues que aquella batalla de Arauiana fue vençida, al conde don Enrrique e todos los caualleros de Castilla que con el estauan cresçioles grand esfuerço: lo vno por los auer desbaratados a los caualleros que el rrey dexara por fronteros, e era muerto Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa, que era buen cauallero e tenia la capitania de la gente del rrey; otrossi por que algunos caualleros de los de Castilla, con miedo que auian del rrey, andauan fuyendo e apartandose del e algunos se yuan para el conde. Otrossi Diego Perez Sarmiento, por quanto non llego a la pelea de Arauiana segund ya deximos, sabia commo el rrey le queria mal e non osaua estar en el rregno e traya sus pleytesias con el conde. E assi lo fizo, ca con el miedo que auia del rrey, luego se fue para el conde a Aragon e levo consigo mucha conpaña. Otrossi en este tienpo se fue para Aragon Pero Ferrandez de Velasco, que estaua frontero por mandado del rrey en Murçia e sopo commo el rrey lo mandaua prender, e assi fue la verdad. E el conde desque vio que Diego Perez Sarmiento e otros caualleros e escuderos fijos dalgo de Castilla se yuan para el, dixo al rrey de

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YEAR ELEVEN (1360) of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1360 and, counting from the era of Caesar, 1398. 1360: CHAPTER I How Count Enrique made ready to invade Castile. These events occurred in the eleventh year of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1360; in 1398, counting from the era of Caesar; 5,120 years from the creation of the world by the reckoning of the Hebrews; and, according to that of the Arabs, it was in the year 762. After their victory in the battle of Araviana, the morale of Count Enrique and all the Castilian knights in his company was much improved: partly through having inflicted a serious defeat on the knights that the king had left to man the frontier and as a result of the death of Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, who was a fine knight and the commander of the king’s troops; but also because increasingly some of the Castilian knights, in their fear of the king, were fleeing from him and ceasing to support him, and some were going over to the count. In addition, Diego Pérez Sarmiento, since he had arrived late for the battle of Araviana – as we have already said −, was well aware that he had incurred the king’s anger and, not daring to remain in the kingdom, had been in negotiation with the count. He followed this up and, out of his fear for the king, promptly went to join the count in Aragon, taking with him a large number of troops. Another man who went over to Aragon at this time was Pero Fernández de Velasco, who on the king’s instructions had been serving as a field commander in Murcia but had heard that the king had ordered his arrest – as was indeed the case. Once the count saw that Diego Pérez Sarmiento and other knights and noble squires of Castile were giving their allegiance to him, he

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Aragon que si a el pluguiesse de hordenar vna buena conpaña de gente para entrar en Castilla, que el yria con ellos e entendia que non fallaria batalla e si esto fuesse, que la guerra suya avria cabo. E sobre esto ouo el rrey de Aragon su consejo e algunos querian que el infante don Ferrando que tomasse la carga e la honrra de la entrada en Castilla, ca dizian que podria seer, por quanto el era nieto del rrey don Ferrando de Castilla legitimo, que lo tomarian en Castilla por rrey; pero el conde don Enrrique dixo assi que si otro tomase esta carga de entrar en Castilla, que el non seria en esta caualgada de entrar en Castilla nin seria en su conpañia de ninguno que mayor fuesse que el. E final mente non se abenieron e estudieron algunos dias assy.

Capitulo segundo. Commo el cardenal de Boloña ayunto en Tudela los tratadores del rrey de Castilla e del rrey de Aragon. El cardenal de Boloña legado del papa vio que el rrey de Castilla auia perdido muchas de sus conpañas en aquella batalla de Arauiana, otrossi que Diego Perez Sarmiento e Pero Ferrandez de Velasco e otros caualleros eran pasados a Aragon, e que el conde don Enrrique queria entrar en Castilla, touo que el rrey de Castilla por todas estas cosas se llegaria antes a la pleytesia por auer paz con el rrey de Aragon. E començo a tratar en ello, e enbio al abad de Fiscan, a tratar en ello al rrey de Castilla e enbio al abad de Sand Benino al rrey de Aragon, e fablaron con ellos de parte del cardenal legado, que les pluguiesse por bien de paz, de enbiar sus enbaxadores e procuradores por que se ayuntassen en vno con el, e querria Dios que se concordarian. E el rrey de Castilla dixo que le plazia, e eso mesmo rrespondio el rrey de Aragon. E fue acordado que el cardenal legado estudiesse en la villa de Tudela de Nauarra e que alli veniessen los procuradores e

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told the king of Aragon that, if he was willing to provide him with a substantial number of troops to invade Castile, he would go at their head: he expected that he would not be met in battle but that if this did happen it would bring the king of Aragon’s war to an end. The king of Aragon sought counsel on this, and some of his advisers would have preferred Prince Ferran to have the responsibility and the honour of leading the invasion of Castile, arguing that, as he was a legitimate grandson of King Fernando of Castile, he might well be accepted in Castile as king. However Count Enrique made it clear that if anyone else was in command of the offensive he would not take part in this invasion of Castile and that he would not be part of the army of anybody that was set above him. In the end they did not come to an agreement and that was how matters remained for some days.

1360: CHAPTER II How the cardinal of Boulogne brought together the negotiators of the kings of Castile and Aragon in Tudela. The cardinal of Boulogne, the Pope’s legate, saw that the king of Castile had lost a substantial part of his forces in the battle of Araviana. He also realized that Diego Pérez Sarmiento, Pero Fernández Velasco and a number of other knights had gone over to Aragon and that Count Enrique was keen to invade Castile. He considered, therefore, that for all these reasons, the king of Castile would now be quicker to agree terms for peace with the king of Aragon. He began to work to bring this about, sending the abbot of Fécamp to negotiate with the king of Castile and the abbot of Saint Bénigne to the king of Aragon. They held talks with them on behalf of the cardinal legate, beseeching them in the cause of peace to send their ambassadors and negotiators to meet with him and saying that it would be God’s will for them to reach an agreement. Both the king of Castile and the king of Aragon said that they were willing to do so. It was decided that the cardinal legate would remain in the Navarrese town of Tudela and that the negotiators and ambassadors of

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enbaxadores de los rreyes de Castilla e de Aragon. E asi fue fecho quel cardenal se fue luego para Tudela de Nauarra. E plogo al rrey de Nauarra que estas gentes de los rreyes de Castilla e de Aragon e el cardenal estudiessen en aquella su villa de Tudela e mandoles dar muy buenas posadas e puso muy grand justiçia por los tener alli seguros. E el rrey de Castilla enbio alla a Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo su rrepostero mayor, con su procuraçion, e el rrey de Aragon enbio a don Bernal de Cabrera vizconde de Cabrera. E estudieron estos procuradores de los rreyes en Tudela con el cardenal algunos dias e non se pudieron abenir, ca el conde don Enrrique se aparejaua para entrar en Castilla e cuydaua que muchos de los que estauan con el rrey quando lo viessen entrado en Castilla, se pasarian e vernian para el. E Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo desque vio que los fechos estauan en tal estado e que las pleytesias de la paz non se pudian fazer, penso que faria serviçio al rrey su señor en poner algund desuario entre el infante don Ferrando e el conde don Enrrique que estaua en Aragon e queria entrar en Castilla. E enbio vn cauallero del rrey que estaua ý con el, que dizian Pero Gonçalez de Aguero, al infante don Ferrando prometiendole de partes del rrey de Castilla que le perdonaria e le faria muchas merçedes si quisiese venir para Castilla a la merçed del rrey. E el infante non lo quiso fazer. E esta rrazon touo despues grand daño a Gutier Ferrandez con el rrey, ca sospecho del que lo fiziera a otra entençion.

Capitulo IIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro sopo que los procuradores suyos que estauan con el cardenal legado en Tudela, non se abinieron. El rrey don Pedro estaua en Seuilla e sopo que los sus procuradores que enbiara a Tudela a tratar con los procuradores del rrey de Aragon delante el cardenal de Boloña legado, que non se abinieran. E sopo

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the kings of Castile and Aragon would come to him there. And so the cardinal went without delay to Tudela in Navarre. The king of Navarre was pleased that these representatives of the kings of Castile and Aragon and the cardinal were in his town of Tudela: he sent instructions for them to be given excellent lodgings and he put in place a high level of protection in order to ensure their safety. The king of Castile sent Gutier Fernández de Toledo, his lord high butler, as his official representative and the king of Aragon sent Don Bernat, viscount of Cabrera. These negotiators met with the cardinal in Tudela for some days but were not able to come to an agreement, for Count Enrique was now making ready to invade Castile and believed that, once they saw that he had begun the invasion, many of the king’s supporters would change sides and come over to him. Now that he could see that events had reached this state and that it was impossible for the peace negotiations to succeed, Gutier Fernández de Toledo considered that he would be doing a service to his lord king if he could provoke some disagreement between Prince Ferran and Count Enrique, who was in Aragon and intended to invade Castile. He sent one of the king’s knights in his company, a man called Pero González de Agüero, to Prince Ferran, promising him on behalf of King Pedro that he would be pardoned and granted many favours if he was willing to come over to the side of Castile and give his allegiance to the king. The prince, however, was unwilling to do so and this idea was later to cause serious problems for Gutier Fernández with King Pedro, as he suspected that Gutier had had a different motive for acting in this way.

1360: CHAPTER III How King Pedro learned that his representatives’ meeting with the cardinal legate in Tudela had not produced an agreement. King Pedro was in Seville when he learned that the negotiators that he had sent to Tudela to hold discussions with the representatives of the king of Aragon − in the presence of the cardinal of Boulogne −

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commo el conde don Enrrique e don Tello sus hermanos e el conde de Osona, que era vn señor grande en Aragon, e partida de gentes se llegauan en Aragon para entrar en Castilla, e partio de Seuilla para se venir a Burgos. Enpero antes que el rrey partiesse de Seuilla sopo commo Diego Perez Sarmiento, que era su adelantado mayor en Castilla, que era ya con el conde don Enrrique e le auia fecho fuzia que entrasse en Castilla e que le ayudaria con los castillos e fortalezas que tenia. E el rrey desque sopo esto dio el adelantamiento de Castilla a Ferrand Sanchez de Touar, e mando derribar todas las casas fuertes que auia Diego Perez en Castilla.

Capitulo IIIIº. Commo el rrey partio de Seuilla por tomar a don Pero Nuñez de Guzman e fue para Leon. El rrey estaua quexado por que don Pero Nuñez de Guzman su adelantado mayor de Leon e de Asturias, e Pero Aluarez de Osorio despues que moriera Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa en la batalla de Arauiana, se partieron de las fronteras do los el rrey mandara estar e se fueron para sus tierras a tierra de Leon diziendo que yuan por conpañas para tornar a las fronteras. E el rrey partio de Seuilla e tomo camino de Leon e fizo muy grandes jornadas cuydando tomar a don Pero Nuñez de Guzman, que estaua en vna aldea allende de Mayorga que dizen Vililla teniendo que el rrey estaua en Seuilla. E llego el rrey a vn lugar de don Pero Nuñez que dizian Villa Frechos e detouosse alli vn poco, e vn escudero su criado del dicho don Pero Nuñez, que vio que yua el rrey camino de aquel lugar donde don Pero Nuñez estaua, luego entendio que yua el rrey por tomar o matar a don Pero Nuñez e enbio vn omne de cauallo que andudo quanto pudo e aperçibio a don Pero Nuñez. E don Pero Nuñez

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had not reached an agreement. He also learned of how his brothers Count Enrique and Don Tello and the count of Osona, who was a great lord in Aragon, were assembling in Aragon with a company of troops ready to move into Castile. He then left Seville for Burgos. However, before the king left Seville, he heard how Diego Pérez Sarmiento, who had been his governor general in Castile, had now joined Count Enrique and had given him an undertaking that if he invaded Castile he would assist him with his castles and fortresses. Once the king learned of this he appointed Fernán Sánchez de Tovar to the governorship of Castile and ordered the demolition of all the strongholds that Diego Pérez possessed in Castile.

1360: CHAPTER IV How the king left Seville in order to capture Don Pero Núñez de Guzmán, and how he went to León. The king was annoyed because, after the death of Juan Fernández de Henestrosa in the battle of Araviana, Don Pero Núñez de Guzmán, his governor general for León and Asturias, and Pero Álvarez de Osorio had left the posts on the frontier where he had instructed them to remain and gone to their lands in Leonese territory, claiming that they were going in search of troops with which to return to the frontier regions. The king left Seville and made his way to León, riding long distances without a break in the expectation of capturing Don Pero Núñez de Guzmán, who was in a village called Velilla, situated on the far side of Mayorga. Don Pero Núñez believed that the king was in Seville. King Pedro came to a village called Villafrechós which belonged to Pero Núñez and halted there for a while. A squire from the knight’s household, seeing that the king was heading for the village where his lord was to be found, quickly understood that the king’s intention in going there was to capture or kill him and so he sent a horseman who rode at full gallop and warned Don Pero Núñez. And Don Pero, once

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desque sopo que el rrey venia, partio luego del aldea do estaua e tomo camino de vn castillo suyo que dizen Auiados. E el rrey siguiole fasta que vio commo don Pero Nuñez e los suyos yuan por vna falda de vna sierra camino de Auiados, e non lo pudo seguir mas, ca era ya tarde e los que yuan con el rrey leuauan sus bestias cansadas. E peso mucho al rrey que non pudo tomar a don Pero Nuñez, e fue esse dia el rrey al monesterio de Sandoual. E assi andudo el rrey aquel dia veynte e quatro leguas que ha de Otordesillas donde partiera fasta el dicho monesterio de Sandoual, yendo por Mayorga. E otro dia llego el rrey a Leon e dende enbio al obispo de Leon al castillo de Auiados, do estaua don Pero Nuñez, a le dezir que el le aseguraua e que se viniesse para el. E don Pero Nuñez non se fio desto e estudo quedo, ca el castillo de Auiados era muy fuerte e el rrey non tenia lugar de lo çercar por quanto cada dia auia nueuas commo el conde don Enrrique e aquellas conpañas que dicho auemos, querian entrar en el rregno. E estando el rrey en Leon vino a el Pero Aluarez de Osorio, que era vn grand cauallero de tierra de Leon, e fablo con el rrey desculpandose de la venida que fiziera a su tierra por que se partiera de Gomara do estaua frontero. E el rrey dixole ca non auia quexa del, ca bien entendia que lo fazia con rrazon pues auia grand tienpo que non llegara a su tierra. E por le fazer mas seguro dixole que el le queria dar el adelantamiento de tierra de Leon e la merindat de Asturias, que tenia estonçe don Pero Nuñez de Guzman, la qual le tirara pues non queria venir a la su merçed. E fizolo assi e mandole dar sus cartas para que fuesse su adelantado.

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he learned that the king was on his way, lost no time in leaving the village and headed for a castle that belonged to him called Aviados. The king rode after him until he saw how Don Pero Núñez and the men accompanying him were going up the lower slopes of a range of hills and heading for Aviados. He could not pursue him any further as by now it was late in the day and the horses of the men riding with him were tired. The king, deeply annoyed because he had not been able to capture Don Pero Núñez, rode on the same day to the monastery of Sandoval. So that day he had ridden the 24 leagues from Tordesillas, from where he had set out, to the monastery of Sandoval, by way of Mayorga. The following day the king reached León, from where he sent the bishop of León to Don Pero Núñez to tell him that he guaranteed his safety and that he should come to him. However, Don Pero Núñez placed no trust in this and remained where he was, for the castle of Aviados was heavily fortified and the king had no opportunity to besiege it: every day there came reports that Count Enrique and the forces of which we have already spoken were planning to invade the kingdom. While the king was in León, Pero Álvarez de Osorio – an important knight from those territories – came and spoke with him, making his excuses for having returned to his own lands and having abandoned Gómara where he was a field commander. The king told him that he bore him no ill will as he fully understood that he had good cause to do this since he had not visited his own lands in a long time. Moreover, in order to make him feel more secure he told him that he intended to appoint him governor of the territories of León and crown officer for Asturias: until then this post had been held by Don Pero Núñez de Guzmán but the king had taken it away from him because Don Pero Núñez had not been willing to place himself at his service. King Pedro did just as he had said and gave the order for Pero Álvarez to be formally appointed as his governor.

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Capitulo Vº. Commo el rrey don Pedro fizo matar a Pero Aluarez de Osorio e a fijos de Ferrand Sanchez de Valladolid, e prendio al arçidiano don Diego Arias Maldonado e lo que estonçes paso. Despues que el rrey estudo algunos dias en Leon, vio que non queria venir a el don Pero Nuñez de Guzman, que estaua en el su castillo de Auiados, [e] partio de Leon para Valladolid por quanto sopo commo el conde don Enrrique e los que con el venian eran entrados en Castilla e mataron los judios de Najara e de otros lugares. E yendo el rrey para Valladolid partio de Medina de Rio Seco e fue a comer a vna aldea que es a dos leguas de Valladolid, que dizen Villa Nubla. E Pero Aluarez de Osorio comia esse dia con Diego Garçia maestre de Calatraua en su posada, e era en quaresma. E estando comiendo llegaron ý por mandado del rrey, dos ballesteros de maça, al vno dezian Iohan Diente e al otro, Garçi Diaz de Albarrezin, e otro omne de la camara del rrey, que dizian Ruy Gonçalez de Atiença. E a la mesa donde estaua el dicho Pero Aluarez de Osorio lo mataron, e luego le cortaron la cabeça. E don Diego Garçia de Padilla maestre de Calatraua non sabia desto ninguna cosa, antes ouo grant miedo. E otrossi desque fue muerto Pero Aluarez de Osorio dio el rrey el adelantamiento de tierra de Leon a Suer Perez de Quiñones por quanto era su contrario de don Pero Nuñez de Guzman. E fizo esse dia prender a dos fijos de don Ferrand Sanchez de Valladolid que venieron alli, al vno dizian Garçi Ferrandez e al otro, Iohan Sanchez. E luego partio dende el rrey e fuesse para Valladolid. E otro dia fizolos matar el rrey en Valladolid, por quanto ouo sospecha que eran en fabla con don Pero Nuñez por vnas cartas que fallo que se enbiauan, pero que ellos se desculpauan.

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1360: CHAPTER V How King Pedro ordered the deaths of Pero Álvarez de Osorio and some sons of Fernán Sánchez de Valladolid; how he arrested Archdeacon Diego Arias Maldonado; and what happened subsequently. After he had been in León for some days, the king was able to see that Don Pero Núñez de Guzmán, who was in his castle in Aviados, was not willing to come to him. He left León for Valladolid, having learned that Count Enrique and the men in his company had invaded Castile and killed the Jews of Nájera and elsewhere.1 On his way to Valladolid, the king set out from Medina de Rioseco and went to eat in a village called Villanubla which is situated two leagues from Valladolid. That day Pero Álvarez de Osorio was eating with Diego García, the master of Calatrava, in his lodgings and it was during Lent. While they were eating, they were confronted at the king’s command by two mace-bearing guards, one called Juan Diente and the other Garci Díaz de Albarracín, accompanied by another man who was a member of the royal chamber, called Ruy González de Atienza. At the table where Pero Álvarez de Osorio had been eating they killed him and promptly cut off his head. Don Diego García de Padilla, master of Calatrava, knew nothing of this: on the contrary, his reaction was one of great fear. Moreover, now that Pero Álvarez de Osorio was dead, the king appointed Suer Pérez de Quiñones governor of the territories of León as he was an enemy of Don Pero Núñez de Guzmán. On that same day the king ordered the arrest of two sons of Don Fernán Sánchez de Valladolid who had arrived in the village, one called Garci Fernández and the other Juan Sánchez. King Pedro lost no time in setting off for Valladolid and on the following day he had his two prisoners executed, on suspicion of having been in negotiation with Don Pero Núñez: this was because of some correspondence that they had exchanged and which the king discovered – although they protested their innocence.

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E partio el rrey de Valladolid e fuesse para vn lugar e villa que dizen Dueñas, e fizo prender en llegando alli al arçidiano don Diego Arias Maldonado diziendo que rresçibiera cartas del conde don Enrrique, e fizo lo matar en Burgos dende a ocho dias.

Capitulo VIº. Commo Gonçalo Gonçalez de Luzio dio la çibdat de Taraçona al rrey de Aragon. En estos dias vn cauallero que tenia la çibdad de Taraçona, que auia nonbre Gonçalo Gonçalez del Luzio, del que deximos que fincara por alcayde e capitan de Taraçona quando la el rrey gano, e non estaua del rrey bien contento por quanto el fuera sienpre ayudado de Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa e despues que Iohan Ferrandez morio, el rrey non le mostraua assi buena voluntad. E el cauallero auia miedo del rrey e estaua en aquella çibdad de Taraçona, que non yua al rrey. E el rrey de Aragon quando lo sopo que el cauallero auia miedo del rrey de Castilla su señor, fizo tratar a algunos suyos con el e dixieronle que bien sabia commo quando el cardenal don Guillen legado del Papa tratara treguas de vn año entre el rrey de Castilla e el rrey de Aragon, estonçe fue dicho que por quanto el rrey de Castilla auia tomado la çibdad de Taraçona en la tregua de quinze dias que el cardenal legado pusiera entre el e el rrey de Castilla, e que por esta rrazon, en los tratos de la tregua de vn año que se puso a consentimiento de los dos rreyes, se hordeno que se pusiese la dicha çibdad de Taraçona en fialdat. E fue por los dos rreyes acordado que el cauallero que la touiesse fuesse Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa camarero mayor del rrey de Castilla, e este cauallero fiziesse pleyto e omenaje e jura de la tener e guardar en fialdad e que la diesse e entregasse a aquel que el papa por sus cartas

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The king set off from Valladolid and went on to the castle and town of Dueñas, where, as soon as he had arrived, he gave instructions for the arrest of Archdeacon Diego Arias Maldonado, alleging that he had received correspondence from Count Enrique.2 He had the archdeacon executed in Burgos a week later.

1360: CHAPTER VI How Gonzalo González de Lucio handed over the city of Tarazona to the king of Aragon. During this period, the knight who was holding the city of Tarazona, a man by the name of Gonzalo González de Lucio – of whom we explained that he had been appointed governor and military commander when the king took the city – was becoming displeased with his treatment by King Pedro; this was because he had always enjoyed the support of Juan Fernández de Henestrosa and, after Juan Fernández’s death, the king was not equally well disposed towards him. The knight was afraid of the king and remained in the city of Tarazona instead of reporting to him. When the king of Aragon became aware that the knight was in fear of his lord the king of Castile, he had some of his men enter into discussion with him. They reminded him that he was well aware of how, when the Pope’s legate Cardinal Guillaume had negotiated a year’s truce between the kings of Castile and Aragon, it was argued that the king of Castile had seized the the city of Tarazona within the two weeks’ truce that the cardinal legate had established between the two kings. For this reason, they said, in the terms of the one year’s truce to which those two kings gave their consent, it had been determined that the city of Tarazona should be placed in trust: it had been agreed by both kings that the knight to whom it was to be entrusted was Juan Fernández de Henestrosa, master chamberlain of the king of Castile, and that this knight should swear a solemn oath of fealty and homage, promising to keep and hold in trust the city of Tarazona, and that he

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mandasse. E por esta rrazon el rrey de Aragon le enbio dezir al dicho Gonçalo Gonçalez que le daria cartas del papa o del su legado ante quien pasara la dicha pleytesia commo le mandaua que le entregasse la dicha çibdat de Taraçona a el. E que el dicho cauallero faria su debdo e guardaria su omenaje e su verdad. E que por el querer guardar lo que deuia que era muy grand rrazon que le fuesse agradesçido e que el rrey de Aragon le daria quarenta mill florines e que le casaria en su rregno muy honrrada mente. E al cauallero que tenia la çibdad de Taraçona plogole dello e fizolo assi. E fizole el rrey de Aragon prometimiento que le daria cartas del papa o del cardenal don Guillen legado por las quales cartas mandaria al dicho Gonçalo Gonçalez, que la çibdat de Taraçona entregasse al rrey de Aragon. Otrossi le dio el rrey de Aragon al dicho Gonçalo Gonçalez de Luzio quarenta mill florines e vna donzella por muger muy fija dalgo, que auia nonbre doña Violante, que era fija de vn rrico omne de Aragon, que dixeron don Iohan Ximenez de Urrea. E Gonçalo Gonçalez de Luzio entrego la dicha çibdad al rrey de Aragon. E finco en el rregno de Aragon casado con la dicha doña Violante de Urrea.

Capitulo VIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro sopo commo el conde don Enrrique era entrado en Castilla. El rrey don Pedro estando en Burgos sopo commo el conde don Enrrique e don Tello e el conde de Osona e los otros caualleros que con ellos venian eran ya entrados en Castilla e commo llegaron a Najara e fizieron matar los judios. E esta muerte de los judios fizo fazer el conde don Enrrique por que las gentes lo fazian de buena voluntad e por el fecho mesmo tomauan miedo e rreçelo del rrey e tenian con el. E el conde era llegado a Pan Coruo e alli asosego algunos dias e

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should hand it over to the person formally designated by the Pope. For this reason the king of Aragon now sent word to Gonzalo González affirming that he would give him formal confirmation from the Pope or from his legate – in whose presence those terms had been agreed – that it was to him, the king of Aragon, that the knight was instructed to hand over the city. He added that in this way Gonzalo González would be complying with his duty, fulfilling his oath and acting accord to his word. Moreover, in agreeing to fulfil his obligation the knight would be giving the king of Aragon good reason to be grateful to him: he would, therefore, give him 40,000 florins and arrange for him a very honourable marriage in his kingdom. The knight who held the city of Tarazona agreed to this and accepted the proposal. The king of Aragon promised Gonzalo González that he would provide a letter from the Pope or the legate Cardinal Guillaume instructing him to hand over to him the city of Tarazona. In addition, he gave Gonzalo González de Lucio 40,000 florins and, as his wife, a lady of high birth by the name of Doña Violant, daughter of an Aragonese magnate called Don Joan Ximéneç d’Urrea. So Gonzalo González de Lucio handed over the city to the king of Aragon and remained in the kingdom of Aragon, married to Doña Violant d’Urrea.

1360: CHAPTER VII How King Pedro learned that Count Enrique had invaded Castile. While he was in Burgos King Pedro learned how Count Enrique, Don Tello and the count of Osona, together with the other knights accompanying them, had now invaded Castile. He also heard how they had reached Nájera and brought about a slaughter of the Jews. Count Enrique committed this act of provoking a massacre of the Jews because the people carried it out very willingly and because, as a result of having done so, they became suspicious and fearful of the king and so gave their support to the count. The count had reached Pancorbo and there he rested for some days,

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puso gentes en vna casa fuerte de Pero Ferrandez de Velasco que era açerca dende, e aquella casa es en vna aldea que dezian Cameno, que es a media legua de Briuiesca. E el rrey don Pedro luego que sopo que el conde don Enrrique era en Pancoruo, enbio a Gutier Gomez de Toledo, que era prior de Sand Iohan e otras conpañas con el fasta seysçientos de cauallo a Briuiesca, que estudiessen ally por quanto el rrey non se sintia bien e non pudia partir de Burgos mas ayna; otrossi por que avn non eran llegadas las conpañas por que auia enbiado. E dende a pocos dias partio el rrey de Burgos e llego en Biuriesca e luego fizo poner engeños a la casa fuerte que era alli en Cameno, que era de Pero Ferrandez de Velasco, que estaua con el conde don Enrrique. E los que estauan en aquella casa non la pudieron defender e ouieron la de dar al rrey. E fizo el rrey matar tres escuderos que estauan ý por mayores: el vno llamauan Pero Sarmiento e al otro, Iohan de Soto e al otro, Alfonso Gonçalez de Fuydobro. E el conde don Enrrique e don Tello e el conde de Osona e los que con ellos estauan en Pan Coruo pudian seer fasta mill e quinientos de cauallo e conpañas de pie fasta dos mill omnes. E las conpañas del rrey cresçian cada dia e tenia el rrey en Briuiesca çinco mill de cauallo e diez mill omnes de pie e ouo su consejo de yr pelear con el conde e con los que estauan en Pan Coruo e mando fazer alarde para saber que conpañas tenia.

Capitulo VIIIº. Commo don Tello enbio dezir al rrey que se queria venir a el e commo sopo el rrey que el conde don Enrrique e don Tello e el conde de Osona eran partidos de Pan Coruo. Estonçe estando el rrey en Briuiesca llego a el vn escudero de la gineta que auia nonbre Ferrando de los Reyes, que biuia con don Tello, e partio del conde de Pan Coruo, e dixo al rrey commo don Tello su

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leaving a garrison in a stronghold nearby – in a village called Cameno, half a league from Briviesca –, which belonged to Pero Fernández de Velasco. As soon as he learned that Count Enrique was in Pancorbo, King Pedro sent the prior of the Order of Saint John, Gutier Gómez de Gómez, to Briviesca with a force of some 600 horsemen, with orders to remain there since the king was feeling unwell and could not set off from Burgos any sooner, and also because the other troops that he had sent for had not yet arrived. A few days later the king left Burgos and advanced as far as Briviesca, where he had siege engines set up to attack the stronghold in Cameno belonging to Pero Fernández de Velasco, who was with Count Enrique. The men occupying the stronghold were unable to defend it and were obliged to surrender it to the king. King Pedro then ordered the execution of three squires who were in charge in Cameno: one called Pero Sarmiento, another Juan de Soto and the third Alfonso González de Huidobro. Count Enrique, Don Tello and the count of Osona and the men accompanying them were in Pancorbo: there may have been as many as 1,500 horsemen and 2,000 footsoldiers. King Pedro’s forces, however, grew larger day by day: at Briviesca he had 5,000 horsemen and 10,000 men on foot. He formed his plan to go and do battle with the count and with the troops gathered in Pancorbo, and he ordered that a review be carried out to determine exactly what forces he had at his disposal.

1360: CHAPTER VIII How Don Tello sent word to the king that he wished to come over to him, and how the king learned that Count Enrique, Don Tello and the count of Osona had set out from Pancorbo. Then, while the king was in Briviesca, he was approached by a squire of the light cavalry called Fernando de los Reyes, who was a member of Don Tello’s household. This man had left the count in Pancorbo,

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hermano, que estaua con el conde don Enrrique en Pan Coruo, le enbiaua dezir que el e otros con quien tenia fecha su fabla, que se pasarian a el. E al rrey plogo dello. Enpero esto non fue secreto, ca luego lo sopo el conde don Enrrique que estaua en Pan Coruo e cato manera commo lo enbiase a don Tello a Aragon. E fablo con el commo le queria enbiar al rrey de Aragon a le demandar ayuda de mas gentes en su acorro, e enbio con el a Diego Perez Sarmiento e a Iohan Gonçalez de Baçan e a Suer Perez de Quiñones, que eran tres caualleros de los quales fiaua el conde. E assi partio de su conpañia a don Tello por que el non fiziesse algund destoruo. Otrossi estando el rrey don Pedro en Briuiesca faziendo alarde, llegaronle mensageros commo el conde Enrrique e los que con el eran se auian partido de Pan Coruo e que don Sancho, hermano del rrey e del conde, era ydo para Haro e el conde para Najara. E luego esse dia partio el rrey de Briuiesca e fue a dormir a Grisaleña, vna legua dende. E otro dia fue a Miranda de Ebro por quanto auian alli rrobado los judios e tenian la parte del conde. E fizo ý justiçia de omnes de la villa. E otro dia partio de Miranda e fue para Santo Domingo de la Calçada, e dende fue para Najera e fallo ý el conde e los que con el eran, e don Sancho estaua en Haro. E poso el rrey çerca de Najara en vn lugar que dizen Açofra e hordeno de otro dia yr pelear con el conde.

Capitulo IXº. De algunas cosas que vn clerigo de Santo Domingo dixo al rrey don Pedro. Estando el rrey en aquel lugar de Açofra çerca de Najara, llego a el vn clerigo de misa que era natural de Santo Domingo de la Calçada e

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and he told King Pedro how his brother Don Tello – who was there with the count − had sent him to say that he and others with whom he had been in discussion would go over to the king’s side. The king agreed to the proposal. However, this development was no secret: it was not long before in Pancorbo Count Enrique learned of it. The count then devised a way of sending Don Tello into Aragon. He discussed with him how he wished to send him to Aragon to seek the assistance of more troops to fight for him; and with Don Tello he sent three knights who enjoyed his confidence: Diego Pérez Sarmiento, Juan González de Bazán and Suer Pérez de Quiñones. By so doing he removed Don Tello from his company in order to keep him from causing any difficulty. Moreover, while King Pedro was in Briviesca reviewing his forces, messengers brought him reports of how Count Enrique and the men in his company had left Pancorbo and of how Don Sancho, brother of the king and of the count, had gone to Haro, whilst the count had made his way to Nájera. That same day the king left Briviesca and went to spend the night in Grisaleña, a league from there. The following day he moved on to Miranda de Ebro, since the people there had pillaged the Jewish community and were giving their support to the count. While he was there he meted out punishment to men of the town.3 And on the next day he set off from Miranda and headed on to Santo Domingo de la Calzada and from there he went to Nájera, where he found the count and those in his company, whilst Don Sancho was in Haro. The king halted to rest in a village called Azofra and organized his troops in readiness to go on the next day to do battle with the count.

1360: CHAPTER IX Concerning some things that King Pedro was told by a cleric of Santo Domingo. While the king was in the village of Azofra near to Nájera, he was approached by a priest who was a native of Santo Domingo de la

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dixole que queria fablar con el aparte. E el rrey dixole que le plazia de lo oyr e el clerigo le dixo asi: ‘Señor, Santo Domingo de la Calçada me vino en sueños e me dixo que viniesse a vos e que vos dixiesse que fuesedes cierto que si vos non guardasedes, que el conde don Enrrique vuestro hermano vos auia de matar por sus manos’. E el rrey fue muy espantado e dixo al clerigo que si auia alguno que le auia aconsejado a dezir esta rrazon. E el clerigo dixo que non, saluo Santo Domingo que gela mandara dezir esta rrazon. E el rrey mando llamar a los que ý estauan e mando al clerigo que lo dixiesse delante dellos lo que le auia dicho aparte. E el clerigo dixolo segund que primero lo auia dicho. E el rrey penso que lo dizia por induzimiento de algunos e mando luego quemar al clerigo alli donde estauan sus tiendas.

Capitulo Xº. Commo el rrey peleo con el conde don Enrrique e con el conde de Osona en Najara e los desbarato. Luego esse dia viernes despues de comer, partio el rrey del lugar de Açofra do tenia su rreal, e era viernes en la postrimera semana de abril, e fue a Najara. E el conde auia mandado poner en vn otero que estaua delante la villa de Najara vna tienda e vn su pendon çerca della, e estauan el e el conde de Osona fuera de la villa e fasta ochoçientos de cauallo e dos mill omnes de pie. E los del rrey que yuan en la delantera pelearon con ellos e luego fueron rretraydos el conde e los suyos. E tomaron los del rrey la tienda e el pendon del conde; otrossi tomaron el pendon de don Tello, que alli lo dexara con algunos de los suyos quando don Tello se fuera para Aragon, segund avemos contado. E traya su pendon de don Tello vn cauallero que morio ý, que dizian Diego Ruyz de Rojas, e morieron ý partida de omnes de los del conde. E e el conde non pudo recogersse por las puertas de

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Calzada and who told him that he wished to talk to him in private. The king agreed to hear what he had to say, and so the cleric spoke to him as follows: ‘My lord, Saint Dominic of the Road appeared to me in a dream and told me to come to you and tell you to be certain that, if you did not take care, your brother Count Enrique would kill you with his own hands.’4 The king was deeply disturbed by this and asked the cleric if there was anyone who had directed him to say these words. The cleric said that there was not, except for Saint Dominic, who had instructed him to do so. The king ordered the men in his company to be summoned and he instructed the cleric to say in their presence what he had previously told him in private. The cleric repeated exactly what he had said the first time. The king, however, thought that he had been prompted by others to say these things and ordered that the cleric be burned right outside their tents.

1360: CHAPTER X How the king did battle with and defeated Count Enrique and the count of Osona. That same day – a Friday in the last week of April −, after eating, the king set off from the village of Azofra, where he had his encampment, and advanced to Nájera. The count had commanded that a tent be erected on a hill before the town of Nájera, with his standard displayed by it. He, together with the count of Osona and with some 800 horsemen and 2,000 men on foot, was outside the town. The king’s men in the vanguard engaged them in battle and the count and his troops were rapidly driven back. The king’s men captured the count’s tent and his standard, and they also seized the banner of Don Tello, who had left it with some of his men when, as we have already explained, he had left for Aragon. Don Tello’s banner had been carried by a knight called Diego Ruiz de Rojas who died there and a good number of the count’s men were also killed in that battle. The count

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la villa, ca los del rrey estauan ya pegados a ellas, e llego al muro del castillo que dizian de los judios e los suyos que estauan dentro foradaron el muro de la villa e por alli entro el conde e otros de los suyos. Otrossi de los del conde ouo otros que aquel dia touieron vn cabesço que dizen el castillo de los christianos, e eran don Ferrand Osores comendador de Santiago e Gonçalo Gonçalez de Luzio e Pero Ruyz de Sandoual cauallero de la horden de Santiago, e otros muchos caualleros e escuderos. E pelearon muy de rrezio de alli con los del rrey, e alli se defendieron e ouo aquel dia asaz de escaramuzas. E don Gonçalo Mexia maestre que fue despues de Santiago, que estaua con el conde, non se pudo llegar a los suyos aquel dia e pegosse al muro de la villa con vnos çinquenta, e perdieron los cauallos e del muro de la villa los defendieron los que estauan dentro. E morio ý aquel dia de la parte del rrey vn cauallero que dizian Gutier Ferrandez Delgadillo, que fue ferido de vn dardo por la cabeça. E estudo el rrey alli fasta que era çerca la noche e dende tornosse para el su rreal que tenia en Açofra. E hordeno otro dia de tornar a Najara por la conbatir o çercarla, e los que con el conde estauan eran ya aperçibidos e tenian aquellos castillos e oteros barboteados por los defender; pero si el rrey porfiara de los çercar, non tenian manera de se defender. E el rrey otro dia yendo para Najara fallo en el camino vn escudero de la gineta que era de Jahen, e venia faziendo grand llanto por quanto esa mañana eran ydos a correr algunos ginetes a la villa de Najara, commo a manera de esculcas, por saber las nueuas de lo que fazia el conde para dezirlas el rrey. E los que estauan con el conde en Najara les mataron vn escudero bueno, que era vasallo del rrey, natural de Jahen, que dizian Diego Lopez de Grañon, que era su tio de aquel escudero, e el rrey ouolo por fuerte señal por quanto ouiera en encuentro aquel escudero que fazia llanto: e non quiso yr a Najara e tornosse para su rreal commo quier que todos los mas de los suyos del rrey le dizian

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was unable to take refuge through the gates of the town as the king’s troops had already advanced right up to them. However, he reached the walls of the fortified area known as the castle of the Jews, and those of his men who were inside broke a hole in the town walls and the count and others of his men got in that way. In addition, that day some heights known as the castle of the Christians were occupied by other men in the count’s service: Don Fernán Osórez, a commander of the Order of Santiago, Gonzalo González de Lucio, Pero Ruiz de Sandoval, a knight of the Order of Santiago, and numerous other knights and squires. From that position they fought vigorously with the king’s troops and defended themselves successfully, with several skirmishes taking place during the day. Don Gonzalo Mejía, later to become master of Santiago, who was part of the count’s forces, did not manage to join up with his own side on that day, but he stuck close to the wall with about 50 men. They lost their horses, but they were defended from the walls by the men inside the town. The day saw the death on the king’s side of a knight called Gutier Fernández Delgadillo, who was struck by a javelin in the head. The king remained there until night was starting to fall, when he made his way back to his encampment in Azofra. He gave orders to return the next day to attack or besiege Nájera. The count’s troops had already made ready and had reinforced the defences of the fortified areas and those on the hills in protection against attack. Nevertheless, if the king had persevered in laying siege to them they would have had no way of holding out. On the following day, as the king was on his way to Nájera, he came across a squire, a man from Jaén, who was a member of his light cavalry and who was weeping bitterly: that morning a group of horsemen had set off on a scouting expedition to the town of Nájera in order to be able to report back to the king on the activities of the count. The count’s supporters in Nájera had killed one of them: a fine squire, a vassal of the king and native of Jaén by the name of Diego López de Grañón. He was the squire’s uncle, and the king took this encounter with the weeping squire as a powerful sign. As a result he was not willing to go on to Nájera but instead returned to his encampment. This was in spite of the fact that most of the king’s men urged and

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e consejauan que çercase al conde e auria fin esta guerra, e non fue voluntad de Dios que se fiziesse. E el rrey nunca lo quiso nin le plazia deste consejo. E esto era commo dezimos, lo vno voluntad de Dios, que el conde non fuesse tomado segund lo que despues paresçio que quiso Dios hordenar del, otrossi el rrey estaua muy enojado ya de estar en Castilla e auia voluntad de tornar para Seuilla. E partio el rrey de alli e fuesse para Santo Domingo de la Calçada e el conde finco en Najara.

Capitulo XIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro torno para Santo Domingo de la Calçada e commo luego sopo que el conde don Enrrique e los que eran con el se yuan para Aragon e se partian de Castilla. Otro dia partio el rrey del su rreal que tenia çerca de Najara e llego a Santo Domingo de la Calçada. E luego dende a dos dias ouo nueuas que el conde don Enrrique e el conde de Osona e los que con ellos eran auian desanparado a Najara e Haro e que leuaran camino de Nauarra. E despues que esta nueuas sopo el rrey, partio de Santo Domingo e fue a Logroño esse dia, e quisiera yr en pos el conde e paresçia bien el camino por do yuan ellos, e yuan pegados a vna sierra de Nauarra çerca de vn lugar que dizen Aguilar. Enpero estaua ay don Guido el cardenal de Boloña legado del papa e dixo al rrey que pues el conde e los otros le auian desanparado sus villas e se yuan del rregno, que assaz le cunplia aquello, e por aventura de otra manera, commo omnes desenparados tornarian sobre si. E commo diximos ante desto era voluntad de Dios que non se fiziesse mas, ca verdadera mente el conde e los que con el eran yuan perdidos si el rrey los siguiera, e non pudieran escusar de se perder. Enpero el rrey por el afincamiento que le fazia el cardenal e por que

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advised him to besiege the count, which would bring an end to the war. Nevertheless, it was not God’s will that it should happen. The king did not wish it and he would not accept this counsel. This was, as we say, on the one hand because it was not God’s will for the count to be captured, in accordance with the course that He subsequently appeared to determine for him; but also because King Pedro was by now very weary of remaining in Castile and desired to return to Seville. The king left the encampment and went back to Santo Domingo de la Calzada, whilst the count remained in Nájera.

1360: CHAPTER XI How King Pedro went back to Santo Domingo de la Calzada and how he soon learned that Count Enrique and the men in his company were heading for Aragon and leaving Castile. On the following day the king left his encampment near Nájera and made his way to Santo Domingo de la Calzada. Just two days later he received a report that Count Enrique, the count of Osona and the men accompanying them had abandoned Nájera and Haro and set off towards Navarre. Once the king had heard this news, he left Santo Domingo and reached Logroño that same day. He would have liked to go after the count and it was easy to make out the route which he and his men were following: they were sticking close to a range of hills near to a village called Aguilar.5 However Cardinal Guy of Boulogne, the Pope’s legate, was waiting there and he told the king that, since the count and the others had abandoned their towns to him and were leaving the kingdom, that was enough for his purposes, and perhaps even more so, as desperate men would turn upon each other. Indeed, as we commented previously, it was God’s will that nothing else happened, for in truth the count and the men accompanying him would have been lost had the king pursued them and they would inevitably have been doomed. However the king, as a result of the

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era assi hordenado de Dios, dexolos de seguir e estudo quedo en Logroño e mando que las conpañas non siguiessen al conde nin a los que yuan con el, e assi se fizo.

Capitulo XIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro dexo sus fronteros contra Aragon e se fue para Seuilla. El rrey estando en Logroño, quatro dias despues desto, hordeno sus fronteros en esta manera: enbio por fronteros de Taraçona, que era vna çibdad de Aragon, e mandoles estar a los suyos en Alfaro, al maestre de Santiago don Garçi Aluarez de Toledo con seysçientos de cauallo, e enbio a Agreda al maestre de Calatraua don Diego Garçia de Padilla con quatroçientos de cauallo, e enbio a Gomara al maestre de Alcantara, que dizian don Suer Martinez e era asturiano, con trezientos de cauallo, e enbio a Molina a Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo con trezientos de cauallo, e otros a las otras partes. E el rrey fuesse para Seuilla. E el conde don Enrrique e don Sancho e el conde de Osona e los otros caualleros que eran con ellos, desque partieron de Castilla, fueronsse para vn lugar de Aragon que dizen Tahuste e alli estudieron algunos dias descansando, que yuan muy lazdrados e afanados e perdidos los cauallos. E el cardenal de Boloña rrogo al rrey, antes que partiesse de Logroño, que quisiese enbiar alguno de quien fiasse con el al rregno de Nauarra e que el rrey de Aragon enbiaria eso mesmo de su parte, e que veria si seria voluntad de Dios que los pudiesse abenir. E al rrey plogo dello e enbio con el vn su chançeller del sello de la poridad e omne de quien fiaua, que dizian Iohan Alfonso de Mayorga. E el cardenal de Boloña fuesse para vna villa de Nauarra que dizen Xadaua, que es frontera de Aragon. E el rrey de Aragon enbio do

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cardinal’s insistence and also because it had been ordained by God, brought to a halt his pursuit of them and remained in Logroño, ordering his forces not to pursue the count or the men accompanying him. So that is what happened.

1360: CHAPTER XII How King Pedro posted field commanders against Aragon and departed for Seville. Four days later, while the king was in Logroño, he reorganized his field officers, posting some of his men as commanders against the Aragonese city of Tarazona: to Alfaro he dispatched the master of Santiago, Don Garci Álvarez de Toledo, with 600 horsemen; to Ágreda he sent the master of Calatrava, Don Diego García de Padilla, with 400 horsemen; to Gómara, the master of Alcántara, an Asturian called Don Suer Martínez, with 300 horsemen; to Molina, Gutier Fernández de Toledo, with 300 horsemen; and others elsewhere. The king himself made his way to Seville. Count Enrique, Don Sancho, the count of Osona and the other knights accompanying them, once they had left Castile, rode to a village in Aragon by the name of Tauste. There they spent a few days at rest, for they were exhausted and on edge and their horses were spent. Before the king left Logroño, he was asked by the cardinal of Boulogne to be prepared to send a person in whom he trusted to accompany him to the kingdom of Navarre. The king of Aragon would likewise send a representative and the cardinal would see if it was God’s will for him to succeed in bringing them to an agreement. The king accepted the proposal, and he sent with the cardinal Juan Alfonso de Mayorga, his chancellor of the confidential seal and a man who enjoyed his confidence. The cardinal of Boulogne travelled on to a town in Navarre called Sádaba, close to the frontier with Aragon. The king of Aragon sent

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el cardenal estaua a don Bernal vizconde de Cabrera, que era del su consejo e su priuado e almirante de la mar en el su rregno, para tratar en el fecho de la paz.

Capitulo XIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro enbio vn su vallestero mayor que dizian Zorze con galeas e commo tomo a Mateo Merçed que andaua en la mar con quatro galeas de Aragon. El rey desque llego a Seuilla sopo commo vn cauallero que dizian Mateo Merçed natural de la çibdad de Valençia, vasallo del rrey de Aragon, andaua con quatro galeas en la mar a fazer guerra e daño en nauios de Castilla. E mando el rrey estonçe armar çinco galeas en Seuilla e enbio en ellas por capitan vn cauallero suyo que dizian Zorzo e era su vallestero mayor. E el rrey queriele grand bien e fiaua del, e era natural de Tartaria e fuera tomado e criado de ginoueses. E el dicho Zorzo partio de Seuilla e fue buscar las quatro galeas e fallolas en la costa de la Berberia, en vn lugar que dizen Aone del rregno de Tremeçen, e peleo con ellas e tomolas e traxolas al rrey a Seuilla, e traxo preso al dicho Mateo Merçed. E mandolo luego el rrey matar e a muchos otros de las dichas galeas.

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Viscount Bernat of Cabrera to join the cardinal and act as a peace negotiator. The viscount was a member of the king’s council, his confidant and admiral of the fleet in his kingdom.

1360: CHAPTER XIII How King Pedro sent out his chief guard, by the name of Zorzo, with a number of galleys, and how Zorzo captured Mateu Mercer who had been roaming the sea with four Aragonese galleys. On arriving in Seville, the king learned how a knight by the name of Mateu Mercer, a native of the city of Valencia and a vassal of the king of Aragon, was roaming the sea with four galleys ready to attack and harm Castilian ships. The king then instructed that in Seville five galleys be made ready for battle and he placed in charge of them one of his knights, called Zorzo, who was his chief guard. The king was very fond of him and trusted him: he was a native of Tartary and had been captured and brought up by people from Genoa. Zorzo set out from Seville in search of the four galleys and he found them on the Barbary Coast, in a place known as Oran belonging to the kingdom of Tlemcen. He did battle with them, captured them and brought them to the king in Seville, and along with them he brought Mateu Mercer. The king lost no time in having him put to death together with many other men from the galleys.

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Capitulo XIIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro de Castilla fizo su pleyto con el rrey don Pedro de Portogal que le entregaria algunos caualleros de Portogal que estauan en su rregno e le diesse otros caualleros de Castilla que estauan en su rregno de Portogal. Assi fue que en el rregno de Portogal, quando el rrey don Alfonso rreynaua en el dicho rregno, fizo matar a doña Ynes de Castro, la qual tenia e auia fijos del infante don Pedro, su fijo del dicho rrey don Alfonso, e fizola el rrey don Alfonso matar por quanto le dizian que el infante don Pedro su fijo, que queria casarse con ella e fazer los dichos fijos legitimos. E pesauale al rrey don Alfonso por quanto la dicha doña Ynes non era fija de rrey, ca era fija de don Pedro de Castro que dixeron de la Guerra, vn grand señor en Gallizia, que la ouiera en vna dueña, e teniala el infante don Pedro por quanto era muy fermosa. E tomola despues que morio la Infanta doña Costança fija de don Iohan Manuel, con quien el dicho infante don Pedro fuera casado, e ouiera de la dicha doña Costança al infante don Ferrando, que rregnara despues, e a la infanta doña Maria, que caso con el marques de Aragon. E assi el dicho infante don Pedro de Portogal amaua tanto a la dicha doña Ynes de Castro que dizian algunos sus priuados que era casado con ella. E por esto el rrey don Alfonso de Portogal fizo matar a la dicha doña Ynes en Santa Clara de Coynbra, do ella posaua. E fueron en consejo con el de la matar dos caualleros suyos, vno que dizian Diego Lopez Pacheco e otro que dizian Pero Cuello, e otros dos omnes sus criados del rrey. E despues a poco tienpo fino el rrey don Alfonso de Portogal e rregno el infante don Pedro su fijo, e quisiera matar a los que fueron en el consejo de la muerte de doña Ynes, la qual dizia estonçe que fuera su muger legitima e que casara con ella el dicho infante don Pedro, pero que non lo osaua dezir por miedo del rrey don Alfonso su padre. E los caualleros de Portogal que en aquel consejo fueron, fuyeron del rregno de Portogal e vinieronse para Castilla. Otrossi deuedes saber que algunos caualleros de Castilla, por miedo del rrey, fuyeron del rregno de Castilla, e estauan fuydos en Portogal,

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1360: CHAPTER XIV How King Pedro of Castile negotiated an agreement with King Pedro of Portugal by which he would hand over some Portuguese knights who were in the kingdom of Castile in return for the king of Portugal putting in his hands some Castilian knights who were in the kingdom of Portugal. It so happened in the kingdom of Portugal that during his reign King Afonso had ordered the death of Doña Inés de Castro.6 Doña Inés had borne children to King Afonso’s son Prince Pedro, who wished to marry her and make those children legitimate. This annoyed King Afonso, since Doña Inés was not the daughter of a king but of Don Pedro de Castro − known as ´the Man of the War’, a great Galician lord −, who had fathered her by a noble lady. Prince Pedro took her as his mistress as she was very beautiful. This happened after the death of Princess Constanza, Don Juan Manuel’s daughter, to whom Pedro had been married and who had borne him two children: Prince Ferrando, who would go on to be king, and Princess Maria who married the marquis of Aragon. Prince Pedro of Portugal loved Doña Inés de Castro so deeply that some of his confidants claimed that he was married to her. For this reason King Afonso of Portugal had Doña Inés killed in the convent of Santa Clara in Coimbra where she had been living. Two of his knights were involved in the plan to kill her: one named Diogo Lopes Pacheco and the other Pedro Coehlo, together with two other men from the king’s household. Not long afterwards King Afonso of Portugal died and his son Prince Pedro came to the throne. He was bent on putting to death the men who had been involved in planning the death of Doña Inés, whom he now claimed to have been his legitimate wife: he said that he had married her but that he had not dared to admit this for fear of his father King Afonso. The knights who had been involved in the scheme fled from the kingdom of Portugal and went to Castile. You should also be aware that some Castilian knights, out of fear for the king, had fled from the kingdom of Castile and taken refuge in

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los quales eran Men Rodriguez Tenorio e Ferran Gudiel de Toledo e Fortun Sanchez Calderon. E fue tratado entre el rrey de Castilla e el rrey don Pedro de Portogal que cada vno de los dichos rreyes entregasse al otro los caualleros que eran en el su rregno assy fuydos para fazer en ellos lo que quisiesen, e fue assi fecho. E fueron entregados al rrey de Portogal Pero Cuello e otro e vn escriuano, e fueron luego muertos en Portogal. E Diego Lopez Pacheco fue aperçebido e fuxo de Castilla para el rregno de Aragon. Otrossi fueron entregados al rrey don Pedro de Castilla Men Rodriguez Tenorio e Ferrand Gudiel de Toledo e Fortun Sanchez Calderon, e fizolos matar en la çibdat de Seuilla. E los que esto vieron touieron que que los rreyes fizieron lo que su merçed fue e que tal troque non deuiera seer fecho pues estos caualleros estauan sobre seguro en los sus rregnos.

Capitulo XVº. Commo fue muerto en Seuilla don Pero Nuñez de Guzman. Segund suso auemos contado, el rrey don Pedro al comienço deste año partiera de Seuilla e fue para tierra de Leon por tomar a don Pero Nuñez de Guzman adelantado mayor de tierra de Leon, e commo don Pero Nuñez de Guzman fuxo e fuesse para vn su castillo que dizen Auiados e dende a poco tienpo, fuesse para el rregno de Portogal. E quando se fizo el troque de los caualleros de Castilla e de Portogal segund que auedes oydo, fue preso don Pero Nuñez de Guzman, que estaua en el rregno de Portogal. E por quanto el alcayde de Alburquerque, que dizian Sancho Ruyz de Villegas, que tenia el castillo de Alburquerque, que era su amigo, e vinosse para alli quando vio que los otros caualleros que estauan fuydos en Portogal eran entregados al rrey de Castilla e los matara. E el alcayde que tenia el castillo de Alburquerque traxo sus pleytesias

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Portugal; and these men were Men Rodríguez Tenorio, Fernán Gudiel de Toledo and Fortún Sánchez Calderón. Between the king of Castile and King Pedro of Portugal a deal was negotiated by which each of them would hand over to the other the knights who had taken refuge in his kingdom in this way, so that they could both do with them as they wished, and this was put into effect. Pedro Coehlo, one other man and a notary were handed over to the king of Portugal and soon afterwards were put to death in his country. However, Diogo Lopes Pacheco was warned and fled from Castile into the kingdom of Aragon. Men Rodríguez Tenorio, Fernán Gudiel de Toledo and Fortún Sánchez Calderón were similarly handed over to King Pedro of Castile, who had them executed in the city of Seville. Those who saw this considered that the kings acted arbitrarily and that they should not have agreed such an exchange, as these knights had been granted refuge in their kingdoms.

1360: CHAPTER XV How Don Pero Núñez de Guzmán was put to death in Seville. As we related previously, at the beginning of this year King Pedro had left Seville for the territories of León in order to capture Don Pero Núñez de Guzmán, governor general for that region, and Don Pero Núñez had fled to one of his castles, called Aviados, and shortly afterwards had crossed into the kingdom of Portugal. However, when, as you have heard, the exchange of Castilian and Portuguese knights took place, Don Pero Núñez de Guzmán – who was in the kingdom of Portugal – was taken prisoner. Since he was a friend of the military governor of Alburquerque who held the castle there, a man named Sancho Ruiz de Villegas, Don Pero Núñez had gone to Alburquerque on learning that the other knights who had taken refuge in Portugal had been handed over to the king of Castile and that they had been executed. The military governor who held Alburquerque castle negotiated

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con el rrey de Castilla e entregole a don Pero Nuñez de Guzman. E el rrey fizolo matar en Seuilla muy cruel mente, e la manera de su muerte seria assaz fea e crua de contar; pero peso dello a los que verdadera mente amauan serviçio del rrey e non les plazia de tales cosas.

Capitulo XVIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro fizo matar a Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo e prendieron a Pero Ferrandez Quexada. Otrossi en este año mesmo estando el rrey en Seuilla, enbio mandar por sus cartas a Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo su rrepostero mayor, el qual estaua frontero en Molina contra Aragon, que se fuesse para Nauarra a vna villa que dizen Xadaua a do estaua el cardenal de Boloña legado del Papa. E estaua por partes del rrey Iohan Alfonso de Mayorga su chançeller mayor, e por parte del rrey de Aragon estaua don Bernal vizconde de Cabrera, los quales tratauan el trato de la paz entre el rrey de Castilla e el rrey de Aragon. E enbio mandar el rrey al dicho Gutier Ferrandez que fuesse por la villa de Alfaro do fallaria a don Garçi Aluarez maestre de Santiago, e otrossi fallaria a Martin Lopez de Cordoba su camarero mayor, los quales le informarian a toda su voluntad qual era el fecho del trato de la paz e que en este caso pusiesse acuçia la mayor que pudiesse en luego lo cunplir segund ge lo enbiaua mandar, e que assy conplia a su serviçio e provecho muy grande de sus rregnos. E Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo desque ouo estas cartas del rrey, luego partio de Molina e fuesse para Alfaro do estaua don Garçi Aluarez de Toledo maestre de Santiago, e fallo ý a Martin Lopez de Cordoba, que era ya llegado, que el rrey lo enbiara sobre esta rrazon que oyredes. E el dia que el dicho Gutier Ferrandez llego a Alfaro fazia el dicho maestre alarde de todas las gentes que alli eran a serviçio del rrey. E

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with the king of Castile and handed Don Pero Núñez de Guzmán over to him. The king had him put to death in Seville with great cruelty, and the manner of his death would be unpleasant and gruesome to describe. However, those who were truly loyal to the king were troubled by it and were not in agreement with such acts.

1360: CHAPTER XVI How King Pedro had Gutier Fernández de Toledo put to death and how Pero Fernández Quexada was arrested. During this same year, while the king was in Seville he also wrote to his lord high butler Gutier Fernández de Toledo, who had been posted as a field commander in Molina against Aragon, instructing him to go to a town called Sádaba to join the Pope’s legate, the cardinal of Boulogne. Present on behalf of King Pedro was his lord chancellor, Juan Alfonso de Mayorga, and Viscount Bernat of Cabrera was attending as the representative of the king of Aragon: and these two men were carrying out the peace negotiations on behalf of the kings of Castile and Aragon. King Pedro sent instructions to Gutier Fernández to go to the town of Alfaro, where he would find Don Garci Álvarez, the master of Santiago, and also Martín López de Córdoba, his master chamberlain, who would inform him to his satisfaction about the state of the peace discussions. The king also ordered him in this case to carry out the instructions sent to him as urgently as possible: in this way he was doing his duty to the king and a great service to his kingdoms. Once he had received this letter from King Pedro, Gutier Fernández de Toledo lost no time in setting out from Molina and travelling to Alfaro where Don Garci Álvarez de Toledo, master of Santiago, was present. There he found Martín López de Córdoba, who had already arrived, having been sent by the king on the business about which you will hear. On the day of Gutier Fernández’s arrival in Alfaro, the master was carrying out a review of all of the forces that were there in the king’s

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este alarde fazia el maestre por auer manera de estar armado el e los suyos si algund bolliçio acaesçiesse por lo que auia de fazer segund oyredes. E era biespera de Santa Maria de Setienbre e Gutier Ferrandez estaua en sus posadas, e el maestre desque el alarde fue fecho, fue para la posada de Gutier Ferrandez, e yua ý el maestre de Alcantara don Suer Martinez que llegara ý esse dia eso mesmo por mandado del rrey, el qual estaua frontero en Gomara. E desque llegaron en la posada de Gutier Ferrandez descaualgaron ally e entraron con el en vna camara e fizieronlo prender e leuaronlo preso a la posada del maestre de Santiago. E desque llegaron ý dixo Martin Lopez de Cordoba commo el rrey lo mandara matar. E Gutier Ferrandez dixo: ‘Yo nunca fize cosa por que yo le merezca tal muerte’. Otrossi Martin Lopez le dixo que le enbiaua mandar el rrey que le entregasse el alcaçar de Molina e los castillos que andauan con la dicha tenençia, e que diesse luego sus cartas para los que tenian los dichos castillos para que luego los entregassen a quien el rrey enbiaua mandar por sus cartas que traya alli, e las mostraua. E Gutier Ferrandez dixo que le plazia de entregar todos los castillos que el tenia del rrey e mando luego a vn escriuano fazer cartas para los alcaydes del alcaçar e castillos de Molina, que los entregassen a Martin Lopez de Cordoba camarero del rrey, que los auia de tener segund mostraua por sus cartas del rrey. E fecho esto fizieron entrar al dicho Gutier Ferrandez en vna camara e alli le cortaron la cabeça. E luego ge la enbiaron al rrey con vn vallestero de maça. E prendieron esse dia a Pero Ferrandez Quexada, vn cauallero de tierra de Leon e leuaronlo preso a Almodouar del Rio çerca de Cordoba. E fueron muy espantados todos los caualleros que estauan ý.

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service. The master was doing this so as to provide a way for him and his men to be ready armed in case some disturbance occurred on account of what he was to do – as you will hear. It was the eve of the Feast Day of Saint Mary in September and Gutier Fernández was in his lodgings. Once the review was over, the master went to join him there, and so did Don Suer Martínez, who, similarly at the king’s command, had arrived in Alfaro that day and who was serving as a field commander in Gómara. On reaching Gutier Fernández’s lodgings, they dismounted and accompanied him into a chamber where they had him taken prisoner and led him off to the lodgings of the master of Santiago. On arriving there, Martín López explained that the king had ordered Gutier Fernández’s execution. ‘I never did anything’, said Gutier Fernández, ‘to cause him to have me killed in this way.’ Martín López also told Gutier Fernández that the king had sent instructions that he was to hand over to him the alcázar of Medina and the fortresses that went with his position.7 In addition he was to provide letters for the men holding them, authorizing them to hand the fortresses over immediately to the person that the king indicated in the letter that he had brought with him; and he showed him the letter. Gutier Fernández told him that he agreed to surrender all the castles which he held on behalf of the king. He immediately ordered a notary to draw up letters for the castellans of the alcázar of Molina and its castles, giving them instructions to hand them over to Martín López de Córdoba, the king’s chamberlain. Martín López was to take possession of them as he demonstrated by showing the king’s letter. When this had been done they forced Gutier Fernández into a chamber where they cut off his head; and they lost no time in having a macebearing guard take it to the king. That same day they arrested Pero Fernández Quexada, a Leonese knight, and took him as a prisoner to Almodóvar del Río near Córdoba. All the knights who were present were deeply shocked.

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Capitulo XVIIº. Commo Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo enbio vna carta al rrey don Pedro. Este dia estando el dicho Gutier Ferrandez preso en la possada del maestre de Santiago, dixo a los maestres de Santiago e de Alcantara e a Martin Lopez de Cordoba que si les pluguiesse que queria enbiar vna carta al rrey. E ellos dixieron que lo fiziesse. E luego la fizo fazer a vn escriuano, la qual dizia assi: ‘Señor, yo Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo, beso vuestras manos e me despido de la vuestra merçed e vo para otro señor mayor que non vos. E señor, bien sabe la vuestra merçed commo mi madre e mis hermanos e yo fuemos sienpre desde el dia que vos nasçistes en la vuestra criança e pasamos muchos males e sofrimos muchos miedos por vuestro serviçio en el tienpo que doña Leonor de Guzman auia poder en el rregno. Señor, yo sienpre vos servi; enpero creo que por vos dezir algunas cosas que cunplian a vuestro servicio, me mandastes matar, en lo qual, Señor, yo tengo que lo fezistes por conplir vuestra voluntad, lo qual Dios vos lo perdone, mas yo nunca vos lo meresçi. E agora, señor, digo vos tanto al punto de la mi muerte, por que este sera mi postrimero consejo, que sy vos non alçades el cuchillo e non escusades de fazer tales muertas commo esta, que vos auedes perdido vuestro rregno e tenedes vuestra persona en peligro. E pido vos por merçed que vos guardedes, ca lealmente fablo con vusco, ca en tal hora esto que non deuo dezir si non verdad.’ E esta carta fue dada al rrey e pesole mucho por que gela dexaron fazer.

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1360: CHAPTER XVII How Gutier Fernández de Toledo wrote to King Pedro. That day, while Gutier Fernández was being held prisoner in the lodgings of the master of Santiago, he told the masters of Santiago and Alcántara and Martín López de Córdoba, that, if they gave their permission, he wished to write to the king, They replied that he should go ahead and do so. He lost no time in having a notary write out a letter, which said this: ‘My lord, I, Gutier Fernández de Toledo, kiss your hands in allegiance and take my leave of your Grace as I go to greet another, greater, lord. My lord, your Grace knows how my mother, my brothers and I have always been, from the day of your birth, members of your household. We suffered many wrongs and endured many terrors through our loyalty to you during the time that Doña Leonor de Guzmán held sway in the kingdom. My lord, I have always served you, but I believe that, because I spoke to you of matters which were in your interest, you ordered my execution; and in this, my lord, I consider that you acted in a wilful manner – may God pardon you! – although I have never done anything to deserve it. And now, my lord, I tell you this as I am about to die: my final counsel to you is that if you do not cease to wield the knife and refrain from inflicting deaths such as this one, your kingdom is lost and you are putting yourself in danger. I beseech you to take care, for I speak to you as a loyal subject at a time when I must speak nothing other than the truth.’ The letter was given to the king and he was greatly annoyed that they had allowed Gutier Fernández to write it.

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Capitulo XVIIIº. Commo Martin Lopez de Cordoba priso en Soria la muger e fijos de Gomez Carrillo por quanto sabia ya que el era muerto por mandado del rrey don Pedro. Martin Lopez de Cordoba desque Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo moriera en Alfaro e todo esto asi fue fecho, partio de Alfaro e fue luego camino de Soria, e fizo alli prender la muger e fijos de Gomez Carrillo, fijo de Pero Ruyz Carrillo. E esto fazia Martin Lopez por que quando el rrey enbiara a Martin Lopez en Alfaro, segund oydo auedes, a matar a Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo, le dixo el rrey que Gomez Carrillo que era venido a el e que veniera por fazerle salua de algunas cosas que algunos le acusauan diziendo que el trataua con algunos sus parientes que eran en Aragon con el conde, e que el dicho Gomez Carrillo estaua presto para se saluar desta rrazon; pero que el rrey non ge la queria oyr. E el rrey non queria bien a Gomez Carrillo, ca el rrey tomara vn año antes desto a doña Maria Gonçalez de Henestrosa, muger de Garçi Laso Carrillo, hermano del dicho Gomez Carrillo, por l[o] qual el dicho Garçi Laso se fuera para Aragon al conde don Enrrique. E por esta rrazon el rrey rreçelauasse de Gomez Carrillo, que era ermano del dicho Garçi Laso, cuya muger el rrey tenia. E quando Gomez Carrillo fazia al rrey estas saluas que auemos dicho, rrespondiole el rrey que non creya ninguna cosa de que el fuesse acusado, antes le queria fazer mayor fiança del que fasta estonçe fiziera. E que para seer seguro Gomez Carrillo de tales dezires, que era mejor que dexasse de estar en la frontera de Aragon pues sus parientes estauan çerca de la otra parte con el conde don Enrrique, los quales eran Pero Carrillo e Gomez Carrillo de Quintana, e que le faria dar las villas de Algezira do el le podria bien servir, las quales villas tenia estonçe don Garçi Ferrandez

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1360: CHAPTER XVIII How Martín López de Córdoba, already aware that Gómez Carrillo had been killed at the command of King Pedro, arrested his wife and children in Soria. Once Gutier Fernández de Toledo had met his death in Alfaro and everything had happened just as has been explained, Martín López de Córdoba set out from Alfaro and immediately headed for Soria, where he ordered the arrest of the wife and children of Gómez Carrillo, the son of Pero Ruiz Carrillo. Martín López did this because, when he sent him to Alfaro to kill Gutier Fernández de Toledo – as you have heard –, the king told him how he had been approached by Gómez Carrillo who had come to assert his innocence of certain actions of which some people had accused him. They had claimed that he was in negotiation with some of his relatives who were with the count in Aragon. King Pedro explained that Gómez Carrillo had been prepared to demonstrate that he was innocent of what was alleged but that he had not been willing to listen to him: he was hostile to Gómez Carrillo, since a year previously he – the king − had taken as his mistress Doña María González de Henestrosa, the wife of Garci Laso Carrillo, who was Gómez Carrillo’s brother, and as a result of this Garci Laso had gone to join Count Enrique in Aragon. It was because of this that King Pedro was suspicious of Gómez Carrillo, brother of Garci Laso, whose wife he had taken. So when Gómez Carrillo offered to give this demonstration of innocence of which we have spoken, the king had told him in reply that he believed none of the accusations against him but rather wished to give him firmer proof of his trust in him than he had done so far. He told Gómez Carrillo that in order to be safe against such rumours it would be better for him to cease to be on the Aragonese frontier, for his relatives were close by on the other side with Count Enrique. These relatives were Pero Carrillo and Gómez Carrillo de Quintana. He added that he would appoint him governor of the towns of Algeciras, which had been held until then by Don Garci

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Manrrique. E el rrey dizia que el queria dar otra mayor encomienda al dicho don Garçi Ferrandez en Castilla. E Gomez Carrillo ge lo touo en merçed señalada e plogole mucho desto teniendo que assi lo faria el rrey. E luego el rrey mando librar a Gomez Carrillo sus cartas e sus rrecabdos para la tenençia de Algezira e sus cartas para don Garçi Ferrandez Manrique, que gelas entregasse. E mando el rrey armar vna galea en que fuesse Gomez Carrillo para Algezira. E Gomez Carrillo se despidio del rrey e entro en la galea muy alegre e muy pagado teniendo que le entregarian las villas de Algezira. E desque fueron en la mar, el patron de la galea fizo matar a Gomez Carrillo e echo el cuerpo en la mar, e la cabeça fizola traer a Seuilla. E Martin Lopez de Cordoba que lo sabia todo esto que estaua assi hordenado quando estaua en Alfaro a fazer matar a Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo, prendio a la muger e fijos del dicho Gomez Carrillo en Soria. E despues desto el rrey partio de Seuilla e vinose su camino para Almaçan e en llegando a vna aldea de Atiença que dizian Rebollosa, ouo nueuas commo Gutier Ferrandez era muerto e truxieronle alli su cabeça, e ouo dende grand plazer. E dende partio luego para Atiença e otro dia llego a Almaçan e alli el auia enbiado ya por el maestre de Santiago don Garçi Aluarez e otros. E vinieron al rrey a Almaçan el dicho maestre don Garçi Aluarez e otros, e plogo al rrey mucho con ellos e rresçibiolos muy bien. E otrossi llego ý Martin Lopez de Cordoua, que venia de Soria de prender la muger e fijos de Gomez Carrillo.

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Fernández Manrique and where Gómez Carrillo could give him loyal service. The king said that he wished to grant Don Garci Fernández another, more important post in Castile and Gómez Carrillo took this to be a conspicuous act of favour and was delighted by it, believing that the king would be as good as his word. King Pedro lost no time in ordering that Gómez Carrillo be issued with an official letter and his authorization for the governorship of Algeciras and a letter to hand to Don Garci Fernández Manrique. The king gave instructions for a galley to be made ready to take Gómez Carrillo to Algeciras and the knight took his leave of him and boarded the galley in the highest of spirits, expecting the town of Algeciras to be put into his charge. However, once they were out at sea the captain of the galley had Gómez Carrillo killed and had his body thrown overboard and his head taken to Seville. Moreover, Martín López de Córdoba, who had been made aware that all of this had been planned while he was in Alfaro to arrange for the death of Gutier Fernández de Toledo, took Gómez Carrillo’s wife and children prisoner in Soria. After this, the king left Seville and made his way to Almazán where, as soon as he arrived in a village called Rebollosa, in the area of Atienza, he received the report that Gutier Fernández had been killed: the knight’s head was brought to him there, which gave him great pleasure. From Rebollosa he set off at once for Atienza and the next day he reached Almazán where he had already sent instructions to the master of Santiago, Don Garci Álvarez, and some other knights to come and meet him. The master, Don Garci Álvarez, and the other knights went to meet the king in Almazán: he was greatly pleased by their presence and welcomed them very warmly. Martín López de Córdoba also joined them there, having come from Soria where he had taken prisoner the wife and children of Gómez Carrillo.

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Capitulo XIXº. Commo el rrey llego a Almaçan e fablo con don Ferrando de Castro e con otros señores e caualleros que alli venieron a el e les dixo la rrazon por que mandara matar a Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo e a Gomez Carrillo. Despues que llego el rrey a Almaçan estudo ý ocho dias, e estaua ý con el don Ferrando de Castro e don Garçi Aluarez de Toledo maestre de Santiago e don Diego Garçia de Padilla maestre de Calatraua e don Suer Martinez de Alcantara e muchos otros caualleros de los que estauan fronteros de Aragon, por los quales auia el rrey enbiado. E el rrey fablo con ellos e dixoles que el mandara matar a Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo e a Gomez Carrillo por que sabia bien que ge lo auian meresçido e las rrazones por que los mandara matar eran estas: e dixo que el mandara matar a Gutier Ferrandez por quanto, quando fue la batalla de Arauiana, en la qual morio Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa e luego que lo supiera, enbiara mandar a todos los caualleros que estauan fronteros que se rrecogiessen con el dicho Gutier Ferrandez e fiziessen por el assi commo por el mesmo. Otrossi despues el enbiara mandar al dicho Gutier Ferrandez que se fuesse a la villa de Tudela de Nauarra a las pleytesias que se tratauan con gentes del rrey de Aragon delante el cardenal de Boloña legado del papa. E que estonçes, estando el dicho Gutier Ferrandez en la villa de Tudela, venieran a estar con el Diego Perez Sarmiento, que era estonçes partido de la su merçed e era ydo para el conde don Enrrique e que andaua en su deservicio; otrosi Pero Carrillo, que era priuado del conde, e que fablauan con el dicho Gutier Ferrandez secreta mente e comian e conversauan con el. Otrossi que enbiara a Gutier Ferrandez a Pero Gonçalez de Aguero, vn cauallero vasallo del rrey, el qual por su mandado estaua con el dicho Gutier Ferrandez frontero e lo aguardaua, por mensajero al infante don Ferrando marques de Tortosa, que era en Aragon. E que non sabia commo, pero estas cosas non las fazia el dicho Gutier Ferrandez bien,

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1360: CHAPTER XIX How the king arrived in Almazán and spoke with Don Fernando de Castro and other lords and knights who joined him there, and how he explained to them why he had ordered the deaths of Gutier Fernández de Toledo and Gómez Carrillo. After his arrival in Almazán the king remained there for a week, accompanied by Don Fernando de Castro, Don Garci Álvarez de Toledo, master of Santiago, Don Diego García de Padilla, master of Calatrava, Don Suer Martínez, master of Alcántara, and numerous others of the knights who were field commanders against Aragon and for whom the king had sent. The king addressed them and told them that he had given instructions for Gutier Fernández de Toledo and Pero Carrillo to be killed because he knew well that they had deserved it. He gave the following reasons: he said that he had ordered the death of Gutier Fernández because at the time of the battle of Araviana in which Juan Fernández de Henestrosa died, as soon as he knew of what had happened, he had instructed all the knights who were serving as field commanders to report to Gutier Fernández and to follow his orders as if they were his own. He had also sent a command to Gutier Fernández to go to the Navarrese town of Tudela to attend the negotiations being carried out with representatives of the king of Aragon in the presence of the papal legate, the cardinal of Boulogne. Then, King Pedro explained, while Gutier Fernández was in the town of Tudela he had been visited by Diego Pérez Sarmiento, who had gone over to Count Enrique and was being disloyal to his own king; and also by Pero Carrillo, who was a close adviser of the count. They spoke with Gutier Fernández in secret, having a meal and discussing matters with him. In addition, Gutier Fernández had sent Pero González de Agüero – a knight and vassal of King Pedro who, at the king’s command, was a field commander with Gutier Fernández and was in his service – as an envoy to Prince Ferran, marquis of Tortosa.8 Prince Ferran was in Aragon. King Pedro said that he did not know how, but that

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nin paresçian bien a los que las veyan. Otrossi dixo el rrey que Gomez Carrillo, estando en algunos logares do lo el dexara por frontero de Aragon, los quales eran Vijuezca e Torrijo, que el ganara de Aragon e los tenia Gomez Carrillo por el, se veya muchas vezes con Pero Carrillo e Gomez Carrillo sus primos, que estauan con el conde en su deseruiçio en Aragon, e que por esta rrazon los mandara matar. E non ouo ý ninguno que osasse dezir al rrey saluo que fiziesse lo que la su merçed fuesse e que todo lo que el fiziera fuera bien hecho. E algunos auia ý estonçe que dizian secreta mente que Gutier Ferrandez dizia en su vida toda la conuersaçion que el fiziera en Tudela con Diego Perez Sarmiento e con Pero Carrillo era por los traer a la merçed del rrey; otrossi que enbiara a Pero Gonçalez de Aguero al infante don Fernando a Aragon para traer algund trato con el contra el conde don Enrrique, e poner discordia entre ellos por que la entrada que querian fazer en Castilla çesasse e desmanesçiesse. Enpero la verdad es esta segund que todos lo sabian, que Gutier Ferrandez fue muerto por seer atreuido en dezir al rrey algunas cosas, ca commo quier que las dixiesse a buena entençion, pero el rrey auia enojo del por ende. Otrossi Gomez Carrillo era vn cauallero que sienpre aguardara seruiçio del rrey e si al fiziera non se pusiera al peligro que se puso en yr a Seuilla al rrey a se saluar destas cosas que dizian del; pero fue grand achaque de su parte el fecho de doña Mari Gonçalez de Henestrosa, muger de su hermano Garçi Laso, que el rrey tomara segund auemos contado.

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it was not right for Gutier Fernández to do these things, nor did they seem right to those who saw what he was doing. He also spoke of Gómez Carrillo’s activities in Bijuesca and Torrijo. In these places, which he had won from Aragon, the king had left Gómez Carrillo as a field commander against Aragon, in charge on his behalf. However, while he was there, Gómez Carrillo had several times met with his cousins Pero Carrillo and Gómez Carrillo who were with the count in Aragon acting disloyally towards the king, and it was for this reason that he had ordered the two men’s deaths. There was nobody present who dared to say to the king anything other than that he should do exactly as he desired and that all that he had done had been right. Nevertheless, there were some there at that time who said in secret that, while he was alive, Gutier Fernández had claimed that all the discussions that he had had in Tudela with Diego Pérez Sarmiento and with Pero Carrillo were with the intention of bringing them over to King Pedro’s side; and also that he had sent Pero González de Agüero to Prince Ferran in Aragon to come to some arrangement with him directed against Count Enrique with the purpose of creating friction between them so that their intended invasion of Castile would be brought to a halt and come to nothing. However, as they were all aware, the truth is that Gutier Fernández was killed because he had been too indiscrete in some of what he said to the king, for, although his intention in saying it was good, the king was annoyed by his words. Likewise, Gómez Carrillo was a knight who had always been loyal to King Pedro, and if he had acted otherwise he would never have exposed himself to danger in such a way when he went to Seville to defend himself against the accusations being made against him. However, he was greatly harmed by what happened over his brother Garci Laso’s wife Doña María González de Henestrosa, whom the king had taken as his mistress, as we have already related.

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Capitulo XXº. Commo don Gutier Gomez de Toledo prior de Sand Iohan e Diego Gomez, su hermano, fuxeron de Murçia quando supieron que era muerto Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo, su tio. Quando mataron a Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo en Alfaro, segund auemos contado, por mandamiento del rrey, don Gutier Gomez de Toledo prior de Sand Iohan e Diego Gomez, su hermano, estauan en la çibdad de Murçia por fronteros de Aragon. E quando les llegaron nueuas que Gutier Ferrandez, su tio, era muerto por mandado del rrey, fuxeron de Murçia do estauan fronteros de Aragon e el prior fuesse contra tierra de moros e fue tomado de gentes del rrey e truxieronlo preso a Murçia. Pero luego que el rrey lo sopo, lo mando soltar de la prisión, e Diego Gomez fuesse para Aragon; pero a poco de tienpo despues el rrey lo perdono e tornosse a su merçed. Otrossi en este tienpo estaua en Murçia por frontero vn cauallero de Castilla que dizian Dia Gutierrez de Çauallos, e fue acusado que por su consejo partieron el prior de Sand Iohan e Diego Gomez de Toledo de Murçia. E vn escudero que dizian Martin Gonçalez Guardian por mandamiento del rrey dixole rriepto diziendo que el fablara en algunas cosas que non eran serviçio del rrey, e Diego Gutierrez le rrespondio luego e se despidio a las manos. Pero el rrey non queria bien a Diego Gutierrez e fizolo prender e poner en el ataraçana de Seuilla, e despues lo leuaron a Cordoba e en la prision do estaua, en la carcel que dizen ‘de los infantes’, e alli fue muerto.

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1360: CHAPTER XX How Don Gutier Gómez de Toledo, prior of the Order of Saint John, and his brother Diego Gómez, fled from Murcia on learning of the death of their uncle Gutier Fernández de Toledo. When Gutier Fernández de Toledo was killed in Alfaro at the king’s command, as we have related, Don Gutier Gómez de Toledo, prior of the Order of Saint John, and his brother Diego Gómez, were in the city of Murcia serving as field commanders against Aragon. When the news reached them that their uncle Gutier Fernández had been killed at the king’s command, they fled from Murcia where they had been posted. The prior crossed into Moorish territory, where he was captured by the king’s troops and taken back to Murcia as a prisoner; but as soon as the king learned of it he gave orders for him to be freed. Diego Gómez crossed into Aragon, but it was not long before he was pardoned by the king and returned to his favour. Also during this period a Castilian knight called Día Gutiérrez de Zaballos, who was in Murcia serving as a field commander, was accused of advising the prior of the Order of Saint John and Diego Gómez de Toledo to leave Murcia. At the king’s command a squire called Martín González Guardián challenged him, alleging that he had said things which showed disloyalty towards the king. Diego Gutiérrez was quick to respond to him and he vindicated himself in hand-to-hand combat. However the king was ill-disposed towards Diego Gutiérrez and had him arrested and held as a prisoner in the shipyard in Seville, from where he was taken to Córdoba and placed in what is known as the ‘Prison of the Princes’. There he was put to death.

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Capitulo XXIº. Commo el rrey enbio mandar a don Vasco arçobispo de Toledo su hermano de Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo, que saliese del rregno. El rrey don Pedro luego que ouo fablado con don Ferrando de Castro e los maestres e caualleros que a el vinieron estas cosas que dichas auemos, partio de Almaçan e fue para Guadalfajara, e dende enbio sus mensageros por los quales enbio dezir al arçobispo don Vasco, hermano de Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo, que luego dexasse la çibdad de Toledo e que se fuesse para Portogal e non partiesse de aquel rregno sin su liçençia e sin su mandado. E los mensageros del rrey partieron luego de Guadalfajara e fueronsse para Toledo, e quando llegaron en Toledo fallaron al arçobispo de grand mañana, que oya misa en la capilla de la su posada. E desque la misa fue dicha, fablo con el Matheos Ferrandez chançeller del sello de la poridat, que el rrey enbiara a el, e dixo al arçobispo commo el rrey le fazia saber que por quanto el sopiera que Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo, su hermano, lo queria deservir e que el lo mandara matar e que era çierto que Gutier Ferrandez nunca fiziera ninguna cosa sin consejo del dicho arçobispo su hermano, e pues assi era, que al rrey non plazia que el dicho arçobispo estudiesse en el su rregno nin en la su çibdad de Toledo, e se fuesse para el rregno de Portogal, e que non partiesse para otra parte alguna sin su liçençia e mandamiento. E dixole luego muchas afruentas el dicho Matheos Ferrandez de partes del rrey, a Pero Lopez de Ayala, que estaua ý presente, que era alguazil mayor de Toledo. E le dizia de partes del rrey asi commo su alguazil mayor de Toledo que non se partiesse del dicho arçobispo fasta que lo dexasse fuera de la çibdat de Toledo. E el dicho Pero Lopez alguazil rrespondio que el faria lo que el rrey mandaua. E el arçobispo don Vasco quando oyo estas palabras que le dixo Mateos Ferrandez, fue muy turbado e dixo que el se marauillaua

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1360: CHAPTER XXI How the king sent a command to Archbishop Vasco of Toledo, Gutier Fernández de Toledo’s brother, that he was to leave the kingdom. As soon as he had spoken about these matters − which we have already explained − with Don Fernando and the masters and the knights who had come to him, King Pedro left Almazán and headed for Guadalajara. From there he sent envoys to inform Archbishop Vasco, Gutier Fernández de Toledo’s brother, that he was to leave the city of Toledo without delay, go to Portugal and not leave that kingdom without his permission or unless he commanded him to do so. At once the king’s envoys set out from Guadalajara and rode to Toledo, where on their arrival they came upon the archbishop early in the morning, hearing Mass in the chapel of his residence. Once the Mass was over, Matheos Fernández, chancellor of the confidential seal, spoke with the archbishop, to whom he had been sent by the king, and told him that King Pedro wished to inform him that he was not willing for him to remain in his kingdom or in his city of Toledo, that he should cross into the kingdom of Portugal, and that he should not leave it for anywhere else without the king’s permission or unless he commanded him to do so. This was because the king had been aware that the archbishop’s brother Gutier Fernández de Toledo intended to act disloyally towards him and had ordered his death, and he was convinced that Gutier Fernández would never have taken any action without seeking the advice of his brother the archbishop. Matheos Fernández proceeded, on the king’s behalf, to direct several insulting comments at Pero López de Ayala, the head constable of Toledo, who was present.9 He told him on behalf of the king that in his capacity of head constable of the city he was not to leave the side of the archbishop until he had accompanied him out of the city of Toledo. Pero López, the head constable, replied that he would do as the king commanded. When he heard the words that Matheos Fernández spoke to him, Archbishop Vasco became very flustered and replied that he was

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mucho que Gutier Ferrandez su hermano fiziesse ninguna cosa que fuesse deserviçio del rrey; pero que pues muerto era, el non pudia mas fazer, saluo que el rrey fiziesse en el e en su linaje commo fuesse su merçed. E que bien sabia el rrey que su madre del e el e todos los sus hermanos e parientes fueron en la su merçed desque el nasçiera e estudieron siempre en la su merçed, e pasaron muchos peligros e muchos miedos en tienpo del rrey don Alfonso su padre e de doña Leonor de Guzman, por tener su parte. E quel nin pariente suyo que el supiesse nunca fueron si non en su serviçio. E a lo que el rrey dizia que se partiesse de Toledo e se fuesse para Portogal a esto non pudia fazer ni dezir si non conplir lo que el mandasse e fuesse su merçed, e que le plazia de lo fazer assy. E Mateos Ferrandez chançeller del rey, que alli viniera a el segund que dicho auemos a le dezir estas rrazones, le dixo que pues el rrey assi gelo auia enbiado dezir e mandar, que le dizia que luego partiesse de Toledo e non fiziesse al. E rrequirio otra vez al dicho Pero Lopez de Ayala alguazil que lo cunpliesse assy. E el arçobispo dixo que le plazia de partir luego de la çibdat de Toledo. E luego el arçobispo partio de su casa, que le non consintio el dicho Mateos Ferrandez tomar sola mente vn libro nin otra rropa saluo la que traya vestida. E sallio el arçobispo de la çibdad de Toledo luego antes de comer por la puente de Sand Martin para tomar su camino para Portogal segund el rrey lo mandara, e quantos auia en la çibdat de Toledo auian por ello muy grand pesar e non osauan dezir ninguna cosa, tan grande era el miedo que auian del rrey. E fuesse el arçobispo ese dia a comer a tres leguas de la çibdat deToledo. E aquel dia mesmo en la tarde llego a Toledo el rrey e mando tomar todos los bienes que fallaron del arçobispo e poner enbargo en todas las rrentas de su arçobispado, e fueron presos todos los sus mayordomos del arçobispo asi clerigos commo legos, e dellos fueron puestos a tormento por saber el rrey dellos sy tenia algo el arçobispo mas de lo que el rrey fallara publica mente.

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greatly surprised that his brother Gutier Fernández should have committed any act of disloyalty to the king. However, since his brother was dead, he had no choice other than for the king to deal with him and his family according to his will. King Pedro, he said, knew well that Archbishop Vasco and his mother, all her other offspring and all his relatives had been loyal to their king, that they had always served him faithfully, and that, for the sake of giving him their support, they had endured many dangers and known great fear in the time of his father King Alfonso and Doña Leonor de Guzmán. Neither the archbishop nor, as far as he knew, any relative of his had ever been anything other than loyal servants of the king. However, in response to what King Pedro said about him leaving Toledo for Portugal, he could do or say nothing except to obey whatever the king commanded and whatever his will might be, and he agreed to act accordingly. The king’s chancellor Matheos Fernández had gone to the archbishop – as we have explained – to communicate these points to him. He now told him that, in accordance with what the king had instructed him to say and to command, he was ordering him to leave Toledo at once and without further ado. Once again he demanded of the constable Pero López de Ayala that he put this into effect. The archbishop agreed to depart from the city of Toledo at once and immediately he left his residence: Matheos Fernández did not allow him to take even a book or any other clothes than those that he was wearing. The archbishop left the city of Toledo at once – before eating – across the Bridge of San Martín, to set off on his journey to Portugal as the king had commanded. All the people present in the city of Toledo were deeply saddened but dared say nothing, so great was their fear of the king. That day the archbishop went to eat three leagues away from the city of Toledo. That same afternoon the king arrived in Toledo and ordered the confiscation of everything that could be found belonging to the archbishop and the seizure of all the incomes of his diocese. All the archbishop’s stewards, both clerics and laymen, were arrested and some of them were tortured so that the king could discover from them whether the archbishop possessed wealth that had been concealed from him.

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E el arçobispo don Vasco partio de aquel lugar donde fue el primero dia e fuesse para Portogal a la çibdad de Coynbra, e alli visquio algunos dias en el monesterio que dizen de Santo Domingo, que es de la horden delos pedricadores. E despues fino alli e fizo muy santa vida segund que el sienpre fiziera. E despues que el morio algunos parientes e amigos que el auia ganaron del rrey que el su cuerpo fuesse traydo a la iglesia de Santa Maria de Toledo e fuesse enterrado alli, e assi se fizo, e yaze alli oy enterrado delante el altar de Santa Maria la Blanca.

Capitulo XXIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro fizo prender a don Simuel el Leui tesorero mayor e a sus parientes. En este año mesmo e en estos dias el rrey despues que este fecho del arçobispo passo en Toledo, que le mando sallir del rregno segund auedes oydo, luego dende a quatro dias mando el rrey prender en Toledo a don Simuel el Leui thesorero mayor e su priuado e del su consejo. E fueron presos el e sus parientes en vn dia por todo el rregno e ouo del el rrey grandes thesoros asi luego de los que fallo en Toledo commo despues por tienpo. E segund se sopo por verdat, fueron fallados estonçes a don Simuel en Toledo çiento e sesenta mill doblas e quatro mill marcos de plata e çiento e veynte e vn arcas de paños de oro e de seda e de otras joyas, e ochenta moros e moras e moreznos. E ouo el rrey de sus parientes de don Simuel trezientas mill doblas, commo quier que dizian algunos que lo mas que se fallo en sus parientes eran de las rrentas del rregno que ellos rrecabdauan por el rrey. E fue despues don Simuel leuado a Seuilla e puesto en prision en la ataraçana e ouo grandes tormentos por saber del el rrey si tenia mas thesoro. E en fin de estos tormentos ouo de morir.

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Archbishop Vasco set out from the place where he had stayed on the first day and travelled to the city of Coimbra in Portugal. Here he resided for some days in the convent called São Domingos, which belongs to the Order of Preachers. He was later to die there, having led a life of great sanctity, as he had always done. Then after his death some of his relatives and friends persuaded the king to agree to his body being taken to the church of Santa María in Toledo and to it being interred there. This was indeed done and today he lies there interred before the altar of Santa María la Blanca.

1360: CHAPTER XXII How King Pedro ordered the arrest of Don Samuel Ha-Levi, his chief treasurer, and of the members of his family. In this same year, during the days which followed the events in Toledo, when – as you have heard – the archbishop was expelled from the kingdom, just four more days had passed when the king ordered the arrest in Toledo of Don Samuel Ha-Levi, his chief treasurer, his close adviser and a member of his council. He and the members of his family were all arrested on the same day in different parts of the kingdom, and the king took from him a large amount of treasure, both there and then from what he found in Toledo and also over the course of time. As emerged as certain knowledge, in Toledo in Don Samuel’s possession they found at the time 160,000 doblas, 4,000 silver marks and 21 chests of gold cloth, silk and precious items, as well as 80 Moors of both sexes and of different ages. From Don Samuel’s relatives the king took 300,000 doblas, although some people said that most of what was found in their possession was from the taxes of the kingdom which they were collecting on the king’s behalf. Then Don Samuel was taken to Seville and held in the shipyards, where he suffered brutal tortures so that the king could discover from him if he possessed any more treasure. These tortures eventually brought about his death.

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E fizo el rrey su tesorero mayor a Martin Yañes de Seuilla luego que don Simuel fue preso, e fueron todas las rrentas e rrecabdamientos del rregno en su poder e el lo hordeno commo quiso. E el rrey estudo en Seuilla lo que finco deste año.

Capitulo XXIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro cuydo auer guerra con Granada e commo se asossego e fue para la guerra de Aragon. Estando el rrey don Pedro en Seuilla en este año, ouo nueuas que vn arayz moro de Granada, que se llamara el rrey Bermejo e que echara al rrey Mahomad del rregno e se auia apoderado del, e dizian que tenia la partida del rrey de Aragon e queria fazer guerra al rrey. E el rrey estonçe mando aperçibir toda el Andalozia e enbio por conpañas a Castilla. Enpero luego ouo nueuas commo el rrey Bermejo queria fazer con el su paz e al rrey plogole por quanto tenia la guerra de Aragon. E el rrey Bermejo fizo sus pleytesias con el rrey commo fincasse su amigo e que el rrey non le destoruasse con el rrey Mahomad, que era su contrario. Enpero finco el rrey muy sañudo e quexado del dicho rrey Bermejo por que en tal tienpo le quisiera fazer guerra, e non gela oluido despues segund oyredes. E en este año morio en Seuilla doña Blanca de Villena, fija de don Ferrando señor de Villena e de doña Iohana de Espina. E finco toda su tierra con el rrey, que dizian la tierra de don Iohan e agora es llamada el Marquesado.

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As soon as Don Samuel Ha-Levi had been detained, the king appointed Martín Yáñez de Sevilla as his chief treasurer: all the income and taxes of the kingdom came under his authority and he organized it all as he wished. The king remained in Seville for the remainder of the year.

1360: CHAPTER XXIII How King Pedro expected to find himself at war with Granada but accepted terms of peace and returned to the conflict with Aragon. During this year, while King Pedro was in Seville, he received reports of a Moorish prince from Granada who had termed himself the Red King and had expelled King Muhammad from the kingdom and seized power.10 It was said that this man was an ally of the king of Aragon and that he intended to wage war on King Pedro. The king, therefore, then ordered all of Andalusia to be made ready for conflict and sent to Castile for troops. However there quickly came news that the Red King wished to make peace with him and King Pedro agreed to this as he was at war with Aragon. The Red King negotiated terms with King Pedro by which he would become his ally and the king would not stand in his way with regard to his adversary King Muhammad. Nevertheless, the king continued to feel anger and ill will towards the Red King for having sought to make war on him at such a time. King Pedro was not to forget this in the future, as you will hear. During this year Doña Blanca de Villena died in Seville.11 She was the daughter of Don Fernando, lord of Villena, and Doña Juana de Espina. All of her land, which was then known as ‘the land of Don Juan’ and is now called ‘the Marquisate’, passed to the king.

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AÑO DOZENO del rrey don Pedro, que fue año del Señor mill e trezientos e sesenta e vno, e de la era de Çesar mill e trezientos e nouenta e nueue años.

Capitulo primero. Commo el rrey partio de Seuilla para la guerra de Aragon e commo gano algunos lugares e de otras cosas. En el año dozeno que el sobre dicho rrey don Pedro rregno, que fue en el año del Señor de mill e trezientos e sesenta e uno, e de la era de Çesar mill e trezientos e nouenta e nueue, e del Criamiento del mundo, segund la cuenta de los ebreos, en çinco mill e çiento e veynte e vn años, e del año de los alarabes en sieteçientos e sesenta e tres años, al comienço deste año en el mes de enero, el rrey partio de Seuilla desque ouo assosegado este fecho de los moros, segund dicho auemos, e fue para Almaçan con muchas conpañas que ayunto para entrar en Aragon. E desque ý llego, entro en el rregno de Aragon e gano estos castillos: Verdejo e Torrijo e Alhama e Hariza e otros. E el cardenal de Boloña legado del papa que auia dias, segund auemos contado, que estaua en España por poner paz entre los rreyes de Castilla e Aragon, llego al rrey don Pedro e fallolo en vna su villa que dizen Deça. E eran ý llegados estonçe al rrey el maestre Dauis de Portogal, que el rrey don Pedro de Portogal su tio le enbiara por le ayudar con seysçientos de cauallo, caualleros e escuderos muy buenos. E el cardenal legado del papa fablo con el rrey rrogandole que le pluguiesse de fazer alguna pleytesia de paz con el rrey de Aragon e dar lugar que entre dos rreyes tan grandes commo ellos non ouiesse tan grand derramamiento de sangre commo el veya que se aparejaua, ca el rrey de Aragon estaua en vna villa çerca de Calatayud que

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YEAR TWELVE (1361) of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1361 and, counting from the era of Caesar, 1399. 1361: CHAPTER I How the king set out from Seville to take part in the war with Aragon and how he captured a number of castles; and concerning some other matters. These events occurred in the twelfth year of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1361; in 1399, counting from the era of Caesar; 5,121 years from the creation of the world by the reckoning of the Hebrews; and, according to that of the Arabs, it was in the year 763. In the month of January at the beginning of the new year, the king set out from Seville having now settled the affair of the Moors, as we have already explained. He travelled to Almazán together with a substantial force that he had assembled for the invasion of Aragon. Once he arrived there he moved into the kingdom of Aragon, where he captured the castles of Berdejo, Torrijo, Alhama and Ariza, as well as a number of others. As we have already related, the Pope’s legate, the cardinal of Boulogne, had been in Spain for some days with the intention of bringing about peace between the kings of Castile and Aragon, and he now came to King Pedro and found him in a town in his kingdom, by the name of Deza.1 The king had now been joined by the master of the Portuguese Order of Avis, who had been sent by his uncle King Pedro of Portugal to give him support.2 The master had a force of 600 horsemen, knights and squires of high quality. The Pope’s cardinal legate spoke with the king asking him to agree to take part in peace negotiations with the king of Aragon and so make it possible to avoid – between two kings of such great stature – so much bloodshed as he

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dizen Terrer e estauan con el todos los grandes señores e caualleros fijos dalgo de su rregno. Otrossi estauan con el rrey de Aragon el conde don Enrrique e don Tello e don Sancho sus hermanos e otros caualleros e escuderos de Castilla. E la entençion del rrey de Aragon era pelear con el rrey de Castilla, ca veya que por guerra non podia ygualar con el rrey de Castilla e se destruya cada dia todo su rregno. E el rrey de Castilla tenia grandes conpañas, que eran estonçe con el seys mill de cauallo e muchas gentes de pie. E por que veya que la pelea estaua muy çerca para se juntar, trabajaua el cardenal de Boloña legado quanto pudia por los abenir.

Capitulo IIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro fizo paz con el rrey de Aragon. El rrey don Pedro, segund dicho avemos, dexara asosegada la guerra con el rrey de Granada que dizian el rrey Bermejo, enpero auia nueuas que el dicho rrey de Granada tenia fecha su pleytesia con el rrey de Aragon para le fazer guerra. E el rrey don Pedro touo que si guerra de moros se començasse en el Andalozia, el ternia grant desmano en la guerra de Aragon, ca todos los ginetes avrian de yr al Andalozia para la guerra de los moros e partirsse de la guerra de Aragon donde estauan en sus fronterias. E la conpaña de Andalozia era vna gente muy buena e muy guerrera, de quien el rrey se seruia e se aprovechaua mucho en la guerra de Aragon. E temia otrossi el rrey otros muchos desmanos que por esta guerra de los moros le podrian rrecreçer e por esto, desque sopo que el rrey Bermejo de Granada trataua con el rrey de Aragon, si la guerra durasse, que le faria guerra e ayudaria al rrey de Aragon, fizo su paz con el rrey de Aragon, pero mucho contra su voluntad.

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could see was now imminent: for the king of Aragon was in a town called Terrer near to Calatayud, accompanied by all the great lords and noble knights of his kingdom. Also with the king of Aragon were Count Enrique and his brothers Don Tello and Don Sancho, together with other Castilian knights and squires. The king of Aragon’s intention was to do battle with the king of Castile, for he could see that by campaigning he could not match him and day by day his entire kingdom was being devastated. The king of Castile had a large army: with him there were 6,000 horsemen and a considerable number of men on foot. Therefore, as he could see that they were very close to joining battle, the cardinal legate of Boulogne was making every effort to bring about an agreement between the two kings.

1361: CHAPTER II How King Pedro made peace with the king of Aragon. As we have said, King Pedro had put an end to the hostilities with the king of Granada who was known as the Red King. Nevertheless there were reports that this ruler had negotiated an agreement with the king of Aragon by which he would wage war on King Pedro. King Pedro considered that, if war against the Moors broke out in Andalusia, he would be facing a serious distraction from the conflict in Aragon, as all his light cavalry would have to go to Andalusia to take part in the war with the Moors and abandon their campaigning on the front against Aragon. The Andalusian contingent was made up of fine, warlike troops, of whom the king made extensive and effective use during the war in Aragon. Moreover, he was also afraid that this war against the Moors could cause him further distractions: on learning that the Red King of Granada was negotiating with the king of Aragon, King Pedro feared that, if the conflict were to drag on, the Moorish king would wage war against Castile and give his support to the Aragonese. And for this reason, though much against his will, he made his peace with the king of Aragon.

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E fue la pleytesia que el cardenal de Boloña legado del papa trato, en esta manera: que el rrey de Aragon enbiasse fuera de su rregno al conde don Enrrique e don Tello e don Sancho sus hermanos del rrey de Castilla e a los otros caualleros e escuderos de Castilla que con ellos estauan en Aragon. E que el rrey de Castilla diesse e tornasse al rrey de Aragon los castillos e lugares que el tenia tomados de su rregno e que fuessen amigos. E quedo assi la pleytesia fecha. E pregonaronsse desto las pazes entre los rreyes e juraronsse e fizieronsse dende grandes rrecabdos, presente el cardenal de Boloña legado del papa en el rreal que el rrey don Pedro tenia çerca de Deça, estando ý presente don Bernal vizconde de Cabrera e mosen Remon Aleman de Ençeruellon, enbaxadores del rrey de Aragon. E dezia el pregon assi: ‘Nuestro Señor el rrey faze saber a todos los señores e perlados e condes e caualleros e otros quales quier de qual quier condiçion que sean en los rregnos de de Castilla e de Leon que el ha pazes e amorio firmes e verdaderos con el rrey don Pedro de Aragon e sus rregnos e subditos e manda que ninguno de los suyos non sea osado de fazer guerra nin mal a los dichos rregnos de Aragon nin a los moradores vezinos dellos so pena de la su merçed e so aquella pena en que cae quien quebranta paz puesta por su rrey e por su señor.’ E todos los que ý eran con el rrey oyeron este pregon de la paz e ouieron muy grand plazer por que çesaua la guerra, ca todos los del rregno de Castilla la fazian mucho contra su voluntad.

Capitulo IIIº. Commo fue muerta la rreyna doña Blanca de Borbon. Despues que el rrey don Pedro ouo fecho su paz con el rrey de Aragon, segund dicho auemos, partio de Deça e fue para Seuilla. E en este

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The terms negotiated by the cardinal of Boulogne, the papal legate, were as follows: the king of Aragon was to expel from from his kingdom Count Enrique, Don Tello and Don Sancho, the brothers of the king of Castile, together with the other Castilian knights and squires who were with them in Aragon; the king of Castile was to hand back to the king of Aragon the castles and settlements which he had seized in his kingdom; and they were to be allies. These terms were agreed. The terms of peace agreed between the two kings were proclaimed and endorsed under oath and great assurances were given. This was done in the presence of the Pope’s legate, the cardinal of Boulogne, in King Pedro’s encampment near to Deza, and also present were Viscount Bernat of Cabrera and Mossèn Ramon Alamany de Cervelló, the ambassadors of the king of Aragon. The proclamation was as follows: ‘Our lord king gives notice to all the lords, prelates, counts, knights and all other people, whatever their standing, in the kingdoms of Castile and León that he is at peace with and has formed a firm and true alliance with King Pere of Aragon and his kingdoms and subjects. Moreover, it is his command that none of his people is to be so bold as to wage war against or do harm to the said kingdoms of Aragon or to their citizens and those who reside there; and this is subject to such penalty as the king may judge fit and to such punishment as is incurred by one who breaks the peace established by his lord and king.’ All those accompanying the king heard this proclamation of peace and felt great delight since the war was at an end, for the whole people of the kingdom of Castile had been waging it much against their will.

1361: CHAPTER III How Queen Blanche of Bourbon was put to death. After he had made his peace with the king of Aragon – as we have already related – King Pedro left Deza for Seville. During this time

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tienpo estaua presa la rreyna doña Blanca de Borbon, su muger del rrey, en Medina Sidonia, e teniala presa Yñigo Ortiz de Estuñiga, que dizian de las Cueuas, vn cauallero a quien el rrey la mandara guardar. E mando el rrey a vn omne que dizian Alfonso Martinez Duruña e era criado de maestre Pablo de Perossa, fisico e contador mayor del rrey, que diesse yeruas a la rreyna para con que muriesse. E fue a Medina el dicho Alfonso Martinez e fablo por mandado del rrey con Yñigo Ortiz, e Yñigo Ortiz fuesse luego para el rrey e dixole que nunca seria en tal consejo, mas que el rrey le mandasse tirar de su poder la dicha señora e estonçe fiziesse lo que su merçed fuesse, ca ella era su señora e en consentirla matar assi que faria en ello trayçion. E el rrey don Pedro fue muy sañudo contra Yñigo Ortiz por esta rrazon e mandole que la entregase a Iohan Perez de Rebolledo, vezino de Xerez su vallestero. E Yñigo Ortiz fizolo assi. E despues que fue en poder del vallestero mandola matar. E peso mucho dello a todos los del rregno despues que lo supieron, e vino por ende mucho mal a Castilla. E era esta rreyna doña Blanca del linaje del rrey de Françia de la flor de lis de los de Borbon, que han por armas vn escudo con flores de lis commo el rrey de Françia, e vna vanda colorada por el escudo. E era en hedat de veynte e çinco años quando morio, e era blanca e rruuia e de buen donayre e de buen seso, e dizia cada dia sus horas muy devota mente e paso grand penitençia en las prisiones do estudo con muy grande paçiençia lo sufrio. E acaesçio que vn dia estando ella en la prision do morio, llego vn omne que paresçia pastor e fue al rrey don Pedro do andaua a caça en aquella comarca de Xerez e de Medina do la rreyna estaua, e dixole que Dios le enbiaua dezir que fuesse çierto que por el mal que el fazia a la rreyna doña Blanca su muger, que le auia de seer muy acaluñiado e que en esto non pusiesse dubda; pero si quisiesse tornar a ella e fazer su vida commo deuia, que avria della fijo que heredasse su rregno. E

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his wife Queen Blanche of Bourbon was being held as a prisoner in Medina Sidonia under the authority of Íñigo Ortiz de Estúñiga, known as ‘de las Cuevas’, a knight that the king had made responsible for her imprisonment. The king instructed a man called Alfonso Martínez Duruña, a member of the household of Master Paolo de Pedrosa, physician and chief financial administrator to the king, to administer poison to Queen Blanche, such as to cause her death.3 Alfonso Martínez travelled to Medina and, as the king had commanded, spoke with Íñigo Ortiz who went at once to King Pedro. He informed him that he would never be party to such a plan, but rather that the king should have the lady removed from his authority and then do as he wished – for she was his lady and in agreeing to her being killed in this way he would be committing an act of treachery. The king was furious with Íñigo Ortiz on account of what he had said and commanded him to hand Queen Blanche over to Juan Pérez de Rebolledo, a citizen of Jerez and one of his royal guards. Íñigo Ortiz obeyed, and once the queen was under his authority the king’s guard ordered her death. All the people of his kingdom were deeply saddened when they heard of what had happened and it brought great misfortune to Castile. Queen Blanche was of the lineage of the king of France: that of the fleur-de-lis of the House of Bourbon, for they have as their arms a shield bearing the fleur-de-lis, as does the king of France, crossed by a scarlet band. She was 25 years old when she died and she was pale of complexion with fair hair, graceful and intelligent. Every day she recited her Hours with great devotion. She endured considerable suffering in the prisons where she was held and bore it all with great patience. It happened that one day, while Queen Blanche was in the prison where she was to meet her death, a man with the look of a shepherd appeared and approached King Pedro where he was out hunting – in the area of Jerez and Medina, where the queen was being held. He said to the king that he had been sent by God to tell him clearly that, on account of the wrong that he was doing to his wife Queen Blanche, people would speak very ill of him, and that of this he should be in no doubt. However, if he were to be willing to return to her and lead his life as he should, she would bear him a son to inherit his kingdom. The

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el rrey fue muy espantado e fizo prender el omne que le esto dixo e touo que la rreyna doña Blanca le enbiaua dezir estas palabras. E luego enbio el rrey a Martin Lopez de Cordoba su camarero, e a Mateos Ferrandez de Caçeres, su chançeller del sello de la poridat, a Medina Sidiona, do la rreyna estaua presa, e que fiziessen pesquisa commo veniera aquel omne, si lo enbiara la rreyna. E llegaron sin sospecha a la villa e fueron luego a do la rreyna yazia en prision en vna torre e fallaronla que estaua faziendo oraçion, e cuydo que la yuan a matar, e lloraua e acomendosse a Dios. E ellos le dixeron que el rrey lo queria saber de vn omne que le fuera a dezir çiertas palabras commo fuera e por cuyo mandamiento. E preguntaronle si ella lo enbiara, e ella dixo que nunca tal omne viera. Otrossi las guardas que estauan ý, que la tenian presa, dixeron que non podria seer que la rreyna enbiasse tal omne, ca nunca dexauan a ningund omne entrar do ella estaua. E segund esto paresçe que fue obra de Dios, e assi lo touieron todos los que lo vieron e oyeron. E el omne estudo preso algunos dias e despues dexaron lo e nunca mas del supieron. E en este año fizo el rrey matar a doña Ysabel de Lara, fija de don Iohan Nuñez de Lara e de doña Maria de Vizcaya su muger, e muger que fuera del infante don Iohan el que matara en Bilbao. E morio la dicha doña Ysabel en Xerez de la Frontera con yerbas que le fueron dadas.

Capitulo IIIIº. De vn canpo que dio el rrey don Pedro en Seuilla a quatro caualleros de tierra de Leon e de Galizia. Estando el rrey don Pedro en Seuilla en estos dias, dio canpo a dos escuderos de tierra de Leon, al vno dizian Lope Nuñez de Carualledo e al otro, Martin Alfonso de Losada, que reptauan de caso de trayçion

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king was deeply troubled and ordered the arrest of the man who had told him this, believing that Queen Blanche had sent him to say these words. The king immediately sent his chamberlain, Martín López de Córdoba, and his chancellor of the confidential seal, Matheos Fernández de Cáceres, to Medina Sidonia where the queen was being held, to carry out enquiries about how that man had come to him and with regard to whether he had been sent by the queen. They arrived without warning in the town and went immediately to where the queen was being held in a tower. They came on her while she was at prayer and, thinking that they were going to kill her, she wept and commended herself to God. They told her that the king wished to know about a man who had gone to him to say certain things: he wanted to find out how it had come about and at whose bidding. They asked her if she had sent him and she replied that she had never set eyes on such a man. The guards who had her in their charge confirmed that it would not have been possible for such a person to have been sent by the queen, for they never allowed any man to enter her presence. To judge by this, it seems that what happened was an act of God, and that is how it was was viewed by all those who witnessed or heard about it. The man was held in prison for some days and then he was set free. Nothing more was ever discovered about him. During this year the king ordered the death of Doña Isabel de Lara, daughter of Don Juan Núñez de Lara and his wife Doña María de Vizcaya and widow of Prince Joan whom the king had killed in Bilbao. Doña Isabel was poisoned and died in Jerez de la Frontera.

1361: CHAPTER IV Concerning a challenge over which King Pedro presided in Seville involving four knights from the territories of León and Galicia. While he was spending these days in Seville, King Pedro presided over a challenge involving two squires from the territories of Léon – one named Lope Núñez de Carvalledo and the other Martín Alfonso de Losada – who were making an accusation of treason against two

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a dos hermanos, naturales de Galizia, al vno dizian Arias Vazquez de Vaamonte e al otro su hermano, que dizian Vasco Perez de Vaamonte, e eran parientes de Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo, el qual el rrey fiziera matar en Alfaro, segund que auemos dicho. E deziasse que este rrepto era por mandado del rrey, ca non queria bien a estos dos caualleros gallegos por quanto eran parientes de Gutier Ferrandez de Toledo. E desque entraron en el canpo pusose a pie Lope Nuñez de Carvalledo, que era vno de los rreptadores e andaua catando dardos que fiziera soterrar en el canpo e non los fallaua. E Martin Lopez de Cordoba camarero mayor del rrey, que sabia do se pusieron los dardos e andaua en el canpo por fiel, llego en vn cauallo e traya vna caña en la mano e daua con ella en tierra en guisa que Lope Nuñez lo entendio que le fazia señales do eran los dardos e fuesse para alla, e fallolos e saco quatro dardos e fuesse luego para Arias Vasquez que andaua de cauallo, e tirole de vn dardo e firiole el cauallo, e luego le tiro el otro dardo en guisa que el Arias Vasquez, con las feridas del cauallo, sallio del canpo e luego fue preso de los alguaziles e muerto por mandado del rrey por que el caso de rrepto era de trayçion. E Vasco Perez el hermano finco en el canpo peleando con los dos, de los quales el Lope Nuñez estaua a pie e Martin Alfonso a cauallo. E llego Vasco Perez do el rrey estaua e dixo assi: ‘Señor, que justiçia es esta.’ Desque vido que el rrey non le rrespondia dixo a altas bozes: ‘Caualleros de Castilla e de Leon, pese vos de lo que vedes el dia de hoy, que se sufre en presençia del rrey nuestro señor que se ponen armas escondidas en el canpo para matar a los que entran en el seguros del rrey por defender su fama e su linaje e su verdat.’ E toda via peleaua bien el dicho Vasco Perez e se defendia de los otros dos. E el rrey mandolo sacar por bueno a el e a los otros, e touieron todos que esto non era bien fecho, ca armas escondidas nin defendidas non se deuen poner en el canpo nin el rrey, al que da canpo, non deue seer vandero.

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brothers from Galicia, Arias Vázquez de Baamonte and his brother Vasco Pérez de Baamonte. The two brothers were relatives of Gutier Fernández de Toledo, whom the king had had killed in Alfaro, as we have already explained. It was said that this challenge had been made at the king’s command, for he was hostile to these two Galician knights on account of their kinship with Gutier Fernández de Toledo. Once they had entered the field of combat, Lope Núñez de Carvalledo, one of the accusers, dismounted and moved around searching for javelins which he had had buried in the ground, but without finding them. The king’s master chamberlain Martín López de Córdoba, who knew where the javelins had been placed and was involved as a marshal, rode up with a stick in his hand and struck the ground with it in such a way that Lope Núñez could see that he was showing him where the javelins were. Lope Núñez went to that spot and found and took out four javelins. He then immediately went towards Arias Vázquez, who was still mounted, and threw a javelin at him, wounding his horse. He then lost no time in throwing the other javelin so that Arias Vázquez was carried by his injured horse beyond the barriers, where he was promptly seized by the constables and put to death at the king’s command, since the subject of the challenge was treason. His brother Vasco Pérez remained on the field fighting with his two adversaries, of whom Lope Núñez was on foot and Martín Alfonso on horseback. He rode up to the king and said to him, ‘My lord, what justice is this?’, and, once he saw that there was no answer from the king, he said in a loud voice, ‘Knights of Castile and León, you should be troubled by what you are witnessing today: that in the presence of our lord king weapons are left hidden in the field in order to kill those who enter it, trusting in the king, to defend their reputation, the name of their family and their word of honour.’ Vasco Pérez continued to fight skillfully, defending himself against his two adversaries. The king then commanded that all three of them be allowed to leave the field with their cause upheld. However it was generally agreed that the affair had not been properly conducted, for arms which are concealed or withheld from some must not be placed on the field, nor should the king give favour to the person over whose challenge he presides.

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CapituloVº. Commo el rrey don Pedro fizo guerra a Granada. Luego que el rrey llego en Seuilla enbio por todos los señores e caualleros de su rregno, ca queria començar a fazer guerra al rrey de Granada que dizian el rrey Bermejo, por que auia saña del diziendo que, por la guerra que el le queria fazer quando estaua en la guerra de Aragon, ouo el rrey de fazer la pleytesia con el rrey de Aragon contra su voluntad, commo dicho auemos, e tornara muchas villas e castillos que tenia ganados en Aragon. Especial mente se quexaua por el lugar de Hariza que tornara, por quanto es vn castillo muy bueno e es en la frontera de Castilla. E el rrey dixo a todos los suyos que el auia de ayudar al rrey Mahomad rrey de Granada, que era su vasallo e le daua parias, e que el otro que se llamaua rrey Bermejo le auia echado de su rregno contra rrazon e contra derecho, e començosse la guerra. E el rrey Mahomad que el otro rrey Bermejo echara de Granada, estaua en Ronda, lugar del rrey de Benamarin, e vinosse para el rrey don Pedro con quatroçientos de cauallo de moros. E el rrey le acorrio con algo en prestado e fizieron sus pleytesias en esta manera: que desde que la guerra se començasse, todos los lugares que se diessen al rrey don Pedro fuessen suyos, o los que el tomase por fuerça; enpero los que quisiessen obedesçer e entregarse al rrey Mahomad que fuessen suyos del rrey Mahomad e que el rrey don Pedro non les fiziesse guerra. E assi fue que el rrey gano algunos lugares en el rregno de Granada; pero nunca ningund lugar se dio al rrey Mahomad en esta guerra, segund adelante diremos.

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1361: CHAPTER V How King Pedro waged war on Granada. As soon as the king arrived in Seville he sent for all the lords and knights of his kingdom, for it was his desire to go to war with the king of Granada known as the Red King: he was deeply resentful towards him, arguing that, on account of the war which the Red King had intended to wage on him while he was involved in the conflict with Aragon, he had found himself obliged to negotiate the agreement with the Aragonese king – against his will, as we have explained – and thus return several towns and castles that he had won in Aragon. In particular he complained about having handed over Ariza, as it is a very fine castle and it is situated on the frontier with Castile. The king told all his people that it was his duty to assist King Muhammad of Granada: King Muhammad was his vassal and paid him tribute and the other ruler, who called himself the Red King, had expelled him from his kingdom unreasonably and unlawfully. And so the war began. King Muhammad, who had been driven out of Granada by the other man known as the Red King, was in Ronda, which was in the possession of the king of the Marinids. He came to join King Pedro, bringing with him 400 Moorish cavalry. The king gave him assistance, lending him money, and they agreed the following terms: as from the beginning of the war, all places that surrendered to King Pedro or that he seized by force should be his, but those which chose to give their loyalty to King Muhammad and place themselves in his possession should belong to him and King Pedro was not to wage war on them. And so it turned out that the king made some gains in the kingdom of Granada, but during the course of this war not one single settlement was handed over to King Muhammad, as we shall explain in due course.

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Capitulo VIº. Commo morio doña Maria de Padilla en Seuilla. En este año morio en Seuilla de su dolençia doña Maria de Padilla. E fizo el rrey fazer alli e en todos sus rregnos grandes llantos por ella e grandes conplimientos. E leuaronla a enterrar al monesterio de Santa Clara de Estudillo, que ella fiziera e dotara. E fue doña Maria muger de buen linaje e fermosa e pequeña de cuerpo e de buen entendimiento. E morio en Seuilla en el mes de jullio deste dicho año e dexo fijos que ouiera del rrey a don Alfonso e a doña Beatriz e a doña Costança e a doña Ysabel, de los quales diremos en su lugar.

Capitulo VIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro llego a Antequera. El rrey don Pedro despues que la guerra de los moros se començo, entro en el rregno de Granada e con el, el rrey de Granada don Mahomad. E fue la pleytesia esta que dicho auemos: que las villas del rregno de Granada que por su voluntad se diessen al rrey Mahomad, fuessen suyas e el rrey non les fiziese guerra; e las que el rrey tomasse por fuerça o por pleytesia, que fuessen suyas e de la corona de Castilla. E estonçes el rrey don Pedro llego a Antequera, que es vna villa fuerte, e non la pudo auer. E dende el rrey tornosse e enbio todos los suyos que entrassen en la vega de Granada e fue con ellos el rrey Mahomad diziendo que si el alli paresçiesse que muchos caualleros de los de Granada se vernian para el. E fueron a la dicha vega, de los del rrey don Pedro, don Ferrando de Castro e don Garçi Aluarez de Toledo maestre de Santiago e don Gutier Gomez de Toledo prior de

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1361: CHAPTER VI How Doña Maria de Padilla died in Seville. During this year Doña María de Padilla died in Seville of her illness. The king saw that there and throughout his kingdoms she was deeply mourned and greatly honoured, and she was taken to be buried in the convent of Santa Clara in Astudillo, which she had founded and endowed. Doña María was a woman of noble birth: attractive, small of body and quick of understanding. She died in Seville in the month of July of this year and left children that she had borne to the king: Don Alfonso, Doña Beatriz, Doña Constanza and Doña Isabel, about whom we shall speak at the appropriate time.

1361: CHAPTER VII How King Pedro advanced to Antequera. Once the war with the Moors was underway, King Pedro entered the kingdom of Granada, accompanied by King Muhammad of Granada. The terms of their agreement were as we have explained: that the towns which willingly surrendered to King Muhammad should be his and the king should not wage war on them; and those that the king took by force or by negotiation should belong to him and to the Crown of Castile. King Pedro then came to the heavily fortified town of Antequera but was unable to take it. From there he went back and sent all his troops to invade the plain of Granada. King Muhammad accompanied them, saying that, if he appeared there, many of the knights of the kingdom of Granada would come over to him. Of King Pedro’s army, the following gathered on the plain: Don Fernando de Castro, the master of Santiago Don Garci Álvarez de Toledo, the prior of Saint John Don

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Sand Iohan e don Diego Garçia de Padilla maestre de Calatraua e grandes caualleros e fijos dalgo de Castilla, e eso mesmo don Suer Martinez maestre de Alcantara que despues llegara. E eran entre castellanos e de tierra de Leon e de Gallizia e ginetes del Andalozia seys mill de cauallo. E todos los que auemos dicho llegaron a vna puente de vn pequeño rrio que dizen la puente de Vallilos que es aquende de la puente de Pinos. E alli estaua la caualleria de los moros; pero luego fueron vençidos los moros e fueron los christianos con ellos fasta çerca la puente de Pinos, e mataron algunos moros. E los dos primeros que passaron esse dia la puente de Vallilos fueron Furtado Diaz de Mendoça e Martin Lopez de Molina donzel del rrey de la gineta, natural de Jahen; pero moros ningunos non se vinieron para el rrey de Granada aquel dia segund el rrey Mahomad pensaua. E los señores e caualleros del rrey que alli llegaron tornaronsse esse dia para Alcala la Real. E los moros non osaron arredrarse de la vega de Granada e estudieron quedos. E los christianos otro dia partieron dende e tornaronsse para sus fronterias.

Capitulo VIIIº. Commo fue la pelea de Huesa do los moros fueron vençidos. Durando esta guerra que el rrey don Pedro fazia en el rregno de Granada, acaesçio que don Diego Garçia de Padilla maestre de Calatraua e don Enrrique Enrriquez adelantado mayor de la Frontera e Men Rodriguez de Biedma, cabdillo del obispado de Jahen, e caualleros e vasallos del rrey que estauan en el obispado de Jahen por fronteros sopieron commo seysçientos de cauallo e dos mill omnes de pie de moros eran

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Gutier Gómez de Toledo, the master of Calatrava Don Diego García de Padilla and other great knights and noblemen of Castile, as well as the master of Alcántara Don Suer Martínez, who had arrived after the others. Including both Castilians and the men from the lands of León and Galicia and also light cavalry from Andalusia, there were 6,000 horsemen. All of those that we have just mentioned came to a bridge over a small river, called the bridge of Vadillos, which is situated on the near side of the bridge of Pinos. The Moorish cavalry were waiting there, but the Moors were quickly defeated and the Christians pursued them as far as the bridge of Pinos, killing some of them. The first two men to cross the bridge of Vadillos that day were Hurtado Díaz de Mendoza and Martín López de Molina, royal page to the light cavalry, who was a native of Jaén. However, on that day no Moors came over to the king of Granada as King Muhammad had expected. The king’s lords and knights who had gathered there turned back to Alcalá la Real the same day. The Moors, however, did not dare to retreat from the plain of Granada and remained in position. The next day the Christians left Alcalá and made their way back to their frontier posts.

1361: CHAPTER VIII An account of the battle of Huesa in which the Moors were defeated. During the course of the campaign that King Pedro fought in the kingdom of Granada, on one occasion 600 Moorish horsemen and 2,000 footsoldiers entered the territory of the governor of Cazorla, an event which happened to come to the attention of the master of Calatrava Don Diego García de Padilla, Don Enrique Enríquez, royal governor of the frontier region, and Men Rodríguez de Biedma, military commander for the diocese of Jaén, and some knights and

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entrados al adelantamiento de Caçorla. E auian quemado vn lugar que dizen Peal de Bezerro e leuauan dende grand pieça de christianos, omnes e mugeres e moças catiuas, e muchos ganados. E el maestre de Calatraua e don Enrrique Enrriquez e los caualleros que ý eran con ellos, desque lo supieron, caualgaron quanto pudieron e tomaron les a los moros vn paso del rrio de Guadiana, que assi dizian que va por aquella tierra, e los moros viniendo alli por pasar para tornarsse a su tierra, que non auia otro paso, e fue alli la pelea biespera de Santo Tome apostol a hora del sol puesto, antes de Nauidat, en este dicho año. E los moros llegaron al rrio de Guadiana do era el paso e fallaron ý los christianos e quisieron defender el rrio ya que vian que non pudian pasar e los christianos pasaron a ellos pasando mucho afan e mucho peligro, ca los moros de pie tirauan muchos dardos e lanças e saetas, e defendian en quanto podian el paso. E los christianos non tenian omnes de pie, ca non los pudieron seguir, tan grande andar leuaron los de cauallo por alcançar a guardar el paso por do los moros auian de pasar para se yr. Pero quiso Dios que los moros fueron vençidos e muertos e presos, que non pudieron escapar saluo muy pocos por quanto era la pelea en vna naua çerrada çercada de peñas, e llamauan aquel lugar do fue esta pelea Huesa. E el rrey don Pedro desque lo sopo, plogole mucho; enpero enbio mandar que todos los catiuos que los suyos auian tomado que gelos diessen a al, e que les daria trezientos marauedis por cada vno. E el ouo los captivos, pero non les dio los marauedis que por ellos les mando, de lo qual fueron mal contentos todos los caualleros e fijos dalgo e los otros que en aquella pelea acaesçieron. E touo muy grand daño en esta guerra este tomar que el rrey fazia destos catiuos.

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vassals of the king who were posted in the diocese of Jaén as field commanders. The Moors had burned to the ground a settlement called Peal de Becerro and they were carrying off a considerable number of Christians − men, women and girls − as captives together with a large amount of livestock. As soon as they learned of this, the master of Calatrava, Don Enrique Enríquez and the knights accompanying them rode at full gallop and seized from the Moors a crossing point of the river known as the Guadiana which flows through that area. The Moors were going that way heading back to their territory, for there was no other point at which to cross the river. The encounter took place there at sunset on the eve of the Feast Day of Saint Thomas the Apostle, just before Christmas in the year in question.4 The Moors reached the river Guadiana at the crossing point, where they encountered the Christians. They tried to defend the river since they could see that it was impossible for them to cross, but the Christians made their way over with considerable difficulty and in the face of great danger: the Moorish footsoldiers attacked them with a hail of javelins, lances and arrows and did all they could to defend the crossing. The Christians had no men on foot, for their footsoldiers had not been able to keep up with them, such had been the speed with which the horsemen had ridden in order to reach and take control of the crossing; for it was over this that their enemies would have to pass in order to make their escape. Nevertheless, it was God’s will that the Moors were defeated and slain or taken prisoner, for only a very small number were able to escape given that the clash took place in a gully enclosed by crags. The site of the conflict was known as Huesa. King Pedro, on hearing the news, was delighted, but he sent instructions that all the captives taken by his men should be handed over to him – and he would pay them 300 maravedís for each one. He did indeed receive the captives, but he did not pay his men the maravedís that he had promised. This caused annoyance to all the knights, noblemen and other troops who were involved in the encounter, and the way in which the king took possession of the captives did great harm to this campaign.

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AÑO TREZENO del rrey don Pedro, que fue año del Señor mill e trezientos e sesenta e dos, e de la era de Çesar mill e quatroçientos años.

Capitulo primero. De la pelea de Guadiex do los christianos fueron vençidos. En el año trezeno que el sobre dicho rrey don Pedro rregno, que fue en el año del Señor mill e trezientos e sesenta e dos, quando andaua la era de Çesar en mill e quatroçientos años, e del Criamiento del mundo, segund la cuenta de los ebreos, en çinco mill e çiento e veynte e dos años, e del año de los alarabes en sieteçientos e sesenta e quatro años, sabado quinze dias de enero deste dicho año, don Diego Garçia maestre de Calatraua e don Enrrique Enrriquez adelantado mayor de la frontera e Men Rodriguez de Biedma, caudillo del obispado de Jaen, e otros caualleros vasallos del rrey que estauan fronteros por mandado del rrey con ellos en el obispado de Jahen, entraron a tierra de moros por mandado del rrey e llegaron a vna villa que dizian Guadiex. E los moros sabian ya de su entrada e eran ya venidos a la dicha villa de Guadiex seysçientos de cauallo que el rrey Bermejo vn dia antes alli enbiara. E eran rrecogidos de la comarca fasta quatro mil omnes de pie en la dicha villa de Guadiex, sin los de la villa, e estudieron quedos en la villa que non paresçieron ningunos. E los christianos eran mill de cauallo e dos mill omnes de pie. E yuan los christianos aquel dia a esta pelea contra su voluntad: lo vno, que estauan quexados mucho del rrey por quanto les fiziera tomar todos los presos que ouieran en la pelea de Huesa, que dicho auemos.

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YEAR THIRTEEN (1362) of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1362 and, counting from the era of Caesar, 1400. 1362: CHAPTER I Concerning the battle of Guadix, in which the Christians suffered defeat. These events occurred in the thirteenth year of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1362; in 1400, counting from the era of Caesar; 5,122 years from the creation of the world by the reckoning of the Hebrews; and, according to that of the Arabs, it was in the year 764. On Saturday the 15th of January of the year in question the master of Calatrava Don Diego García, Don Enrique Enríquez, governor general of the Frontier area, and Men Rodríguez de Biedma, military commander for the diocese of Jaén, were being accompanied by some other knights, vassals of the king who at his command were serving with them in the diocese of Jaén. Following King Pedro’s instructions they made a foray into Moorish territory and they came to a town called Guadix. The Moors were already aware that the Christians had entered their territory and a force of 600 horsemen, sent there the previous day by the Red King, had already arrived in the town. In addition, as many as 4,000 men on foot from the surrounding area had been assembled in Guadix, not counting those from the town itself, and they were keeping so still in the town that there was no sign of their presence. The Christans numbered 1,000 horsemen and 2,000 footsoldiers. That day the Christians were going into battle against their will. This was partly because they were deeply resentful towards the king for making them give up all the prisoners that they had taken in the encounter at Huesa, as we have explained. However it was also

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Otrossi por quanto algunos adalides les dixeran, vn dia antes, que non auian buenas señales para entrar en aquella caualgada do yuan. E en aquella tierra las gentes de la guerra guianse mucho por tales señales, maguer es grand pecado, enpero assi lo an acostunbrado, que tienen que si van contra aquello, que les viene desmano, e an lo puesto asi en su voluntad que si los fazen partir destas señales, non lieuan el coraçon seguro, lo qual daña mucho en tales fechos desque los omnes toman rreçelo e miedo en las voluntades. E llegaron los christianos aquel dia en la grand mañana çerca de la villa de Guadiex e vieron que non paresçia conpaña e enbiaron algunos de los que ý estauan a correr a vna tierra que llaman Val de Alhama, e ellos que los atenderian alli. E los moros que estauan en la villa de Guadiex desque vieron que los christianos se partian a dos partes, sallieron a pelear con ellos, e estaua ý vn rrio pequeño e vna puente e pasaron los moros la puente para pelear con los christianos, e los christianos fueron para ellos −algunos omnes que lo auian a voluntad de fazer− fasta dozientos de cauallo castellanos e ginetes, e vençieron luego a los moros e fizieron les pasar la puente por do eran venidos, e pasaron los christianos eso mesmo la puente e mataron fasta çinquenta caualleros de moros e llegaron con ellos firiendo e matando fasta poner los moros entre los sus omnes de pie. E el maestre de Calatraua e don Enrrique Enrriquez e los otros estudieron quedos e non acorrieron a los que eran pasados la puente nin siguieron la dicha que Dios les auia dado en vençer a los moros. E los moros desque vieron que los christianos que los auian acometido non eran acorridos de los suyos, tornaron a los que auian pasado la puente e los christianos non los pudieron sofrir, ca non eran tantos e ouieron de bolver, e a la pasada de la puente ouieron de morir algunos caualleros de los christianos, entre los quales morio ý Dia Sanchez de Rojas e Iohan Sanchez de Sandoval comendador del obispado de Jahen, e morieron ý otros dos caualleros que dizian Ximon Gonçalez Dolid e Iohan de Mendoça e otros. Pero los christianos que se tornaron pasaron la puente e defendieron les que non pasasen los moros la puente e enbiaron al maestre de Calatraua e a don Enrrique Enrriquez

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because some of their guides had told them on the previous day that the omens for embarking on this foray were not good. Indeed, in those lands the warriors are greatly influenced by such omens – although it is a grave sin, it is their custom – for they believe that it is wrong to go against them. They have it so ingrained in their minds that if they are obliged to act against these omens they do not do so with an easy heart, and this does great harm in such enterprises once suspicion and fear enter men’s minds. Early that morning the Christians arrived near the town of Guadix and saw no sign of the presence of troops. They sent some of their number to raid an area known as the Alhama Valley, whilst the rest were to wait for them at Guadix. The Moors in the town, on seeing that the Christians had divided their forces into two, moved out to do battle with them. There was a small river with a bridge which the Moors crossed in order to attack the Christians. Some of the Christian troops who were eager to do so – about 200 Castilian horsemen and light cavalry – charged the Moors and quickly overcame them, driving them back over the bridge that they had just crossed. The Christians also surged over the bridge, killing up to 50 Moorish knights, and fell among their adversaries, striking deadly blows, until the Moors were caught up among their own footsoldiers. However, the master of Calatrava, Don Enrique Enríquez and the others did not move and failed either to go the assistance of the men who had crossed the bridge or to follow up the good fortune that God had given them in overcoming the Moors. So, when the Moors saw that the men who had charged them were not being supported by their own forces, they renewed their attack on those who had crossed the bridge. The Christians, lacking numbers, were not able to withstand their onslaught and were forced to retreat. Where they crossed the bridge some Christian knights lost their lives, among them Día Sánchez de Rojas and Juan Sánchez de Sandoval, commander for the diocese of Jaén, and also two other knights called Ximón González de Olit and Juan de Mendoza, as well as a number of other men. Nevertheless, the Christians who turned back and made their way over the bridge prevented the Moors from crossing. They sent a request for assistance to the master of Calatrava and Don Enrique Enríquez,

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que los acorriesen, e ellos les enbiaron dezir que se arredrassen de la puente e dexasen pasar los moros e que desque fuessen pasados, que todos en vno yrian a ellos. E los caualleros que guardauan la puente e el rrio dejaronles pasar, pero contra su voluntad fizieron lo que les mandaran. E luego que ellos de alli se arredraron de la puente, pasaron los moros de cauallo todos e començaron a pelear algunos dellos e los otros fueron tomar el rrastro de las azemilas que estauan al pie de vna sierra. E aquel dia el maestre de Calatraua non se ayunto bien a los suyos e los omnes de pie e algunos ginetes començaron de se yr e fuyr e todauia menguauan los christianos; pero el maestre e don Enrrique Enrriquez e algunos caualleros castellanos e algunos de la gyneta sufrian quanto podian, e duro esta pelea desde la mañana salliente el sol fasta ora de nona. E final mente los christianos que auian fincado eran pocos e se ouieron de vençer, e fue preso el maestre de Calatraua e pieça de caualleros de Castilla e otros muertos, e algunos otros escaparon. E los moros leuaron preso al maestre de Calatraua, e los caualleros que ý fueron tomados leuaron los a Granada. E morio aquel dia en esta pelea Iohan Rodriguez de Villegas, que dizien ‘el Calvo’, e Iohan Ferrandez de Herrera e Iohan Ferrandez Cabeça de Vaca e Diego Lopez de Porres e vn comendador de la horden de Santiago que dizian Diego Lopez de Jahen. E fueron presos el maestre de Calatraua e Pero Gomez de Porres el Viejo e Ruy Gonçalez de Torquemada e Sancho Perez de Ayala e Lope Ferrandez de Valbuena e otros muchos.

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who in reply sent them instructions to withdraw from the bridge and allow the Moors to cross: once they had come over, all the Christian forces would attack them together. The knights guarding the bridge and the river allowed the Moors to cross, although they were reluctant to obey the command that they had been given. As soon as these men withdrew from the bridge, the Moorish horsemen all charged across and, while some of them began to fight, the remainder went to seize the baggage train which was waiting at the foot of a range of hills. That day the master of Calatrava had difficulty in rallying his men and the footsoldiers and some of the light cavalry began to melt away and take flight so that the Christian numbers continued to decrease. Nevertheless, the master, Don Enrique Enríquez, some of the Castilian knights and some of the light cavalry put up as much resistance as they could, so that the battle lasted from sunrise to the hour of Nones. Finally, however, as the remaining Christians were few in number, they were forced to recognize defeat: the master of Calatrava was captured along with numerous other Castilian knights; some more were killed although a number of others escaped. The Moors carried off the master of Calatrava as their prisoner and the knights who were captured there were taken to Granada. The battle that took place that day saw the deaths of Juan Rodríguez de Villegas, known as ´the Bald Man’, Juan Fernández de Herrera, Juan Fernández Cabeza de Vaca, Diego López de Porres and a commander of the Order of Santiago called Diego López de Jaén. The master of Calatrava was taken prisoner, together with Pero Gómez de Porres the Elder, Ruy González de Torquemada, Sancho Pérez de Ayala, Lope Fernández de Valbuena and many others.

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Capitulo segundo. Commo el rrey Bermejo solto de la prision al maestre de Calatraua, que fuera preso en la pelea de Guadiex, e lo enbio al rrey don Pedro, e de algunos logares que el rrey don Pedro gano otra uez en el rregno de Granada de los moros e commo el conde de Arminaque vino a la dicha guerra e don Pedro de Xerica. El rrey Bermejo, que estonçe rregnaua en el rregno de Granada, teniendo que el maestre de Calatraua fuera hermano de doña Maria de Padilla e era tio de los fijos del rrey don Pedro e cuydando que faziendoles grandes honrras, que le aprouecharian para amansar el coraçon e la voluntad del rrey que le quisiesse a el antes ayudar que non al rrey Mahomad, e acordo de soltar al maestre e a algunos de los caualleros que con el estauan cativos e fizolo assi. E enbio al maestre e a algunos caualleros al rrey en presente e dioles de sus joyas; pero el rrey non ge lo agradesçio mucho: lo vno por quanto el maestre non estaua atan allegado a la privança del rrey commo solia, otrossi auia del el rrey quexa por que le dixeron que aquella pelea fuera vençida por non tener el maestre buena hordenança en ella, assi que por esta enbiada que el rrey Bermejo fizo e tan grand presente commo enbiar al maestre de Calatraua, al rrey non valio mas. E el rrey don Pedro dende a pocos dias despues que esta pelea fue, al comienzo de la quaresma, entro en el rregno de Granada con todo su poder e gano, esse camino, estos lugares: Yznaxar e Çesna e Zagra e Benamexir e dexo en ellos rrecabdo de gentes e viandas, e dende tornosse el rrey para Seuilla. E estonçe llego a su seruiçio e a la guerra de los moros el conde de Arminaque con buenas conpañas, e era vasallo del rrey e tenia tierra del. Otrossi vino a la dicha guerra mossen Hugo de Ca[ua]rlay, vn cauallero muy bueno de Ingla terra. E llegaron estonçe aquella guerra don Pedro de Xerica, vn grand señor de la casa del rrey de Aragon, e traya muy buena conpaña, e morio luego e dexo en su testamento e

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1362: CHAPTER II How the Red King released the master of Calatraua, who had been captured in the battle of Guadix, and sent him to King Pedro; concerning some places in the kingdom of Granada that King Pedro won back from the Moors; and how the count of Armagnac and Don Pedro de Exérica came to take part in the war. The Red King, who at that time was ruling over the kingdom of Granada, had in mind that the master of Calatrava had been Doña María de Padilla’s brother and was uncle to King Pedro’s children. He believed, therefore, that in paying these men great honour he would benefit by pacifying the king and persuading him to support him rather than King Muhammad. So he agreed to release Don Diego and some of the king’s knights who were being held captive with him and he was true to his word. He sent the master and a number of knights to the king as a favour and he gave them some of his jewels. The king, however, showed him little gratitude. This was partly because the master did not now enjoy his confidence to the same extent that he had done previously, and also because the king bore him ill will, having been told that defeat in that battle had resulted from the poor tactics on his part. For these reasons the Red King did not gain greater benefit from a gift as substantial as the return of the master of Calatrava. At the beginning of Lent, a few days after the battle took place, King Pedro invaded the kingdom of Granada with his full army, and during that campaign he captured Iznájar, Cesna, Zagra and Benamejí, leaving a garrison and supplies in each of them.1 He then returned to Seville. At this point King Pedro was also joined by the count of Armagnac – a vassal of the king, from whom he held land –, offering his service in the war against the Moors and bringing first-rate companies of troops.2 Sir Hugh Calveley, a fine knight from England, also came to take part in the campaign.3 In addition, the king was joined in the conflict by Don Pedro de Exérica, a great lord of the House of the king of Aragon, who also brought troops of very high quality but died after

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mando que fincasse con el rrey vn su fijo bastardo que dizian Iohan Alfonso de Loria e su conpaña con el, e assi se fizo. E mandosse enterrar don Pedro de Xerica a los pies del rrey don Alfonso, e asi yaze oy en Cordoua en vna capilla de yuso de la capilla do yaze el rrey don Alfonso. E commo quier que estonçe el cuerpo del rrey don Alfonso avn estaua en Seuilla, enpero sienpre era voluntad del rrey don Pedro de lo enterrar en Cordoua segund lo el mandara, e por tanto fue enterrado el cuerpo de don Pedro de Xerica en Cordoua e despues fue leuado el cuerpo del rrey don Alfonso segund adelante diremos. Otrossi en el logar de Zagra que el rrey estonçe ganara dexo ý vn escudero que dizian Ferrand Delgadillo e dexo con el omnes de pie e vallesteros. E los moros dende a pocos dias llegaron ý, e conbatieron el lugar de Zagra e fizieron portillos en guisa que Ferrand Delgadillo alcayde ouo de fazer su pleytesia, e desque vio que el logar se entraua, pusieronlo en saluo en Pliego, que era de christianos e el vinosse para el rrey a Alcabdete, que estaua ý. E el rrey luego lo mando matar.

Capitulo IIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro entro otra vez en el rregno de Granada e gano algunos lugares e commo se vino el rrey Bermejo a la merçed del rrey. El rrey don Pedro torno otra vez a entrar en el rregno de Granada e gano estos lugares: el Burgo e Cañete e Hardales e las Cueuas e Turon e otros castillos e dende tornose para Seuilla. E assi acaesçio que por quanto el rrey ganaua mucha tierra de los moros, por lo qual todos ellos se quexauan e dizian al rrey Bermejo, que estonçes estaua por rrey en Granada, que por la contienda que auia con el rrey Mahomad se perdia la tierra de los moros e el rregno de Granada. E el rrey Bermejo ouo grand miedo destas palabras que se dizian

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a short time. In his will he left instructions that a bastard son of his by the name of Joan Alfons de Lòria was to remain with King Pedro, together with all his company of troops. Don Pedro de Exérica also specified that he was to be buried at the feet of King Alfonso, and so today he lies in Córdoba in a chapel underneath the one where that king is interred. Although at that time King Alfonso’s body was still in Seville, it was always King Pedro’s wish to bury him in Córdoba as he had directed, and so Don Pedro de Exérica was buried in Córdoba and King Alfonso’s body was transferred there at a later date, as we shall relate in due course. Also, in the settlement at Zagra which he had just captured, the king left a squire called Fernán Delgadillo with a garrison of footsoldiers and crossbowmen. A few days later the Moors arrived and attacked Zagra, breaching the walls to such an extent that the castellan Fernán Delgadillo was forced to negotiate terms. On seeing that the Moors were breaking into the town, he arranged to be given safe conduct to Priego, which was in Christian hands, and made his way to the king in Alcaudete. King Pedro promptly had him executed.

1362: CHAPTER III How King Pedro once again invaded the kingdom of Granada and made some conquests and how the Red King placed himself at the king´s mercy. King Pedro invaded the kingdom of Granada once again and captured El Burgo, Cañete, Ardales, Las Cuevas, Turón and a number of other castles. From there he made his way back back to Seville. In consequence, as the king was winning a lot of territory from the Moors, they all expressed their grievances to the Red King, the current ruler of Granada, telling him that as a result of his conflict with King Muhammad the lands of the Moors and the kingdom of Granada were slipping away from them. The Red King was filled with trepidation by these words, which could

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por todo el rregno de Granada e penso que lo non podria sofrir nin mantener lo que auia començado. E ouo su consejo con vn cauallero muy grande que era con el e tenia su partida e era del rregno de Benamarin e dezianle don Edriz Abenbulula e era fijo de don Vzmin, el que vençiera los infantes don Iohan e don Pedro en la Vega de Granada e fuera vençido de don Iohan fijo del infante don Manuel en la pelea de Guadal Herza. E este rrey Bermejo e don Edriz Abenbulula con el, e otros caualleros de su casa en quien el se fiaua e fueron al comienço con el en conssejo que tomasse el rregno al rrey Mahomad e despues aca sienpre touieron con el e agora desque vieron que las cosas se ponian de cada dia peor e que non podia el rrey Bermejo mantener guerra contra el rrey de Castilla, otrossi por la diuision que era entre los moros, acordaron que el rrey Bermejo se fuesse poner en la merçed del rrey de Castilla e en su poder, e que el rrey desque lo viesse que avria piedad del e por auentura que le amaria mas que al otro rrey Mahomad por quanto este rrey Bermejo era buen cauallero por su cuerpo e podria bien seruir al rrey do lo mandasse yr en qual quier guerra. E acordo el rrey Bermejo de se yr para el rrey don Pedro e de leuar las mejores e mas rricas joyas que tenia, que fueran de la casa de Granada, para se aprouechar dellas si tal caso le contesçiesse. E pusolo luego por obra todo el consejo que ouiera con los suyos e partio de Granada con trezientos de cauallo e dozientos de pie, e vinosse luego para vna villa del rrey que dizian Vaena, do estaua por frontero el prior de Sand Iohan que dezian don Gutier Gomez de Toledo e caualleros del rrey. E ellos le rresçibieron muy bien e le preguntaron commo venia, e el les dixo que se venia a la merçed del rrey e ponersse en su poder, e que les rrogaua que le pusiessen delante el rrey. E el prior de Sand Iohan e los caualleros que eran con el en Baena dixieron al rrey Bermejo que les plazia de yr con el al rrey, e fueronsse para Seuilla, do el rrey don Pedro estaua.

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be heard throughout the kingdom of Granada, and he considered that he could not resist the attacks or sustain the campaign that he had begun. He sought the counsel of a very distinguished knight who accompanied and supported him, a native of the kingdom of the Marinids. This man was called Don Idrīs Abī’l-Ulā and was the son of ‘Uthmān, who had defeated Prince Juan and Prince Pedro on the plain of Granada and had in turn been defeated by Don Juan, son of Prince Manuel, in the battle of Guadalhorce.4 The Red King consulted Don Idrīs Abī’l-Ulā and other knights of his household who enjoyed his confidence, who from the outset had been involved in counselling him to seize the kingdom from King Muhammad and who from then on had given him their support. Since they could now see that the situation growing worse by the day and they realized that the Red King could not sustain the war against the king of Castile − and also on account of the division that existed among the Moors themselves − these counsellors agreed that the Red King should now go and place himself in the hands of the king of Castile and at his mercy. They considered that, once the king saw him, he would be sympathetic towards him and perhaps would even show him greater friendship than he did towards the other King Muhammad – for the Red King had the physical qualities of a fine knight and could serve him well wherever he sent him in any war. So the Red King agreed to go to King Pedro and to take him the finest and most splendid jewels in his possession, which had belonged to the House of Granada, in order to make use of them if the opportunity arose. He was quick to act on all the advice that he had received from his counsellors and he set off from Granada with 300 horsemen and 200 footsoldiers. He quickly arrived at a town belonging to King Pedro which was called Baena. Here the prior of Saint John, Don Gutier Gómez de Toledo, was serving as a field commander, together with some knights of the king. They gave the Red King a warm welcome and he was asked with what purpose he had come. He replied that he was there to place himself in King Pedro’s hands and at his mercy and asked them to take him into the king’s presence. The prior of Saint John and the knights with him in Baena informed the Red King that they would be pleased to accompany him to King Pedro, and they set off to join the king in Seville.

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Capitulo IIIIº. Commo el rrey Bermejo e don Edriz fablaron con el rrey. Llegaron a Seuilla el rrey Bermejo e don Edriz e los otros caualleros moros que con el venieron, e fueron do el rrey estaua en el su alcaçar e fizieronle grand rreverençia. E el rrey los rresçibio bien e luego vn moro que venia conel rrey Bermejo, que sabia fablar lenguaje christianiego, dixo al rrey assi: ‘Señor, el rrey de Granada mi señor, que aqui esta delante la tu merçed, conosçe e sabe que los rreyes de Granada son e fueron sienpre vasallos de los rreyes de Castilla cada vez que han treguas christianos e moros, e dieron parias e presentes muy grandes en señal de señorio a los rreyes de Castilla, e los touieron por señores en todos sus fechos, e por ende tiene mi señor el rrey que pues el ha pleyto con Mahomad rrey que se llama de Granada, que tu deues seer juez deste fecho e por ende viene a la tu merçed. E este rrey de Granada mi señor, que esta delante tu merçed, ha pleyto con el dicho Mahomad por que vsaua mal contra los moros del rregno de Granada, por lo qual todos le aborresçieron e querian grant mal e todos los moros del rregno de Granada auian tomado a mi señor el rrey que esta delante la tu merçed por su señor e por su rrey ca viene de linaje de rreyes e lo deue seer. E, señor, quanto a la guerra que el dicho Mahomad le podria fazer, el non le temeria; enpero el non puede defenderse de ti que eres su rrey e su señor, a cuya obediençia el deue estar. E para esto ouo su consejo e acuerdo con don Edriz que aqui esta con el delante la tu merçed, que es cauallero de grand linaje, otrossi ouo su consejo con muchos caualleros moros de la casa de Granada, de quien se fia e quieren la honrra e seruiçio de la casa de Granada, commo faria e commo deuia fazer en tal priessa commo esta. E todos le consejaron que se viniesse poner en la tu merçed e en

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1362: CHAPTER IV How the Red King and Don Idrīs spoke with the king. The Red King, with Don Idrīs and the other Moorish knights in his company, arrived in Seville and went to appear before King Pedro in his palace, where they showed him great deference. The king greeted them warmly and immediately a Moor who had come with the Red King and was able to speak the Christian language addressed the king as follows: ´Sire, my lord the king of Granada, who is appearing here before your Grace, fully recognizes that the kings of Granada are and always have been vassals of the kings of Castile whenever there has been peace between Christians and Moors. They have paid tribute and made great gifts in recognition of the lordship of the kings of Castile, holding them as their lords in all their affairs, and therefore as my lord is in dispute with the man who calls himself King Muhammad of Granada, he considers that you should be the judge of this matter and for this reason he has come to place himself at your mercy. My lord the king of Granada, who stands before your Grace, is in dispute with the aforesaid Muhammad on account of that man’s ill-treatment of the Moors of the kingdom of Granada: conduct which caused them all to view him with hatred and resentment and which led all the Moors of the realm to accept my master, who now stands before your Grace, as their lord and king − for he comes from a line of kings and it is right for him to reign. Moreover, sire, with regard to the war that this man Muhammad could wage on him, my lord would have no fear, but, on the other hand, he cannot defend himself against you for you are his lord and king, to whom it is his duty to show obedience. In this respect he sought the counsel and agreement of Don Idrīs, who stands with him before your Grace and is a knight of very high birth; and he also consulted many Moorish knights of the House of Granada, men in whom he trusts and who are dedicated to serving and bringing honour to their kingdom, and he asked these men how he should proceed and what course of action he should take in such a time of difficulty. They all advised him to come and place himself in your hands and at your

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tu poder. E su acuerdo del e de los moros que con el vienen es poner todos su fechos e contiendas que han con el dicho Mohamad por el dicho rregno de Granada, en la tu merçed e en el tu juyzio. E por ende, señor, en la tu merçed es el e todos los que aqui vinieron con el. E muestra, señor, agora tu grandeza e la nobleza de la corona de Castilla, e piedad en el que se pone en la tu misericordia e ayudale a su derecho.’ E dixo estonçe don Edriz Abenbulula al trujaman que esto dizia, que dixiesse al rrey don Pedro que si su merçed era de tomar este pleyto en su mano, que faria en ello obra de rrey e de prinçipe muy grande e piadoso e que el lo podria muy bien librar entre el dicho Mahomad e este su señor que a su merçed veniera, e si su voluntad era en otra guisa, que fuese su merçed de poner al rrey su señor que alli viniera e a los que con el vinieron, allen mar en tierra de moros. E el rrey don Pedro desque ouo oydo todas estas rrazones que aquel moro trujaman del rrey Bermejo le dixo e lo que dizia don Edriz Abenbulula, rrespondioles que a el plazia mucho con la venida del rrey e de don Edriz e de todos los otros que en su conpañia vinieron, e quanto era en la contienda que era entre el e el rrey Mahomad, que el ternia en ello buenas maneras commo se librasse bien. E el rrey Bermejo e don Edriz e los otros caualleros que con ellos venian desque sopieron por el trujaman la rrespuesta que el rrey diera, fueron muy alegres e abaxaron las cabeças e dixeron en su arauigo todos: ‘Señor, Dios te mantenga; ca en esta fiuza de la tu noble rrespuesta e grand defendimiento vino nuestro señor el rrey e nos otros con el a la tu merçed.’ E el rrey mando dar posadas al rrey Bermejo e a don Edriz e a los que con ellos venieron en la juderia de la çibdat de Seuilla. E fueronsse luego para alla e asossegaron todas sus posadas e estauan muy alegres teniendo que su fecho estaua bien pues tal rrespuesta auian del rrey.

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mercy. He and the Moors accompanying him have agreed to submit to your will and your judgement all their disputes and conflicts with the aforementioned Muhammad over the kingdom of Granada. Thus, sire, both he and those who have come here with him have placed themselves at your mercy. We ask you now, sire, to demonstrate your greatness and the nobility of the Crown of Castile, and magnanimity towards one who seeks your compassion, and to assist him in what is his right.’ Then Don Idrīs Abī’l-Ulā told the interpreter who had spoken these words to ask King Pedro if it was his will to be the judge of this dispute, for by so doing he would be acting as a very great and dutiful king or prince. He could adjudicate justly between the aforementioned Muhammad and this, his lord, who was placing himself at his mercy. However, if King Pedro wished otherwise, they requested that he be prepared to place those who had come there – his lord the Red King and those in his company – in the land of the Moors beyond the sea. Once he had heard all these arguments put to him by the Red King’s Moorish interpreter and also what Don Idrīs Abī’l-Ulā said to him, King Pedro replied that he was very pleased at the way in which the king, Don Idrīs and all the others in his entourage had come to him, and, with regard to the dispute between the Red King and King Muhammad, he said that he would have a good way of bringing it to a satisfactory conclusion. When they learned from the interpreter what reply the king had given, the Red King, Don Idrīs and the other knights in their company were overjoyed and, lowering their heads, they all said in Arabic: ‘Lord King, may God watch over you! For it was with such trust in the generosity of your reply and the strength of your protection that our lord king − and we who are with him − came to place ourselves at your mercy.’ The king gave instructions for the Red King, Don Idrīs and those who had come with them to be given lodgings in the Jewish quarter of the city of Seville. They went there without delay and settled into their lodgings, joyful because they felt that, having received such a reply from the king, they had been successful in their undertaking.

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Capitulo Vº. Commo fue preso el rrey Bermejo e don Edriz e los otros que vinieran con el en la dicha çibdat de Seuilla. Porque la cubdiçia es rraiz de todos los males del mundo puso al rrey don Pedro en coraçon todo lo que adelante oyredes que se fizo, commo quier que todo esto que oyredes que el rrey fizo dizia que lo fiziera syn carga ninguna suya, ca el rrey Bermejo viniera a el sin seer asegurado; otrossi que lo fazia faziendo justiçia del rrey Bermejo por quanto el se leuantara e alçara contra el rrey Mahomad que era su señor. Enpero peso dello a todos los que amauan su seruiçio del rrey; pero la manera commo se fizo esto daño mucho en la fama del rrey. E el rrey luego sopo commo el rrey Bermejo traya muchas joyas rricas en aljofar e piedras preçiosas, e ouo grande cubdiçia dellas. E mando al maestre de Santiago don Garçi Alvarez de Toledo que conbidasse luego otro dia a çenar al rrey Bermejo e a todos los mayores e mas honrrados que con el venieron. E el maestre de Santiago fizolo assy. E el rrey Bermejo e don Edriz e fasta çinquenta caualleros de los mejores que con el venian fueron otro dia a çenar con el maestre de Santiago a su posada. E despues que ouieron çenado, estando asossegados a las mesas que ninguno non era leuantado, entro Martin Lopez de Cordoua camarero del rrey e su rrepostero mayor e con el omnes de armas, e llego do estaua el rrey Bermejo asentado a la mesa e tomolo preso, e eso mesmo prendio a don Edriz e otrossi prendieron todos los otros moros que çenauan con el dicho rrey Bermejo. E otros omnes de armas fueron por mandado del rrey a la juderia e prendieron todos los otros moros que ý fallaron. E luego que fue preso el rrey Bermejo fue catado aparte si tenia algunas joyas consigo e fallaronle tres piedras balaxes muy nobles e muy grandes. E fallaron a otro moro pequeño que venia con el, vn

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1362: CHAPTER V How the Red King was taken prisoner along with Don Idrīs and the other men who had accompanied him to the city of Seville. As greed is the root of all the world’s ills, it was this which caused King Pedro to conceive all the actions that you will in due course hear described. This is in spite of the fact that he claimed to have done everything about which you will hear without there being any fault on his own part: he argued that the Red King had come to him without having obtained any assurance of safety and that his actions were intended to mete out just punishment to the Moorish king for rising up in rebellion against King Muhammad who was his lord. Nonetheless, this troubled men who were loyal servants of the king and the manner in which it was done did much harm to the king’s reputation. King Pedro was quick to find out how the Red King had brought with him many exquisite jewels with pearls and precious stones and he longed to possess them. So he instructed the master of Santiago Don Garci Álvarez de Toledo to lose no time in inviting the Red King to a banquet on the next day together with all the senior and most distinguished members of his company. The master of Santiago did as he was bidden and the next day the Red King, Don Idrīs and some 50 of the finest knights accompanying him attended a banquet given by the master of Santiago in his apartments. Then, after they had eaten, as they sat relaxing at table without anyone as yet having left his place, Martín López de Córdoba, the king’s chamberlain and lord high butler, entered with a number of men-at-arms, approached the place where the Red King was sitting and seized him. He did the same to Don Idrīs and they likewise took prisoner the rest of the Moors who were attending the banquet with the Red King. At the king’s command, other men-at-arms went to the Jewish quarter and seized all the other Moors that they found there. As soon as the Red King had been made prisoner he was taken aside and searched to see if he was carrying any jewels on his person, and they found on him three very large and splendid rubies. Moreover,

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correo en que traya sieteçientos e treynta piedras balaxes pequeñas. E fallaron a otro moro pequeño, que era su paje, aljofar tan grueso commo auellanas mondadas, çient granos, e a otro moro pequeño fallaron una partida de aljofar tan grande commo granos de garuanços, que pudia auer vn çelemin. E a los otros moros, fallaron a cada vno, a qual aljofar e a qual piedras, e leuarongelo luego todo al rrey. E a los moros que fueron presos en la juderia, fueron falladas doblas e joyas e todas las ouo el rrey.

Capitulo VIº. Commo fue muerto el rrey Bermejo e otros caualleros con el. El rrey Bermejo despues que fue preso aquella noche, fue leuado el e don Edriz e los caualleros que con el fueron presos a la ataraçana. E dende a dos dias el rrey Pedro fizolo sacar a vn canpo grande, que es en Seuilla de la parte del alcaçar que dizen Tablada, al rrey Bermejo cauallero en vn asno e vestida vna saya de escarlata que el tenia, e de los moros treynta e siete, e fizolos todos matar alli. E el rrey don Pedro lo firio primero de vna lança e dixo assi: ‘Toma esto por quanto me feziste fazer mala pleytesia con el rrey de Aragon e perder el castillo de Hariza.’ E el rrey Bermejo desque se vio ferido dixo al rrey en su arauigo: ‘¡Pequeña caualgada feziste!’ E fueron ese dia muertos con el rrey Bermejo en la Tablada treynta e siete caualleros moros que venian con el. E los caualleros e los de pie, que serian todos fasta trezientos, fueron todos presos e puestos en la ataraçana. E fue preso aquel moro muy honrrado que venia ý, que era de allen mar, de quien auemos dicho que auia nonbre don Edriz Abenbulula fijo de don Vzmin. E dezia el pregonero por mandado del rrey don Pedro assi: ‘Esta justiçia manda fazer nuestro señor el rrey a estos traydores que fueron

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they found in the possession of a young Moor accompanying him a belt in which he carried 730 small rubies; on another young Moor, who was his page, 100 pearls the size of shelled hazelnuts; and on another they discovered a collection of pearls as large as chick-peas, of which there could have been a bushel. On each of the other Moors were found either pearls or precious stones, and it was all taken without delay to the king. The Moors who were taken prisoner in the Jewish quarter were found to possess doblas and jewels, and all of these were seized by the king.

1362: CHAPTER VI How the Red King was put to death together with a number of other knights. After the Red King had been made prisoner that night, he was taken together with Don Idrīs and the knights accompanying him to be held in the shipyards. Two days later King Pedro had him led out onto a large piece of land in Seville known as the Tablada, adjacent to the alcázar. The Red King was mounted on an ass and dressed in a scarlet robe that he owned and he was accompanied by 37 of the Moors. There and then King Pedro had them all killed and he was the first to thrust his lance into the Moorish king, with the words, ‘Take this! This is for causing me to agree to a wretched deal with the king of Aragon and so lose the castle of Ariza.’ The Red King, seeing how he had been wounded, said to the king in Arabic, ‘How little chivalry you have displayed!’ That day on the Tablada 37 knights accompanying the Red King were killed with him. The other knights and the footsoldiers, altogether as many as 300, were all rounded up and imprisoned in the shipyards. The venerable Moor from over the sea, whose name we said was Don Idrīs Abī’l-Ulā and who was the son of ‘Uthmān, was also cast into prison. At King Pedro’s command the herald proclaimed, ‘This is the punishment that our lord the king commands to be meted out to these

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en la muerte del rrey Yzmael su rrey e su señor.’ E la rrazon era esta: este rrey Bermejo e otros mataron al rrey Yzmael de Granada, hermano del rrey Mahomad, en otro tienpo, cuydando que los del rregno tomaran por su rrey a este rrey Bermejo, que era arrayz estonçe, e non se fizo assi, ca los del rregno, despues de la muerte del rrey Yzmael, tomaron por su rrey a Mahomad su hermano, que agora era rrey. E este rrey Bermejo fuxo el e los que fueron en la muerte del rrey Yzmael por miedo, e despues fallo por tienpo muchos que touieron con el e apoderosse del Alhambra de Granada e llamosse rrey. E fuxo el rrey Mahomad a algunos castillos de Benamarin assi commo Ronda e Zahara e otros, e alli se defendio. E el rrey Bermejo, que tenia ya apoderado el rregno, fizo su tregua con el rrey don Pedro, maguer al dicho rrey don Pedro non le plugo dello; mas ouo reçelo que si la non fiziera, que el rrey Bermejo de Granada touiera e ayudara a la parte del rrey de Aragon. E avn despues de la tregua, que el rrey don Pedro estaua en las partidas de Almaçan faziendo guerra a Aragon, le dixeron que el dicho rrey Bermejo trataua con el rrey de Benamarin por que ellos amos a dos se ayudassen contra los christianos, señalada mente contra el rrey don Pedro, e fazian sus ligas con el rrey de Aragon. E non quiso el rrey de Benamarin, antes lo fizo saber al rrey don Pedro por quanto lo fiziera seer rrey e le enbiara alla en vna galea suya. E llamauan a este rrey de Benamarin Abuçelin fijo del rrey Abulhaçen. E el rrey don Pedro con este rreçelo fizo sus pazes con el rrey de Aragon e tornole los castillos que tenia cobrados de Aragon, entre los quales dio a Hariza, que es vn buen castillo, donde el rrey don Pedro se touo por muy quexado. E por estas rrazones e por la cobdiçia de las joyas que el rrey Bermejo traxo fue su muerte. E dizia el rrey don Pedro que el los fiziera matar por que se alçara e fuera rrebelde a su señor el rrey Mahomad e por que fuera en matar al rrey Yzmael su señor. Enpero todos lo touieron por non bien fecho

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traitors who were involved in the death of their lord and king Ismā’īl.’5 And the reason given was that in the past the Red King, with the help of others, had murdered King Ismā’īl of Granada, brother of King Muhammad, in the belief that the people of the kingdom would take him – he was then a chieftain – as their king. However it had not turned out that way, for after the death of King Ismā’īl the people of Granada had taken as their king his brother Muhammad, the man who was now king. The Red King had fled in fear together with those who had been involved in the death of King Ismā’īl, but with time he had found numerous men to support him and had seized the Alhambra in Granada, calling himself king. King Muhammad had escaped to some castles held by the Marinids, such as Ronda, Zahara and others, and there he had held out. The Red King, who had already taken control of the kingdom, agreed a truce with King Pedro: this was not to King Pedro’s liking but he feared that if he did otherwise the Red King of Granada would side with and support the king of Aragon. Indeed, even after the truce had been agreed, when King Pedro was in the area of Almazán waging war on Aragon, he was told that the Red King was negotiating an agreement with the king of the Marinids by which the two of them would assist each other against the Christians, and in particular against King Pedro, and that they were allying themselves with the king of Aragon. The king of the Marinids was unwilling to do this and instead sent a warning to King Pedro – since the Castilian king had given him his backing as ruler and conveyed him to Morocco in one of his galleys.6 This king of the Marinids was called Abū Sālim and was the son of King Abū’l-Hasan. In his anxiety about this, King Pedro had made peace with the king of Aragon and returned to him the Aragonese castles that he had captured, including the fine fortress of Ariza. This had left him feeling deeply aggrieved. So the death of the Red King occurred for these reasons and also as a result of King Pedro’s covetous desire to possess the jewels that he had brought with him. King Pedro argued that he had had these men killed because the Red King had risen up in rebellion against his lord, King Muhammad and because he had been involved in the murder of his lord, King Ismā’īl. On the other hand, it was generally considered that King Pedro had not been right to do this and that it would have been preferable for

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e les pluguiera que el rrey don Pedro non lo fiziera assi. E el rrey Mahomad luego que sopo que el rrey Bermejo era preso e despues muerto fuesse para Granada e rresçibieronlo alli por rrey e por su señor e todo el rregno le obedesçia. E el rrey don Pedro le enbio las cabeças del rrey Bermejo e de los otros caualleros que mataron con el. E el rrey Mahomad enbio al rrey don Pedro algunos catiuos de los que fueron tomados en la pelea de Guadiex.

Capitulo VIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro dixo en las cortes que fizo en Seuilla commo fuera casado con doña Maria de Padilla e fizo jurar a su fijo don Alfonso. El rrey don Pedro despues destos fechos fizo sus cortes luego alli en Seuilla por quanto estauan alli ayuntados todos los grandes señores del rregno que estonçes eran ý, que partian de la guerra de los moros. E dixo asi ante todos: que les fazia çiertos que la rreyna doña Blanca de Borbon, la qual era muerta, que non fuera su muger legitima por quanto ante que se desposase con ella, se auia desposado por palabras de presente con doña Maria de Padilla e la rresçibiera por su muger. Enpero por rreçelo que algunos de su rregno se alçassen contra el por quanto non querian bien a parientes de doña Maria de Padilla, segund auia paresçido por obra que fizieran segund auemos contado, ca fueron muchos grandes del rregno e algunas çibdades contra el quando era en Toro, que el non oso dezir deste casamiento que ouiera con la dicha doña Maria, e fuera a Valladolid e fiziera bodas con la dicha doña Blanca de Borbon. E dizia que el ouiera su casamiento con doña Maria de Padilla antes que casase con la rreyna doña Blanca por palabras de presente, e que desto fiziera testigos a don Diego Garçia de Padilla, su hermano de la dicha doña Maria, que estaua presente e era maestre de Calatraua, e Iohan Ferrandez de Henestrosa, tio de la dicha doña Maria de Padilla,

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him not to have acted in such a way. Nevertheless, as soon as King Muhammad learned that the Red King had been imprisoned and then put to death, he went to Granada where he was received as lord and king and obeyed throughout the kingdom. King Pedro sent him the heads of the Red King and of the other knights who had been put to death with him and in return King Muhammad sent to King Pedro some of the prisoners who had been captured in the battle of Guadix.

1362: CHAPTER VII How King Pedro stated in the cortes which he held in Seville that he had been married to Doña María de Padilla; and how he had oaths of loyalty sworn to his son Don Alfonso. After these events, King Pedro lost no time in holding cortes there and then in Seville, as all the great lords of the kingdom, returning from the war against the Moors, were assembled there. In the presence of all of them he gave a firm assurance that Queen Blanche of Bourbon, who was no longer alive, had not been his legitimate wife, since, before his wedding to her had taken place, he had exchanged marriage vows with Doña María de Padilla and taken her as his wife. He said, however, that he had been influenced by his fear of some people in his kingdom rebelling against him because of their hostility to Doña María de Padilla’s relatives; and this had indeed been borne out by their actions – as we have related –, for many great lords and a number of cities had opposed him when he was in Toro. He had, therefore, not dared to admit openly to his marriage to Doña María, and he had gone to Valladolid where his wedding to Doña Blanche of Bourbon had taken place. King Pedro stated that he had celebrated his wedding to Doña María de Padilla before exchanging vows with Blanche of Bourbon, and he had appointed the following witnesses to this ceremony: Don Diego García de Padilla, Doña María’s brother, who was master of Calatrava and was present in person; Juan Fernández de Henestrosa,

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que era finado, e Iohan Alfonso de Mayorga, su chançeller del sello de la poridat e su escriuano, e Iohan Perez de Orduña, abad de Santander e capellan mayor, que alli estauan presentes, e que se desposara con la dicha doña Maria de Padilla por palabras de presente e la rresçibiera por su muger legitima. E los dichos don Diego Garçia de Padilla maestre de Calatraua e Iohan Alfonso de Mayorga chançeller e Iohan Perez su capellan, que alli estauan dixieron que era verdat e juraronlo assi sobre los santos Euangelios. E por ende dixo el rrey que la dicha doña Maria de Padilla, la qual era ya muerta, fuera su muger legitima e fuera rreyna de Castilla e de Leon, e que aquellos fijos que della ouiera eran legitimos, los quales eran: vn fijo que dizian don Alfonso e tres fijas, a la vna dizian doña Beatriz e a la otra, doña Costança e a la otra, doña Ysabel, de las quales diremos despues. E fizo esse dia vn grand sermon don Gomez Manrique arçobispo de Toledo e mostro a todos los de las cortes que alli eran las rrazones del rrey. E mando el rrey que de aquel dia en adelante llamassen a la dicha doña Maria de Padilla ‘la rreyna doña Maria’, e al fijo, ‘el infante don Alfonso’, e a las fijas, ‘las infantas’. E luego esse dia mando que todos los del rregno que alli eran e las çibdades e villas por sus procuradores e procuraçiones sufiçientes que alli tenian para fazer lo que el rrey mandasse, que fiziesen e jurassen al dicho don Alfonso su fijo por infante heredero despues de sus dias en los rregnos de Castilla e de Leon, e fizieronlo todos assi. E hordeno luego el rrey perlados e caualleros e dueñas que fuessen a Estudillo do yazia doña Maria de Padilla enterrada, e traxieron su cuerpo muy honrrada mente a Seuilla, assi commo de rreyna. E soterraron lo en la capilla de los rreyes que es en la iglesia de Santa Maria de la dicha çibdat, fasta que el rrey fizo fazer otra capilla çerca de aquella capilla de los rreyes, muy fermosa do fue el dicho cuerpo despues enterrado. E dende adelante, segund auemos dicho, fue llamada ‘la rreyna doña Maria’, e su fijo, ‘el infante don Alfonso’ e las fijas, ‘infantas’.

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Doña María’s uncle, now deceased; Juan Alfonso de Mayorga, his chancellor of the confidential seal and his notary; and Juan Pérez de Orduña, abbot of Santander and his head chaplain; the last two of these were also present. He had, he said, exchanged marriage vows with Doña María de Padilla and taken her as his wife. Don Diego de Padilla, his chancellor Juan Alfonso de Mayorga and his chaplain Juan Pérez affirmed that this was true and swore to it on the holy Gospels. And therefore the king stated that Doña María de Padilla, who was no longer alive, had been his legitimate wife and queen of Castile and León and that the children that he had fathered by her were legitimate. These were as follows: a son called Don Alfonso and three daughters by the names of Doña Beatriz, Doña Constanza and Doña Isabel, of whom we shall speak in due course. On the same day Gómez Manrique, archbishop of Toledo, preached a long sermon on this subject, setting out what the king had said to all the representatives at the cortes who were present. The king issued a command that from that day on Doña María de Padilla was to be known as ‘Queen María’, his son as ‘Prince Alfonso’ and his daughters as ‘the princesses’. That same day he gave instructions that all the people of his kingdom who were there present, together with the cities and towns through the persons of their procurators and official representatives, were to recognize and swear an oath of loyalty to his son Don Alfonso as prince and heir to the throne in the kingdoms of Castile and León when the king’s life came to an end; and they all obeyed his command. The king then promptly ordered prelates, knights and ladies to go to Estudillo, where Doña María de Padilla’s body lay buried, and they brought it to Seville with great honour, as befitted a queen. The body was interred in the royal chapel in the church of Santa María in that city, until the king had another, very beautiful chapel constructed near to that royal chapel, in which Doña María de Padilla’s body was later laid to rest. From then on, as we have explained, she was known as ‘Queen María’, her son as ‘Prince Alfonso’ and her daughters the ‘princesses’.

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Capitulo VIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro dixo a todos los suyos que estudiessen prestos para la guerra que cuydaua auer. El rrey don Pedro sienpre tenia su voluntad en la guerra de Aragon, que tenia que la paz que se fiziera entre el e el rrey de Aragon por el cardenal de Boloña legado, que la non fiziera de su talante, mas por rreçelo de la guerra que tenia que le queria fazer el rrey Bermejo, segund dicho es. E acordo con algunos sus priuados de se yr encubierta mente a la guerra de Aragon por tomar algunas villas e castillos antes que el rrey de Aragon se aperçibiesse, ca sabia que el rrey de Aragon estaua en vna villa suya que dizen Perpiñan, que es en cabo del su rregno, e syn sospecha. E dixo a todos los señores e caualleros e omnes de armas de sus rregnos que alli eran con el, que auia nueuas que vna grand conpaña que andaua en Françia faziendo guerra, que dizian la conpaña blanca, que queria venir en su rregno e que querian entrar por las partidas de Aragon o de Nauarra, e que les rrogaua que todos fuessen prestos para yr con el, ca luego, de camino, yua para alla. E todos le dixeron que ellos estauan prestos para yr do la su merçed mandasse. E ninguno non podia entender que el rrey queria fazer guerra a Aragon, ca todos cuydauan que eran pazes entre el rrey de Aragon e el.

Capitulo IXº. Commo el rrey don Pedro fizo sus ligas con el rrey de Nauarra e se vio con el, e lo que ý acaesçio. Despues desto partio el rrey don Pedro luego de Seuilla e enbio por sus enbaxadores al rrey de Nauarra, a Yñigo Lopez de Horozco e

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1362: CHAPTER VIII How King Pedro told all his people to be prepared for the war that he expected to wage. King Pedro always had his mind set on the Aragonese war: he considered that he had not agreed willingly to the truce which had been arranged by the legate, the cardinal of Boulogne, between him and the king of Aragon – as has already been explained – but rather that he had accepted it out of fear of the war that he believed the Red King intended to wage on him. He agreed with some of his confidants that he would go covertly to the war with Aragon with the aim of seizing some towns and castles before there was any chance for preparation on the part of the king of Aragon. King Pedro knew that King Pere was staying unsuspectingly in a town of his called Perpignan, which was situated in the northernmost part of his kingdom.7 He informed all the lords, knights and men-at-arms of his realms who were there with him that he had received reports of a large body of troops roaming around France and waging war, known as the White Company, which intended to enter his kingdom by way of Aragon or Navarre; and he asked them all to be ready to accompany him as he was heading there without delay.8 All of them told him that they were ready to go wherever it was the king’s wish to send them. None of them could see that King Pedro’s intention was to wage war on Aragon, since they all believed that he and the king of Aragon were at peace.

1362: CHAPTER IX How King Pedro formed an alliance with the king of Navarre and met with him, and concerning what took place at their meeting. Then King Pedro set off from Seville without delay, sending Íñigo López de Orozco and Arias González de Valdés as his ambassadors to

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a Arias Gonçalez de Valdes, que el se queria veer con el e seer su amigo. E el rrey de Nauarra vio en ello muy buen dia, que estonçes non estaua bien abenido con el rrey de Françia e rresçelauasse mucho del. E touo que por quanto en Castilla mataran a la rreyna doña Blanca de Borbon, que era sobrina del rrey de Françia, que non queria bien el rrey de Castilla al rrey de Françia, e por tanto, que ligandose el rrey de Navarra con el rrey de Castilla, tenia grand ayuda contra el rrey de Françia. E assosegaron los enbaxadores de los rreyes de Castilla e de Nauarra sus tratos entre los dichos rreyes e juraronlos en nonbre de sus señores los rreyes fasta que ellos por sus personas se viesen en vno en la çibdad de Soria do fueron hordenadas las vistas. E fue alla el rrey don Pedro, e luego llego alli el rrey de Nauarra e venia con el rrey de Nauarra el infante don Loys, su hermano, e el cabtal de Buche, que era vn grand señor de la tierra de Gujana e tenia sienpre la parte de Ingla terra. E vino ý el abad de Fiscan, que fue despues cardenal d’Amiens, el qual viniera con el cardenal de Boloña legado, e otros caualleros. E el rrey don Pedro rresçibio muy bien al rrey de Nauarra e a los que con el vinieron, e fizieron sus pleytesias e sus juramentos en esta manera: que los dichos rreyes fuessen amigos e aliados en vno contra quales quier personas de qual quier estado o condiçion que fuessen, otrossi que el primero rrey dellos que ouiese menester de guerra alguna cosa, que el otro rrey fuesse tenudo de lo ayudar a su costa. E desta pleytesia estaua el rrey de Nauarra muy alegre, ca el veya que el rrey de Castilla non tenia guerra nin le paresçia auerla nin que la pudia de presente auer, ca con el rrey de Aragon auia paz; otrossi los moros eran con el en sosiego, ca el rrey Mahomad fuera por el ayudado e tornara por el a su rregno e le daua parias. Otrosi el rrey don Pedro de Portogal era su tio, hermano de su madre la rreyna doña Maria. E assi paresçia al rrey de Nauarra que esta aliança e amorio que el tomaua con el rrey de Castilla, que era tan grande e tan poderoso e con tantas ventajas, que el primero que ouiesse menester fuese

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inform the king of Navarre that he wished to meet with him and become his ally. The king of Navarre saw this as a valuable opportunity since he was not on good terms with the king of France and was in great fear of him. He considered that, as Queen Blanche of Bourbon – the niece of the French king – had been put to death in Castile, the king of Castile was no friend of the king of France, and that, therefore, by forming an alliance with King Pedro he was gaining valuable support against the French monarch. The ambassadors of the kings of Castile and Navarre settled the terms of the agreement between the two rulers and swore to them on behalf of their lords, until the two kings met together in the city of Soria according to the arrangements that had been made. King Pedro made his way there and shortly afterwards the king of Navarre arrived, accompanied by his brother Prince Luis and the captal de Buch, a great lord in Guyenne who had always been an ally of England.9 The meeting was also attended by the abbot of Fécamp, who was later to become cardinal of Amiens and who had come to Spain with the legate − the cardinal of Boulogne –, and by some other knights. King Pedro gave a very warm welcome to the king of Navarre and those accompanying him and they agreed and swore to the following terms: that the two kings were to be bound together in friendship and alliance against any persons of whatever rank or standing; and also that as soon as either of them found himself in need of any assistance in war the other king was to be bound to give him aid at his own expense. The king of Navarre was delighted at the terms of this agreement, for he could see that the king of Castile was not at war, nor were there any signs of him going to war or at present any possibility of it happening as he was at peace with the king of Aragon. Moreover, he was on good terms with the Moors as King Muhammad had received assistance from him, had regained his kingdom because of him and was paying him tribute. And in addition King Pedro of Portugal was his uncle, being the brother of his mother Queen María. So it seemed to the king of Navarre that this alliance and friendship that he was forming with the king of Castile – who was such a great and powerful king and brought so many benefits – was highly advantageous to him in that the first to need assistance should receive it from the other;

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ayudado del otro que le era muy prouechoso, ca el rrey de Nauarra tenia el menester mas çerca contra el rrey de Françia. E el rrey de Castilla desque todas estas rrazones fueron firmadas entre el e el rrey de Nauarra e juradas, conbido a comer al rrey de Nauarra en la çibdat de Soria. E luego esse dia despues de comer dixo que queria veer e fablar con el rrey de Nauarra algunas cosas que eran seruiçio e prouecho dellos dos e apartaronsse a vn palaçio. E estauan ay con el rrey de Castilla el maestre de Santiago don Garçi Alvarez de Toledo e Yñigo Lopez de Horozco e Martin Yañez de Seuilla, tesorero mayor, e Martin Lopez de Cordoua, su rrepostero mayor, e Matheos Fernandez de Caçeres, su chançeller del sello de la poridad, que eran sus priuados. E de la otra parte estaua el rrey de Nauarra e el infante don Loys, su hermano, e el cabtal de Buche e el abad de Fiscan, que era commo medianero. E el rrey de Castilla dixo assi al rrey de Nauarra: ‘Rey hermano, juramentos son entre vos e mi, que el primero de nos otros que ouiese guerra o menester, que sea ayudado del otro, e yo vos fago luego saber que el rrey de Aragon me fizo fazer paz contra mi voluntad e contra mi honrra sabiendo el que el rrey Bermejo, que tenia estonçe el rregno de Granada, tenia con el hordenado que me corriesse la frontera del Andalozia e me fiziesse guerra. E por esta rrazon, por non dar lugar a los moros que corriessen la tierra de christianos, oue de otorgar aquella paz, la qual non fue fecha a mi honrra, e dexele los castillos que le auia ganados. E por tanto digo que non le so tenudo a guardar aquellas pazes e entiendo luego fazer guerra fasta que me torne los castillos que le tenia ganados e me pague las despensas que me fizo fazer en esta guerra que oue con el, la qual fue a su grand culpa. E por el juramento que vos me tenedes fecho, vos rruego e rrequiero luego que me ayudedes con el cuerpo o con vuestro poder segund esta firmado e jurado entre vos e mi el dia de oy.’ E el rrey de Nauarra fue muy turbado quando esto oyo, ca non le

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and the king of Navarre had the more urgent need, against the king of France. Once all of these conditions had been confirmed by signatures and by the swearing of oaths between the two rulers, the king of Castile invited the king of Navarre to eat with him in the city of Soria. Later that same day, after the meal, he announced that he wished to meet with the Navarrese monarch to discuss with him some matters which were to their mutual benefit and advantage. They went off to speak privately in some royal apartments. There the king of Castile was accompanied by his advisers: the master of Santiago Don Garci Álvarez de Toledo, Íñigo López de Orozco, the chief treasurer Martín Yáñez de Sevilla, the lord high butler Martín López de Córdoba and the chancellor of the confidential seal Matheos Fernández de Cáceres. On the other side were the king of Navarre and Prince Luis, together with the captal de Buch and the abbot of Fécamp, who was attending as a mediator. The king of Castile addressed the king of Navarre as follows: ‘My brother king, oaths have been sworn between the two of us that the first to require military aid or assistance should receive it from the other. I am now informing you that the king of Aragon obliged me to agree terms of peace against my will and with no regard for my honour, in full knowledge that the Red King, who at that time ruled Granada, had made an arrangement with him that he would raid the frontier lands of Andalusia and wage war on me. It was for this reason – so as not to give the Moors an opportunity to raid Christian territory – that I was obliged to agree to that peace treaty, which was arranged without concern for my honour, and that I conceded the castles that I had won from him. I affirm, therefore, that I am not bound to keep to those terms for peace and that my intention is to wage war on him immediately until he returns to me the castles that I had won from him and indemnifies me for the costs that he caused me to incur in the war that I fought against him – for which he bears considerable blame. Moreover, by virtue of the oath by which you are bound to me, I ask and require you to come to my assistance immediately in person and with your army in accordance with the agreement beween the two of us confirmed today by signature and by the swearing of oaths.’ On hearing this the king of Navarre was deeply disturbed, for

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venian las cosas segund pensaua, e dixole que queria aver su consejo con aquellos que alli eran venidos con el para le dar rrespuesta. E luego apartosse el rrey de Nauarra e el infante su hermano e el cabtal de Buche e el abad de Fiscan, que alli estauan, a vna parte del palaçio e fablaron en esto e final mente dixeron al rrey de Nauarra los que con el estauan, que el non tenia tienpo de le dar otra rrespuesta al rrey don Pedro saluo que le plazia de lo ayudar, e que esta rrespuesta le era forçado de dar e non otra: lo vno por quanto estaua por su cuerpo en poder del rrey de Castilla e en su rregno e en su çibdat, e que era omne muy fuerte e podria pasar mal sy non lo fiziesse commo el queria. Otrossi que el rrey de Castilla tenia todo su poder ayuntado en aquellas comarcas e non auia guerra con ninguno, que podria dexar la guerra de Aragon e yr sobre el rregno de Nauarra, e tomargelo, ca el non estaua aperçibido para gelo poder defender. E este consejo auido tornaron luego a dar la rrespuesta al rrey de Castilla e dixeronle, el rrey de Nauarra e los que con el eran, que pues assi era que el entendia auer guerra con el rrey de Aragon, que le ayudaria segund los juramentos fechos entre ellos, e que le rrogaua que quando aquella guerra de Aragon çesasse, que eso mesmo que el rrey de Castilla le ayudasse a el. E esto dizia el rrey de Nauarra por se partir del rrey don Pedro lo mas asossegado que pudiesse. E el rrey don Pedro dixo que le plazia dello e que le agradesçia su buena rrespuesta. E luego fue hordenado que el rrey de Castilla yria a çercar la villa de Calatayud, que era del rregno de Aragon, e el rrey de Nauarra que por partes de su rregno de Nauarra fuesse çercar algund logar del rrey de Aragon. E partieron de Soria el rrey de Castilla e el rrey de Nauarra con este acuerdo. E el rrey de Nauarra fue luego a su rregno e aperçibiosse e, con grand rreçelo e miedo que auia del rrey don Pedro por las rrazones que auemos dichas, fue çercar vn castillo del rrey de Aragon que es en la frontera de Nauarra, e commo quier que lo fazia contra su voluntad;

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things were not working out as he had expected. He said that, in order to give his reply, he wished to consult the men who had come there with him. Immediately he went off to another area of the apartments together with his brother the prince, the captal de Buch and the abbot of Fécamp, who were all present, and they discussed the matter. In the end the men accompanying the king of Navarre told him that there was no way in which he could give King Pedro any other answer except that he agreed to help him: he was obliged to give this reply and no other. This was in part because his person was in the hands of the king of Castile and he was in his kingdom and his city; King Pedro was a man of great power and the king of Navarre might come off very badly if he did not act according to his wishes. In addition the king of Castile had his whole army assembled in that area and was not at war with anyone, so he might abandon the conflict with Aragon, attack the kingdom of Navarre and take possession of it, for the king of Navarre was unprepared and in no position to defend it against him. Once they had had this discussion, the king of Navarre and the men accompanying him went straight back to give their reply to the king of Castile: they informed him that, since the fact was that he intended to wage war on the king of Aragon, the Navarrese monarch would assist him in accordance with the mutual agreement to which they had sworn; and, moreover, he requested that when the war with Aragon was at an end the king of Castile would likewise give assistance to him. He spoke in such a way in order to part from King Pedro with as little trouble as possible; and King Pedro replied that he consented to what was proposed and that he was grateful to the king of Navarre for his positive response. Immediately it was agreed that the king of Castile would move to besiege Calatayud, which belonged to the kingdom of Aragon, whilst the king of Navarre should strike out from his kingdom and lay siege to some other possession of the Aragonese king. Having agreed on this plan, the kings of Castile and Navarre set out from Soria. The king of Navarre went straight to his kingdom and, out of the great apprehension and fear that he felt for King Pedro – for the reasons that we have explained –, he moved to besiege a castle belonging to the king of Aragon which stood on the frontier with Navarre; for, although he was not acting according to his own

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enpero con rreçelo que auia del poder del rrey de Castilla, que veya que estaua muy poderoso, ouo de conplirle la voluntad. E estudo alli fasta que tomo el dicho castillo del rrey de Aragon e dende tornosse para su rregno.

Capitulo Xº. Commo el rrey don Pedro çerco a Calatayud. El rrey don Pedro de Castilla fue çercar la villa de Calatayud e antes que alla llegasse, tomo los castillos de Hariza e Ateca e Terrer e Moros e Çetina e Alhama, e çerco a Calatayud mediado el mes de junio deste dicho año. E alli llegaron todas las conpañas suyas, e puso a la villa de Calatayud bastidas e engeños e otros pertrechos, e fizo çercarla de todas partes e pusole los mas engeños contra el monesterio de Sand Françisco, que era pegado a la çerca de la villa, e fazia conbatir la villa muy a menudo. E los de la villa que estauan dentro defendianse muy bien. E en tanto que el rrey touo çercada a Calatayud, gano muchos castillos que eran en esta comarca, los quales eran estos: Verdejo e Viguezca, Torrijo, Maluenda, Monuebrega e Epila e Riela e Torre Alua e Paracuellos e Velmonte e Villarroya e Çervera e Aranda e otros lugares. E veyendo el rrey de Aragon commo el rrey de Castilla fazia esta guerra e que el non fuera aperçibido e que non podia acorrer a sus lugares, cada dia cataua todas las maneras que pudia para acorrer a los suyos. E el rrey de Aragon estaua en Perpiñan, que es en cabo de su rregno, e non pudia allegar conpañas; pero que auia enbiado a la Prouinçia, do andauan el conde don Enrrique, e don Tello e don Sancho, sus hermanos, e muchos caualleros de Castilla con ellos, que andauan desterrados fuera del rregno de Castilla por rreçelo e miedo que auian del rrey don Pedro, e por se mantener fazian guerra en

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desires but rather out of fear of the military strength of the king of Castile, whom he could see to be very powerful, he was obliged to carry out King Pedro’s wishes. He remained in that area until he had captured the king of Aragon’s castle and from there he returned to his own kingdom.

1362: CHAPTER X How King Pedro laid siege to Calatayud. King Pedro of Castile went to lay siege to the town of Calatayud and, on his way there, he seized the castles of Ariza, Ateca, Terrer, Moros, Cetina and Alhama. He began the siege of Calatayud in the middle of the month of June of the year in question. His entire army assembled before Calatayud and he brought to bear against the town assault towers, siege engines and other machinery of war, completely surrounding it and concentrating his siege engines on the convent of San Francisco which stood right up against the town walls. He launched frequent attacks against the town but those inside resisted vigorously. While the king was besieging Calatayud, he took numerous castles situated in the surrounding area, namely Berdejo, Bijuesca, Torrijo, Maluenda, Munébrega, Épila, Riela, Torralba, Paracuellos, Belmonte, Villarroya, Cervera, Aranda and a number of others.10 The king of Aragon could see how the Castilian ruler was waging this campaign against him without any warning having been given and he realized that he could not give any help to his towns and villages; and so he constantly explored every way of bringing assistance to his people. He was in Perpignan, at the limit of his kingdom, unable to assemble an army. However he had sent word to Provence, where Count Enrique and his brothers Don Tello and Don Sancho were in exile. There they were accompanied by numerous Castilian knights who had been forced to leave the kingdom of Castile through the apprehension and fear that they felt for King Pedro and who, in order to

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aquella tierra de Prouinçia. E esperaua el rrey de Aragon su rrespuesta dellos, ca auia enbiado a ellos sus mensageros a les rrogar que le viniessen ayudar e que les daria grandes mantenimientos asi de sueldo commo de otras merçedes e que los heredaria en su rregno.

Capitulo XIº. Commo fueron presos el conde de Osona e don Pedro de Luna e otros. En tanto que el rrey don Pedro estaua sobre la villa de Calatayud, algunos caualleros de Aragon sopieron e oyeron commo los de la villa de Calatayud se defendian muy bien e fazian todo su debdo por dar buena cuenta al rrey de Aragon su señor, de aquella villa. E tenian los muros por muchas partes derribados e de cada dia peleauan en los portillos dandose de las espadas en guisa que todos los que bien querian juzgar dizian que los de la villa fazian commo buenos e conplian todo su deudo. E estando los fechos de la villa de Calatayud en este estado, el conde de Osona que dizian don Bernal, fijo de don Bernal vizconde de Cabrera, e don Pedro de Luna e don frey Artal de Luna, su hermano, freyre de la horden de Sand Iohan, e vn cauallero de Castilla que dizian Gutier Diaz de Sandoval, que el rrey don Alfonso echara del rregno de Castilla quando touo çercado a don Iohan Nuñez de Lara señor de Vizcaya en Lerma, por quanto fuera acusado que diera viandas a don Iohan Nuñez estando çercado en Lerma, e era vn cauallero muy bueno e de buen cuerpo e biuia en el rregno de Aragon e fazianle alli mucha honrra, otrossi otros dos escuderos de Cataluña que se llamauan de Blanes, ouieron estos su acuerdo que por fazer fazaña, que se viniessen poner dentro en la villa de Calatayud, que estaua çercada, e desque ellos alli fuessen, que los

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earn their living, were waging war in those lands. The king of Aragon was awaiting a reply from Count Enrique and his brothers, having sent envoys to them asking them to come to his aid and promising them rich remuneration in terms of both pay and other rewards, as well as the granting of lands in his kingdom.

1362: CHAPTER XI How the count of Osona, Don Pedro de Luna and some other knights were taken prisoner. While King Pedro was besieging the town of Calatayud, some Aragonese knights learned of this and heard about how the people of the town of Calatayud were resisting vigorously and doing all that could be asked of them in order to fulfil their responsibilities to their lord the king of Aragon as defenders of the town. The walls had been broken down on all sides and every day the people of the town fought hand-to-hand to protect the points where they had been breached, in such a way that any fair-minded judge of the events admitted that their actions were those of good citizens performing their duty to the full. With the town of Calatayud now in this situation, a group of knights formed a plan. These men were: Count Bernat of Osona, son of Viscount Bernat of Cabrera; Don Pedro de Luna and his brother Fray Artal de Luna, a member of the Order of Saint John; a Castilian knight called Gutier Díaz de Sandoval, who had been expelled from the kingdom of Castile by King Alfonso accused of supplying provisions to Don Juan Núñez de Lara, lord of Vizcaya, whom the king was besieging in Lerma – Gutier Díaz was a fine knight, of handsome appearance, who lived in the kingdom of Aragon where he was greatly honoured; and two other squires by the name of de Blanes.11 These men agreed that, as a display of knightly prowess, they would come and make their way into the besieged town of Calatayud, so that once they were there the people of the town would be emboldened and might be able to resist successfully. They were unaware of the state that the town

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de la villa se esforçarian mas e por auentura, se podrian defender bien, que ellos non sabian el estado en que la villa de Calatayud estaua, segund adelante sabredes quando el rrey gela fizo ver. E estos señores e caualleros de Aragon ouieron este consejo en Çaragoça e sopieron que vn lugar que era pequeño, que era a tres leguas de Calatayud, que dizian Miedes, non era avn ganado por el rrey de Castilla e que estaua por el rrey de Aragon, e acordaron de yr ponersse en aquel lugar e despues, que vna noche llegarian al rreal, e pensando los del rreal que eran de los del rrey de Castilla, non catarian por ellos e que se pornian dentro en la villa de Calatayud. E con este acuerdo partieron de Çaragoça e vinieronsse derecha mente al dicho lugar de Miedes e pusieronsse alli encubierta mente. E todos eran seys: el conde de Osona e don Pedro de Luna e don frey Artal, su hermano, e Gutier Diaz de Sandoual e dos hermanos que se dizian de Blanes. E assi acaesçio que luego vn omne de Miedes vino al rreal para el rrey de Castilla, e pidiole que le fiziesse merçed e que el le diria nueuas con que le pluguiesse. E el rrey gelo prometio e dixole: ‘Señor, esta noche entraron en el lugar de Miedes, que es a tres leguas de aqui, don Bernal conde de Osuna, e don Pedro de Luna e don Artal, su hermano, e Gutier Diaz de Sandoval e dos escuderos hermanos que se llaman de Blanes, e vienen con entençion de entrar en la villa de Calatayud e estan alli muy cubiertos.’ E el rrey don Pedro desque sopo estas nueuas commo aquellos omnes eran en el lugar de Miedes, fue alla con çierta conpaña e con dos engeños. E luego aquella noche que llego a Miedes fizo çercar el dicho logar enderredor en guisa que omne del mundo non pudiesse salir. E fizo otro dia de mañana armar los engeños e los del lugar de Miedes quando se vieron en aquella prisa, dixeron al conde de Osona e a don Pedro de Luna e a los otros que alli entraran que ellos non se pudian defender al rrey de Castilla e que les rrogauan que ellos catasen e troxiessen algunas buenas maneras con el por defender sus vidas. E los señores e caualleros que ý entraran desque esto vieron

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was in – as you will learn in due course when you hear how the king pointed it out to them. These Aragonese lords and knights devised their scheme in Saragossa. They found out that there was a small settlement three leagues from Calatayud by the name of Miedes which had not yet been captured by the king of Castile and was in support of the king of Aragon.12 They determined to go and establish themselves there and then one night make their way to the royal encampment: the men in the encampment, thinking that they were part of the king of Castile’s army, would not be suspicious of them and they would gain entry to the town of Calatayud. Having agreed on this plan they set out from Saragossa and went straight to the village of Miedes, where they established themselves in secret. In all there were six of them: the count of Osona, Don Pedro de Luna, his brother Fray Artal, Gutier Díaz de Sandoval and the two brothers by the name of de Blanes. It turned out, however, that it was not long before a man from Miedes approached the king of Castile in the royal encampment, asking for a reward and saying that he would give him information that he would find to his liking. The king gave his promise and the man then said to him: ‘My lord, tonight some knights entered the village of Miedes, three leagues from here. They are Count Bernat of Osona, Don Pedro de Luna and his brother Don Artal, Gutier Díaz de Sandoval and two squires, brothers by the name of de Blanes. Their intention is to make their way into the town of Calatayud and they are keeping their presence there very secret.’ Having heard the report of how those men were in the village of Miedes, King Pedro headed there with a body of troops and two siege engines. On the same night that he arrived there he had the place surrounded in such a way that nobody in the world would have been able to escape from it. The following morning he had the siege engines made ready and the people of Miedes, on seeing themselves in such a dangerous situation, told the count of Osona, Don Pedro de Luna and the other men who had made their way in that they could not protect themselves against the king of Castile. They asked them to try to work out and negotiate with the king some suitable means of protecting their lives. Then the lords and knights who had entered the village, once they

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que non tenian su fecho si non en perdiçion, traxieron su pleytesia con el rrey de Castilla que les saluasse la vida e mienbros e que se darian a prision. E el rrey otorgogelo, e sallieron a el e dieronse a prision. E el rrey tornosse para su rreal que tenia sobre Calatayud e luego otro dia fizo mostrar al conde de Osona e a don Pedro e a los otros que con ellos eran, los muros de Calatayud quales estauan de los engeños e los portillos que estauan ý fechos e commo grand parte de los muros estauan puestos en cuentos. E dixoles assi: ‘Conde e don Pedro e frey Artal e vos otros que sodes en su conpañia, commo quier que yo vos tengo presos en mi poder, pero si vos plaze entrar en la villa de Calatayud, que vos veedes qual esta, a mi plaze, e que vos paredes a vuestra auentura, ca yo cras luego la entiendo fazer conbatir e la cuydo tomar e yo la he dexado de la fazer conbatir por que non querria que tal villa se pusiesse a rrobo e mas la querria cobrar syn seer despoblada e destruyda.’ E ellos desque vieron el estado en que la villa de Calatayud estaua, le dixeron que mas querian estar sus prisioneros que non entrar en la villa pues que veyan en que estado era. E el rrey enbiolos a Toledo e alli estudieron vn tienpo presos e despues los leuaron a Seuilla e alli estudieron presos e morieron en la prision don frey Artal de Luna e Gutier Diaz de Sandoval. E don Pedro de Luna e los otros estudieron presos en la ataraçana de Seuilla fasta que el conde don Enrrique entro en el rregno e cobro la çibdat de Seuilla e los fizo soltar, commo quier que el conde de Osona fue primera mente suelto por el rrey don Pedro por algunas pleytesias que traya en Aragon que plazian al rrey don Pedro.

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realized that their enterprise could only end in failure, negotiated with the king of Castile for him to spare their life and limbs in return for them handing themselves over into captivity. The king granted their request and they went out and surrendered to him. King Pedro returned to his encampment outside Calatayud and the next day he lost no time in showing the count of Osona, Don Pedro de Luna and their companions how the walls of Calatayud had been damaged by the siege engines, how they had been breached and how a large part of them had been covered with a wooden framework ready for attack.13 He addressed the knights as follows: ‘Lord Count, Don Pedro, Brother Artal and those who are accompanying you, although I have you in my power as prisoners, if it is your wish to enter the town of Calatayud whose state you can see, I give my consent. But you should put an end to your enterprise, for tomorrow I shall not hesitate to launch an assault on the town. I expect to capture it, but I have been holding back from such an attack because I would not wish for a town like this to be sacked and I would prefer to take it without it being left deserted and in ruins.’ Once they had seen the state that the town of Calatayud was in, they told the king that, having seen its condition, rather than entering it they would prefer to remain as his prisoners. The king sent them to Toledo and they were held there for some time before being taken to Seville where they were imprisoned. Fray Artal and Gutier Díaz de Sandoval died in prison there but Pedro de Luna and the others continued to be held captive in the Seville shipyards until Count Enrique entered the kingdom, captured the city of Seville and had them released. The count of Osona, however, had been freed by King Pedro at an earlier stage on account of some negotiations in which he was involved in Aragon and of which the king approved.

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Capitulo XIIº. Commo fue emplazada la villa de Calatayud e la cobro el rrey don Pedro. Los de la villa de Calatayud luego ese dia que supieron commo el conde de Osona e don Pedro de Luna e Frey Artal e Gutier Diaz e los otros dos escuderos eran presos, entendieron que el rrey de Aragon su señor non tenia lugar nin manera de los acorrer e fizieron su pleytesia con el rrey don Pedro en esta guisa: que el rrey les diesse plazo de quarenta dias e que en estos quarenta dias ellos enbiassen al rrey de Aragon a le pedir socorro, e si a los quarenta dias non les acorriesse, que ellos llana mente entregassen la dicha villa e castillos que en ella eran al rrey don Pedro. E el rrey fizoles esta pleytesia por que auia voluntad de cobrar aquella villa sana e sin daño ninguno. E los de la villa enbiaron sus mensageros al rrey de Aragon a Perpiñan, do estaua, a le fazer saber el estado en que ellos estauan e le pidir socorro o que les quitasse el omenaje que le deuian e pudiessen entregar la dicha villa de Calatayud al rrey de Castilla. E estudo alli el rrey don Pedro en el rreal sobre Calatayud esperando el plazo de los quarenta dias. E los mensageros que Calatayud enbio al rrey de Aragon, commo dicho es, le fizieron saber commo ellos fueran çercados del rrey don Pedro de Castilla muy sin sospecha, non estando aperçebidos de muchas cosas que omnes çercados han menester e estando muchos dellos fuera de la villa, e commo el rrey de Castilla alli llegara con muy grandes conpañas e los tenian muy afincados, ca les auian derribado, los engeños, el monesterio de Sand Françisco e alli les auia fecho vna bastida muy fuerte; otrosi les auia fecho una bastida de partes del monesterio de Sand Pedro Martir fasta el monesterio de Santa Clara, e tenian los muros de aquella parte vnas quarenta braças en cuentos, en manera que los del rreal de fuera veyan por de yuso de los cuentos e del muro a los que andauan en la villa, e que non pudian

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1362: CHAPTER XII How the town of Calatayud accepted a time limit and how it fell to King Pedro. On that same day, as soon as they learned of how the count of Osona, Don Pedro de Luna, Fray Artal and the other two squires had been taken prisoner, the people of Calatayud understood that their lord the king of Aragon had no way of coming to their assistance, and they agreed the following terms with King Pedro: the king was to allow them a period of 40 days during which they would send a request for assistance to the king of Aragon; and, if after 40 days he had not come to their aid, they should simply hand over to King Pedro the town including the castles within it.14 The king agreed these terms with them out of his desire to take the town intact and undamaged. The people of the town sent envoys to the king of Aragon in Perpignan to inform him of the position that they were in and to ask him either to send them assistance or to release them from their bond of homage so that they might hand the town of Calatayud over to the king of Castile. King Pedro remained there in his encampment outside Calatayud waiting for the period of 40 days to expire. The envoys that Calatayud sent to the king of Aragon – as has already been explained – informed him of how, entirely unexpectedly, they had found themselves under siege, without having laid in supplies of many things of which besieged people are in need and with many of the citizens away from the town. They also told him how the king of Castile had arrived with a large army and had placed them under great pressure: the siege engines had demolished the convent of San Francisco and a heavily protected assault tower had been erected in its place; and, in addition, another assault tower had been erected in the area of the convent of San Pedro Mártir, extending as far as the convent of Santa Clara; and of that part of the walls some 75 yards had been mined and covered with a wooden framework ready for attack, in such a way that the men in the encampment outside the walls could see those inside the town underneath the wood and the walls. They

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mas defendersse e que fuesse su merçed de los acorrer o de les enbiar mandar commo fiziessen, e que si su voluntad era que ellos muriessen ally, que ellos lo farian commo buenos e leales vasallos deuian fazer. E el rrey de Aragon rresçibio muy bien a los mensageros de Calatayud e dixoles que el sabia bien quanto afan e quantos peligros auian pasado en aquella çerca e commo eran muertos buenos omnes dellos e mucha otra gente, e quanto auian fecho por su seruiçio e de la corona de Aragon, e sabia que todos aquellos afincamientos que ellos le enbiauan dezir en que estauan, que era verdad, e avn creya que era mas de lo que ellos le dizian, e pues ellos auian fecho lo que debian fazer buenos e leales vasallos que non era su voluntad que ellos muriessen assi, mas que les mandaua que ellos fiziessen con el rrey de Castilla por sus saluamientos de sus vidas e de sus algos la mejor pleytesia que pudiesen e fuessen suyos del rrey de Castilla, e que el les quitaua el omenaje que natural mente le deuian, ca el non tenia manera para los poder acorrer tan ayna, e que el esperaua gente por quien el auia enbiado e desque el ouiesse ayuntadas todas sus conpañas, el entendia yr poner todos estos fechos en la mano de Dios e que se librasse por batalla. E los mensageros de Calatayud partieron del rrey de Aragon, de Perpiñan, con esta rrespuesta e quito su omenaje, e vinieron a la dicha villa de Calatayud e dixeron a los que los auian enbiados al rrey de Aragon la rrespuesta del rrey, segund auedes oydo, de la qual fueron ellos muy pagados por quanto el rrey su señor avia sabido quanto ellos auian fecho por su seruiçio e por defender la dicha villa, e les auia quito el omenaje que natural mente le deuian. E al termino de los quarenta dias que auian puesto con el rrey de Castilla, entregaron le la dicha villa e sus castillos con pleytesia que ellos e sus bienes fuessen saluos e que morassen en la dicha villa. E

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explained that they could no longer offer resistance, and they begged that it be his will either to assist them or to send them instructions as to the course they must take; and, if it was his desire that they die there, then the people of the town would do so as was fitting for good and loyal vassals. The king of Aragon gave a very warm welcome to the envoys from Calatayud and told them that he was well aware of how much difficulty and how many dangers they had endured in the course of that siege, how many of their leading citizens and other people besides had lost their lives, and how much they had done in his service and that of the Crown of Aragon; and he said that he knew about the pressure that the messengers had come to tell him they were under, that he knew this to be true and that he believed that it was even worse than they made out. He made it clear to them that, since they had done all that was fitting for good and loyal vassals, it was not his wish that they should die in that way, but rather that he commanded them to negotiate with the king of Castile the best terms possible in order to avoid the loss of their lives and property, becoming vassals of the Castilian ruler; he was freeing them of the duty of homage that as his subjects they owed him, for he had no means of bringing them assistance in so short a time. He added, however, that he was awaiting the arrival of troops for whom he had sent and that, once he had assembled all his forces, he intended to go and entrust all these affairs to the hands of God, allowing the dispute to be decided by a battle. Having received this reply and having been freed from their duty of homage, the envoys left the king of Aragon in Perpignan and returned to the town of Calatayud, where they reported the king of Aragon’s reply – which was just as you have heard – to the people who had sent them. The citizens were deeply satisfied to learn that their lord king had been aware of how much they had done in his service and in the defence of the town and that he had freed them from the duty of homage that they owed him through their natural bond as his subjects. At the end of the period of 40 days which they had agreed with the king of Castile, they handed the town over to him, including the castles within it, on the understanding that both they and their possessions should be secure and that they would continue to dwell

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el rrey gelo guardo asi e cobro la villa e entro en ella lunes veynte e nueue dias de agosto deste dicho año, e estudo en ella diez dias e dende partio para Seuilla segund adelante diremos.

Capitulo XIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro dexo al maestre de Santiago por guarda de la villa de Calatayud e otros de sus vasallos en los lugares que gano. Tomada la villa de Calatayud segund dicho auemos, el rrey don Pedro dexo ý a don Garçi Alvarez de Toledo maestre de Santiago e caualleros e vasallos suyos con el fasta mill de cauallo, e dexo ý vallesteros e otras gentes para velar fasta dos mill, e dellos se rrepartieron por otros castillos enderredor de Calatayud, que el rrey auia ganado. Otrossi dexo el rrey en Aranda, que es vna villa de Aragon que estonçe ganara el rrey, a don Suer Martinez maestre de Alcantara con trezientos de cauallo, e dexo en Molina, que es frontera de Aragon a don Diego Garçia de Padilla maestre de Calatraua con quatroçientos de cauallo. E mando el rrey al maestre de Santiago que luego fiziesse rreparar todos los muros de Calatayud que por los engeños e minas fueron derribados, e mando rreparar eso mesmo los castillos que eran en la villa, e el maestre asi lo fizo e fue en poco tienpo la villa e los castillos todo muy bien rreparado. Pero dende a pocos dias que el rrey partio, ouo en la dicha villa e en su comarca grand pestilençia de mortandad, e morieron en Calatayud e en los castillos de enderredor dende muchos caualleros e escuderos vasallos del rrey e de otra gente de la villa de Calatayud.

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in the town. The king observed these terms and took possession of Calatayud, making his entry into the town on Monday the 29th of August of the year in question. He stayed there for ten days before leaving for Seville, as we shall relate in due course.

1362: CHAPTER XIII How King Pedro left the master of Santiago as governor of the town of Calatayud and others of his vassals in the places that he had captured. Once the town of Calatayud had been captured, as we have related, King Pedro left in it the master of Santiago Don Garci Álvarez de Toledo and some of his knights and vassals with a force of up to 1,000 horsemen. He also left a garrison of crossbowmen and other troops numbering about 2,000, with some of them distributed thoughout other castles around Calatayud that had fallen to the king. Likewise, King Pedro left the master of Alcántara Don Suer Martínez with 300 cavalry in the recently conquered Aragonese town of Aranda; and to Molina – which stands on the frontier with Aragon − he posted the master of Calatrava Don Diego García de Padilla with 400 horsemen. The king instructed the master of Santiago to rebuild without delay all the parts of the walls of Calatayud which had been demolished by the siege engines and the mines, and likewise he commanded that the castles within the town be repaired. The master obeyed these commands and within a short time the work on the town and its castles had been completed. However, just a few days after the king’s departure there occurred in the town of Calatayud and the surrounding area a serious outbreak of plague, and in both the town and the nearby castles there were numerous deaths of knights and squires who were vassals of the king and also of other people of Calatayud.

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Capitulo XIIIIº. Commo fino don Alfonso, fijo del rrey don Pedro que llamauan ‘el infante’. El rrey don Pedro despues que ouo dexado rrecabdo de gentes en la villa de Calatayud e en los otros lugares de enderredor que el auia ganado, partio dende e fuesse para Seuilla. E despues que llego a Seuilla dende a pocos dias, morio su fijo el infante don Alfonso, el que ouiera de doña Maria de Padilla e fuera jurado en Seuilla por infante heredero segund suso auemos contado. E fueron fechos por el muy grandes llantos en Seuilla e en todo el rregno, e en Calatayud mucho mas por quanto el maestre de Santiago don Garçi Aluarez de Toledo, que ally estaua, era su mayordomo mayor. E estauan con el dicho maestre muchos caualleros e escuderos vasallos del infante don Alfonso que estonçes moriera, que fizieron por el grandes llantos. E fino martes diez e ocho dias de otubre deste año.

Capitulo XVº. De lo que en este año acaesçio en la corte de Roma. En este dicho año, doze dias de setienbre, fino el papa Ynosçençio [Sesto] e esleyeron por papa los cardenales al abad de Sant Victor de Marsella, e ouo nonbre Vrbano Quinto. E esto fue por quanto los cardenales non se acordaron de esleer entre si ninguno dellos.

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1362: CHAPTER XIV How the death occurred of King Pedro’s son Don Alfonso, known as ‘the prince’. Having left garrisons in the town of Calatayud and the other places in the surrounding area that he had captured, King Pedro set off for Seville. A few days after his arrival in the city the death occurred of his son Prince Alfonso, born to him and to Doña María de Padilla and who, as we have related above, had received oaths of loyalty in Seville as heir to the throne. His death was bitterly lamented in Seville and throughout the kingdom, especially in Calatayud, as the master of Santiago Don Garci Álvarez de Toledo had been Prince Alfonso’s chief steward and was present there. The master was accompanied by many knights and squires who were vassals of the recently deceased Prince Alfonso and they mourned for him deeply. He died on Tuesday the 18th of October of the year in question.

1362: CHAPTER XV Concerning what happened during this year in the court at Rome. During the year in question, on the 12th of September the death occurred of Pope Innocent VI and the cardinals elected to the papacy the abbot of Saint-Victor in Marseille, who took the name of Urban V. This was because the cardinals could not agree to elect one of their own number.

NOTES YEAR 6 (1355)

1. the towns of Algeciras: in the fourteenth century Algeciras consisted of two separate walled towns, one at the mouth of the Río de la Miel and the other further inland; the two towns were separated by the river. 2. The church or shrine of Santa María de la Vega belonged to the Order of Saint John. It stood outside the walls of Toro, to the south east of the town and close to the banks of the river Duero. 3. the Bridge of San Martín: some versions of the text give puente (bridge) and others puerta (gate). Orduna opts for the latter, but it seems more likely that the chronicler has in mind the bridge. This is situated at the western end of the city of Toledo and was initially constructed in the thirteenth century. 4. The Huerta del Rey, literally ‘the King’s Garden’, was situated outside the city walls on the flood plain of the river Tajo or Tagus and was connected to the city by the Bridge of Alcántara. In the eleventh century it had been the site of the summer palace of the Muslim king al-Ma’mūn with its exotic gardens irrigated from the river. Though subsequently destroyed during sieges of the city, the palace had been rebuilt in the thirteenth century. 5. Don Pero Estébanez (variously Estevánez or Estebáñez) Carpenteyro was the nephew of Juan Núñez de Prado, under whose mastership he had held the position of commander major of the Order of Calatrava. When Don Juan Núñez was replaced as master by Diego García de Padilla and then killed on his orders, Don Pero Estebánez pronounced himself master with the support of some senior members of the Order (Ayala Martínez, 2018). 6. This Pero Gómez Barroso, the Younger (1321/22−74), was the cousin of the chronicler, Pero López de Ayala. Both were nephews of Cardinal Pero Gómez Barroso, the Elder (1296−1348), who achieved considerable distinction in the service of Popes John XXII and Benedict XII. For the importance of these two cardinals, see Garcia, 1983, 35−50. See also note 11, below. 7. Doña Isabel was the second daughter of King Pedro and Doña María de Padilla. Two years after her father’s death, in 1371, her elder sister Constanza married John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster. Isabel accompanied her to England and the following year she married Edmund of Langley, Duke of York, fifth son of King Edward III. 8. Originally the name of the dobla literally meant a double maravedí (for the maravedí, see 1350, XIV, note 17). From the mid-thirteenth century, when the maravedí changed from being a gold to a silver coin, the dobla became the standard unit of gold coinage used in Castile. King Pedro issued doblas of a number of different values.

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9. payment of his stipend: court salaries and pensions were paid out of the revenue raised by the king’s tax collectors. 10. Cardinal Guillaume (or Guillermus) was Guillaume de La Jugie, nephew of Pope Clement VI and cousin of Pope Gregory XI. He had been dispatched to Spain from the papal court in Avignon in July 1355 and he was subsequently to play a prominent role in Pope Innocent VI’s attempts to negotiate peace between King Pedro and King Pere of Aragon. 11. ‘the Spanish church’: from 1371 until his death in 1374 the cardinal was resident in Avignon. He was interred in the nearby church of the Dominican convent of Sainte-Praxède. This convent had been founded in 1341 by his uncle, who was also buried there, and for this reason it was given the name ‘d’Espagne’ (Torres Jiménez, 2018).

YEAR 7 (1356) 1. have them killed: the Orduna text gives ‘him’ (lo), but the meaning here is clearly plural. 2. The count of Armagnac: Jean, comte d’Armagnac, a Gascon lord, had been appointed as the French king’s lieutenant-general in 1352. His attacks on English possessions played a part in provoking the raids by the Black Prince in 1355, leading to the Poitiers campaign of 1356 (Barber, 1978, 113; Jones, 2017, 158−59). 3. who had achieved great ascendancy over him: this ‘ascendancy’ was reflected in chapter III, above, when Juan de Avendaño promised King Pedro that he would see that Don Tello would ‘come quickly to place himself at his service’. Juan de Avendaño seems to have played a prominent role in ensuring the support of the Vizcayans for King Pedro during this period, and this would have set him at odds with his feudal lord, Don Tello. For the tensions which led to his death, see Ernesto García Fernández, 2007, 537−38. 4. one smaller vessel: a leño was also a galley, but of smaller proportions and usually used only for short voyages. 5. Mossèn was a title given in medieval Aragon to knights and distinguished citizens. It was a shortened form of Mossènyer (‘my lord’). 6. Pero Muñiz de Godoy was to go on to become master of each of the Orders of Calatrava, Alcántara and Santiago, as well as being one of Castile’s most prominent noblemen and a close adviser to King Enrique II (see Ayala Martínez, 2018). On account of its strategically important position, Alcañiz had been the operational centre of the Order of Calatrava since the late twelfth century. 7. The Order of Montesa was a military order established in 1317 in the kingdom of Aragon, in the wake of the suppression of the Knights Templar. It was linked to the Order of Calatrava and it took its name from the heavily fortified castle

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of Montesa, situated in the present-day province of Valencia, which was its headquarters. 8. King Carlos of Navarre: King Carlos (or Charles) II ruled Navarre from 1349 to 1387 and acquired the nickname of ‘the Bad’. He played a significant part in the internal conflicts and intrigues of France before and during the period of imprisonment of King Jean which followed the battle of Poitiers in September 1356. In April 1356 Carlos had been arrested for plotting against King Jean but in September 1357 he was freed from prison and allied himself with the merchant leader of the popular uprising in Paris, Étienne Marcel. (See Ciganda Elizondo, 2018.) 9. In fact the peasant rebellion known as the Jacquerie broke out in 1358. Carlos of Navarre, in spite of his association with the urban rebels, now played a leading role in the suppression of the rural uprising. The figure of J a c q u e s Bonhomme was an invention of the chroniclers and the real leader of the revolt was Guillaume Cale. 10. King Jean II died of an unidentified illness in 1364.

YEAR 8 (1357)

1. Serón: this is Serón de Nágima, situated in the present-day province of Soria. 2. the hour of Nones (or None): this was the fifth of the seven canonical hours, which extended from sunrise to sunset, and so it would have fallen in midafternoon. 3. The appearance of these powerful figures in Aragon coincides with the period of peace in Guyenne and Gascony which followed the conclusive English victory at Poitiers in September 1356. In 1357 the lord of Albret was Bernard-Ezi IV, who was to die two years later, but it seems more likely that the allusion here is to his son and successor Arnaud-Amanieu and his brothers Bérard (legitimate) and Bertucat (illegitimate). They were members of an illustrious and powerful family whose extensive territories stretched south of Bordeaux. Until 1368 they were loyal supporters of Edward III and the Black Prince, although during a number of years they took part in a variety of campaigns as mercenaries (Fowler, 2001, 12−13). Gaston Fébus, count of Foix from 1343 to 1391, ruled his county as a virtually independent territory. He too had given his support to the Anglo-Gascon cause in 1355 (Barber, 1978, 125). He was an implacable enemy of the House of Armagnac (see 1356, VI, note 2). Gaston Fébus’ involvement in events in Aragon proved to be limited: it has been described as a matter of ‘mere troop movements’, and by the autumn of 1357 he had embarked on a crusading campaign in the Baltic (Vernier, 2008, 48−49). 4. Admiral Gil (Egidio) Boccanegra, nicknamed ‘Blackbeard’, was of Genoese origin. He fought with the French against the English at Sluys, but later served under both King Alfonso XI and King Pedro. As the admiral reminds us in

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1359, XVI, he had played a significant role in the siege of Algeciras. However, he was eventually to transfer his allegiance to King Enrique and was executed by King Pedro after the battle of Nájera. 5. the Elda valley (el valle de Elda/la val d’Elda): Elda was the principal town situated in the valley of the River Vinalopó in the present-day province of Alicante. The valley, with its line of castles, was on the frontier between Castilian and Aragonese territory and had most recently changed hands following the Treaty of Torrellas in 1304 (see 1359, V, and Introduction, section II).

YEAR 9 (1358)

1. The Tower of Gold stood, and still stands today, on the bank of the River Guadalquivir. Built under the Almohads in the early thirteenth century, it originally formed part of Seville’s defences, but it appears to have been enlarged during King Pedro’s reign. It also served as a prison. 2. the Caracol: this newly constructed building, known as el Cuarto del Caracol, had towers in its four corners which contained spiral staircases (‘escaleras de caracol’), and it was from these that it took its name (Almagro, 2007, 172). 3. The Palacio (or Patio) del Yeso or Hall of Stucco was essentially a small courtyard which served as a private living area for the king until the Alcázar was substantially rebuilt. It was originally part of the Almohad palace and dated from about 1150 (Arnold, 2017, 199). 4. an elected representative: jurados were elected by the leading citizens of some Castilian cities to uphold the interests of the Crown and of the common people. There were usually either four or six such representatives (Cerda RuizFunes, 1987, 28). 5. Alcázar: this is probably the village, today almost entirely abandoned, of Sauquillo de Alcázar. The castle’s elevated position gives it commanding views of the surrounding area. 6. The old Muslim kingdom of Murcia had fallen into Christian hands in 1243, when it became a Castilian protectorate. It was considered one of the constituent kingdoms of the Crown of Castile and its autonomous administrative system was largely respected. It was seized by Jaume II of Aragón in 1296 and, although much of its territory was returned to Castile by the Treaty of Torrellas eight years later, a significant area remained in Aragonese hands (see 1359, IV, note 3 and Introduction, section II). 7. The castles of Miño de Medinaceli and Arcos de Jalón are both situated in the present-day province of Soria.

YEAR 10 (1359)

1. a mitred abbot (‘un abad bendito’) was an abbot with almost episcopal status. Jean de la Grange, a Benedictine monk, had become abbot of Fécamp in the

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3.

4. 5. 6.

7.

Crónica del rey don Pedro previous year. He was eventually to become one of the most influential members of the papal curia at Avignon. The cardinal legate who had sent the abbot to King Pedro is the same Cardinal Guillaume who had come to meet him in his encampment outside Toro (see 1355, XIX, note 10). the abbot of Saint-Bénigne: Pierre Amielh de Brénac had become abbot of Saint-Bénigne de Dijon in 1350. He later became archbishop of Embrun and was eventually to be created cardinal by the antipope Clement VII. He enjoyed a distinguished career as a scholar and diplomat. during his grandfather’s minority: here the chronicler sets out what was really King Pedro’s underlying reason for waging war. King Sancho IV died in 1295 when his eldest son Fernando was ten years old. The minority of Fernando IV which lasted until 1301 was a turbulent period and the problems that the monarchy faced included open rebellion by the king’s uncle, Prince Juan, a further claim to the throne by Alfonso de la Cerda, and the invasion of Murcia by the Aragonese under Jaume II. Much of Murcia remained in Aragonese hands until new borders between the two states were fixed by the Treaty of Torrellas in 1304 (see note 5, below). These borders were revised in the Treaty of Elche a year later. Thus, in 1359 King Pedro was trying to overturn what had been agreed on those occasions and had remained in effect for the past half century. in Castilian currency: that is to say, in maravedís (see 1350, XIV, note 17). The Aragonese florin was a gold coin, weighing about 3.5 grams, which had first been minted under King Pere in 1346 (O’Callaghan, 1975, 485). The following passage incorporates wording from the text of the Treaty of Torrellas, otherwise known as the Torrellas Judgement by Arbitration (‘Sentencia Arbitral de Torrellas’) of 1304 (see note 3, above.) Prince Juan of Castile: Prince Juan was the fourth legitimate son of King Alfonso X. When his elder brother Sancho IV died in 1295, Prince Juan laid claim to the the throne of Castile, disputing the legitimacy of Sancho’s son, Fernando IV. In 1296 he was proclaimed king of León, Seville and Galicia. Eventually, when Fernando came of age six years later, Prince Juan swore allegiance to him, but he continued to be a prominent and influential figure in the kingdom. Saragossa was the seat of a bishop: from 1318 Saragossa was to become the seat of an archbishop. The course of the river Segura was to mark the dividing point between the lands belonging to the king of Aragon to the north and east and those of the king of Castile to the south and west. At its southernmost point, the extensive territory of the lordship of Villena was bounded by the river. Although it extended westwards beyond the new frontier marking the limit of the Crown of Aragon, by the terms of the treaty this domain also came under the jurisdiction of the Aragonese monarch. Don Juan Manuel (1282−1348) was a grandson

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of Fernando III and nephew of Alfonso X. He is probably best known today for his literary production, but he was also a rich and powerful figure, heavily involved in political intrigue throughout much of his life, and he was to come into sustained open confrontation with King Alfonso XI. Holding the titles of lord, duke and prince (infante), Don Juan Manuel enjoyed a degree of autonomy in the territory of Villena which was almost that of an independent ruler, and this is reflected in the special position which it occupies in the provisions of the Judgement of Torrellas. 8. Letur: The Orduna text gives ‘Ançur’, but the translation follows the alternative reading of Letur, the name more commonly given to a small town, situated some 50 kilometres west of Hellín, which belonged to the Order of Santiago. 9. documents divided by ABC: two copies of a document would be made on the same parchment with a sequence of letters inscribed between them. The document and with it the sequence of letters would be divided in two and the two halves could be matched in order to demonstrate the authenticity of either copy. 10. Escalona, the birthplace of Don Juan Manuel, and Santa Olalla are situated in the present-day province of Toledo. 11. For the role of Prince Juan, see note 6, above. Don Alfonso de la Cerda: for the significance of the House of La Cerda, see 1350, XIII, note 15. As Don Alfonso’s father was the eldest son of King Alfonso X, he had a strong claim to the Castilian throne, a claim which he sought to turn into reality during the troubled and violent years of Fernando IV’s minority. He received the recognition of the king of France and support from King Jaume II of Aragon, for whom this was a pretext for an invasion of Castilian territory. Following the treaty of Torrellas, Don Alfonso renounced his claim to the Castilian throne. 12. King Sancho: this is King Pedro’s great-grandfather Sancho IV, father of Fernando IV. King Pedro is again insisting on the need to return to the position which had existed before the Aragonese took advantage of Fernando IV’s period of minority. 13.The Tortosa river is the name that the chronicler on this occasion gives to the River Ebro. 14. For the identity of Bartolomé Botafogo and his involvement in the capture of Algeciras under Alfonso XI, see Martín Gutiérrez, 2018, 64. 15. Essentially, the Aragonese tactic was to use their fleet to prevent the Castilians from reaching points at which their army could disembark. In addition, a flotilla of small craft was made ready to defend the city, and a large land force was assembled from Barcelona itself and from the surrounding area. See Estow, 1995, 197. 16. bombards: the use of cannon is recorded in the Hundred Years War during the 1340s and by the time of the attack on Barcelona it was becoming increasingly

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common (Oman, 1924, ii, 218−21). The chronicler, however, makes no mention of the damage actually done to the Castilian fleet by the bombards mounted on one of the Aragonese vessels or of the losses already suffered by King Perdro’s troops, an important factor in causing King Pedro to put an end to the attack. The demoralizing effect of the bombards is described in the account of this battle given in King Pere’s Chronicle (Mary Hillgarth, 1980, ii, 524). 17. The town of Calpe (or Calp) was dominated by a castle of Moorish origin. It is situated to the west of the huge limestone rock of Ifach (Ifac), which juts out into the sea and at whose foot lay the village of the same name. 18. The Aragonese fleet has sailed into the River Girona, which flows into the sea near the town of Denia, some 50 kilometres around the coast to the north of Calpe. 19. Alicante’s area of irrigated land: the ‘huerta de Alicante’ was an extensive area of irrigated agricultural land extending to the north of the town; it was characterized by orchards producing a variety of citrus fruit, as well as almond trees, olive trees and vines. 20. Mount Moncayo (also known as San Miguel), with an altitude of over 2,300 metres, is the highest peak in the Iberian mountain system. The range of which it is part formed a natural frontier between Castile and Aragon.

YEAR 11 (1360)

1. the Jews of Nájera: Nájera was home to a particularly prominent and prosperous Jewish community, protected by the town’s charter and active in its commercial life. This situation was reflected in other towns of La Rioja and of northern Castile. See, for example, Rodríguez R. de Lama, 1983, 178−82. 2. the castle and town of Dueñas: Dueñas, strategically situated on the route from Valladolid to Burgos, enjoyed a prestigious status as a possession of the Crown, and since the late eleventh century it had possessed its own charter (or fuero). 3. he meted out punishment: The versión primitiva gives more graphic details, saying that King Pedro had one man boiled alive and another roasted. See also Estow, 1995, 200. 4. Saint Dominic of the Road: this is Santo Domingo de la Calzada, who was born in 1019 and lived to the age of 90. Ordained as a priest, Santo Domingo dedicated his life to the service of pilgrims on the road to Santiago de Compostela and undertook some remarkable building projects, including a bridge spanning the River Oja. A village which came to bear the saint’s name grew up in the area around his hermitage, and in 1230 his church was given the status of a cathedral. 5. Aguilar: this is almost certainly the Navarrese village of Aguilar de Codés. 6. For the death of Doña Inés de Castro, see 1353, XXVI, note 12.

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7. The vast and heavily fortified alcázar of Medina, situated in the present-day province of Guadalajara, was of Moorish origin. From its imposing hill-top position it commanded the route from Castile to Aragon. 8. The Orduna text makes Gutier Fernández the object of the main verb in this sentence, but the translation follows the more logical reading preferred by most editors. 9. Pero López de Ayala: in the versión primitiva the chronicler’s name is mentioned at an earlier point in this episode, but in the versión vulgar (the basis of this translation) the first time that it appears is when he is presented as no more than a messenger and, by implication, as an unwilling participant in the expulsion of the archbishop (Garcia, 1982, 137−38). 10. For Muhammad VI, the Red King, see 1350, XI, note 12. The King Muhammad who escaped from the kingdom of Granada after the Red King’s coup was Muhammad V, who had in fact been deposed a year earlier, in 1359, by Ismā’īl II. Muhammad V effectively reigned twice as king of Granada: initially offered asylum by the Marinid ruler Abū Sālim, he was restored to the throne in 1362 after the death of his rival, the Red King, at King Pedro’s hands. He was to lend support to King Pedro at various critical points over the following seven years and, a skilful statesman, he managed to remain in power until his own death in 1391. See Harvey, 1990, 206−19. 11. Doña Blanca de Villena was the granddaughter of Don Juan Manuel (see 1359, V, note 7). In the text of King Enrique’s letter to the Black Prince which is included in the versión primitiva (Llaguno Amirola, 1779, 451−52), there is an accusation that King Pedro, in order to obtain these extensive territories, brought about the deaths of Doña Blanca and other members of her family.

YEAR 12 (1361) 1. Deza is a frontier town situated in the south east of the present-day province of Soria. 2. the Portuguese Order of Avis: the military Order of Avis or Aviz, originally known as the Order of Évora, was founded in 1176 and appears to have soon become affiliated to the Order of Calatrava. Some 50 years later it moved its headquarters to Avis, situated about 100 kilometres east of Lisbon (O’Callaghan, 2003, 54). 3. Master Paolo de Pedrosa: this appears to be the same man, of Italian origin, who was implicated in the death of Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque (see 1354, XXVII). 4. the Feast Day of Saint Thomas the Apostle: the feast day of Saint Thomas was originally celebrated on the 21st of December.

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1. The village of Cesna, situated on the limit of the present-day province of Granada, is now known as Fuentes de Cesna. 2. For Jean I, count of Armagnac, see 1356, VI, note 2. The count’s period of service to King Pedro cannot have been a long one, as by later in 1362 he was involved in a major battle near Toulouse with his enemy the count of Foix, which cost him an immense ransom (see 1363, IX and note 7, and also Fowler, 2001, 65−69). 3. The English knight Sir Hugh Calveley was to play a prominent part as a mercenary soldier in subsequent campaigns in Castile, fighting as a commander both in the service of count Enrique and later against him under the Black Prince. In 1386 he was to take part in John of Gaunt’s campaign for the Castilian throne. So great was the prestige that Sir Hugh achieved as a model of knightly excellence that he was included in one fifteenth-century poem alongside such figures as Alexander the Great and Charlemagne as one of the great warriors of Antiquity and of the medieval period (Keen, 1984, 123). 4. The battle of the River Guadalhorce, fought near the town of Antequera, took place in 1326, during the reign of Alfonso XI, and ended in a resounding victory for the Christian army. ‘Uthmān ibn Abī’l-Ulā commanded the Nasrid army in this encounter on behalf of Muhammad IV of Granada. He later rebelled against Muhammad but was nevertheless restored to his command (O’Callaghan, 2011, 149−50). 5. Ismā’īl: the reign of Ismā’īl II as king of Granada had lasted only one year. Having replaced Muhammad V on the throne in 1359 as a result of court intrigues, a year later he was deposed in a palace coup by Muhammad VI (the Red King). He died in prison. See Harvey 1990, 209–10. 6. had given him his backing as ruler: this had occurred in 1359. Abū Sālim − who was in exile in Granada when his brother, the Marinid ruler in Morocco, died − was not given permission to cross the strait to take up his inheritance. However, King Pedro provided him with a vessel which enabled him to return to Morocco and subsequently gave him his support in return for unimpeded passage for Castilian ships along the Mediterranean coast (O’Callaghan, 2014, 17−18). 7. The kingdom of Aragon extended into what is now French territory to a point just beyond Perpignan. This region did not finally become part of France until after the Treaty of the Pyrenees which was signed in 1659. 8. As a result of the halt in the hostilities between English and French forces which followed the Treaty of Brétigny in 1360, large bands of mercenaries, usually highly organized and led by experienced captains, lived by pillaging the land, initially operating in Burgundy, Brie and Champagne. By 1361 the number of such mercenaries appears to have reached 16,000 (Villalon and Kagan, 2017,

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113−17). One of the most infamous of these so-called ‘free companies’ was the White Company, originally of Anglo-German composition, which was at first known as the Company of Fortune (Societas fortunae) and sometimes as the Great Company (Fowler, 2001, 2−3). By 1362 the White Company was active in Italy. 9. Jean III de Grailly held the title of captal de Buch: a feudal lord whose extensive territories stretched both eastwards and westwards from the city of Bordeaux. He was a prominent supporter of the English in Gascony and he played an important military role in the service of the Black Prince (Barber, 1978, 112). 10. Torrijo: this is the castle of Torrijo de la Cañada. Paracuellos is Paracuellos de Jiloca. 11. The siege of Lerma had taken place in 1336, when Juan Núñez III was in open rebellion against King Alfonso. 12. Miedes is now known as Miedes de Aragón. It still preserves its fourteenthcentury defensive tower, which now forms part of a church. 13. a wooden framework: once the wall had been breached, the remaining masonry was supported by this framework, with straw and firewood heaped up around it, and the foundations were dug away. When the wooden framework was burned the remaining part of the wall would collapse (Sánchez Orense, 2012, 343). 14. the castles within it: Calatayud possessed five separate fortified areas, linked by its impressive walls. This immense complex was of Islamic origin.

Aris & Phillips Hispanic Classics

PERO LÓPEZ DE AYALA

CHRONICLE OF KING PEDRO Crónica del rey don Pedro Volume III 1363−1369 (1363−1365: years 14−16 of the reign of King Pedro 1366−1369: years 1−4 of the reign of King Enrique and years 17−20 of the reign of King Pedro)

Translated with an introduction and notes by

Peter Such Spanish text taken from Pero López de Ayala, Crónica del rey don Pedro y del rey don Enrique, su hermano, hijos del rey don Alfonso Onceno. Volume 1, edited and with notes by Germán Orduna, and preliminary study by Germán Orduna and José Luis Moure. Volume 2 edited and with notes by Germán Orduna. SECRIT, Buenos Aires, 1994 and 1997.

LIVERPOOL UNIVERSITY PRESS

First published 2020 by Liverpool University Press 4 Cambridge Street Liverpool L69 7ZU www.liverpooluniversitypress.co.uk Copyright © 2020 Peter Such The right of Peter Such to be identified as the author of this book has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication data A British Library CIP record is available ISBN 978-1-78962-134-1 hardback ISBN 978-1-80034-531-7 webpdf Typeset by Tara Montane Printed and bound by TJ International Ltd, Padstow, Cornwall, PL28 8RW Cover image:

King Pedro kneeling in prayer (Museo Arqueológico Nacional)

CONTENTS

Volume III THE CHRONICLE OF KING PEDRO Text, Translation and Notes Years XIV−XVI of the reign of King Pedro: 1363−1365 Year XIV Year XV Year XVI

(1363) (1364) (1365)

Years I–IV of the reign of King Enrique (Years XVII−XX of the reign of King Pedro): 1366−1369 Year I / Year XVII (1366) Year II / Year XVIII (1367) Year III / Year XIX (1368) Year IV / Year XX (1369) Notes

2 30 50

60 124 274 300 344

CHRONICLE OF KING PEDRO (CRÓNICA DEL REY DON PEDRO)

AÑO QUATORZENO del rrey don Pedro, que fue año del Señor mill e trezientos e sesenta e tres, e de la era de Çesar mill e quatroçientos e uno. Capitulo primero. Commo el rrey don Pedro fizo sus ligas con el rrey de Inglaterra e con el prinçipe de Gales su fijo. En el quatorzeno año sobredicho que el rrey don Pedro rregno, que fue en el año del Señor mill e trezientos e sesenta e tres años, e de la era de Çesar mill e quatroçientos e uno, e del Criamiento del mundo, segund la cuenta de los ebreos, en çinco mill e çiento e veynte e [tres] años, e del año de los alarabes en sieteçientos e sesenta e çinco, el rrey don Pedro enbio vn su cauallero que dizian Dia Sanchez de Terrazas e vn su alcalde que dizian Aluar Sanchez de Cuellar al rrey Eduarte de Inglaterra e al prinçipe de Gales, su fijo, por los quales les enbio dezir que el queria seer su amigo e aliado con ellos contra todos los onbres del mundo. E esto fazia el rrey don Pedro por quanto se rreçelaua del rrey de Françia e de los sus amigos por la muerte de la rreyna doña Blanca. E al rrey de Inglaterra e al prinçipe de Gales, su fijo, plogo mucho con esta mensageria que el rrey de Castilla les enbio dezir, e enbiaron con los dichos mensageros otros sus caualleros, e llegaron al rrey don Pedro a la villa de Calatayud, ca el rrey era ý llegado, que venia de Seuilla para entrar a fazer guerra a Aragon, e alli fizieron sus ligas e rrecabdos. E fincaron el rrey don Pedro e el rrey de Inglaterra e el prinçipe de Gales, su fijo, amigos e aliados en vno contra todos los omnes del mundo. Otrosi al comienço deste año el rrey ayunto muchas conpañas e entro en Aragon e gano estos lugares que eran del dicho rregno de Aragon en la comarca de Calatayut: Fuentes e Chodes e Arandiga e Maluenda e otros muchos logares. E çerco la çibdat de Taraçona e

YEAR FOURTEEN (1363) of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1363 and, counting from the era of Caesar, 1401. 1363: CHAPTER I How King Pedro formed an alliance with the king of England and with his son, the prince of Wales. These events occurred in the fourteenth year of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1363; in 1401, counting from the era of Caesar; 5,123 years from the creation of the world by the reckoning of the Hebrews; and, according to that of the Arabs, it was in the year 765. King Pedro sent one of his knights, called Día Sánchez de Terrazas, and a judge by the name of Álvar Sánchez de Cuéllar to King Edward of England and his son the prince of Wales. The message they carried was that King Pedro wished to be their friend and ally against any men in the world, and that he was taking this step as he feared the reaction of the king of France and his allies to the death of Queen Blanche. The king of England and his son the prince were much in favour of this proposal brought to them from the king of Castile and they sent back some of their own knights with his emissaries. They came to King Pedro in the town of Calatayud in which he had now arrived – having left Seville in order to embark on a campaign against Aragon − and it was there that the alliance was concluded and the details drawn up. King Pedro and the king of England, together with his son the prince of Wales, were now confirmed in their bond of friendship and in their alliance against any men in the world. Moreover, at the beginning of this year the king assembled large numbers of troops and invaded Aragon, capturing Fuentes, Chodes, Arándiga, Maluenda and numerous other Aragonese possessions in the area of Calatayud. He laid siege to the city of Tarazona and

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cobrola e tomo alli preso a frey Alberte, vn cauallero de la horden de Sand Iohan, e enbiolo preso a la taraçana de Seuilla e alli morio. E gano la villa de Borja e tomo ý presos dos caualleros que dizian don Iohan Ximenez de Sand Peyre e don Carro[z], e gano a Magallon e tomo ý presos al vizconde de Ylla e otros caualleros e escuderos de Cataluña e de Rosellon. E todos estos presos enbio a Seuilla, e entro por fuerça a Cariñana e fizo matar a quantos ý fallo.

Capitulo segundo. Commo el rrey don Pedro fizo jurar sus fijas por herederas del rregno e commo paso contra algunos caualleros de Castilla. Este año desque el rrey ouo ganado Borja e Magallon, fizo su ayuntamiento de los señores e caualleros que ý eran, otrossi de los procuradores de çibdades e villas del rregno que ý mandara venir con sus poderes bastantes, en vn lugar de aquella comarca de Borja e de Magallon que dizian Burueta. E alli dixo el rrey a los suyos que pues el infante don Alfonso, su fijo, era muerto, que era heredero del rregno e lo auian jurado en Seuilla todos los del rregno, segund dicho auemos, que el queria que las infantas, sus fijas, que eran tres, doña Beatriz e doña Costança e doña Ysabel, fuessen juradas para heredar los rregnos de Castilla e de Leon, cada vna en subçession de la otra, en guisa que doña Beatriz fuesse la primera, e si desta non fincasse heredero, que heredasse el rregno doña Costança e sus herederos legitimos, e si della non fuesen legitimos herederos, que heredase despues doña Ysabel. E esto se entiende non auiendo el rrey fijo varon legitimo para heredar el rregno, e fizieronlo assy estando presentes las dichas infantas fijas del rrey, e juraronlo todos los del rregno que alli eran. E fizosse desto vn libro de todos los que esta jura fizieron e pusieron sus nonbres.

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captured it, and there he took prisoner Fray Albert, a knight of the Order of Saint John, whom he sent to the shipyards prison in Seville where he died. King Pedro also captured the town of Borja, taking prisoner two knights called Don Joan Ximéneç de Sent Pere and Don Carroç. He seized Magallón, where he captured the viscount of Illa and other knights and squires of Catalonia and Roussillon. He sent all of these prisoners to Seville. He then took Cariñena by force, ordering everyone that he found there to be put to death.

1363: CHAPTER II How King Pedro had an oath of allegiance sworn to his daughters as heiresses to the kingdom, and how he issued a formal condemnation of some Castilian knights. During this year, having taken Borja and Magallón, the king held an assembly of the lords and knights who were present and also of the authorized procurators that he had summoned from the cities and towns of the kingdom. They met in a village called Bureta situated in the area of Borja and Magallón, where the king informed his people that, since his son Don Alfonso was dead – and he had been heir to the kingdom and all its citizens had pledged their allegiance to him in Seville, as we have already related – he now desired that an oath of allegiance be sworn to his three daughters, Doña Beatriz, Doña Constanza and Doña Isabel. Their right to inherit the kingdoms of Castile and León was to be recognized and this was to be in the following order: Doña Beatriz was to be first in line, and if she left no heir then the throne was to pass to Doña Constanza and her legitimate heirs; if Doña Constanza left no legitimate heirs, next in line to the throne would be Doña Isabel. This was on the understanding that there was no legitimate male heir to inherit the kingdom, and it was agreed in the presence of the princesses, the daughters of the king. All the representatives of the kingdom who were gathered there swore an oath of assent and a book was produced containing a list of those who did so, in which they signed their names.

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Otrossi estando el rrey en esta comarca de Aragon estonçe, segund que dicho auemos, dio sentençia contra algunos caualleros que eran naturales de Castilla e estauan en Aragon con el conde don Enrrique, su hermano, en lo qual fizo lo que era su merçed, que estonçes los perdio para siempre, e algunos caualleros gelo dixeron, los que amauan su seruiçio, que non era bien que el pasasse contra aquellos caualleros; pero el non los quiso creer, e despues fallo que lo non fiziera bien e le touo grand daño, e por quanto la obra fue assi fecha voluntaria mente, non los nonbramos aqui aquellos caualleros contra los quales paso.

Capitulo IIIº. Quales conpañas vinieron en ayuda del rrey don Pedro a esta guerra que auia con Aragon este año. En este año llego al rrey don Pedro de Castilla con acorro del rrey don Pedro de Portogal, que le enbio en su ayuda a esta guerra que auia con el rrey de Aragon a don Gil Ferrandes de Caruallo, maestre de Santiago de Portogal, e traxo consigo trezientos caualleros e escuderos muy buenos del rregno de Portogal. E llego quando el rrey tenia çercada la villa de Taraçona. Otrossi vino en este año a esta guerra en ayuda del rrey, don Luys infante de Nauarra, hermano del rrey de Nauarra, e el cabtal de Buche, que era vn grand señor de Gujana e muy buen cauallero, e mucha buena conpaña con ellos, de cauallo e de pie. Otrossi llego estonçe vn cauallero del rrey de Granada que dizian don Farax Rodoan, con seysçientos ginetes, que el rrey Mahomad enbiaua en ayuda del rrey de Castilla.

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During the time that he spent – as we have already said − in that area of Aragon, the king published a condemnation of a number of knights who were natives of Castile but were in Aragon with his brother Count Enrique. In doing so he was acting wilfully and thereby he lost these men for good. Some loyal knights told him this, pointing out that he had not been right to condemn the men, but he was not willing to believe them. He later discovered that he had committed an error, and this did him great harm; and since this act was committed arbitrarily in this way we shall not at this point name those knights on whom he passed sentence.

1363: CHAPTER III Concerning the forces which arrived during this year in support of King Pedro in his war with Aragon. During this year King Pedro of Castile was joined by Don Gil Fernandes de Carvalho, master of the Order of Santiago in Portugal. Don Gil was bringing him support sent by King Pedro of Portugal to aid the Castilian monarch in his war with the king of Aragon: 300 very fine knights and squires from the kingdom of Portugal. Don Gil Fernandes arrived while King Pedro had the town of Tarazona under siege. Also during this year the king received support in the war from Prince Luis of Navarre, the king of Navarre’s brother, and the captal de Buch, who was a great lord in Guyenne and a very fine knight. With them they brought a large number of troops of high quality, both mounted and on foot. In addition, a knight of the king of Granada called Don Faraj ibn Ridwān, sent by King Muhammad in support of the king of Castile, arrived with 600 light cavalry.

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Capitulo IIIIº. Que lugares gano de Aragon el rrey don Pedro en esta guerra e en este año, e commo llego a Valençia del Çid e commo el rrey de Aragon vino a la fuente de Almenara por pelear. El rrey don Pedro despues que fizo jurar sus fijas por herederas del rregno e ouo dado sentençia contra algunos caualleros naturales de Castilla que estauan en Aragon, segund dicho auemos, partio luego de aquella comarca donde estaua con todas aquellas conpañas que dicho auemos, asi las que el tenia commo las que le venieron a ayudar de Portogal e de Nauarra e de Granada, e fue para Tiruel, que es vna villa de Aragon muy fuerte e muy fermosa, e cobrola por pleytesia e dierongela luego otro dia que alli llego. E cobro algunos castillos de enderredor, que son Castil Habibo e Adamuz e Villel e otros castillos que luego se le dieron. E dende fuesse para la çibdat de Segorbe e cobrola e tomo ý preso a don Pero Maça, vn rrico omne que estaua en el castillo de la dicha çibdat. E cobro a Xerica, que es vna villa que tiene muy fuerte e muy fermoso castillo, e tomo ý preso vn cauallero que dizian Ximen de Oriz. E dende fue a la villa de Monuiedro e touola çercada algunos dias e cobrola por pleytesia. E estando en Monuiedro cobro estos lugares: Almenara e [Chiva], Buñol e Macasta e Benaguazil e Liria e El Puche e otros castillos. E en todas estas villas e castillos que el rrey cobraua de Aragon, en todas ponia gentes suyas para las defender e las mandaua labrar e rreparar e fuele muy dañoso, ca derramaua sus gentes e fazia grandes costas, segund adelante paresçio. E dende fue el rrey a la çibdat de Valençia e llego ý domingo dia de Çinquesma veynte e vn dias de mayo, e estando ý por capitan el conde

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1363: CHAPTER IV Concerning which places King Pedro won from Aragon during this year of the war; how he reached the Cid’s city of Valencia; and how the king of Aragon came to do battle at the spring of Almenara. After having an oath of allegiance sworn to his daughters as his successors to the throne and having proclaimed a condemnation of some knights who were natives of Castile but were in Aragon – as we said above –, King Pedro lost no time in moving on from that area, where he had assembled all the forces of which we have spoken: both his own army and the troops that had come to assist him from Portugal, Navarre and Granada. He then headed for Teruel, an Aragonese town which was both well fortified and highly attractive, and he took it through negotiation so that it was handed over to him on the very first day after his arrival. He also captured some castles in the surrounding area: Castielfabib, Ademuz and Villel and some others which were quickly surrendered to him. From there he went on to the city of Segorbe, which he captured, taking prisoner Don Pero Maça, a magnate who was present in the city castle. He also seized Jérica, a town with a very fine and heavily fortified castle, where he captured a knight by the name of Ximèn d’Oris. From Jérica he advanced to Murviedro and, after besieging it for a few days, he negotiated the town’s surrender.1 Moreover, while he was in Murviedro, he captured Almenara, Chiva, Buñol, Macasta, Benaguacil, Liria and Alpuche, as well as a number of other castles. In all of these towns and castles which the king seized from Aragon he placed troops of his own for their defence and instructed them to undertake building work and repairs. This turned out to be greatly to his disadvantage, for he was spreading his troops thinly, and this proved very costly, as became apparent in due course. From there the king moved on to the city of Valencia, where he arrived on the Sunday of Pentecost, the 21st of May. Serving as

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de Denia que dizian don Alfonso, fijo del infante don Pedro e nieto del rrey don Jaymes de Aragon, que fue despues marques de Villena en Castilla. E estudo alli el rrey ocho dias, e peleauan cada dia los suyos con los de la çibdat. E posaua el rrey en vn monesterio fuera de la çibdat que dizian la Çaydia, que era de dueñas, e ellas estauan en la çibdat e dexaron el monesterio. E estando el rrey don Pedro sobre Valençia, sopo commo el rrey de Aragon e el infante don Ferrando, su hermano del rrey de Aragon, que era marques de Tortosa, e el conde don Enrrique e don Tello e don Sancho, sus hermanos, eran ya venidos de Françia, donde estauan, para Aragon, e que todos estos que con el rrey de Aragon venian por pelear, eran tres mill de cauallo. E el rrey don Pedro desque esto sopo, partio de sobre Valençia e vinosse para la villa de Monuiedro, que auia ganado. E el rrey de Aragon e los que con el eran llegaron fasta la fuente que dizen de Almenara, que es a dos leguas de Monuiedro, e pusieron alli su batalla; pero el rrey estaua en Monuiedro e non quiso pelear con ellos. E el rrey de Aragon desque non fallo pelea, tornosse con toda su hueste para Burriana. E el rrey enbio a Martin Lopez de Cordoua, su priuado e su rrepostero mayor, con dos mill de la gineta, e corrian muchos dias delante el rreal del rrey de Aragon. E el rrey de Aragon quando aquellos ginetes llegauan, ponia sus gentes en buena hordenança e non le pudian los ginetes fazer enojo. Otrossi estando el rrey don Pedro en Monuiedro, pasaron vn dia por la mar seys galeas de Aragon, que leuauan consigo quatro galeas de Castilla, que auian tomado çerca la villa de Almeria. E peso al rrey mucho dello, que estaua esse dia en la rribera de la mar.

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governor of the city was Don Alfons, count of Denia, son of Prince Pere and grandson of King Jaume of Aragon, and who later became marquis of Villena in Castile. King Pedro remained there for a week and each day his army fought against the troops from the city. The king lodged in a convent called La Zaidia which stood outside Valencia: the nuns abandoned the convent and stayed within the city. While King Pedro was outside Valencia he learned of the approach of the king of Aragon and his brother Prince Ferran, marquis of Tortosa, together with Count Enrique, Don Tello and Don Sancho, King Pedro’s brothers, who had now returned from France and arrived back in Aragon.2 In all there were 3,000 horsemen who had come to fight alongside the king of Aragon, and once King Pedro received reports of this he abandoned his attack on Valencia and returned to the town of Murviedro which he had taken previously. The king of Aragon and the men in his company reached what is known as the spring of Almenara, situated two leagues from Murviedro, and there they drew up their lines of battle; but King Pedro remained in Murviedro and chose to avoid a clash with them.3 Then the king of Aragon, once he saw that there would be no battle, returned with his whole army to Burriana. King Pedro sent Martín López de Córdoba, his confidant and lord high butler, with 2,000 light cavalry and they raided close to the king of Aragon’s encampment for several days. When these horsemen appeared, King Pere drew up his troops in good order in such a way that the light cavalry could not trouble him. Also during the time that King Pedro was in Murviedro, one day six Aragonese galleys went by out at sea, taking with them four Castilian galleys which they had seized off Almería. The king, who that day was watching from the shore, was greatly annoyed.

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Capitulo Vº. De las pleytesias que se tratauan entre el rrey don Pedro de Castilla e el rrey de Aragon. Estando el rrey don Pedro en Monuiedro, el abad de Fiscan andaua por mandado del cardenal de Boloña, que viniera en Castilla e Aragon por legado, e trayendo tratos entre los rreyes de Castilla e de Aragon, e sobre algunas cosas secretas, las quales adelante contaremos, e sobre otros secretos, que se diran en su lugar. E fuera tratado que el infante don Luys, hermano del rrey de Nauarra, que era alli con el rrey don Pedro, fuesse al rrey de Aragon sobre las pleytesias que el abad de Fiscan traya, e assi lo fizo. E despues torno del rrey de Aragon e vinieron a Monuiedro para el rrey don Pedro, a fablar con el de partes del rrey de Aragon, el conde de Denia don Alfonso, fijo del infante don Pedro e nieto del rrey don Jaymes de Aragon, que deximos que estaua en Valençia por capitan, que fue despues marques de Villena, e don Bernal de Cabrera. E desque llegaron el conde de Denia e don Bernal de Cabrera al rrey don Pedro, estudieron con el en Monuiedro e luego otro dia se tornaron para el rrey de Aragon; pero en la venida que fizieron a Monuiedro non dexaron cosa asossegada, saluo lo que trataua el abad de Fiscan secreta mente, e dezian que don Bernal de Cabrera trataua en esta guisa: que el rrey don Pedro de Castilla, que estaua biudo, ca era muerta la rreyna doña Blanca su muger, otrosi que era muerta doña Maria de Padilla, que el dixo en las cortes que fizo en Seuilla que era su muger legitima, que casase con vna su fija del rrey de Aragon que dizian doña Iohana, que ouiera de vna rreyna con quien fuera casado, que era hermana del rrey de Nauarra, e que el rrey de Aragon le diesse con ella en dote la villa de Calatayud con sus castillos, que auia muy buenos en la comarca, con çinco partidas de rrios; los quales

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1363: CHAPTER V Concerning the negotiations which took place between King Pedro of Castile and the king of Aragon. While the king of Castile was in Murviedro, the abbot of Fécamp was involved in negotiations on the instructions of the cardinal of Boulogne, who had come as legate to Castile and Aragon. He was conveying proposals between the kings of Castile and Aragon with regard to some confidential matters of which we shall tell in due course and other secrets which will be revealed at the appropriate point. It had been arranged that Prince Luis, brother of the king of Navarre, who was accompanying the king of Castile, should go and see the king of Aragon about the proposals brought by the abbot of Fécamp, and he went ahead and did this. After Prince Luis returned from seeing the king of Aragon, King Pedro was approached in Murviedro on behalf of King Pere by Don Alfons, count of Denia, son of Prince Pere and grandson of King Jaume of Aragon. Don Alfons, as we have already said, was serving as governor in Valencia and was later to become marquis of Villena. Don Bernat de Cabrera was also involved and, once the count of Denia and Don Bernat had joined King Pedro, they stayed with him in Murviedro before going back to the king of Aragon on the following day. However, during their visit to Muviedro they settled nothing, except the secret business of the abbot of Fécamp. It was said that Don Bernat de Cabrera put forward the following proposals: Don Pedro was a widower, for his wife Queen Blanche was dead as well as Doña María de Padilla, whom at his cortes in Seville he claimed to have been his legitimate wife; and so the proposal was made that he marry a daughter of the king of Aragon called Doña Joana, born to King Pere and the sister of the king of Navarre who had been his wife and queen. It was also proposed that the king of Aragon, as Doña Joana’s dowry, should make a gift to King Pedro of the town of Calatayud, together with its castles – for there were some fine castles in the surrounding area – and stretches of five rivers: the Jalón,

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dizian el rrio de Xalon e rrio de Maluenda e el rrio de Verdejo e el rrio de Xiloca e el rrio de Miedes. E que le diesse mas el rrey de Aragon a la dicha su fija, la villa de Hariza e la çibdat de Taraçona e las villas de Borja e Magallon, lo qual todo esto tenia el rrey don Pedro en su poder e lo auia ganado del rrey de Aragon. Otrossi que le diesse e desenbargasse el rrey de Aragon al rrey don Pedro de Castilla libre mente, sin condiçion, las villas e castillos de Orihuela e Elche e Creuillen e Alicante e Guardamar e la Val de Elda. E que si el rrey don Pedro de Castilla ouiesse dos fijos de la dicha fija del rrey de Aragon, que el segundo fijo fuesse duque de Calatayud e de Hariza e de los otros lugares, e vasallo del rrey de Castilla e rrespondiesse a el con el señorio de los dichos lugares. E si non ouiesse segundo fijo, que fuessen los logares del que heredase el rregno de Castilla; enpero que las villas de Elche e Alicante e Creuillen e Guardamar e la Val de Elda fuessen libres e esentas e fincassen sienpre de la corona de Castilla. Otrossi que el infante don Iohan, fijo primo genito del rrey de Aragon, que era estonçe duque de Girona, casasse con la infanta doña Beatriz, fija del rrey don Pedro e de doña Maria de Padilla, e que el rrey don Pedro diesse con ella en dote las villas de Monuiedro e Chiva e Xerica e Segorbe e Tiruel e otros lugares que el rey don Pedro auia ganado de Aragon en el rregno de Valençia con esta condiçion: que si el duque de Girona, fijo del rrey de Aragon ouiesse dos fijos de la dicha doña Beatriz, fija del rrey de Castilla, que el segundo fijo del dicho fijo del rrey de Aragon fuesse duque e señor de los dichos lugares de Monuiedro e Xerica e Segorve e Chiva e Tiruel e los otros logares, e que se llamasse duque de Xerica. Pero si non ouiesse fijo de la dicha doña Beatriz, que los dichos logares tornassen a la corona de Castilla o diesse el rrey de Aragon por ellos çierta contia de moneda, que estaua avn por concordar entre ellos. E esta pleytesia fecha e firmada, pusieron que el rrey don Pedro de Castilla se fuesse para tierra de Çaragoça a vn lugar que dizen Mallen, que es vn castillo de la horden de Sand Iohan e auialo ganado el rrey don Pedro, e que alli se firmasen todas estas cosas. E el rrey don Pedro partio de Monuiedro e fue para Mallen, e el rrey de Aragon fuesse para Çaragoça. Pero despues que alli llegaron, el abad de Fiscan, que era tratador en estos fechos rrequirio al rrey

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the Maluenda, the Berdejo, the Jiloca and the Miedes. The king of Aragon should also make over to his daughter the town of Ariza, the city of Tarazona and the towns of Borja and Magallón – all of which King Pedro already had under his control, having won them from the Aragonese monarch. In addition, the king of Aragon was to hand over unconditionally and free of all encumbrance the towns and castles of Orihuela, Elche, Crevillente, Alicante, Guardamar and the Elda valley. However, if the said daughter of the king of Aragon bore King Pedro of Castile two sons, the second should be duke of Calatayud and Ariza and of the other specified places and a vassal of the king of Castile, answering to him in his capacity as their lord. And, if she did not bear him a second son, the places in question should belong to the person who inherited the kingdom of Castile, although the towns of Elche, Alicante, Crevillente, Guardamar and the Elda valley were to be free and exempt and always remain the property of the Crown of Castile. It was also proposed that Prince Joan, the first-born son of the king of Aragon who at that time was duke of Girona, should marry Princess Beatriz, daughter of King Pedro and Doña María de Padilla. King Pedro was to give his daughter as her dowry the towns of Murviedro, Chiva, Jérica, Segorbe, Teruel and some other places in the kingdom of Valencia which he had won from Aragon. This was on the condition that, if the king of Aragon’s son, the duke of Girona, fathered two sons by the king of Castile’s daughter, Doña Beatriz, the second of them would become duke and lord of Murviedro, Jérica, Segorbe, Chiva, Teruel and the other places, and that he would take the title of duke of Jérica. However, if Doña Beatriz did not bear him a child, those places were to revert to the Crown of Castile or, otherwise, in return for them the king of Aragon was to pay a sum of money, the amount of which they still had to agree between themselves. When these terms had been set out and signed, it was decided that King Pedro of Castile was to go to a place called Mallén in the area of Saragossa. Mallén is a castle of the Order of Saint John which King Pedro had captured, and it was there that all the terms of this agreement were to be ratified. King Pedro set off from Murviedro for Mallén and the king of Aragon travelled to Saragossa. However, once they had arrived at their destinations, the abbot of Fécamp, who was the arbiter in this

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de Castilla que pues el ouiera firmados estos tratos, que le pluguiesse de lo conplir. E el rrey don Pedro dixo que non se fallaua en aquella pleytesia e que en ninguna manera non le rrequiriesse mas sobre ello. E segund dizia despues el rrey don Pedro, la rrazon por que non quiso estar por esta pleytesia era esta: dizia el rrey don Pedro que quando el conde de Denia e don Bernal de Cabrera venieran a el a Monuiedro a tratar estas pleytesias, que el fablara con don Bernal de Cabrera secreta mente que le dixiesse e tratasse con el rrey de Aragon que pues el casaua con su fija e tomaua tan grande debdo con el, que el sabia bien que el infante don Ferrando e el conde don Enrrique, que estauan en Aragon, eran sus enemigos, e que el dicho rrey de Aragon los fiziesse prender o matar. E dizia el rrey don Pedro que don Bernal de Cabrera le fiziera fiuza que el rrey de Aragon lo faria. E asi agora desque le acometian que fiziesse el dicho su casamiento con la fija del rrey de Aragon, e pidia el que el rrey de Aragon matasse primero a los dichos infante e conde. E assi non se fizo mas en la dicha pleytesia. Otrossi en este tienpo que el rrey don Pedro vino a Mallen por conplir la pleytesia que fiziera en Monuiedro, por la qual auia de casar con la fija del rrey de Aragon, en este mesmo tiempo que era en el mes de setienbre, estando el rrey en Ma[llen] le nasçiera vn fijo de vna dueña que tenia, que dezian doña Ysabel. E el rrey queria grand bien a la dicha doña Ysabel e ouo nonbre el fijo don Sancho e nasçio en Almaçan. E queria el rrey que el don Sancho fuesse su heredero e que casaria con su madre doña Ysabel. E assy por todas estas rrazones se desbarato la pleytesia que en Monuiedro era tratada e acordada.

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affair, formally requested of the king of Castile – as he had put his signature to these terms – that he now agree to fulfil his obligations. King Pedro informed him that he was not in agreement with what had been negotiated and that in no way should the matter be put to him again. As King Pedro later explained, his reason for not wishing to be bound by these terms was as follows: when the count of Denia and Don Bernat de Cabrera had come to him at Murviedro to negotiate this agreement, he had spoken in secret with Don Bernat de Cabrera asking him to discuss a certain subject with the king of Aragon. This concerned the fact that that, since he was marrying the daughter of the king of Aragon and entering into a close family bond with him, and as he was well aware that Prince Ferran and Count Enrique – who were in Aragon – were his enemies, he was now requesting that the king of Aragon have these men either arrested or put to death. King Pedro claimed that Don Bernat de Cabrera had given him an assurance that the king of Aragon would do this. And therefore, now that he was being urged to go ahead with his marriage to the king of Aragon’s daughter, he asked that first King Pere put the prince and the count to death. For this reason no more progress was made with the negotiations. Another event occurred during this time when King Pedro came to Mallén to fulfil the terms that he had agreed in Murviedro – by which he was to marry the daughter of the king of Aragon. During the same month of September when the king was in Mallén, a son had been born to him and to a lady called Doña Isabel that he had taken as his mistress and of whom he was very fond. The son, who was given the name Don Sancho, was born in Almazán.4 King Pedro wanted Don Sancho to be his heir and said that he intended to marry the child’s mother, Doña Isabel. And so, for all these reasons, the treaty which had been negotiated and agreed in Murviedro came to nothing.

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Capitulo VIº. Commo el infante don Ferrando fue muerto e lo fiziera matar el rrey de Aragon su hermano. El rrey de Castilla estudo en Mallen algunos dias e dende vinose para Calatayud e despues de alli partio para Seuilla. E en estos dias el rrey de Aragon estando en Castellon de Burriana entendio que el infante don Ferrando, su hermano, marques de Tortosa, non se tenia por contento de las maneras de la su corte, ca dixo al rrey de Aragon, su hermano, que el queria yr a Françia. E estonçes dizian que la guerra de Françia e de Ynglaterra, que se bolvia, e auia cobrado estonçe el dicho infante don Ferrando todos los mas caualleros e escuderos de Castilla que estauan con el conde don Enrrique, e don Tello e don Sancho, sus hermanos, eran con el dicho infante don Ferrando. E tenia el infante todas las conpañas en vn lugar çerca de Burriana que dizian Almançora. E el infante don Ferrando e el conde don Enrrique estonçe estauan sobre estas cosas mal abenidos, e fue dicho al rrey de Aragon commo el infante su hermano auia llegado a si todos los castellanos que eran en Aragon, los quales pudian seer fasta mill de cauallo muy buenos e que si el infante fuesse con aquellas gentes para Françia e se partiesse del rregno de Aragon, que el rrey de Castilla faria mas dura la guerra contra Aragon e que se veria el rrey de Aragon en gran menester. E acordo el rrey de Aragon con consejo del conde don Enrrique e de don Bernal de Cabrera de lo fazer prender al dicho infante su hermano. E mando el rrey de Aragon al conde de Vrgel e al conde de Cardona, que querian bien al infante don Ferrando, que le enbiassen dezir que se viniese alli a Castellon de Burriana e que el rrey de Aragon queria fazer todo lo que el infante quisiesse en tal que se non partiesse del rregno de Aragon. E el conde de Cardona e el conde de Vrgel fueron dello muy alegres e fuesse luego el conde de Cardona a Almançora, do estaua el infante don Ferrando, e dixole lo que el rrey de Aragon le enbiaua dezir. Otrossi le dixeron de partes del rrey de Aragon que otro dia comiesse con el rrey, el al infante plogo dello.

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1363: CHAPTER VI How Prince Ferran was killed on the orders of his brother the king of Aragon. The king of Castile remained in Mallén for some days and from there he travelled to Calatayud before setting off again for Seville. During this time, while he was in Castellón de Burriana, the king of Aragon understood that his brother Prince Ferran, marquis of Tortosa, was not satisfied with the way things were in his court: the prince had informed him that it was his wish to go to France.5 It was then being reported that war was in the course of breaking out again between France and England. Moreover, by now Prince Ferran had drawn to him most of the Castilian knights and squires who had been with Count Enrique; and the count’s brothers Don Tello and Don Sancho were now accompanying Prince Ferran, who had assembled all his troops in a place near Burriana called Almazora. Prince Ferran and Count Enrique were now in dispute over these matters and it was reported to the king of Aragon that his brother, the prince, had gathered around him all the Castilians in Aragon, who may have numbered as many as 1,000 horsemen of quality; and it was put to him that, if the prince were to go to France taking all those troops with him and leaving the kingdom of Aragon, then the king of Castle would intensify his campaigning against Aragon and King Pere would find himself in great difficulty. Therefore the king of Aragon, on the advice of Count Enrique and Don Bernat de Cabrera, resolved to order the arrest of his brother the prince. He instructed the counts of Urgel and Cardona, who were on very good terms with Prince Ferran, to send word to him that he should come to Castellón de Burriana; they were to tell him that the king of Aragon was prepared to do all that the prince wished provided that he did not leave the kingdom of Aragon. The counts of Cardona and Urgel were delighted at this and the count of Cardona went at once to Prince Ferran in Almazora and passed on to him what the king of Aragon had sent him to say. They also gave him an invitation from the king to eat with him on the next day, which the prince accepted.

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E otro dia, que era domingo, fue el infante para Castellon de Burriana e vino al rrey e comio con el. E desque ouieron comido fuesse el infante para vna camara que ý estaua en la posada del rrey. E estauan con el infante Diego Perez Sarmiento e Luys Manuel, fijo de Sancho Manuel e nieto de don Iohan Manuel, e dos caualleros de Aragon, vno que dezian don Iohan Ximenez de Vrrea e otro, don Gunbal de Tr[amaçet]. E todo lo que era sobre este fecho hordenado sabialo el conde don Enrrique e don Bernal de Cabrera. E despues que el infante don Ferrando ouo comido e estaua ya en su camara en los palaçios del rrey, enbio el rrey de Aragon vn su alguazil que le dezian don Bernal de Escala que le dixiesse commo era su merçed que el fuesse alli preso. E el alguazil fuesse para el infante do estaua en la camara e dixogelo. E el infante era de muy grand coraçon e de grand esfuerço e touo que aquello le venia a el por consejo del conde don Enrrique e de don Bernal de Cabrera, que el queria mal; mas que la voluntad del rrey de Aragon, su hermano, non pudia seer que lo a el mandasse prender, e dixo al alguazil que non era el omne para seer preso. E el alguazil torno al rrey e dixogelo asi, e torno el alguazil al infante e por mandado del rrey dixole que el rrey le enbiaua dezir que se non touiese por desonrrado en ser su preso. E estonçe dixole Diego Perez Sarmiento, que estaua ý con el infante: ‘Señor, mas vos vale morir que seer preso’. E luego el infante puso mano a vna espada que tenia. E el rrey de Aragon quando sopo que el infante se ponia en armas, mando destablar la camara do el infante estaua de partes del techo. E quando aquello vio, el infante sallio de la camara do estaua, la espada en la mano, e mato luego vn escudero del conde don Enrrique que fallo delante si, que dizian Rodrigo de Montoya, que se pusiera delante el conde don Enrrique, con quien bivia. E morio el infante don Ferrando aquel dia e mataron con el a Luys Manuel e a Diego Perez Sarmiento. E fue muy mal rrazonado al rrey de Aragon la muerte del infante por que era su hermano e muy noble señor, de lo qual todo el rregno de Aragon fue muy quexado. E por esta rrazon morio despues don

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On the following day, which was a Sunday, the prince went to the king in Castellón de Burriana and ate with him. Then, once they had eaten, the prince went into a chamber in the royal apartments, accompanied by Diego Pérez Sarmiento and Luis Manuel, son of Sancho Manuel and grandson of Don Juan Manuel, and two Aragonese knights, called Don Joan Ximéneç d’Urrea and Don Gombau de Tramacet. Every detail of what had been arranged was known to Count Enrique and Don Bernat de Cabrera. After Prince Ferran had eaten and now that he was in his chamber in the royal apartments, the king of Aragon sent one of his constables, by the name of Don Bernat d’Escala, to inform him that it was the king’s will that he should be held there under arrest. The constable went to where the prince was in the chamber and said this to him. The prince was a man of great spirit and valour and he considered that he was being treated in such a way on the advice of Count Enrique and Don Bernat de Cabrera, with whom he was on bad terms. On the other hand, he believed, it could not be the wish of his brother the king of Aragon to order him to be detained: he told the constable that he was not the man to be placed under arrest. So the constable went back to the king and put this to him. He then returned to the prince and, following the king’s command, he explained that King Pere had instructed him to say that the prince should see no dishonour in being his prisoner. And then Diego Pérez Sarmiento, who was present there with the prince, said to him, ‘My lord, it would be better for you to die than to be made a captive.’ At once the prince grasped a sword that he carried with him. The king of Aragon, when he learned that Prince Ferran was having recourse to arms, gave instructions for the chamber in which the prince was standing to be dismantled from the ceiling down; and, when he saw what was being done, Prince Ferran rushed out sword in hand and promptly killed one of Count Enrique’s squires whom he found in his path. This man’s name was Rodrigo de Montoya and he had positioned himself in front of Count Enrique, of whose household he was a member. Prince Ferran met his death that day and with him Luis Manuel and Diego Pérez Sarmiento were also killed. The king of Aragon was very ill advised in ordering the death of the prince, for he was his brother and a lord of great nobility, and the whole of the kingdom of Aragon was greatly aggrieved at what

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Bernal de Cabrera, por que dizian que fiziera el rrey de Aragon esta muerte del infante por su consejo. E los dos caualleros que dezian don Iohan Ximenez de Vrrea e don Gunbal de Tr[amaçet], que estauan con el, sallieron por vnas finiestras de la camara, e escaparon.

Capitulo VIIº. Commo fizieron don Tello e otros caualleros que eran de la parte del infante don Ferrando desque sopieron que el era muerto, e commo en este año entro el rrey don Pedro en Aragon e gano muchos castillos. Don Tello e don Sancho, ermanos del conde don Enrrique, e los otros caualleros que eran de la parte del infante don Ferrando, que posauan en Almançora, quando supieron que el infante don Ferrando era muerto, pensaron que el rrey de Aragon e los suyos venian contra ellos para matarlos, ca se temian del conde don Enrrique por quanto los mas se auian partido del e eran venidos para el infante, e sabian que quando el infante moriera, que el conde llegara ý armado, e avn se dezia que Pero Carrillo, vn cauallero que era con el conde, feriera al infante de la primera ferida, e por esto se temian mucho del conde don Enrrique. E armaronsse don Tello e todos los caualleros que estauan en el dicho logar de Almançora, e tomaron el pendon del infante don Ferrando, que ellos tenian consigo, e sallieron fuera del lugar de Almançora, diziendo que mas querian morir en aquel canpo, pues su señor el infante era muerto, que seer presos o morir de otra manera. E el rrey de Aragon ouo su consejo luego que el infante morio, e enbio sus mensageros a don Tello e a los caualleros e conpañas del infante que posauan en Almançora, a les dezir e rrogar que estudiessen quedos e que ninguno dellos non se temiesse. E eso mesmo el conde

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happened. Moreover, as a result of this in due course Don Bernat de Cabrera was also to die, for it was said that the king of Aragon had brought about the prince’s death on his advice. The two knights called Don Joan Ximèneç d’Urrea and Don Gombau de Tramacet, who had been accompanying Prince Ferran, escaped by making their exit through some of the chamber’s windows.

1363: CHAPTER VII Concerning the reaction of Don Tello and other knights who were supporters of Prince Ferran once they learned of his death; and how during this year King Pedro invaded Aragon and captured several castles. Count Enrique’s brothers Don Tello and Don Sancho and the other knights who were supporters of Prince Ferran and were staying in Almazora, on learning of Prince Ferran’s death, thought that the king of Aragon and his troops were coming for them to kill them. For they were in fear of Count Enrique, as most of them had broken away from him and transferred their allegiance to the prince. They knew that at the time that the prince had died the count had arrived armed for combat and it was even said that Pero Carrillo, a knight who was in the count’s service, had struck the first blow against the prince. It was on account of this, then, that they were greatly in fear of Count Enrique, and so Don Tello and all the knights who were in Almazora took Prince Ferran’s standard, which they carried with them, and rode out from Almazora, saying that – since their lord the prince was dead − they preferred to die there on the field of battle rather than to be taken prisoner or meet their death in some other way. Immediately after the prince’s death, the king of Aragon consulted his advisers and sent envoys to Don Tello and all the prince’s knights and troops staying in Almazora to inform and to beseech them that they should remain calm and that none of them should be in fear. Likewise, Count Enrique sent envoys to hold discussions with many

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don Enrrique enbio fablar e falagar muchos dellos por los cobrar, e assi lo fizo e asossegaronse todos. E el rrey don Pedro de Castilla desque sopo que el infante don Ferrando era muerto ouo muy grand plazer, e partiera poco tienpo auia de la comarca de Calatayud donde estaua e era ydo a Seuilla. E luego en el invierno deste año, entro el rey don Pedro por el rregno de Murçia en Aragon e gano estos castillos: Alicante e Elche e Creuillen e la Muela e Callosa e Monforte e [Aspe e Elda] e algunos otros castillos. E gano Denia e Gallinera e Rebollet e otros lugares en el rregno de Valençia.

Capitulo VIIIº. Commo los rreyes de Aragon e de Nauarra e el conde don Enrrique se vieron en el castillo de Soz e por que rrazon. Agora tornaremos a contar de vna fabla que fue fecha entre los rreyes de Aragon e de Nauarra despues desta muerte del infante don Ferrando. Assi fue que quando don Bernal de Cabrera se vio con el rrey don Pedro en Monuiedro, segund avemos contado, dizen que fue tratado que el rrey de Aragon matasse al infante don Ferrando de Aragon e al conde don Enrrique, e que el rrey de Castilla tornaria al rrey de Aragon toda la tierra que le tenia ganada e faria con el paz por çient años. E don Bernal de Cabrera lo dixo eso mesmo al rrey de Aragon. Otrossi trataua con el rrey de Nauarra que fuesse en esto e que el rrey de Castilla le daria la villa de Logroño. E los rreyes de Aragon e de Nauarra consintieron en este fecho. E assi fue que vn dia, despues que el infante don Ferrando moriera, torno el rrey de Aragon por fazer esto e dixo al conde don Enrrique que el rrey de Nauarra queria seer con ellos en esta guerra e ayudarlos, e que era bien que se viessen en vno. E el conde don Enrrique dixo que le plazia de las vistas; enpero que acordasen en qual castillo se

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of them, paying court to them in order to win them over. By doing this he managed to placate them all. When he learned of the death of Prince Ferran, King Pedro of Castile was delighted; he had only recently left the area of Calatayud and travelled to Seville. Not long afterwards, in the winter of this year, King Pedro invaded Aragon from the kingdom of Murcia, capturing the following castles: Alicante, Elche, Crevillente, la Muela, Callosa, Monforte, Aspe, Elda and a number of others; and he also took Denia, Gallinera, Rebollet and other places in the kingdom of Valencia.6

1363: CHAPTER VIII How the kings of Aragon and Navarre and Count Enrique held a meeting in the castle of Sos and for what reason. Now we shall turn to an account of negotiations which took place between the kings of Aragon and Navarre after the death of Prince Ferran. In fact it is said that an agreement had been reached when Don Bernat de Cabrera met with King Pedro in Murviedro – as we have related –: the king of Aragon was to put to death both Prince Ferran of Aragon and Count Enrique and then the king of Castile would return to the king of Aragon all the land that he had won from him and make peace with him, to last 100 years. Don Bernat de Cabrera said exactly this to the king of Aragon and was also negotiating with the king of Navarre for him to lend his support to the agreement, in return for which the king of Castile would give him the town of Logroño. The kings of Aragon and Navarre agreed to this proposal. So it was that one day, after the death of Prince Ferran, the king of Aragon again turned his attention to this matter. He informed Count Enrique that the king of Navarre wished to collaborate with them in their campaign and give them his support, and that therefore it was advisable for them all to meet. Count Enrique said that he agreed to the meeting, but that they should decide in which castle it would

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verian e quien los ternia seguros. E fallaron que el rrey de Aragon tenia vn castillo frontero de Aragon e de Nauarra, que dizian Soz, e era bueno que se viessen alli. E el conde dixo que el non entraria en aquel castillo saluo teniendolo caualleros de quien el fuesse seguro, e por ende acordaron que lo touiesse vn cauallero que dizian don Iohan Ramirez de Arellano, que era nauarro e camarero del rrey de Aragon; pero era omne de quien el conde don Enrrique se fiaua e fue fecho assi. E el castillo de Soz fue entregado al dicho don Iohan Ramirez e el puso ý vn su hermano que dizian Ramiro de Arellano con treynta omnes de armas e veynte ballesteros e treynta lançeros. E desque fue entregado el dicho castillo a don Iohan Ramirez, llegaron ý el rrey de Aragon e el rrey de Nauarra e acogieron los cada vno con dos seruidores e vinieron ý don Bernal de Cabrera e el abad de Fiscan, que era françes, que viniera con el cardenal de Boloña legado del papa. E despues vino el conde don Enrrique e traxo ochoçientos omnes de cauallo, e pusieron todos los suyos su rreal çerca del castillo. E el conde don Enrrique entro en el castillo con dos seruidores, segund era hordenado, e desque fueron todos en el castillo fablaron de muchas cosas. E los rreyes de Aragon e de Nauarra non fallaron en el alcayde esfuerço para conplir lo que querian fazer, ca les dixo que en ninguna manera el non seria en fazer tal muerte. E desque esto vieron encubrieronsse lo mejor que pudieron e partieron dende.

Capitulo IXº. De lo que en este año acaesçio en tierra de Gascueña. En este año pelearon el conde de Fox e el conde de Armiñac en la plaça de Leonat en Gascueña e fue vençido el conde de Armiñaque e fueron presos el conde de Armiñaque e el señor de Lebret, su sobrino, e otros

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take place and who would ensure their safety. They concluded that the king of Aragon possessed a castle called Sos which stood on the frontier between Aragon and Navarre and that it was appropriate for them to gather there. The count said that he would not set foot in that castle unless it was in the hands of knights on whom he could rely, and for this reason they agreed that the castle should be placed under the control of a knight by the name of Don Juan Ramírez de Arellano: he was from Navarre and was the chamberlain of the king of Aragon, but he was also a man that Count Enrique trusted, and so the decision was taken. The castle of Sos was placed in the hands of Don Juan Ramírez and he installed in it his brother Ramiro de Arellano with 30 men-at-arms, 20 crossbowmen and 30 men armed with javelins. Then, once the castle had been handed over to Don Juan Ramírez, the kings of Aragon and Navarre arrived and each of them was admitted with two men in his service; the next to come were Don Bernat de Cabrera and the abbot of Fécamp, a Frenchman who had come to Spain with the cardinal of Boulogne, the papal legate. Then finally Count Enrique arrived, bringing 800 horsemen, and all of his followers set up their encampment near to the castle. Count Enrique entered the castle with two retainers, as had been arranged, and, once they were all inside, they discussed a wide range of subjects. The kings of Aragon and Navarre did not find in the castellan the spirit necessary to carry out what they had planned to do: he told them that in no way would he be party to committing such a murder. And so, once they had seen this to be the case, they covered up their intentions as well as they could and left the castle.

1363: CHAPTER IX Concerning what happened during this year in Gascony. During this year the count of Foix and the count of Armagnac did battle near the fortified town of Launac in Gascony.7 The count of Armagnac was defeated and was taken prisoner, along with his nephew

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del linaje de Lebret e el conde de Comenga e el conde de Fresinsac e el conde de Monlusu e otros muchos de la partida del conde de Armiñac. E vençiolos el conde de Fox e pagaron muy grandes rrendiçiones. E ayudauan ese dia al conde de Fox çinco capitanes de las conpañias, los quales eran: Espiota e Senesorgas d’Alemaña e Bretuquin e Petit Mençin e mosen Iohan Almerique, que eran muy buenos onbres de armas, e tenian muy buenas conpañas. E ouo esse dia grand honrra el conde de Fox e grandes rrendiçiones, de los quales presos, segund dizian, montauan treynta cuentos desta moneda de Castilla.

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the lord of Albret, other members of the Albret family, the counts of Comminges, Fezensac and Motlezun and many other supporters of the count of Armagnac. They were defeated by the count of Foix and paid extremely large ransoms. On that day the count of Foix had the support of five captains of the Companies: Espiote, Johan Hazenorgue from Germany, Bertuchin, Petit-Meschin and Sir John Amory, who were fine soldiers and had troops of very high quality.8 It was a day on which the count of Foix won great honour and gained a large sum of money in ransoms for those prisoners, which is said to have amounted to 30 million in our Castilian currency.

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AÑO QUINZENO del rrey don Pedro, que fue año del Señor mill e trezientos e sesenta e quatro, e de la era de Çesar mill e quatroçientos e dos.

Capitulo primero. Commo el rrey don Pedro puso su rreal en El Grao çerca la çibdat de Valençia. En el año quinzeno que el sobredicho rrey don Pedro rregno, que fue año del Señor mill e trezientos e sesenta e quatro, quando andaua la era de Çesar en mill e quatroçientos e dos, e del Criamiento del mundo segund la cuenta de los ebreos, en çinco mill e çiento e veynte e [quatro] años, e del año de los alarabes en sieteçientos e sesenta e seys, en el comienço deste año el rrey don Pedro vino para el rregno de Murçia e entro en Aragon por el rregno de Valençia ganando algunos lugares e faziendo mucho daño. E primero ganara a Alicante, que es vna villa e vn castillo rribera de la mar muy fermoso, e gano a Xixona e Gandia e Oliua e otros lugares, e llego a Monuiedro. E luego partio dende para Burriana, entendiendo yr por aquella comarca faziendo mal e daño en el rregno de Valençia. E quando llego çerca de Burriana vio galeas del rrey de Aragon, que venian por la mar, e otros nauios que trayan viandas a la çibdat de Valençia, ca estaua muy menguada dellas, e tornose del camino por destoruar aquellas viandas por que non se pusiesen en Valençia. E puso su rreal en El Grao que es rribera de la mar a media legua de la çibdat de Valençia. E esperaua cada dia la su flota que mandara armar en Seuilla, que eran veynte galeas e quarenta naos; otrossy atendia diez galeas del rrey don Pedro de Portogal su tio, que le enbiaua en su ayuda contra el rrey de Aragon, que avn non eran llegadas. E toda esta flota era ya en Cartajena ayuntada, pero non auia tienpo para venir, de lo qual el rrey estaua muy quexado.

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YEAR FIFTEEN (1364) of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1364 and, counting from the era of Caesar, 1402. 1364: CHAPTER I How King Pedro established his encampment at El Grao near to the city of Valencia. These events occurred in the fifteenth year of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1364; in 1402, counting from the era of Caesar; 5,124 years from the creation of the world by the reckoning of the Hebrews; and, according to that of the Arabs, it was in the year 766. At the beginning of this year, King Pedro moved into the kingdom of Murcia and entered Aragon through the kingdom of Valencia, making some conquests and causing great devastation. Having first taken Alicante, a very handsome city and castle on the coast, he also seized Jijona, Gandía and Oliva and a number of other places, advancing as far as Murviedro. From there he set off without delay for Burriana with the intention of raiding throughout that region and causing harm and destruction in the kingdom of Valencia. When he arrived near Burriana he saw galleys of the king of Aragon approaching from out at sea and other ships bringing provisions to the city of Valencia, where they were in very short supply, and he made a detour in order to prevent those supplies from being taken into the city. He established his camp at El Grao, which is on the coast half a league from the city, and each day he waited for the fleet of 20 galleys and 40 sailing ships which he had ordered to be fitted out for battle in Seville. He was also awaiting 10 galleys which his uncle King Pedro of Portugal was sending to assist him against the king of Aragon but which had not yet arrived. All of this fleet was already assembled in Cartagena but the weather did not allow it to sail, which was causing the king great annoyance.

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E estando el rrey alli, çerco la çibdat de Valençia, e de cada dia se fazian muchas peleas de los suyos con los de la dicha çibdat. E los de Valençia auian mucha gente e mucha vallesteria, e era estonçe en aquella çerca capitan de la çibdat de Valençia vn cauallero natural dende que dizian don Pero Buyl. Pero en la çibdat de Valençia auia pocas viandas e estaua ya la çibdat de Valençia muy afincada e entendia el rrey que se non podria defender, e pan ya non lo tenian si non poco, e los mas se mantenian de arroz e de aquello non auian mucho. E vn dia ouo ý grand pelea don Ferrando de Castro con caualleros suyos e otros vasallos del rrey e Ferrand Aluarez de Toledo con escuderos del cuerpo del rrey, de los quales el era cabdillo, que eran dozientos escuderos muy buenos. Llegaron todos estos a la puerta que dizian de Sand Viçente e ouieron grand pelea, e morio ý vn grand cauallero de Gallizia vasallo del rrey, que dizian Ferrand Perez de Grades, e perdio el vn ojo Ferrand Aluarez de Toledo. Otrossi en este tienpo ouo el rrey don Pedro nueuas commo matara en Aragon el conde don Enrrique a Pero Carrillo, vn cauallero de Castilla que sienpre andudiera en sus guerras con el, por su mano con vna lança, andando vn dia a monte, por que le dizian que auia fama con doña Iohana, su hermana del conde, muger que fuera de don Ferrando de Castro, la qual estaua con el conde su hermano en Aragon. E plogo mucho dello al rrey por quanto Pero Carrillo era uno de los buenos caualleros que andauan con el conde. E despues caso esta doña Iohana con vn rrico onbre de Aragon que dizian don Felipe de Castro, del qual diremos adelante.

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Encamped at El Grao, King Pedro laid siege to the city of Valencia and each day several encounters took place between his army and the forces of the city. The defenders of Valencia could count on numerous troops and a large force of crossbowmen, and Don Pere Boïl, a knight who was a native of the city, was governor of Valencia during the period of the siege. However, as Valencia was short of supplies and by now the city was hard pressed, the king realized that it could not hold out. They had a very limited supply of bread and most of the people survived on rice – and of that too they had only a small amount. One day Don Fernando de Castro was involved in a major confrontation there along with some of his knights, some other vassals of the king and Fernán Álvarez de Toledo accompanied by squires from the king’s corps, of which he was the head: this was a body of 200 fine squires. All of these men advanced as far as what was known as the Gate of Sant Vicenç, where they took part in a violent clash, in which the death occurred of a great lord from Galicia and vassal of the king called Fernán Pérez de Grades and Fernán Álvarez de Toledo lost an eye. Also at this time King Pedro received a report of how in Aragon Count Enrique had killed Pero Carrillo, a Castilian knight who had always accompanied him on his campaigns. The count had killed him one day with his own hand, with a lance while out riding, because he had heard that there were rumours about him and his sister Doña Juana, who had been the wife of Don Fernando de Castro and was with her brother the count in Aragon. This news gave King Pedro great pleasure as Pero Carrillo was one of the finest knights accompanying the count. Doña Juana later married an Aragonese magnate called Don Felipe de Castro, about whom we shall speak in due course.1

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Capitulo IIº. Commo vn escudero de Castilla que andaua con don Tello, aperçibio al rrey don Pedro que el rrey de Aragon venia a pelear con el. Estando el rrey don Pedro sobre la çibdat de Valençia en aquel lugar que dicho auemos, que dizen El Grao, que es a media legua de Valençia, e non sabiendo nueuas ningunas del rrey de Aragon, llego a el vn escudero natural de Castilla, de la villa de Castro d’Urdiales, que auia nonbre Marcos Garçia e andaua en Aragon con don Tello, e algunos dizian que don Tello lo enbiara, ca sienpre don Tello fiziera asaz cosas tales e non era pagado de andar con el conde don Enrrique su hermano. E dixo aquel escudero al rrey que por quanto era su natural que le venia aperçibir e que sopiesse que el rrey de Aragon e todos los mayores de su rregno; otrossy el conde don Enrrique e don Tello e don Sancho, sus hermanos, que eran en Burriana, que pudian seer fasta tres mill de cauallo e pieça de gentes de pie, e que venian por la mar e en par dellos, doze galeas e pieça de nauios cargados de viandas. E que su ardid era venir encubierta mente por pelear con el ante que de alli partiesse en guisa que auia ya tres noches que non fazian fuego por non seer descubiertos, e que fuesse çierto que otro dia, al alua del dia, serian con el en aquel lugar do estaua. E el rrey touogelo en seruiçio lo que el escudero dixiera e le aperçibiera por quanto el rrey estaua muy sin cuydado deste fecho e non sabia ningunas nueuas del rrey de Aragon. E mando luego armar todos los suyos e partio del Grao, la noche cayda, para Monuiedro que era a quatro leguas de alli.

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1364: CHAPTER II How a Castilian squire in Don Tello’s company warned King Pedro that the king of Aragon was coming to do battle with him. While King Pedro was outside Valencia half a league from the city − in the place which, as we said, is called El Grao – and having heard no reports of the king of Aragon, he was approached by a squire called Marcos García, who was Castilian by birth, from the town of Castro Urdiales. This man was accompanying Don Tello in Aragon, and it was said by some people that Don Tello had sent him, for he had always been in the way of doing such things since he took little pleasure in the company of his brother Count Enrique. This squire informed the king that he had come to give him warning as he was his vassal by birth and that he should be aware that the king of Aragon and all the greatest and finest men of his kingdom – together with Count Enrique and his brothers Don Tello and Don Sancho – were in Burriana. He explained that their forces might well include as many as 3,000 horsemen together with a substantial body of men on foot, and that at the same time 12 galleys and several ships laden with provisions were approaching by sea. The strategy of the Aragonese forces was to approach unobserved in order to do battle with King Pedro before he could withdraw, and so for three nights they had lit no fires in order not to be detected. King Pedro should be in no doubt that the next day at dawn they would come upon him where he was encamped. The king was very grateful for the squire’s action in informing and warning him as he had not suspected these developments and had received no reports of the king of Aragon’s movements. He rapidly ordered his men to arm themselves for battle and departed from El Grao after nightfall, heading for Murviedro, four leagues away.

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Capitulo IIIº. Commo el rrey de Aragon vino a la çibdat de Valençia. Otro dia en la grand mañana, el rrey de Aragon e todos los que venian con el suyos, e el conde don Enrrique e don Tello e don Sancho, sus hermanos, e los castellanos que pudian seer todos –entre castellanos e aragoneses– tres mill de cauallo. E fueron rribera de la mar, paso e en buena hordenança las sus batallas, entre Monuiedro e la mar, quanto a vna legua de Monuiedro, e las sus galeas e naos en par dellos con muchas viandas. E la flota del rrey avn non era llegada. E el rrey don Pedro estaua çerca la villa de Monuiedro e los ginetes suyos otrossi seysçientos de cauallo moros, que ý eran con don Farax Rodoan, cabdillo del rrey de Granada, yuan lançar lanças en la hueste del rrey de Aragon e fazer sus espolonadas en guisa que los ginetes suelen e acostunbran de fazer. Pero el rrey de Aragon e los que con el yuan non se partian de la hordenança de la su batalla que leuauan, e tenian todos su camino derecho para la çibdat de Valençia, e assy lo fizieron fasta que llegaron en Valençia. E los de la çibdat de Valençia quando vieron que eran acorridos assi por mar commo por tierra e auian viandas assaz, fizieron muy grandes alegrias, ca en tal priesa auian estado. Otrossi el rrey de Aragon les agradesçio a los de la çibdat de Valençia e les touo en grado e señalado el seruiçio e el trauajo que auian sofrido. E en este tienpo, estando el rrey en Monuiedro, cada dia yuan los ginetes e los moros que eran con el rrey don Pedro en su seruiçio, a la çibdat de Valençia. E pudian seer los ginetes e los moros fasta dos mill e quinientos de cauallo, e los de la çibdat sallian a ellos e peleauan alli e faziansse grandes peleas entre los vnos e los otros. E despues desto, a cabo de doze dias, llego la flota del rrey don Pedro de Castilla, que eran veynte galeas suyas e diez galeas del rrey don Pedro de Portogal e quarenta naos de Castilla.

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1364: CHAPTER III How the king of Aragon made his way to the city of Valencia. Early the following morning, the king of Aragon approached with his whole army, together with Count Enrique and his brothers Don Tello and Don Sancho and the Castilians. Including both Castilians and Aragonese there may have been 3,000 horsemen altogether. They advanced along the coast, at a measured pace and in close formation, between Murviedro and the sea just a league away; and their galleys and sailing ships, bringing a large supply of provisions, approached along with them. King Pedro’s fleet had not yet arrived. King Pedro was near to the town of Murviedro: his light cavalry, and also 600 Moorish horsemen who were there under Don Faraj ibn Ridwān, a commander for the king of Granada, rode out to hurl javelins at the king of Aragon’s army, launching their rapid attacks as is the way and custom of such horsemen. However the king of Aragon and his troops did not break away from their battle formation and they rode straight on towards Valencia, continuing in this fashion until they reached the city. The people of the city of Valencia, having found themselves in such a difficult position, rejoiced greatly when they saw that they were receiving assistance by both sea and land and that they now had an ample supply of provisions. Moreover, the king of Aragon was very grateful to them and gave them thanks and praise for their loyalty and for enduring so much hardship. During this time that the king was in Murviedro, every day the light cavalry and the Moors who were in King Pedro’s service rode up to the city of Valencia – including light cavalry and Moors the horsemen probably numbered as many as 2,500 – and the troops from the city came out to do battle with them, with violent encounters taking place between the two armies. It was after this, twelve days later, that the fleet of King Pedro of Castile arrived, consisting of 20 of his own galleys, 10 galleys belonging to King Pedro of Portugal and 40 Castilian sailing ships.

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Capitulo IIIIº. Commo el rrey de Castilla se ouiera a perder en la tormenta de la mar en Cullera. Los que estauan en las galeas del rrey de Aragon, quando vieron la flota del rrey de Castilla, ouieron grand miedo e pusieronsse en vn rrio que dizen de Cullera. E el rrey don Pedro entro luego en la flota suya que entonçes llegara, dexando en Monuiedro toda su caualleria. E fuesse para la boca del rrio de Cullera do estauan las galeas e la flota del rrey de Aragon, cuydandolas alli tomar, pero non pudieron entrar en el rrio, que es estrecho. E assi fue que vna de las galeas del rrey de Aragon que alli se pusiera con los otros, desque vio que eran çercados e que estauan en grand peligro para seer tomados, auenturosse e sallio del rrio e nunca la pudieron tomar. E estando alli el rrey don Pedro, ouo vn viento leuante que dizian ‘solano’, que es trauesia en aquella mar, tan grande que todos pensaron que la flota del rrey de Castilla yria a tierra. E el rrey de Aragon e el conde don Enrrique e los que con ellos eran llegados ý, todos e muchos de pie, teniendo, con esfuerço de aquel viento, que aquella flota del rrey de Castilla se perderia e vernia a tierra, e non ponian dubda en ello. E las galeas del rrey de Castilla estauan muy allegadas a la tierra, e el viento se esforçaua toda via mas. E aquel dia la galea del rrey de Castilla era la primera que estaua en la boca del rrio de Cullera e auia ya quebrado tres cables e perdido tres ancoras, e estaua ya sobre el quarto cable e vna ancora; pero Dios quisole ayudar e a la ora del sol puesto, amanso el viento e çeso aquella tormenta. E fue aquel dia el rrey don Pedro en muy grand peligro de su persona e fizo muchos botos de rromeria e de soltar presos, e tornosse para Monuiedro.

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1364: CHAPTER IV How the king of Castile came close to being shipwrecked in the sea storm at Cullera. On seeing the fleet of the king of Castile, the men in the king of Aragon’s galleys were filled with fear and sailed up a river known as the Cullera.2 The king lost no time in embarking on the fleet which had just arrived, leaving all his cavalry at Murviedro. He then made for the estuary of the River Cullera where the galleys and the fleet of the king of Aragon were anchored, intending to seize them, but his ships could not sail up the river, which is too narrow. What then happened was that one of the king of Aragon’s galleys which had anchored there with the rest, seeing that they were hemmed in and in serious danger of capture, made a break and sailed out from the river, eluding all attempts to seize it. While King Pedro was there, an easterly wind blew up. This wind is known as a ‘solano’ and blows onshore from the sea, across the ships, and it was so strong that everyone thought the king of Castile’s fleet would be forced onto the coast.3 The king of Aragon, Count Enrique and the men accompanying them, including many footsoldiers, had massed there believing that, with the force of the wind, the king of Castile’s fleet would be wrecked and carried onto the coast; of this they were in no doubt. The king of Castile’s galleys were very close to land and the wind continued to strengthen. That day the king of Castile’s galley was the first one anchored in the estuary of the river Cullera. It had already broken three cables and lost three anchors and was by now on the fourth cable and a single anchor. However, it was God’s will to come to King Pedro’s assistance and at the hour of sunset the wind dropped and the storm eased. That day the king’s person was in grave danger and so he vowed repeatedly to take part in a pilgrimage and to release prisoners. He made his way back to Murviedro.

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Capitulo Vº. Commo el rrey don Pedro partio de Monuiedro e se torno para su rregno de Castilla. El rrey don Pedro partio de alli por el camino de Segorbe e sallio a vna villa suya que dizian Cañete, que es en el rregno de Castilla, e dexo en Monuiedro por fronteros de Valençia e para defender la dicha villa por mayor a don Gomez Perez de Porres prior de Sand Iohan, e otrossi dexo ý con el muy grandes caualleros, ca dexo ay a Pero Manrrique adelantado mayor de Castilla e a don Aluar Perez de Castro e a don Alfonso Ferrandez de Monte Mayor, e don Egas de Cordoua e Garçi Gutierrez Tello el moço, e Iohan Duque e Pero Gomez de Porres e Ruy Gonçalez de Boz Mediano e a Gomez Perez de Valderrauano e Lope Gutierrez de Cordoua e otros muchos caualleros e escuderos muy buenos de Castilla e de Leon e de la frontera. E dexoles ý muchos buenos vallesteros de la flota e de los que con el andauan, e muchas viandas. E podian seer los que fincauan en Monuiedro ochoçientos de cauallo e mucha gente de pie. E el rrey fuesse para Seuilla e enbio los otros caualleros a sus fronteras, segund solian estar. E el rrey de Aragon desque sopo que el rrey de Castilla era ydo para su rregno, partio de Valençia con todas sus conpañas e con mucha ballesteria, e llego a Monuiedro cuydandola tomar con la grand ballesteria que tenia. E los de la villa pelearon muy bien, e morio ý estonçe Ruy Gonçalez de Boz Mediano, que el rrey auia dexado en Monuiedro, e peleara aquel dia muy bien. E el rrey de Aragon desque llegara a Monuiedro e non pudo mas fazer, partiosse de alli e fuesse para el rregno de Aragon, toda via con entençion de tornar a çercar a Monuiedro.

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1364: CHAPTER V How King Pedro departed from Murviedro and made his way back to his kingdom of Castile. King Pedro set off from Murviedro along the Segorbe road and reached a town called Cañete which belonged to him and is situated in the kingdom of Castile. In Murviedro he left field commanders against Valencia and for the defence of the town itself: he left the prior of Saint John, Don Gómez Pérez de Porres, as overall commander, and along with him a number of very distinguished knights: Pero Manrique, governor general of Castile, Don Álvar Pérez de Castro, Don Alfonso Fernández de Montemayor, Don Egas de Córdoba, Garci Gutiérrez Tello the Younger, Juan Duque, Pero Gómez de Porres, Ruy González de Vozmediano, Gómez Pérez de Valderrábano, Lope Gutiérrez de Córdoba and many other very fine knights and squires from Castile, León and the Frontier region. With them he left many skilled crossbowmen from the fleet and from his own company and he also furnished them with a good supply of provisions. Those who remained behind in Murviedro probably numbered 800 horsemen and there was also a substantial force of footsolders. The king then travelled to Seville, dispatching the remainder of the knights to the frontier posts that they had usually occupied. Once the king of Aragon learned that the king of Castile had left for his own kingdom, he set off from Valencia with all his troops and a large force of crossbowmen. He reached Murviedro expecting to capture it with his numerous crossbowmen, but the men holding the town put up firm resistance. On that occasion Ruy González de Vozmediano, whom the king had left in Murviedro, met his death there, having fought very bravely on the day. Having come to Murviedro and not having been able to achieve any more than this, the king of Aragon withdrew and headed for his own kingdom, still with the intention of returning to besiege Murviedro.

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Capitulo VIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro tomo a Castil Habibi e otros castillos e lo que fizo este año. Este año en el mes de agosto, despues que el rrey don Pedro de Castilla sopo commo el rrey de Aragon viniera sobre Monuiedro, partio de Seuilla donde estaua e vinosse para Calatayud. E luego partio dende e fue çercar vna villa e castillo çerca Tiruel, que dizian Castil Habibi, por quanto el lo auia ganado e dexara ý vn cauallero suyo natural de Toledo que lo touiesse. E los de la villa mataron al cauallero e alçaronse con la dicha villa e castillo, e touolo çercado vn mes tirandole con muchos engeños, e cobrolo. E dende partio e fuesse entrar en el rregno de Valençia e gano la villa e castillo de Ayora e otros castillos enderredor. E quando el rrey partio de Castil Habibi desque lo ouo ganado, enbio dende al maestre de Alcantara, que dizian don Gutier Gomez de Toledo, que pusiesse algunas rrecuas de viandas en Monuiedro por que los que ý dexara el rrey le enuiaron dezir que auian menester viandas. E el maestre de Alcantara con otros caualleros vasallos del rrey fuesse para Segorbe, que es en la frontera de aquella comarca, por poner las viandas en Monuiedro e alli allegaua las rrecuas para las leuar. E el rrey don Pedro de Castilla fuesse para Alicante, que estaua por el, e dende entro e gano algunos castillos en esa comarca, que dizian Guadaleste, e Castil de Castiel e otros, e dende tornosse para Elche, que es çerca del rregno de Murçia, que lo auia ganado antes. E los que estauan en Orihuela, que es a quatro leguas de Elche, rreçelaron que los querria el rrey çercar, e non tenian viandas e auian enbiado por acorro al rrey de Aragon.

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1364: CHAPTER VI How King Pedro captured Castielfabib and some other castles, and what he did during this year. This year, during the month of August, after learning that the king of Aragon had tried to take Murviedro, King Pedro of Castile set off from Seville where he had been staying and advanced as far as Calatayud. From there he moved on to besiege a town and castle near Teruel by the name of Castielfabib. He took this step because, although he had taken the town and appointed one of his knights, a native of Toledo, to be its governor, its citizens had killed the knight and seized control of the town and castle. So now he besieged Castielfabib for a month, using a large number of siege engines, and he captured it. He promptly left and entered the kingdom of Valencia, taking the town and castle of Ayora and a number of other castles in the surrounding area. When the king departed from Castielfabib after its capture, he dispatched the master of Alcántara, Don Gutier Gómez de Toledo, to escort into Murviedro some mule trains carrying provisions, as the men that he had left there had sent word to him that they were in need of supplies. The master of Alcántara, with other knights who were vassals of the king, went to Segorbe, situated on the edge of that area, to assemble the mule trains with which to take the provisions to Murviedro. King Pedro of Castile went to Alicante, which was in the hands of his supporters, and from Alicante he moved out into the surrounding region, capturing the castles of Guadalest and Castell de Castells, along with some other fortresses, and returning from there to Elche, situated close to the kingdom of Murcia and which he had already captured on a previous occasion. The people in Orihuela, which was four leagues from Elche, were afraid that the king intended to lay siege to them: they were short of supplies and had appealed to the king of Aragon for help.

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Capitulo VIIº. Commo el rrey de Aragon vino por su cuerpo e basteçio la villa de Orihuela. El rrey don Pedro de Aragon estaua en tierra de Valençia e por esa comarca e desque ouo cartas e mensageros de la villa de Orihuela, en que le enbiauan pedir que los acorriesse con viandas, que las non tenian e auian rresçelo que el rrey de Castilla los çercasse e los tomaria por fanbre, partio luego de alli e con el fasta dos mill de cauallo de su rregno, e con el conde don Enrrique e don Tello e don Sancho, sus hermanos, e caualleros de Castilla que pudian seer todos fasta tres mill de cauallo e mucha gente vallesteros e lançeros. E el rrey de Aragon fizo cargar muchos nauios de pan e que se viniessen en derecho de Orihuela, que es ý la mar assaz cerca. E el e las conpañas que con el venian, segund dicho auemos, venian acorrer a la villa de Orihuela e la basteçer de aquellas viandas que auia enbiado por la mar, e paso dos leguas de Elche, donde el rrey de Castilla estaua. E el rrey don Pedro de Castilla non quiso pelear con el e estudo en Elche e alli enderredor tenia toda su hueste. E el rrey de Aragon puso su rreal çerca de Orihuela e estudo alli çinco dias faziendo traer las viandas que estauan en los nauios. E basteçio la villa de Orihuela lo mejor que pudo, e dende tornosse por el camino do veniera. E el rrey don Pedro de Castilla enbio a Martin Lopez de Cordoua, su camarero mayor e su priuado, con dos mill ginetes e algunos caualleros de Castilla. E fueron veer la hueste del rrey de Aragon, e aquel dia que primera mente los alcançaron pusieron los en grand rrebate e ouieron el rrey de Aragon e los que con el yuan a tomar vn grand rreues. E esse dia puso el rrey de Aragon su rreal muy çerca del pinar de Villena. E Martin Lopez de Cordoua e los ginetes

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1364: CHAPTER VII How the king of Aragon came in person, bringing provisions to the town of Orihuela. King Pere of Aragon was on Valencian territory and in that same area, and once he received letters and envoys sent by the town of Orihuela appealing to him to come to their aid with provisions – for they were very short of supplies and were afraid that the king of Castile would besiege them and starve them into submission – he set off at once. He took with him some 2,000 horsemen from his kingdom and was also accompanied by Count Enrique and his brothers Don Tello and Don Sancho, together with Castilian knights: altogether there may well have been as many as 3,000 horsemen and a large force of crossbowmen and men armed with javelins. The king of Aragon had several ships loaded with bread and ordered them to head straight for Orihuela, which stands quite near to the sea. He and the troops with him – as we have explained – had come to assist the town of Orihuela and to provide it with supplies from the provisions that he had sent by sea. He passed two leagues from Elche where the king of Castile was encamped, but King Pedro of Castile was unwilling to do battle with him, remaining in Elche, where – as well as in the surrounding area – he had his whole army. The king of Aragon established his encampment close to Orihuela and he remained there for five days while he had the provisions which were on the ships taken to the town. He equipped the town of Orihuela with supplies as far as he could and from there he returned retracing the route by which he had come. King Pedro then dispatched Martín López de Córdoba, his master chamberlain and his confidant, with 2,000 light cavalry and some Castilian knights. They went to confront the king of Aragon’s army, and on the first day that they caught up with them they threw them into considerable confusion and King Pere and his troops suffered a serious reverse. That day the king of Aragon established his camp very near to the pine woods of Villena. Then Martín López de Córdoba and the light cavalry advanced right up to

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llegaron a ellos, pero non los fallaron mal rreglados commo el primero dia, ca los fallaron en mejor ordenança e non los pudieron enpesçer. E dende tornosse Martin Lopez para el rrey, e el rrey de Aragon tornosse a Valençia e dende por el rregno de Aragon, ca ya yua en acuerdo de tornar a çercar la villa de Monuiedro.

Capitulo VIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro de Castilla entro fazer guerra en Aragon e commo sopo que el maestre de Alcantara era muerto en pelea, e commo fue maestre de Alcantara Martin Lopez de Cordoua. El rrey don Pedro de Castilla partio estonçe de Elche e entro por el rregno de Valençia e gano algunos castillos e llego a Denia que estaua por el, e basteçiola e basteçio otros castillos que eran en esa comarca, que estauan por el. E estando sobre vn lugar que dizen Calpe, que es rribera de la mar e lo tenia çercado, llegaronle nueuas commo don Gutier Gomez de Toledo maestre de Alcantara, al qual el rrey mandara poner rrecuas de viandas en Monuiedro, que entrara por poner la rrecua e que sallieran a el el conde de Denia, que fue despues marques de Villena, e don Pero Moñiz, que estonçes andaua en Aragon e se llamaua maestre de Calatrava, e el conçejo de Valençia, e pelearon con el dicho maestre de Alcantara en vn lugar que dizen Las Alcobillas e que lo desbarataron e lo mataron e le tiraron la rrecua. E peso mucho dello al rrey. E fue muerto vn cauallero de Toledo que dizian Pero Alfonso Çeruatos e preso Iohan Martinez de Rojas e muertos otros e presos. E hordeno el rrey que fuesse maestre de Alcantara Martin Lopez de Cordoua, su rrepostero mayor, e enbio por los freyres e mando gelo fazer assi. E el rrey desque ouo estado algunos dias en aquella tierra

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the Aragonese troops. However, they did not find them as disorganized as on the first day but rather in better order, and they were unable to inflict any damage on them. From there Martín López returned to King Pedro, whilst the king of Aragon made his way back to Valencia and then through the kingdom of Aragon, having already resolved to return to besiege the town of Murviedro.

1364: CHAPTER VIII How King Pedro of Castile invaded Aragon, how he learned that the master of Alcántara had been killed in battle, and how Martín López de Córdoba was created master. Then King Pedro of Castile set out from Elche and entered the kingdom of Valencia, capturing a number of castles. He came to Denia, which was in the hands of his supporters, and he supplied it with provisions, as he did for other castles in that area which were held by his forces. Then, while he was camped outside a settlement on the coast called Calpe which he was besieging, he received reports of the master of Alcántara, Don Gutier Gómez de Toledo, whom he had instructed to escort a mule train carrying provisions into Murviedro: Don Gutier had made his way in to escort the pack train and had been intercepted by the count of Denia, later to become marquis of Villena, and Don Pero Muñiz, currently campaigning in Aragon and terming himself master of Calatrava, together with the militias of Valencia. They did battle with the master of Alcántara at a place called Alcublas, defeating and killing him and seizing the mule train. The king was deeply saddened. In addition to this, a knight from Toledo called Pero Alfonso Cervatos was killed, Juan Martínez de Rojas was captured and a number of other men died or were taken prisoner. The king instructed that his lord high butler, Martín López de Córdoba, be made master of Alcántara, and he sent for the brothers and commanded that this be put into effect. Then, once he had spent some days in those territories belonging to the kingdom of Valencia, he returned to Murcia and from

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del rregno de Valençia, tornosse para Murçia e dende tornosse para Seuilla, e enbio los caualleros a sus fronteras.

Capitulo IXº. Commo el rrey don Pedro fizo matar todas las gentes de çinco galeas de Aragon e commo sopo que Monuiedro estaua çercada. Luego que llego el rrey don Pedro de Castilla en Seuilla, sopo commo galeas suyas que andauan en la mar, de las quales era capitan Martin Yañes de Seuilla, auian tomado çinco galeas de catalanes e las auian traydas a Cartajena. E luego el rrey partio de Seuilla e fuesse para Cartajena e fallo ý las galeas de los catalanes, e fizo matar todas las conpañas que fallo de las dichas galeas, que non escapo ninguno, saluo los que eran rremollares, que eran omnes que sabian adobar rremos, por quanto non los auia en Seuilla deste ofiçio estonçe quantos auia menester. E despues que ouo esto fecho, partio de Cartajena e fuesse para Murçia, e sopo alli commo el rrey de Aragon e sus gentes e el conde don Enrrique e don Tello e don Sancho, sus hermanos, eran todos sobre Monuiedro e la tenian çercada.

Capitulo Xº. De lo que en este año acaesçio en Françia. En este año que fue año del Señor mill e trezientos e sesenta e quatro, e de la era de Çesar mill e quatroçientos e tres años, fino el rrey don Iohan de Françia, primero que assi ouo nonbre, e rregno en su lugar su fijo Carlos quinto, que era primero dolfin de Viana. E rregno el rrey don Iohan de Françia, treze años.

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there made his way back to Seville, sending his knights back to their posts on the frontiers.

1364: CHAPTER IX How King Pedro ordered the execution of all those on board five Catalan galleys and how he learned that Murviedro had been placed under siege.4 As soon as King Pedro of Castile reached Seville, he learned how some of his galleys roaming the sea under the command of Martín Yáñez de Sevilla had captured five Catalan galleys and brought them to Cartagena. At once the king left Seville for Cartagena, where he found the Catalan galleys. He ordered the deaths of all the men that he found on them. Not one of those on board escaped with his life, except for men who were oar-makers by trade, as at that time there was a shortage in Seville of individuals who possessed this skill. Once he had dealt with this, King Pedro left Cartagena and went on to Murcia, where he learned how the king of Aragon and his forces, together with Count Enrique and his brothers Don Tello and Don Sancho, were all outside Murviedro, laying siege to the town.

1364: CHAPTER X Concerning what happened during this year in France. During this year, which was the year of the Lord 1364, 1403 counting from the era of Caesar, the death occurred of King Jean of France, the first ruler to bear that name.5 In his place Charles V, who had previously been Dauphin de Vienne, succeeded to the throne. King Jean of France had reigned for 13 years.

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AÑO DIEZ E SEYS que el rrey don Pedro de Castilla rregno, que fue año del Señor mill e trezientos e sesenta e çinco, e de la era de Çesar mill e quatroçientos e tres años.

Capitulo primero. Commo el rrey don Pedro çerco a Orihuela e la tomo. En el año diez e seys que el rrey don Pedro rregno, que fue año del Señor mill e trezientos e sesenta e çinco, e de la era de Çesar mill e quatroçientos e tres, e del Criamiento del mundo segund la cuenta de los ebreos, en çinco mill e çiento e veynte e [çinco], e de los alarabes en sieteçientos e sesenta e siete, por quanto el rrey don Pedro non queria pelear con el rrey de Aragon, cataua todas las maneras de guerra que podia fallar. E desque sopo commo el rrey de Aragon tenia çercada a Monuiedro, fue luego el çercar la villa de Orihuela, que era del rrey de Aragon e era en frontera de Murçia, e fizola vn dia conbatir. E mataron alli a don Alfonso Perez de Guzman, fijo de don Iohan Alfonso de Guzman, e fue el conbate jueues treynta dias de mayo, e luego dende a ocho dias fue entregada la villa de Orihuela, a siete dias de junio. E estudo el rrey alli fasta que gano el castillo, que es uno de los mas fuertes e fermosos del mundo. E morio ý estonçe vn cauallero del rrey de Aragon muy bueno, que tenia el dicho castillo de Orihuela, que llamauan don Iohan Martinez d’Eslaua e era rrico omne. E morio el dicho don Iohan Martinez llamandolo a fabla algunos de los del rrey e el segurandose en ellos, e estaua el rrey don Pedro en la bastida que tenia fecha e dos ballesteros con el, e fizole tirar de dos saetas al dicho don Iohan Martinez e dieronle por el rrostro, e ouo de fazer su pleytesia con el rrey e diole el castillo. E despues dizen que los

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YEAR SIXTEEN (1365) of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1365 and, counting from the era of Caesar, 1403. 1365: CHAPTER I How King Pedro besieged and captured Orihuela. These events occurred in the sixteenth year of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1365; in 1403, counting from the era of Caesar; 5,125 years from the creation of the world by the reckoning of the Hebrews; and, according to that of the Arabs, it was in the year 767. Since King Pedro did not wish to do battle with the king of Aragon, he looked for every form of waging war that he could find. Once he learned that the king of Aragon had placed Murviedro under siege, he quickly moved to besiege the town of Orihuela which belonged to the king of Aragon and stood on the frontier with Murcia. One day he ordered an attack to be made on the town and in this attack the death occurred of Don Alfonso Pérez de Guzmán, son of Don Juan Alfonso de Guzmán. The encounter took place on Thursday the 30th of May and just a week later, on the 7th of June, the town of Orihuela was surrendered. The king remained there until he had taken the castle, which is one of the finest and most heavily fortified in the world. During that time a distinguished knight serving the king of Aragon met his death there. He was the man in charge of the castle of Orihuela, a member of the upper nobility by the name of Don Joan Martínez d’Eslava. Don Joan Martínez died when he was called to parley by some of the king’s men and placed his trust in them. King Pedro was on the assault tower which he had had set up, together with two crossbowmen, and he instructed them to fire two bolts at Don Joan Martínez which hit him in the face, forcing him to negotiate with the king and hand the castle

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çurujanos que lo catauan por mandado del rrey pusieron yeruas en el unguento en guisa que morio el dicho don Iohan Martinez. E desque el rrey ouo ganado a Orihuela dexo ý gente para la defender e partio e fuesse para Seuilla.

Capitulo segundo. Commo el rrey de Aragon çerco a Monuiedro e la gano por pleytesia que los de la villa fizieron con el rrey. Commo quier que el rrey de Aragon tenia çercada a Monuiedro e los de la villa non tenian viandas e enbiauan rrequerir de cada dia al rrey que los acorriesse e el rrey non lo fazia, ca el non pudia acorrer saluo por batalla. E el rrey de Castilla por algunas cosas assi de muerte que auia fecho de algunos caualleros commo por todos los de su rregno que non eran contentos del, non se atreuia a dar batalla. E el rrey de Aragon estudo sobre Monuiedro e ouo muchas peleas con los de la villa, ca se defendian muy bien e peleauan sienpre fuera de la villa. E fue la mengua de las viandas mucha, ca comian los cauallos e las mulas que ya non tenian pan, e con el grand afincamiento de fanbre que tenian, ouieron de fazer su pleytesia en esta manera: que le diessen al rrey de Aragon la villa e ellos que salliessen todos seguros de vidas e mienbros e de prision e con todo lo suyo e los pusiessen en saluo en Castilla a do ellos quisiessen e fizieronlo assi. E el prior de Sand Iohan, que era capitan, e los caualleros que ý eran salieron de la villa vn dia todos armados e de pie e pudian estonçe seer fasta seysçientos omnes de armas e partida de omnes de pie e vallesteros, e dieron la villa al rrey de Aragon. E el conde don Enrrique que ý era comenzo a tratar con los caualleros que sallieron de Monuiedro diziendoles que ellos sabian que el rrey de Castilla

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over to him. They say that afterwards the surgeons caring for Don Joan Martínez at the king’s command put poison in the ointment used on him in order to cause his death. Then, having taken Orihuela, the king left a garrison to defend it and set off for Seville.

1365: CHAPTER II How the king of Aragon besieged Murviedro and took it by negotiation with the town’s defenders. The king of Aragon was besieging Murviedro and the people inside the town, whose supplies had run out, were sending daily appeals to King Pedro for help. However, he did not come to their aid, for he could not do so except by giving battle: and this, as a result of some of his actions such as the killing of some knights, and on account of all those people in his kingdom who were unhappy with him, King Pedro did not dare to do. The king of Aragon, meanwhile, continued to besiege Murviedro and had many encounters with the town’s defenders, for they put up stout resistance and constantly fought outside the walls. The shortage of supplies was very serious, for they were eating the horses and mules now that they had run out of bread, and so they were forced by the great hunger that they were enduring to negotiate the following terms: they were to surrender the town to the king of Aragon and in return they were all to leave safe in life and limb, without fear of captivity and with all their possessions; and they were to be given safe conduct to wherever they wished in Castile. This agreement was honoured. The prior of Saint John, who was in charge of the defence of Murviedro, together with the knights who were there, left the town one day, all of them armed and on foot – there could well have been as many as 600 men-at-arms and a good number of footsoldiers and crossbowmen – and they handed the town over to the king of Aragon. Count Enrique, who was present, began to negotiate with the knights who had left Murviedro, telling them that they were well

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nunca los querria bien –teniendo que ellos serian querellosos por que los non acorriera– e que era omne muy peligroso, e que por auentura los mataria, e si a ellos pluguiesse que el e ellos fuessen vna conpañia e que el nunca les fallesçeria. E otrossi que los faria çiertos que el rrey de Aragon traya sus pleytesias con algunas conpañias de gentes de armas que andauan en Françia e en Gascueña, e que era çierto que le venian ayudar: lo uno por grand suma de dineros que el rrey de Aragon les enbiara prometer, otrossi por quanto el dicho conde don Enrrique auia estado en seruiçio del rrey don Iohan de Françia e ouiera vn dia de pelear con las dichas conpañias çerca vna çibdat de Françia que es en Aluernia, que dizen Claramonte, do eran muchos capitanes de las conpañias e todos estos fazian daño en la tierra de Françia. Enpero que se abinieron con el conde don Enrrique en esta manera: que el rrey de Françia les diesse çierta suma de dineros e que ellos salliessen del rregno de Françia e non fiziessen en el mas guerra, e por quanto ellos veyan que el conde don Enrrique era omne estrangero, que andaua fuera del rregno de Castilla donde era nasçido por miedo del rrey de Castilla, su hermano, que cada vez que el pudiesse auer manera para entrar en el rregno de Castilla e los ouiesse menester, que le farian compañia. E desto le fizieron juras e firmezas muy fuertes, seyendo rrequeridos por el que le viniessen ayudar. E el rrey de Aragon tenia su fecho concertado con los dichos capitanes e sus tratos; otrossy el conde don Enrrique les enbiara ya rrequerir del juramento e omenaje que le fizieran, segund dicho avemos, por le ayudar, e tenia çierto que todas aquellas conpañas serian en Aragon al comienço del año primero que viene, e luego el rrey de Aragon les libraria por tal manera que el dicho conde con ellos pudiesse entrar en Castilla e muy poderosa mente, ca la gente era mucha que tenian que las conpañas solas serian diez o doze mill conbatientes de gentes buenas de cauallo e omnes de armas husados de guerra, e que el rrey de Aragon le daua de los suyos mill de cauallo e que el tenia mill

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aware that the king of Castile would never be on good terms with them, as he would believe them to be resentful towards him for not having gone to their assistance. He told them that King Pedro was a very dangerous man and that it was possible that he would kill them; and Count Enrique suggested to them that they might be prepared to join with him and, if so, he would never fail them. Moreover he added that he would give them firm evidence that the king of Aragon was in negotiation with some companies of men-at-arms who were campaigning in France and Gascony and that it was certain that they were coming to his assistance. This was partly because of the large sum of money that the king of Aragon had undertaken to pay them but also because Count Enrique had been in the service of King Jean of France and at one point had fought against those forces near to a French city by the name of Clermont situated in the region of Auvergne.1 Several captains of the Companies were in that area, all laying waste to the lands of France, but they came to the following agreement with Count Enrique: the king of France was to pay them a certain sum of money and in return they were to leave the kingdom of France and no longer wage war there. Moreover, they could see that Count Enrique was a foreigner in exile from the kingdom of Castile where he had been born – out of fear for his brother the king of Castile –, and therefore they agreed that, at any time when he might have an opportunity to invade the kingdom of Castile and be in need of their assistance, they would fight at his side. They had sworn and given a firm assurance that on being called on by him they would come to his aid. The king of Aragon had made a pact and negotiated terms with those captains and Count Enrique now also sent word to them calling on them to comply with the terms of their oath and of the formal bond into which they had entered with him; for by this they had undertaken – as we have explained – to come to his aid. Thus the count was in no doubt that those companies would be in Aragon by the beginning of the following year and that the king of Aragon would free them from their commitment to him so that he could enter Castile in great strength. Indeed, the army was so large that the Companies alone were reckoned to number 10,000 to 12,000 fine cavalry and battle hardened men-at-arms, whilst the king of Aragon was providing Count Enrique

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omnes de armas o mas, e que tenia que todas estas gentes entrando en Castilla que podrian fazer grand obra, e que si Dios le ayudasse a cobrar aquel rregno que el non lo queria si non para lo partir con ellos, e que les rrogaua que pensasen en todo esto. E los que sallieron de Monuiedro oyeron e supieron todas estas cosas que el dicho conde les dixo, e lo mas era que se rresçelauan del rrey de Castilla e auian temor que los mataria e que non cataria commo lo fizieran con grand desanparo. E los mas caualleros e escuderos que en Monuiedro estudieron aseguraron sus fechos con el conde don Enrrique e fincaron por suyos, e otros algunos ouo que non quisieron fincar ally e fueronsse para el rrey de Castilla. E vna de las cosas que mayor daño touo al rrey don Pedro en perder estos caualleros fue que vn año antes acaesçio que don Iohan Alfonso de Benauides justiçia mayor de la casa del rrey, vn cauallero muy grande en el rregno de Leon e muy enparentado e muy heredado e de mucha buena fama, e quien auia seruido al rrey don Alfonso su padre entrando en la villa de Tarifa quando la çercaron los rreyes de Benamarin e de Granada, e la defendio fasta que el rrey don Alfonso los acorrio. E tenia este don Iohan Alfonso de Benauides por el rrey don Pedro a Segorbe, que es a quatro leguas de Monuiedro, la qual ganara el rrey don Pedro, e menguaron las viandas e non se pudo defender. E antes que se perdiesse el dicho logar de Segorbe, el dicho don Iohan Alfonso fue al rrey don Pedro, a Seuilla, a le dezir en que estado estaua el lugar. E dexo ý parientes suyos e gentes assaz. E el rrey non le quiso oyr mas mandole prender e lleuar al castillo de Almodouar del Rio e ý morio. E los que esto oyeron auian grant rreçelo del rrey, señalada mente los caualleros que dieran a Monuiedro.

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with 1,000 of his own horsemen and the count himself also had at least 1,000 men-at-arms. Count Enrique said he believed that an army of such a size entering Castile could achieve a great deal and that if God helped him to take control of that kingdom he wanted it not for himself but rather in order to share it with them. He now asked them to give consideration to all of this. The men who had abandoned Murviedro heard and took in all of these things that the count put to them, but their strongest concern was their distrust of the king of Castile and their fear that he would put them to death without taking into consideration how their action had been the result of being in a hopeless situation. Most of the knights and squires who had been in Murviedro struck their deals with Count Enrique and pledged him their allegiance, although there were some others who did not wish to remain there and so went off to join the king of Castile. One of most harmful factors for King Pedro which contributed to the loss of these knights was what had occurred a year previously in the case of Don Juan Alfonso de Benavides, chief justice for the king’s household. Don Juan Alfonso was a very prominent knight in the kingdom of León, a member of an eminent family, well endowed with lands and of distinguished reputation, who had lent important service to King Pedro’s father, King Alfonso, by entering the town of Tarifa when it was being besieged by the kings of the Marinids and of Granada and defending it until King Alfonso came to their assistance. Don Juan Alfonso had charge of Segorbe – situated four leagues from Murviedro – on behalf of King Pedro, who had captured the town. Supplies ran very low and resistance became impossible, but before the town of Segorbe was finally lost Don Juan Alfonso went to King Pedro in Seville to explain to him about the state that the place was in. In Segorbe he left members of his family and a good number of troops. However the king would not listen to him but instead ordered him to be arrested and taken to the castle of Almodóvar del Río, where he died. There was great fear of the king among the people who heard about this and particularly among the knights who had surrendered Murviedro.

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Capitulo IIIº. Commo el conde don Enrrique se aparejaua para entrar en Castilla. El rrey de Aragon despues que ouo cobrado la villa de Monuiedro, fue para Barçelona e dende enbio sus mensageros a las conpañias para que le viniessen luego a ayudar, e enbioles sus pagas. E venieron a el alli a Barçelona algunos capitanes e firmaron sus fechos con el rrey de Aragon e con el conde don Enrrique para seer en Aragon por todo el mes de febrero del año primero que venia, con todas las gentes de armas que tenian. E en este año el rrey don Pedro de Castilla era en Seuilla e sabia desto e enbiaua sus cartas por todo su rregno a les aperçebir que se ayuntassen todos con el. E en este año morio en Seuilla don Martin Gil señor de Alburquerque, fijo de don Iohan Alfonso e de doña Ysabel su muger, e dezian que morio con yeruas que le dieron.

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1365: CHAPTER III How Count Enrique made ready to invade Castile. After taking the town of Murviedro, the king of Aragon headed for Barcelona, from where he sent his envoys to the Companies, requesting them to come at once to give him their support and sending them their payment. Some of their captains then came to him there in Barcelona, where they put their names to agreements with the king of Aragon and with Count Enrique, undertaking to be in Aragon for the month of February of the coming year, together with all the men-atarms at their disposal. Over the course of this year King Pedro was in Seville. He was aware of these developments and he sent letters to people throughout his kingdom giving them notice that they were all to go and rally to him. Also during this year the death occurred of the lord of Alburquerque, Don Martín Gil, the son of Don Juan Alfonso and his wife Doña Isabel. His death was said to have been caused by poison that he was given.

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AÑO DIEZ E SIETE del rrey don Pedro, que fue año del Señor mill e trezientos e sesenta e seys, e de la era de Çesar mill e quatroçientos e quatro años.

Capitulo primero. Commo el rrey don Pedro sopo que el conde don Enrrique e las conpañias entrauan en Castilla. En el año diez e siete que el rrey don Pedro rregnara, que fue año del Señor mill e trezientos e sesenta e seys, e de la era de Çesar segund costunbre de España, en mill e quatroçientos e quatro, e del Criamiento del mundo segund la cuenta de los ebreos, en çinco mill e çiento e veynte e [seys], e de los alarabes en sieteçientos e sesenta e ocho, el rrey don Pedro, estando en Seuilla en el comienço deste año, sopo por çierto commo los capitanes de las gentes de las conpañias, de quien auemos ya dicho, con quien el rrey de Aragon trataua para los fazer venir, que entrasen en Castilla con el conde don Enrrique, que auia estado con el rrey en Barçelona, e eran ya en todo abenidos con el e auian ydo para traer las conpañas darmas. E eso mesmo sopo commo algunos rricos omnes e caualleros de Aragon, los quales eran: el conde de Denia, que fue despues marques de Villena, e don Felipe de Castro e don Iohan Martinez de Luna e don Pero Ferrandez d’Yxar e don Pero Buyl e otros caualleros de Aragon eran prestos para venir con el conde don Enrrique para entrar en Castilla. E partio el rrey don Pedro de Seuilla e vino su camino derecho para la çibdat de Burgos a do auia enbiado mandar que se llegassen todos los suyos. E desque llego el rrey en Burgos, venieron a el el señor de Lebret, que es vn grand señor en Gujana e era omne que sienpre amaua seruiçio del rrey de Castilla, e vinieron con el otros caualleros que amauan su seruicio. E dixeron en commo algunos señores e caualleros de aquellos que venian en aquellas conpañias que auian de

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YEAR SEVENTEEN (1366) of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1366 and, counting from the era of Caesar, 1404. 1366: CHAPTER I How King Pedro learned that Count Enrique and the Companies were invading Castile. These events occurred in the seventeenth year of the reign of King Pedro, which was the year of the Lord 1366; in 1404, counting from the era of Caesar, according to Spanish custom; 5,126 years from the creation of the world by the reckoning of the Hebrews; and, according to that of the Arabs, it was in the year 768. While King Pedro was in Seville at the beginning of this year, he received reliable reports about the captains of the Companies. We have already said that the king of Aragon was negotiating to bring them to take part in the invasion of Castile with Count Enrique, who had been with King Pere in Barcelona. Now their agreement with him was complete and they had gone to bring their companies of men-at-arms. King Pedro, moreover, also learned how some Aragonese magnates and knights were ready to accompany Count Enrique into Castile. These were the count of Denia, who later became marquis of Villena, Don Felipe de Castro, Don Juan Martínez de Luna, Don Pedro Ferrándiz d’Ixar, Don Pere Boïl and other Aragonese knights. King Pedro left Seville and made his way directly to the city of Burgos, where he had sent instructions for all his forces to gather. Following his arrival in Burgos, he was joined by the lord of Albret, who is a great lord in Guyenne and had always been a loyal ally of the king of Castile, and by other knights who served him faithfully. They spoke of how some of the lords and knights who were part of the force about to enter Castile had a family bond with them and with

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entrar en Castilla, eran omnes que auian debdo con ellos e con la casa de Armiñac, cuyos parientes ellos eran, e que la casa de Armiñac e de Lebret querian e amauan seruiçio del rrey de Castilla, e si su merçed fuesse del rrey de Castilla que el señor de Lebret fablaria e trataria con ellos commo se partiessen de aquella conpañia e que farian de dos cosas la vna: o que se vernian para el rrey a le seruir e ayudar si el les quisiesse dar sueldo e mantenimiento o que se tornarian para sus tierras partiendo el rrey con ellos de lo suyo, e que si esto le pluguiese al rrey, que fuesse su merçed de les mandar enbiar alguna quantia para la despensa que auian fecho para se aparejar con los otros a fazer esta caualgada en Castilla. E esto dezia el señor de Lebret con buena entençion e con buen amor que el auia de seruir al rrey e al rregno de Castilla. E el rrey commo non era vsado de partir sus thesoros, dixoles luego que non les daria ninguna cosa, ca el entendia que todos los que en aquella coñpania venian que non le pudian enpeesçer en la entrada que agora querian fazer. E el señor de Lebret dixo que le non consejauan bien algunos sus priuados, ca çiertos fuessen que le seria mejor por algunas maneras catar commo pusiessen desuario entre aquellas conpañas que llegar con ellas a la prueua, ca alli venian grandes e nobles caualleros e buenos omnes de armas. E desque vio que el rrey non le tornaua rrespuesta a lo que el por su seruiçio le venia a dezir, tornosse para su tierra.

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the House of Armagnac, to which they were related, and they affirmed that the Houses of Armagnac and Albret sought and desired to be loyal servants of the king of Castile. They suggested that, if it was the will of the king of Castile, the lord of Albret would put to those men a proposal that they break away from the company of which they formed part and then do one of two things: either come over to the king to give him their service and support − if he was willing to pay them a salary and the cost of their maintenance − or return to their own lands with the king sharing with them some of his wealth. They also requested that, if King Pedro was in agreement, he be prepared to arrange for a sum of money to be sent to cover the expenses that those lords and knights had incurred in preparing, along with the others, to make this foray into Castile. This proposal was made by the lord of Albret with a good intention and in his desire to be of service to the king and the kingdom of Castile. However, since King Pedro was not in the way of sharing his treasures, he was quick to tell them that he would give them nothing at all, for he could see that all those men who were part of that company could not harm him by means of the invasion that they were now planning. The lord of Albret told him that he was being badly advised by some of his confidants: they should be aware that he would be better served by finding some means of sowing discord among the Companies than by bringing the affair to a battle, for the the invading force included great and noble knights and fine men-at-arms. So, once he saw that the king was giving him no response to what he had come out of loyalty to say to him, he returned to his own land.

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Capitulo segundo. Quales caualleros entraron con el conde don Enrrique en Castilla assi de Françia commo de otras partidas. Estando el rrey don Pedro en la çibdat de Burgos, sopo commo el conde don Enrrique era ya pasado de Çaragoça para venir a Castilla e que todos los capitanes que venian para entrar en Castilla eran ya con el. E eran estos los capitanes de Françia mosen Beltran de Claquin, que era vn cauallero muy bueno natural de Bretaña, que fue despues conde estable de Françia e, por que era omne vsado de guerras e auia buenas venturas en las armas, todos le tomaron por capitan en esta caualgada maguer que venian otros señores de mayor linaje, ca venia ý el conde de las Marchas, que es de la flor de lis del linage del rrey de Françia, e el señor de Beaju, que es vn grant señor de Françia, e el mariscal d’Aude[nan] que era buen cauallero de armas, mariscal de Françia, natural de Picardia, e muchos otros caualleros e escuderos e omnes de armas de Françia. Otrossi venia ý de Yngla terra mossen Hugo de Carualoy e mossen Eustaçio e mossen Mayeu de Gornay e mossen Guillen Alemant e mossen Iohan de Ebreus e otros muchos grandes caualleros e escuderos e omnes de armas de Ingla terra. Otrossi venian de Gujana e Gascueña muchos buenos caualleros e escuderos e omnes de armas. E toda esta coñpana llego en la villa de Alfaro do estaua Yñigo Lopez de Horozco por frontero, que el rrey lo mandara ý estar, e non curaron de conbatir la villa. E llegaron otro dia a Calahorra, que es vna çibdat que non era fuerte, e los que en ella estauan non se atreuieron a la defender e fizieron su pleytesia con el conde don Enrrique e acogieronlo alli. E estaua en Calahorra por el rrey, don Ferrand Sanchez de Touar e don Ferrando obispo de Calahorra e otros vasallos del rrey.

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1366: CHAPTER II Concerning which knights entered Castile along with Count Enrique, both from France and from elsewhere. While he was in the city of Burgos, King Pedro learned how Count Enrique had already moved beyond Saragossa on his way towards Castile and that by now all the captains who had come to invade Castile were with him. These included the French captains, among them Monsieur Bertrand du Guesclin, a very fine knight who was a native of Brittany and who later became Constable of France. As he had considerable experience of warfare and he had enjoyed great success in battle, he was universally accepted as the commander on this campaign even though other lords of nobler birth were also involved. For also present were the count of La Marche, who bore the fleur-de-lis of the line of the king of France, the lord of Beaujeu, a great French lord, and the marshal d’Audrehem – a distinguished knight-at-arms, a marshal of France and native of Picardy – and many other French knights, squires and men-at-arms. Also, coming from England, there were Sir Hugh Calveley, Sir Eustace, Sir Matthew Gournay, Sir William Allamant, Sir John Devereux and a large number of other renowned English knights, squires and men-at-arms.1 In addition, many fine knights, squires and men-at-arms had come from Guyenne and Gascony. The whole of this force arrived before the town of Alfaro, where Íñigo López de Orozco had been posted by the king as field commander, but they did not go to the trouble of attacking the town. The following day they came to Calahorra. This city was not heavily fortified and those holding it dared not attempt to defend it. Instead, they negotiated its surrender with Count Enrique and allowed him to enter. In the city on King Pedro’s behalf were Don Fernán Sánchez de Tovar, Bishop Fernando of Calahorra and other vassals of the king.

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Capitulo IIIº. Commo el conde don Enrrique se fizo llamar rrey en Calahorra. Desque la çibdat de Calahorra fue assi cobrada, ouieron nueuas el conde don Enrrique e los que con el venian commo el rrey don Pedro estaua en Burgos e tenia ý sus gentes ayuntadas, e sopieron de çierto que non auia voluntad de pelear con ellos, e ouieron ally en Calahorra todos su acuerdo e su consejo. E de todas las gentes de estrangeros que alli venian, eran los que hordenauan todo el fecho dos, por quanto auian visto muchos fechos de armas e de guerra, los quales eran el uno mossen Beltran de Claquin, que era breton del señorio del rrey de Françia, e el otro mossen Hugo de Carualoy, que era ingles de Ingla terra. E estos e todos los otros estrangeros dixeron al conde don Enrrique que, pues tan nobles gentes commo aquellos que venian con el eran acordados de lo guardar e tener por mayor en esta caualgada e el auia cobrado vna çibdat de Castilla, que le rrogauan que se fiziesse llamar rrey de Castilla e tomasse titulo de rrey, ca ellos tenian segund las nueuas que el sauia de la tierra, que el rrey don Pedro non podria defender la tierra. E en este acuerdo mesmo fueron el conde de Denia, que fue despues marques de Villena, e los otros rricos omnes e caualleros de Aragon que alli venian. E commo quier que al conde don Enrrique luego non le pudian tener a esto, pero segund paresçio, plogole mucho dello. E luego que llego alli en la dicha çibdat de Calahorra le nonbraron rrey, e andudieron por la çibdat llamando: ‘Real por el rrey don Enrrique’. E luego los que alli venian con el le demandaron muchos donadios e merçedes en los rregnos de Castilla e de Leon, e otorgogelos de muy buen talante, ca assi le cunplia e avn estauan por cobrar. E luego que esto assi fue fecho, el dicho conde de aqui adelante se fizo llamar rrey. E fue este año el primero que el rregno, que fue en el año del Señor mill e trezientos e sesenta e seys, e de la era de Çesar mill e quatrozientos e quatro. E era estonçe papa e apostoligo en Roma Vrbano Quinto, que fue abad de Sand Vitor de Marsella, e era

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1366: CHAPTER III How Count Enrique had himself proclaimed king in Calahorra. Once Count Enrique had taken possession of the city of Calahorra in this way, he and those accompanying him received reports of how King Pedro was in Burgos, where he had assembled his forces, and they acquired certain knowledge that he had no desire to do battle with them. There in Calahorra they were all involved in giving counsel and advice; and of all the foreign soldiers who had come there, two were most influential in the whole matter as they had great experience of deeds of arms and of warfare: Monsieur Bertrand du Guesclin, a Breton lord in the service of the king of France, and Sir Hugh Calveley, of English birth and nationality. These and all the other foreigners said to Count Enrique that, since such distinguished soldiers as those that he had in his company were resolved to support him and take him as their commander in this campaign, and as he had captured a Castilian city, they beseeched him to have himself proclaimed king of Castile and to take the title of King; for they considered, to judge by the reports that he had received from the territory, that King Pedro would not be able to defend the kingdom. This opinion was also expressed by the count of Denia, later to become marquis of Villena, and the other Aragonese magnates and knights who were present. Although in the first instance they could not persuade Count Enrique to take this step, he appears to have been greatly attracted by the proposal. Then, as soon as he arrived there in the city of Calahorra, they proclaimed him king and went through the city crying ‘Long live King Enrique!’. The men in his company were quick to request many grants of possessions and favours in the kingdoms of Castile and León. He conceded these willingly, for it was fitting that he should do so and they had not yet received payment. From the moment that this had all taken place, the count took the title of King. This was the first year of his reign, which was the year of the Lord 1366, and 1404 counting from the era of Caesar. At that time the Pope and Pontiff in Rome was Urban V, who had been abbot of Saint-Victor in

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enperador d’Alemaña Carlos rrey que fue de Bohemia. En Françia era rrey Carlos Quinto, fijo del rrey don Iohan, e rregnaua el rrey don Pedro en Aragon, e en Portogal el rrey don Pedro, e en Navarra el rrey don Carlos, e en Napol la rreyna doña Iohana, e en Inglaterra el rrey Eduarte, e en Granada el rrey Mahomad. E partio luego el dicho rrey don Enrrique de Calahorra e tomo su camino derecho para Burgos do estaua el rrey don Pedro, e llego a vna villa que llaman Nauarrete e quisierala conbatir; pero la villa non era fuerte, e diosele. E teniala vn cauallero que era adelantado por el rrey de Castilla, que dezian Aluar Rodriguez de Cueto. E dende fue para otra villa que dizen Briuiesca e fizola conbatir e tomaronla por la fuerça. E fue ý preso vn cauallero de Galizia que dizian Men Rodriguez de Senabria, que le mandara el rrey ý estar para defender la dicha villa con otras conpañas que el rrey le diera. E fue preso el dicho Men Rodriguez en la barrera peleando, e prisolo vn cauallero gascon que dezian mossen Bernal de la Sala.

Capitulo IIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro partio de Burgos e desanparo la çibdat, e las conpañas que alli eran con el. El rrey don Pedro estando en Burgos sopo commo el conde don Enrrique e los capitanes que con el venian llegaron a Calahorra e la cobraran, e commo el conde don Enrrique se llamaua rrey de Castilla e de Leon e commo auia partido todos los ofiçios del rregno e auia fecho e prometido muchos donadios, e commo tomara a Navarrete e Briuiesca, e ouo grand rreçelo de todo esto. E vn dia sabado biespera de Ramos, en la mañana sin dezir ninguna cosa a los señores e caualleros que con el estauan, caualgo para se partir e desanparar la çibdat de Burgos. E los de la çibdat quando lo supieron, venieron a el a su palaçio los mayores e mejores de la

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Marseille, and the emperor of Germany was Karel, who was also king of Bohemia.2 In France the king was Charles V, son of King Jean; in Aragon King Pere was on the throne, in Portugal King Pedro, in Navarre King Carlos, in Naples Queen Giovanna, in England King Edward and in Granada King Muhammad. King Enrique then set out from Calahorra without delay and headed straight for Burgos, where King Pedro was to be found. King Enrique came to a town called Navarrete, which he had intended to attack, but it was not heavily fortified and so it surrendered to him. It had been held by a knight by the name of Álvar Rodríguez de Cueto, who was governor on behalf of the king of Castile. From there King Enrique went on to another town called Briviesca; he ordered an attack to be made on it and it was taken by force. At Briviesca a Galician knight by the name of Men Rodríguez de Sanabria was taken prisoner: he had been posted there by King Pedro to be in charge of the defence of the town with the aid of other companies of troops given to him by the king. Men Rodríguez was captured fighting at the outworks by a Gascon knight called Monsieur Bernardon de la Salle.

1366: CHAPTER IV How King Pedro set out from Burgos leaving the city without protection; and concerning the companies of troops that were there with him. While King Pedro was in Burgos he learned how Count Enrique and the captains accompanying him had reached Calahorra and captured the city, how Count Enrique had taken the title of King of Castile and León, distributed all the offices of the kingdom and promised many grants of land, and how he had taken Navarrete and Briviesca. All of this filled King Pedro with fear. One Saturday morning – it was the eve of Palm Sunday –, without giving any warning to the lords and knights accompanying him, he mounted ready to depart and abandon the city of Burgos. When the

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çibdat e dixeronle e rrequirieronle e pidieronle por merçed que los non quisiesse asi dexar e desenparar, ca el tenia alli muchas buenas conpañas e tenia algo assaz para las poder mantener e sy mas algo auia menester que ellos le darian quanto en el mundo auian, e que deste rrequirimiento que le fazian pedian a los escriuanos que ý estauan que les diesse instrumentos. E el rrey estaua a la puerta del palaçio do posaua e queria ya caualgar para se partir de ally, e rrespondioles que el les agradesçia mucho todas las buenas rrazones que le dizian e que era bien çierto que ellos assi lo farian commo dizian e conosçia bien la lealtad suya dellos que era grande e buena segund la guardaron sienpre a los rreyes onde el venia; pero el non podia escusar de partir de alli, ca el sabia por nueuas çiertas, que el conde don Enrrique e las conpañas que con el venian querian tomar el camino de Seuilla, do el tenia sus fijos e sus tesoros, e que por esta rrazon partia de alli para poner rrecabdo en ello. E los de la çibdat de Burgos tornaron otra vez a le rrequerir que se non partiesse de alli de la çibdat e que non creyesse por ninguna manera tales nueuas commo le dizian, antes fuesse çierto que el conde e todas aquellas conpañas que eran en Briuiesca a ocho leguas dende, que su entençion era venir a Burgos. E sobre esto porfiaron los de la çibdat de Burgos mucho con el. E quando vieron que el non los queria oyr preguntaronle asy: ‘Sennor, pues vuestra merçed sabe de vuestros enemigos que estan a ocho leguas de aqui e vos non los queredes aqui atender en esta vuestra muy noble çibdat de Burgos con tantas buenas conpañas commo aqui tenedes, que nos mandades a nos otros fazer commo nos podamos defender’. E el rrey les dixo estonçe: ‘Yo vos mando que fagades lo mejor que vos pudieredes’. E ellos le dixeron: ‘Señor, nos querriamos auer tanta buena ventura que pudiessemos defender a esta vuestra çibdat de todos vuestros enemigos, mas do vos, con tantas gentes e con tantas buenas conpañas, non vos atreuedes a la defender, ¿que queredes que nos fagamos? E por ende, señor, lo que Dios non quiera, si tal caso fuere que nos non podamos defender,

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citizens learned of this, the great and good of the city came to his royal apartments and addressed him, formally requesting and begging him that it should not be his will to leave and abandon them in this way: for he had there with him many fine companies of troops and he had ample resources to keep them in supplies, and, if more was needed, they would give him anything in the world that they possessed. The people of Burgos also asked the notaries who were present to draw up for them a formal record of this request. Meanwhile the king was at the gateway to the royal apartments where he had been lodging and was anxious to ride off and be away from Burgos; and he replied to them that he was grateful to them for all the fine words that they had spoken to him, and that he was certain that they would do as they said: he was well acquainted with their immense and genuine loyalty to him, the same loyalty that they had invariably displayed towards the line of kings from which he came. Nevertheless, he had no choice but to leave the city, for he had received unequivocal reports that Count Enrique and the troops accompanying him intended to take the road to Seville, where he had his children and his treasures; and for this reason he was leaving Burgos in order to ensure that all was safe. The citizens of Burgos once again requested him not to leave the city and not to give any credence to the kind of reports that he was receiving. Rather, they said, he could be certain that the count and all of those troops that were in Briviesca, eight leagues away, were intending to come to Burgos. On this point the citizens of Burgos argued insistently with King Pedro, and, when they realized that he was not willing to listen to them, they put to him the following question: ‘Lord king, since your Grace is aware that your enemies are eight leagues from here and you are not willing to await them here in this your most noble city of Burgos, with so many troops of such quality as you have with you, we ask you to instruct us as to what we must do in order to defend ourselves.’ ‘My command’, the king then said to them, ‘is that you do the best you can.’ And they said to him, ‘Lord king, our wish would be to have the good fortune to be able to defend this your city against all your enemies, but where you, with so many troops and with such fine companies of men, do not dare to defend it, what do you expect us to do? And so, lord king – and may

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quitades nos el pleyto e omenaje que por esta çibdat vos tenemos fecho vna e dos e tres vezes’. E el rrey les dixo: ‘Si.’ E ellos pidieron a los escriuanos que alli estauan que les diessen instrumentos. E luego antes que el rrey dende partiesse, llego a el vn rrecabdador mayor del dicho obispado de Burgos, que dizian Ruy Perez de Mena, e tenia el castillo de la dicha çibdat de Burgos por quanto solia tener en el dicho castillo los marauedis que cobraua de las rrentas del rrei e rrequirio al rrey que le mandaua fazer del dicho castillo pues el se partia de la çibdat de Burgos, ca el non lo pudia defender. E el rrey le dixo que lo defendiesse. E el Ruy Perez le dixo: ‘Señor, non he yo poder para lo defender pues vos dexades vuestra çibdat de Burgos.’ E el rrey non le rrespondio. E esse dia que el rrey partio de Burgos en la mañana, fiziera matar en el castillo de la dicha çibdat a Iohan Ferrandez de Touar, hermano de Ferrand Sanchez de Touar, el qual tenia preso, e esto fue por saña que auia de don Ferrand Sanchez su hermano por que acogiera en la çibdat de Calahorra al conde don Enrrique. E partio el rrey de la çibdat de Burgos sabado biespera de Ramos, que fue veynte e ocho dias de março deste dicho año e fue comer a Lerma, que es a siete leguas de Burgos, e fue dormir a Gomiel, otras çinco leguas, asi que andudo aquel dia doze leguas. E de los escuderos e caualleros de Castilla fueron muy pocos con el, ca todos los mas fincaron en la çibdat de Burgos, ca non le querien bien, antes les plogo de todo esto, ca auia algunos dellos a quien matara los parientes e estauan sienpre a muy grand miedo. E fueron con el rrey don Pedro estonçes Martin Lopez de Cordoua maestre de Alcantara e Yñigo Lopez de Horozco e Pero Gonçalez de Mendoça e Pero Lopez de Ayala e Iohan Gonçalez de Auellaneda e Lope Ochoa, su hermano, e Iohan Rodriguez de Torquemada e Pero Ferrandez Cabeça de Vaca e don Alfonso Ferrandez de Monte Mayor e Lope Gutierrez, su hermano, e don Gonçalo Ferrandez de Cordoua e Diego Ferrandez alcayde de los donzeles, su hermano. Otrossi yuan con el rrey seysçientos de cauallo moros que el rrey de Granada le auia enbiado con vn cauallero suyo

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God not be willing for this to happen! – in case it turns out that we cannot defend it, we ask you to free us from the oath of homage for this city which we have sworn to you one, two and three times.’ And the king replied to them, ‘Yes, I will do this.’ They then requested the notaries there present to draw up for them legally binding documents. Just before the king departed from Burgos, he was approached by a head collector of taxes for the diocese of Burgos by the name of Ruy Pérez de Mena. This man held the city castle as this was where he used to store the coins of gold and silver which he collected as royal revenue, and he sought an answer from the king with regard to what he commanded him to do about the castle: for, as the king was leaving Burgos, Ruy Pérez could not defend it. The king told him to defend the castle, and Ruy Pérez said to him, ‘Lord king, since you are leaving your city of Burgos, I do not have the resources to defend the castle.’ And the king did not give him a reply. Moreover, on that morning when the king set off from Burgos, he had ordered the death in the city castle of the brother of Fernán Sánchez de Tovar, Juan Fernández de Tovar, whom he had been holding prisoner; and this was out of spite towards the man’s brother, Don Fernán Sánchez, for having allowed Count Enrique to enter the city of Calahorra. The king departed from the city of Burgos on Saturday the eve of Palm Sunday, which was the 28th of March of the year in question, and he went to eat in Lerma, seven leagues from Burgos, and to sleep in Gumiel, a further five leagues away; and so that day he travelled 12 leagues. Very few of the Castilian squires and knights accompanied him, for most of them remained behind in the city of Burgos: they did not support him but rather were pleased at all these developments; for there were some of them whose relatives he had killed and who were constantly in great fear. Those who went with the king at that time were the master of Alcántara Martín López de Córdoba, Íñigo López de Orozco, Pero González de Mendoza, Pero López de Ayala, Juan González de Avellaneda and his brother Lope Ochoa, Juan Rodríguez de Torquemada, Pero Fernández Cabeza de Vaca, Don Alfonso Fernández de Montemayor and his brother Lope Gutiérrez, Don Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba and his brother Diego Fernández, master of the pages. The king was also accompanied by

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que dizian don Mahonad el Cabesçani. E aquel dia que el rrey partio de Burgos enbio el rrey sus cartas a todos los caualleros e otros que tenian por el las fortalezas que auia ganado en el rregno de Aragon, que se veniessen para el e desenbargasen las fortalezas e las quemasen si pudiessen e las destruyessen, e anssi lo fizieron. Enpero algunos destos que tenian las fortalezas e castillos en Aragon se vinieron para el rrey don Pedro e otros fueron para el rrey don Enrrique que nueua mente estonçes venia. E despues que el rrei don Pedro partio de la çibdat de Burgos, llego a el don Garçia Aluarez maestre de Santiago, que estaua por su mandado en Logroño, e vinieron con el Ruy Diaz de Rojas e Rodrigo Rodriguez de Torquemada e Iohan Rodriguez de Biedma. Otrossi vino a el don Diego Garçia de Padilla maestre de Calatraua, que estaua por mandado del rrey en Agreda. Otrossi vino a el Ferrand Aluarez de Toledo, hermano del maestre de Santiago, el qual estaua por su mandado en la villa de Calatayud. E vino a el don Ferrand Perez de Ayala, el qual estaua por su mandado en Castil Habibi, que ganara el rrey en Aragon. E vino al rrey Diego Gomez de Toledo, el qual estaua por su mandado en la villa de Tiruel, e Diego Gomez de Castañeda. E vino al rrey miçer Gil Boca Negra, su almirante, el qual estaua por su mandado en Chiua. E vino al rrey Men Rodriguez de Biedma, el qual estaua por su mandado en Xerica. E de cada dia le llegauan assaz conpañas, pero el rrey non cataua por al saluo por tener su camino para Seuilla. E commo quier que Yñigo Lopez de Horozco le dizia que algunos capitanes ingleses de los que venian con el rrey don Enrrique trayan sus pleytesias con el para se venir a el, non lo queria oyr nin curaua dello. E mando a Yñigo Lopez e a Pero Gonçalez de Mendoça que se tornassen a Guadalfajara e estudiessen alli. E de tal manera yuan los negoçios e los fechos que todos los mas que del se partian auian su acuerdo de non boluer mas a el.

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600 Moorish horsemen whom the king of Granada had sent him under the command of one of his knights called Muhammad el Cabezani.3 On that day when the king set out from Burgos he wrote to all the knights and other men who held on his behalf the fortresses that he had captured in the kingdom of Aragon, instructing them to report to him, abandoning the fortresses and, if they could, burning and destroying them. They obeyed his command, although, while some of the men who held the fortresses in Aragon came to support King Pedro, others went over to King Enrique, who at that time had just arrived in Castile. Then, after King Pedro set off from the city of Burgos, he was joined by the master of Santiago Don Garci Álvarez, who had been in Logroño at his command, together with Ruy Díaz de Rojas, Rodrigo Rodríguez de Torquemada and Juan Rodríguez de Biedma. He was also joined by the master of Calatrava Don Diego García de Padilla, who at the king’s command had been in Ágreda; by Fernán Álvarez de Toledo, brother of the master of Santiago, whom King Pedro had posted to the town of Calatayud; by Don Fernán Pérez de Ayala, stationed in Castielfabib, a town won by the king in Aragon; by Diego Gómez de Toledo, who at his command was in the town of Teruel; by Diego Gómez de Castañeda; and also by his admiral Miçer Gil Boccanegra, whom he had assigned to Chiva, and by Men Rodríguez de Biedma, who at his command had been in Jérica. Each day the king was being joined by a substantial number of troops, but he thought of nothing other than making his way to Seville. Moreover, although Íñigo López de Orozco told him that some of the English captains accompanying King Enrique were bringing proposals for King Pedro with regard to coming over to him, he did not wish to hear about the matter and cared nothing for it. He commanded Íñigo López and Pero González de Mendoza to return to Guadalajara and remain there. Indeed the nature of his dealings and the state of events were such that most of those who took their leave of him were determined never more to return to his side.

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Capitulo Vº. Commo el rrey don Pedro llego a la çibdat de Toledo e el rrecabdo que alli dexo. Despues que el rrey don Pedro partio de la çibdat de Burgos, segund que auemos contado, llego a la çibdat de Toledo e estudo ý algunos dias hordenando los que alli auian de quedar por quanto el yua para Seuilla. E dexo en Toledo por capitan mayor e guarda de la çibdat a don Garçi Aluarez de Toledo maestre de Santiago e con el a Ferrand Aluarez, su hermano, e a Ruy Diaz de Rojas e a Rodrigo Rodriguez de Torquemada e otros caualleros fijos dalgo, assi de Castilla commo de la çibdat de Toledo, que eran por todos seysçientos de cauallo. E dende fue el rrey para Seuilla, e tornaremos a contar commo fizieron los de la çibdat de Burgos despues que el rrey don Pedro dende partio.

Capitulo VIº. Commo fizieron los de la çibdat de Burgos despues que el rrey don Pedro dende partio. Agora tornaremos a contar commo fizieron los de la çibdat de Burgos despues que el rrey don Pedro partiera dende. E asi fue que los de la çibdat de Burgos desque vieron los fechos en tal estado e que el rrey don Pedro se yua para Seuilla sin les poner cobro alguno, entendieron que se non podrian anparar, ca todas las conpañas que eran ý llegadas por mandado del rrey don Pedro se partian dende e se yuan al conde don Enrrique, e otros se partian para sus tierras. E por tanto los de la çibdat de Burgos ouieron su consejo commo farian, ca vieron que en ninguna manera del mundo se podrian defender e que sy tardassen en

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1366: CHAPTER V How King Pedro arrived in the city of Toledo, and concerning the garrison that he left there. After King Pedro made his departure from the city of Burgos – as we have already related – he came to the city of Toledo, where he remained for some days organizing the men who were going to be left there, as he was on his way to Seville. In Toledo he left as overall commander and governor of the city the master of Santiago Don Garci Álvarez de Toledo. With the master were his brother Fernán Álvarez, Ruy Díaz de Rojas, Rodrigo Rodríguez de Torquemada and other knights of noble birth, drawn both from Castile and from the city of Toledo, altogether 600 horsemen. From there the king went on to Seville; and we shall return to the account of the action that the citizens of Burgos took once King Pedro had left.

1366: CHAPTER VI The action that the citizens of Burgos took after King Pedro’s departure. We shall now return to the account of the steps taken by the citizens of Burgos following King Pedro’s departure. The fact is that, once they saw that events had reached such a state and that King Pedro was leaving for Seville without providing them with any protection, the citizens of Burgos realized that they could not defend themselves, for all the companies of troops that had come there at the king’s command were leaving: some were going over to Count Enrique whilst others were going off to their own lands. So the citizens of Burgos discussed together what action they were to take, for they could see that there was no way in the world that they could defend themselves and that if they took a long time over further lengthy negotiations they

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otras luengas pleytesias, que podrian auer grand peligro, que la çibdat de Burgos non era estonçe bien çercada, ca el muro era muy baxo. E todas las conpañas de armas assi de estrangeros commo de castellanos que venian con el rrey don Enrrique contra el rrey don Pedro estauan ya muy çerca dende, ca estauan el rrey don Enrrique e todas sus conpañas en Briuiesca a ocho leguas de Burgos, la qual auia tomado por fuerça segund dicho auemos. E por esto enbiaron los de Burgos sus mensajeros a Briuiesca llamandole ‘conde’ e desque fuesse en Burgos e les jurasse de guardar sus libertades, que le llamarian ‘rrey’, e pidiendole por merçed que se viniesse para Burgos, ca ellos lo acogerian commo su rrey e su señor, e lo podrian muy bien fazer sin caer en yerro e en verguença, ca tenian quito el pleyto e omenaje que fizieran al rrey don Pedro e ge lo quitara quando dende partio. E el rrey don Enrrique ouo muy grand plazer con los dichos mensageros de Burgos e con las cartas que la çibdat de Burgos le enbio. E partio luego de Briuiesca e vinosse para la çibdat de Burgos e fue en ella acogido muy honrrada mente con grandes proçessiones e alegrias. E el alcayde que tenia el castillo de la çibdat, de quien auemos dicho, vino a el e entrego gelo.

Capitulo VIIº. Commo el rrey don Enrrique rregno e se corono en Burgos. Despues que el rrey don Pedro partio de la çibdat de Burgos, segund auemos contado, e llego el rrey don Enrrique e fue tomado por rrey, e fue este el segundo rrey que assy ouo nonbre de los rreyes que rregnaron en Castilla e en Leon. E fizo luego el rrey don Enrrique fazer en Las Huelgas, que es vn monesterio rreal de dueñas çerca la çibdat de Burgos, que ouieron

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might be in serious danger: at that time Burgos did not have proper fortifications, as its city wall was far from being of sufficient height. Moreover, all the companies of men-at-arms – both those consisting of foreigners and those made up of Castilians – who were supporting King Enrique against King Pedro were now very close by, for King Enrique and all his forces were eight leagues from Burgos in Briviesca, which, as we have already related, he had taken by force.4 And therefore the people of Burgos sent their emissaries to Briviesca, addressing him as ‘Count’ but saying that, once he was in Burgos and had sworn to preserve their freedoms, they would call him ‘King’. They begged him that it be his will to come to Burgos, for they would welcome him as their king and their lord. Indeed, they would be able to do so without falling into error or dishonour as they had been released from the oath of homage that they had sworn to King Pedro, who had freed them from its bond on leaving the city. King Enrique was delighted by the emissaries from Burgos and by the letter that the city had sent him. He left Briviesca without delay and made his way to the city of Burgos, where he was welcomed with great honour and with great processions and celebrations. The castellan responsible for the city castle, whom we have already mentioned, came to King Enrique and formally surrendered the castle to him.

1366: CHAPTER VII How King Enrique ascended to the throne and had himself crowned in Burgos. After King Pedro had left Burgos – as we have related –, King Enrique arrived at the city and was welcomed as king, the second to bear that name among the monarchs who reigned over Castile and León. King Enrique lost no time in having elaborate preparations made in las Huelgas, a royal convent of nuns situated near to the city and which had been founded by the kings of Castile, and there he had

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fundado los rreyes de Castilla, muy grandes aparejos e coronosse alli por rrey, e de aqui adelante en esta coronica se llama ‘rrey’. E desque el rrey don Enrrique fue coronado, besaronle la mano por su rrey e su señor los de la çibdat de Burgos e muchos caualleros fijos dalgo que alli eran e muchos otros que a el vinieron. E llegaron a el muchos procuradores de las çibdades e villas del rregno a lo tomar por su rrey e por su señor, asi que a cabo de veynte e çinco dias que el se corono en la çibdat de Burgos todo el rregno fue en su obediençia e señorio, saluo don Ferrando de Castro, que estaua en Galizia, e la villa de Agreda e el castillo de Soria e el castillo de Arnedo e Logroño e Sand Sebastian e Guetaria. E el rrey don Enrrique rresçibiolos muy bien a todos los que a el vinieron e otorgoles todas las libertades e merçedes que le demandauan, en manera que ningund omne del rregno que a el vinia non le era negado cosa que pidiesse. E alli en Burgos ouo el rrey mucho thesoro de lo del rrey don Pedro, que le dio Ruy Perez de Mena alcayde del castillo de Burgos, e fuera su rrecabdador del rrey don Pedro en aquella tierra. Otrossi ouo el rrey don Enrrique muchos dineros de la juderia de Burgos, que le dieron en seruiçio vn cuento, e partio con todos los que vinieron con el, assi estrangeros commo castellanos e aragoneses. E dio a don Alfonso conde de Denia, del rregno de Aragon, que venia con el, la tierra que fuera de don Iohan fijo del infante don Manuel, maguer pertenesçia a la rreyna doña Iohana su muger del dicho rrey don Enrrique, que era fija legitima del dicho don Iohan Manuel, e mando que le llamassen ‘marques de Villena’. E dio a mosen Beltran de Claquin, que era breton, a Molina, e diole mas el condado de Trastamara e que se llamasse conde de Trastamara. E dio a mossen Hugo de Carualoy, que era ingles, a Carrion, e mando que se llamasse conde de Carrion. E mando a don Tello su hermano que se llamasse conde de Vizcaya e de Lara e de Aguilar e señor de Castañeda. E commo quier que primera mente que don Tello salliesse del rregno el tenia el señorio de Vizcaya e de Lara por rrazon de doña Iohana su muger, fija de don Iohan Nuñez, e tenia el señorio de Aguilar, que gelo diera el rrey don

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himself crowned king.5 And so from this point on in our chronicle he is called a ‘king’. Once King Enrique had been crowned, the citizens of Burgos, numerous knights of noble birth there present and many others who came to join him all kissed his hand in homage as their king and lord. Many procurators from the cities and towns of the kingdom also came to take him as their king and lord, and so within 25 days of his coronation in Burgos the whole kingdom had pledged obedience and accepted his lordship, with the exception of Don Fernando de Castro in Galicia, the town of Ágreda, the castle of Soria, the castle of Arnedo, and Logroño, San Sebastián and Guetaria. King Enrique gave all those who came over to him a very warm welcome and granted them all the freedoms and favours that they sought of him, to such an extent that no man in the kingdom who came to him was denied anything that he asked. There in Burgos the king took possession of a large amount of King Pedro’s treasure, which was handed over to him by Ruy Pérez de Mena, the castellan of the castle of Burgos who had been King Pedro’s collector of taxes for that area. King Enrique also obtained a large amount of money from the Jewish community of Burgos, who paid a levy of a million maravedís. He used this wealth to pay all those who had come with him, both Castilians and men of Aragon. In addition, to Count Alfons of Denia, from the kingdom of Aragon, who had come with him, he granted the lands which had belonged to Don Juan, son of Prince Manuel. This was in spite of the fact that these lands belonged to Queen Juana, King Enrique’s wife and legitimate daughter of Don Juan Manuel. King Enrique also commanded that Count Alfons now be known as the ‘Marquis of Villena’. In addition, he granted Molina to the Breton Monsieur Bertrand du Guesclin and also gave him the county of Trastámara so that he would be known as the ‘Count of Trastámara’.6 And to the Englishman Sir Hugh Calveley he granted Carrión, instructing that he take the title ‘Count of Carrión’. He commanded that his brother Tello be known as ‘Count of Vizcaya, Lara and Aguilar’ and ‘Lord of Castañeda’. Before Don Tello had left the kingdom he had held the lordship of Vizcaya and Lara through his wife Doña Juana, daughter of Don Juan Núñez, and he had also held the lordship of Aguilar, granted to him by his father King Alfonso.

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Alfonso su padre; enpero agora quando el rrey don Enrrique entro en el rregno, la dicha doña Iohana, muger de don Tello, era finada, ca la fiziera matar el rrey don Pedro, segund suso auemos contado. Otrossi fiziera matar a doña Ysabel, su hermana de la dicha doña Iohana, e non fincaua heredero que fuesse fijo del dicho don Iohan Nuñez e de doña Maria, que heredasse a Lara e a Vizcaya. E por tanto diolas el rrey don Enrrique, que agora rreynara, al dicho don Tello, e diole mas a Castañeda, la qual tierra auia dado primero el rrey don Pedro a Diego Perez Sarmiento, e despues que Diego Perez se fuera para Aragon, tenia la dicha tierra el rrey don Pedro. E a don Sancho, su hermano, diole todos los bienes que fueron de don Iohan Alfonso de Alburquerque e de doña Ysabel su muger, fija de don Tello de Meneses, que non dexara fijos herederos algunos, e mando que se llamasse conde de Alburquerque. E diole mas al dicho don Sancho el señorio de Ledesma con las Çinco Villas e diole mas las villas de Haro e de Briones e Bilhorado e Çerezo. E a los otros rricos omnes e caualleros que con el venian dioles villas e logares e castillos por heredat. E a todos los otros fizo muchas e muy grandes merçedes. E de alli de Burgos enbio el rrey don Enrrique por la rreyna doña Iohana a Aragon, su muger, que era fija de don Iohan fijo del infante don Manuel, e por sus fijos, el infante don Iohan e la infanta doña Leonor, fija del rrey de Aragon, que era puesto su casamiento de la dicha infanta doña Leonor con el infante don Iohan su fijo. E venieron a Burgos despues que el rrey don Enrrique dende partio [e] fuesse para Toledo, e vino con ellos el arçobispo de Çaragoça que dizian don Lope Ferrandez de Luna.

Capitulo VIIIº. Commo el rrey don Enrrique llego a Toledo e la cobro. El rrey don Enrrique desque todo esto ouo assossegado, partio de Burgos e fue su camino derecho para la çibdat de Toledo, e antes que alla llegasse se vinieron muchos caballeros a su merçed e se le dieron

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Nevertheless now, when King Enrique invaded the kingdom, Don Tello’s wife Doña Juana was dead, killed at King Pedro’s command, as we related above. King Pedro had also ordered the death of Doña Juana’s sister Doña Isabel, and so no offspring of Don Juan Núñez and Doña María remained to inherit Lara and Vizcaya. And therefore King Enrique, now that he had ascended to the throne, granted them to Don Tello. He also gave him Castañeda, a territory which King Pedro had given initially to Diego Pérez Sarmiento and which later, once Diego Pérez had left for Aragon, had been held by King Pedro himself. To his brother Don Sancho, King Enrique gave everything that had belonged to Don Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque and his wife Doña Isabel, daughter of Don Tello de Meneses, for no heirs at all had remained; and he commanded that Don Sancho be known as ‘Count of Alburquerque’. As well as this, he granted to Don Sancho the lordship of Ledesma with the Five Towns and also the towns of Haro, Briones, Beldorado and Cerezo.7 To the other magnates and knights in his company King Enrique granted in perpetuity towns, villages and castles, and on all the others he bestowed many and substantial favours. From Burgos King Enrique sent to Aragon for his wife Queen Juana, daughter of Prince Manuel’s son Don Juan, and for his son Prince Juan and his future daughter-in-law Princess Elionor, daughter of the king of Aragon: for arrangements had been made for them to marry. They arrived in Burgos after King Enrique’s departure for Toledo, accompanied by Don Lope Fernández de Luna, archbishop of Saragossa.

1366: CHAPTER VIII How King Enrique arrived before Toledo and how he took possession of the city. Once he had settled all of this, King Enrique set out from Burgos and headed straight for Toledo, and before he arrived many knights came to him offering homage, and many cities and towns pledged him

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muchas çibdades e villas. E vino a el don Diego Garçia de Padilla maestre de Calatrava e Yñigo Lopez de Horozco e Pero Gonçalez de Mendoza e Garçi Laso de la Vega e Ruy Gonçalez de Çisneros e Pero Ruyz Sarmiento e Gonçalo Gomez de Çisneros e Iohan Alfonso de Haro e muchos otros caualleros de Castilla e de Leon saluo muy pocos que yuan con el rrey don Pedro. E quando el rrey don Enrrique llego çerca la çibdat de Toledo ouo en la çibdat grand buelta, ca el rrey don Pedro dexaua ý por capitan a don Garçi Aluarez de Toledo maestre de Santiago e a Ferrand Aluarez su hermano e algunos caualleros de Castilla con el segund dicho auemos. Pero en la çibdat querian algunos que el rrey don Enrrique entrasse en la çibdat e otros non, e Diego Gomez de Toledo alcalde mayor de la dicha çibdat tenia el alcaçar, e otros caualleros sus parientes touieron que el rrey don Enrrique entrasse en la çibdat, e sobre esto ouieron grand porfia; pero final mente todos acordaron que lo acogiessen. E don Garçia Aluarez maestre de Santiago, que el rrey don Pedro dexara en Toledo por capitan, non ouo poder de fazer al, ca muchos caualleros de la çibdat querian que el rrey don Enrrique entrasse. E estos tenian en Toledo el alcaçar e la puente de Alcantara e muchos parientes e gentes en la çibdat segund dicho es, e asi se fizo. E por quanto venia con el rrey Enrrique Gonçalo Mexia, que se llamaua maestre de Santiago e estudiera con el sienpre en Aragon e en todas la partidas do el rrey don Pedro andudiera, fue tratado que don Garçi Aluarez de Toledo, que eso mesmo se llamaua maestre de Santiago, dexasse el maestradgo al dicho don Gonçalo Mexia e que el rrey don Enrrique le diesse a don Garçi Aluarez por juro de heredat a Val de Corneja e Oropesa e çincuenta mill marauedis en tierra. E todo esto assi acordado, el rrey don Enrrique entro en la çibdat de Toledo, e todos lo rresçibieron con grand plazer e con grandes alegrias, e estudo alli quinze dias pagando sus gentes. E estonçe el aljama de los judios de la dicha çibdat de Toledo le seruieron para pagar las conpañas que venian con el de vn cuento, e fue pagado en quinze dias. E el rrey don Enrrique, desque ouo cobrada la çibdat de Toledo, venieron a el los procuradores de

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their support. The master of Calatrava Don Diego García de Padilla came over to him, with Íñigo López de Orozco, Pero González de Mendoza, Garci Laso de la Vega, Ruy González de Cisneros, Pero Ruiz Sarmiento, Gonzalo Gómez de Cisneros, Juan Alfonso de Haro, and many other knights of Castile and León – with the exception of just a few who were accompanying King Pedro. When King Enrique arrived near to Toledo there was great unrest in the city: King Pedro had left in charge of it the master of Santiago Don Garci Álvarez de Toledo, together with his brother Fernán Álvarez and some Castilian knights, as we have already stated. However, some people in the city wanted King Enrique to make his entry whilst others did not. The chief judge of the city Diego Gómez de Toledo, who held the alcázar, and other knights related to him, were in favour of King Enrique entering the city. There was a heated argument about this, but finally they all agreed on granting King Enrique entry. The master of Santiago Don Garci Álvarez de Toledo, whom King Pedro had left as his commander in the city, had no power to do otherwise, for many knights there wanted King Enrique to make his entry, and these people held the alcázar and the Bridge of Alcántara in Toledo, and they had many relatives and supporters in the city, as has already been pointed out. And so it was done. Moreover, since King Enrique was being accompanied by Don Gonzalo Mejía, who held the title of master of Santiago and had consistently remained with him in Aragon and wherever he went on campaign, it was arranged that Don Garci Álvarez de Toledo, who also held the title of master of Santiago, should renounce the mastership in favour of Don Gonzalo Mejía and that King Enrique should give to Don Garci Álvarez, with right of inheritance, the lordship of Valdecorneja and Oropesa, together with land to the value of 50,000 maravedís. Once all of this had been agreed, King Enrique made his entry into Toledo, where everyone welcomed him with great joy and celebration. He remained there for two weeks while he made payment to his followers. Then the Jewish community of the city of Toledo raised within two weeks the sum of a million maravedís, a levy which the king imposed upon them in order to pay the troops accompanying him. And, once King Enrique had taken possession of the city of Toledo, the procurators of Ávila,

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Auila e Segouia e Talauera e Madrid e Cuenca e Villa Real e muchas otras villas e lugares, e fizieronle omenaje e tomaronle por su rrey e por su señor. E el rrey don Enrrique dexo en guarda para apoderar e rregir la dicha çibdat a don Gomez Manrrique arçobispo que era de la dicha çibdat e omne de grand linaje e muy amado de todos. E dexo con el un su sobrino que dizian don Iohan Garçia Manrrique arçidiano de Calatraua, e era fijo de don Garçi Ferrandez Manrrique, hermano del dicho arçobispo don Gomez Manrrique, e fue despues este arçidiano arçobispo de Santiago. E el rrey fue para el Andalozia.

Capitulo IXº. Commo fizo el rrey don Pedro en Seuilla quando sopo que el rrey don Enrrique cobrara la çibdat de Toledo. Quando el rrey don Pedro sopo en Seuilla commo el rrey don Enrrique era entrado en Toledo, ouo su acuerdo con Martin Lopez de Cordoua, que era estonçes maestre de Alcantara, e con Matheos Ferrandez su chançeller del sello de la poridad e con Martin Yañes de Seuilla su thesorero, que estos eran sus priuados, que enbiasse pedir ayuda al rrey don Pedro de Portogal su tio, que era hermano de la rreyna doña Maria su madre. E para encargar mas al dicho rrey de Portogal por que ayuda le feziesse, enbiaua le dezir que, por quanto era puesto casamiento de la infante doña Beatriz, fija del rrey don Pedro e de doña Maria de Padilla, con el infante don Ferrando, fijo del rrey don Pedro de Portogal, que enbiaua luego toda aquella quantia de auer que era puesto de le dar al tienpo que casasen e que la dicha doña Beatriz fincasse heredera de los rregnos de Castilla e de Leon. E enbiola luego de Seuilla, e enbio con ella a Marti Martinez de Trugillo, vn omne de quien fiaua, e enbio con ella çierta quantia de doblas que fincaron de doña Maria de Padilla, que dexara a la infanta doña Beatriz su fija, con otras joyas e aljofar.

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Segovia, Talavera, Madrid, Cuenca, Villa Real and many other towns and communities came to him and did homage to him, accepting him as their king and their lord. King Enrique left Archbishop Gómez Manrique in charge to take responsibility for and govern the city: he was a native of Toledo, a member of a distinguished family and much loved by all. The king also appointed to accompany the archbishop his nephew the archdeacon of Calatrava, son of Don Garci Fernández Manrique, the archbishop’s brother. This archdeacon was later to become archbishop of Santiago. And the king then headed for Andalusia.

1366: CHAPTER IX Concerning what King Pedro did in Seville when he learned that King Enrique had taken control of the city of Toledo. When King Pedro learned in Seville of how King Enrique had made his entry into Toledo, he agreed together with Martín López de Córdoba, who was then the master of Alcántara, with his chancellor of the confidential seal, Matheos Fernández, and with his treasurer Martín Yáñez de Sevilla – for these men were his confidants – that he should send a request for assistance to his uncle King Pedro of Portugal, the brother of his mother Queen María. Moreover, in order to add further weight to the request for help that he was making to the king of Portugal, he wrote to inform him that, since a marriage had been arranged between Princess Beatriz, the daughter of King Pedro and Doña María de Padilla, and King Pedro of Portugal’s son Fernando, he was sending without delay the full sum of money that it had been agreed that he would pay at the time of their marriage; and in addition Doña Beatriz was to be heiress to the kingdoms of Castile and León. He lost no time in sending her from Seville, and with her he sent Martín Martínez de Trujillo – a man in whom he trusted – and also a sum in doblas which remained from Doña María de Padilla’s legacy to her daughter Doña Beatriz, together with jewels and pearls.

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E desque fue la infanta doña Beatriz partida de Seuilla, ouo el rrey nueuas commo era partido el rrey don Enrrique de Toledo e se venia para Seuilla, estonçes ouo el rrey don Pedro su consejo con los dichos sus priuados e con otros priuados que eran estonçe con el, que enbiasse por todo el thesoro que tenia en el castillo de Almodouar, que era thesoro monedado en oro e en plata que tenia por el Martin Lopez. E mando armar vna galea en Seuilla e puso en ella a Martin Yañes de Seuilla su thesorero con todo este auer e con todo el otro auer que tenia en Seuilla, e mandole que fuesse para Tauira, vna villa de Portogal, e mando que la galea en que yua Martin Yañes que le esperasse ý fasta que el ý fuesse. E el rrey estando en Seuilla para partir dende dixeron le commo todas las gentes de la çibdat estauan alboroçadas contra el e que querian venir sobre el alcaçar do el estaua por le rrobar, e ouo muy grand themor. E estonçe ouo su acuerdo de partir dende e yrsse a Portogal e leuo conssigo sus fijas doña Costança e doña Ysabel, ca doña Beatriz la mayor ya la auia enbiado segund dicho auemos. E fue con el rrey Martin Lopez de Cordoua maestre de Alcantara e Mateos Ferrandez su chançeller, e estos eran sus priuados. Otrossi fueron con el rrey Diego Gomez de Castañeda e Pero Ferrandez Cabeça de Vaca e otros. E antes que llegase a Portogal, el rrey don Pedro de Portogal le enbio dezir que el infante don Ferrando su fijo non queria casar con la infanta doña Beatriz su fija e que el que lo non pudia ver. E el rrey don Pedro ouo estonçe su acuerdo de yr a Alburquerque a dexar ý sus fijas e todas sus cargas por quanto le llegaron nueuas que miçer Gil Boca Negra su almirante armara en Seuilla vna galea e otros nauios e fuera tomar la galea en que yua Martin Yañes, e queria saber el rrey en que estado eran estos fechos, ca non sabia que faria de sy. E llego el rrey don Pedro al castillo de Alburquerque e non lo acogieron en el, antes entraron en el dicho castillo e se partieron del rrey algunos de los que yuan con el.

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Then, after Princess Beatriz had set out from Seville, the king received reports of how King Enrique had left Toledo and was on his way to Seville. King Pedro determined, in consultation with the advisers that we mentioned above and others who were with him at the time, that he should send for all the treasure that he possessed in the castle of Almodóvar, in the form of gold and silver coin being held for him by Martín Yáñez.8 In Seville King Pedro had a galley armed and he had his treasurer Martín Yáñez de Sevilla embark with all this wealth as well as all of that which the king possessed in that city, commanding him to make for Tavira, a Portuguese town, and giving instructions for the galley carrying Martín Yáñez to await him there until he arrived. While the king was in Seville about to depart, he was told how there was unrest directed against him throughout the city and that the people intended to attack the alcázar where he was residing in order to rob him. This filled him with fear. So at that point he resolved to set off for Portugal, and with him he took his daughters Doña Constanza and Doña Isabel, having already sent his eldest daughter, Doña Beatriz, as we have explained. The king was accompanied by his confidants the master of Alcántara Martín López de Córdoba and his chancellor Matheos Fernández, and also by Diego Gómez de Castañeda, Pero Fernández Cabeza de Vaca and others. However, before King Pedro reached Portugal, the Portuguese king sent word to him that his son Prince Fernando did not wish to marry the Castilian monarch’s daughter Princess Beatriz, and that he was unable to see him. King Pedro then determined to go to Alburquerque and leave his daughters there together with everything that he was carrying with him, for he had received reports that in Seville his admiral Miçer Gil Boccanegra had armed a galley and other ships and set out to capture the galley carrying Martín Yáñez: the king was keen to know the state of these affairs, for he just did not know which way to turn. King Pedro reached the castle of Alburquerque but he was not granted entry. Instead, some of those who had been accompanying him went into the castle and severed their ties with him.

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Capitulo Xº. Commo el rrey don Pedro paso por Portogal e fue para Galizia. Despues que el rrey don Pedro partio de Alburquerque enbio al rrey de Portogal su tio a dezir que le enbiase segurar que pudiesse pasar por su rregno de Portogal, por quanto auia rresçelo del infante don Ferrando su fijo. E esto fazia el rrey e se temia del dicho infante de Portogal por quanto era sobrino de la rreyna doña Iohana, muger del rrey don Enrrique, que agora nueua mente entrara en el rregno de Castilla, ca era fijo de doña Costança, fija de don Iohan Manuel, hermana de la rreyna doña Iohana. E el rrey de Portogal enbio a don Aluar Perez de Castro e a don Iohan Alfonso Tello conde de Barçelos que se fuessen con el rrey don Pedro e lo pusiessen en saluo en Galizia. E los dichos don Aluar Perez e el conde de Barçelos vinieron al rrey don Pedro e yuan con el, e quando llegaron con el a la Guardia dixeronle que se querian tornar por quanto auian miedo del infante don Ferrando que los enbiara amenazar por que yuan con el. E el rrey dioles seys mill doblas e dos estoques e dos çintas de plata muy rricas que fuessen con el fasta Galizia, e ellos llegaron con el fasta Lamego e dende se tornaron. E tomaronle estonçe a doña Leonor, fija del rrey don Enrrique, la qual leuaua presa el rrey don Pedro, que auia tienpo que ella era presa en su poder, e traxieronla al rrey de Portogal. E el rrey don Pedro fuesse camino de Chaues e de Monterrey assaz desanparado.

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1366: CHAPTER X How King Pedro passed through Portugal and headed for Galicia. After King Pedro left Alburquerque, he sent a request to his uncle the king of Portugal for a guarantee of safe conduct through his kingdom, as he distrusted the king’s son Prince Fernando. He took this measure on account of his fear of the prince of Portugal, given that the prince was a nephew of Queen Juana, wife of King Enrique, who had recently invaded the kingdom of Castile: the prince was the son of Doña Constanza, Don Juan Manuel’s daughter and sister of Queen Juana. The king of Portugal sent Don Álvar Pérez de Castro and João Afonso Telo, count of Barcelos, to accompany King Pedro and ensure him safe conduct as far as Galicia. Don Álvar Pérez and the count of Barcelos came to meet King Pedro and travelled with him, but when they had gone with him as far as Guarda they informed him that they wished to turn back as they were afraid of Prince Fernando, who had sent messages threatening them because they were accompanying him. The king gave them 6,000 doblas, two estocs and two very elaborate silver belts in return for accompanying them as far as Galicia; and so they went with them as far as Lamego, at which point they turned back.9 They removed from King Pedro’s custody Doña Leonor, King Enrique’s daughter, whom he was taking with him as a prisoner having held her captive for some time, and they delivered her to the king of Portugal. King Pedro travelled on, with little protection, to Chaves and Monterrey.

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Capitulo XIº. Del consejo que el rrey don Pedro ouo en Monterrey. Despues que el rrey don Pedro llego en Monterrey, vna villa de Galizia, ouo nueuas commo en Çamora estaua en el alcaçar Iohan Ganso, vn comendador de la horden de Sand Iohan que estaua por el e tenia su boz. E enbio luego a mas andar cartas a el e cartas a Soria e a Logroño, que estauan por el, a los esforçar e fazer sauer commo era en la dicha tierra de Gallizia e que los queria acorrer. E otrosy enbio sus cartas al rrey de Nauarra e al prinçipe de Gales a les fazer sauer commo era en la dicha tierra de Galizia e queria sauer que esfuerço tenia en ellos. E el espero alli en Monterrey al arçobispo de Santiago e a don Ferrando de Castro. E el arçobispo non vino e vino ý don Ferrando e ouieron su consejo. E estonçes el rrey traya conssigo dozientos de cauallo, e dezian que en Galizia que avria otros quinientos de cauallo e dos mill omnes de pie e que era bien que se fuesse para Çamora e dende, camino derecho fasta Logroño por quanto el rrey don Enrrique e todas sus conpañas estauan en Seuilla, e que non auria el rrey don Pedro quien gelo pudiesse estoruar este camino. E en este consejo eran Martin Lopez de Cordoua maestre de Alcantara e Diego Gomez Castañeda e Iohan Alfonso de Mayorga e Pero Ferrandez Cabeça de Vaca. Enpero Matheos Ferrandez su chançeller del sello de la poridad e Iohan Diente, vn comendador de Santiago que era su priuado, touieron el contrario diziendo que non era rrazon que el rrey se pusiesse en poder de los que le assi auian echado del rregno, ca tan poco deuia fiar en los de Galizia commo en los de las çibdades que agora estauan por el. E don Ferrando de Castro fue en este consejo que era bien de yr a Çamora e dende por el camino fasta Logroño, e que algunas villas que estauan alçadas tomarian su boz desque viesen que el rrey andaua por el rreyno. Otrosi que la

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1366: CHAPTER XI Concerning the counsel that King Pedro was given in Monterrey. After he arrived in Monterrey, a town in Galicia, King Pedro received reports of how Juan Ganso, a commander of the Order of Saint John who had taken his side and declared his support for him, was holding the alcázar in Zamora. He lost no time in writing to him and also to Soria and Logroño, which likewise were supporting him, to give them encouragement and to let them know that he was in Galicia and wanted to come to their assistance. In addition he wrote to the king of Navarre and to the prince of Wales to inform them that he was in Galicia and that he wished to know what support he could rely on from them. There in Monterrey he awaited the archbishop of Santiago and Don Fernando de Castro. The archbishop did not come but Don Fernando did, and they consulted together. At that time the king had with him 200 horsemen and it was said that in Galicia he would have another 500 mounted troops and 2,000 footsoldiers; they considered that it was right for him to head for Zamora and from there carry straight on to Logroño, for King Enrique and all his troops were in Seville and, if he followed this route, King Pedro would have nobody to obstruct his path. In favour of this were the master of Alcántara Martín López de Córdoba, Diego Gómez de Castañeda, Juan Alfonso de Mayorga and Pero Fernández Cabeza de Vaca. On the other hand, the king’s chancellor of the confidential seal Matheos Fernández and Juan Diente, a commander of the Order of Santiago who was his confidant, held the opposing point of view, arguing that it was not right that the king should place himself at the mercy of the people who had driven him from his kingdom, for he should place little trust in either the people of Galicia or those from the cities who were now giving him their support.10 Don Fernando de Castro was of the opinion that it was right to make for Zamora and from there to follow the road to Logroño, and he argued that some towns which had risen up would declare their support for King Pedro once they saw that he was moving across the

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çibdat de Çamora tomaria su boz, de mas pues que auia entrada por el alcaçar, ca lo tenia Iohan Ganso, cauallero de la horden de Sand Iohan, por el rrey don Pedro. Otrossi Astorga eso mesmo estaua por el, ca auia auido nueuas que estaua ý Diego Felipes vn cauallero dende, que tenia la boz del rrey don Pedro. E en estos conssejos estudieron tres semanas que nunca declararon cosa fasta que ouo el rrey nueuas de Soria e de Logroño commo estauan por el. Otrossi ouo rrespuesta de mensageros que enbiara al rrey de Nauarra. E don Ferrando e todos tomaron aquel acuerdo: que era bien de yr a Çamora e dende a Logroño. Enpero touosse el rrey al conssejo de Mateos Ferrandez e de Iohan Diente, que era mejor yrsse a la Curuña e meterse en la mar e yrsse a Uayona de Ingla terra e catar sus acorros con el prinçipe de Gales.

Capitulo XIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro fue para Santiago e commo mataron al arçobispo de Santiago e al dean de la dicha iglesia. El rrey partio luego de Monterrey e fue tener el Sand Iohan a la çibdat de Santiago. E el arçobispo de Santiago don Suero, natural de Toledo, nieto de don Diego Garçia de Toledo e de don Ferrand Gomez de Toledo, vino ý a el e traxo dozientos de cauallo, e desque vio al rrey e fablo con el, tornosse para la Rocha, que es vn castillo llano suyo çerca de la çibdat de Santiago. E fablo el rrey esse dia con don Ferrando de Castro que queria prender al arçobispo e tomarle las fortalezas. E Mateos Ferrandez e Iohan Diente fueron en la fabla, e Suer Yañez de Parada, vn cauallero

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kingdom. In addition he said that the city of Zamora would declare for the king, especially as it was possible to enter it through the castle, which was being held on King Pedro’s behalf by Juan Ganso, a knight of the Order of Saint John. He also said that Astorga was likewise giving the king its backing, for he had received reports that a knight from Astorga called Diego Felípez was present in the town and had declared his support for him. They took three weeks over these discussions before they made any declaration, waiting until the king received news from Soria and Logroño of how these cities were giving him their support. King Pedro also received a reply from the emissaries that he had sent to the king of Navarre. Don Fernando and the others all agreed that it was right to go to Zamora and from there on to Logroño. Nevertheless, the king opted to follow the advice of Matheos Fernández and Juan Diente who argued that it would be preferable for him to go to La Coruña and from there set sail for the English city of Bayonne, where he would seek the assistance of the prince of Wales.

1366: CHAPTER XII How King Pedro went to Santiago and how they killed the archbishop of Santiago and the dean of the cathedral. Without delay the king set out from Monterrey and went to spend the Feast Day of Saint John in the city of Santiago.11 Archbishop Suero of Santiago, a native of Toledo and grandson of Don Diego García de Toledo and of Don Fernán Gómez de Toledo, came to meet him there bringing with him a force of 200 horsemen; and, once he had seen the king and spoken with him, he returned to La Rocha, a castle in his possession which was situated in a valley near to the city of Santiago. That day the king spoke with Don Fernando de Castro, who was in favour of arresting the archbishop and seizing his fortresses. Matheos Fernández and Juan Diente took part in the discussion and also party to it was Suer Yáñez de Parada, a Galician knight who was no friend

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de Galizia que queria mal al arçobispo, fue en este consejo. E todos estos consejaron al rrey que lo matasse. E el dia de Sand Pedro despues de Sand Iohan vino el arçobispo de la Rocha, en la tarde, a veer al rrey a Santiago, ca enbiaua el rrey por el que viniesse a consejo, que queria auer con don Ferrando e con el e con los otros que ý eran. E mando el rrey a Ferrand Perez Corruchao e a Gonçalo Gomez Gallinato, dos caualleros de Galizia que querian mal al arçobispo, que le estudiessen esperando con veynte de cauallo a la puerta de la villa e que lo matassen, e ellos fizieronlo assi. E pusieronsse a vnas puertas de vnas posadas que eran çerca por do el arçobispo avia de venir e en veniendo el arçobispo entrando por la çibdat, fue luego muerto esse dia a la puerta de la iglesia de Santiago. E mataronlo Ferrand Perez Corruchao e los otros que eran con el. Otrossi mataron esse dia luego ý el dean de Santiago que dezian Pero Aluarez, omne muy letrado e natural de Toledo, e alli fino delante el altar de Santiago. E el rrey estaua esse dia ençima de la iglesia donde veya todo esto. E el rrey tomole quanto tenia en la Rocha el arçobispo, e tomo todas las fortalezas e mandolas entrar a don Fernando de Castro e a los que mataron al arçobispo. E fueronsse para la puente de Aulla, que es a tres leguas de Santiago, do estaua don Aluar Perez de Castro, hermano de don Ferrando, que venia veer al rrey. E commo sopo don Aluar Perez que mataron al arçobispo tornosse para su tierra con rresçelo que ouo del rrey. E Andres Sanchez de Grez, otro cauallero de Gallizia que estaua en la villa con el rrey, fuxo dende e tomaron boz del rrey don Enrrique luego que fueron en sus comarcas el don Aluar Perez e Andres Sanchez.

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of the archbishop. All of these men advised the king to kill Archbishop Suero. On the afternoon of the Feast Day of Saint Peter following that of Saint John, the archbishop came from La Rocha to see the king in Santiago, for King Pedro had sent for him to attend a discussion which he wished to hold with him, with Don Fernando and with the others who were present. The king instructed Fernán Pérez Churruchao and Gonzalo Gómez Gallinato – two Galician knights who were hostile to the archbishop – to await him with 20 horsemen at the city gate and kill him. This they did: they positioned themselves in the doorways of some dwellings which stood close to the route that the archbishop was to follow and, as soon as he made his way into the city, he was killed there and then at the door of Santiago cathedral. He died at the hands of Fernán Pérez Churruchao and his companions. That same day they likewise killed the dean of Santiago, a very learned man from Toledo called Pero Álvarez, who died there before the altar of Santiago. On that day King Pedro had taken up a position high up on the cathedral from which he watched all of these events. He took all of the possessions that the archbishop had in La Rocha and seized all his fortresses, ordering them to be given to Don Fernando de Castro and the men who had killed the archbishop.12 They left for the bridge over the River Ulla, situated three leagues from Santiago, to meet up with Don Fernando’s brother, Don Álvar Pérez de Castro, who had come to see the king. On learning of how the archbishop had been killed, Don Álvar returned to his own lands out of the fear that he felt for the king. Likewise, Andrés Sánchez de Gres, another Galician knight who had been in the town with the king, fled from there, and he and Don Álvar Pérez declared their support for King Enrique as soon as they had reached their own territory.

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Capitulo XIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro fue para Bayona de Inglaterra. El rrey don Pedro desque todas estas cosas asi pasaron, ouo su consejo de yr para Bayona de Inglaterra e partio de Santiago e fuesse luego para la Curuña, e mando armar vna galea que estaua ý, e tomo todas las naos que estauan en la costa para se yr a Bayona. E llegaron ý al rrey el señor de Poyana e otro cauallero de Burdeu, que enbio a el el prinçipe de Gales, e enbiole dezir que se fuesse para el señorio del rrey de Inglaterra, su padre, e que el que le ayudaria a cobrar su rregno, e asi ge lo enbio prometer. E el rrey partio de la Curuña e levo consigo veynte e dos naos e vna carraca e la galea en que fuera e vn panfil que tomo a vnos genoueses. E el rrey yua en la carraca e leuaua consigo sus fijas las infantas, que eran tres: doña Beatriz e doña Costança e doña Ysabel. E dexo a don Ferrando de Castro en Gallizia con poder bastante, e en Gallizia e en tierra de Leon commo adelantado, e todos los ofiçios de la tierra acomendo a el. E el rrey don Pedro partio de Galizia e pusose en la mar en la Curuña e fuesse para vna su villa de Guipuzcoa que dizen Sand Sebastian, e levo consigo sus fijas e el thesoro que traya alli consigo, que eran treynta e seys mill doblas e non mas en moneda de oro, ca todo lo al dexara en la galea que auia de traer Martin Yanes su tesorero. Pero leuaua muchas joyas de oro e aljofar e piedras presçiosas.

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1366: CHAPTER XIII How King Pedro went to the English city of Bayonne. Once all these events had taken place, King Pedro resolved to go to the English city of Bayonne and he set out from Santiago, heading directly for La Coruña. He gave instructions for the arming of a galley that was waiting there and took possession of all the sailing ships on the coast in order to make his way to Bayonne. While he was there, King Pedro was approached by the lord of Poyanne and another knight from Bordeaux, sent to him by the prince of Wales to inform him that he should go to the territories of the prince’s father, the king of England, for he would help him to win back his kingdom. This was the promise that he sent to King Pedro. King Pedro left La Coruña, taking with him 22 sailing ships, a carrack and the galley on board which he had been travelling, and also a small Genoese galley of which he had taken possession. The king now travelled in the carrack, taking with him the three princesses: Doña Beatriz, Doña Constanza and Doña Isabel. He left Don Fernando de Castro in Galicia with full authority and as governor of Galicia and of the territories of León, entrusting to him all the offices of the land. King Pedro departed from Galicia, setting sail from La Coruña and making his way to San Sebastián, a town which he possessed in Guipúzcoa. With him he took his daughters and the treasure that he carried with him: just 36,000 doblas in gold coin, for all the rest he had left in the galley that was to be brought by his treasurer Martín Yáñez. However, King Pedro did have with him a great deal of jewellery with gold, pearls and precious stones.

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Capitulo XIVº. Commo antes que el rrey don Enrrique llegasse a Seuilla fue tomada la galea del thesoro, que leuaua Martin Yañes de Seuilla. Commo quier que deximos que el rrey quando llego a Alburquerque supiera nueuas que la galea de su thesoro era tomada, enpero mas por espeçial tornaremos a contar commo pasaron los fechos en Seuilla despues que el rrey don Pedro partio dende. E asi fue que despues que el rrey don Pedro partio de Seuilla con aquel murmullo e bolliçio que dicho auemos el almirante miçer Gil Boca Negra, que era ginoves, e otros de la çibdat armaron vna galea e algunos nauios e fueron en pos Martin Yañes de Seuilla, que yua en la galea do leuaua el tesoro del rrey, e alcançaronle en el rrio de Guadalquivir, ca avn non era mas arredrado, e tomaronle la galea con quanto ý leuaua. E traxieron el almirante e los otros que lo tomaron todo el thesoro a Seuilla, e a Martin Yañes preso. E segun se sopo era el thesoro que leuaua Martin Yañes en la galea treynta e seys quintales de oro e muchas joyas. E el rrey don Enrrique cobro todo lo mas, e el dicho Martin Yañes finco con el. E despues dizian que fincara en la merçed del rrey don Enrrique con rreçelo que auia de yr al rrey don Pedro por que auia perdido el tesoro que le encomendo.

Capitulo XVº. Commo el rrey don Enrrique llego a la çibdat de Seuilla e commo fue rresçibido. El rrey don Enrrique partio de Toledo e sopo en el camino commo el rrey don Pedro era partido de Seuilla e se yua para Portogal e dende que era su entençion de yr a Galizia e que leuara de Seuilla sus fijas

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1366: CHAPTER XIV How, before King Enrique reached Seville, the treasure galley under the charge of Martín Yáñez had already been captured. Although we have already said that, on arriving at Alburquerque, the king had heard the news that his treasure galley had been captured, we shall now go back to recount in greater detail how events unfolded in Seville after King Pedro’s departure. The fact is that, after the king had left amidst the disquiet and unrest that we mentioned, the Genoese Admiral Miçer Gil Boccanegra and other people from the city armed a galley and other ships. They then pursued Martín Yáñez de Sevilla, who was on board the galley carrying the king’s treasure, and caught up with him in the River Guadalquivir, for he had reached no further than this. They then seized the galley with all that Martín Yáñez was carrying in it. The admiral and the other men involved brought all the treasure to Seville, together with Martín Yáñez as a prisoner. As was then discovered, the treasure that he was transporting in the galley consisted of 36 quintales of gold together with a large number of jewels.13 King Enrique took possession of most of it and Martín Yáñez pledged his allegiance to him; and afterwards it was said that he had gone over to King Enrique through his fear of returning to King Pedro because he had lost the treasure that the king had entrusted to him.

1366: CHAPTER XV How King Enrique reached the city of Seville and concerning the reception that he received. King Enrique left Toledo and during his journey he learned how King Pedro had set out from Seville and was heading for Portugal and how from there it was his intention to go on to Galicia. He also learned how

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e todo lo que ý pudo leuar de su thesoro. E sopo commo la galea en que yua Martin Yanes, do leuaua grand parte de thesoro del rrey don Pedro, era tomada e commo la çibdat de Seuilla estaua por el, e ouo muy grand plazer e acuçio su camino quanto pudo para llegar a Seuilla. E fue por la çibdat de Cordoua do fue acogido con grand fiesta de todos los grandes e buenos dende e del conçejo de la çibdat. E desque llego en Seuilla fue rresçebido con grand solepnidat en guisa que tan grandes eran las conpañas que de todas las comarcas alli eran uenidos para veer aquella fiesta, que maguer llego grand mañana çerca la çibdat, era mas de ora de nona quando llego a su palaçio. E desque el rrey don Enrrique cobro la çibdat de Seuilla e Cordoua, luego todas las villas de la frontera le obedesçieron, e el partio assy con los estranjeros que con el venian commo con los suyos en guisa que todos eran muy pagados e muy contentos del. Otrosi el rrey Mahomad de Granada luego que sopo que el rrey don Enrrique auia cobrado los rregnos de Castilla e de Leon e toda el Andalozia, ouo muy grand temor del e enbiole luego sus mensajeros a el e firmo con el sus treguas commo quier que antes que esto fuesse, ouo alguna guerra entre los cristianos e los moros, e perdiosse vna villa que los cristianos tenian que dizian Yznaxar, que el rrey don Pedro ganara quando ouiera la guerra con el rrey Bermejo. Otrossi el rrey don Enrrique enbio sus mensajeros al rrey don Pedro de Portogal e firmo con el sus pazes e amorios.

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King Pedro had taken his daughters with him from Seville together with as much of his treasure as he could. And in addition he heard about the seizure of the galley in which Martín Yáñez was travelling and in which he was transporting a large part of King Pedro’s treasure. He was told how the city of Seville had given him its support – at which he was delighted − and he hastened his pace in order to reach Seville as quickly as possible. He went by way of Córdoba, where he was welcomed with great celebration on the part of the great and good of the city and of its council. Once King Enrique reached Seville he was welcomed with great ceremony: so great were the crowds that had flocked from all the surrounding districts to witness those celebrations that, although he arrived near the city early in the morning, it was past the hour of None when he reached his palace. Moreover, once King Enrique had taken possession of the cities of Seville and Córdoba, all the towns of the Frontier region were quick to give him their obedience. He rewarded both the foreigners accompanying him and his own men in such a way that all were content and satisfied with his actions. In addition, when King Muhammad of Granada learned that King Enrique had taken control of the kingdoms of Castile and León and of all of Andalusia, he was filled with fear of him and quickly sent emissaries to the king and concluded a peace treaty. This was, however, not before there had been an outbreak of hostilities between Christians and Moors, involving the loss of a town called Iznájar which had been held by the Christians having been captured by King Pedro during the war with the Red King. King Enrique also sent envoys to King Pedro of Portugal and they signed a treaty of peace and friendship.

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Capitulo XVIº. Commo el rrey don Enrrique enbio algunas conpañas de las que con el vinieron de Françia e de Inglaterra para sus tierras. Por quanto eran ý con el rrey don Enrrique muchas gentes de las conpañias que con el eran venidas assi françeses commo yngleses commo bretones e otros, e fazian grand daño en el rregno e grand costa, que de cada dia se contaua el sueldo que leuauan del rrey, e por tanto acordo de los enbiar los mas dellos e fizo en Seuilla su cuenta con ellos del tienpo que le auian seruido, e pagoles e enbiolos para sus tierras, e fueron todos muy contentos e muy pagados del. Pero fincaron con el mossen Beltran de Claquin e los bretones que eran de su coñpania e mossen Hugo de Carualoy e algunos ingleses, que eran todos conpañias estranjeras, mil e quinientas lanças. Otrossi el conde de la Marcha, que era vn grand señor del linaje del rrey de Françia, e el señor de Bea[ujeu], que eran parientes de la rreyna doña Blanca de Borbon, muger del rrey don Pedro, de la qual ya diximos, antes que se partiessen de Castilla para sus tierras, mandaron saber de vn vallestero que dizian Iohan Perez de Xerez, vallestero de maça, el qual matara a la rreyna doña Blanca, e traxieronlo preso a Seuilla al rrey don Enrrique e el mandogelo entregar a los dichos conde de la Marcha e señor de Beau[jeu] e mandaronlo enforcar, commo quier que fue pequeña emienda. Pero estos dos señores de quien auemos dicho, el conde de la Marcha e el señor de Beau[jeu], non vinieron a Castilla con el rrey don Enrrique si non por seer contra el rrey don Pedro, por la muerte de la rreyna doña Blanca cuyos parientes eran.

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1366: CHAPTER XVI How King Enrique sent back to their lands some of the troops from France and England that had come with him. Accompanying King Enrique there were many troops from the companies – both French and English, as well as Breton and of other nationalities – which had come with him, and they were doing great harm to the kingdom and causing considerable expense, for the salary that they were costing the king was accruing day by day. He resolved, therefore, to send most of them away and while he was in Seville he reckoned up his account with them for the period of service that they had given him. He made payment to them and sent them back to their lands, and they were all very well satisfied and pleased with his actions. However, Monsieur Bertrand Du Guesclin remained with him, together with the Bretons who were members of his company and Sir Hugh Calveley and some Englishmen; all foreign troops, amounting to 1,500 lances. In addition, the count of La Marche, a great lord and member of the family of the king of France, and the lord of Beaujeu – who were relatives of King Pedro’s wife Queen Blanche of Bourbon, about whom we have already spoken –, before leaving Castile for their own lands, sought information about a royal guard by the name of Juan Pérez de Jerez. This man was a mace-bearing guard who had killed Queen Blanche and he had been brought as a prisoner to King Enrique in Seville. The king ordered him to be handed over to the count of La Marche and the lord of Beaujeu, and they had him hanged, although this was little by way of amends. However, these two lords that we have mentioned – the count of La Marche and the lord of Beaujeu – had come to Castile with King Enrique for no other reason than to oppose King Pedro, on account of the death of their relative Queen Blanche.

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Capitulo XVII º. Commo el rrey don Enrrique fue para Galizia. El rrey don Enrrique moro en Seuilla el dia que llego ý fasta quatro meses e morara mas saluo que auia nueuas que el rrey don Pedro, desque llegara en Bayona de Gascueña, que se viera con el prinçipe de Gales e con el rrey de Nauarra e que auia fecho con ellos sus ligas e que cataua gentes de armas para tornar al rregno de Castilla. Otrossi sopo el rrey don Enrrique commo don Ferrando de Castro era en Galizia e tenia la parte del rrey don Pedro e fazia mal e daño a los que tenian la su parte del rrey don Enrrique e por ende, partio de Seuilla e fue para Galizia. E don Ferrando de Castro que era en Galizia, quando sopo de su venida del rrey don Enrrique, pusosse en la çibdat de Lugo, que es la mas fuerte que ay en toda Galizia. E el rrey don Enrrique llego alli e çercolo, pero non lo pudo tomar nin pudia assossegar mas en Gallizia, ca sabia ya commo el prinçipe de Gales juntaua muchas conpañas para venir con el rrey don Pedro.

Capitulo XVIIIº. Commo fizo don Ferrando de Castro su pleytesia con el rrey don Enrrique. El rrey don Enrrique touo çercado dos meses a don Ferrando de Castro en la çibdat de Lugo. E vino con el rrey el marques de Villena e el prior de Sand Iohan e el conde don Alfonso e tomaron todos los de Galizia boz del rrey don Enrrique. E don Ferrando de Castro ouo su pleytesia con el rrey en esta manera: que si el rrey don Pedro non lo acorriesse fasta el dia de Pascua de Resurreçion, que era fasta çinco meses, que don Ferrando le dexasse el rregno, e que todas las

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1366: CHAPTER XVII How King Enrique went to Galicia. King Enrique remained in Seville for four months after his arrival and he would have stayed longer except that he received reports that King Pedro, having reached Bayonne in Gascony, had met with the prince of Wales and the king of Navarre, had entered into an alliance with them, and was recruiting troops with whom to return to the kingdom of Castile. King Enrique also heard how Don Fernando de Castro was in Galicia and giving his backing to King Pedro and how he was inflicting harm and damage on the supporters of King Enrique. The king therefore left Seville for Galicia. Don Fernando de Castro, who was in Galicia, when he learned that King Enrique was on his way, installed himself in Lugo, the most heavily fortified city in all of Galicia. King Enrique arrived there and laid siege to the city. However he could not take it and he was unable to linger there any longer, for he was now aware of how the prince of Wales was gathering a large force to accompany King Pedro.

1366: CHAPTER XVIII How Don Fernando de Castro negotiated terms with King Enrique. King Enrique besieged Don Fernando de Castro for two months in the city of Lugo. The marquis of Villena, the prior of Saint John and Count Alfonso were with the king, and all the people of Galicia declared their support for him.14 Don Fernando de Castro then negotiated the following terms with the king: if King Pedro did not come to his aid by Easter Sunday, which allowed up to five months, Don Fernando was to leave the kingdom and surrender to King Enrique all the fortresses

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fortalezas que tenia que las entregasse al rrey don Enrrique; pero sy don Ferrando de Castro quisiesse quedar en la merçed del rrey don Enrrique, que el rrey le dexasse el condado que el rrey don Pedro le auia dado, ca le diera a Castroxeriz por quanto dizia don Ferrando que aquella villa fuera de su linaje e que de aquel lugar se llamaban ellos ‘de Castro’, e del dia que el rrey don Pedro gela dio, se llamaua don Ferrando ‘conde de Castro’, e que fasta aquel plazo, que don Ferrando que non fiziesse mal ninguno a los que estauan por el rrey don Enrrique e que ellos non fiziessen guerra ninguna a don Ferrando nin a los que por el estudiesen. E el rrey don Enrrique, esta pleytesia fecha, partio por todos santos de Lugo e fuesse para la çibdat de Burgos, ca ya auia nueuas commo el rrey don Pedro fallara grand esfuerço en el prinçipe de Gales e que se aparejaua para venir a Castilla con muchas gentes a dar batalla. Otrossy en Galizia Iohan Perez de Nouoa que tenia boz del rrey don Enrrique, commo se fue de sobre Lugo el rrey, enbio a [tractar con] don Ferrando de Castro e tornosse suyo e entregole la puente de Orenes. E don Ferrando vino çercar otro cauallero de Galizia que dizian Iohan Rodriguez de Biedma, que estaua en Alariz, e los de la villa furtaronle dos torres de la villa e dieron la villa a don Ferrando de Castro. E Iohan Rodriguez dexo rrecabdo en el castillo de Alariz e vinosse para Monterrey. E don Ferrando touo çercado dos meses el dicho castillo e non lo pudo tomar, e junto todos los de la su parte e vinosse a el Aluar Perez de Castro e tornosse suyo. E levo don Ferrando trezientos de cauallo e fue sobre Padron, do estaua Aluar Perez de Osorio, que tenia boz del rrey don Enrrique, e estudo ý ocho dias e non lo pudo tomar. E vinosse para Santiago a poner batalla al prior de Sand Iohan que dizian don Gomez Perez de Porres, e ouo ý con el sus tratos e treguas por dos meses. E tornose don Ferrando luego a çercar a Monterrey e touo ý çercado a Iohan Rodriguez de Biedma un mes, e esto era ya en çima de enero. E dende leuantosse don Ferrando de sobre Monterrey e

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that he held. However, if Don Fernando de Castro chose to give his allegiance to King Enrique, the king was to allow him to retain the county granted to him by King Pedro, who had given him Castrojeriz because Don Fernando claimed that this town had belonged to his family and that they called themselves ‘de Castro’ after it. Indeed, from the day that King Pedro had granted him the town Don Fernando had termed himself ‘Count of Castro’. Moreover, until the expiry of the period of five months, Don Fernando was to do no harm to those who upheld King Enrique’s cause and they were likewise to avoid any conflict with Don Fernando or his supporters. Once these terms had been agreed, King Enrique left Lugo at All Saints and headed for the city of Burgos, for by now he had received reports of how King Pedro had found considerable support in the prince of Wales and was making ready to come to Castile with a large army in order to give battle. Also in Galicia, as the king had abandoned the siege of Lugo, Juan Pérez de Novoa, who had declared his support for King Enrique, sent proposals to Don Fernando de Castro for an agreement by which he gave him his allegiance and handed over to him control of the bridge at Orense. Don Fernando then moved to besiege another Galician knight by the name of Juan Rodríguez de Biedma, who was in Allariz, and the townspeople occupied two of the town’s towers and handed it over to Don Fernando de Castro. Juan Rodríguez left troops to defend the castle of Allariz and went on to Monterrey. Don Fernando besieged the castle for two months, but he was unable to take it. Álvar Pérez de Castro gathered together all his supporters and came to him, offering his allegiance.15 Don Fernando took 300 horsemen and launched an attack on Padrón, where King Enrique’s supporter Álvar Pérez de Osorio was present. Don Fernando remained there for a week without being able to capture the town and he then moved on to Santiago. There he opened hostilities with Don Gómez Pérez de Porres, prior of Saint John, but negotiated with him the terms of a truce to last two months. Don Fernando quickly went back to attack Monterrey, where he besieged Juan Rodríguez de Biedma for a month, and by now January was approaching. From there Don Fernando left the siege of

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rrobole toda la tierra. E dexo fronteros en Alariz sobre el castillo que Iohan Rodriguez tenia, e don Ferrando fuesse camino de Çamora, por que ouo nueuas que el rrey don Enrrique enbiaua por el prior e por el conde don Alfonso e por Iohan Gonçalez de Baçan e por Pero Aluarez de Osorio, que estauan en la Curuña e en Santiago, que auian ya nueuas del prinçipe de Gales commo venia ya a ayudar al rrey don Pedro e a don Ferrando. E llegaronle nueuas que Ferrand Alfonso de Çamora se alçara con la çibdat de Çamora, e don Ferrando fuesse para Çamora. E esto fue en el mes de febrero deste dicho año e moro ý en Çamora e en aquella tierra de Leon fasta que la batalla fue fecha. E tomo la boz del rrey don Pedro, Astorga e las otras villas todas de tierra de Leon.

Capitulo XIXº. Commo el rrey don Enrrique fizo cortes en Burgos. El rrey don Enrrique, desque llego a la çibdat de Burgos, hordeno fazer sus cortes. E fueron ý llegados todos los mas honrrados e mayores del rregno e fizo ý jurar al infante don Iohan su fijo por heredero segund costunbre de España. E commo quier que el rrey don Enrrique entrara en el rregno e ouiera estonçes muchos de los tesoros del rrey don Pedro, enpero era todo despendido, ca ouo de partir con muchos de los que le auien seruido e venido con el. E en estas cortes pidio ayuda al rregno e otorgaronle la dezena de todo lo que se vendiesse, vn dinero del marauedi, e rrindio aquel año diez e nueue cuentos. E este fue el primero año que esta dezena se otorgo. Otrossi en aquellas cortes de Burgos fablo el rrey don Enrrique con todos los del rregno commo el rrey don Pedro entendia venir a le poner batalla con ayuda del prinçipe de Gales e de otras conpañas que venian con el e que les pidia consejo commo querian hordenar

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Monterrey and plundered the whole area. He left field commanders in Allariz against the castle held by Juan Rodríguez and headed off towards Zamora, for he had received reports that King Enrique had sent for the prior and for Count Alfonso, Juan González de Bazán and Pero Álvarez de Osorio, who were in La Coruña and in Santiago: by now they had heard the news that the prince of Wales was already on his way to lend assistance to King Pedro and Don Fernando. Reports also reached Don Fernando that Fernán Alfonso de Zamora had risen up with the city of Zamora, and so he made his way there. This was in the month of February of the year in question, and Don Fernando stayed there in Zamora and in the lands of León until the battle had taken place.16 Astorga and all the other towns of the Leonese territories also declared their support for King Pedro.

1366: CHAPTER XIX How King Enrique held cortes in Burgos. Once he had arrived in the city of Burgos, King Enrique commanded that cortes be held. All the most honoured and senior figures of the kingdom had come together there and he had an oath of allegiance sworn to his son Don Juan as heir, according to Spanish custom. Although King Enrique had invaded the kingdom and had then seized a large part of the treasure possessed by King Pedro, by now it had all been spent, as he had to make payment from it to many of those who had served and accompanied him. In these cortes he asked the kingdom for assistance and they granted him one tenth of the value of everything that was sold, one dinero in the maravedí, which in that year yielded him 19 million maravedís.17 This was the first year in which this tax of a tenth part had been granted. In those cortes which took place in Burgos King Enrique spoke with all the people of the kingdom about how King Pedro intended to come and wage war on him with the support of the prince of Wales and of other companies of troops that he was bringing with him; and he

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que se fiziesse, ca el presto estaua para poner ý el su cuerpo por defendimiento del rregno. E todos le rrespondieron que fuesse çierto que todos ellos estauan muy prestos para le seruir e ayudar segund el lo veria por la obra quando cunpliesse. E el rrey don Enrrique desque vio e entendio la buena voluntad de todos los suyos que mostrauan en lo seruir e ayudar si la dicha batalla fuesse, enbio luego por todas las conpañas que pudo, e de cada dia le venian e el los rresçibia muy bien. E partio con todos mucho algo e les fazia muchas honrras. E en estas cortes dio el rrey a la çibdat de Burgos la villa de Miranda de Ebro por quanto se coronara en la çibdat de Burgos, e diogela en emienda de la villa de Briuiesca, que auia primero mandado a Burgos e agora la diera a Pero Ferrandez de Velasco.

Capitulo XXº. Commo don Tello conde de Vizcaya tomo vna muger que se dezia doña Iohana de Lara por su muger. Estando el rrey don Enrrique en estas cortes fue dicho que vna dueña que estaua en Seuilla presa por mandado del rrey don Pedro, que se llamaua doña Iohana muger del conde don Tello, e el fizola traer a Burgos. E commo quier que don Tello dixo luego que era su muger e leuola a su casa, enpero dezia en su secreto que lo fazia por auer algund titulo a Lara e Vizcaya rreçelando que aquella muger se fuese a la partida del rrey don Pedro e que los vizcaynos, commo son omnes a su voluntad, tomassen con ella alguna emaginaçion por que don Tello perdiesse el señorio de Lara e Vizcaya; enpero era çierto don Tello que non era aquella su muger. E algunos dias touola assy por su muger, enpero despues lo nego publica mente e fue fallado que non era ella, ca el rrey don Pedro

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asked them to advise him on how they wished matters to proceed: for he was prepared to do battle in person in the defence of the kingdom. Their unanimous reply was that he should be in no doubt that they were all totally prepared to serve and support him, as he would see in practice when the need arose. Once King Enrique had seen and understood the good will shown by all his people with regard to serving and supporting him if the battle took place, he lost no time in summoning all the forces that he could: more arrived each day and he welcomed them warmly. He paid them generously and heaped honours on them. During these cortes the king granted the town of Miranda de Ebro to the city of Burgos, since he had been crowned in Burgos: he made this grant as compensation for the loss of the town of Briviesca, initially allocated to Burgos but which he had now given to Pero Fernández de Velasco.

1366: CHAPTER XX How the count of Vizcaya, Don Tello, took as his wife a woman who called herself Doña Juana de Lara. While King Enrique was at these cortes, a claim was made that a lady imprisoned in Seville at King Pedro’s command and calling herself Doña Juana was the wife of Don Tello, and so he had her brought to Burgos. However, although Don Tello said at the time that she was his wife and took her to his home, he admitted in private that he did this in order to preserve his claim to Lara and Vizcaya. He also said he was afraid that the woman would associate herself with King Pedro’s supporters and that the Vizcayans, being strong-minded men, would devise around her some scheme through which Don Tello would lose the lordship of Lara and Vizcaya. On the other hand, Don Tello was sure that she was not his wife. For some days he presented her in this way as though she were his wife, although later he publicly denied it and it was concluded that

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fiziera matar a la dicha doña Iohana muger del conde don Tello grand tienpo auia. E avn despues Martin Lopez de Cordoua quando fue preso en Carmona assi lo confeso e dixo que era muerta doña Iohana e mostro el lugar do estaua soterrada.

Capitulo XXIº. Commo los enbaxadores del rrey de Aragon venieron al rrey don Enrrique a la çibdat de Burgos. El rrey don Enrrique estando en Burgos llegaron ý por mensajeros e enbaxadores del rrey don Pedro de Aragon, don Lope Ferrandez de Luna arçobispo de Çaragoça e don Iohan Ferrandez de Heredia castellan de Anposta, que es de la horden del Ospital de Sand Iohan en Aragon. E la su enbaxada e mensageria era que el rrey don Enrrique, quando partiera de Aragon para entrar en Castilla, oviera çiertos tractos jurados e firmados con el rrey de Aragon de çiertas cosas que le deuia dar de lo que se cobrasse en el rregno de Castilla, espeçial mente algunas çibdades e villas e quantia de moneda, por las cosas que el rrey don Pedro de Aragon fiziera quando las conpañas entraron con el rrey don Enrrique en Castilla e pasaron por Aragon, e por sueldo que les pagara. E el rrey don Enrrique les rrespondio que el, que estaua en aquel tienpo que ellos veyan; ca sabian bien que el rrey don Pedro queria venir entrar en el rregno con esfuerço e poder del rrey de Inglaterra e del prinçipe de Gales su fijo, e que queria pelear e que non podria tener, sin grand escandalo, con el rrey de Aragon lo que era entre ellos tratado; ca si començasse a enajenar alguna cosa del rregno, toda la tierra seria contra el; pero que fiaua en Dios que si aquella batalla ouiesse de seer, que Dios le daria en ella buena ventura, e que el estaua presto para tener con el rrey de Aragon todo lo que con el pusiera e

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she was not really the person that she claimed to be; for King Pedro had had Count Tello’s wife Doña Juana killed a long time before. In addition, Martín López de Córdoba later admitted − when he was taken prisoner in Carmona − that this was the case, stating that Doña Juana was dead and pointing out the place where she was buried.

1366: CHAPTER XXI How the king of Aragon’s ambassadors came to King Enrique in the city of Burgos. While King Enrique was in Burgos, he was approached by emissaries and ambassadors sent by King Pere of Aragon: the archbishop of Zaragoza Don Lope Fernández de Luna and Don Juan Fernández de Heredia, the castellan of Amposta, which belongs to the Order of the Hospital of Saint John in Aragon. Their mission and their message concerned the fact that King Enrique, on leaving Aragon to embark on his invasion of Castile, had sworn and put his signature to certain agreements with the king of Aragon with regard to certain things that he was to give to him from his gains in the kingdom of Castile. In particular, these included some cities and towns and a sum of money in return for what King Pere of Aragon had done when the Companies had gone with King Enrique into Castile and passed through Aragon, in addition to the salary that he had paid them. King Enrique replied to them saying that they could see for themselves the position in which he found himself: they were well aware that King Pedro intended to enter the kingdom with support and forces provided by the king of England and his son the prince of Wales. King Enrique wished to give battle and could not meet the terms of his agreement with the king of Aragon without this causing a great furore: for, if he were to begin to hand over anything belonging to the kingdom, the whole land would oppose him. However, he trusted in God that if that battle took place He would grant him success in it; Enrique was prepared to meet all the terms that he had agreed with

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el lo pudiesse conplir; ca le tenia en lugar de padre e rresçibiera del muchas ayudas en el tienpo que le ouo menester quando estudiera en el su rregno. E el castellan de Anposta con esta rrespuesta tornosse para el rregno de Aragon. E el arçobispo de Çaragoça finco con el rrey don Enrrique en Burgos.

Capitulo XXIIº. Commo se alço la çibdat de Çamora e por que rrazon. Commo quiera que auemos dicho que don Ferrando de Castro tenia la boz del rrey don Pedro, era venido para Çamora. Pero queremos vos contar commo Çamora, que auia tomado boz del rrey don Enrrique, commo e por qual rrazon se partiera del. E assi acaesçio estonçe en Burgos que vn cauallero que dizian Ferrand Alfonso de Çamora era uno de los mayores e mejores de la çibdat de Çamora e llegando a la camara del rrey don Enrrique rresçibio algund baldon de algunos porteros que lo derribaron e lo firieron sobre entrar en la camara del rrey, por lo qual fue dende mal contento por quanto algunos caualleros touieron la parte de los porteros e el rrey non ge lo estrañara. Partio luego de Burgos e fuesse, e desque llego en Çamora tomo la boz e parte del rrey don Pedro e fizo dende de la çibdat de Çamora mucha guerra estonçe e despues, segund adelante contaremos. E el rrey don Enrrique enbio luego a la çibdat de Çamora a Gomez Carrillo, su camarero mayor, e al prior de Sand Iohan con conpañas; pero non pudieron ý fazer obra ninguna e tornaronse a Burgos al rrey don Enrrique.

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the king of Aragon and he trusted that he would be in a position to do so. For he held King Pere in the place of a father and had received from him great assistance when he needed it during his stay in his kingdom. The castellan of Amposta returned with this reply to the kingdom of Aragon, while the archbishop of Saragossa remained with King Enrique in Burgos.

1366: CHAPTER XXII How the city of Zamora rose up and for what reason. Although we have already said that Don Fernando de Castro, who had declared his support for King Pedro, had come to Zamora, we also wish to tell you how and for what reason Zamora, which had taken the side of King Enrique, had then turned against him. An event occurred at that time in Burgos involving a knight by the name of Fernán Alfonso de Zamora, one of the most distinguished and finest men of Zamora. On arriving at the king’s chamber he suffered an affront at the hands of some doorkeepers who knocked him over, causing him injury, as he attempted to enter. He was annoyed that some knights had taken the side of the doorkeepers and the king had not rebuked them for it and so he promptly left Burgos and, once he arrived in Zamora, he gave his support and allegiance to King Pedro. As we shall relate in due course, both then and later he launched many attacks from the city of Zamora. King Enrique lost no time in dispatching to Zamora his master chamberlain Gómez Carrillo and the prior of Saint John with companies of troops. However they were not able to achieve anything at all there and they returned to King Enrique in Burgos.

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Capitulo XXIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro llego a la çibdat de Vayona e fablo con el prinçipe de Gales e le dixo el prinçipe que le ayudaria. Agora queremos tornar a contar commo fizo el rrey don Pedro despues que sallio del rregno de Castilla. Commo quier que auemos contado commo el rrey de Inglaterra e el prinçipe de Gales su fijo ayudauan al rrey don Pedro, pero agora tornaremos a contar commo el rrey don Pedro llego a Vayona e commo acaesçio. Assy fue que el rrey don Pedro llego a la çibdat de Vayona e non fallo ý al prinçipe de Gales, e luego a pocos dias llego el prinçipe a vn lugar çerca la canal de Bayona que dizen Cabreron. E el rrey don Pedro fue ally en vna galea e ally se vieron e finco asossegado que el prinçipe vernia luego a Bayona e anssi lo fizo. E vino ý don Carlos rrey de Navarra e comieron con el rrey don Pedro. E assentaron al prinçipe en medio de la mesa, e el rrey don Pedro a la manderecha e el rrey de Nauarra a la otra mano. E desque alli llego el rrey don Pedro, fablo con el prinçipe commo auia mucho menester la ayuda del rrey de Ingla terra e la suya. E el prinçipe le dixo que fuesse çierto que el rrey de Ingla terra, su padre e su señor, e el estauan muy prestos para lo ayudar, e que sobre esta rrazon el enbiaua sus cartas al rrey de Ingla terra su padre, e tornosse para Burdeus. E despues partio dende el rrey don Pedro e fuesse para Burdeus, e estando ý con el prinçipe algunos dias catando conpañas para venir a Castilla, e dende tornosse para Bayona. E avn despues otra vez partio de Vayona e fue a vna su villa, al prinçipe, que dizian Angulesma, e vio a la prinçesa su muger e diole muchas joyas. E el prinçipe fizo çierto al rrey don Pedro que el estaua presto con todo el poder del rrey de Ingla terra, su padre, de le ayudar e de le aconpañar para entrar a sus rregnos, e que todo esto el fiziera saber al rrey de Ingla terra, su padre e su señor, commo dicho es, e que era bien çierto que le plazeria

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1366: CHAPTER XXIII How King Pedro reached the city of Bayonne and spoke with the prince of Wales, and how the prince informed him that he would give him assistance. Now we intend to return to the narrative of King Pedro’s activities after leaving the kingdom of Castile. Although we have aready told of how the king of England and his son the prince of Wales were assisting King Pedro, now we shall go back and recount how King Pedro arrived in Bayonne and how events developed. The fact is that King Pedro arrived in the city of Bayonne but did not find the prince of Wales there, but then just a few days later the prince arrived at a place called Capbreton near to the Bayonne canal.18 King Pedro travelled to Capbreton in a galley, and there they met. It was agreed that the prince would come to Bayonne very soon, and this he did. King Carlos of Navarre also came to join them there and they ate together with King Pedro. The prince was seated at the centre of the table, King Pedro on his right and the king of Navarre on his left. Once King Pedro had taken his seat, he spoke with the prince of how he was badly in need of his aid and of that of the king of England. The prince told him to rest assured that his father and lord the king of England and he were entirely ready to give him their assistance and that he was writing to his father the king of England about this matter. He then returned to Bordeaux. King Pedro later left Bayonne and likewise headed for Bordeaux, where he remained for some days with the prince, raising troops to come to Castile. From there he went back to Bayonne. Once again he set out from Bayonne and went to a town called Angoulême which belonged to the prince of Wales, and there he met his wife the princess and made her a gift of several jewels.19 The prince assured King Pedro that he was ready with all the military force of his father the king of England to assist him and accompany him in his entry into his kingdoms. He also told him that he had informed his father and lord the king of England about all of this – as we have already said –

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que el fuesse ayudado de todos los suyos. E el rrey don Pedro, desque sopo esta rrespuesta, ouo muy grand plazer, e ouieron alli su conssejo e acordaron commo auian de fazer. E el prinçipe lo fizo saber al rrey de Ingla terra su padre, commo dicho auemos, en que le fizo saber todo lo que el rrey don Pedro le dixera e del menester en que estaua e commo era echado de su rregno e por quien e commo e que traya tesoros para pagas de las gentes que le auian de seruir e de ayudar. E el rrey de Ingla terra le enbio sus mensageros al rrey don Pedro, otrossi sus cartas a su fijo el prinçipe, por las quales mostraua que le plazia de toda ayuda que le fuesse fecha por todos los suyos e enbiaua mandar al prinçipe su fijo e al duc de Alencastre, su fijo, que con sus cuerpos le fuessen ayudar. E esso mesmo enbio sus cartas a todos los grandes, condes e señores de Gujana e de Bretaña, e a todos los que el sabia que por le fazer plazer aconpañarian al prinçipe e al duc de Alencastre, sus fijos, en tal priesa commo esta, por las quales les enbio rrogar que fuessen con ellos. E de alli adelante el prinçipe enbio catar todas las conpañas que pudo auer para esta caualgada e fallaua assaz dellas: lo vno por quanto el prinçipe estaua muy poderoso e señor de Gujana e auia pazes con Françia; otrossi por buenas pagas que el rrey don Pedro leuaua señalada mente en joyas de oro e de piedras preçiosas, sobre las quales el prinçipe acorria con grandes quantias. E fizieron e acordaron el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe de Gales todos sus tratos de lo que auian de auer todas las gentes de armas. E assi los pago el rrey don Pedro, dello en oro que leuaua, e el prinçipe le prestaua dello sobre joyas muy nobles e muy presçiadas que leuaua conssigo, segund la hordenança que el prinçipe fizo con todas las gentes de armas que auian de yr en esta caualgada.

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and that he was in no doubt that the king would be pleased for all of his troops to assist King Pedro. Once he had heard this answer King Pedro was delighted, and they deliberated together and determined how they were to proceed. As we have said, the prince informed his father the king of England about all that King Pedro had said to him, about the need in which the king of Castile found himself, about how and by whom he had been driven out from his realm, and about how he had brought treasure in payment for those who were to give him service and assistance. The king of England sent envoys to King Pedro and also wrote to his son the prince, letting him know that he approved of any assistance given by his people and that he was instructing his sons the prince and the duke of Lancaster to go and assist him in person.20 Likewise, he wrote to all the great nobles, the counts and lords of Guyenne and Brittany and to all of those that – as he knew − in order to please him would accompany his sons the prince and the duke of Lancaster in such a difficult enterprise as this, requesting that they go with them. From that point on the prince sent out men to recruit as many troops as he could find for this campaign and he found a considerable number: on the one hand because at that time the prince held great power and because he was lord of Guyenne and was at peace with France; and also on account of the excellent remuneration which King Pedro was conspicuously bringing in the form of valuable articles of gold and of precious stones, on the strength of which the prince made available to him large sums of money. King Pedro and the prince of Wales arranged and agreed every detail of what all the men-at-arms were to receive; and so they were paid by King Pedro partly in gold that he had brought with him and partly from what the prince lent him on the strength of the very fine and valuable jewels that the king had in his possession. Payment was made according to the agreement reached by the prince with all the men-at-arms who were to take part in this campaign.

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Capitulo XXIIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro dio al prinçipe la tierra de Vizcaya e la villa de Castro Durdiales, e otras cosas que acaesçieron. En estos tratos que fizieron puso el rrey don Pedro de dar al prinçipe de Gales la tierra de Vizcaya e la villa de Castro Durdiales, e a mossen Iohan Chandos, conde estable de Gujana, que era vn buen cauallero e priuado del prinçipe, de le dar la çibdat de Soria. Otrossi puso con el prinçipe que fasta que el cunpliesse todas sus debdas pagadas de lo que ouiessen de auer el prinçipe e las gentes que con el venian por el tienpo que estudiessen en Castilla, que en tanto firmassen en Bayona, por manera de arrehenes, las fijas del rrey don Pedro e de doña Maria de Padilla, las quales eran doña Beatriz e doña Costança e doña Ysabel, que llamauan infantas. E finco todo esto acordado e el rrey don Pedro tornosse para Bayona. E el prinçipe finco en Angulesma e alli estudo esperando las conpañas que con el auian de yr a Castilla.

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1366: CHAPTER XXIV How King Pedro granted the prince the territory of Vizcaya and the town of Castro Urdiales, and concerning other events which occurred. As part of their agreement, King Pedro undertook to grant the prince of Wales the territory of Vizcaya and the town of Castro Urdiales, and to the constable of Guyenne Sir John Chandos, who was a fine knight and a close adviser of the prince, he promised to give the city of Soria. He also agreed with the prince that, until he had settled all his debts arising from the payment due to the prince and the troops in his company for the time that they were in Castile, the daughters of King Pedro and Doña María de Padilla − Doña Beatriz, Doña Constanza and Doña Isabel, who were known as princesses − were to remain in Bayonne as a guarantee. All of this was confirmed and then King Pedro returned to Bayonne. The prince remained in Angoulême where he awaited the troops that were to go with him to Castile.

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AÑO SEGUNDO que el rrey don Enrrique rregno, que fue año del Señor mill e trezientos e sessenta e siete, e de la era de Çesar mill e quatroçientos e çinco e era AÑO DIEZ E OCHO que el rrey don Pedro rregnara.

Capitulo primero. De las pleytesias que el rrey don Enrrique e el rrey de Nauarra fizieron. En el segundo año que el sobre dicho rrey don Enrrique rregno, que fue en el año diez e ocho que el rrey don Pedro auia rreynado, e fue en el año del Señor mill e trezientos e sesenta e siete, e de la era de Çesar mill e quatroçientos e çinco, e del Criamiento del mundo segund la cuenta de los ebreos, en çinco mil e çiento e veynte e siete años, e de los alarabes en sieteçientos e sesenta e nueue años. E luego al comienzo del año, el rrey don Enrrique traya sus pleytesias con el rrey de Nauarra don Carlos por quanto aquellas conpañas que auian de venir con el rrey don Pedro e con el prinçipe de Gales non auian otro paso tan bueno commo por los puertos de Ronçes valles, e eran del rregno de Nauarra e son en tal manera que se non podrian pasar los dichos puertos contra voluntad de los que estudiessen en esta otra parte de Nauarra. E vieronse los rreyes don Enrrique e el rrey don Carlos de Nauarra en vna villa del rrey de Castilla que es frontera de Nauarra, que dizen Santa Cruz de Canpeço. E fizieron ý juras sobre el cuerpo de Dios e pleytos e omenajes, estando ý presentes don Lope Ferrandez de Luna arçobispo de Çaragoça e don Gomez Manrrique arçobispo de Toledo e don Alfonso marques de Villena e mosen Beltran de Claquin e muchos otros grandes señores. E finco que el rrey de Nauarra non daria el paso de los puertos de Ronçes valles al rrey don Pedro e al prinçipe de Gales e a los que con ellos venian e que por su cuerpo

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YEAR TWO (1367) of the reign of King Enrique, which was the year of the Lord 1367 and, counting from the era of Caesar, 1405; and THE EIGHTEENTH YEAR of the reign of King Pedro. 1367: CHAPTER I Concerning the negotiations between King Enrique and the king of Navarre. These events occurred in the second year of the reign of King Enrique – the eighteenth year of the reign of King Pedro – which was the year of the Lord 1367; in 1405, counting from the era of Caesar; 5,127 years from the creation of the world by the reckoning of the Hebrews; and, according to that of the Arabs, it was in the year 769. Right at the beginning of the year, King Enrique began negotiations with King Carlos of Navarre, as there was no other route through for the companies of troops coming with King Pedro and the prince of Wales as good as that which crossed the pass of Roncesvalles. This pass belonged to the kingdom of Navarre and its nature is such that it would not be possible to cross it against the will of the people on the Navarrese side. King Enrique and King Carlos of Navarre met together in a town belonging to the king of Castile called Santa Cruz de Campezo, which stood on the frontier with Navarre. There they swore on the body of Christ, gave their undertakings and made their vows of fidelity in the presence of the archbishop of Saragossa Don Lope Fernández de Luna, the archbishop of Toledo Don Gómez Manrique, the marquis of Villena Don Alfons, Monsieur Bertrand du Guesclin and many other great lords. It was agreed that the king of Navarre would not allow King Pedro and the prince of Wales and those accompanying them to cross

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seria en la batalla con todo el poder que ouiesse, en ayuda del rrey don Enrrique. E para esto ser firme finco que daria el rrey de Nauarra al rrey don Enrrique en arrehenes el castillo de La Guardia, que lo touiesse don Lope Ferrandez de Luna arçobispo de Çaragoça, que era vn perlado que amaua al rrey don Enrrique, e que daria el castillo de Sand Viçente, que lo touiesse mosen Beltran de Claquin, que era vn cauallero de Françia que ayudaua al rrey don Enrrique, e que daria el castillo de Buradon, que lo touiesse don Iohan Remirez de Arellano, que maguera era cauallero de Nauarra, amaua seruir al rrey don Enrrique e era con el en esta guerra. Otrossi el rrey don Enrrique auia a dar al rrey de Nauarra por que el cunpliese lo que auia prometido de defender el puerto de Ronçes valles al rrey don Pedro e al prinçipe de Gales e que fuesse con el rrey don Enrrique en la batalla, la villa de Logroño, que el rrey don Pedro le prometiera por esta tal ayuda que el rrey de Nauarra fiziesse a el. E esto fecho el rrey de Nauarra se fue para Panplona e estudo alli. E fizo otros tratos con el rrey don Pedro e con el prinçipe de Gales en esta manera: que el rrey de Nauarra les diesse el paso por el puerto de Ronçes valles e que el fuesse con ellos por su cuerpo en la batalla e que el rrey don Pedro le daria las villas de Logroño e Vitoria. E el rrey de Nauarra pensando commo el poder del rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe de Gales que trayan, era mayor que el poder que traya el rrey don Enrrique, otorgo al rrey don Pedro e al prinçipe de Gales de les desenbargar los puertos de Ronçes valles e de seer con ellos en la batalla por su cuerpo. E dexo pasar libre mente el puerto al rrey don Pedro e al prinçipe de Gales con todas sus conpañas. E despues que sopo commo eran pasados, rreçelo mucho de seer en la batalla por su cuerpo e non los quiso atender en Panplona; pero dexo ý vn rrico omne de su tierra, que dizian don Martin Enrriquez, su alferez, con tresçientas lanças, que se fuesse con ellos. E el rrey de Nauarra fue para vna su villa que dizen Tudela, que es çerca de Aragon. Por non seer por su cuerpo en la batalla, trato con vn cauallero breton, primo de mosen Beltran de Claquin, al qual dizien

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the pass of Roncesvalles, and that he would do battle in person and with the whole of the army at his disposal in support of King Enrique. As assurance for the agreement, it was determined that the king of Navarre would hand over to King Enrique the castle of Laguardia as a guarantee; it was to be held by the archbishop of Saragossa Don Lope Fernández de Luna, a prelate who was an ally of King Enrique. He was also to cede the castle of San Vicente to Monsieur Bertrand du Guesclin, a French knight assisting King Enrique; and the castle of Buradón was to be handed over to Don Juan Ramírez de Arellano who, although he was a Navarrese knight, was loyal to King Enrique and was supporting him in this war. In return for the king of Navarre fulfilling his promise to defend the pass of Roncesvalles against King Pedro and the prince of Wales and to take part in the battle at his side, King Enrique was to give him the town of Logroño. This had also been promised to the king of Navarre by King Pedro for similar assistance that he was to give to him. Once this meeting had taken place, the king of Navarre went to Pamplona and remained there. He negotiated another agreement with King Pedro and the prince of Wales with the following terms: the king of Navarre was to allow them to enter by the pass of Roncesvalles and was to be at their side in person in the battle, and King Pedro would hand over to him the towns of Logroño and Vitoria. The king of Navarre, considering that the army being brought by King Pedro and the prince of Wales was greater than that of King Enrique, conceded to them that he would allow them to cross the pass of Roncesvalles without obstruction and accompany them in person in the battle. And he did indeed allow King Pedro and the prince of Wales to cross the pass unhindered with all their troops. Subsequently, however, once he knew that they had crossed, in his great fear of taking part in the battle in person he was not willing to await them in Pamplona; but he did leave in the city his commander-in-chief, a magnate of his kingdom called Don Martín Enríquez, who was to accompany them with 300 lances. The king of Navarre went to a town in his territory called Tudela, which is situated near to Aragon. In order not to take part in person in the battle, he came to an arrangement with a Breton knight called

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mosen Oliuer de Ma[u]ny, el qual cauallero tenia a Borja, vn castillo e villa de Aragon, que el rrey de Aragon diera al dicho mosen Beltran por heredad e por le fazer merçed quando entraran con el rrey don Enrrique en Castilla. E la pleytesia fue esta: que el rrey de Nauarra andaria a caça çerca de la villa e castillo de Borja, que es a quatro leguas de Tudela, que el dicho mosen Oliuer salliesse a el e le prendiesse e lo touiesse preso en el dicho castillo de Borja fasta que la batalla del rrey don Pedro e del prinçipe de Gales con el rrey don Enrrique fuesse pasada, e anssy podria auer escusa que non pudiesse seer por su cuerpo en la batalla, e que el rrey de Nauarra le daria por heredat al dicho mossen Oliuer vn castillo e villa que el rrey de Nauarra auia en tierra de Normandia en Françia, que dezian Gabray, con tres mill francos de oro de rrenta. E desto fizieron sus juras e sus pleytos. E anssy fue que el rrey de Nauarra fue vn dia a caça e sallio a el el dicho mossen Oliuer e prendiolo e leuolo al castillo de Borja e touolo alli fasta que la pelea del rrey don Enrrique con el prinçipe e con el rrey don Pedro fue fecha.

Capitulo segundo. Commo el rrey don Enrrique se torno de las vistas del rrey de Nauarra e commo se partio del vn cauallero de Inglaterra que era con el. Agora tornaremos a contar commo fizo el rrey don Enrrique despues que el rrey de Nauarra se partio del en Santa Cruz de Canpesço. E despues destas vistas tornosse el rrey don Enrrique para Burgos teniendo que en todas maneras que por aquella partida de los puertos de Ronçes valles non pasarian el rrey don Pedro nin el prinçipe de Gales nin aquellas conpañas que con ellos venian, ca ge lo pudia muy bien defender el rrey de Nauarra. E desque el rrey don Enrrique llego en la çibdat de Burgos, luego partio dende e vinose para Haro e estudo ý algunos dias ordenando sus gentes para la batalla.

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Monsieur Olivier de Mauny. This man was Monsieur Bertrand du Guesclin’s cousin and he held the Aragonese castle and town of Borja, which the king of Aragon had granted in perpetuity and as a token of gratitude to Monsieur Bertrand when they had entered Castile with King Enrique. What was agreed was as follows: the king of Navarre would go out hunting near to the town and castle of Borja, situated four leagues from Tudela; then Monsieur Olivier would set out and capture him and hold him prisoner in the castle of Borja until the battle between King Pedro and the prince of Wales and King Enrique was over; and thus there could be an excuse for him not taking part in the battle in person. In return the king of Navarre would grant Monsieur Olivier possession in perpetuity of a castle and town called Gavray which he owned in the territory of Normandy in France, with an income of 3,000 gold francs. Oaths were sworn and an agreement settled to this effect. And so it was that one day the king of Navarre went out hunting and Monsieur Olivier set out after him, captured him and took him to the castle of Borja, where he held him until King Enrique’s battle with the prince and King Pedro was over.

1367: CHAPTER II How King Enrique returned from his meeting with the king of Navarre and how an English knight in his company left his service. Now we shall return to the account of what King Enrique did after the king of Navarre left him at Santa Cruz de Campezo: after the meeting had taken place, King Enrique returned to Burgos believing that in no way would it be possible for King Pedro or the prince of Wales or the troops coming with them to cross that part of the pass of Roncesvalles, for the king of Navarre was well able to defend it against them. Then, once he reached the city of Burgos, King Enrique promptly set off again for Haro, where he remained for a number of days

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E mossen Hugo de Carualoy, que era vn cauallero ingles, con quatroçientos de cauallo de su conpañia que tenia consigo de Inglaterra, partio del rrey don Enrrique e fuesse para Nauarra por quanto su señor el prinçipe de Gales venia de la otra parte e el non podria seer contra el. E el rrey don Enrrique, commo quier que sopo commo el dicho mossen Hugo partia del e le pudiera el rrey fazer algund enojo, non lo quiso fazer teniendo que el dicho mossen Hugo fazia su debdo de se yr seruir a su señor el prinçipe, que era fijo de su señor el rrey de Inglaterra.

Capitulo IIIº. Commo el rrey don Enrrique sopo commo el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe de Gales auian ya pasados los puertos de Ronçes valles e commo se venian para la batalla. Otrossi desque el rrey don Enrrique sopo commo el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe de Gales pasaran los puertos de Ronçes valles e que el rrey de Nauarra non les puso enbargo ninguno en ello nin curara dello, antes, desque supo que el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe de Gales venian, se partio de la çibdat de Panplona e se fue para la villa de Tudela de Ebro, que estaua mas arredrada, e commo fuera preso por su arte, e sopo el rrey don Enrrique commo el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe de Gales e todas aquellas conpañas eran ya llegadas en la cuenca de Panplona e estauan ý todos ayuntados. E el rrey don Enrrique desque esto sopo, ayunto sus conpañas e fue para tierra de Rioja e puso su rreal çerca de Santo Domingo de la Calçada en vn enzinar muy grande que alli esta, que dizen de Vañares, e estudo ý algunos dias e fizo alarde de las gentes que ý eran con el. E estando en el dicho enzinar de Vañares sopo commo el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe de Gales e aquellas gentes suyas querian entrar en

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organizing his forces in readiness for the battle. An English knight by the name of Sir Hugh Calveley, who had 400 horsemen in the company that he had brought with him from England, left the service of King Enrique and departed for Navarre, since his lord the prince of Wales was on the opposing side and it would not be possible for him to fight against him. Although he was aware of how Sir Hugh was leaving his service and he could have taken some measure against him, King Enrique was unwilling to do so, considering that Sir Hugh was fulfilling his obligation in leaving in order to serve his lord the prince, the son of his lord the king of England.

1367: CHAPTER III How King Enrique learned that King Pedro and the prince of Wales had now crossed the pass of Roncesvalles and that they were coming to do battle. In addition, King Enrique learned of how King Pedro and the prince of Wales had crossed the pass of Roncesvalles. He also became aware of how the king of Navarre had not obstructed them or made any effort to do so; and he heard how, instead of doing this, on learning of the approach of King Pedro and the prince of Wales, King Carlos had left the city of Pamplona and headed for the town of Tudela de Ebro, which was further away, and had been taken captive through his own scheming. Moreover, King Enrique learned that King Pedro and the prince of Wales and all their troops had already reached the Basin of Pamplona, where they were all assembled. On discovering this, King Enrique assembled his forces and headed for the territories of La Rioja, establishing his encampment near to Santo Domingo de la Calzada in a very extensive wood of holm oaks in that area, known as Bañares. There he remained for a number of days, reviewing the troops that he had at his disposal. While he was encamped in the wood at Bañares he heard how King

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Alaua. E partio de alli e paso a Ebro e puso su rreal çerca vna aldea que dizen Añastro, que es aldea de la villa de Treuiño de Yuda. E estando alli sopo commo fasta seysçientos de cauallo castellanos e ginetes, que el auia enbiado por cobrar la villa de Agreda, que estaua contra el, eran todos pasados al rrey don Pedro. E por esto todo el rrey don Enrrique non curo si non cada dia hordenar sus gentes para batalla. E de los estranjeros que con el estauan, eran estos de Aragon: estaua ý don Alfonso, fijo del infante don Pedro e nieto del rrey don Jaymes de Aragon, el qual era conde de Denia e de Riba gorça, e el rrey don Enrrique lo fiziera marques de Villena, e don Felipe de Castro, que era vn rrico omne de Aragon e casado con doña Iohana, hermana del rrey, e lo auia el rrey heredado en Castilla, ca le diera a Medina de Rio Seco e a Paredes de Naua e Otordehumos. E don Iohan Martinez de Luna e don Pero Buyl e don Pero Ferrandez d’Yxar e don Pero Jordan d’Vrres e otros. E estauan otros muchos buenos caualleros de Françia, ca era ý mossen Beltran de Claquin, que era breton, muy buen cauallero, e el mariscal de [Audenan], que era mariscal de Françia, e el vegue de Villanes, que despues el rrey fiziera conde de Ribadeo, e otros caualleros e escuderos de Françia. E del rregno de Castilla e de Leon eran ý todos los señores e rricos omnes e caualleros fijos dalgo saluo el maestre de Santiago don Gonçalo Mexia e don Iohan Alfonso de Guzman, que fue despues conde de Niebla, que el rrey dexara en Seuilla por guardar la tierra del Andalozia. E estauan con el don Tello conde de Vizcaya, señor de Lara, e don Sancho conde de Alburquerque, que eran sus hermanos, e el conde don Alfonso su fijo del rrey, e don Pedro conde de Trastamara, su sobrino, fijo del maestre don Fadrique su hermano, e el maestre de Calatraua don Pero Moñiz e el prior de Sand Iohan don Gomez Perez de Porres e otros señores e caualleros de Castilla e de Leon.

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Pedro and the prince of Wales with their troops were intending to enter Álava. He set off, crossed the Ebro and established his camp near Añastro, a village belonging to the town of Treviño de Ibda. While he was there he heard news concerning a force of some 600 Castilian horsemen and light cavalry that he had sent to take the town of Ágreda which was opposed to him: they had all gone over to King Pedro. In the light of all of this King Enrique concentrated each day on organizing his troops for battle. Among the foreigners in his company were the following men from Aragon: Don Alfons, son of Prince Pere and grandson of King Jaume, who was count of Denia and Ribagorza and had been created marquis of Villena by King Enrique; Don Felipe de Castro, an Aragonese magnate married to the king’s sister Dona Juana, and to whom the king had given lands in Castile, granting him Medina de Rioseco, Paredes de Nava and Tordehumos; and also Juan Martínez de Luna, Don Pere Boïl, Don Pedro Ferrándiz d’Ixar, Don Pero Jordan d’Urries and others. Also present were many fine French knights: these included Monsieur Bertrand du Guesclin, a Breton and a knight of great quality, the marshal d’Audrehem, a marshal of France, Le Bègue de Villaines, whom the king later created count of Ribadeo, and other French knights and squires.1 From the kingdom of Castile and León had come all the lords, magnates and knights of noble standing, with the exception of the master of Santiago Don Gonzalo Mejía and Don Juan Alfonso de Guzmán, who later became count of Niebla; for the king had left these men in Seville to defend the territory of Andalusia. With King Enrique were his brothers, the count of Vizcaya and lord of Lara Don Tello and the count of Alburquerque Don Sancho, the king’s son Count Alfonso, his nephew Count Pedro of Trastámara – son of the king’s brother the master Fadrique −, the master of Calatrava Don Pero Muñiz, the prior of Saint John Don Gómez Pérez de Porres and other lords and knights of Castile and León.

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Capitulo IIIIº. Commo el rrey don Enrrique hordeno su batalla. El rrey don Enrrique ouo su conssejo e dixeronle que pues los contrarios todos venian a pie, que era bueno tener esta hordenança. E hordeno su batalla en esta guisa: puso que estudiessen de pie en la delantera mossen Beltran de Claquin e el mariscal de [Audenan] e el vegue de Villanes e otros caualleros de Françia. Otrossi hordeno que de los caualleros de Castilla, estudiessen a pie con el su pendon de la Vanda estos que aqui dira: el conde don Sancho su hermano e Pero Manrrique adelantado mayor de Castilla, e Pero Fernandez de Velasco e Gomez Gonçalez de Castañeda e Pero Ruyz Sarmiento e Ruy Diaz de Rojas e Sancho Sanchez de Rojas e Iohan Rodriguez Sarmiento e Ruy Gonçalez de Çisneros e Sancho Ferrandez de Touar e Suer Perez de Quiñones e Garçi Laso de la Vega e don Iohan Remirez de Arellano e don Garçi Aluarez, maestre que fuera de Santiago, e Pero Lopez de Ayala, que leuaua el pendon de la Vanda, e Iohan Gonçalez de Auellaneda e Men Xuarez clauero de Alcantara e Garçi Gonçalez de Ferrera e Gonçalo Bernal de Quiros e otros que pudian seer todos fasta mill omnes de armas los que estauan a pie. E puso el rrey en la ala de a manisquierda de la batalla, do estauan los que yuan de pie, que fuessen a cauallo, e eran estos: el conde don Tello su hermano e don Gomez Perez de Porres prior de Sand Iohan e muchos caualleros fijos dalgo e con ellos fasta mill de cauallo, en los quales auia muchos caualleros armados. E en la otra parte, a la manderecha de los que yuan de pie, puso el rrey don Enrrique estos otros, que yuan todos a cauallo: el marques de Villena que dezian don Alfonso, fijo del infante don Pedro de Aragon e nieto del rrey don Jaymes de Aragon, que era conde de Denia e de Riba gorça, e era agora marques de Villena e el maestre de Calatraua don Pero Moñiz de Godoy e los comendadores mayores de Santiago que eran de Leon, don Ferrand Osores, e de Castilla, don Pero Ruyz de Sandoual. E eran en esta batalla mill de cauallo e muchos caualleros armados.

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1367: CHAPTER IV How King Enrique organized his troops. King Enrique consulted his counsellors and was told that, since his opponents were all going to be on foot, it was advisable to adopt the same strategy. He drew up his forces as follows: in the vanguard he placed Monsieur Bertrand du Guesclin, the marshal d’Audrehem, Le Bègue de Villaines and other French knights, all on foot. He also determined that the following Castilian knights would be on foot bearing the banner of La Banda: his brother Count Sancho, the governor general of Castile Pero Manrique, Pero Fernández de Velasco, Gómez González de Castañeda, Pero Ruiz Sarmiento, Ruy Díaz de Rojas, Sancho Sánchez de Rojas, Juan Rodríguez Sarmiento, Ruy González de Cisneros, Sancho Fernández de Tovar, Suer Pérez de Quiñones, Garci Laso de la Vega, Don Juan Ramírez de Arellano, Don Garci Álvarez – who had been master of Santiago –, the bearer of the banner of La Banda Pero López de Ayala, Juan González de Avellaneda, the keybearer of Alcántara Men Suárez, Garci González de Ferrera, Gonzalo Bernal de Quirós and other men-at arms, up to a thousand in all, who fought on foot.2 On the left flank of his army, next to the men fighting on foot, the king placed the following, who were to be mounted: his brother Count Tello, the prior of Saint John Don Gómez Pérez de Porres and numerous knights of noble birth, together with some 1,000 horsemen including many knights in full armour.3 On the other flank – on the right of the men on foot – King Enrique positioned these other troops, all of them mounted: the marquis of Villena Don Alfons – son of Prince Pere of Aragon and grandson of King Jaume of Aragon, the man who had been count of Denia and Ribagorza and was now marquis of Villena –; the master of Calatrava Don Pero Muñiz de Godoy and the commanders major of Santiago, Don Fernán Osórez for León and Don Pero Ruiz de Sandoval for Castile. On this flank of the army there were 1,000 horsemen with many knights in full armour.

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En la otra batalla de en medio destas dos batallas, yua el rrey don Enrrique e con el, el conde don Alfonso su fijo e el conde don Pedro su sobrino, fijo del maestre don Fadrique, e Yñigo Lopez de Horozco e Pero Gonçalez de Mendoça e don Aluar Garçia de Albornoz e don Ferrand Perez de Ayala e Pero Gonçalez de Aguero e miçer Anbrosio Boca Negra almirante e don Alfonso Perez de Guzman e don Iohan Alfonso de Haro e Gonçalo Gomez de Çisneros, e muchos otros fijos dalgo caualleros e escuderos de Castilla e de Leon e muchos rricos omnes e fijosdalgo de Aragon que pudian seer en esta batalla mill e quinientos de cauallo. Assi que tenia el rrey don Enrrique aquel dia desta batalla, con su conpaña de los que yuan de cauallo e de pie, quatro mill e quinientos de cauallo. Otrossi tenia el rrey don Enrrique de las montañas de Guipuzcoa e Vizcaya e Asturias, muchos escuderos de pie; pero aprouecharon muy poco en esta batalla, ca toda la pelea era en los omnes de armas.

Capitulo Vº. Commo el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe de Gales hordenaron su batalla. Otrossi de la parte del rrey don Pedro fue hordenada la batalla en esta guisa. Ellos todos vinieron a pie: en la auanguarda venia el duc de Alencastre, hermano del prinçipe, que dezian don Iohan, e mossen Iohan Chandos, que era conde estable de Gujana por el prinçipe, e mossen Ruberte Canoles e mossen Hugo de Carualoy e mossen Oliuer señor de Clison e otros muchos caualleros e escuderos de Ingla terra e de Bretaña, que eran tres mill omnes de armas muy buenos e muy husados de guerra. Otrossi en la vna ala de la su manderecha, venian el conde de Armiñac e el señor de Lebret e sus parientes e el señor de Moxidan e el conde de Rosen e otros grandes caualleros e escuderos de Gujana fasta dos mill lanças. E de la otra ala de la su mano esquierda venia el cabtal de Buche e muchos caualleros e escuderos de Gujana del

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King Enrique formed part of another batallion, in between these two flanks, and with him were his son Count Alfonso, his nephew Count Pedro, son of the master Don Fadrique, Íñigo López de Orozco, Pero González de Mendoza, Don Álvar García de Albornoz, Don Fernán Pérez de Ayala, Pero González de Agüero, Admiral Miçer Ambrosio Boccanegra, Don Alfonso Pérez de Guzmán, Don Juan Alfonso de Haro, Gonzalo Gómez de Cisneros and numerous other noble knights and squires of Castile and León together with many magnates and nobles of Aragon who in this batallion numbered altogether about 1,500 mounted troops. Thus on the day of the battle King Enrique had, among his combined company of men on horseback and footsoldiers, 4,500 cavalry. He also had many men on foot, squires from the mountain areas of Guipúzcoa, Vizcaya and Asturias. However they proved of very little value in this battle, for the whole encounter centred on the men-at-arms.

1367: CHAPTER V How King Pedro and the prince of Wales drew up their troops for battle. Moreover, on the side of King Pedro the army was drawn up as follows, with the whole army fighting on foot: in the vanguard were John duke of Lancaster, the prince’s brother; Sir John Chandos, who served the prince as constable of Guyenne; Sir Robert Knoles; Sir Hugh Calveley and Monsieur Olivier, lord of Clisson, and many other knights and squires from England and Brittany, altogether 3,000 very fine men-at-arms who were highly experienced in warfare. Also on one flank of their army, on the right, were the count of Armagnac, the lord of Albret and his relatives, the lord of Mucidan, the count of Rosen and other great knights and squires of Guyenne numbering up to 2,000 lances. On the other flank, on the left of the army, were the captal de Buch, many knights and squires from Guyenne

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vando e partida del conde de Fox e Senesorgas de Alemaña e Espiota e muchos capitanes e conpañias fasta dos mill omnes de armas. E en la batalla postrimera venia el rrey don Pedro e el rrey de Napol, que era fijo del rrey que fuera de Mallorcas, que dixeron Jaymes, e el prinçipe de Gales e el pendon del rrey de Nauarra con rricos omnes caualleros e escuderos suyos fasta trezientos omnes de armas, e muchos otros caualleros de Ingla terra, e eran en esta batalla tres mill lanças. Assi que eran todos estos diez mill omnes de armas e otros tantos frecheros. E estos omnes de armas eran estonçe la flor de la caualleria de la christiandad, ca era estonçe paz entre Françia e Ingla terra e todo el ducado de Guiana estaua por el prinçipe. E assi venian con el todos los buenos del dicho ducado assi foxencos commo armiñaques. Otrossy todos los rricos omnes e caualleros de Bretaña e toda la caualleria de Ingla terra. Otrossi venian con el rrey don Pedro de los suyos fasta ochoçientos omnes de armas castellanos e ginetes. E desta manera que auedes oydo fueron hordenadas las batallas de cada vna partida para el dia de la pelea.

Capitulo VIº. Del consejo que ouo el rrey don Enrrique sy pelearia o non. Estando el rrey don Enrrique en el dicho enzinar de Vañares do tenia ayuntadas sus conpañas, ouo cartas e mensageros del rrey don Carlos de Françia por las quales le enbio rrogar e consejar que non peleasse e escusasse aquella batalla, ca el le fazia çierto que con el prinçipe de Gales venia la flor de la caballeria del mundo e que desmanase aquella pelea e fiziesse su guerra en otra guisa, ca el prinçipe e aquellas conpañas non podrian mucho durar en Castilla e que se tornarian. E sobre esto mossen Beltran e el mariscal de [Audenan], que estauan

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belonging to the contingent of the count of Foix, Johan Hazenorgue from Germany, Espiote and many captains with companies altogether consisting of up to 2,000 men-at-arms. In the rearguard were King Pedro, the king of Naples – Jaume, son of the late king of Majorca −, the prince of Wales, the standard of the king of Navarre with magnates, knights and squires from his kingdom – some 300 men-at-arms – and many other English knights.4 In this batallion there were 3,000 lances. Altogether, therefore, there were 10,000 men-at-arms and the same number of archers. These men-at-arms were at that time the flower of Christendom’s knighthood, for France and England were currently at peace and the whole of the duchy of Guyenne was giving its allegiance to the prince. Thus he was accompanied by all the finest men of the duchy, including supporters of both the count of Foix and the count of Armagnac, all the magnates and knights of Brittany and all the chivalry of England. In addition, of his own forces King Pedro had with him some 800 men-at-arms, both Castilian knights and light cavalry. This, just as you have heard, was how the forces of the two sides were drawn up on the day of the battle.5

1367: CHAPTER VI Concerning the advice that King Enrique was given with regard to whether or not he should do battle. While he was encamped at the holm-oak wood at Bañares, where he had assembled all his forces, King Enrique received envoys with a letter from King Charles of France, requesting and advising him not to fight but rather to avoid doing battle. King Charles assured him that the prince of Wales was accompanied by the flower of the world’s chivalry and that he should not take part in that encounter but find another way of conducting his campaign: the king and those companies would not endure for long in Castile before withdrawing. Monsieur Bertrand and the marshal d’Audrehem, knights who were

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con el rrey don Enrrique, eran caualleros vasallos del rrey de Françia e fablaron con el rrey don Enrrique de partes del rrey de Françia todas estas rrazones que le enbiaua dezir e mandaua a ellos que fablassen con el por tal manera que la batalla non se fiziesse, ca el rrey de Françia e todo su consejo eran en esto. E el rrey don Enrrique les rrespondio que le paresçia que esta rrazon tal que la deurian poner en su consejo, que se fablasse secreta mente, e fizieronlo assi. E todos los que de su consejo eran e amauan su serviçio le dizian que si el pusiesse alguna dubda en esta batalla que fuesse çierto que todos los mas del rregno se partirian del e se yrian para el rrey don Pedro, e eso mesmo farian çibdades e villas. Ca tenian todos grand miedo del rrey don Pedro e si viessen que non auia quien defendiesse el campo, podrian dexar a el e tener con el rrey don Pedro; pero si viessen que el queria pelear, que todos esperauan la ventura de la batalla e que fiauan en la merçed de Dios que le daria victoria. E el rrey don Enrrique acogiosse a este consejo e dio rrespuesta a los caualleros de Françia commo le seria grand peligro sola mente mostrar nin fazer muestra de non querer pelear nin defender tantas çibdades e villas e señorios que tomaron su partida e pues assi era, que lo ponia todo en la mano de Dios. E el rrey Enrrique estando alli en el enzinar de Bañares, sopo commo el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe de Gales e el rrey de Napol e las otras conpañas que eran con ellos partian de la cuenca de Panplona e entrauan por Alaua e que la villa de Salua tierra de Alaua, que es en aquella comarca, se diera al rrey don Pedro e lo acogieran. E el rrey don Enrrique era en el enzinar de Bañares e desque sopo commo el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe e las otras conpañas suyas eran entradas en Alaua, partio del enzinar de Bañares e fuesse para aquella tierra do el rrey don Pedro era, e puso su rreal en vna sierra alta que esta sobre Alaua, do esta vn castillo del rrey que dizen Çaldiaran. E estaua el su rreal en lugar do los que eran con el rrey don Pedro e con el prinçipe non podian pelear con ellos por la grand fortaleza que aquel asentamiento del rreal tenia. E aquel dia cobraron los ingleses e las otras conpañas del rrey don Pedro e del prinçipe grand esfuerço por

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fighting in the service of King Enrique but who were vassals of the king of France, passed on to King Enrique all the arguments against the battle taking place that the French monarch had communicated to them and commanded them to put forward. For the king of France and all his council were of this opinion. King Enrique replied to them that he considered that this argument should be put to his own council to be discussed privately, and this was done. All of the members of his council, his loyal supporters, said that if he showed any hesitation over going to battle he could be sure that most of his subjects would abandon his cause and transfer their support to King Pedro, and that towns and cities would do likewise. For they were all in great fear of King Pedro and, if they saw that there was nobody to defend them on the field of battle, they might well abandon him and give their allegiance to King Pedro. On the other hand, if they saw that King Enrique was ready to fight, they all expected him to be successful in battle and trusted in the mercy of God to give him victory. King Enrique was persuaded by this advice and replied to the French knights that it would be highly dangerous for him to give any sign or indication of being unwilling to do battle or give protection to so many cities, towns and lordships which had given him their support; and, since this was the case, he was placing all his trust in God. While King Enrique was in his camp at the wood at Bañares, he heard how King Pedro, the prince of Wales, the king of Naples and the other forces accompanying them were leaving the Pamplona Basin and making their entry through Álava, and that the town of Salvatierra de Álava in that area had surrendered to King Pedro and welcomed him in. Then, once King Enrique, in that camp in the wood at Bañares, learned how King Pedro, the prince and the rest of their army had entered Álava, he set off for the area where King Pedro was now to be found and established his encampment on a high range of hills rising over Álava, in the vicinity of a castle called Zaldiaran which belonged to the king. His camp occupied a site which did not allow the supporters of King Pedro and the prince to do battle with them on account of the great strength of its position. That day the English and the other troops of King Pedro and the prince took great heart since

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quanto vieron que el rrey don Enrrique se pussiera en aquella sierra e non desçendia a lo llano do ellos estauan prestos para dar la batalla.

Capitulo VIIº. Commo el rrey don Enrrique enbio algunas gentes a buscar algunas conpañas de los ingleses que eran entrados en Alaua a catar viandas e andauan derramados por la tierra. El rrey don Enrrique sopo commo muchos de los de la conpañia del rrey don Pedro e del prinçipe se tendian por la tierra de Alaua a buscar viandas e dixeronle que si enbiasse alla algunas de sus gentes que les podrian enpeesçer ca los fallarian derramados. E el rrey don Enrrique fizo lo assi e enbio alla a don Alfonso conde de Denia, fijo del infante don Pedro de Aragon e nieto del rrey don Jaymes de Aragon, que era marques de Villena, e don Tello su hermano del rrey, que era conde de Vizcaya e señor de Aguilar e de Castañeda, e Pero Gonçalez de Mendoça e a don Pero Moñiz maestre de Calatraua e don Iohan Ramirez de Arellano e los comendadores mayores de Santiago de Castilla e de Leon que eran don Pero Ruiz de Sandoual e don Ferrand Osorez e muchos otros caualleros e escuderos de Castilla. Otrossi enbio al mariscal de [Audenan], que era mariscal de Françia e el vegue de Villanes, que eran françeses. E todos estos fueron para Alaua e fallaron ý pieça de gentes ingleses e gascones, que andauan a catar viandas e posauan por las aldeas, e tomaron los. Otrossi fallaron dozientos omnes de armas e otros tantos frecheros, e quando los vieron las gentes de los contrarios, pusieronse en vn otero asaz pequeño a pie çerca vn aldea que dizian Arinis. E en tal guisa se hordenauan los ingleses que los de cauallo non los podian desbaratar en ninguna manera nin entrar entrellos. E quando esto vieron el vegue de Villanes e el mariscal de [Audenan] e don Iohan Ramirez de Arellano apearonse para yr a ellos. E Pero Gonçalez

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they could see that King Enrique had taken up a position there on the heights rather than coming down onto the plain where they were ready to give battle.

1367: CHAPTER VII How King Enrique sent forces to hunt down some companies of English troops who had entered Álava in search of provisions and were scattered over the region. King Enrique received reports that many men from the army of King Pedro and the prince were spreading out over the region of Álava foraging for provisions, and he was told that if he sent some of his forces there they would be able to inflict losses on them as they would find them widely scattered. King Enrique did so, dispatching Count Alfons of Denia − son of Prince Pere and grandson of King Jaume of Aragon, and marquis of Villena −, his own brother Don Tello – count of Vizcaya and lord of Aguilar and Castañeda −, Pero González de Mendoza, the master of Calatrava Don Pero Muñiz, Don Juan Ramírez de Arellano, the commanders major of Castile and León Don Pero Ruiz de Sandoval and Don Fernán Osórez, and many other Castilian knights and squires. With them he also sent the marshal d’Audrehem, who was a marshal of France, and Le Bègue de Villaines, both of whom were French. These men headed for Álava, where they found a good number of English and Gascon troops engaged in searching out provisions and staying in the villages, and they took them prisoner. They also encountered 200 men-at-arms and a similar number of archers, and when their enemies caught sight of them they positioned themselves on foot on a relatively small hill near to a village called Aríñez. Moreover, the English organized themselves in such a way that the horsemen could not drive them back or get in amongst them. So, when they saw this, Le Bègue de Villaines, the marshal d’Audrehem and Don Juan Ramírez de Arellano dismounted in order to attack

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de Mendoça e otros caualleros que estauan a cauallo acometieron los en guisa que los desbarataron. E morio ý el dicho mossen Guillen de Feleron e otros caualleros que ý eran con el, e los otros fueron presos. Otrossi tomaron esse dia muchos omnes de armas e frecheros de la conpañia del prinçipe, que andauan a catar viandas.

Capitulo VIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe fizieron aquel dia e commo fue cauallero el rrey don Pedro. El rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe de Gales estauan allende la villa de Bitoria quando sopieron que aquellas gentes del rrey don Enrrique eran en la tierra de Alaua e fazian daño en los que fallauan que andauan a catar viandas: pensaron que el rrey don Enrrique era, que venia a la batalla, e pusieronsse todos en vn otero que es allende de la villa de Bitoria que dizen Sant Roman e ally reglaron su batalla. E alli se armo el rrey don Pedro cauallero aquel dia, de mano del prinçipe e se armaron otros muchos caualleros. E los del rrey don Enrrique que alli eran venidos non cataron de fazer mas e tornaronsse para el rreal que tenia el rrey don Enrrique e non ouo aquel dia mas.

Capitulo IXº. Commo el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe de Gales partieron de Alaua e se fueron para Logroño. Despues que el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe de Gales vieron que el rrey don Enrrique non desçendia de aquella sierra a lo llano e que

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them. Pero González de Mendoza and other mounted knights then launched an assault on the English of such force as to throw them into disarray. Sir William Felton died in this encounter together with some other knights who were accompanying him, and the remainder were taken prisoner. Also captured that day were numerous men-at-arms and archers from the prince’s company, men who had been foraging for provisions.

1367: CHAPTER VIII How King Pedro and the prince reacted that day, and how King Pedro was knighted. King Pedro and the prince of Wales had advanced beyond the town of Vitoria when they heard that some of King Enrique’s troops were in the territory of Álava and inflicting losses on the men that they found foraging for provisions. They thought that it was King Enrique who was coming to do battle and so they positioned themselves on a hill called San Román on the far side of the town of Vitoria, and there they drew up their army. This was where on that day King Pedro was knighted by the prince along with many other men. The members of King Enrique’s army who been drawing near sought to do no more and withdrew to the king’s encampment. Nothing more ocurred that day.

1367: CHAPTER IX How King Pedro and the prince of Wales left Álava and headed for Logroño. King Pedro and the prince of Wales saw that King Enrique was not coming down from the heights to the plain and that they could only do

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ellos non podian pelear con el si non a grand su peoria nin pasar para yr a Castilla por alli, ca les tenia los puertos de aquella comarca, partieron de Alaua e fueronsse para la villa de Logroño, que estaua por el rrey don Pedro. E ha en ella sobre Ebro vna grand puente e buena, e pasaron por ally el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe de Gales e todas sus conpañas. E fizieron su cuenta que el rrey don Enrrique les vernia a la pelea o que entrarian por el rregno de Castilla.

Capitulo Xº. Commo el rrey don Enrrique partio de Çaldiaran e se fue para Najara e de las cartas que ouo del prinçipe de Gales. El rrey don Enrrique desque sopo que el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe de Gales e los que con ellos eran auian tomado el camino de Logroño e yuan alla por pasar por alli el rrio de Ebro, partio dende e fuesse para Najara. E puso su rreal aquende la villa en guisa que el rrio de Najarilla estaua entre su rreal e el camino por do el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe auian de venir a pasar a Rioja e tomar su camino para Burgos. E el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe e las otras conpañas partieron de Logroño e venieron para Nauarrete. E de alli enbio el prinçipe al rrey don Enrrique vn su araute con vna carta, el tenor de la qual es este: ‘Eduarte fijo primo genito del rrey de Ingla terra prinçipe de Gales e de Gujana, duc de Cornoalla e conde de Çestre, al noble poderoso prinçipe don Enrrique, conde de Trastamara. Sabed que en estos dias passados el muy alto e muy poderoso prinçipe don Pedro, rrey de Castilla e de Leon, nuestro muy caro e muy amado pariente, llego en las partidas de Gujana do nos estauamos e nos fizo entender que quando el rrey don Alfonso su padre morio, que todos los de los rregnos de Castilla e de Leon paçifica mente le rresçibieran e tomaran por su rrey e señor, entre los quales vos fuestes vno dellos que asi le obedesçieron

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battle with him at a great disadvantage, and they also realized that, as he was blocking all the passes in the area, by that route they could not find a way through to Castile. So they left Álava and headed towards the town of Logroño, which had declared its support for King Pedro. In Logroño there is a fine, large bridge which crosses the Ebro and it was over this that King Pedro and the prince of Wales passed with their whole army. They reckoned that King Enrique would come and do battle with them or that otherwise they would enter the kingdom of Castile.

1367: CHAPTER X How King Enrique left Zaldiaran for Nájera, and concerning the letter that he received from the prince of Wales. Once King Enrique learned that King Pedro and the prince of Wales had set off with their army and were heading towards Logroño with the intention of crossing the river Ebro at that point, he too set out for Nájera. He established his encampment on the near side of the town so that the River Najerilla flowed between his camp and the road by which King Pedro and the prince had to come in order to cross into La Rioja and follow the route towards Burgos. King Pedro and the prince with the rest of the army set off from Logroño and headed for Navarrete. From there the prince sent a herald to King Enrique bearing a letter, the content of which was as follows:6 ‘Edward, first-born son of the king of England, prince of Wales and of Guyenne, duke of Cornwall and count of Chester, to the noble and redoubtable Prince Enrique, count of Trastámara. You should be aware that in the recent past the illustrious and redoubtable King Pedro of Castile and León, our dear and beloved relative, came to us in the territory of Guyenne.7 He explained to us how, on the death of his father King Alfonso, he had been peacefully welcomed and accepted as king and lord by all the people of the kingdoms of Castile and León; and among them you were one of those who gave him their

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e estudistes gran tienpo en su obediençia. E diz que despues desto, agora puede auer vn año, que vos con gentes e conpañias de diversas nasçiones, que llegastes e entrastes en el su rregno e gelo ocupastes e llamastes vos rrey de Castilla e de Leon, e le tomastes los sus thesoros e las sus rrentas e le tenedes forçado e tomado asi su rregno e dezides que lo defenderedes del e de los que le quisieren ayudar, de lo qual somos mucho marauillado que vn tan noble omne commo vos, fijo de rrey, fiziessedes cosa que vos sea vergoñosa de fazer contra vuestro rrey e vuestro señor. E el rrey don Pedro enbio mostrar todas estas cosas a mi señor e mi padre el rrey de Ingla terra e le rrequirio, lo vno por el grand debdo e linaje que las casas de Ingla terra e Castilla ouieron en vno: otrossi por las ligas e confederaçiones que el dicho rrey don Pedro tiene fechas con el rrey de Ingla terra mi padre e mi señor e comigo, e que le quisiesse ayudar a tornar al su rregno e cobrar lo suyo. E el rrey de Ingla terra mi padre e mi señor veyendo que el rrey don Pedro su pariente le enbiaua pedir justiçia e derecho e cosa rrazonable a que todo rrey deue ayudar, plogole de lo fazer assi. E enbio nos mandar que con todos sus vasallos e valledores e amigos que el ha, que nos le viniessemos a ayudar e confortar segund cunple a su honrra, por la qual rrazon nos somos aqui e estamos oy en el lugar de Nauarrete que es en los terminos de Castilla. E por que si voluntad fuesse de Dios que se pudiesse escusar tan grand derramamiento de sangre commo podria contesçer de christianos si batalla ouiesse, de lo qual sabe Dios que a nos pesara mucho dello, por ende vos rrogamos e rrequerimos de parte de Dios e con el martil Sand Jorge, que si vos plaze, que nos seamos buen medianero entre el dicho rrey don Pedro e vos, que nos lo fagades saber e nos trabajaremos commo vos ayades en los sus rregnos e en la su buena graçia e merçed, grand parte, por que muy honrrada mente podades bien pasar e tener vuestro estado, e si algunas otras cosas ouiere de librar entre el e vos, nos con la merçed de Dios entendemos poner las en tal estado commo vos seades bien contento. E si desto

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allegiance, remaining loyal to him for a long time. He asserts that, since then, about a year ago, you came with troops and companies from various nations, invaded and occupied his kingdom and called yourself King of Castile and León. He also says that you have taken from him his treasure and his income, that you have seized and stolen his kingdom from him in this way and are declaring that you will defend it against him and from those who may seek to give him assistance. It causes us great surprise that so noble a man as yourself, son of a king, should have committed an act which is so shameful against your king and your lord. King Pedro sent an explanation of all these matters to my lord and father, the king of England, and he appealed to him to be willing to assist him to return to his kingdom and regain possession of what was his. He asked this partly on account of the close family bond and connection between the ruling houses of England and Castile but also because of the treaties and agreements which King Pedro has made with my father and lord, the king of England, and with me. My father and lord the king of England, seeing that his relative King Pedro was sending him an appeal for what was just and right, a reasonable request which any king should grant, agreed to do what was asked of him. He sent us a command that, together with all his vassals, supporters and allies, we should come to give King Pedro assistance and backing in keeping with his honourable standing; and it is for this reason that we have come and today are here in the town of Navarrete within the borders of Castile. Moreover, so much Christian blood might be shed if the battle took place, which God knows would cause us great distress. And so, in the hope that it is God’s will for this to be avoided, we beg and appeal to you in the name of God and that of the martyr Saint George, that, if you are willing, we may serve as a fitting intermediary between King Pedro and yourself. We ask you to inform us if this is the case, and we will work to ensure that you will share fully in his kingdoms and in his grace and his favour, in such a way that you may enjoy honourable access to and possession of your estates. And if there are other matters to be resolved between King Pedro and yourself, it is our intention, with God’s mercy, to settle them to your full satisfaction. However,

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non vos plaze e queredes que se libre por batalla, sabe Dios que nos desplaze mucho dello, pero non podemos escusar de yr con el dicho rrey don Pedro nuestro pariente por el su rregno. E si algunos quisieren enbargar los caminos a el, nos que con el ymos faremos mucho por le ayudar con la ayuda e graçia de Dios. Escrita en Nauarrete, villa de Castilla, primero dia de abril.’

Capitulo XIº. De la rrespuesta que el rrey don Enrrique enbio al prinçipe. El rrey don Enrrique desque vio la carta que el prinçipe le enbiaua, rresçibio muy bien el su haraute e diole de sus paños de oro e de sus doblas. E ouo su consejo commo rresponderia al prinçipe por que algunos ý eran que dizian que por que el prinçipe non le llamaua rrey en su carta que le deuia escreuir por otra manera; pero despues fue acordado que el deuia escreuir cortes mente, ca avn entre los henemigos bien paresçe seer omne cortes e bien rrazonado. E mando luego fazer su carta de rrespuesta para el prinçipe, la qual leuo el dicho haraute que traxo esta carta del prinçipe de que auemos dicho, la qual carta dizia assi: ‘Don Enrrique por la graçia de Dios, rrey de Castilla e de Leon al muy alto e poderoso prinçipe don Eduarte, fijo primo genito del rrey de Ingla terra, prinçipe de Gales e de Gujana, duque de Cornoalla e conde de Çestre. Resçibi por vn haraute vna carta vuestra, en la qual se contenian muchas rrazones que vos fueron dichas por parte de ese nuestro adversario que ý es, e non nos paresçe que vos auedes seydo bien enformado commo esse nuestro adversario, en los tienpos que touo estos rregnos, los rrigio en tal manera que todos los que lo saben e oyen se pueden dello marauillar por que el haya tanto a seer sofrido en el señorio que touo. E todos los de los rregnos de Castilla

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if you do not agree to this and you wish the dispute to be decided by battle – and God knows that we have no desire for this – we have no choice but to accompany our relative King Pedro into his kingdom. If there is an attempt on the part of anyone to block his way, we who are in his company, with the help and grace of God, will make every effort to assist him. Written in the Castilian town of Navarrete on the first of April.’

1367: CHAPTER XI Concerning the reply that King Enrique sent to the prince. King Enrique, on seeing the letter sent to him by the prince, gave a very warm welcome to his herald and made him gifts of cloths of gold and payment in doblas. He consulted his advisers with regard to how he would reply to the prince because there were some present who said that, as the prince had not addressed him as King in his letter, King Enrique should write to him in different terms from these. However, it was subsequently agreed that King Enrique should address the prince with courtesy, as even between adversaries it is right to appear a polite and well-spoken man. He lost no time in drawing up his reply to the prince, which was taken to him by the same herald who had brought the prince’s letter of which we have already spoken. King Enrique’s letter read as follows: ‘Don Enrique, by the grace of God king of Castile and León, to the worthy and redoubtable Prince Edward, first-born son of the king of England, prince of Wales and of Guyenne, duke of Cornwall and count of Chester. I received from a herald a letter of yours, in which there appeared many arguments that had been put to you on behalf of our enemy there present. However, it does not seem to us that you have been well informed with regard to how that enemy of ours, during the time when he possessed these kingdoms, ruled over them in such a way that those who know about or hear of it may well wonder that he had to be tolerated for so long in his position of lordship. All the

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e de Leon, con muy grand trabajo e daño e peligros de muertes e de manzillas, sostouieron lo que el fizo fasta aqui e non las pudieron mas encobrir nin sofrir, las quales cosas serian luengas de contar: Dios por su merçed ouo piedat de todos los de estos rregnos por que non fuesse este mal cada dia mas, e non le faziendo omne de todo su señorio ninguna cosa, saluo obediençia, e estando todos con el para le ayudar e seruir e para defender los dichos rregnos en la çibdat de Burgos, Dios dio su sentençia contra el que el de su propia voluntad los desanparo e se fue. E todos los de los rregnos de Castilla e de Leon ouieron dende muy grand plazer teniendo que Dios les auia enbiado su misericordia para los librar de su señorio tan duro e tan peligroso commo tenian. E todos los de los dichos rregnos de su propia voluntad vinieron a nos e nos tomaron por su rrey e por su señor assi perlados commo caualleros e fijos dalgo e çibdades e villas, e por tanto entendimos por estas cosas sobre dichas que esto fue obra de Dios. E por ende pues por voluntad de Dios e de todos los del rregno nos fue dado, vos non auedes rrazon alguna por que nos destoruar, e si batalla ouiere de seer, sabe Dios que nos desplaze dello; pero non podemos escusar de poner nuestro cuerpo en defender estos rregnos, a quien tan tenudo somos, contra qualquier que contra ellos quiera seer. Por ende vos rrogamos e rrequerimos con Dios e con el apostol Santiago que vos non querades entrar assi poderosa mente en nuestros rregnos faziendo en ellos daño alguno, ca faziendolo non podemos escusar de los non defender. Escrita en el nuestro rreal çerca de Najara, segundo dia de abril.’ E despues que el prinçipe ouo esta carta e la mostro al rrey don Pedro, fue ý dicho que estas rrazones non eran sufiçientes para se poder escusar la batalla; pero que todo esto era en la voluntad de Dios e commo fuesse la su merçed de fazer, e que non auia otro rremedio si non ponerlo a batalla luego.

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people of the kingdoms of Castile and León, suffering great trials and great harm and danger of death and dishonour, have endured his actions until now, but they have been unable either to disguise them or to suffer them any longer; and the account of these matters would be long indeed. God in his mercy took pity on all the people of these realms so that this ill would not continue to grow greater day by day: although none of King Pedro’s subjects showed him anything other than loyalty and they were all gathered with him in the city of Burgos ready to give him help and support and to defend the kingdoms of Castile and León, God pronounced his sentence on the man who, of his own free will, abandoned them and left. All the people of Castile and León took great pleasure in this, considering that God had granted them his mercy to free them from such harsh and dangerous lordship as they were enduring. All those who dwelt in those realms – prelates as well as knights, noblemen and the people of the cities and the towns − turned to us of their accord and took us as their king and lord. Therefore, from these events that we have described, we understood it to be the work of God, and so, since the throne was given to us through the will of God and of all the people of the kingdoms, you have no reason at all to stand in our way. If there has to be a battle God knows that it gives us no pleasure, but we have no choice other than to risk our own person in the defence of these kingdoms, to which we are so devoted, against anyone who sets himself against them. For this reason we, with God and the Apostle Saint James, ask and appeal to you not to seek to enter our realms with such a display of force and not to inflict any harm on them; for if you do so we cannot justify failing to defend them.8 Written in our royal encampment near to Nájera on the second day of April.’ After the prince had received this letter and had shown it to King Pedro, the conclusion was reached that these arguments were not sufficient for them to avoid battle but that rather all of this was in the hands of God and depended on what was His will: there was no alternative but to settle the affair by battle without delay.

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Capitulo XIIº. En que cuenta commo la batalla fue ayuntada por amas las partidas e commo acaesçio aquel dia. El rrey don Enrrique segund dicho auemos, tenia el su rreal asentado en guisa que el rrio de Najarilla estaua entre [el e] el lugar por do auian de venir el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe. E el ouo su acuerdo de pasar el rrio e poner la batalla en vna grant plaça que es contra Nauarrete por do los otros venian e fizolo assi. E desto peso a muchos de los que con el estauan, ca tenian primero su rreal a mayor auentaja que despues lo asentaron; pero el rrey don Enrrique era omne de muy grand coraçon e de muy grand esfuerço e dixo que en todas las guisas queria poner batalla en plaça llana syn auantaja alguna. E el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe e sus conpañas partieron de Nauarrete sabado por la mañana en la hordenança que auemos contado que hordenaron sus batallas, e apearonsse todos grand pieça antes que llegassen do los de la partida del rrey don Enrrique estauan. E el rrey don Enrrique hordeno su batalla eso mesmo en aquella manera que suso auemos contado que lo tenia hordenado. E luego antes que las batallas se ayuntassen, algunos ginetes e el pendon de Santesteuan del Puerto con los del dicho lugar que alli estauan con el rrey don Enrrique pasaronsse a la otra parte del rrey don Pedro. E luego mouieron los vnos contra los otros. E el conde don Sancho, hermano del rrey don Enrrique, e mossen Beltran de Claquin e los caualleros que estauan con el pendon de la Vanda e todos aquellos caualleros que deximos que el rrey don Enrrique hordenara que estudiessen de pie fueron juntar con la auan guarda de la otra parte, do venian el duc de Alencastre e el conde estable de Gujana e mossen Iohan Chandos e otros muchos muy buenos caualleros. E los de la partida del rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe de Gales trayan por señal los escudos e sobre señales blancas e con cruzes bermejas por Sand Jorge. E todos los de la partida del rrey don Enrrique leuauan esse dia vandas en las sobre señales. E tan rrezio se juntaron los vnos con los otros que a los de la vna parte e de la otra, cayeron las lanças en tierra e juntaronsse

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1367: CHAPTER XII Which relates how battle was joined by both sides and tells of the events of the day. As we have already said, King Enrique had positioned his encampment in such a way that the River Najerilla separated it from the route by which King Pedro and the prince had to come. He had resolved to cross the river and fight the battle in a large open area outside Navarrete through which his enemies would pass, and this is what he did. Many of those with him were unhappy about this, for the initial position of their camp was more advantageous than the one that they subsequently occupied. However, King Enrique was a man of great spirit and very strong will and he said that in any case he wished to do battle on level ground without having any advantage. King Pedro and the prince moved out from Navarrete on the Saturday morning with their forces organized just as we set out above, and they all dismounted a considerable distance before they came near to the position of King Enrique’s troops. King Enrique likewise drew up his army in precisely the way in which we have already set out. Then, shortly before battle was joined, some light cavalry and the men accompanying the banner of Santisteban del Puerto, who were part of King Enrique’s army, went over to King Pedro’s side.9 Rapidly the two forces moved together. King Enrique’s brother Count Sancho, Monsieur Bertrand du Guesclin and the knights accompanying the banner of La Banda, together with all those knights that – as we explained – King Enrique had instructed to fight on foot: all of these troops closed with the vanguard of the opposing army, which included the duke of Lancaster, the constable of Guyenne Sir John Chandos and many other very fine knights. The men in the army of King Pedro and the prince bore as their emblem shields and surcoats of white with the red cross of Saint George. And that day all the men of King Enrique’s army wore the emblem of the sash of La Banda on their surcoats. So violent was the clash between the two sides that the lances of both fell to the ground and the men

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cuerpos con cuerpos, e luego se començaron de ferir de las espadas e hachas e dagas llamando los de la parte del rrey don Pedro e del prinçipe de Gales por su apellido: ‘¡Gujana! ¡San Jorge!’, e los de la partida del rrey don Enrrique: ‘¡Castilla! ¡Santiago!’ E los de la auanguarda del prinçipe rretrayeronsse vn poco quanto vna pasada en manera que los de la auanguarda del rrey don Enrrique cuydaron que vençian, e llegaronse mas a ellos e començaronse otra vez a ferir. E don Tello, hermano del rrey don Enrrique e señor de Lara e de Vizcaya, que estaua de cauallo a la mano esquierda de la auanguarda del rrey don Enrrique, non mouia para pelear. E los de la ala derecha del prinçipe que eran el conde de Arminac e los de Lebret e otros muchos que venian en aquella haz aderesçaron a don Tello e el e los que con el estauan non los esperaron e mouieron del canpo a todo rronper fuyendo. E los de aquella haz que yuan a don Tello quando vieron los de cauallo fuyr e que non los podian alcançar nin enpeesçer, tornaron sobre las espaldas de los que estauan de pie en la auanguarda del rrey don Enrrique que peleauan con la auanguarda del prinçipe, do estaua el pendon de la Vanda, e firieronlos por las espaldas e començaron apriessa de matar dellos. E eso mesmo fizo la otra haz de la mano siniestra de la auanguarda del prinçipe: despues que non fallaron gentes de los de cauallo que auian de pelear con ellos, firieron en los que estauan de pie en la auanguarda del rrey don Enrrique en guisa que luego fueron todos los de la dicha auanguarda del rrey don Enrrique que estauan de pie, muertos e presos, ca ninguno non les acorria e ellos estauan de cada parte çercados de los henemigos. E el rrey don Enrrique llego dos o tres vezes en el su cauallo armado de lorigas por acorrer a los suyos que estauan de pie teniendo que assi lo farian todos los suyos que estauan con el de cauallo. E llegando veya quel pendon de la Vanda estaua alto, que avn non era derribado. E quando el rrey don Enrrique llego do era la priessa de la batalla e vio que los suyos non peleauan, ouo de boluer, ca non pudo sofrir los henemigos que eran ya muy esforçados. E assi fizieron los de cauallo que con el eran: partieron todos del canpo, e los ingleses e gascones e bretones los siguieron fasta la villa de Najara.

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came together in hand-to-hand combat, setting about each other with swords, axes and daggers. The troops of King Pedro and the prince shouted out their war cry ‘Guyenne! Saint George!’ and King Enrique’s supporters cried ‘Castile! Santiago!’ The men at the fore of the prince’s army withdrew by just a short distance in such a way that King Enrique’s vanguard, believing that they were gaining victory, pushed closer to them, and then they began to strike each other again. However, King Enrique’s brother Don Tello, lord of Lara and Vizcaya, who was on horseback to the left of King Enrique’s vanguard, did not move forward to fight. So the men on the right flank of the prince’s army – the count of Armagnac, the lord of Albret and his company and many others who made up that batallion – made straight for Don Tello. He and those with him did not wait to engage with them but drew back and set off in headlong flight. The body of troops who were making for Don Tello, on seeing the cavalry take flight and realizing that they could not catch or harm them, turned to attack the backs of the men on foot in King Enrique’s vanguard who were engaging the prince’s vanguard – where the banner of La Banda was flying – and, striking them from behind, they rapidly began to inflict deaths. The flank to the left of the prince’s vanguard did likewise and, once they did not come up against men on horseback to fight against them, they directed their attack against those who were fighting on foot in King Enrique’s vanguard. In consequence it was not long before the members of that vanguard, fighting on foot, were either killed or taken prisoner, for nobody came to their assistance and they found themselves completely surrounded by their enemies. King Enrique rode forward on his armoured horse two or three times to assist those of his men who were on foot, believing that the mounted troops accompanying him would all do the same. As he drew near, he could see that the banner of La Banda was still flying and had not yet been brought down. And when King Enrique arrived in the thick of the battle and saw that his men were putting up no fight, he was forced to turn back, for he could no longer resist the attacks of his enemies, whose morale was now very high. The cavalry who were with him did likewise, all fleeing the field of battle with the English, Gascons and Bretons giving pursuit as far as the town of Nájera.

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E los de cauallo de la partida del rrey don Enrrique, desque boluieron las espaldas, non pudian sallir de la villa de Najara con la priessa, ca por alli era el camino que ellos tomauan para fuyr de los henemigos, e alli fueron muchos muertos e presos. E de los de la auanguarda que el rrey don Enrrique mandara estar de pie con el su pendon de la Vanda e con el conde don Sancho su hermano e con mossen Beltran de Claquin fueron muertos estos que aqui diremos: Garçi Laso de la Vega, Suer Perez de Quiñones, Sancho Sanchez de Rojas, Iohan Rodriguez Sarmiento, [Furtado Diaz de] Mendoça, Ferrand Sanchez de Angulo e otros fasta quatroçientos omnes de armas. E fueron presos, de los que estauan a pie en la dicha auanguarda, el conde don Sancho, hermano del rrey don Enrrique, e mossen Beltran de Claquin e el mariscal de [Audenan], que era mariscal de Françia e el vegue de Villanes e don Felipe de Castro e Pero Ferrandez de Velasco e don Garçi Aluarez de Toledo, que fuera maestre de Santiago e Pero Ruyz Sarmiento e Gomez Gonçalez de Castañeda e Iohan Diaz de Ayllon e Iohan Gonçalez de Avellaneda e el clauero de Alcantara que dizian Melen Suarez e Garçi Gonçalez de Ferrera e Pero Lopez de Ayala e Sancho Ferrandez de Touar e Iohan Remirez de Arellano e otros. Otrossi de los de cauallo de la parte del rrey Enrrique fueron presos el conde de Denia, que el rrey don Enrrique fiziera marques de Villena, e el conde don Alfonso e el conde don Pedro e don Pedro Moñiz maestre de Calatraua e Men Rodriguez de Biedma e don Aluar Garçia de Albornoz e don Beltran de Guiuara e Iohan Furtado de Mendoça e Pero Gonçalez de Mendoça e don Pedro Tenorio, arçobispo que fue despues de Toledo, e don Iohan Garçia Palomeque, obispo de Vadajoz, e Pero Gonçalez Carrillo e don Pero Boyl e don Iohan Martinez de Luna e don Pero Ferrandez Dixar e don Pero Jordan Dures e don Ferrand Osores comendador mayor de tierra de Leon de la horden de Santiago, e Garçi Jufre Tenorio e Sancho Sanchez de Moscoso e Gomez Carrillo de Quintana, camarero mayor del rrey don Enrrique, e muchos otros caualleros e escuderos de Castilla e de Leon e de Aragon. Otrossi morio esse dia Yñigo Lopez de Horozco, que mato el rrey don Pedro teniendole preso vn cauallero del prinçipe. Otrossi despues de la batalla fizo matar el rrey don Pedro a Gomez Carrillo

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On account of the crush, once they had turned to flee, the cavalry of King Enrique’s army could not make their way out of the town of Nájera − which was the route that they took to escape from their enemies − and there many of them suffered death or captivity. Of the members of the vanguard that King Enrique had instructed to fight on foot under the banner of La Banda and alongside his brother Count Sancho and Monsieur Bertrand du Guesclin, the following were killed: Garci Laso de La Vega, Suer Pérez de Quiñones, Sancho Sánchez de Rojas, Juan Rodríguez Sarmiento, Hurtado Díaz de Mendoza, Fernán Sánchez de Ángulo and up to 400 other men-atarms. Of those who were on foot in the vanguard the following were taken prisoner: King Enrique’s brother Count Sancho, Monsieur Bertrand du Guesclin and the marshal d’Audrehem, who was a marshal of France, Le Bègue de Villaines, Don Felipe de Castro, Pero Fernández de Velasco, Don Garci Álvarez de Toledo, who had been master of Santiago, Pero Ruiz Sarmiento, Gómez González de Castañeda, Juan Díaz de Ayllón, Juan González de Avellaneda, the keybearer of Alcántara Melén Suárez, Garci González de Herrera, Pero López de Ayala, Sancho Fernández de Tovar, Juan Ramírez de Arellano and others. In addition, of those of King Enrique’s troops who were fighting on horseback the following were taken prisoner: the count of Denia, whom King Enrique had created marquis of Villena, Count Alfonso, Count Pedro, the master of Calatrava Don Pedro Muñiz, Men Rodríguez de Biedma, Don Álvar García de Albornoz, Don Beltrán de Guevara, Juan Hurtado de Mendoza, Pero González de Mendoza, Don Pedro Tenorio who later became archbishop of Toledo, the bishop of Badajoz Don Juan García Palomeque, Don Pere Boïl, Don Juan Martínez de Luna, Don Pedro Ferrándiz d’Ixar, Don Pero Jordan d’Urries, Don Fernán Osórez, commander major of the Order of Santiago for the territories of León, Garci Jofré Tenorio, Sancho Sánchez Moscoso, King Enrique’s master chamberlain Gómez Carrillo de Quintana, and many other knights and squires of Castile, León and Aragon. Also among those who died that day was Íñigo López de Orozco, killed by King Pedro whilst being held prisoner by one of the prince’s knights. In addition, after the battle King Pedro ordered the death of

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de Quintana, fijo de Ruy Diaz Carrillo, que era camarero mayor del rrey don Enrrique. E fizo matar a Sancho Sanchez de Moscoso, comendador mayor de la orden de Santiago. E despues desto mato a Garçi Jufre Tenorio, fijo del almirante don Alonso Jufre, que fuera preso aquel dia de la batalla.

Capitulo XIIIº. Commo fueron otro dia despues de la batalla traydos delante del rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe todos los que fueron presos e commo el mariscal de [Audenan] se escuso de lo que el prinçipe le acusaua. Otro dia domingo, despues de la batalla, fueron traydos delante del prinçipe todos los caualleros que eran presos, por quanto el rrey don Pedro dizia que auia trato con el prinçipe que algunos dellos contra quales el pasara por sentençia, que le deuian seer entregados para fazer dellos justiçia. E entre todos los presos fueron ý traydos les estrangeros que acaesçieron en la batalla de la parte del rrey don Enrrique, entre los quales fue ý traydo el mariscal de [Audenan], que era françes de Picardia, muy buen cauallero, que fue preso en esta batalla e era mariscal de Françia. E quando el prinçipe vio al mariscal llamole traydor e fementido e que meresçia muerte. E el mariscal le rrespondio: ‘Señor, sodes fijo de rrey e non vos rrespondo tan conplida mente commo debo en este caso; pero non so traydor nin fementido.’ E el prinçipe dixo al mariscal si queria estar a juyzio de caualleros con el sobre esto e que el gelo prouaria que era asi. E el mariscal dixo: ‘Si’. E desque el prinçipe ouo comido, pusieron doze caualleros: quatro ingleses e quatro de Gujana e quatro bretones por juezes. E el mariscal fue ý traydo e dixole el prinçipe: ‘Mariscal de [Audenan], vos sabedes bien que en la batalla de Piteus, que yo vençi e fue preso el rrey don Iohan de Françia, vos fuestes prisionero e vos toue en mi poder e vos

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King Enrique’s master chamberlain Gómez Carrillo de Quintana, son of Ruy Díaz Carrillo; and also that of Sancho Sánchez de Moscoso, commander major of the Order of Santiago. Moreover, after this he killed Garci Jofré Tenorio, son of Admiral Don Alfonso Jofré, who had been taken prisoner in that day’s battle.

1367: CHAPTER XIII How on the day following the battle all those who had been taken prisoner were brought before King Pedro and the prince, and how the marshal d’Audrehem defended himself against the prince’s accusations. On the day following the battle, which was a Sunday, all the knights who had been taken prisoner were brought before the prince, because King Pedro claimed that he had made an agreement with him that some of these men, whom he had already formally condemned, were to be handed over in order for him to dispense justice. Among all the prisoners brought to him were the foreigners who had taken part in the battle on King Enrique’s side. They included the marshal d’Audrehem, a Frenchman from Picardy, a marshal of France and a very fine knight, who had been captured in the battle. When the prince saw the marshal, he declared him a traitor and a perjurer and said that he deserved to die. ‘My lord,’ the marshal replied, ‘you are the son of a king and therefore I will not reply as forcefully as I should on this matter: but I am neither a traitor nor a perjurer’. The prince then asked the marshal if he wished to have the dispute between them tried by knights and told him that if he did he would prove to him that the accusation was true. ‘Yes, I do’, replied the marshal. When the prince had eaten, 12 knights were nominated as judges: four English, four from Guyenne and four Bretons. Then the marshal was brought forward and the prince addressed him as follows: ‘Marshal d’Audrehem, you are well aware that in the battle of Poitiers which I won and in which King Jean of France was taken prisoner,

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puse a rrendiçion e me fezistes pleyto e omenaje so pena de traydor e de fementido que, si non fuesse con el rrey de Françia vuestro señor o con algunos de su linaje de la flor de lis, que vos non armariedes contra el rrey de Ingla terra, mi padre e mi señor, nin contra mi persona fasta que toda vuestra rrendiçion fuesse pagada, la qual fasta aqui non es pagada. E oy non fue en esta batalla el rrey de Françia vuestro señor, nin alguno de su linaje de la flor de lis, e veo vos armado de todas vuestra armas contra mi e non auedes avn pagado vuestra rrendiçion, segund lo posistes comigo. E por tanto digo que vos auedes falsado el omenaje que me fezistes por lo qual sodes caydo en mal caso. Otrossi auedes falsado la fe por la qual sodes fementido, pues non conplistes lo que prometistes sobre vuestra fe en esta rrazon segund dicho he.’ E a muchos caualleros de los que ý estauan les pesaua temiendo que el mariscal tenia su pleyto mal e non se podia escusar la muerte, e todos le querien bien; ca era muy buen cauallero e lo fuera sienpre, e era en hedat de sesenta años o mas. E desque el prinçipe ouo dicho su rrazon delante los doçe caualleros juezes deste pleyto, dixo el mariscal de [Audenan] assi al prinçipe: ‘Señor con humil rreuerençia vos pregunto si vos plaze dezir mas contra mi desto que auedes dicho delante estos caualleros que vos hordenastes en este pleyto.’ E el prinçipe dixo que non. Estonçe el mariscal dixo assi: ‘Señor yo vos suplico que vos non ayades enojo de mi por yo dezir de mi derecho pues este fecho toca en mi fama e en mi verdad.’ E el prinçipe dixo que segura mente lo dixiesse que esto era fecho de caualleros e de guerra e era rrazon cada vno de defender su verdat e su fama. E estonçe dixo el mariscal al prinçipe assi: ‘Señor, verdad es que yo fuy vuestro preso en la batalla de Piteus, do mi señor el rrey de Françia fue preso, e verdad es señor que yo vos fize pleito e omenaje e vos di mi fe aquel dia que me non armasse contra el rrey de Ingla terra nin contra vos fasta que toda mi rrendiçion fuesse pagada, la qual yo avn non he pagado, saluo si me armasse con el rrey de Françia mi señor,

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you were captured, I held you in my power and I freed you in return for the payment of a ransom. You gave me a sworn undertaking that, on pain of being condemned as a traitor and perjurer, unless it were in the service of your lord the king of France or of some member of the line of the fleur-de-lis, you would not take up arms against my father and lord the king of England or against my own person until your ransom had been paid in full. So far it has not been paid. Today your lord the king of France was not present in the battle, nor was any member of his line of the fleur-de-lis. I see you there fully armed to fight against me although you have not yet paid your ransom as you undertook to do. I declare, therefore, that you have broken the bond of trust into which you entered with me, which means that you are guilty of a misdemeanour. You have also broken your word, and so you are a perjurer as you did not keep to the promise that you made in this respect on your word of honour, as I have already explained.’ Many of the knights who were present were concerned, fearing that the marshal did not have a strong case and that he would not be able to avoid death. He was very popular with everyone, since he was, and always had been, a very fine knight and he was 60 years old or more. Once the prince had set out his argument before the 12 knights who were judging the case, the marshal d’Audrehem replied to him as follows: ‘My lord, with humble reverence I would like to ask you if it is your wish to say any more against me on this matter of which you have spoken before these knights that you nominated as judges of the case.’ The prince said that it was not, and then the marshal continued: ‘My lord, I beg you to show no anger towards me for asserting my right, for this matter concerns my reputation and my integrity.’ The prince told him to speak out with confidence, for this affair concerned knights and war and it was right that any man should defend his integrity and his reputation. Then the marshal addressed the prince thus: ‘My lord, it is true that I was your prisoner in the battle of Poitiers, in which my lord the king of France was made captive, and it is also true that on that day I gave a sworn undertaking and made a vow that I would not take up arms against the king of England or against you until my ransom was paid in full – and this has indeed not yet been done – unless it were in the service of my lord the king of

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viniendo por su cuerpo o con alguno o algunos de su linaje de la flor de lis. E, señor, yo veo bien que mi señor el rrey de Françia non es aqui nin ninguno de su linaje de la flor de lis; pero, Señor, con todo esto yo non soy caydo en mal caso nin fementido, ca yo non me arme oy contra vos, que vos non sodes oy aqui el cabo desta batalla, ca el capitan e cabo desta batalla es el rrey don Pedro e a sus gajes e a su sueldo commo asoldado e gajero venides vos aqui el dia de oy e non venides assi commo mayor de la hueste. E assi, señor, pues vos non sodes cabo desta batalla saluo gajero e asoldado, yo non fize yerro en me armar el dia de oy, pues non me arme contra vos saluo contra el rrey don Pedro, que es el capitan mayor de vuestra partida e cuya es la rrequesta desta batalla.’ E los doze caualleros juezes que el prinçipe hordenara para oyr e librar este pleyto segund dicho auemos, entendieron que el mariscal dizia rrazon e se defendia segund cauallero, e dixeron luego al prinçipe que el mariscal le rrespondia bien e con derecho e dieronlo por quito de la acusaçion que el prinçipe le fazia. E al prinçipe e a todos los otros caualleros plogo mucho que el mariscal touiera rrazon para se escusar, por que era buen cauallero. E fue muy notada la rrazon que el mariscal le dizia. E por esta sentençia se librauan despues pleitos quales quier semejante desto en las partidas do auia guerra e acaesçia caso semejante. Otrossy esta batalla ya desbaratada, el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe de Gales e las otras conpañas fueron para Burgos, ca la batalla fuera el sabado antes del domingo de Lazaro, e el domingo estudieron en el canpo e el lunes partieron dende todos para Burgos.

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France, present in person, or of one or more members of his line of the fleur-de-lis. Moreover, I recognize that my lord the king of France is not present here and that likewise there is no member of his line of the fleur-de-lis. However, my lord, I am guilty of no misdemeanour, nor am I a perjurer, for today I did not take up arms against you, as you are not here as the head of this army: its captain and the man who heads it is King Pedro and you are present today receiving payment and salary, contracted by him and in his employ; you are not here as the leader of the army. Thus, my lord, since you are not the man commanding these troops but a paid soldier and a mercenary, I did no wrong by taking up arms on this day, as I did so not against you but against King Pedro, who is the commander-in-chief of your forces and who sought this battle.’ The 12 knights nominated as judges by the prince to hear and decide this case, as we have explained, understood that the marshal was right in what he said and was defending himself as befitted a knight. They quickly told the prince that the marshal had given him a fitting response and had right on his side and they declared him innocent of the misdemeanours of which the prince had accused him. The prince and all the other knights took great pleasure in the fact that the marshal had justified himself sufficiently to merit acquittal, for he was a fine knight. Good note was taken of the argument that he put to the prince and subsequently this ruling served to decide any similar disputes in areas where there was conflict and cases of this kind arose. Furthermore, once this battle had been settled, King Pedro, the prince of Wales and the rest of their forces headed for Burgos: the encounter had taken place on the Saturday before Lazarus Sunday.10 On the Sunday they had still been on the field of battle and on the Monday they all left for Burgos.

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Capitulo XIIIIº. Commo fizo el rrey don Enrrique despues que la batalla fue vençida. Agora tornaremos a contar que fue del rrey don Enrrique despues que partio de la batalla. Asi acaesçio que el rrey don Enrrique aquel dia estaua en vn cauallo grande rruçio castellano e armado de lorigas, e quando todos los suyos fueron vençidos e partidos del canpo, el fue para la villa de Najara: commo quier que es asaz çerca enpero non pudia el cauallo leuar, que andaua cansado. E vn escudero su criado, que dizian Ruy Ferrandez de Gaona, natural de tierra de Alaua, estaua en vn cauallo ginete e llego al rrey don Enrrique e dixole: ‘Señor, tomad este cauallo, ca esse vuestro non puede mouerse.’ E el rrey fizolo assi, e caualgo en el ginete e sallio de la villa de Najara e tomo camino de Soria para Aragon. E yua con el don Ferrand Sanchez de Touar, que fue despues almirante, e don Alfonso Perez de Guzman e miçer Anbrosio fijo del almirante miçer Gil Boca Negra e otros. E otro dia llegando çerca vna aldea de tierra de Soria que dizian Borouia, sallieron a el algunos de cauallo desque vieron assi yr omnes por el camino apresurados. E algunos dellos conosçieron lo e quisieran lo matar o tomar preso, por auer la graçia del rrey don Pedro. E desque los vio estar assi dubdando llegosse a ellos e peleo con ellos e desbaratolos, e mato a aquel que le queria prender o matar. E dende aporto en Aragon çerca Calatayud en vn lugar de don Iohan Martinez de Luna, que dizen Yllueca, e ally fallo a don Pedro de Luna, que fue despues papa Benedito, e el lo guio e fue con el fasta fuera del rregno de Aragon. E llego a los puertos de Jaca e de alli fue para Ortes, vna villa del conde de Fox, e llego ý, commo quier que al conde le pesara mucho por que el rrey don Enrrique fuera vençido. Enpero eso mesmo le peso por que aporto en su casa, ca veya que el prinçipe era estonçe vno de los mayores omnes del mundo entre los christianos e auia rresçelo que se fallaria mal con el por que lo non

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1367: CHAPTER XIV What King Enrique did after the battle had been decided. Now we shall return to our account of what happened to King Enrique after he had left the field of battle. The fact is that on that day King Enrique was mounted on a large grey Castilian charger protected by chain-mail and, when all his troops had been defeated and had left the field, he rode off towards the town of Nájera. Although this town is not situated far away, his exhausted horse could no longer carry him. A squire from his household, a native of the lands of Álava by the name of Ruy Fernández de Gaona, who was mounted on a lightcavalry horse, rode up to King Enrique. ‘My lord,’ he said, ‘take this horse, for yours is too tired to move.’ The king did so, mounting the horse, leaving the town of Nájera and taking the Soria road towards Aragon. He was accompanied by Don Fernán Sánchez de Tovar, later to become admiral, Don Alfonso Pérez de Guzmán, Miçer Ambrosio, son of Admiral Miçer Gil Boccanegra, and others. The next day, as he drew near to a village called Borobia in the area of Soria, some horsemen, on seeing men hurrying along the road, rode out towards them. Some of them recognized him and would have liked to kill him or take him prisoner in order to win the favour of King Pedro, but, once he had seen them hesitating in this way, King Enrique rode up to them, confronted them and put them to flight, killing the man who had wanted to bring about his death or his capture. From there he rode as far as a village called Illueca which belonged to Don Juan Martínez de Luna, situated in Aragon near to Calatayud. There he found Don Pedro de Luna, later to become Pope Benedict, who went with him as his guide until he left the kingdom of Aragon.11 He reached the pass of Jaca, and from there he went on to Orthez, a town belonging to the count of Foix.12 He entered the town, in spite of the fact that the count had been troubled by the defeat suffered by King Enrique and, indeed, because the king had come to stay in his household: he was well aware that at that time the prince was one of the most important men in Christendom and he feared that he would

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prendiera, pues lo tenia en su casa. Enpero el rresçibio muy bien al rrey don Enrrique e diole cauallos e dineros e omnes suyos que fueron con el fasta Tolosa. E estudo ý algunos dias e dende fue para Villa Nueua çerca de Aviñon, ca era ý estonçe el duc de Angeos, que era hermano del rrey de Françia e su lugar teniente en Lenguadoc, e alli estudo con el librando lo que le cunplia, en el qual fallo muchas buenas obras e le dio de sus dineros con muy buena voluntad. E el papa Urbano quinto, que estonçe era en Aviñon, queria bien al rrey don Enrrique, e por su conseio se trato que el dicho duc de Angeos lo ayudasse e confortasse. Enpero el rrey don Enrrique non vio al papa, ca todos se temian de fazer enojo al prinçipe de Gales, tan poderoso le veyan estonçe.

Capitulo XVº. Commo fizo don Tello desque sallio de la batalla de Najara e commo la rreyna e sus fijos los infantes partieron de Burgos. Agora tornaremos a contar commo fizo don Tello, hermano del rrey don Enrrique despues que partio de la batalla de Najara. E assi fue que despues que partio de la batalla de Najara, don Tello segund dicho auemos, luego fue para Burgos, pero non se detovo ý e tomo su camino para Aragon. E el arçobispo de Toledo don Gomez Manrrique e el arçobispo de Çaragoça don Lope Ferrandez de Luna, que eran ý e auian fincado con la rreyna doña Iohana e los infantes, desque supieron que la batalla era desbaratada, partieron de Burgos con muy grand priessa e leuaron de Burgos a la rreyna doña Iohana muger del rrey don Enrrique e al infante don Iohan e a la infanta doña Leonor sus fijos del rrey don

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find himself in difficulty with him for having sheltered King Enrique in his household without taking him prisoner. Nevertheless, the count welcomed King Enrique warmly, made him gifts of horses and money and gave him some of his men to go with him as far as Toulouse. King Enrique remained there for some days, and from there he went on to Villeneuve near Avignon, where the duke of Anjou, brother of the king of France and his lieutenant in Languedoc, was to be found. He spent some time with him, coming to a decision about how it was best for him to proceed. From this King Enrique achieved much that was to his benefit and the duke made King Enrique gifts from his own wealth with great generosity. Pope Urban V, who was currently in Avignon, was giving his backing to King Enrique and on his advice it was agreed that the duke of Anjou should give the king help and support. Nevertheless, King Enrique did not see the Pope, for everybody was afraid of angering the prince of Wales, so powerful did he seem at that time.

1367: CHAPTER XV What Don Tello did after leaving the battlefield of Nájera, and how the queen and her son and daughter, the prince and princess, left Burgos. Now we shall go back to our account of what King Enrique’s brother Don Tello did after he left the battlefield of Nájera. The fact is that, after fleeing from the field of battle, Don Tello – as we have already related – headed immediately for Burgos. However he did not stop there but set off for Aragon. The archbishop of Toledo Don Gómez Manrique and the archbishop of Saragossa Don Lope Fernández de Luna, who had been waiting there with Queen Juana and the prince and princess, on hearing that the battle had been lost set off from Burgos in very great haste. With them they took King Enrique’s wife Queen Juana, Prince Juan and Princess Leonor, the son and daughter of King Enrique and Queen

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Enrrique e de la dicha rreyna doña Iohana e a la infanta doña Leonor, fija del rrey de Aragon, que ý era por esposa del infante don Iohan, e fueron camino de Çaragoça. E yuan con grand miedo por aquel camino, e yuan ý muchas dueñas e donzellas, e llegaron a Çaragoça con muy grand miedo e con muy grandes trabajos e alli fueron acogidos e assosegaron ý. E de cada dia llegauan ay muchas conpañas de los que escapauan de la dicha batalla.

Capitulo XVIº. Commo fizo el rrey de Nauarra despues de la batalla, el qual estaua preso en Borja. Segunt dicho auemos el rrey don Carlos de Nauarra auia prometido e jurado al rrey don Enrrique, quando se vio con el en Santa Cruz de Canpesço, que non daria pasada por los puertos de Ronçes valles al rrey don Pedro e al prinçipe de Gales nin a los que con ellos venian. E desto dio al rrey don Enrrique en arrehenes los castillos de Laguardia e a Sant Viçente e Buradon. E avn le asseguro, si estas gentes pasassen, que seria con el en la batalla con todo su poder. E despues segund suso auemos contado, commo quier que dio los dichos castillos, dexo el paso del puerto de Ronçes valles al rrey don Pedro e al prinçipe, por do pasaron, e avn los aseguro que seria con ellos en la batalla, de la su partida. Otrossi auemos contado commo el rrey de Nauarra por non seer en la batalla, trato con mossen Oliuer de Mauni que le prendiesse e le touiesse en Borja, segund mas larga mente es contado. E agora despues de la batalla los dichos castillos de Laguardia e Sand Viçente luego fueron tomados por los nauarros saluo el castillo de Buradon, que tenia Iohan Ramirez de Arellano, que se non pudo tomar. E el rrey de Nauarra despues desta batalla estando en el castillo de

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Juana, and also Princess Elionor, daughter of the king of Aragon, who was there because she was betrothed to Prince Juan. They set off for Saragossa, full of anxiety as they made that journey, accompanied by several noble ladies and ladies-in-waiting, and they arrived in Saragossa deeply apprehensive and after enduring great difficulties. There they were given a warm welcome and they rested. Day by day there arrived large numbers of troops who were escaping from the battle.

1367: CHAPTER XVI What the king of Navarre, who was being held captive in Borja, did after the battle. As we have already explained, King Carlos of Navarre had sworn an oath to King Enrique when he met with him in Santa Cruz de Campezo that he would not allow King Pedro and the prince of Wales, or the men that they were bringing with them, to cross the pass of Roncevalles. Moreover, as surety he had handed over to King Enrique the castles of Laguardia, San Vicente and Buradón, and in addition he had assured him that, if those troops did manage to get through, he would be at his side in the battle with his whole army. Subsequently, as we have related above, although he had handed over these castles to King Enrique, he allowed King Pedro and the prince access over the pass of Roncesvalles, by means of which they did make their entry; and he even gave them an assurance that he would be with them in the battle, fighting on their side. We have also told of how the king of Navarre, in order not to take part in the battle, arranged with Monsieur Olivier de Mauny for him to take him prisoner and hold him in Borja, as has been related at greater length. Now, after the battle, those castles of Laguardia and San Vicente were quickly seized back by the Navarrese, although they were unable to take the castle of Buradón which was being held by Juan Ramírez de Arellano. After the battle, the king of Navarre, who was in the castle of Borja

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Borja commo dicho auemos, trato con mossen Oliuer de Morni que el pornia en arrehenes por si en el dicho castillo de Borja a su fijo el infante Pedro, que era el su fijo segundo, e que mossen Oliuer lo traxiesse a la villa de Tudela, que es en el rregno de Nauarra, e que alli le faria rrecabdo de lo que con el pusiera segund auemos contado. E mossen Oliuer fizolo assy e pusieronlo en el dicho castillo de Borja al infante don Pedro fijo del rrey de Nauarra, e mossen Oliuer vino con el rrey de Nauarra a la villa de Tudela. E despues que alli llegaron el rrey de Nauarra mando prender a mossen Oliuer e a vn su hermano, e el hermano salto por vnos tejados cuydando escapar. E mataronlo e prendieron a mossen Oliuer fasta que dio el infante don Pedro fijo del rrey, que tenia en el castillo de Borja. E assy en esta pleytesia perdio mossen Oliuer su hermano. E el rrey de Nauarra non le dio la villa e castillo de Gabray en Normandia con los tres mill francos de oro de rrenta, que le prometiera segunt suso dicho es.

Capitulo XVIIº. Commo el rrey de Aragon tomo su fija la infanta doña Leonor e commo trato su paz con el prinçipe de Gales e de otras cosas que estonçes acaesçieron. El rrey don Pedro de Aragon estaua muy quexado diziendo que el rrey don Enrrique non cunpliera luego que cobrara el rreyno de Castilla algunas cosas que eran acordadas entre el rrey de Aragon e el. Otrossi por quanto estaua el prinçipe muy poderoso e el rrey don Pedro. E por estas cosas non fallaron en el rrey de Aragon la rreyna doña Iohana, muger del rrey don Enrrique, e sus fijos tan buen acogimiento commo cuydaron, antes tomo luego el rrey de Aragon a la infanta doña Leonor su fija e dixo que la non daria por muger al infante don Iohan fijo del rrey don Enrrique, pues non le cunpliera lo que con el pusiera e que non queria estar por el dicho casamiento.

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– as we have already said −, arranged with Monsieur Olivier de Mauny that he would leave in his own place as surety in the castle Prince Pedro, his second son, and that Monsieur Olivier was to accompany him to the town of Tudela, in the kingdom of Navarre, where King Carlos would make good what – as we have related – had been settled between them. Monsieur Olivier agreed to this: the king of Navarre’s son, Prince Pedro, was placed in the castle of Borja and Monsieur Olivier accompanied the king of Navarre to the town of Tudela. Then, once they had arrived there, the king of Navarre ordered the arrest of Monsieur Olivier and of a brother of his, who tried to escape by leaping over the rooftops. They killed the brother and took Monsieur Olivier prisoner, holding him until he handed over King Carlos’s son Prince Pedro, who was being held by him in the castle of Borja. Thus, through these dealings, Monsieur Olivier lost his brother and the king of Navarre failed to hand over to him the town and castle of Gavray in Normandy with the income of 3,000 gold francs, which – as was stated above – he had promised him.

1367: CHAPTER XVII How the king of Aragon took back his daughter Princess Elionor and how he made peace with the prince of Wales; and concerning other events which occurred at that time. King Pere of Aragon was deeply aggrieved, arguing that King Enrique, on winning the throne of the kingdom of Castile, had failed to fulfil some obligations which had been agreed between the the two of them. Moreover, since the prince and King Pedro were very powerful, King Enrique’s wife Queen Juana and his son and daughter did not find in the king of Aragon as warm a welcome as they had expected, but instead King Pere promptly took back his daughter princess Elionor, saying that he would not give her in marriage to King Enrique’s son Prince Juan, as King Enrique had not honoured the commitments that he had made to him, on account of which he was not willing to favour the union.

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Otrossi el prinçipe de Gales enbio luego al rrey de Aragon por mensagero a mossen Hugo de Ca[uar]lay, vn cauallero de Inglaterra a tratar con el sus amistades, e esso mesmo fizo el rrey don Pedro. E esto todo se fazia por que el rrey don Enrrique non fallaua acogimiento ninguna en la casa de Aragon. E la rreyna doña Iohana, muger del dicho rrey don Enrrique, e sus fijos estudieron en Çaragoça algunos dias, ca non sabian del rrey don Enrrique a do aportara nin en que tierra era despues que partiera de la batalla. E ouo estonçe en la casa del rrey de Aragon grandes vandos, ca el infante don Pedro, tio del rrey de Aragon, hermano del rrey don Alfonso su padre, e el conde de Anpurias e el arçobispo de Çaragoça don Lope Ferrandez de Luna e don Iohan Martinez de Luna e otros muchos tenian la parte del rrey don Enrrique e consejauan al rrey de Aragon que sostuuiesse la parte del rrey don Enrrique. E consseiauan al rrey de Aragon esto diziendo que en sus menesteres de guerras que ouiera con Castilla sienpre lo fallara buen ayudador e leal amigo e que en tal tienpo commo este gelo deuia agradesçer. E avn diziendo que si el rrey don Pedro fincasse asossegado en el rregno de Castilla, que tornaria a le fazer guerra a el e al rregno de Aragon commo primero fazia. E otros auia ý, los quales eran la rreyna de Aragon e el conde de Vrgel e el conde de Cardona e el obispo de Lerida, que eran priuados, e estos eran contrarios al rrey don Enrrique: los vnos diziendo que non touiera con el rrey de Aragon lo que prometiera de le dar en Castilla quando la cobrasse, e otros algunos destos non le querian bien por la muerte del infante don Ferrando, diziendo que fuera con el rrey de Aragon en aquel consejo, e otros auia ý grandes en la corte del rrey de Aragon que non se ponian en los vandos e eran commo medianeros, pero bien les plazia que el rrey de Aragon ouiesse paz con todos. E assi eran los fechos de la corte del rrey de Aragon partidos.

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In addition, the prince of Wales lost no time in sending an English knight, Sir Hugh Calveley, as his emissary to the king of Aragon to negotiate a peace agreement, and King Pedro did likewise. All of this was being done because King Enrique was now finding no acceptance in the House of Aragon. King Enrique’s wife Queen Juana and his son and daughter remained in Saragossa for some days as they did not know the whereabouts of King Enrique or in what land he had been since leaving the field of battle. At that time in the household of the king of Aragon there were sharply divided factions. Prince Pere, uncle of the king of Aragon – a brother of his father King Alfons −, together with the count of Ampurias, the archbishop of Saragossa Don Lope Fernández de Luna, Don Juan Martínez de Luna and many others took the side of King Enrique and advised the king of Aragon to continue to support him. They gave this counsel to the king of Aragon arguing that when in need in time of war with Castile he had always found him quick to help and a loyal ally and that at such a time as this he should show him gratitude; and in addition they said that, if King Pedro were to be firmly established on the throne of Castile, he would once again make war on King Pere and on the kingdom of Aragon as he had done previously. There were others – namely the queen of Aragon, the count of Urgel, the count of Cardona and the bishop of Lleida, the king’s close advisers – who were opponents of King Enrique. Some of them argued that he had not kept his promises to the king of Aragon with regard to concessions that he would make to him in Castile on gaining the throne. Others of them were hostile to King Enrique on account of the death of Prince Ferran, saying that he had been involved in devising the plan with King Pere. And there was another group of prominent figures in the court of the king of Aragon who did not form part of any faction and had a role similar to that of mediators: they were very keen for King Pere to be at peace with everybody. In this way opinions in the court of the king of Aragon were divided.

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Capitulo XVIIIº. Commo mossen Beltran de Claquin fue preso en esta batalla e commo fue rrendido e lo que sobre esto acaesçio. En esta batalla fue preso mossen Beltran de Claquin, vn cauallero muy grande e bueno, que era de Bretaña e viniera con el rrey don Enrrique quando entrara en Castilla, segund que ya auemos contado. E en esta batalla estaua de pie en vno con el conde don Sancho. E commo quier que al prinçipe pluguiera que el moriera en la batalla por quanto era vn cauallero muy guerrero; pero despues que fue preso, fizole mucha honrra e quando partio de Castilla, leuolo conssigo a Burdeus. E estando alli mossen Beltran de Claquin fizo dezir al prinçipe que fuesse su merçed de lo mandar poner a rrendiçion, ca non cunplia a su seruiçio estar el anssi en la prision e que mejor era leuar del lo que pudiesse pagar. E el prinçipe ouo su conssejo que por quanto mossen Beltran era muy buen cauallero que era mejor, durando la guerra de Françia e de Ingla terra, que estudiesse preso e que mas valia perder cobdiçia de lo que podia montar su rrendiçion que librarlo. E fizo le dar esta rrespuesta al dicho mossen Beltran. E quando mossen Beltran lo oyo, dixo assi al cauallero que esto le dixo de partes del prinçipe: ‘Dezid vos assi a mi señor el prinçipe que yo tengo que me faze Dios, e el, muy grand graçia, entre otras muchas honrras que yo oue en este mundo de caualleria: que mi lança sea tan temida que yaga yo en prision durante las guerras entre Françia e Ingla terra e non por al, e pues assi es, yo tengo por honrrada la mi prision mas que la mi deliberaçion. E que sea çierto que yo gelo tengo en merçed señalada, ca todos aquellos que gelo oyeren e sopieren ternan que rresçibo dende muy grand honrra, e el bien e el prez de caualleria en esto va, ca la vida ayna pasa’.

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1367: CHAPTER XVIII How Monsieur Bertrand du Guesclin, who had been taken prisoner in the battle, was ransomed, and what happened in this respect. Monsieur Bertrand du Guesclin had been taken prisoner in the battle of Nájera. He was a very great and very fine knight from Brittany, who had accompanied King Enrique when he had entered Castile, as we have already related. In the battle he had fought on foot alongside Count Sancho. Although the prince would have preferred him to die in the battle since as a knight he was highly skilled in the arts of war, once he had been captured he treated him with great respect and, when he left Castile, he took him with him to Bordeaux. Finding himself in this position, Monsieur Bertrand du Guesclin sent a request to the prince that it be his will to give instructions for him be ransomed, for it did not do the prince credit for him to be held in prison in this way and it would be better for him to take from him what he could afford to pay. After consultation, the prince reached the conclusion that, since Monsieur Bertrand was a very fine knight, it would be preferable for him to remain a prisoner as long as the war between France and England lasted, and that it was better to give up the desire for what could be gained from his ransom than to set him free. He gave instructions for this reply to be communicated to Monsieur Bertrand, who, on hearing it, spoke as follows to the knight who had given it to him on the prince’s behalf: ‘Tell my lord the prince that I consider that both God and he have treated me with very great favour − which is among many other honours that I have gained in this world of chivalry − in that my lance should be so feared that I lie in prison throughout the wars between France and England for this and for no other reason. And, since this is the case, I hold my imprisonment to bring me greater honour than I would gain by being set free. The prince can be certain that I view this as an act of conspicuous generosity, for all of those who hear and learn of this will consider that I am very greatly honoured by it, and in this lies the worth and the splendour of chivalry, for life quickly passes.’

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E el cauallero dixole al prinçipe todas estas rrazones que mossen Beltran dixera. E el prinçipe penso en ello e dixo: ‘Verdad dize; yd e tornad a el e dezilde que a mi plaze de lo poner a rrendiçion e que la quantia que el dara por si sea tanta quantia quanta el quisiere e mas non le demandare. E si vna paja sola prometiere por si, por tanto le otorgo su deliberaçion’. E la entençion del prinçipe era esta: que si mossen Beltran dixiesse que por çinco francos queria sallir de prisión, que mas non le demandase, ca por quanto menos salliesse, menos honrra leuaua, e que entendiesse mossen Beltran que non le detenia el prinçipe por otro themor que del ouiesen los ingleses e que el pudia bien escusar sus dineros. E el cauallero del prinçipe torno a mossen Beltran e dixole: ‘Mi señor el prinçipe vos enbia dezir que su voluntad es que vos seades delibre de la prision e que vuestra fiança sea tanta la quantia quanta vos quisieredes e dixeredes, e que mas non pagaredes avnque mas non prometades de vna paja de las que estan en tierra, e que esto sea luego’. E mossen Beltran entendio bien la entençion del prinçipe e dixo: ‘Yo le he en merçed a mi señor el prinçipe lo que me enbia decir, e pues assi es, yo quiero nonbrar la quantia de mi fiança’. E todos cuydauan que se pornia en alguna pequeña quantia, ca mossen Beltran non auia en el mundo si non el cuerpo. E dixo mossen Beltran assi: ‘Pues que mi señor el prinçipe es assi franco contra mi e non quiere de mi saluo lo que yo nonbrare de fiança, dezid le vos que maguer so pobre cauallero de quantia de oro e de moneda, enpero con esfuerço de mis amigos, yo le dare çient mill francos de oro por mi cuerpo, e que desto le dare buenos rrecabdos’. E el cauallero del prinçipe torno a el muy marauillado e dixole: ‘Señor, mossen Beltran es rrendido a su voluntad e ha nonbrado su fiança.’ E el prinçipe le pregunto que quantia. E el cauallero le dixo: ‘Señor, mossen Beltran dize que vos tiene en merçed todo lo que le

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The knight reported all of Monsieur Bertrand’s words to the prince, who gave the matter thought and then replied, ‘He is speaking the truth. Go back to him and inform him that I agree to ask a ransom in return for his freedom. Moreover, I am satisfied for the ransom asked to be a figure that he himself sets: I will not ask him for more. And if he promises just a single straw, that will be enough for me to grant him his freedom.’ The prince’s intention was as follows: that if Monsieur Bertrand said that he wished to be freed from his imprisonment in return for five francs, he would demand no more from him, for the less Monsieur Bertrand paid the less he would gain in terms of honour. Monsieur Bertrand should understand that the prince was not keeping him captive out of any further fear that the English had of him and that he could well do without his money. The prince’s knight went back to Monsieur Bertrand. ‘My lord,’ he said to him, ‘the prince sends you word that it is his will that you be released from your imprisonment and that the ransom asked for you should be exactly the sum that you choose to name. You will pay no more than that, even if what you promise amounts to just one of the pieces of straw which lie on the ground. And this is to happen without delay.’ Monsieur Bertrand understood clearly the prince’s purpose. ‘I am grateful to my lord the prince for the message that he has sent me’, he said, ‘and since this is the case I wish to specify the size of my ransom.’ Everybody anticipated that he would name some small amount, for in the whole world Monsieur Bertrand possessed no more than his own body. ‘Since my lord the prince is so generous in his treatment of me,’ said Monsieur Bertrand, ‘and since for my ransom he demands only the sum that I specify, inform him that, although I am a poor knight in terms of gold and coin, nevertheless with the support of my friends I will give him 100,000 gold francs in return for the freedom of my person and that I will provide him with ample security for this amount.’ The prince’s knight returned to him in amazement and said to him, ‘My lord, Monsieur Bertrand is to be set free in return for a sum of his choice and he has stated the size of the ransom.’ The prince asked him how much this was. ‘My lord,’ the knight said, ‘Monsieur Bertrand says that he is grateful to you for all that you communicated to him

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enbiastes dezir en rrazon de su fiança, e dize que commo quier que el sea pobre cauallero en oro e en moneda, enpero que con esfuerço de sus parientes e amigos, el vos dara çient mill francos de oro por su persona e que desto vos dara buenos rrecabdos’. E el prinçipe fue marauillado: primera mente del grand coraçon de mossen Beltran, otrossi donde podria el auer tanta quantia. E dixo al cauallero que pues el fecho era a esto llegado, que le plazia. E dixo al cauallero que le diesse rrecabdo de çient mill francos de oro, pues los auia nonbrado. E el cauallero torno a mossen Beltran e dixole que el prinçipe su señor era contento de la quantia de los çient mill francos que el nonbrara e prometiera por si, e pues asy era que diese rrecabdo dellos e que seria libre de prision. E mossen Beltran enbio luego a Bretaña a grandes señores varones e caualleros sus amigos a les fazer saber commo el era rrendido por quantia de çient mill francos, que auia a dar por su deliberança al prinçipe de Gales, e que les rrogaua que quisiessen fazer e dar rrecabdo por el al dicho prinçipe en guisa que el fuesse contento de las pagas que le prometiera, e que fiaua en Dios e en la merçed del rrey de Françia su señor, que quando el fuesse delibre de la prision, el los quitaria de lo que por el prometiessen e diessen. E los señores varones e caualleros de Bretaña a quien el dicho mossen Beltran enbio sus cartas luego le enbiaron dezir que todos ellos estauan prestos para se obligar en la quantia que el quisiesse por su rrendiçion en tal que el fuesse delibre de la prision. E por que el fuesse çierto de sus voluntades quales eran, que cada vno dellos le enbiaua vn su escudero que leuaua su sello e poder para le obligar en la quantia que mossen Beltran quisiese e al plazo que quisiese. E en Françia e en Inglaterra la mayor obligaçion que cauallero a omne de linaje puede dar es su sello; ca dizen que por poner omne su nonbre es asaz, pero en el sello va el nonbre e las armas, que son honrra del cauallero.

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with regard to his ransom and that, even though he is a poor knight in terms of gold and coin, nevertheless with the support of his relatives and friends he will give you 100,000 gold francs in return for the freedom of his person and he will provide you with ample security for this amount.’ The prince was amazed, firstly at the nobility of spirit shown by Monsieur Bertrand but also at the question of where he could obtain such a sum. He told the knight that, since the discussion had reached this point, he was in agreement. He told the knight that Monsieur Bertrand should provide him with security for 100,000 gold francs, since this was the sum that he had named. The knight went back to Monsieur Bertrand and informed him that his lord the prince was satisfied with the sum of 100,000 gold francs that he had named and promised for his liberty, and since this was the case Monsieur Bertrand should provide surety for it and he would then be freed from his imprisonment. Immediately Monsieur Bertrand sent word to his friends among the great lords, barons and knights of Brittany to let them know how he was being ransomed for the sum of 100,000 francs, which he was to pay to the prince of Wales in return for his release, and that he requested that they be willing to contribute to this and send security to the prince such that he would be content that he would receive the promised payments. He added that he trusted in God and in the mercy of his lord the king of France that, when he was free of his imprisonment, the king would make good to them what they had promised and paid on his behalf. The lords, barons and knights of Brittany to whom Monsieur Bertrand had written lost no time in replying to him that they were willing to commit themselves with regard to the sum that he sought for his ransom in order to be freed from imprisonment. Moreover, so that he might be certain of their intention, each one of them was sending him a squire bearing his seal and legal authorization committing him to pay whatever amount Monsieur Bertrand wished by whatever date he indicated. In France and England the greatest commitment that a knight can give to a man of noble birth is his seal: they say that it is enough for a man to sign his name, but the seal bears the name and the arms, which represent the knight’s honour.

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E los escuderos de los señores e varones e caualleros de Bretaña sus amigos de mossen Beltran llegaron a el a Burdeus e dixeronle commo aquellos señores e varones e caualleros de Bretaña lo saludauan e le enbiauan sus sellos para que el los pudiesse obligar en tanta quantia commo el quisiesse e para el tienpo que le fuesse demandado. E mossen Beltran desque vio los escuderos que trayan los sellos de aquellos sus amigos de Bretaña, fizo sus rrecabdos con el prinçipe e hordeno cada sello por quanta quantia lo dexaua e a que tienpo se auia de pagar la rrendiçion a conplimiento de los çient mill francos que le prometiera. E fue luego mossen Beltran delibre de la prision e partio de alli e fuesse para el rrey don Carlos de Françia, e quando ý llego, el rrey lo rresçibio muy bien e le plogo con el; pero vn dia le pregunto que quanta fiança prometiera por sy, e mossen Beltran le dixo que çient mill francos e contole todo lo que le contesçiera con el prinçipe en rrazon de su deliberança, segund dicho es. E el rrey de Françia le dixo: ‘Yo so bien çierto que vos estos çient mill francos non los prometistes saluo en mi esfuerço, e yo quiero pagarlos por vos estos çient mill francos’. E mando a vn su thesorero que diesse a mossen Beltran luego rrecabdo de mercadores de Paris commo pagassen los çient mill francos a los que ouiessen de auer rrendiçion de mossen Beltran e quitassen los sellos de los señores e varones e caualleros de Bretaña. Otrossi mando al su thesorero que diesse a mossen Beltran treynta mill francos para se apostar e encaualgar e armar. E assy fue todo fecho e conplido. E acordamos de poner este fecho en este libro commo passo e por que acaesçio assi a este cauallero que fue preso en esta batalla de Najara. Otrossi por contar los grandes fechos e nobles que los buenos fazen, ca el prinçipe de Gales todo lo que fizo en este fecho fizo commo grande: primera mente en poner a rrendiçion a mossen Beltran por que non dixiessen que auian rresçelo los ingleses a vn solo cauallero; otrossi fizo bien en le dexar la fiança en aluedrio de mossen Beltran e non mostro cobdiçia. Otrossy fizo bien mossen Beltran en

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The squires of the lords, barons and knights of Brittany who were Monsieur Bertrand’s friends came to him in Bordeaux and told him that they brought him greetings from those lords, barons and knights and that they had sent him their seals so that he could commit them to pay whatever sum he wished and by whatever deadline was set. Then, once Monsieur Bertrand saw that the squires had brought the seals of his friends in Brittany, he made his reckoning with the prince and determined what sum of money corresponded to each seal that he was leaving with him and by when the ransom was to be paid on the basis of the 100,000 francs that he had promised him. It was not long before Monsieur Bertrand was freed from his imprisonment and he set off to join King Charles of France. On his arrival, the king gave him a very warm welcome and took pleasure in his company. However, one day he asked him how much he had undertaken to pay as a ransom. Monsieur Bertrand told him that it was 100,000 francs and informed him about all that had happened between the prince and himself with regard to him gaining his freedom – as has been explained. ‘I am quite certain,’ the king of France said to him, ‘that you did not promise those 100,000 francs other than for my benefit, and so I wish to pay them for you.’ He instructed one of his treasurers to lose no time in giving to Monsieur Bertrand guarantees from Paris merchants that they were to pay the 100,000 francs to those due to receive the knight’s ransom and so recover the seals of the lords, barons and knights of Brittany. He also instructed his treasurer to give Monsieur Bertrand 30,000 francs for him to buy clothing and equip himself with a horse and armour. All of this was put into full effect. We resolved to include in our book an account of how this episode took place and why this knight who had been taken prisoner in the battle of Nájera was treated in such a way. Moreover, we did so in order to illustrate the great and noble deeds performed by good men, for all the actions of the prince of Wales in this affair were those of a person of greatness. In the first place this was in ransoming Monsieur Bertrand lest it be said that the English were afraid of one single knight; but he also acted fittingly in leaving the size of the ransom to the choice of Monsieur Bertrand instead of acting out of greed.

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todo lo que dixo: assi en lo primero, que se tenia por honrrado en le tener el prinçipe antes preso que deliberarle, diziendo que era omne que pudia fazer enojo a los ingleses; otrosi fuele contado a bien a mossen Beltran en se poner en grand cuenta de rrendiçion, pues que la rrendiçion del prinçipe era que por pequeña valia lo dexaria e que lo non preçiaria mas. Otrossi fue e es grand rrazon de seer contada la rrazon de la grandeza e nobleza del rrey de Françia en la dadiua que fizo en dar a mossen Beltran çient mill francos para su rrendiçion e treynta mill francos para se apostar. E por estas rrazones se puso aqui este cuento, ca las franquezas e noblezas e dadiuas de los rreyes grand rrazon es que finquen en memoria e non sean oluidadas; otrossi las buenas rrazones de cauallerias.

Capitulo XIXº. Commo pasaron los fechos despues de la batalla entre el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe de Gales. Agora tornaremos a contar commo fizieron en Burgos el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe desque llegaron. Deuedes saber que luego que la batalla fue vençida aquel dia, e dende adelante siempre, ouo entre el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe de Gales poca abenençia, e las rrazones por que era, son estas: Primera mente el dia de la batalla fue preso vn cauallero que dezian Yñigo Lopez de Horozco, de vn cauallero gascon, e teniendolo preso llego ý el rrey don Pedro, que caualgara ya en vn cauallo, e mato al dicho Yñigo Lopez. E el cauallero que lo perdiera vinosse luego a querellar al prinçipe, que el teniendo aquel cauallero preso que el rrey don Pedro llegara e que lo matara. E non sola mente se quexaua de la perdida que el fiziera en el su prisionero, mas que se sentia por muy desonrrado de le matar vn cauallero que a el era

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Monsieur Bertrand also showed good judgement in all that he said, firstly in affirming that he considered himself honoured that the prince should keep him as his prisoner rather than freeing him, asserting that he was a man who could prove to be a thorn in the side of the English; and it was also held in Monsieur Bertrand’s favour that he set a high value on his own ransom, since the prince’s intention in ransoming him was to free him for a small amount and thus no longer hold him in high esteem. Another point, and it is an important one to include, is the greatness and nobility of spirit shown by the king of France in giving Monsieur Bertrand 100,000 francs for his ransom and 30,000 francs to re-equip himself. It is for these reasons that this account was included here: there is very good cause for the acts of generosity and noble deeds performed by kings and the gifts that they make, and likewise great acts of chivalry, to remain in the memory and not be forgotten.

1367: CHAPTER XIX How, after the battle, events developed between King Pedro and the prince of Wales. Now we shall return to the narrative of what King Pedro and the prince did in Burgos after their arrival there. You should know that as soon as the battle had been won on that day, and constantly from that point on, there was little agreement between the two of them, and the reasons for this were as follows: firstly, on the day of the battle a knight called Íñigo López de Orozco was taken prisoner by a Gascon knight; and, while he was being held captive, King Pedro appeared, already mounted, and killed Íñigo López. The knight who had lost him immediately went to make his complaint to the prince that, while Íñigo López de Orozco had been in his custody, King Pedro had ridden up and killed him. His grievance concerned not only the loss that he had suffered in terms of the value of his prisoner but also the fact that he felt deeply dishonoured at the killing of a knight who had

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rrendido e lo tenia en poder. E el prinçipe dixo al rrey don Pedro que non fiziera en ello bien, ca bien sabia el que, entre las otras cosas que estauan entre ellos acordadas e firmadas e juradas, era este capitulo vno de los prinçipales, que el rrey don Pedro non matasse a caualleros ningunos de Castilla nin omne de cuenta estando ý el prinçipe fasta que fuesse juzgado por su derecho, saluo si fuesse alguno de los que sentençiara antes de todo esto, e que aquel cauallero Yñigo Lopez non era de aquellos. E que bien paresçia que non era su voluntad de le guardar lo que con el auia puesto, e entendia que assi le guardaria todas las otras cosas que entre ellos estauan acordadas commo esta. E el rrey don Pedro se escuso lo mejor que pudo; pero non fincaron el rrey e el prinçipe bien contentos aquel dia. Otro dia de la batalla el rrey don Pedro pidio al prinçipe que todos los caualleros e escuderos de cuenta que eran naturales de Castilla, e fueran presos en aquella batalla, que le fuessen a el entregados e que los apreçiasse vn preçio rrazonable e que el lo pagaria a los que los tenian presos e para esto, que el prinçipe los fiziesse seguros de las pagas a los caualleros e omes de armas que tenian los tales presos, que el rrey don Pedro faria su obligaçion al prinçipe por las quantias que montasen. E dizia el rrey don Pedro que si estos caualleros el cobrasse, que el guisaria con ellos e fablaria en tal manera por que fincassen suyos e de su parte. E si de otra manera se delibrassen por sus rrendiçiones o fuxessen de la prision en donde los caualleros que los auian tomado los tenian, que sienpre serian sus contrarios e en su deserviçio. E en este punto se afirmo mucho el rrey don Pedro otro dia de la batalla, que era domingo, e la batalla fue el sabado de quaresma antes de Lazaro a [tres] dias de abril. E el prinçipe de Gales dixo al rrey don Pedro que sabia su rreal majestad que non dizia nin pidia rrazon, ca aquellos señores e caualleros e omnes de armas que alli eran en su serviçio e del, auian trabajado por la honrra, e si algunos prisioneros tenian, que eran suyos e que

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surrendered to him and was his prisoner. The prince told King Pedro that he had not acted correctly in this matter, for he was well aware that, among other matters on which they committed themselves to a signed agreement confirmed with an oath, this was one of the most important: that King Pedro was not to kill any of the knights of Castile or any man of account, as long as the prince was present, without this person having previously been tried in accordance with his legal rights. This was unless he was one of the men sentenced before the campaign began, and this knight Íñigo López was not one of those. The prince told King Pedro that he appeared to have had no intention of observing the pact which the two of them had made and that he expected him to adhere to all other such points which they had agreed. King Pedro made his excuses as best he could, but that day he and the prince did not remain on good terms with each other. On the day following the battle King Pedro made a request to the prince concerning all the knights and squires of account who were natives of Castile and had been captured in the battle: that they be handed over to him and that the prince fix a reasonable price, which King Pedro would pay to the men who were holding them. He also asked that, in this matter, the prince provide security for the payments to the knights and men-at-arms holding the prisoners, and said that he would undertake to repay him the total amount. King Pedro claimed that, if he had those knights in his power, he would negotiate with them and discuss matters in such a way that they would remain on his side and loyal to him; whilst if, on the other hand, they achieved their freedom through the payment of a ransom or escaped from the captivity in which they were being held by the knights who had captured them, they would always be his enemies and would remain disloyal towards him. King Pedro made this point insistently on the day following the battle, which was a Sunday: the battle had taken place on the Saturday in Lent before Lazarus Sunday, the 3rd of April. The prince of Wales told King Pedro that his Royal Majesty was well aware that neither what he said nor what he asked was reasonable, for those lords, knights and men-at-arms who were there in the service of both of them had fought for the sake of honour and, if they had prisoners, they were theirs; and, moreover, such was the

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tales eran los caualleros que los tenian que por dineros del mundo, avnque fuesse mill tanto que valiesse el prisionero, que touiesse que lo non venderian a el por quanto pensarian que los conpraua para los matar. E quanto en esto, que non se trabajase, que non era cosa que el pudiesse librar. Enpero si tales caualleros fuessen presos de los contra quales el pasara por sentençia antes desta batalla, que gelos faria entregar. E estonçe dixo el rrey don Pedro al prinçipe que si estas cosas assi auian de pasar, que mas perdido tenia agora el rregno que lo tenia primera mente, que todos aquellos que eran presos eran los que le auian fecho perder el rregno, e que pues aquellos assi auian de escapar o non seer entregados a el para traer con ellos sus pleytesias para que fincassen suyos, que non fazia cuenta que le auia ayudado el prinçipe, mas tenia que espendiera sus thesoros de balde. E el prinçipe fue sañudo estonçes por estas rrazones que el rrey don Pedro assi le dixo e rrespondiole en esta manera: ‘Señor pariente, a mi paresçe que vos tenedes maneras mas fuertes agora para cobrar vuestro rregno que touistes quando teniades vuestro rregno en posesion e lo rregistes en tal guisa que lo ouistes a perder. E yo vos consejaria çesar de fazer estas muertes e de buscar manera de cobrar las voluntades de los señores e caualleros e fijos dalgo e çibdades e pueblos de vuestro rregno, e si de otra manera vos gouernades segund primero lo faziades, estades en grand peligro para perder el vuestro rregno e vuestra persona e llegarlo a tal estado que mi señor e mi padre el rrey de Ingla terra nin yo, avn que quisiessemos, non vos podriamos valer’. E assi pasaron aquel dia estas rrazones entre el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe. E aquel dia domingo, otro dia despues de la batalla, estudieron alli en el canpo, e otro dia lunes partieron el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe del lugar donde fue la batalla e tomaron su camino para Burgos. E el rrey don Pedro llego primero a Burgos e los de la çibdad lo rresçibieron muy bien e fue luego apoderado en la çibdad e en el castillo. E hordeno que el prinçipe posasse en el monesterio de Las Huelgas, que es vn monesterio de dueñas muy noble, çerca la çibdad, que fundaron los rreyes de Castilla, e el duc de

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nature of the knights who were holding them that, for all the money in the world, even if the amount were 1,000 times more than the value of the prisoner, King Pedro could expect them not to sell them to him given that they believed him to be buying them in order to kill them. In this respect, the king should not persevere in his arguments, as it was not something that the prince could make happen. On the other hand, if among the prisoners there were knights that King Pedro had already condemned before this battle took place, he would have them handed over to him. Then King Pedro told the prince that, if this was the case, his realm was now more totally lost to him than it had been previously, for all the men being held captive were those who had caused him to lose the kingdom; and that, since these men were to escape in this way or not to be handed over to him so that he could persuade them to transfer their loyalty to him, he did not reckon that the prince had lent him any assistance but rather that he had spent his treasure in vain. The prince was then moved to anger by how King Pedro had spoken these words to him. ‘My lord and kinsman,’ he said, ‘it seems to me that you have an even rougher approach now towards recovering your kingdom than you had when you held it in your possession and ruled it in such a way that you came to lose it. I would advise you to cease inflicting these deaths and to seek a way of winning the hearts of the lords, knights, noblemen, cities and towns of your kingdom; and, if you once again govern as you did previously, you are in serious danger of losing both your kingdom and your life and of bringing matters to a point such that neither my lord and father the king of England nor I, even if we wished to do so, would be able to help you.’ Such were the words that were exchanged that day between King Pedro and the prince. That Sunday, which was the day after the battle, they remained there on the field and on Monday, the following day, King Pedro and the prince left the place where the battle had taken place and set off for Burgos. King Pedro was the first to arrive there and, warmly greeted by the people of the city, he quickly took possession of Burgos and its castle. He instructed that the prince was to be lodged in the renowned convent of las Huelgas which had been founded for ladies by the royal house of Castile and stood near to the

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Alencastre su hermano del prinçipe, que posasse en el monesterio de Sant Pablo, çerca la çibdad. E por algunas posadas que auia fuera de la çibdad, posaron los suyos del prinçipe, e los otros por las comarcas enderredor de la çibdad fasta çinco leguas. E el prinçipe llego despues que el rrey don Pedro llegara en Burgos, dos dias, e poso en aquel monesterio de Las Huelgas do el rrey don Pedro hordenara, e los suyos enderredor del en posadas que eran ý çerca dellos, en las aldeas mas allegadas a la çibdad. E el duc de Alencastre su hermano del prinçipe poso en el monesterio de Sant Pablo, que es de la horden de Santo Domingo, segund dicho auemos. Otrossi fallo el rrey don Pedro en la çibdat de Burgos al arçobispo de Braga, que era françes e dezianle don Iohan Cardellaquo, e era letrado e grand sabidor, e pariente del conde de Armiñac, e estaua con el rrey don Enrrique, e prendiolo e leuolo preso al castillo de Alcala de Guadayrea e alli estudo en vn silo fasta que se vençio la pelea de Montiel. E despues lo saco de alli el rrey don Enrrique e fue despues arçobispo de Tolosa e patriarca.

Capitulo XXº. Commo fizieron el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe de Gales en Burgos desque ý llegaron. Desque alli llegaron en la dicha çibdat de Burgos, el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe de Gales començaron a tratar sus fechos. E el prinçipe fizo dezir al rrey don Pedro por algunos caualleros del su consejo, que bien sabia en commo el llegara en la çibdat de Vayona con muy grand menester que auia de buscar acorro para cobrar sus rregnos de Castilla e de Leon, de los quales su henemigo le auia echado e desapoderado, e le rrequiriera e fiziera rrequerir que, por los grandes

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city, and that the prince’s brother, the duke of Lancaster, was to stay in the convent of San Pablo, also close to the city. The prince’s retainers were allocated quarters outside the city, and the remainder throughout the surrounding area at a distance of up to five leagues. The prince arrived in Burgos two days after King Pedro and was accommodated in the convent of las Huelgas as King Pedro had arranged, whilst his retainers lodged in the surrounding area, in the villages situated closest to the city. As we have already said, his brother the duke of Lancaster stayed in the convent of San Pablo, which belongs to the Order of Saint Dominic. Moreover, in the city of Burgos King Pedro found the archbishop of Braga, who was a Frenchman by the name of Jean de Cardaillac, a scholar and man of great learning and a relative of the count of Armagnac. The archbishop was a supporter of King Enrique, and King Pedro seized him and took him off as a prisoner to the castle of Alcalá de Guadaíra, where he remained in a dungeon until the battle of Montiel was decided. King Enrique then freed him from this prison and he went on to become archbishop of Toulouse and a patriarch.

1367: CHAPTER XX Concerning what King Pedro and the prince of Wales did on their arrival in Burgos. On their arrival in the city of Burgos, King Pedro and the prince of Wales began their discussions. The prince communicated to King Pedro through some knights who were members of his council that he, the king, was well aware of how he had arrived in the city of Bayonne in desperate need of assistance in the recovery of his kingdoms of Castile and León, his enemy having driven him out and seized power. King Pedro had appealed to the prince and he had caused him in turn to appeal to the king of England on his behalf. He had requested, on account of the close family bonds which had always existed between the royal houses of Castile and England and likewise in view of the

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debdos que las casas de Castilla e de Ingla terra ouieran sienpre en vno, otrossi por las ligas e confederaçiones que auian nueua mente fechas con el rrey de Ingla terra, su padre e su señor, e con el, que le ayudassen a tornar e cobrar su rregno, del qual le auian echado, e tomado sus thesoros todos e rrentas. Otrossi bien sabia commo el rrey de Ingla terra veyendo que le demandaua rrazon, que le plogo dello e que enbiara mandar al dicho prinçipe su fijo que viniesse con el con todas las conpañas e gentes suyas, las mas e mejores que pudiesse auer, e que el asi lo fiziera. E que era verdat que por quanto por venir tanta gente e tan grandes omnes commo aquellos que vinieron con el, que el non los pudiera auer sin grandes despensas, fue hordenado a voluntad del rrey don Pedro que pagasse las gajes e estados e sueldo al prinçipe e a todos los otros señores e caualleros e gentes de armas e arqueros que en este viaje venieran en su ayuda. E commo quier que el rrey don Pedro pagara algunas de las dichas gajes e sueldo al prinçipe e a los que con el venieran antes que partiessen de la çibdat de Vayona, pero que fincaua el dicho prinçipe avn en grandes debdas a algunos señores e caualleros e omnes de armas de los que con el venieran, para les fazer pago assi de sus estados commo de sus gajes e sueldo que auian de auer, segund el tienpo que auian seruido e segund las abenençias que con ellos fiziera. E que el assi los auia asegurados e fecho sobre ello muy grandes rrecabdos assi de juramentos commo de obligaçiones e omenajes, con acuerdo e consejo e voluntad del rrey don Pedro, e que le rrogaua que fuesse su mesura e touiesse por bien de le dar rrecabdo, pues estaua en su rregno, de las dichas quantias que eran assi deuidas a los dichos señores e caualleros e omnes de armas por que ellos fuessen pagados e el prinçipe touiesse la verdat que con ellos pusiera asegurandolos que en las dichas pagas de gajes non auia falta. Otrossi le fizo dezir que bien sabia el rrey don Pedro commo por su voluntad le prometiera, quando era en Vayona, que le daria grandes tierras en el rregno de Castilla assy de çibdades e villas commo castillos

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treaties and alliances recently established with the prince’s lord and father the king of England and with the prince himself, that they help him to go back and regain his realm. For he had been driven out from this kingdom and all his treasure and his income had been seized. King Pedro was also well aware of how the king of England, seeing that his requests were being rightfully made, had agreed to them and had sent a command to his son that he should accompany King Pedro with all his forces and all the troops at his disposal – as many and of as high a quality as he could assemble –, and the prince had done so. The prince added that it was not possible to have the services of so large an army and men so distinguished as those that he had brought without incurring considerable expenses, and therefore it had been established, with King Pedro’s agreement, that he would pay the allowances, maintenance and salary of the prince and of all the other lords, knights, men-at-arms and archers who had come to assist him in this campaign. Although King Pedro had paid some of those allowances and some of the salary to the prince and those accompanying him before their departure from the city of Bayonne, the prince was still left owing large sums to some of the lords, knights and men-at-arms who had come with him, to cover both their expenses and the allowances and salaries that were due to them, according to the period of time that they had served and to the agreements that he had made with them. The prince had given them assurances in this respect and also solemn guarantees, expressed in terms both of oaths and of formal pledges and binding covenants, with the agreement, counsel and approval of King Pedro. He now requested of the king, giving the matter his considered judgement, that he see fit to give him surety – since he was in his own kingdom – for those sums which were owed to those lords, knights and men-at-arms, in order that they might receive payment. In this way the prince would keep the promise that he had made to them when he assured them of the wages being paid without fail. He also directed that King Pedro be reminded that he was aware of how, of his own free will, he had promised him – when he had been in Bayonne – that, if he recovered the kingdom of Castile with the prince’s assistance, he would give him extensive possessions there, in the form of cities and towns and also of castles and incomes. It was to be pointed

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e rrentas si el dicho rregno cobrasse e el le ayudasse a ello, e que el prinçipe ge lo agradesçiera mucho e dixera que lo non tomaria, ca sin ninguna cobdiçia el estaua presto de le ayudar por el debdo e linaje que auia con el. Otrossi por las ligas e confederaçiones que entre el rrey de Ingla terra, su padre e su señor, e el, con el rrey don Pedro, eran, por lo qual el rrey de Ingla terra su padre le enbiara espeçial mente mandar que le veniesse ayudar con todos sus valedores e amigos. E que el rrey don Pedro le dixera en la çibdad de Vayona que en todas las guisas del mundo era su voluntad que el prinçipe ouiesse alguna tierra en el rregno de Castilla, e que el estonçe quando viera que su voluntad era assi, que le dixo que le plazia de tomar lo que el le diesse e por bien touiesse, e pues assi era su voluntad que el non queria mas çibdades nin villas en Castilla saluo que le diese la tierra e señorio de Vizcaya e la villa de Castro de Vrdiales, e que pues estaua ya, loado fuesse Dios, en el su rregno e su enemigo vençido e desterrado e todas las çibdades e villas de sus rregnos eran ya a su obediençia, que le rrogaua e pidia que cunpliesse esto que le auia assi prometido de le dar, de lo qual tenia sus cartas e rrecabdos que le fiziera en Vayona antes que de alli partiesse. Otrossi fizo dezir el prinçipe al rrey don Pedro que pues el estaua en su rregno, que non le cunplia tener muy grandes costas e despensas con el nin tener tantas conpañas, e que seyendo çierto destas cosas que le auia a conplir el rrey don Pedro, e auiendo rrecabdo dello, que le cunplia partir de Castilla e tornarsse para su tierra; lo vno por le non fazer costa al rrey don Pedro nin le dañar la tierra con tantas gentes; otrosi por que auia nueuas que los françeses començauan fazer guerra en el ducado de Gujana por manera de conpañias. E el rrey don Pedro desque oyo estas rrazones que el prinçipe le fizo dezir, rrespondio muy bien a los que le dixeron las dichas rrazones e enbio con ellos a algunos del su consejo rrespondiendo al prinçipe que

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out to him that the prince had said that he was very grateful for this but that he would not accept, for, without any question of desire for gain, he was ready to help him on account of their family links and the common lineage that they shared; and also because of the treaties and alliances which existed between his father and lord the king of England and himself and King Pedro; for it was as a result of this that his father the king of England had sent the prince the specific command that he come with all his supporters and allies to help King Pedro. Nevertheless, King Pedro had told him while in the city of Bayonne that, come what may, it was his wish that the prince should possess some land in the kingdom of Castile and that, when he saw that this really was the king’s wish, he had then told him that he agreed to take whatever he gave him and judged to be appropriate, since this was what the king desired. The prince of Wales wished to receive no cities or towns in Castile except the lordship of Vizcaya and the town of Castro Urdiales.13 However, since – thanks be to God! – King Pedro was now in his own kingdom, with his enemy defeated and driven out of the land and with all the cities and towns obeying his command, the prince now requested and entreated him to fulfil his promise to grant him this land: and in this respect he possessed written documents and formal undertakings that King Pedro had made to him in Bayonne before his departure. The prince of Wales also had the point made to King Pedro that, since he was now installed in his own kingdom, it was not appropriate for the prince to sustain considerable costs and incur such great expense on his account or to keep such a large army; and that, once he was certain that King Pedro would fulfil his obligations towards him and once he had received surety, it was right for him to leave Castile and return to his own land. In part this was in order to avoid causing King Pedro expense and so as not to inflict damage on his land through the presence of so many troops, but it was also because there were reports that the French were beginning to wage war on the duchy of Guyenne by means of companies of mercenaries.14 On hearing the arguments that the prince had instructed his representatives to put to him, King Pedro gave them a firm response. He then sent some members of his council to accompany them back to the prince. He replied to him that he agreed to observe and adhere to

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le plazia de tener e guardar todo lo sobre dicho, ca assi era verdat que pasara todo entre el e el dicho prinçipe. E los caualleros que el rrey don Pedro hordeno para tratar en este fecho estudieron por muchas vegadas con el prinçipe e por mandamiento del rrey don Pedro rrespondieron assi: primera mente a lo que le dezia el prinçipe que le fiziesse pagar el rrey don Pedro algunas quantias que fincauan por pagar assi a el commo a los señores e caualleros e omnes de armas e frecheros de sus estados e de sus gajes, de lo que ouieron de auer para venir con el a su rregno, por lo qual el dicho prinçipe era e fincaua a ellos obligado segund la hordenança que el fiziera en Vayona sobre esto. E a esto rrespondia el rrey don Pedro que bien sabia el prinçipe commo el estando en Vayona, que es çibdat del rrey de Ingla terra, su padre, e en su tierra, pagara de sus tesoros que conssigo leuara a algunos caualleros e frecheros asi de lo que auian de auer por sus estados commo por sus gajes, dello en dobles e en moneda de oro e dello en rreales e moneda de plata e de aljofar e piedras preçiosas, en lo qual el fuera muy agrauiado, ca la tomauan e rresçibian en las dichas pagas la moneda de oro e de plata a muy grand menospreçio. Otrossi las joyas de oro e de plata e de aljofar e piedras preçiosas, por la meatad menos de lo que valian, e que muchas vegadas gelo fizo saber al prinçipe e dezir por sus thesoreros que fazian las dichas pagas, e nunca pudiera auer rremedio en ello, e que en este fecho touiesse por bien de mandar a algunos de los suyos que se ayuntassen con los sus thesoreros e viessen los libros de las pagas que se fizieron e que moneda de oro e de plata e joyas se dieran por los dichos preçios, e si algund engaño o agrauios el rresçibiera, que lo el mandasse descontar; e de lo al que fincaua por pagar, lo que el cuydaua que seyendo todo esto puesto en buena cuenta, que le non deuia mas de lo que auia pagado; enpero si algo fincasse, que el estaua presto para lo pagar. Otrossi rrespondio a lo segundo de lo que el prinçipe dizia, que el

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all that had been set out, for it was indeed true that all of this had taken place between himself and the prince. The knights that King Pedro nominated to take part in these negotiations paid several visits to the prince and at the king’s command gave the following reply: firstly, with regard to how the prince had said that King Pedro should ensure that settlement was made of certain debts which still remained to be paid, both to him and to the lords, knights, men-at-arms and archers for their maintenance and their pay, which they were due to receive in return for accompanying King Pedro to his kingdom; and with regard to the prince’s argument that the king remained under a firm obligation to them in accordance with the terms that he had agreed in Bayonne, King Pedro’s response to this was that the prince was well aware of how, when he was in Bayonne, a city which belonged to the prince’s father the king of England and which was situated in his territory, he had made payment to some knights and archers out of the treasure that he had taken with him, in order to cover both the costs due to them and their pay, partly in doblas and in gold coin and partly in reales, silver coin, pearls and precious stones.15 In this he had lost out badly, for in these payments the gold and silver coin was accepted and received but given an excessively low value. Likewise, the jewellery of gold, silver, pearl and precious stones was valued at half of its true worth: several times he had brought this to the prince’s attention and had it pointed out by his treasurers who were making the payments, but he had never been able to have the matter put right. He asked the prince to see fit to command that some of his treasurers meet with those of King Pedro to inspect the books of accounts for the payments made and see what amount of gold and silver coin and jewels had been exchanged at the specified rates; and if the king had suffered any act of dishonesty or any wrong then the prince should instruct that it be discounted from the total owed. And of the remainder that was still to be paid, King Pedro believed that, once all of this had been put in good order, the total sum owing was no greater than what he had actually paid. However, if anything was outstanding, then he was ready to make the payment. He also responded to the second point made by the prince: that of his own free will King Pedro had told him that he wished to hand over

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rrey don Pedro de su voluntad le dixera que el le queria dar tierras en el señorio de Castilla e que le daria çibdades e villas e grandes tierras si las el quisiera auer, pero que el non lo quisiera, saluo con su afincamiento; que le dixera pues assi era su voluntad, que le diesse la tierra de Vizcaya e la villa de Castro de Vrdiales. A esto dixo el rrey don Pedro que assi era todo verdad e que a el plazia de gelo dar e de gela mandar luego entregar la dicha tierra de Vizcaya e la dicha villa de Castro de Vrdiales. Otrossi a lo que dizia el prinçipe que pues el rrey don Pedro estaua en su rregno e su henemigo era fuera del e todo el rregno estaua a su obediençia, que le non cunplia tener tantas gentes commo el tenia ally, lo vno por le non fazer costas tan grandes nin dañar la tierra, lo qual non se podia escusar por la grand conpaña que alli era. Otrossi por las nueuas que el prinçipe auia cada dia, que algunos françeses en nonbre de conpañias le fazian guerra e enojo en el ducado de Gujana, e que por todo esto le cunplia partir assi de Castilla e yrse para su tierra, que le rrogaua que le pluguiesse dello. E a esto dixo el rrey don Pedro que le plazia e gelo agradesçia, pero si su voluntad fuesse de dexarle mill lanças a su despensa e a sus gajes e sueldo del dicho rrey don Pedro fasta que todo fuesse bien assossegado, que gelo agradesçeria. E desque el prinçipe de Gales ouo oydo todas las rrazones de la rrespuesta que el rrey don Pedro le enbiaua sobre las rrazones que le el fizo dezir por sus mensageros, rrespondio a la primera rrazon: que el rrey dizia lo que su merçed era e lo que por bien tenia, que quanto atañia a las pagas que el fizo en Vayona a el e a los señores e caualleros e omnes de armas e frecheros que con el venian, ninguno non le auia culpa, ca los sus thesoreros del rrey don Pedro fizieron las pagas a su voluntad, assi de las monedas de oro e de plata commo de las joyas de aljofar e piedras presçiosas. E avn sobre ello los señores e caualleros e omnes de armas dizian que fueran en ello mucho agrauiados, ca ellos

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to him lands which were under Castilian lordship and that he would give him cities, towns and extensive estates if he wished to have them. The prince asserted that he had not wished to accept this offer, except when he had been urged to do so by King Pedro, at which point he had asked him – since this was what he wished – to give him the territory of Vizcaya and the town of Castro Urdiales. King Pedro replied that this was indeed all true and that he agreed to give the prince the said territory of Vizcaya and the town of Castro Urdiales and to instruct them to be handed over immediately. In addition, he replied to what the prince had said to him about how, now that he was installed in his own kingdom, his enemy had been driven out of it and the whole realm was now obeying his command, it was not appropriate for the prince to keep as many troops there as he had at present, partly so as not to cause the king such great expense or inflict such damage on his territory, which was inevitable on account of the large army which was being kept there. This was also in view of the reports being received by the prince each day that French troops under the name of mercenary companies were raiding and causing him trouble in the duchy of Guyenne: for all of these reasons it was right for him to leave Castile and return to his own territory, and he was asking King Pedro to give his agreement. In response King Pedro said that he did indeed agree, but he requested that the prince see fit to leave him 1,000 mounted troops, which he would pay for at his own expense, taking responsibility for their pay and their allowances until all was well settled. He would be grateful if this were done. Once the prince of Wales had listened to all the points made by King Pedro in response to those that he had put to him through his intermediaries, he gave his reply to the first item. He said that in his response the king had spoken according to his will and said what he considered right. However, with regard to everything concerning the payments made in Bayonne to the prince himself and to the lords, knights, men-at-arms and archers accompanying him, none of them were at fault in their dealings with King Pedro as his treasurers had made their payments freely, both those in gold and silver coin and those made with jewellery containing pearls and precious stones. Moreover, on this

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auian menester moneda llana para seer bien pagados e conplir lo que auian menester, e les daua joyas e aljofar e piedras, que eran cosas que les non cunplian, ca les fuera mejor tomar monedas que aljofar para conprar armas e cauallos e otras cosas que auian menester, ca la joyas vendian a menos presçio e dellas tenian avn que non se podian aprouechar dellas. Otrossy que bien sabia el rrey don Pedro que commo quier que con el venieran tantas buenas conpañas, non venieran por aquellas pagas que les fizo el, saluo por el gran afincamiento e trabajo que el prinçipe pusiera en los fazer contentos e pagados, e por seer algunos amigos del e otros, vasallos del rrey de Ingla terra, su padre, e por le fazer placer. E quanto en esto, si su merçed era, non deuia sola mente fazer memoria dello, ca fuesse bien çierto que las gentes de armas perdieron en ello asaz en tomar las dichas joyas en pago e que en lo que fincaua que ellos auian de auer de sus pagas, touiesse por bien de fazer manera commo fuessen pagados e contentos. Otrossi a lo que dizia el rrey don Pedro que le daria a Vizcaya e a Castro de Vrdiales segund gelo auia prometido, que gelo agradesçia mucho e que pidia e rrogaua que le mandasse dar luego sus cartas e sus rrecabdos commo gelo fiziessen luego entregar. Otrossi a lo que dizia que si su voluntad era de partir de Castilla, que le dexasse mill lanças a sus despensa e a sus gajes fasta que todo el rregno fuesse sosegado, a esto le rrespondio el prinçipe que le plazia de fazer todo lo que el mandasse e viesse que era su prouecho, mas que esto que pidia que fincassen las gentes de armas en Castilla, non le rrespondia luego de presente, ca las gentes de armas que en Castilla ouiessen a quedar con el, queria primero veer commo los omnes de armas eran pagados de lo que auian seruido. Sobre estas cosas pasaron en Burgos muchas muchos tratos e muchas rrazones entre el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe de Gales, pero despues acordaron que se fiziessen las cuentas de las gentes que con

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point the lords, knights and men-at-arms argued that they had lost out heavily, for they needed money in cash in order to be properly paid and in order to meet their needs, whilst the prince was giving them jewellery with pearls and gems, which were not appropriate: it would have been better for them to receive coins than pearls in order to buy arms and horses and their other requirements, for they sold the jewels below their true value and they still had some of them in their possession of which they could not make use. The prince also argued that, as King Pedro was well aware, although an army of such size and quality had accompanied him, the troops had not come on account of the payment made to them by the king but rather through the hard work and effort which the prince had put into leaving them satisfied and content. Moreover, there were some who had come because of their friendship with him, and others, as vassals of his father the king of England, in order to please him. In view of this, if such was his will, King Pedro should not only bear this fact in mind – for he should be in no doubt that the soldiers had lost a good deal of money by accepting the jewels in payment – but, with regard to the outstanding part of what was due to them, he too should see fit to act in such a way as to leave them content and satisfied. In addition the prince gave a reply to King Pedro’s statement that he would give him Vizcaya and Castro Urdiales as he had promised, expressing his gratitude and earnestly requesting him to give instructions for him to receive without delay the letter of authorization together with surety for the rapid transfer of ownership. And also in response to King Pedro’s request that, if it was his wish to leave Castile, he should leave him – until order was restored throughout the kingdom − 1,000 mounted troops, for which he would pay expenses and wages, the prince replied that he agreed to do all that the king commanded and considered to be to his benefit; but he could not give an immediate reply to this request with regard to troops remaining with him in Castile, as first he wished to see how the men-at-arms received payment for the service that they had given. A great deal of negotiation and discussion on these matters took place in Burgos between King Pedro and the prince of Wales, but finally they agreed that the accounts were to be drawn up for the payment already received by the troops who had come with King

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el rrey don Pedro vinieran e lo que ouieran de pagas e lo que les fincaua de pagar, que el rrey don Pedro ge lo pagasse o el prinçipe les asegurasse por ello a los que las tales pagas auian de auer, faziendo el rrey don Pedro rrecabdo dello al prinçipe en guisa que fuesse contento. Otrossi dixo el prinçipe al rrey don Pedro que para el seer seguro que cobraria lo que pagasse a las gentes de armas, que el rrey don Pedro le diesse veynte castillos de su rregno quales el prinçipe quisiesse e nonbrasse en arrehenes por las dichas pagas conplir. E el rrey don Pedro dixo que le plazia de le fazer entregar a Vizcaya e a Castro de Vrdiales al prinçipe segund lo auia prometido. Otrossi dixo que las mill lanças non le cunplia que fincassen en el rregno nin las queria. Otrossi en rrazon de los veynte castillos que el prinçipe demandaua en arrehenes de las dichas pagas, rrespondio el rrey don Pedro que a esto, de presente, non dizia mas fasta que viesse que debdas fincauan por pagar. E esto acordado e asossegado el prinçipe mando a mossen Iohan Chandos su conde estable e a los sus mariscales e contadores que supiessen por todas las conpañas que con el vinieran en Castilla, que tienpo auian seruido e quanto les era pagado de lo que deuian auer, assi por sus estados commo por sus gajes e por quanto les era deuido. E mossen Iohan Chandos conde estable e los mariscales e contadores del prinçipe lo fizieron e mandaron a los thesoreros e contadores que fiziessen dello cuenta, los quales assi lo fizieron e monto todo muy grand quantia e de lo que dende se sopo, fizieron lo saber al prinçipe su señor. E el prinçipe demandaua toda via los veynte castillos en arrehenes por aquellas quantias que fallaua que le deuia e que estos castillos fuessen quales el nonbraria e fincassen en arrehenes por lo que era tenudo el rrey don Pedro de pagar a los señores e caualleros e omnes de armas e frecheros que venieran en aquella caualgada en su seruiçio. Otrossi mossen Iohan Chandos demandaua al rrey don Pedro que le fiziesse entregar la çibdad de Soria, la qual le auia prometido por cartas publicas de gela dar quando estaua en Vayona. E el rrey don Pedro a lo que el prinçipe demandaua de los veynte castillos por arrehenes de la deuda que era tenudo a la gente de armas de gajes, e dixo que en ninguna manera del mundo non los pudia

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Pedro and for what remained to be paid to them, and that King Pedro should make payment to them or the prince should give assurances to those due to be paid, with King Pedro providing the prince with such guarantees as would leave him satisfied. The prince also told King Pedro that, in order for him to be certain of being reimbursed the sum that he had paid to the men-at-arms, the king should hand over to him 20 castles in his kingdom, which the prince was to specify and name, as surety for the settlement of the payments. King Pedro stated that he agreed to have Vizcaya and Castro Urdiales handed over to the prince, as he had promised. He also said that he had no need for the 1,000 mounted troops to remain in the kingdom, nor did he desire them. Moreover, with regard to the 20 castles which the prince was requesting as surety for the payments, King Pedro’s response was that he would say no more at present until he saw what debts remained to be settled. Then, once this had been agreed and settled, the prince sent his constable Sir John Chandos and his marshals and stewards round all the bodies of troops that had come with him to Castile, to find out what their period of service had been and how much they had been paid for their living expenses and their wages and all that was due to them. The constable John Chandos and the prince’s marshals and stewards acted in accordance with the prince’s instructions and the treasurers and stewards were ordered to draw up accounts. They did so: the money owing added up to a large sum and the information that had been collected was passed on to their lord the prince. The prince was still asking for the 20 castles as surety for the amounts that he discovered to be owed to him by the king. He demanded that these castles be ones that he specified and that they should serve as a guarantee for what King Pedro was bound to pay to the lords, knights, men-at-arms and archers who had taken part in this campaign in his service. In addition, Sir John Chandos was demanding that King Pedro have the city of Soria handed over to him, given that the king had made this promise to him in a letter patent when he was in Bayonne. With regard to the prince’s demand for the 20 castles as surety for the amount which he was bound to pay to the troops in wages, King Pedro said that there was no way in the world that he could give him

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dar a los dichos castillos, ca si lo fiziese, todos los del rregno ternian que queria dar la tierra a otras gentes estrañas e por ventura que se leuantarian contra el. Otrossy a lo que dizia de la çibdat de Soria en la dar a mossen Iohan Chandos conde estable dixo que le plazia, e sobre todo esto ouo muchos debates. E el prinçipe bien entendia que el rrey don Pedro dizia buena rrazon de non poder entregar los veynte castillos que le demandaua; pero dizia que queria saber que rrecabdo podria auer por que aquellas conpañas fuessen pagadas de lo que auian de auer e el fuesse quito de las obligaçiones que les fiziera por esta rrazon. E el rrey don Pedro le fizo dezir que el luego enbiaua por todo su rregno sus cartas e omnes de rrecabdo a demandar ayuda al rregno todo para pagar estas debdas atales e luego que el pudiesse auer la moneda, luego gela daria. Otrossi por lo al que fincasse, que el prinçipe sabia bien que el tenia en la çibdat de Vayona tres fijas suyas, las infantas doña Beatriz e doña Costança e doña Ysabel, e que las touiesse en arrehenes fasta que el cunpliesse todo lo que el deuia a el e a aquellas conpañas en este caso de las pagas. E desque vio el prinçipe que el rrey don Pedro non pudia al fazer, dixole que le plazia e fizieron luego desto sus rrecabdos en esta manera: que el rrey don Pedro fasta vn dia çierto diesse al prinçipe la meatad de la paga en dineros. Otrossi que por la otra meatad, que las tres infantas sus fijas, doña Beatriz e doña Costanza e doña Ysabel, que estauan en Vayona, las touiesse el prinçipe en arrehenes fasta que fuesse pagado. Otrossi diole el rrey al prinçipe sus cartas que le entregassen la tierra de Vizcaya e la villa de Castro de Urdiales. E enbio luego el prinçipe para las rresçibir e tomar la posession de la tierra de Vizcaya e de la villa de Castro de Urdiales a vn su cauallero que dizian el señor de Poyana e vn letrado su mensagero que dizian el jugue de Burdeu. E el rrey don Pedro enbio por su parte para gela entregar a don Ferrand Perez de Ayala e que estudiesse con los de la tierra de Vizcaya; enpero

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those castles, for, if he were to do so, all the people of his kingdom would believe that he intended to give territory to other foreigners and they might rise up against him. He also replied to what the prince said about handing over the city of Soria to the constable John Chandos, stating that he agreed to do so. There was a great deal of discussion over all these matters. The prince understood clearly that King Pedro was right when he said that he could not hand over the 20 castles for which he had asked him. However, he said that he wanted to know what guarantee he could have that the members of those companies would be paid what was due to them and also that he, the prince, would receive payment to cover all his commitments to them in this respect. King Pedro communicated to him that he was, without delay, sending letters and dispatching his agents throughout his realm to ask all the people of the kingdom to contribute to the payment of debts of such a size; and that as soon as he could obtain the money he would pay it over to the prince. Moreover, with regard to the outstanding amount, the prince was well aware that he was holding in the city of Bayonne three daughters of King Pedro − princesses Doña Beatriz, Doña Constanza and Doña Isabel − and he should continue to hold them as hostages until the king had met all his obligations to him and to the companies in this matter of the payments. Once the prince realized that there was no more that King Pedro could do, he told him that he was in agreement and they lost no time in drawing up the following terms: by a specified date, King Pedro was to make payment in cash to the prince of half of the amount due, whilst the prince was to hold his daughters the princesses − Doña Beatriz, Doña Constanza and Doña Isabel − who were in Bayonne, as a guarantee until the other half was paid. The king also gave the prince his letters of authorization for the territory of Vizcaya and the town of Castro Urdiales to be handed over to him; and the prince immediately sent two men to receive and take possession of them: a knight in his service called the lord of Poyanne and a lawyer whose title was the lord justice of Bordeaux, acting on his behalf. For his part, King Pedro sent Don Fernán Pérez de Ayala to be responsible for the transfer, with instructions for him to remain with the people of the territory of Vizcaya. However, it was not the

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non era voluntad del rrey de lo conplir assy nin de dar la dicha tierra al prinçipe, e assi se fizo que el prinçipe non ouo la dicha tierra por quanto los de la dicha tierra sabian que non plazia al rrey don Pedro que fuesse aquella tierra del prinçipe. E avn dizian los de Vizcaya e de Castro de Urdiales que el rrey don Pedro enbiaua sus cartas a las villas e castillos de Vizcaya sobre esta rrazon: que en ninguna manera non se diesse al prinçipe. E maguera los enbaxadores suso dichos fueron a Vizcaya nunca pudieron lybrar con los de la tierra que les entregassen la possesion, e fizieronlo saber asi al prinçipe. Otrossi a lo que mossen Iohan Chandos conde estable del prinçipe demandaua que la çibdat de Soria le fuesse entregada, dixo el rrey que le plazia e mandole dar sus cartas para que gela entregassen; pero vn su chançeller del rrey don Pedro, que dizian Matheos Ferrandez de Caçeres, pidiole por chançelleria, por la carta, diez mill doblas e el conde estable non le quiso tomar la dicha carta teniendo que non le pidian chançelleria assy tan grande saluo por non le dar la dicha çibdat de Soria.

Capitulo XXIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe de Gales fizieron sus juramentos en la yglesia de Santa Maria de Burgos. Assy pasaron estas cosas commo auedes oydo, pero el prinçipe, por dar logar que el rrey don Pedro non se touiesse de mal contento del, dixo que le plazia atender algunos dias en Castilla fasta que el touiesse mejor assosegado el rregno para librar mejor estas cosas, que por auentura non osaua el rrey don Pedro, por rresçelo de los del rregno, mandar las conplir e entregar las tierras que le mandara, e despues que el touiesse mas afirmado su fecho e estouiesse mas asossegado en el

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king’s intention to carry this through or to hand the territory over to the prince; and so it was brought about that the prince did not in fact take possession of Vizcaya, as its people were aware that King Pedro was not in agreement with it falling into his hands. The people of Vizcaya and Castro Urdiales even claimed that King Pedro wrote to the towns and castles of the region saying that in no way should they be handed over to the prince. Moreover, although the aforementioned ambassadors went to Vizcaya, they were never able to complete the arrangements with the people of the territory for the transfer of possession, and they informed the prince of this. In addition, with regard to the demand made by the prince’s constable Sir John Chandos that the city of Soria be handed over to him, the king expressed his agreement and intructed that Sir John be given a letter of authorization for this to happen. However, one of the king’s chancellors, called Matheos Fernández de Cáceres, asked him to pay chancery fees of 10,000 doblas in return for the letter. The constable was not willing to accept it, as he considered that they were only charging him such a high fee in order to avoid handing over the city of Soria.

1367: CHAPTER XXI How King Pedro and the prince of Wales swore their oaths in the church of Santa María in Burgos. These events took place just as you have heard, but, in order to avoid King Pedro feeling dissatisfied with his conduct, the prince declared that he would agree to remain in Castile for a few days until the king had his realm more fully under control, in order that he could carry out all of these undertakings more effectively. The prince did this because he considered that perhaps King Pedro, fearful of the people of his kingdom, would not dare to fulfil what he had agreed and hand over the territories that he had allotted to him. He hoped that once the king’s position had been strengthened and he was more settled in the

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señorio del rregno, que le pagaria las quantias que le deuia. Otrossi que le faria entregar a Vizcaya e Castro de Urdiales segund gelo auia prometido, e eso mesmo a mossen Iohan Chandos a Soria, e para esto que el rrey le fiziesse juramento de conplir todo lo que les era prometido. E el rrey don Pedro dixo que le plazia. E acordaron commo este juramento se fiziese e hordenaron que el prinçipe, que posaua en el monesterio de Las Huelgas, veniesse a la yglesia de Santa Maria la mayor de la çibdat de Burgos e el rrey viniesse alli e publica mente viessen todas las escrituras entre ellos hordenadas e se jurassen en el altar mayor de la dicha iglesia sobre la cruz e los Santos Euangelios. E el prinçipe por seer mas seguro, demando que le diesen vna puerta de la dicha çibdat en que ouiesse vna torre, para do el pusiesse conpaña de armas que estudiessen ally en guarda de la puerta en quanto el estudiesse en la çibdat. E el rrey don Pedro le mando dar vna puerta con su torre en vna plaça que dizen Conparada. E el prinçipe mando poner en la torre omnes de armas e frecheros. E yuso a la puerta en vna grand plaça que auia contra dentro de la çibdat, puso el prinçipe mill omnes de armas e partida de frecheros. E fuera de la çibdat en un monesterio do el prinçipe posaua que dizian las Huelgas, enderredor del dicho monesterio, estauan las mas conpañas que venieron con el, armadas. E el prinçipe entro dentro en la çibdat por la puerta que auemos dicho que le dieran, do tenia sus omnes de armas e frecheros en guarda. E el prinçipe fuesse para la yglesia de Santa Maria e con el yuan quinientos omnes de armas e muchos de los capitanes que con el eran. E yuan todos a pie enderredor del prinçipe, que yua en vn coser, pero non armado, e yua ý con el, el duc de Alencastre, su hermano, en otro cauallo. E el rrey don Pedro llego alli a aquella iglesia de Santa Maria la mayor, do era hordenado que se ayuntassen e se auia de fazer la jura de lo que era e fuesse tratado e afirmado. E desque entro el rrey don Pedro en la iglesia, seyendo presentes todos los mas capitanes, leyeron las escrituras publica mente en guisa que todos podian bien oyr. E era commo el rrey don Pedro era tenudo

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lordship of his kingdom he would pay him the sums that he owed; and that he would also see that Vizcaya and Castro Urdiales were handed over as he had promised, and likewise that Soria was given to Sir John Chandos. He asked the king to swear an oath undertaking to fulfil all his promises to them, and King Pedro said that he was willing to do so. They agreed on how this oath was to be sworn, and they arranged that the prince, who was staying in the convent of las Huelgas, was to come to the church of Santa María la Mayor in the city of Burgos, and that the king was to do likewise. They were to review publicly all the agreements drawn up between them and their oaths were to be sworn on the church’s high altar, on the cross and on the Holy Gospels. In order to enjoy greater security, the prince asked to be given charge of a city gate where there was a tower in which he could install a company of troops to guard the gateway during the time that he spent in the city. King Pedro instructed that the prince be given a gateway with a tower which stood in a square called the Plaza de la Comparada, and the prince ordered men-at-arms and archers to be posted in the tower. Moreover, below the gateway, in a large square which faced into the city he stationed 1,000 men-at-arms and a substantial body of archers; and outside the city around the convent of las Huelgas, where the prince was lodged, most of the troops who were accompanying him were drawn up in full armour. The prince entered the city through the gateway which, as we have already mentioned, had been allocated to him and where he had posted his men-at-arms and his archers to stand guard. The prince went to the church of Santa María, accompanied by 500 men-at-arms and many of the commanders of the companies who were with him. They were all on foot surrounding the prince, who was mounted on a courser but not in full armour, and alongside him rode his brother the duke of Lancaster. Then King Pedro arrived at the church of Santa María la Mayor, where it had been arranged that they would meet and the oath was to be sworn on what had been, and what was to be, agreed and confirmed. Once King Pedro had entered the church, and in the presence of most of the commanders, the text of the formal agreement was read aloud in such a way that all those present could hear clearly. It set out how King Pedro was legally bound to pay the prince of Wales

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al prinçipe de Gales e a çiertos señores e caualleros capitanes que ally eran, de çierta suma e quantia de moneda, la qual deuia por gajes e estados e sueldo que ellos auian de auer del por çierto tienpo que le auian seruido en esta venida e caualgada que fizieron en España e a su rregno. E por quanto de presente non podia auer la dicha suma o quantia para les pagar, que el se obligaba de pagar la meytad de la dicha quantia de aquel dia que alli eran ayuntados fasta quatro meses dentro en Castilla, al prinçipe de Gales o a los sus thesoreros, en los quales quatro meses ellos auian de atender en el rregno de Castilla. Otrossi se contauan sus gajes destos quatro meses en la cuenta sobre dicha, e la otra meatad de la dicha suma que gela daria fasta vn año en Vayona de Ingla terra. E por aquella suma e quantia que fincaua en Vayona de pagar, que el prinçipe touiesse en tanto en prendas e en arrehenes, tres fijas suyas, las quales eran doña Beatriz e doña Costança e doña Ysabel, que llamauan las Infantas. Otrossi juro aquel dia el rrey Pedro que faria entregar la tierra e señorio de Vizcaya al prinçipe, e la villa de Castro de Urdiales, segund gelo auia prometido. Otrosi que faria entregar la çibdat de Soria a mossen Iohan Chandos conde estable de Gujana, segund lo tenia prometido. E este juramento fecho, el rrey fue para su palaçio e el prinçipe se fue para el monesterio de Las Huelgas do el posaua.

Capitulo XXIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro enbio sus cartas a vn moro de Granada, que era vn grand sabidor, commo el auie vençido e commo el era en Castilla, e demandauale consejo de algunas cosas. Asi fue que el rrey don Pedro despues que la pelea de Najara fue vençida, enbio sus cartas a vn moro de Granada de quien el fiaua e era su amigo, e era grand sabidor e grand filosofo e consegero del

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and certain lords and commanders there present a specified sum, an amount of money which he owed in allowances, expenses and salary as payment for a determined period of time during which they had served him in the course of this campaign and of this foray into Spain and into his kingdom. However, since at the present time he could not raise the said sum or amount with which to pay them, the king undertook to pay half of the amount in question to the prince of Wales or his treasurers and to do this in Castile within four months of this day on which they were all assembled there. During these four months they were to wait in the kingdom of Castile, and their pay for this time was likewise to be included in the said account. King Pedro was then to pay the other half of the amount within a year in the English city of Bayonne, and to cover that amount of money which remained to be paid in Bayonne, it was agreed that the prince was to hold as surety and as a guarantee the three daughters of the king: Doña Beatriz, Doña Constanza and Doña Isabel, known as the princesses. That day, King Pedro also swore that he would see that the territory and lordship of Vizcaya and also the town of Castro Urdiales were handed over to the prince, as he had promised him; and he also undertook to have the city of Soria placed in the possession of Sir John Chandos, constable of Guyenne, as he had promised to do. Then, once this oath had been sworn, the king returned to his royal apartments and the prince went back to the convent of las Huelgas where he was staying.

1367: CHAPTER XXII How King Pedro wrote to a Moor in Granada, who was a man of great wisdom, about how he had been victorious and was in Castile, and asking him for advice about certain matters. So it was that King Pedro, after his victory in the battle of Nájera, wrote to a Moor in Granada, his friend in whom he trusted and who was a man of great wisdom, a great philosopher and a counsellor of

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rrey de Granada, el qual auia nonbre Benahatin, en que le fizo saber commo auia vençido en pelea a sus henemigos e commo estaua ya en su rregno muy aconpañado de muchas gentes nobles e estrañas que le vinieron ayudar. E el moro despues que rresçibio las cartas del rrey, enbiole rrespuesta en castigos çiertos e buenos, de la qual el traslado es este: ‘Las graçias sean dadas a Dios, Criador de todo. A vos el grand rrey publicado e noble, allegue vos Dios a la tierra del mundo finable e a la ventura del mundo durable. E acuerde vos commo El sea seruido de vos e la salud sea sobre vos. Sabed que yo so en parte del Andalozia faziendo saber a las gentes el vuestro poder e el poder del que en vuestro nonbre es entitulado e amo, sabelo Dios, aderesçar el vuestro derecho segund el mi pequeño poder, que non podria segund el vuestro alto estado, que si vos de tal commo yo demandades que cunpla los vuestros conplimientos commo atal commo a vos pertenesçe, seria a mi muy graue sin alguna dubda, de mas que non so mio nin puedo auer apartamiento para estudiar, e muchos otros negoçios que me enbargan. E sobre todo esto el saber del omne tal commo yo, que es pobre para alcançar cosa conplida, e digo en conparaçion que el que alcanzo vna de las cosas del mundo en conplida manera, es fallesçido en otras muchas. Otrossi en su casa omne con su conpaña non alcança lo que querria, mas en las cosas del mundo, que lo formo Dios en diuersas maneras e sentençio en el sus juizios commo la su merçed fue, e otras cosas que enbargan al omne de alcançar su voluntad. E ssy cataredes con derecho mis rrazones e me rresçibieredes mis escusas, con ello me alegrare. E pido a Dios que vos alegre en todas cosas que le a El plazen assi del dicho commo del fecho. A lo que me demandastes de mi, que vos faga saber de lo que me paresçe en los vuestros grandes fechos e fieles, rrey alto, sabed que los males son en caso semejante de las melezinas amargas e pesadas para el que las beue, e son aborridas del, enpero el que las puede

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the king of Granada. This man was called Benahatin, and in his letter King Pedro told him how he had defeated his enemies in battle and was now in his kingdom in the company of a large number of noble foreign troops who had come to give him assistance.16 The Moor, after receiving the king’s letter, sent him a reply expressing good and sound advice, the translation of which is as follows: ‘May God, the creator of all things, be praised. And may God guide you, great, illustrious and noble king, to material wealth in the ephemeral world and the blessings of the enduring world. May He direct you just as He is served by you and may you be granted health. I want you to know that I am in a region of Andalusia proclaiming your power and that of the man who in your name bears the title of ruler, and, as God knows, it gives me great pleasure to guide your path as best my limited ability permits.17 However, I could not do this in the way in which your high standing merits, for if you ask a man such as myself to fulfil what you require of me in a manner which befits you, it will without any doubt prove a very difficult task, all the more so as my time is not my own, I do not have the opportunity to be free to study, and many other affairs stand in my way. Over and above all of this, the wit of a man such as myself is too feeble to achieve anything of such consequence. I can say in comparison that a man who has fully achieved one thing in the world falls short in many others. Also if a man in his own household with his own family cannot achieve what he would have wished, how much more is this the case in the affairs of the world, created by God in a variety of forms and in which He has passed his judgements according to His will, and where there are other considerations which prevent a man from achieving his desires? So, if you look fairly on my words and accept my pleas, this will give me pleasure. I ask of God that He grants you happiness in all things that are pleasing to Him, both in word and in deed. In reponse to your request that I give you my opinion on your great and faithful deeds, illustrious king: you should be aware that misfortunes bear a similarity to medicines which are bitter and unpleasant for the person taking them, who strongly dislikes them; for, in spite of this, someone who endures and puts up with them and

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sofrir e atender e penar el su mal sabor esta a esperança del bien e de la salud; pero non sufren las tales amarguras saluo aquellos que son pertenesçientes de auer lo que por las sofrir se alcança, e yo me adelante, que vos fize sabidor de algunas cosas atales e vistes las sus verdades, e commo quier que a las vuestras puertas aya buenos e sabios a quien non sean encubiertos los tales fechos. Pero cada vno despiende de lo que tiene segund la parte que Dios le dio, e el vuestro conplimiento encubre las menguas e non culpara por cosa de lo que por culpa meresçe, e lo que yo fablare de lo de vuestra fazienda ençierrasse en dos casos: el vn caso es en lo que tañe en vuestra fazienda e en el semejante vuestro e del vuestro titulo, que es el vuestro enemigo, e el segundo caso es en lo que atañe a los fechos de la gente estraña que venieron con vos de otra tierra. E digo en el primero caso que atañe a vuestra fazienda: bien sabedes que los christianos que fizieron contra vos vergoñosa cosa, que sea suma obra de dezir e fazer en guisa que non se pueda lauar sy non despues de grand tienpo, e non la ouieron de fazer por mengua de vuestra fidalguia nin por vos non seer pertenesçiente a señorio rreal; mas ocasion dello fueron cosas que pasaron, que vos sabedes, fasta que se fizo lo que vistes. E agora que Dios vos acorrio e vos torno a ellos, se catan e se veen por pecadores, non a manera de los penitençiar, ca non pueden seer conosçidos los del vuestro estado rreal syn ellos, pues, señor, obrad contra ellos al rreues de las maneras porque vos aborresçieron, ca mucho mas breue les es agora arredrarse de vos que la primera vez. E semejante es desto quien quiso alçar vna cosa pesada e quebrose su braço, e guaresçio e torno a prouar de alçar otra vez ante que fuesse bien asoldada la quebradura e mucho mas aparejada estaua de se quebrar que ante, pues dad a las cosas sus pertenençias e comunal guisa e asossegat los coraçones espantados de vos, e dad a gostar a las gentes pan de paz e de sossiego e apoderad los e ensseñoread los en sus algos e en sus villas e en sus fijos que assaz paso por ellos premias e afincamientos en cosas que non ouistes dello sy non conplir voluntad.

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who copes with their bad taste has a hope of achieving recovery and health. On the other hand, the only people able to tolerate such bitter medicines are those who are really bent on achieving the goal which enduring them makes possible. I have ventured to make you aware of some such matters and you have seen the truth of them. Although at your own door there are good and wise men to whom such affairs as these are no mystery, each person makes use of what he has according to what was allotted to him by God, and your courtesy conceals shortcomings and will not attribute blame where it is due. What I will say about your affairs is summed up in two points: one is with regard to your way of governing and to your rival for your position and your title – and this man is your enemy − and the second concerns the actions of the foreigners who have come with you from abroad. With regard to the first point, which concerns the way in which you govern: you are well aware that the Christians acted so shamefully towards you − amounting to actions of word and deed of a kind that can only be erased after a very long time – and that they did not do so through any lack of noble origins on your part or because you did not belong to the royal line. Rather, this was the result of a series of developments which, as you know well, culminated in the events that you witnessed. Now that God had come to your aid and returned you to them, they look into their hearts and see themselves as sinners. However this does not mean that they should have penance imposed on them, for your royal standing cannot be recognised without them. So, my lord, act towards them in a manner which is contrary to that which made them hate you, for it would now take much less to make them reject you than it did the first time. This is similar to the case of a person who, having broken his arm by trying to lift a heavy object and having recovered, again tried to lift the object before the break was properly mended: the arm was now much more likely to break than before. So give allowance where due and, acting with moderation, bring calm to the hearts which you have filled with terror, allowing the people to taste the bread of peace and tranquillity. Offer them security and authority over their possessions, their towns and their children, since for them they endured no small trials and hardships in matters in which you did nothing other than to pursue your own desires. Ensure that all the things

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E todas las cosas por que vos aborresçieron sean trocadas con las sus contrallas e mostradles el arrepentimiento de todo lo pasado e honrrad a los grandes e guardad vos de las sangres e de los algos de vuestros subditos, sy non con derecho e justiçia, e alegrad el rrostro e abrid la mano e cobraredes la bien querençia. E non auantagedes a los que non touieron con vos en vuestros menesteres sobre los que touieron con vos a la dicha sazon, por que la enbidia non aya logar. E dad los ofizios a los que les pertenesçen, puesto que los non querades bien, e non los dedes a los que non son pertenesçientes a ello, puesto que los bien querades, e bien podedes fazer otros bienes a los que bien queredes. E guardat vos de los honrrados que enfanbreastes e de los de pequeño estado que fartastes, e rreparad en el rregno lo que se estruyo por que oluiden las gentes los yerros e quiten de sus coraçones lo que vos ensañaron e afincaron, e abenid vos con vuestros comarcanos en tal sazon commo agora estades, ca las llagas son avn frescas e con esto faredes çerca entre vos e vuestros henemigos syn costa. E guardad vuestros algos en lo que cunple e criarsse han vuestras gentes: que las aues sossiegan e se fartan con lo poco en el tienpo del inuierno, e el vuestro henemigo es biuo e el curso del mundo non es durable e non sabedes que acaesçera. E Castilla es ya follada e despresçiada de gentes estrañas e muchos de los grandes de vuestro rregno son finados en las guerras e los algos fallesçidos. E tal fazienda menester ha grand rremedio, e non otro rremedio saluo el conorte e el sossiego e cobrir lo que se decubrio de la vergueña. E dixo vn sabidor consejando al honrrado que oluide los yerros que le son fechos. E dixo otro sabidor: ‘Si ouiesse entre mi e las gentes un cabello, non se cortaria: quando ellos trauasen, yo afloxaria, e quando ellos afloxassen, yo trauaria.’ E rresçibid sienpre los desculpamientos de los vuestros, puesto que sepades que son mentirosos, e es mejor que descobrir las verdades. E sienpre agradesçed a los que bien fazen, puesto que a vos non faze menester, e non se escusaran de seruir vos a la ora de vuestro menester.

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which caused them to hate you are reversed, show them repentance for all that happened in the past, honour the great families and do not spill the blood of your subjects or take away their possessions, unless it is with right and justice. Brighten your countenance and open your hand in generosity, and you will reap the affection of your people. So that there may be no cause for envy, do not confer advantage on those who did not stand by you in your times of need over those who did. Bestow office on those to whom it rightly belongs, even if you are not on good terms with them. On the other hand, do not do so on those who are not appropriate, even though you hold them in high regard: there are other benefits that you can bestow on those that you favour. Be careful of the men of noble rank on whom you inflicted hardship and those of low estate to whom you gave plenty. Make good what was destroyed in your kingdom so that the people will forget the wrongs done and remove from their hearts the anger towards you that became rooted there. At a time like the present you should make your settlement with those around you, for the wounds are still fresh and in this way you will form a bond with your enemies without cost. Take care over your wealth as is befitting and the number of your supporters will grow, for in the winter birds are settled and are satisfied with little. Your enemy remains alive, the course of the world fluctuates and you do not know what will happen. Castile is downtrodden and despised by foreign troops, many of the great nobles of your realm have died in the wars and its wealth is exhausted. Such a situation is in urgent need of a solution, and this can be achieved only by bringing solace and calm and covering over the ignominy which had been exposed. A man of learning advised a man of honour that he should forget the wrongs done to him. ‘If there were a hair between me and other people,’ said another wise man, ‘it would not be cut: when they pulled harder I would lessen my effort and when they pulled less hard I would make more effort.’ Always accept an apology made by your people, even if you know that they are being deceitful, for it is better to do this than to uncover the truth. Always show gratitude to those who do good to you, even if there is no necessity for you to do so, and then they will not hold back from assisting you in your hour of need. You should be aware that there are many causes for the affairs of

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E sabed que las ocasiones de los dañamientos de las faziendas de los rreyes son muchas, pero nonbrare algunas dellas. E la prinçipal es tener las gentes en poco, e la segunda es auer grand cobdiçia en allegar los algos, e la terçera es querer conplir su voluntad, e la quarta es despreçiar los omnes de la ley, [e] la quinta es vsar de crueldad. E el primero caso que es de tener las gentes en poco es grand locura manifiesta, que en los omnes ay muchos de los malos saberes e de los malos comedimientos, e verter las sangres syn meresçimientos e muerte dellos e de las profetas, fizieron muchos de los males en el mundo desfaziendo todas las posturas e mandamientos que fueron dende [Adan] fasta hoy. E esto forço a los grandes maestros e sabidores de fazer libros de leyes e de hordenamientos por guardar a las gentes de sus daños este corto tienpo de la vida, e aprouecharonsse de seer llamados conpaña de Dios e sus rrequeridos e sus amados, e amuestran les carrera e pone[n] en ellos saber para se guardar de los pecados e perdonarles los fechos. E sabed que la vmildança de los omnes que es por fuerça, non es durable e la que es por voluntad e por grado, es propia e durable, e quando se dañan sus voluntades, mueuen se los coraçones e los ojos e las lenguas e las manos, e puesto que vos non temades de sus juntamentos, deuedes vos temer de sus maldiçiones e de pensamientos de sus coraçones, que quando se juntan las voluntades de los coraçones, sobre qual quier cosa son oydos en los çielos, commo se prueua quando se detienen las aguas en los grandes menesteres. E puesto que non temades de lo vno nin de lo otro, deuedes temer de la vuestra nonbradia en la vida, e en la muerte, de lo que pueden dezir, ca la buena nonbradia es vida segunda e muchos de los buenos rreligiosos aborresçieron la vida e amaron la muerte por cobrar la nonbradia despues de la muerte. E publico es que non pueden escusar los rreyes a los omnes e es en dubda si se podria dezir el contrario, e en los escusar non es cosa que seer pueda. E dizen que vn rrey estaua en su palaçio e los suyos le vinieron demandar cosas que a ellos cunplian, e afincauanle por ello e esperauan su rrespuesta a la puerta de su alcaçar. E el rrey ensañosse e dixo a su alguazil: ‘Ve e diles que non me cunple.’ E yendo el alguaçil con la rrespuesta tornose del camino e dixo al rrey: ‘Señor, mostrad me que rrespuesta

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kings coming to harm, but I will list some of them. The first of these is setting little value on people, the second is displaying great greed in the acquisition of wealth, the third is pursuing their own impulses, the fourth is showing contempt for men of the law, and the fifth is acting with cruelty. The first case – setting little value on people – is conspicuous madness, for in men there is much knowledge of evil and great excess; and shedding without due cause the blood of men and of the prophets has caused many of the ills of the world, going against all the principles and commandments established from the time of Adam until today. It was this which obliged the great masters and scholars to produce books of laws and precepts to keep people from harm during life’s brief span. Benefitting from being known as the companions of God and the object of His love and affection, they show the people the paths to follow in life and give them the knowledge to guard themselves from sin and to gain pardon for their actions. You should know that the submission of men that is imposed by force is not lasting but that which is given freely and willingly is sincere and enduring; and when men are harmed in mind, the heart, eyes, tongue and hands are all affected, and, even if you do not fear their coming together, you should be afraid of their curses and of the thoughts that they hold in their hearts, for, when the desires felt in the heart on any matter are united, they are heard in the heavens, as is demonstrated when the rains cease to fall in times of great need. And even if you fear neither the one nor the other, you should fear for your name both in life and in death and for what men may say of you, for a man’s good name is his second life: many good men of religion have felt a hatred of life and a love of death, in order that they might be held in high esteem after their death. It is well known that kings cannot exempt men from blame and it is doubtful whether the converse could be said; for absolving kings from fault is not something that can be done. They say that once a king was in his royal apartments and his people came to ask him for some things that were in their interest. They were insistent and they waited for his answer at the door to his palace. The king grew angry and said to his constable, ‘Go and tell them that it is not in my interest.’ As the constable was on his way to take them this answer, he turned back. ‘My lord,’ he said to the king,

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les dare sy me dizen “nin nos a el”.’ Estonçe callo el rrey vn rrato e dixo: ‘Ve e diles que quiero fazer lo que me demandan.’ E la segunda ocasion del dañamiento del rrey es grand cobdiçia en allegar los algos quando salle de rregla e esta es ocasion de muchos dañamientos. E los algos de los rreyes son vsados a las guerras commo se vsaron las creençias en las leyes, e si de golpe pujassen en las creençias, non lo cunplirian los omnes. E los algos son mandados a los omnes por seer decolgada la honrra en ellos, e ay omnes que presçian sus algos mas que sus honrras. E el rrey que quiere aderesçar sus rregnos con algos de sus gentes semeja al que quiere labrar sus camaras con los çimientos de sus palaçios. E fuerça es de fazer sin razon el que se acuçia a allegar algo, e dizen los antigos que puede durar la descreençia e non la sin rrazon. E la manera del rrey con sus gentes es semejada al pastor con su ganado. Sabida cosa es el vso del pastor con su ganado: la gran piedad que ha en el, que anda a buscar la mejor agua e el buen pasto e la grand guarda de los contrarios assi commo los lobos, trasquilar la lana desque apesga e hordeñar la leche en manera que non faga daño a la vbre nin apesgue sus carnes nin fanbriente sus fijos. E dixo vn omne a su vezino: ‘Fulano, tu cordero leuo un lobo e eche en pos el e tomegelo.’ E dixole: ‘¿Pues que es del o do esta?’ E dixole: ‘Degollelo e comilo.’ E dixole: ‘Tu e el lobo vno sodes.’ E si el pastor vsa desta guisa con el ganado, lieua mala vida o dexara de seer pastor, quanto mas deue seer el rrey con sus subditos e naturales. E la terçera ocasion del dañamiento del rrey es el que quiere conplir su talante, e tal commo este fazesse siervo aunque sea rrey, e apoderasse sobre el su apetito e con su voluntad fazele su catiuo e su sieruo, e tira del su nobleza e su propiedat e quitale el espiritu que ha de mejoria sobre las bestias. E el que non se sabe apoderar sobre su voluntad non podra apoderarse sobre su enemigo e es fea cosa el que quiere que sean los omnes sus catiuos e fazesse el catiuo del que

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‘let me know what answer I give them if they tell me, “Nor is he in ours.” The king was silent for a while and then he said, ‘Go and tell them that I am willing to do what they ask.’ The second cause of harm befalling a king is when greed to acquire wealth exceeds reasonable limits, and this does indeed cause a great deal of harm. The wealth of kings is used for wars just as beliefs were used in laws, and if suddenly they hesitated in their beliefs men would not obey. Wealth is entrusted to men as a means of displaying their honour but there are men who value their wealth more than their honour. The king who desires to enhance his realm using the wealth of his subjects resembles one who wishes to build his palace halls using the material from their foundations. The man who hungers to acquire wealth inevitably acts without reason: the ancients say that lack of belief can last but not lack of reason. The role of the king with regard to his subjects is similar to that of the shepherd towards his sheep. The way that the shepherd treats his flock is well known: the great concern that he shows, seeking out the best water and fine pasture, providing safe protection against enemies such as wolves, shearing the sheep once its wool becomes too thick and milking it in such a way as not to damage the udder, do harm to its flesh or leave its lambs hungry. A man said to his neighbour, ‘So-and-so, your lamb was being carried off by a wolf and so I went after them and took the lamb away from it.’ So the neighbour said to him, ‘Well what happened to the lamb and where is it?’ ‘I cut its throat and ate it,’ the man replied. The neighbour said, ‘You are just the same as the wolf.’ And if a shepherd treats his flock in this way, he will lead a hard life or he will give up being a shepherd: so how much more must this be the case for the king in his dealings with his subjects and the people of his kingdom? The third cause of harm befalling a king relates to the one who pursues his own impulses, for such a man as this becomes a slave even though he is a king: he is taken over by appetites and his desire, which turn him into their captive and their slave, depriving him of his nobility and his true character and robbing him of the spirit which raises him among the beasts. The man who does not know how to control his own desires will not be able to overcome his enemy, and it is not pleasant to behold a man who wants to hold others captive

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non deue: e la peor de las voluntades es la forniçion por quanto el que se enbeueçe en ello le nasçen muchos daños e perdida el anima e el seso e el entendimiento e los sentidos e cobra mala nonbradia e daña sus generaçiones e tal omne commo este es semejado a las bestias. E el dios que dizen los sabidores de los christianos que se vistio en carne e en figura de omne por los saluar, e non ouo ninguno que mas arredrado fuesse deste pecado que el, e fue en el tienpo que el fue paresçido en carne. E el buen omne sabidor faze mucho en quanto puede en semejar a su Dios e entiende de alcançar mucho en ello, cuanto mas el rrey que es por El, e su teniente lugar en la tierra. E las ocasiones que acaesçieron a los rreyes por el forniçio publicos son. E vna dellas fue quando el conde don Yllan metio los moros al Andalozia por lo que el rrey fizo a su fija. Quanto a la quarta ocasion del dañamiento del rrey, que es el despreçiamiento a los omnes de la ley, tal commo este es ponçoña mortal, que la ley es cosa general e es la ley verdadera e el rrey su siervo e su guarda, e el que la despreçia tienen los omnes que el faze a ellos desuiar e despreçiarle. E non ha menester la ley sy non es guardada de auer pena en este mundo e la yra de Dios en el otro. Ca escrito es e amonestamiento sin dubda, e por tanto lo tienen las gentes por menguado e despreçiado al rrey que la su ley despreçia e non fian en su jura nin en su omenaje, que el rrey non ha juez que lo juzgue, saluo su omenaje e su ley, e, quando non fian del, non podra rregir su rregno. E quanto a la quinta ocasion del dañamiento del rrey, es la crueldad e la mengua de piedad. E el el rrey que dellas husa rrecresçera entre el e los suyos grand escandalo, e fuyran del commo los ganados de los lobos por natura e por aborrençia, e escusaran el su prouecho e buscaran manera para ello. E el rrey que faze justiçia por cosas que el non se puede saluar dellas e defiende cosas que a el podrian escusar

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but himself becomes the captive of one into whose hands he must not fall. The worst kind of desire is fornication since the man who becomes enmeshed in it starts to suffer great ills, losing his soul, his mind, his understanding and his senses, gaining an evil reputation and bringing harm upon his lineage: such a man resembles the beasts. The god that, according to the wise men among the Christians, assumed flesh and the form of a man in order to save them, in the time when he appeared as flesh, held back more than any other from this sin. So, if the man of goodness and wisdom does all that he can to resemble his god and understands that in this way he achieves much, the king who stands in his place and is God’s lieutenant on earth should seek to do so all the more. The examples of harm that has befallen kings through fornication are well known, and one of them occurred when Count Julian introduced the Moors into Andalusia as a result of what the king did to his daughter. With regard to the fourth cause of harm befalling a king, which is showing contempt for men of the law, such an error is a deadly poison, for the law applies to all men and is indeed the true law. The king is its servant and its guardian, and if a ruler treats it with scorn he is held by men to be turning them aside from their natural course and causing them to treat him in turn with scorn. The sole purpose of the law is to provide protection from affliction in this world and from the anger of God in the next. For it has been set down as an unequivocal warning, and therefore the people view as a diminished and despised figure any king who treats their law with contempt and they have no trust in his word or in the vow of allegiance which binds them: the king has no judge to pronounce a verdict on him, except for his feudal bond and his law, and when he is not trusted he will be unable to rule his kingdom. With regard to the fifth cause of harm suffered by a king, this is cruelty and failure to act with sufficient compassion. In the case of a ruler who has these failings, great trouble will arise between him and his people, who through abhorrence and by their very nature will flee from him like flocks from wolves: they will hold back from acting to his benefit and will seek out ways of doing so. In the case of the king who administers justice for actions of which he cannot himself be considered free of guilt and who defends things of which he might

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por ello, e podria seer que oye aquel mal dezir de omne que non le quiere dar la vida e deue temer a Dios quando da pena al pecador e sepa commo es omne commo el, e llegale su yerro e su pecado a este mal estado, e sea justiçiado por lo que es forçado de la ley e de la justiçia de los rreyes. E señor, estas palabras en esta rrazon son pocas de muchas que se podrian dezir en esto, e si començasse a fablar en ello es commo la mar que non ha cabo. E en rrazon de las gentes estrañas dañosas, son las gentes estrangeras que con vusco venieron, sabed que vuestro consejo e su amigança es ya fecha. E el aperçebido es el que se guarda de la cosa antes que contesca, e el orgulloso, el que piensa commo salga de la cosa despues que nasçe, e la su ayuda de la tal gente es tal commo la propiedad de las ponçoñas, que se beuen por escusar otra cosa mas peor que ellas. E vuestra manera paresçe con ellos al omne que criaua vn leon e caçaua con el las animalias e aprouechauasse del, e vn dia fallesçio de comer al leon e comio a vn fijo que tenia aquel que lo criaua, e el desque vido aquello que le auia fecho, mato al leon e dixo: ‘Este es el que non cata su pro quanto su daño.’ E es verdad que dizen desta gente que han grand poder, commo dezides e prouecho dellos, es semejante al fuego, que si se oluida, quema todo quanto alcança. E pues ellos son commo dezides grand gente e mucha e començaron a tener en poco a los de Castilla e vençieron sus gentes e catiuaron sus grandes e mataron sus omnes, e son christianos e non mudaron su ley, e el que de tal guisa es muy ligero terna de cobrar todos los rregnos e pasar los assy. E de las cosas que vos deuedes aperçebir es que tienen en su poder muchos presos de los grandes de vuestros rregnos e sus gentes de los presos en vuestras çibdades e villas, quexados de vos, e les mostraran e fiuzaran de lo vuestro deque vean vuestras villas e fortalezas e cubdiçiar las han: e deuedes guardar que non se apoderen en algunas dellas e acogeran conpaña que las pueblen, e de mas si fueren villas en la rribera de la mar, e podra seer que las contentaran

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himself be accused, it may be that he hears that curse of the man whom he is unwilling to allow to live: he must fear God when he passes sentence on the sinner and he should be aware that he is a man like him who has been brought by his error and his sin into this wretched situation and is to be judged according to what is determined by the law and the justice of kings.18 My lord, these words on this matter are just a few of the many that could be spoken about it, and if I were to begin to discuss the subject it would be like the sea which has no end. Regarding foreign troops, the men that came with you from abroad bring destruction, but you must know that your decision has been taken and your alliances with them have already been formed. The prudent man is the one who takes precautions against something before it happens, whilst the arrogant man thinks about how he can escape from a situation after it has come about. The help of such people is similar to the nature of poisons which are drunk in order to avoid something which is worse than they are. Your attitude to them resembles that of the man who reared a lion and made use of it to hunt other animals, until one day the lion ran out of food and ate the man’s own son. Once he had seen what it had done, the man killed the lion. ‘This’, he said, ‘is one who seeks to bring himself not so much good as harm.’ It is true that these people are said to be very powerful, as you argue; but the benefit that you gain from them is similar to the fire which, if it is not watched over, burns everything within range. And since, as you say, they are formidable men and great in number, they began to look down on the people of Castile: they defeated their troops, took their nobles prisoner and killed their men. They are Christians and yet they have not changed their way of acting: for such people it will be a rapid affair to take possession of all kingdoms and treat them in this manner. Among the things of which you should take note is the fact that they are holding as their prisoners many of the great lords of your realms and that the supporters of those captives in your cities and towns, out of resentment towards you, will give them information and encouragement with regard to your possessions. Then once they see your towns and fortresses they will wish to possess them, and you must guard against them seizing some of them. They will bring in people to populate them, all the more so if they are coastal towns. It may be that they will make

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e apaziguaran, e vuestros enemigos ayudar los han e auran en estas tales villas rregnado e guerra asentada e durable contra vos. E muchas de las cosas tales han acaesçido e nonbraria alguna dellas sy non por non alongar. Oy dezir que tomades algos de vuestros comunes por fuerça e dades gelos a ellos por les pagar lo que les deuedes de la venida que convusco fazen a esta guerra. E en esto ha tres daños: primera mente la henemistad de los comunes, que, commo quier que sean vsados de pechar, non querrian que fuesse todo para el rrey sola mente saluo cosa que aprouechasse a ellos e a las villas do moran los pecheros, que los de la tierra dan al rrey otra vez los dineros e tornasse a ellos e aprouechansse dende, mas que lo que dieredes a los estraños en oro e en plata, que assi lo querrian leuar a sus tierras. E la segunda cosa del daño sobre dicho es que enflaquesçedes los vuestros e esforçades conpaña estranjera, que a primera vista paresçe el poco cabdal que en vos e en los vuestros ha. E la terçera cosa es que rrecresçe la cobdiçia en los estraños veyendo el mucho algo que les dan. E el mi consejo es que les mostredes que estades en grand menester e el fallesçimiento del algo que es en vuestro rregno, e que sodes forçado de conleuar las gentes vuestras e que non las podedes agora apremiar agora commo soliades: las llagas son frescas e la tierra poblada de henemigos, e deuedes enbiar gelo fazer saber todo esto con los grandes perlados de vuestro rregno, de quien auran verguença e creeran sus dichos, e con esto asossegaran e quedaran desfiuzados e allegaredes tienpo. E con esto faran vna de dos cosas: o tornarsse han a sus tierras, e es lo mas çierto, o se enflaquesçera el poder que han sy mucho tardan en la vuestra tierra. Otrossy en les dar algos luego e la enemistad non tirada fasta que vayades cobrando los mas de los comunes por vos, entre vos e ellos seeria peligro, e assi alongad.

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them settled and peaceful. Moreover, your enemies will assist them and in such towns they will hold sway and possess a firmly established and lasting base for waging war against you. Many events of this nature have already taken place and I would mention them specifically but for the fact that it would make this account too lengthy. I have heard that you forcibly seize wealth from your common people and hand it over to the foreigners in payment of what you owe them for coming with you to wage this war. This does harm in three ways. Firstly it provokes hostility among the common people who, even though they may be accustomed to paying tax, would not wish all that they pay to go to the king alone but rather would want it to be used for their benefit and for that of the towns where the taxpayers reside; for the people of the land once again make payment to the king but it comes back to them and they take benefit from it, whilst on the other hand the intention of the foreigners would be to take back to their own lands what you hand over to them in gold and silver. The second way in which it causes harm is by weakening your people and increasing the strength of the foreign forces, for the shortage of resources possessed by you and your nation is apparent at first sight. And the third way is that the greed of the foreigners is increased by seeing the great wealth that they receive. My advice is that you make them aware that you are in great need, that there is a shortage of wealth in your country and that you are obliged to give support to your people and cannot now impose the burden on them that they used to bear. The wounds are fresh and the land is overrun by enemies, and you should have all of this communicated to them by the great prelates of your realm, who will make them feel a greater sense of shame and whose words they will believe. In this way they will be placated and become less assured, and you will gain time. In consequence they will do one of two things: either they will return to their own lands – and this is the most probable outcome – or, if they stay for a long time on your territory, they will become less powerful. Moreover, if you were to make prompt payment to the foreigners, before the hostility has been overcome and you have won over to you the majority of the common people, a dangerous situation would develop between you and them. So take your time over it.

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E este es mi consejo si son los fechos assy commo suenan. E el que esta presente vee mas desto que, si el fecho non es assi o a los del rregno non les pesa dar de sus algos, es otra demanda. Pero el consejo desto es acuçiar por que salgan de vuestra tierra e si pelear quisieren con vos, non es de creer despues que vos ayudaron. Si omnes de bien fueran non vendieran lo que vos fizieron por presçio e prendas, e deuierales abondar lo que rrobaron en vuestra tierra e la rrendiçion de los prisioneros que tomaron de los vuestros e los algos de los vuestros comunes e armas de las vuestras gentes. E los fechos de los rreyes e de los grandes son contrarios de los fechos de los mercadores, e ellos non deuen mostrar cobdiçia, pues son rreyes e non mercadores. Sabed que el que hoy demandare pelea con vos, veyendo vuestra bien querençia con los moros vuestros vezinos e auiendo quanta gente e nobles tenedes, seria vençido con ayuda de Dios. E prouado lo auedes la su grand querençia de los moros con vos e la enemistad con vuestros enemigos, lo que vos non fallastes en los de vuestros grandes e de vuestros criados. E esta es cosa que vos non fezistes por vuestras manos, mas fizolo Dios que puso entre vos e entre su rrey grand amigança e bien querençia, que non podria seer mayor manera en coraçones de hermanos e de parientes. Pues gradesçed a Dios por ello e guardad esta cosa e esta grand amistad. E la cosa por que me escuso de vos dezir lo que querria es el açidente por que acaesçio lo que fasta aqui acaesçio, es presente e el henemigo, biuo e los vuestros que fizieron lo que non deuian, biuos. E el mundo, que es tal commo quien juega con las gentes asi commo juega el enbaydor con sus juegos, e non es durable, e el tienpo que ha menester, corto. E es menester el sosiego mas que el fervor, e tener pagados a los vuestros mucho mejor que a los estraños, que non ay dubda que non eran despagados, e non vos cunple arreziarles e ayudarles ca non auredes poder de los quitar de lo que quisieren, e

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This is my advice if the situation is indeed as it sounds to be. The person who is actually present can see more than this, for if things are otherwise or the people of the kingdom are not bothered by giving up some of their wealth, it is a different question. However, the advice in this case is to encourage the foreigners to leave your land quickly. It is difficult to believe that, having given you their help, they would want to do battle with you. If they were men of honour, they would not ask a price in terms of payment or possessions in return for what they did on your behalf: they should have sufficient with what they have stolen from your lands, the ransom payments for the prisoners that they have taken from your subjects, the wealth of your common people and the arms of your soldiers. The dealings of kings and of great lords run counter to those of merchants and they must not act out of greed, for they are indeed kings and not merchants. I tell you that any man who today seeks conflict with you, in view of your friendship with your neighbours the Moors and of the number of troops and nobles that you have at your disposal, would be defeated with God’s help. You have seen the proof of the Moors’ great affection for you and of their hostility towards your enemies, something which you did not find in your great lords or in the members of your own household. This is something which you did not achieve for yourself, but rather it was brought about by God who created between you and the king of the Moors great friendship and affection, such as could not be surpassed in the hearts of brothers and family members. So give thanks to God for it and preserve this bond and this great friendship. The reason why I hold back from saying to you what I would have wished is the fact that the cause of what has happened is still present and the enemy remains alive, as do those of your subjects who did what they should not have done. And the world, which resembles somebody playing with people just like a trickster with his games, is ephemeral and time, which is necessary, is short. Calm is needed more than zeal, and it is better to keep your own people contented than it is to give satisfaction to foreigners: for there is no doubt that the foreigners were not left discontented and it is not in your interest to strengthen and assist them, as then you will not have the power to keep them from achieving their desires. They will have power over

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ellos auran el poder sobre vos e despresçiaran a los vuestros e seran ocasion de vos dañar con aquellos que vos guardan syn por que. Sabed que toda cosa tiene tienpo que le pertenesçe, e a este tienpo pertenesçe sossiego. E yo por Dios e leal de voluntad, a vos e a quantos de mi demandan dare leal consejo e a otro ninguno non dare lo que yo dixe saluo a su rrey que el crio, e yo fare por vos lo que fare por el seyendo amos vnos, e el seso adebda quanto vos he dicho e por la prueua paresçera. E podra seer que me sean juzgadas algunas menguas de parte del trasladador desta carta que vos enbio e non de mi parte. E yo vos pido por merçed que me conoscades quanto he dicho e perdonad me lo que contra vuestra voluntad dixe atreuiendo me a la vuestra merçed e a la vuestra bien querençia. E sodes grand rrey e segund vuestra grandeza deuen seer contadas vuestras noblezas e el vuestro poder. E Dios vos de el bien que El por bien touiere e vos lieue adelante la ventura e vos mantenga a su seruiçio e vos esfuerçe del su esfuerço.’ E el rrey don Pedro ouo esta carta e plogole con ella; enpero non se allego a las cosas en ellas contenidas, lo qual le touo grand daño.

Capitulo XXIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro dixo al prinçipe de Gales que queria yr por el rregno por auer dineros para pagar. Agora tornaremos a contar commo el rrey don Pedro se partio del prinçipe de Gales e fue en esta manera. El rrey don Pedro fue vn dia a ueer al prinçipe a su posada de Las Huelgas e dixole commo el auia enbiado muchos omnes por todo el rregno a demandar seruiçio

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you and will treat your people with contempt; and thus they will cause you to suffer harm among those who protect you without good reason. I tell you that everything has its own due time and at the present time what is appropriate is calm. I, in the name of God and as a man loyal in heart, will give loyal advice to you and to others who ask it of me, but to no other will I say what I have said to you, except to the king in whose court I have lived.19 I will do for you the same as for him, the two of you being as one. My understanding requires me to say all that I have told you, and the proof of it will become apparent. It may be that I am held to blame for some failings on the part of the translator of this letter that I am sending you which are not of my making. I beg you to accept all that I have said and to forgive me for points that I have made which were not to your liking and for daring to go against your wishes and against your affection. You are a great king and among the signs of your greatness must be counted your nobility and your authority. May God grant you the blessings which indeed He counts as blessings, may He bring you success and preserve you in His service, and may His aid give you sustenance.’ King Pedro received this letter and was pleased by it. However he did not address the matters contained in it, and this was to bring him great harm.

1367: CHAPTER XXIII How King Pedro informed the prince of Wales that he wished to travel round his kingdom in order to obtain the money with which to pay him. Now we shall return to the account of how King Pedro took his leave of the prince of Wales. This occurred as follows: one day the king went to call on the prince in his lodgings in las Huelgas and told him how he had sent out many men throughout the kingdom to demand the payment of a financial contribution and the provision of assistance,

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e ayuda que le fiziessen, espeçial mente para la primera paga de los quatro meses que le auia de fazer, e que por tener mayor acuçia, que el mesmo queria partir de Burgos e yr por el rregno, e que entendia luego auer mejor rrecabdo. E el prinçipe dixo al rrey que lo fazia bien e que gelo agradesçia e que le rrogaua que pusiesse en ello grande acuçia: lo vno por tener su verdad e juramento que fiziera a el e a las conpañas que venieran con el e le siruieran muy bien segund el sabia. Otrossy por que el e las conpañas muchas que eran con el se partiessen ayna del rregno de Castilla a do non pudian estar syn fazer mucho enojo en comer las viandas e gastar la tierra. Otrossy le dixo el prinçipe aquel dia al rrey don Pedro que le dizian que el enbiaua sus cartas e aperçibimientos para los de la tierra de Vizcaya e de Castro de Urdiales, que le non tomassen por señor e que el non pudia creer la tal cosa e que le rrogaua que le fiziesse entregar la dicha tierra e villa segund lo tenia prometido e jurado. E esso mesmo le rrogaua por la çibdat de Soria, que la deuia auer el conde estable mossen Iohan Chandos. E a todo esto dixo el rrey don Pedro que el nunca tales cartas enbiara e que le queria darle e otorgarle la dicha tierra e villa e çibdat de Soria, e que le plazia e que en todo, el pornia buen rremedio en este espaçio de los dichos quatro meses. E assi se partio el rrey don Pedro de Burgos e se fue para Aranda sobre Duero e ally estudo algunos dias doliente. E el prinçipe partio de Burgos e fuesse para vn lugar que dizen Hamusco e sus gentes posaron por estas comarcas de entre Burgos e Hamusco.

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especially towards the first instalment that he had to pay after four months. He explained that, in order to achieve this with greater speed, he intended to leave Burgos and travel round the kingdom in person and that he expected in this way to collect a larger sum very quickly. The prince told the king that he was right to do this and that he thanked him for it, and he asked him to do so with urgency. This was partly in order that King Pedro might keep his word and observe the oath that he had sworn to the prince and the companies of troops who had come with him and who, as King Pedro was well aware, had served him well. However, it was also so that the prince and the large number of troops with him might be able to leave the kingdom of Castile quickly, for they could not remain there without causing considerable trouble by consuming the provisions and laying waste the land. That day the prince of Wales also told King Pedro that he had been informed about how he had written to warn the people of the lands of Vizcaya and of Castro Urdiales that they should not accept him, the prince, as their lord. He added that he could not believe such a thing and that he now requested that the king hand over the territory and the town as he had promised and sworn to do. He also asked him for the same to be done in the case of Soria, which was to become the property of the constable Sir John Chandos. In reply to all of this, King Pedro said that he had never sent such letters and that it was his wish to grant and hand over to him the territory of Vizcaya, the town of Castro Urdiales and the city of Soria. He confirmed that he agreed to do so and stated that he would deal fully with all these matters during the coming period of four months. With this, King Pedro left Burgos for Aranda de Duero, where he remained for some days suffering from illness. The prince left Burgos for a village called Amusco and his troops were billeted throughout the area which lies between Burgos and Amusco.

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Capitulo XXIVº. Commo el rrey don Pedro partio de Aranda e fue para Toledo e a Cordoua e a Seuilla, e lo que fizo en las dichas çibdades. El rrey don Pedro despues que partio de Aranda fue su camino para la çibdat de Toledo e antes que ý llegase auia enbiado mandar de Burgos que matassen vn cauallero e otro omne bueno de la çibdat, que estauan presos en el alcaçar. E al cauallero dizian Ruy Ponçe Palomeque e era de los buenos dende. E al omne bueno llamauan Ferrand Martinez del Cardenal e era un omne honrrado, e fizolo matar por quanto andudiera con el rrey don Enrrique despues que entrara en el rregno. Otrossi demando el Rey don Pedro en Toledo a los de la çibdat asy caualleros e omnes buenos del comun, que le diessen arrehenes que leuasse consigo a Seuilla e seer seguro dellos. E ouo sobre esto en la çibdat de Toledo muy gran rrebuelta, ca non querian dar las arrehenes. Enpero el rrey tanto se afirmo en ello que gelas dieron e leuolas conssigo a Seuilla. E dexo en Toledo por mayores para guardar la çibdat, caualleros naturales dende, a Ferrand Aluarez de Toledo, su alguazil mayor de la çibdat, e a Tel Gonçalez Palomeque, alcalde mayor de la çibdat e otros. E dende partio e fue para la çibdat de Cordoua e a dos dias que ally llego, vna noche a la media noche pasada armosse con çiertas conpañas e andudo por la çibdat por casas çiertas e fizo matar diez e seys omnes de la çibdat, que eran omnes de honrra, diziendo que quando el rrey don Enrrique llegara ý, que ellos fueran los primeros que le fueran rresçibir. E esto fecho dexo en Cordoua por capitan mayor a Martin Lopez de Cordoua, maestre de Calatraua, que fiziera despues que don Diego Garçia de Padilla, maestre que fuera de Calatraua, se partiera del. E el rrey fuese para Seuilla e antes que ý llegase fizo matar, ca estauan ý presos desque sopieran las nueuas commo la batalla de

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1367: CHAPTER XXIV How King Pedro left Aranda and went to Toledo, Córdoba and Seville, and what he did in those cities. After leaving Aranda King Pedro headed for the city of Toledo, and before he arrived there he had already sent instructions from Burgos for the execution of a knight and another leading citizen of the city who were being held prisoner in the alcázar. The knight was called Ruy Ponce Palomeque and he was one of the principal figures in the city. The name of the other citizen was Fernán Martínez del Cardenal: he was a man of honour and the king had him killed because he had accompanied King Enrique after his entry into the kingdom. While King Pedro was in Toledo he also demanded of the people of the city, both knights and leading citizens among the common people, that they give him hostages to take with him to Seville as a guarantee of the conduct of the people of Toledo. This caused considerable unrest in Toledo, whose citizens did not want to provide hostages. Nevertheless, the king’s insistence was such that the hostages were handed over to him and he took them with him to Seville. In Toledo he left in overall charge some knights who were natives of the city: his chief constable for Toledo, Fernán Álvarez de Toledo, Tel González Palomeque, the city’s chief judge, and a number of others. From there the king set off for the city of Córdoba and two days after his arrival there, after midnight, he made ready with a body of troops and went round the city raiding a number of houses and ordering the death of 16 honourable men, saying that when King Enrique had arrived in the city they had been the first to go and welcome him. And once he had done this he left in Córdoba as his principal commander the master of Calatrava Martín López de Córdoba, whom he had appointed after the previous master of Calatrava, Don Diego García de Padilla, had severed his bond of allegiance to him. The king travelled on to Seville and before his arrival he ordered the execution of a number of men, for they had been held there as prisoners since the news had arrived of the outcome of the battle

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Najara era desbaratada, a miçer Gil Boca Negra e a don Iohan, fijo de don Pero Ponçe de Leon señor de Marchena, e otro escudero que dizian Alfonso Arias de Quadros, e otro que tenia las taraçanas, que dizian Alfonso Fernandez, fijo del ama de don Tello, e otros de la çibdat

Capitulo XXVº. Commo Martin Lopez de Cordoua maestre de Calatraua fablo con algunos caualleros de Cordoua algunos fechos que dizia que el prinçipe fablara con el. Martin Lopez de Cordoua maestre de Calatraua, que tenia la partida del rrey don Pedro e estudiera en Vayona, se rresçelaua del rrey; enpero Martin Lopez era apoderado e tenia muchas gentes e muchos dineros e non lo podia el rrey tan ayna desatar assy. E Martin Lopez por poner escandalo entre el rrey e los de la çibdat de Cordoua, dixoles vn dia a algunos de los mayores que el prinçipe de Gales non se pagaua de las maneras del rrey e que fablara e tratara con el que seria bien que vn rregno tamaño commo el de Castilla non se perdiesse e que se pusiesse en ello algund rremedio e que fuesse este. Primera mente que el rrey don Pedro estudiesse en la çibdat de Toledo e que lo casassen con alguna noble muger donde pudiesse auer fijos herederos. Otrossy que el prinçipe fuesse rregidor e gouernador mayor de los rregnos de Castilla e de Leon e de las otras tierras e señorios del rrey, e que Martin Lopez fuesse gouernador por el prinçipe del Andalozia con el rregno de Murçia, e don Ferrando de Castro, del rregno de Leon con Galizia, e Diego Gomez de Castañeda, gouernador de Castilla, e Garçi Ferrandez de Villodre, del rregno de Toledo e Estremadura.

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at Nájera. These were Miçer Gil Boccanegra, Don Juan, son of the lord of Marchena Don Pero Ponce de León, another squire by the name of Alfonso Arias de Quadros, and another man called Alfonso Fernández who was in charge of the shipyards and was the son of the lady responsible for Don Tello’s household, and other men of the city.

1367: CHAPTER XXV How the master of Calatrava Don Martín López de Córdoba spoke with some knights from Córdoba about matters that he said the prince had discussed with him. The master of Calatrava Martín López de Córdoba, although he was a supporter of King Pedro and had been in Bayonne, was in fear of the king. However, Martín López was a powerful figure, had many troops at his disposal and possessed considerable wealth, and the king could not rid himself of him with such ease. One day, in order to cause trouble between the king and the people of Córdoba, Martín López told some of the leading citizens that the prince of Wales was not happy with the ways of the king and had talked with him and discussed with him how it would not be right for a kingdom of the importance of Castile to go to ruin. He had suggested that a solution for this be put in place, and this was as follows: firstly that King Pedro should remain in the city of Toledo and a marriage should be arranged for him with some noble lady who could give him heirs to inherit the throne; and secondly that the prince should become overall governor with supreme authority over the kingdoms of Castile and León and the other lands and lordships of the king. Martín López should be governor on the prince’s behalf of Andalusia, together with the kingdom of Murcia; Don Fernando de Castro should have responsibility for the kingdom of León with Galicia; Diego Gómez de Castañeda was to be governor of Castile, and Garci Fernández de Villodre would be responsible for the kingdom of Toledo together with Extremadura.

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E los de Cordoua que esto oyeron, plogoles mucho del desabenimiento que entendieron que era entre el rrey e el prinçipe, e otrossi por saber la voluntad del maestre Martin Lopez; enpero si esto era assy o non, non se sabe, saluo que algunos caualleros de Cordoua dixeron al rrey don Enrrique despues que Martin Lopez fablara con ellos, todo esto.

Capitulo XXVIº. Commo Martin Lopez maestre de Calatraua dixo a algunos caualleros de Cordoua que el rrey don Pedro le mandara que matasse a algunos dellos e commo el non lo quiso fazer e lo que acaesçio sobre esto. Don Martin Lopez de Cordoua maestre de Calatraua despues que finco en la çibdad de Cordoua, dixo a algunos caualleros naturales dende que el rrey le auia mandado que matasse en Cordoua a don Gonçalo Ferrandez de Cordoua e a don Alfonso Ferrandez señor de Monte Mayor e a Diego Ferrandez, alguazil mayor de la dicha çibdat. E don Martin Lopez maestre de Calatraua dixo que commo quier que el rrey gelo mandara assi fazer, que lo non queria fazer. E dende a dos dias, el dicho don Martin maestre de Calatraua conbido a comer a los dichos don Alfonso Ferrandez e don Gonçalo Ferrandez e Diego Fernandez e desque ouieron comido, mostroles vn aluala del rrey commo le mandaua que les cortasse las cabeças e dixoles que el les daua la vida por que entendia que faria mal en los matar seyendo el natural de la çibdat de Cordoua, fechura e criança de su linaje dellos, e rrogoles que touiessen este fecho en secreto. E el rrey don Pedro desque pasaron algunos dias, sopo que Martin Lopez de Cordoua maestre de Calatraua non fiziera lo que le mandara en rrazon de la muerte destos caualleros e fue muy mal contento del e fablo con vn freyre de la horden de Alcantara que dizian Pero Giron

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The citizens of Córdoba who heard this took great pleasure in the disagreement that they understood to exist between the king and the prince and also in finding out about the wishes of the master Martín López. However, whether or not what he said was true is not known, except that some knights from Córdoba, after Martín López had spoken with them, reported all of it to King Enrique.

1367: CHAPTER XXVI How the master of Calatrava Martín López told some knights from Córdoba that King Pedro had commanded him to kill some of them and that he had been unwilling to do so, and what happened about this. After staying for some time in the city of Córdoba, the master of Calatrava Martín López de Córdoba informed some knights from the city that the king had commanded him, during the time that he was there, to kill Don Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba, Don Alfonso Fernández, lord of Montemayor and Diego Fernández, the chief constable of the city. The master of Calatrava Don Martín López said that, even though the king had ordered him to commit this act, he was unwilling to do so. Two days later, the master of Calatrava Don Martín López invited Don Alfonso Fernández, Don Gonzalo Fernández and Diego Fernández to eat with him, and after they had finished their meal he showed them an official letter from the king instructing him to have them beheaded. He told them that he was allowing them to live as he understood that he would be doing wrong in killing them, given that he was a native of the city of Córdoba, where their families had their origin and they had grown up. He asked them to keep this matter secret. Once a few days had passed, King Pedro learned that the master of Calatrava Martín López de Córdoba had not carried out his command to have these knights executed and he was highly displeased with him. He spoke with a brother of the Order of Alcántara called Pero

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e fizieralo el rrey fazer maestre de Alcantara, e dixole que se fuesse para Martin Lopez maestre de Calatraua e andudiesse con el, e sy lo pudiesse matar, que le daria el maestradgo de Calatraua. E el Pero Giron partio luego del rrey e fuesse para Martin Lopez maestre de Calatraua e andudo con el. E el Martin Lopez ya se rresçelaua del rrey e non quiso estar en Cordoua e fuesse para vn lugar de la horden de Calatraua que es en su comarca, que dizen Martos, e yua con el el cauallero Pero Giron, que diximos que el rrey enbiara para lo matar, e andudo catando manera para ello e non se le guisaua. E desque llegaron a Martos, el dicho Pero Giron prendio al dicho Martin Lopez de Cordoua maestre de Calatraua e a otro freyre de Calatraua que dizian Iohan Ferrandez de Lago. E esto pudia bien fazer Pero Giron por quanto tenia el castillo por Martin Lopez, e Martin Lopez entrara en el castillo con pocas gentes e fiandose del Pero Giron. E el dicho Pero Giron quisiera los luego enbiar presos al rrey don Pedro. E sopolo el rrey de Granada, que queria bien al maestre don Martin Lopez, e enbio luego sus mensageros al rrey don Pedro, por los quales le enbio dezir que fuesse çierto que si non soltasse luego al dicho Martin Lopez, que el seria en su destoruo. E el rrey con rreçelo que ouo del rrey de Granada, ca tenia grand esfuerço en su ayuda, mandolo soltar.

Capitulo XXVIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro fizo matar en Seuilla a doña Urraca de Osorio, madre de don Iohan Alfonso de Guzman. El rrey don Pedro, segund auemos contado, quando partio de la çibdat de Seuilla el año que el rrey don Enrrique entrara en Castilla, e ouo ý gran bolliçio por que don Iohan Alfonso de Guzman, que despues fue conde de Niebla, non se llego al rrey nin se partio de Seuilla quando el rrey fue para Portogal e era el rrey querelloso del.

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Girón, whom he had created master of Alcántara, and instructed him to go to the master of Calatrava Martín López and remain with him; and if he was able to kill him he would give him the mastership of Calatrava.20 Pero Girón lost no time in taking his leave of the king and he went to the master of Calatrava and kept his company. Martín López was already suspicious of the king and did not wish to remain in Córdoba, and so he went to a place called Martos which belonged to the Order of Calatrava and was situated in the Order’s territory. He was accompanied by the knight Pero Girón, whom, as we have already said, the king had sent to kill him and who had been looking in vain for an opportunity to do so. Then, once they reached Martos, Pero Girón seized Martín López de Córdoba and another brother of Calatrava called Juan Fernández de Lago. Pero Girón was able to do this easily as he was holding the castle on behalf of Martín López, who entered it with just a small number of troops and trusting in Pero Girón. Pero Girón would have liked to send them immediately as prisoners to King Pedro. However, the king of Granada, who was a good friend of the master Martín López, heard about this and at once sent envoys to King Pedro to tell him to be sure that, if he did not release Martín López, he would make matters difficult for him. The king, concerned about the reaction of the king of Granada on whose support he relied heavily, ordered the release of the master.

1367: CHAPTER XXVII How King Pedro ordered the death in Seville of Doña Urraca de Osorio, the mother of Don Juan Alfonso de Guzmán. As we have already related, when King Pedro left the city of Seville in the year of King Enrique’s invasion of Castile, there was considerable agitation there because Don Juan Alfonso de Guzmán, later to become count of Niebla, did not come to join the king or leave the city when the king went to Portugal, and the king was extremely annoyed with him.

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Otrossi quando el rrey partio de Seuilla para yr a Galizia e desque fue a la batalla de Najara, el dicho don Iohan Alfonso finco en Seuilla en vno con el maestre de Santiago don Gonçalo Mexia, que el rrey don Enrrique dexara en Seuilla por capitan. E quando las nueuas llegaron commo la batalla de Najara vençieran el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe, partieron el dicho maestre don Gonçalo Mexia e don Iohan Alfonso de Guzman de Seuilla e fueronsse para Alburquerque, que lo tenia Garçi Gonçalez de Herrera por el conde don Sancho, hermano del rrey don Enrrique. E quando el rrey don Pedro torno a Seuilla despues de la batalla vençida, fallo ý a doña Vrraca de Osorio, madre del dicho don Iohan Alfonso de Guzman, e con grand saña que auia de su fijo, fizola prender e matola muy cruel mente e mandole tomar todos sus bienes que ella e su fijo auian. E otrossy antes que el rrey don Pedro llegasse a la çibdat de Seuilla, tenian ya tomada su partida del, e don Gonçalo Mexia maestre de Santiago e don Iohan Alfonso de Guzman e todos los otros caualleros que ally estauan por la partida del rrey don Enrrique, commo quier que algunos dias porfiaron de estar ally, enpero despues non pudieron sofrirlo e partieron dende. E en este tienpo don Gil Boca Negra almirante de Castilla e don Iohan Ponçe de Leon señor de Marchena e otros caualleros que touieran la partida del rrey don Enrrique, antes que el rrey don Pedro llegasse a Seuilla, por su mandado fueron muertos.

Capitulo XXVIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro fizo matar en Seuilla a Martin Yañes su tesorero que fuera. Otrosi segund auemos contado, Martin Yañes thesorero mayor del rrey don Pedro, que fue tomado con la galea en que leuaua el thesoro e despues sienpre andudo con el rrey don Enrrique, ca non osaua yr al rrey don Pedro por la galea que perdiera con el thesoro, e acaesçio

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Moreover, when King Pedro left Seville for Galicia and once he had gone to take part in the battle of Nájera, Don Juan Alfonso remained in Seville together with the master of Santiago Don Gonzalo Mejía, whom King Enrique had left in charge of the city. Then, when the news arrived of how the battle of Nájera had been won by King Pedro and the prince, the master Don Gonzalo Mejía and Don Juan Alfonso de Guzmán left Seville for Alburquerque, which was being held by Garci González de Herrera on behalf of King Enrique’s brother Count Sancho. When King Pedro returned to Seville following his victory in the battle, he found Doña Urraca de Osorio in the city. Doña Urraca was the mother of Don Juan Alfonso de Guzmán and, out of the anger that he felt towards her son, the king had her arrested and put to death with great cruelty, ordering the seizure of all her possessions and of those of her son.21 Indeed, by the time that King Pedro had reached the city of Seville, its people had already declared their support for him. The master of Santiago Don Gonzalo Mejía, Don Juan Alfonso de Guzmán and all the other knights who were supporters of King Enrique, although they had persisted in remaining there for some days, eventually had been unable to cope with the situation and had abandoned the city. During this period before King Pedro reached Seville, the admiral of Castile Don Gil Boccanegra, the lord of Marchena Don Juan Ponce de León and other knights who had declared their support for King Enrique were put to death at the king’s command.

1367: CHAPTER XXVIII How King Pedro had Martín Yáñez, who had been his treasurer, executed in Seville. Moreover, as we have already related, King Pedro’s chief treasurer Martín Yáñez, who had been captured with the galley on which he was transporting the treasure, from that time on remained on the side of King Enrique, not daring to approach King Pedro on account of

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con el rrey don Enrrique en la batalla de Najara, e despues que fue vençida, fuesse con don Gomez Perez de Porras prior de Sand Iohan, que escapo de la batalla, e fueronsse para Trasmiera, que es çerca de Asturias de Santillana. E vn escudero de la tierra, que dizien Martin Velez de Rada, prisole al Martin Yañes e leuogelo al rrey don Pedro a Seuilla por mar. E el rrey luego que lo vio mandolo matar en Seuilla diziendo que por el auia perdido su thesoro. E Martin Yañes dixo que non fuera perdido a su culpa, ca el quisiera conplir lo que el rrey le mandara, pero tal bolliçio era en la gente de Seuilla que armaran vna galea e otros nauios, de los quales non se pudiera defender.

Capitulo XXIXº. Commo la rreyna doña Iohana, muger del rrey don Enrrique, que estaua en Aragon, ouo su consejo con aquellos que amauan seruiçio del rrey don Enrrique si estaria en Aragon o sy se yria para Françia do estaua el rrey don Enrrique su marido. Agora tornaremos a contar commo fizo la rreyna doña Iohana despues que llego a la çibdat de Çaragoça. Assi fue que la rreyna doña Iohana, muger del rrey don Enrrique, estando en Çaragoça, non sabia commo auia de fazer, ca en Aragon non osaua estar por quanto auia muchos grandes en el rregno que non querian bien al rrey don Enrrique su marido, assi commo era la rreyna de Aragon e el conde de Vrgel e el conde de Cardona e otros. E otrossy non sabia adonde yria, ca el rrey don Enrrique estaua muy desbaratado en Françia e non fallaua las ayudas assy commo le cunplian por quanto era paz entre el rrey de Françia e el rrey de Ingla terra. E ouo la rreyna su consejo con algunos grandes señores e caualleros de Aragon que querian bien el seruiçio del rrey don Enrrique, los quales eran el infante don Pedro, tio del rrey de Aragon e el conde

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having lost the treasure galley. He took part with King Enrique in the battle of Nájera and, after its outcome had been decided, he rode off with the prior of Saint John Don Gómez Pérez de Porras, who escaped from the field of battle, and they headed for Trasmiera, near to Asturias de Santillana.22 A squire from that region by the name of Martín Vélez de Rada captured Martín Yáñez and took him by sea to King Pedro in Seville. As soon as he saw him the king ordered him to be put to death in that city, saying that he was to blame for the loss of his treasure. Martín Yáñez argued that the treasure had not been lost through his fault, for he had sought to carry out the king’s command but there was such disturbance among the people of Seville that they had armed a galley and other ships, against which he had been unable to defend himself.

1367: CHAPTER XXIX How King Enrique’s wife Queen Juana, who was in Aragon, consulted the loyal supporters of King Enrique as to whether she should remain in Aragon or leave to join her husband King Enrique in France. Now we shall return to our account of what Queen Juana did after her arrival in the city of Saragossa. The situation was that King Enrique’s wife Queen Juana, now that she was in Saragossa, did not know what she should do, for she did not dare to remain in Aragon as there were numerous people of importance in the kingdom who had no love for her husband King Enrique, including the queen of Aragon, the count of Urgel, the count of Cardona and others. Moreover, she did not know where she would go, for King Enrique was in a very difficult position in France and was failing to find the kind of assistance that he needed, as the kings of France and England were at peace. Queen Juana consulted some great lords and knights of Aragon who were loyal to King Enrique: Prince Pere, uncle of the Aragonese king, the count of Ampurias, the archbishop of Saragossa, Don Pedro de

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de Anpurias e el arçobispo de Çaragoça e don Pedro de Luna e otros señores e caualleros, e dixoles la quexa en que estaua e pidioles consejo. E el infante don Pedro, tio del rrey de Aragon e padre del marques de Villena, que era conde de Denia, dixo assy: ‘Señora yo fuy criado en las cunas de los rreyes e conozco e se bien las maneras de las sus cortes, e non puedo mas declarar. Mas mi consejo es que luego partades de aqui e vos vayades a Françia do esta el rrey don Enrrique vuestro marido e non vos detengades en este rregno de Aragon.’ E todos los otros que querian bien al rrey don Enrrique fueron en este consejo e fue bueno: ca segund las maneras e tratos que andauan entre el rrey de Aragon e el prinçipe de Gales, pudiera auer peligro en la estada de la rreyna. E assi partio luego la rreyna de Çaragoça e fuesse para Françia, do estaua el rrey don Enrrique su marido. E fallolo en vna villa que dizen Seruian, que es en Lengua doc.

Capitulo XXXº. Commo fizo el rrey don Enrrique despues que fue en Françia. Agora tornaremos a contar lo que fizo el rrey don Enrrique despues que llego en Françia a Villa Nueua çerca de Aviñon, do diximos que llegara despues que partiera de la batalla. E assi fue que quando el rrey don Enrrique llego a Villa Nueua çerca de Aviñon, que es del señorio del rrey de Françia, e era ý don Luys duque de Angeu, hermano del rrey de Françia e su lugar teniente en Lenguadoc, que es vna grand partida del rregno de Françia. E commo quier que segund diximos rresçibio muy bien al rrey don Enrrique e partio con el de su tesoro, enpero non le plogo con el, ca estonçe el rrey de Françia e el rrey de Ingla terra auian fecho sus pazes e auian entregado el ducado de Gujana al prinçipe e estaua el prinçipe muy apoderado. E rresçelauasse el duque de Angeu por la vista e acogimiento que el fazia al rrey don Enrrique,

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Luna and other lords and knights. She explained to them the difficulty in which she found herself and asked them for advice. Prince Pere, uncle of the king of Aragon and father of the marquis of Villena, who was also count of Denia, spoke out as follows: ‘My lady, I was brought up in the birthplace of kings and I understand and know well the ways of their courts – I can say no more about this. However, my advice is that you leave here without delay and that you go to France to join your husband King Enrique without remaining any longer in this kingdom of Aragon.’ And all the others who were loyal to King Enrique agreed with this counsel, which was sound; for in view of the relationship and dealings between the king of Aragon and the prince of Wales there could have been danger if the queen had stayed in Aragon. And so the queen left Saragossa for France to join her husband King Enrique. She found him in a town called Servian in Languedoc.

1367: CHAPTER XXX What King Enrique did once he was in France. Now we shall return to our account of what King Enrique did after arriving in France, in Villeneuve near to Avignon, where, as we have already said, he had come after leaving the field of battle. The fact is that, when King Enrique reached Villeneuve, which is situated close to Avignon and is under the lordship of the king of France, Duke Louis of Anjou was present there. Duke Louis was a brother of the king of France and his lieutenant in Languedoc, which makes up a substantial area of the kingdom of France. Although, as we have said, he gave a warm welcome to King Enrique and gave him part of his treasure, on the other hand he was not pleased that he had come, for at that time the kings of France and England were at peace and had placed the duchy of Guyenne in the hands of the prince, who was in a position of considerable power. The duke of Anjou was uneasy about meeting with King Enrique and giving him such a welcome,

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que non le plazeria al rrey de Françia, cuyo hermano el era, por que el prinçipe non entendiesse que el rrey de Françia auia voluntad de boluer la guerra e dixiesse que el acogia a los onbres que el non queria bien, espeçial mente tan grande omne commo el rrey don Enrrique; ca commo quier que el rrey don Enrrique auia seydo desbaratado e era fuera del rregno de Castilla, pero era muy buen cauallero e de grand esfuerço e muy amado en el rregno de Castilla. E el prinçipe avn se rresçelaua del. E el duque de Angeu escusose quanto pudo por lo non veer e desque vio que se non podia escusar de veerlo, hordeno que diessen por posada al rrey don Enrrique la torre de la puente de Auiñon que es de la parte del rrey de Françia, e alli secreta mente vino la primera vez que lo vio el duc de Angeu al rrey don Enrrique. E fue su consejo que enbiasse contar al rrey de Françia su fazienda e pidirle ayuda e conssejo sobre lo que ouiesse de fazer. E estonçe era Papa Vrbano quinto, el qual estaua en Auiñon. E el rrey don Enrrique fizo segunt el conssejo del duc de Angeu e enbio sus mensageros al rrey don Carlos de Françia a do el estaua en Paris, a le contar commo el era venido a su rregno de Françia despues que fuera desbaratado en la batalla de Najara, e que le rrogaua que le quisiesse ayudar e confortar en aquella manera que el viesse que le conplia, ca la casa de Françia era la mayor de los christianos e non deuia fallesçer a los que tal caso commo el auian auido, espeçial mente que el rrey de Françia sabia bien que el rrey don Pedro era aliado con el rrey de Ingla terra e con el prinçipe su fijo e non queria bien a la casa de Françia maguer que de presente estauan en paz. E el rrey de Françia luego que ouo sus mensageros e cartas del rrey don Enrrique, enbiole muy buenas cartas de rrespuesta e mando al duc de Angeu, su hermano e su lugar teniente en Lenguadoc, que le diesse al rrey don Enrrique çinquenta mill francos de oro, los quales le fueron pagados en la çibdat de Narbona, e avn por el estar mas seguro, pues tenia ally en su rregno la rreyna su muger e los infantes sus fijos, diole vn castillo que era en aquella comarca do el estaua, que dizian Piera Pertusa, que era muy fuerte e era del rrey de Françia, en frontera de Aragon. Otrossy le mando dar vn condado en Lenguadoc, que llaman

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which would not please his brother the king of France. The king did not want the prince to draw the conclusion that he intended to restart the war and accuse him of harbouring his opponents, especially a man of such standing as King Enrique: for, although King Enrique had been defeated and was in exile from the kingdom of Castile, he was nevertheless a fine and courageous knight, much loved in Castile. The prince was still uneasy about him. So the duke of Anjou did all that he could to avoid meeting with King Enrique and then, once he saw that he could not help doing so, he instructed that he be lodged in the tower of the bridge of Avignon on the side belonging to the king of France, and the duke of Anjou came there in secrecy the first time that he met with him.23 The duke’s advice was that Enrique should send envoys to tell the king of France about his position and to ask him for help and advice as to how he should act. At that time the Pope, who was in Avignon, was Urban V. King Enrique followed the advice of the duke of Anjou and sent emissaries to King Charles of France in Paris to tell him how he had come to his kingdom following his defeat in the battle of Nájera. He requested that King Charles agree to give him assistance and support in whatever manner he considered fitting; for the royal House of France was the greatest in Christendom and should not fail those who had suffered a setback such as his, especially since the king of France was well aware that King Pedro was an ally of the king of England and of his son the prince and that he was no friend of the House of France, even though at present they were at peace. As soon as the king of France had received King Enrique’s emissaries bearing his letter, he wrote to him very warmly in reply and instructed the duke of Anjou, his brother and his lieutenant in Languedoc, to give King Enrique 50,000 gold francs, which were paid over to him in the city of Narbonne. Moreover, in order to give King Enrique greater security – since he had there with him in the kingdom of France both his wife the queen and his children, the prince and the princess, − he gave him a castle situated in the area in which he was currently staying. This was a strongly fortified castle called Peyrepertuse which belonged to the king of France and stood on the frontier with Aragon. King Charles also commanded that King Enrique be given a county in Languedoc, known

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el condado de Sezeno, en que ha tres villas, la vna llaman Tesan, otra Seruian e a la otra Sesenon. E commo quier que este condado le ouiera dado al rrey don Enrrique el rrey don Iohan de Françia quando el rrey don Enrrique era con el e le seruia en las guerras que ouiera con Ingla terra, pero despues que ouiera enpeñado el rrey don Enrrique el dicho condado al dicho rrey de Françia, nunca lo quitara. E agora este rrey don Carlos que agora rreynaua, quando lo vio assy en grand menester al rrey don Enrrique, tornogelo. E el rrey don Enrrique desque vio los rrecabdos que el rrey de Françia le enbiaua, assy de los buenos esfuerços que en el fallo commo de los francos que le acorrio, e otrossi el castillo e el condado que le desenbargo, fue muy alegre e contento. E luego el duc de Angeu le fizo dar los çinquenta mill francos de oro, e diole de lo suyo otros çinquenta mill, e fizole entregar el dicho condado de Sesenon. Otrossy le fizo dar el dicho castillo de Piera Pertusa e entregogelo vn cauallero muy bueno, que era senescal de Carcaxona por el rrey de Françia, que dizian mossen Arnao de España. E el rrey don Enrrique estudo algunos dias en vna villa que dizen Tesan, del dicho condado de Sesenon e despues en otra que dizen Servian, e despues se fue para el castillo de Piera Pertusa, e lleuo alli la rreyna doña Iohana su muger e sus fijos, el infante don Iohan e la infanta doña Leonor. E enbio a Aviñon a conprar muchos arneses de armas, ca de cada dia le venian caualleros e escuderos e otras gentes de Castilla e se aparejauan para tornar a ella.

Capitulo XXXIº. Commo el rrey don Enrrique auia nueuas de Castilla que los señores e caualleros que tenian su partida se esforçauan de cada dia. En este tienpo auia el rrey don Enrrique, de cada dia, nueuas de Castilla commo el rrey don Pedro e el prinçipe non se abinian bien e commo algunos caualleros de los que fueran presos en la batalla

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as the county of Cessenon, which includes three towns: Thézan, Servian and Cessenon.24 Although King Enrique had previously been granted this county by King Jean of France while he had been in his service, fighting on his side during his wars with England, he had subsequently handed it over to the French monarch as security for a loan and had never redeemed it. At this point King Charles, who was now on the throne, on seeing King Enrique in such great need, returned it to him. When he saw the support that the king of France was giving him, in terms of both warm encouragement and financial assistance, and also with regard to the castle and the county that were restored to him, King Enrique was delighted and filled with satisfaction. The duke of Anjou lost no time in arranging for him to receive the 50,000 gold francs and he gave him another 50,000 on his own account, as well as having the county of Cessenon made over to him. In addition, he arranged for the castle of Peyrepertuse to be given to King Enrique and it was handed over to him by Monsieur Arnaud d’Espagne, a very fine knight who was seneschal of Carcassonne on behalf of the king of France. King Enrique stayed for a few days in the town of Thézan in the county of Cessenon and then in the town called Servian, and from there he went on to the castle of Peyrepertuse, taking with him his wife Queen Juana and his children, Prince Juan and Princess Leonor. He sent to Avignon to buy a large number of sets of armour, for each day he was being joined by knights, squires and other troops from Castile and they were making ready to set off back to their kingdom.

1367: CHAPTER XXXI How King Enrique received reports from Castile that the lords and knights who supported him were becoming more emboldened by the day. During this period King Enrique was receiving daily reports from Castile about how King Pedro and the prince were falling out and how some of the knights who had been taken prisoner had now regained

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eran ya delibres e estauan en los castillos que primero tenian e fazian dellos guerra al rrey don Pedro, los quales eran estos: del castillo de Peñafiel e del castillo de Curiel e del castillo de Gormaz e del castillo de Atiença e del alcaçar de Segouia, e assi en partidas de otros logares. E sopo del rrey don Pedro despues que fiziera su pleytesia e juramento con el prinçipe de Gales en Burgos, se fuera para Seuilla, e maguer el prinçipe le auia atendido los quatro meses que le pusiera de le pagar la primera paga de lo que deuia a el e a sus gentes que con el vinieran, assy de sus estados commo de las gajes que les eran deuidas, que nunca ouiera dende rrecabdo nin entregara al prinçipe a Vizcaya nin a Soria a mossen Iohan Chandos, e que el prinçipe se queria partir de Castilla e tornarsse a su tierra desabenido del rrey don Pedro. E ouo cartas el rrey don Enrrique de algunos caualleros ingleses, sus amigos, que fueran en su seruiçio en la entrada que el fiziera en Castilla quando se llamara rrey e andauan en la conpañia del prinçipe agora, que le consejauan que fasta que el prinçipe salliesse de Castilla, que el non fuesse alla; pero que luego que sopiesse que era partido, que non se detouiesse e fuesse çierto que el prinçipe era del todo mal contento del rrey don Pedro e que non tornaria a ayudarle nin las conpañas que con el venieran, por quanto non les pagara. Otrossi sopo el rrey don Enrrique commo don Gonçalo Mexia maestre de Santiago e don Iohan Alfonso de Guzman, que fue despues conde de Niebla, e otros caualleros que dexara en Seuilla, partieran dende, por que toda la tierra tomaua la boz del rrey don Pedro con grand miedo que del auian, e que eran en Alburquerque e en esa comarca, e que ya yuan llegando a tierra del maestradgo de Santiago e eran mucha conpaña e fazian guerra al rrey don Pedro. Otrossy sopo commo todos los caualleros e escuderos suyos que fueron presos en la batalla eran libres e fuera de prision, e se yuan en caualgando e armando, e se ponian en villas e castillos e fortalezas, e fazian guerra contra el rrey don Pedro, e todos estauan por el. E sopo el rrey don Enrrique commo la çibdat de Segouia, por quanto el alcaçar estaua por el, era ya en su obediençia.

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their freedom and once again were occupying the castles that they had held previously. Moreover, some of them were waging war on King Pedro from these castles, namely those of Peñafiel, Curiel, Gormaz, Atienza and the alcázar of Segovia, as well as a number of other places. King Enrique learned how after giving his solemn pledge to the prince of Wales in Burgos King Pedro had left for Seville and how, although the prince had waited for the four months that he had allowed for the king to pay the first part of what he owed to him and to the troops in his company, to cover both their expenses and the pay owing to them, none of it had ever been received; nor had King Pedro handed over Vizcaya to the prince or Soria to Sir John Chandos. King Enrique also heard that the prince intended to leave Castile and return to his own land, at odds with King Pedro. King Enrique received letters from some English knights who were his allies and had been in his service at the time when he had entered Castile and taken the title of King. These men, who were now accompanying the prince, advised King Enrique that he should not return to Castile as long as the prince remained there, but that as soon as he learned that he had left he should not delay in making his entry; and they told him to rest assured that the prince was thoroughly displeased with King Pedro and that neither he nor the troops who had accompanied him would assist the king again, since he had failed to pay them. King Enrique also heard how the master of Santiago Don Gonzalo Mejía, Don Juan Alfonso de Guzmán, later to become count of Niebla, and other knights that he had left in Seville, had abandoned that city, as the whole region was declaring its support for King Pedro out of the fear that they felt for him, and how those men were in Alburquerque and in the surrounding area; they were gathering in the territory of the Order of Santiago and made up a considerable force which was waging war on King Pedro. Moreover, King Enrique learned how all those of his knights and squires who had been captured in the battle were now free and out of prison, how they were equipping themselves with horses and armour, occupying castles and fortresses and campaigning against King Pedro.They had all given their support to King Enrique. And in addition King Enrique heard how the city of Segovia − since the alcázar had given him its support − was now loyal to him.

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Otrossi sopo el rrey don Enrrique commo estos logares tenian por el e tenian su boz, a saber: los castillos de Peñafiel e Curiel e Atiença e Gormaz e Ayllon e la villa de Valladolid e la çibdat de Palençia e la çibdat de Auila e toda Vizcaya e otras muchas villas e logares e comarcas. Otrossi sopo commo estaua por el Guipuzcoa, saluo dos villas, las quales eran Sand Sebastian e Guetaria, que eran en Guipuzcoa, e assy de cada dia auia muchas nueuas con que se esforçaua. Otrossy en el ducado de Gujana andauan algunos capitanes de conpañas, que fazian guerra al prinçipe, los quales eran: Lymosin e Perrin de Saboya e otros, e de cada dia se yua descubriendo mas la guerra entre Françia e Ingla terra.

Capitulo XXXIIº. Commo el rrey don Enrrique se vio con el duc de Angeu, hermano del rrey de Françia en Aguas Muertas e con el cardenal de Boloña, e commo se fizieron alli ligas suyas con la casa de Françia. Estando el rrey don Enrrique en el castillo de Piera Pertusa, commo dicho auemos, hordenandosse de cada dia para partirsse dende e yrsse para Castilla, fue tratado que el se viesse con el duc de Angeu, hermano del rrey de Françia e su lugar teniente en Lenguadoc, en vna villa del rrey de Françia que dizen Aguas Muertas. E fue el rrey don Enrrique para alla e fallo ally en Aguas Muertas al duc de Angeu e al cardenal de Boloña, que dizien don Guido, que era fijo del conde de Boloña e pariente del rrey de Françia, e era omne de grand linaje e de la casa de Françia. E alli fue el rrey don Enrrique muy bien rresçibido e ouieron su consejo muy secreto, ca bien sabian que el prinçipe era partido de Castilla e se venia para Gujana con entençion de fazer guerra a Françia. E fizieron sus tratos el duc de Angeu e el cardenal de Boloña e sus abenençias por el rrey de Françia, con el rrey don Enrrique las mas firmes que pudieron alli hordenar e firmaron las con

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King Enrique also heard how the following places were on his side and had declared their support for him: the castles of Peñafiel, Curiel, Atienza, Gormaz and Ayllón, the town of Valladolid, the cities of Palencia and Ávila, all of Vizcaya and many other towns, villages and districts. He also heard that Guipúzcoa had given him its support, with the exception of two of its towns: San Sebastián and Guetaria. And thus each day he received many reports which gave him heart. Moreover, in the duchy of Guyenne some captains of the Companies – Limousin, Perrin of Savoie and others – were actively waging war on the prince, and with each day that passed the approach of war between France and England was becoming more apparent.

1367: CHAPTER XXXII How in Aigues-Mortes King Enrique met with the duke of Anjou, brother of the king of France, and with the cardinal of Boulogne; and how an alliance was formed between King Enrique and the royal House of France. While King Enrique was in the castle of Peyrepertuse, as we explained, devoting every day to preparations for his departure for Castile, it was arranged that he would meet with the duke of Anjou, brother of the king of France and his lieutenant in Languedoc, in a town called Aigues-Mortes which belonged to the French king. On arriving in Aigues-Mortes, King Enrique found the duke of Anjou and Cardinal Guy de Boulogne. Cardinal Guy was the son of the count of Boulogne and a relative of the king of France; he was a man of high birth and a member of the royal House of France. King Enrique was given a warm welcome, and their discussions took place in great secrecy, for they were well aware that by now the prince had left Castile and was on his way to Guyenne intending to wage war on France. On behalf of the king of France, the duke of Anjou and the cardinal of Boulogne carried out their negotiations and concluded agreements with King Enrique which were as firm as it was possible to make them under

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juramento entre ellos. E dio el duc de Angeu al rrey don Enrrique pieça de moneda de oro para yr a Castilla. E partio el rrey don Enrrique de Aguas Muertas mediado el mes de agosto deste dicho año e tornose para el castillo de Piera Pertusa, donde auia dexado la rreyna doña Iohana su muger e los infantes sus fijos, e de alli enbio buscar conpaña para que fuessen con el en Castilla. E el tenia consigo estonçe fasta dozientas lanças e fallo otras dozientas, de las quales eran capitanes el conde de la Ylla e don Bernal conde de Osona e el bastardo de Bearne e mossen Berni de Villamur, que fuera preso en la batalla de Najera e era ya suelto. E venieron con el rrey, el vegue de Villanes, commo quier que las mas conpañas destas tenia el bastardo de Bearne, que fue despues conde de Medina Çeli en Castilla.

Capitulo XXXIIIº. Commo el rrey don Enrrique torno a Castilla e commo el rrey de Aragon le queria destoruar el camino e la pasada por su rregno si pudiera. El rrey don Enrrique hordeno de partir para Castilla e leuo consigo la rreyna doña Iohana su muger e el infante don Iohan su fijo e dexo en el castillo de Piera Pertusa la infanta doña Leonor su fija e otras dueñas e donzellas con ella. E el rrey de Aragon, que auia fecho su abenençia con el prinçipe de Gales, desque sopo que el rrey don Enrrique tornaua para Castilla e auia de passar por su rregno, enbiole dezir con vn su cauallero gouernador de Rossellon que le rrequeria que non pasasse por su rregno, ca el era amigo del prinçipe e non le queria fazer enojo, e si el al quisiesse fazer, que non dexaria de gelo defender. E el rrey don Enrrique le rrespondio al cauallero que el se marauillaua mucho del rrey de Aragon de le enbiar dezir tal cosa, ca

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those circumstances, and they confirmed them by the swearing of oaths. The duke of Anjou gave King Enrique a substantial sum in gold coin for his return to Castile. King Enrique left Aigues-Mortes in mid-August of the year in question and went back to the castle of Peyrepertuse, where he had left his wife Queen Juana and his children the prince and the princess, and from there he sent out a call for troops to accompany him into Castile. At that time he had with him some 200 lances and he acquired another 200, whose captains were the viscount of Illa, Count Bernat of Osona, the Bastard of Béarn and also Monsieur Bernard de Villemur, who had been taken prisoner in the battle of Nájera but had by now been released.25 Le Bègue de Villaines also went with King Enrique, although it was the Bastard of Béarn, later to become count of Medinaceli in Castile, who contributed most of these troops.

1367: CHAPTER XXXIII How King Enrique returned to Castile and how it was the intention of the king of Aragon, if he could, to block his way and prevent him from passing through his kingdom. King Enrique made arrangements for his departure for Castile. He took with him his wife Queen Juana and his son Prince Juan, but he left his daughter Princess Leonor in the castle of Peyrepertuse, together with other noble ladies and ladies-in-waiting. The king of Aragon − who had reached an agreement with the prince of Wales −, on learning that King Enrique was on his way back to Castile and needed to pass through his kingdom, sent word with one of his knights, the governor of Roussillon, forbidding him to do so: the knight told King Enrique that the king of Aragon was an ally of the prince and did not wish to cause him displeasure, and that if King Enrique chose to go against his wishes he would most certainly stand in his way. King Enrique replied to the knight that he was highly surprised that the king of Aragon had sent him such a message, for King Pere was

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sabia el muy bien que en el tienpo que a el cunpliera en sus guerras, que nunca le fallesçiera. Otrossi por la su entrada que el fiziera en Castilla, le fiziera cobrar çiento e veynte villas e castillos que el rrey don Pedro le tenia ganados; enpero que el auia de yr a Castilla e que non pudia escusar de pasar por su rregno de Aragon, e que si el quisiesse tener el camino e destoruarle, que faria en ello su voluntad; pero que el non pudia al fazer e que de qualquier destoruo que le quisiese fazer, que el se defenderia muy bien. E auia muchos del rregno, segund ya deximos, que tenian la parte del rrey don Enrrique e lo amauan, los quales eran el infante don Pedro, padre de don Alfonso conde de Denia que el rrey don Enrrique fiziera despues marques de Villena, e estaua el marques estonçe en poder de los ingleses, que fuera preso en la batalla de Najara, segund ya deximos. Otrossy eran de la parte del rrey don Enrrique, que tenian en la corte del rrey de Aragon su vando: el conde de Anpurias, que era de la casa rreal, fijo del infante don Remon Berenguel, que fuera fijo del rrey don Jaymes de Aragon, e el arçobispo de Çaragoça, que dizian don Lope Ferrandez de Luna, e don Pedro de Luna e don Iohan Martinez de Luna e otros grandes señores. E el infante don Pedro, de quien diximos, que era tio del rrey don Pedro de Aragon, hermano del rrey don Alfonso su padre, enbio al rrey don Enrrique vn escudero que era de su casa, que le guiase por su tierra, que dizian de Ribagorça. E el rrey don Enrrique partio de Piera Pertusa donde estaua e vino por toda la tierra de Aragon pasando por vnas sierras de Val de Andorra muy fuertes e con grand enojo de muchas gentes de tierra del rrey de Aragon, que de cada dia le tenian los caminos e le fazian quanto destoruo pudian, pero que lo non atendian a batalla. E llego el rrey don Enrrique con grant trabajo a vna villa de Ribagorça que era del señorio del infante don Pedro, que dizen Arenes, e ally estudo el rrey don Enrrique e los que con el venian dos dias descansando. E despues partio el rrey don Enrrique de aquel lugar de Arenes continuando su camino para Castilla, e fallo al infante don Pedro en otro su logar que dizen Abennauarra e fizole dar viandas e todo

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well aware that the king of Castile had never failed him when he had needed his help in his wars. In addition, as a result of his invasion of Castile, he had enabled the king of Aragon to recover 120 towns and castles which King Pedro had won from him. Nevertheless, he informed him that he needed to go to Castile and that he could not avoid passing through the kingdom of Aragon. If King Pere chose to bar the road to him and stand in his way, he must do just as he wished, but King Enrique could not follow any other course and he would defend himself vigorously against any attempts to bar his path. As we have already pointed out, there were many people in the kingdom of Aragon who were supporters of King Enrique and who were loyal to him. These included Prince Pere, father of Count Alfons of Denia whom King Enrique had subsequently created marquis of Villena and, having been captured during the battle of Nájera – as we have already explained – was currently in the hands of the English. Other supporters of King Enrique, constituting a faction in the court of the king of Aragon, were the count of Ampurias, who was of royal lineage – the son of Prince Remón Berenguer, whose father had been King Jaume of Aragon − the archbishop of Saragossa Don Lope Fernández de Luna, Don Pedro de Luna, Don Juan Martínez de Luna and other great lords. Prince Pere, who, as we have said, was uncle to King Pere of Aragon, being the brother of his father King Alfons, sent a squire from his household to guide King Enrique across his lands, known as Ribagorza. King Enrique set off from Peyrepertuse and crossed the territory of Aragon, making his way over a very high range of mountains bordering the Valley of Andorra.26 This was much to the annoyance of many inhabitants of the king of Aragon’s territories who day after day obstructed King Enrique’s route and did all that they could to prevent him from passing but without engaging him in battle. With great difficulty the king reached a town in Ribagorza called Arén which was under the lordship of Prince Pere, and here he and his company halted for two days to rest. After that King Enrique set off from Arén, continuing on his way towards Castile, and he found Prince Pere in another town in his territory which was called Benabarre. Prince Pere ensured that the king and all those accompanying him were supplied with provisions

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lo que ouo menester, e a los que con el venian. E dende partio el rrey don Enrrique e vinosse por el rregno de Aragon a otro lugar que dizen Estadilla, que era de don Phelipe de Castro, vn rrico omne de Aragon, que era casado con vna su hermana del rrey don Enrrique que dizian doña Iohana. E estonçe estaua don Phelipe preso en el castillo de Burgos en poder del rrey don Pedro, ca fuera preso en la batalla de Najara. E despues que el rrey don Enrrique llego en el lugar de Estadilla, ouo nueuas commo el rrey de Aragon mandara a todos los suyos que salliessen al camino a pelear con el e que eran partidos los pendones del rrey de Aragon e muchas gentes con ellos fuera de la çibdat de Çaragoça. E el rrey don Enrrique partio esse dia del dicho lugar de Estadilla e fue dormir essa noche a vna villa que dizen Valuastro, del rrey de Aragon. E alli sopo commo el rrey de Aragon era en Çaragoça e que tenia ý conpañas ayuntadas e las auia mandado pasar la puente que es sobre Ebro, e que estaua ya fuera de la çibdat el su pendon del rrey de Aragon do se auian de ayuntar las conpañas para que fuessen a tomar el camino al rrey don Enrrique; pero los de Aragon non lo fazian todos de buen talante, ca todos los mas querian bien al rrey don Enrrique e non querian partir de la çibdat de Çaragoça para yr contra el en ninguna guisa. E el rrey don Enrrique partio otro dia de Valuastro e fue por Huesca continuando su camino para Castilla. E paso por el rregno de Nauarra e llego a la çibdat de Calahorra que es en la frontera de Castilla. E los de Calahorra rresçibieron lo muy bien e acogieron lo en la çibdat con todos los que traya. E enbio luego el rrey don Enrrique conpañas al camino por do venia de Çaragoça don Gomez Manrrique arçobispo de Toledo e algunos caualleros e vasallos suyos del rrey e muchas dueñas e donzellas e otras conpañas suyas que eran en la çibdat de Çaragoça, que eran alli ayuntados despues que la pelea de Najara fuera desbaratada. E atendiolos el rrey en Calahorra fasta que venieron todos e ally estudo fasta que los rrecogio a todos.

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and everything that they needed. King Enrique then set off again and travelled through the kingdom of Aragon as far as another small town called Estadilla, which belonged to Don Felipe de Castro, an Aragonese magnate married to Doña Juana, King Enrique’s sister. At that time Don Felipe was being held prisoner in Burgos castle by order of King Pedro, having been captured in the battle of Nájera. Then, once King Enrique had reached Estadilla, he received reports of how the king of Aragon had issued a command that all of his subjects were to go and do battle with him − King Enrique − and of how a large body of troops accompanying the standards of the king of Aragon had set off from the city of Saragossa. That same day King Enrique left Estadilla and went to spend the night in a town called Barbastro which belonged to the king of Aragon. There he learned that the king of Aragon was in Saragossa, where he had assembled troops and instructed them to cross the bridge over the Ebro. King Pere’s standard had now been raised outside the city, and this was where his forces were to assemble ready to march against King Enrique. On the other hand King Enrique learned that not all the people of Aragon were doing this willingly, for most of them supported him and in no way did they want to move out from Saragossa to attack him. King Enrique left Barbastro on the following day and continued his journey towards Castile by way of Huesca. He crossed the kingdom of Navarre, reaching the city of Calahorra on the Castilian frontier. The people of Calahorra gave him a warm reception and welcomed him into the city together with all of his company. King Enrique promptly sent troops out to the road along which Archbishop Gómez Manrique of Toledo was travelling from Saragossa together with some knights and vassals of the king, numerous noble ladies and ladies-in-waiting and others of his supporters who had gathered in the city of Saragossa after the defeat in the battle of Nájera. The king waited for them in Calahorra until they had all arrived and remained there until he had gathered them all together.

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Capitulo XXXIVº. Commo fizo el rrey don Enrrique despues que llego a la çibdat de Calahorra e commo enbio saber la voluntad de los de la çibdat de Burgos sy lo acogerian en ella. El dia que el rrey don Enrrique fue a vista de la çibdat de Calahorra, donde fuera acogido bien segund auemos contado, antes que llegasse a la çibdat armo cauallero en vn canpo çerca del rrio de Ebro a don Bernal de Bear[n]e, que fizo despues el rrey conde de Medina Çeli, que venia con el. E otrossy esse dia pregunto el rrey don Enrrique a los que venian con el si estaua ya en los terminos de Castilla e ellos le dixeron que sy. E el estonçe descaualgo de vn cauallo en que venia e finco los ynojos en tierra e fizo vna cruz en vn arenal que estaua çerca del rrio de Ebro e beso en ella e despues dixo assy: ‘Yo lo juro a esta significança de cruz que nunca en mi vida, por menester que aya, salga del rregno de Castilla e antes espere ý la muerte o la ventura que me viniere.’ E esto dizia el rrey don Enrrique por que salliera del rregno de Castilla despues de la pelea de Najara e fallara asaz graues todas las cosas que ouo de librar con sus amigos e con los que le auian de ayudar. Otrossy armo cauallero otro escudero que le diera el conde de Fox quando paso por su casa el rrey don Enrrique despues de la batalla de Najara, que dizian el escudero Dolet. E llegaron al rrey don Enrrique en la çibdat de Calahorra caualleros e omnes de armas de Castilla, que tenian su parte e andauan por el dicho rregno de Castilla fasta seysçientas lanças, los quales eran don Iohan Alfonso de Haro e don Iohan Remirez de Arellano e don Melen Suarez teniente lugar de maestre de Alcantara e otros muchos caualleros e escuderos de Castilla e bretones que fueron en la batalla de Najara de la parte del rrey don Enrrique e eran ya armados e encabalgados. E el rrey don Enrrique los rresçibio mucho bien e le plugo mucho con ellos. E estudo el rrey don Enrrique fasta que llegaron ý en Calahorra el arçobispo de Toledo don Gomez Manrrique e algunos caualleros

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1367: CHAPTER XXXIV Concerning what King Enrique did after arriving in the city of Calahorra and how he sent envoys to enquire whether it was the will of the citizens of Burgos to admit him into their city. On the day that King Enrique came within sight of Calahorra, where – as we have already related – he had previously been given a warm welcome, and before making his entry into the city, in a field near the River Ebro, he knighted Don Bernard de Béarn who was accompanying him and whom he later created count of Medinaceli. Also that day the king asked the people with him if he was now within the frontiers of Castile and they informed him that he was. At this he dismounted, knelt down and, marking a cross in a stretch of sand near the river Ebro, he kissed it and then said, ‘I swear by this image of the Cross that never in my lifetime, whatever may be my need, will I leave the kingdom of Castile. Rather than doing so, I will remain there to await either my death or whatever fortune befalls me.’ King Enrique uttered these words because, having left the kingdom of Castile after the battle of Nájera, he had encountered considerable difficulty in all the negotiations that were necessary with his allies and with those who had to give him their support. He also knighted another squire called Dolet who had been assigned to him by the count of Foix during the king’s stay in his household after the battle of Nájera.27 In the city of Calahorra King Enrique was joined by knights and men-at-arms from Castile who were his supporters and were roaming the kingdom in a company of some 600 lances: Don Juan Alfonso de Haro, Don Juan Ramírez de Arellano and Don Melén Suárez, lieutenant master of the Order of Alcántara, and many other knights and squires from Castile and Brittany. These men had taken part in the battle of Nájera on the side of King Enrique and were now equipped with mounts and with armour. King Enrique gave them a very warm welcome and took great pleasure in their presence. King Enrique remained in Calahorra until the arrival of Archbishop Gómez Manrique of Toledo. The archbishop was accompanied by a

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e muchas dueñas e donzellas que estauan en Aragon despues que acaesçio la batalla e se fueran para alla, segund dicho auemos. E el rrey don Enrrique auia enbiado por ellos, e despues que llegaron estas conpañas en Calahorra, tomo el rrey su camino para Burgos e paso por la villa de Logroño, que tenia la parte del rrey don Pedro, e pelearon los suyos ý en las barreras e non la pudo cobrar. E dende fue para Burgos e antes que llegasse a ella, enbio saber la voluntad de los de la çibdat que querian fazer e que si lo acogerian ý. E a todos los de la dicha çibdat de Burgos plogo mucho con la venida del rrey don Enrrique e enbiaron luego a el sus mensageros a vn lugar que dizen Çalduendo, que es a quatro leguas de la çibdat, e dixeronle que todos los que eran en la dicha çibdat eran de acuerdo de lo acoger en ella e que les plazia mucho con la su venida e que le pidian por merçed que otro dia entrasse en la dicha çibdat, ca todos estauan prestos para lo rresçibir con aquella rreuerençia que deuian; enpero que el rrey don Pedro dexara ý quando dende partio, en el castillo de la çibdat por alcayde a vn su vezino que dizian Alfonso Ferrandez, el qual estaua en el castillo, e estauan con el, de gente de fuera de la çibdat, fasta dozientos omnes. Otrossy sopo el rrey que estaua en el castillo de Burgos el rrey de Napol. E este rrey de Napol era fijo del rrey de Mallorcas que dizian don Jaymes e casara con doña Iohana la rreyna de Napol e por ella se llamaua rrey de Napol. E este rrey de Napol se pusiera en el castillo de Burgos quando supiera que el rrey don Enrrique venia, ca el venia en ayuda del rrey don Pedro e se acaesçiera con el en la batalla de Najara, segund suso auemos dicho. Otrossy enbiaron dezir los de la çibdat de Burgos al rrey don Enrrique que la juderia de la çibdat estaua rrebelde e que los judios tenian con Alfonso Ferrandez alcayde del castillo, mas despues que el rrey don Enrrique entrasse en la çibdat, que todo aquello cobraria e vernia a la su merçed. E el rrey don Pedro agradesçio mucho a los de la çibdat lo que le enbiauan dezir por sus mensageros, enpero en antes que el rrey ý llegasse estauan fasta seysçientas lanças, que posauan enderredor de la çibdat por los monesterios que son enderredor della e peleauan cada dia con los de la çibdat, ca los que eran en la çibdat amauan seruiçio

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number of knights and many noble ladies and ladies-in-waiting who had been in Aragon since the battle had taken place and had made their way there, as we have already related. King Enrique had sent for them to come to him, and then, once they had arrived in Calahorra, he went on his way to Burgos. He passed by the town of Logroño, which was on the side of King Pedro, but although his troops fought there at the ramparts he did not succeed in capturing the town. From there he went on to Burgos but, before arriving, he sent envoys to find out the will of the people and to discover whether they would allow him to enter the city. All the citizens of Burgos were delighted at King Enrique’s approach and lost no time in sending their envoys to him in a place called Zalduendo, situated four leagues from the city. They informed him that all of the people in the city were agreed that they should allow him to enter and that they were greatly pleased at his arrival. Moreover, they beseeched him to make his entry into the city on the following day, for they were all ready to welcome him with due reverence. This was in spite of the fact that on his departure King Pedro had left as the governor of the city’s castle Alfonso Fernández, one of its citizens, who was in the castle together with some 200 men who were not natives of Burgos. The king also learned that the king of Naples was in Burgos castle. He was the son of King Jaume of Majorca and had married Queen Giovanna of Naples, through whom he took the title of King of Naples. He had taken refuge in the castle on learning of King Enrique’s approach, for he had come in support of King Pedro and had fought alongside him in the battle of Nájera, as we related above. The citizens of Burgos also sent word to King Enrique that the Jewish community had rebelled and that the Jews were in alliance with the governor of the castle, Alfonso Fernández, although once King Enrique had made his entry into the city all of this would be brought under control and the king’s will would be obeyed. King Enrique gave warm thanks to the citizens for what they had sent their messengers to tell him. However, before the king reached the city there were as many as 600 mounted troops billeted in the convents situated around it who each day fought with its people. For the people of Burgos were loyal to King Enrique, although, as we have already

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del rrey don Enrrique e non se osauan descobrir fasta que vieron al rrey don Enrrique llegado, segund dicho auemos.

Capitulo XXXVº. Commo el rrey don Enrrique entro en la çibdat de Burgos e çerco el castillo e ouo por su prisionero al rrey de Napol. Despues que el rrey don Enrrique ouo rrespuesta de los de la çibdat de Burgos commo lo acogerian de buena voluntad, partio de aquel lugar do estaua e fuesse para la çibdat de Burgos. E el obispo e toda la clerezia e todos los honrrados e buenos omnes de la çibdat lo rresçibieron con grand solepnidat, commo quier que del castillo e de la juderia tirauan truenos e saetas. E estando el rrey en la çibdat antes que tomasse el castillo e la juderia, llegaron al rrey otros muchos caualleros e omnes de armas, que eran de su partida e andauan por el rregno faziendo guerra. E luego hordeno el rrey commo se fiziessen minas e cauas a la juderia e al castillo, e commo les armassen engeños e assy fue fecho. E mando combatir la juderia, e los judios desque vieron que non se podian defender pleytearon con el rrey e fincaron con todo lo suyo e en su merçed saluos e seguros, e seruieronle con vn cuento. E Alfonso Fernandez alcayde del castillo estudo algunos dias porfiando e defendiendo el castillo; pero desque sopo que las cauas eran fechas e los engenios que de cada dia ponian, pleyteo con el rrey don Enrrique e vino a la su merçed e diole el castillo e entregole al rrey de Napol, que veniera a la batalla de Najara en ayuda del rrey don Pedro e estaua en el dicho castillo segund dicho auemos. E el rrey don Enrrique enbio al rrey de Napol al castillo de Curiel e despues fue rrendido por ochenta mill doblas que pago la rreyna doña Iohana de Napol por el.

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related, they did not dare to show their support openly until they had witnessed the arrival of the king.

1367: CHAPTER XXXV How King Enrique made his entry into the city of Burgos, laid siege to the castle and took the king of Naples prisoner. Once king Enrique had received a reply from the citizens of Burgos informing him that they would willingly grant him entry, he set off towards the city. The bishop, all the clergy and all the good and honourable men of Burgos received him with great ceremony, although there was cannon and crossbow fire coming from the castle and the Jewish quarter. During the time that the king was in the city but before he took the castle and the Jewish quarter, he was joined by numerous other knights and men-at-arms who had given him their support and were roaming the kingdom raiding the land. The king then instructed that the walls of the castle and the Jewish quarter be attacked by mining and tunnelling and that siege engines be put in position, and all of this was done. He then ordered an assault on the Jewish quarter, and once the Jews saw that they were unable to put up sufficient resistance they came to terms with the king: they kept all of their possessions, threw themselves on his mercy – remaining safe and unharmed – and paid a levy to the value of a million maravedís. For some days Alfonso Fernández, the governor of the castle, continued in his struggle to defend it, but once he saw that the tunnels had been dug and day by day siege engines were being put in place, he negotiated terms with King Enrique. He swore loyalty to him, surrendered the castle to him and handed over the king of Naples, who had come to take part in the battle of Nájera on the side of King Pedro and, as we have already explained, was now in this castle. King Enrique sent the king of Naples to the castle at Curiel, and subsequently he was ransomed for the sum of 80,000 doblas which Queen Giovanna of Naples paid in return for his freedom.

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Otrossy fallo el rrey don Enrrique en el castillo de Burgos a don Phelipe de Castro, natural de Aragon, que era casado con su hermana doña Iohana, e estaua preso en poder del rrey don Pedro, ca fuera preso en la batalla de Najara, e fue suelto. E diole el rrey a el e a doña Iohana, su muger, por heredat a Paredes de Naua e a Medina de Rio Seco e a Tordehumos.

Capitulo XXXVIº. Commo el rrey don Enrrique ouo nueuas commo la çibdat de Cordoua auia tomado su boz. Estando el rrey don Enrrique en la çibdat de Burgos ouo nueuas commo la çibdat de Cordoua estaua ya por el e todos los caualleros e escuderos que en ella biuian eran de su parte e que enbiaron por don Gonçalo Mexia maestre de Santiago e por don Iohan Alfonso de Guzman, que fue despues conde de Niebla e por don Alfonso Perez de Guzman alguazil mayor de la çibdat de Seuilla e por otros muchos caualleros que tenian la parte del rrey don Enrrique, que estauan en Llerena e en otros lugares de aquellas comarcas e los acogieron en la çibdat de Cordoua. Otrossi el rrey don Enrrique ouo nueuas commo el rrey don Pedro era en Seuilla e basteçia de cada dia la villa de Carmona, e ouo muy grand plazer con estas nueuas. E enbio luego a Cordoua a don Pero Moñiz maestre de Calatraua, que estaua con el, para les contar commo era ya venido de Françia e estaua en el rregno de Castilla e seria ayna con ellos. E estudo el rrey don Enrrique en Burgos algunos dias catando dineros para las gentes que con el venian por que fuessen pagados de lo que deuian auer de sus gajes e su sueldo. Otrossi acordo de enbiar de alli de Burgos para tierra de Toledo a la rreyna doña Iohana su muger e al infante don Iohan su fijo, ca tenia en esa comarca muchos lugares que estauan por el, los quales

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In Burgos castle, King Enrique also found Don Felipe de Castro, a native of Aragon, who was married to the king’s sister Doña Juana and was being held prisoner by King Pedro, having been captured in the battle of Nájera. He was now set free. The king endowed Don Felipe and his wife Doña Juana with Paredes de Nava, Medina de Rioseco and Tordehumos.

1367: CHAPTER XXXVI How King Enrique heard the news that the city of Córdoba had declared its support for him. While King Enrique was in Burgos he heard the news that the city of Córdoba had now given him its support and that all the knights and squires who lived there were on his side. He also learned that they had sent for the master of Santiago Don Gonzalo Mejía, Don Juan Alfonso de Guzmán, who later became count of Niebla, Don Alfonso Pérez de Guzmán, head constable for the city of Seville, and numerous other knights who were supporters of King Enrique and who were in Llerena and other places in that area. They had, moreover, welcomed all of these men into the city of Córdoba. King Enrique also heard reports of how King Pedro was in Seville and day by day was equipping the town of Carmona with supplies ready to resist attack. He took great delight in this news. He promptly sent the master of Calatrava Don Pero Muñiz, who was present in Burgos with him, to inform the people of Córdoba he had now arrived from France and was in the kingdom of Castile, and also to tell them that he would very soon be with them. King Enrique then remained for a few days in Burgos in order to raise money to ensure that the troops in his company were paid what was due to them to cover their allowances and salary. He also decided to send his wife Queen Juana and his son Prince Juan from Burgos to the lands of Toledo, for in that area he had a large number of places which had given him their support: Guadalajara,

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eran Guadalfajara e Sepuluega e Segouia e Auila e Ayllon e Yllescas e Atiença e Olmedo e Medina del Canpo e Salamanca e Toro e Valladolid e Palençia e Carrion e Areualo e Madrigal e Coca e otros muchos lugares. E la rreyna e el infante fueronsse para Guadalfajara e estudieron ý algunos dias e dende fueronsse para Yllescas. E fue con la rreyna e con el infante, don Gomez Manrrique arçobispo de Toledo e don Gutierre obispo de Palençia e Pero Gonçalez de Mendoça e don Ferrand Gomez de Albornoz comendador de Montaluan de la horden de Santiago e otros caualleros castellanos e françeses.

Capitulo XXXVIIº. Commo el rrey don Enrrique fue çercar la villa de Dueñas. El rrey don Enrrique despues que ouo enbiado la rreyna e el infante para tierra de Toledo, partio de Burgos e fue çercar la villa e castillo de Dueñas, ca estaua ý Rodrigo Rodriguez de Torquemada, el qual dexara el rrey don Pedro por su adelantado mayor en Castilla. E estaua aquella villa e castillo en el camino de Burgos a Valladolid e fazian mucho daño e destoruo los que ý estauan en todas las comarcas. E el rrey don Enrrique desque ý llego, fizola çercar e fizo poner muchos engeños en derredor della e estudo ý vn mes. E Rodrigo Rodriguez desde que vio que non auia acorro alguno, fizo su pleytesia con el rrey don Enrrique e enbio enplazar el castillo de Dueñas al rrey don Pedro. E pasados los dias de plazo, entrego el castillo e la villa de Dueñas al rrey don Enrrique e a quien el mando. E finco Rodrigo Rodriguez e los que con el estauan en la merçed del rrey don Enrrique.

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Sepúlveda, Segovia, Ávila, Ayllón, Illescas, Atienza, Olmedo, Medina del Campo, Salamanca, Toro, Valladolid, Palencia, Carrión, Arévalo, Madrigal, Coca and numerous others. The queen and the prince travelled to Guadalajara, where they stayed for a few days before moving on to Illescas. They were accompanied by Archbishop Gómez Manrique of Toledo, Bishop Gutierre of Palencia, Pero González de Mendoza, Don Fernán Gómez de Albornoz, commander of Montalbán for the Order of Santiago, and other Castilian and French knights.

1367: CHAPTER XXXVII How King Enrique went to lay siege to the town of Dueñas. After sending the queen and the prince into the lands of Toledo, King Enrique set off from Burgos and went to lay siege to the town and castle of Dueñas, as Rodrigo Rodríguez de Toledo, appointed by King Pedro as his governor general for Castile, was to be found there. This town and castle stood on the road from Burgos to Valladolid and the troops based there were causing a great deal of damage and disruption throughout the region. Once King Enrique arrived, he besieged the town and its castle, encircling it with siege engines, and he remained there for a month. Once Rodrigo Rodríguez saw that he had no hope of being relieved, he negotiated an agreement with King Enrique and sent to King Pedro a request that he come to the aid of the castle at Dueñas. And when the deadline had passed, he handed the castle and the town over to King Enrique and to the person that he designated. Rodrigo Rodríguez and those with him gave their allegiance to King Enrique.

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Capitulo XXXVIIIº. De las cosas que en este año acaesçieron en la corte de Roma. En este año que fue año del Señor mill e trezientos e sesenta e siete, el papa Urbano quinto leuo la corte a Roma e fueron todos los cardenales con el mucho contra su voluntad. Otrossy en este año morio en Ytalia el cardenal don Gil, que era legado del papa e auia conquistada mucha tierra de la que estaua rrebelde contra la Iglesia. E fue este cardenal don Gil natural de Castilla, del obispado de Cuenca, de los Albornoz, e fuera primero arçobispo de Toledo e fue muy noble omne e de muy grand valor. E mandosse traer a Castilla e que lo enterrassen en la iglesia de Santa Maria de Toledo, do fuera primero arçidiano de Calatraua e despues arçobispo de Toledo. E yaze alli en la capilla que dizen de Sant Alifonso.

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1367: CHAPTER XXXVIII Concerning the events which occurred during this year in the court of Rome. During this year, which was the year of the Lord 1367, Pope Urban V transferred the court to Rome and all of the cardinals moved with him much against their will.28 Also during this year the death occurred in Italy of Cardinal Gil, who had been a papal legate and had conquered much of the territory that was in rebellion against the Church.29 Cardinal Gil was a native of Castile, from the diocese of Cuenca, and a member of the Albornoz family. He had previously been archbishop of Toledo and was a man of great nobility and fine qualities. His instructions were that his body should be brought to Castile to be interred in the church of Santa María in the city of Toledo where he had served first as archdeacon of Calatrava and subsequently as archbishop. He lies there in the chapel which bears the name of Saint Ildefonsus.

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AÑO TERÇERO del rrey don Enrrique, que fue año del Señor de mill e trezientos e sesenta e ocho e de la era de Çesar mill e quatroçientos e seys años. AÑO DIEZ E NUEUE del rrey don Pedro.

Capitulo primero. Commo el rrey don Enrrique çerco la çibdat de Leon e la tomo. En el año terçero que el sobre dicho rrey don Enrrique rregno e año diez e nueue que el rrey don Pedro rregnara, e andaua en el año del Señor en mill e trezientos e sesenta e ocho, e de la era de Çesar en mill quatroçientos e seys años, e del Criamiento del mundo segund los ebreos en çinco mill e çiento e veynte e ocho, e de los alarabes en sieteçientos e setenta, el rrey don Enrrique, despues que tomara la villa e castillo de Dueñas, partio dende luego, e esto fue en el comienzo deste año en el mes de enero. E fue para tierra de Leon, ca la çibdat de Leon estaua por el rrey don Pedro e los caualleros fijos dalgo de la tierra estauan por el rrey don Enrrique, e llego alla e çerco la çibdat de Leon e fizole vna bastida en el monesterio de los predicadores, que dizen de Santo Domingo, ca estaua muy allegado a vna torre de la villa en guisa que los de la torre non pudian defenderla, tan apoderados estauan en la bastida que fizieron en el dicho monesterio, e ouieron de pleytear con el rrey don Enrrique en guisa que le dieron la çibdat de Leon e fincaron en la su merçed los que estauan dentro en ella. Otrosi todas las conpañas de las montañas de Asturias e de Ouiedo fueron en su obediençia saluo muy pocos e estos ouieron entre sy muchas peleas; pero toda via la partida del rrey don Enrrique se apoderaua mas. E el rrey don Enrrique partio de Leon despues que la cobro e fue

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YEAR THREE (1368) of the reign of King Enrique, which was the year of the Lord 1368 and, counting from the era of Caesar, 1406; and THE NINETEENTH YEAR of the reign of King Pedro. 1368: CHAPTER I How King Enrique besieged the city of León and captured it. These events occurred in the third year of the reign of King Enrique – the nineteenth year of the reign of King Pedro – which was the year of the Lord 1368; in 1406, counting from the era of Caesar; 5,128 years from the creation of the world by the reckoning of the Hebrews; and, according to that of the Arabs, it was in the year 770. After capturing the town and castle of Dueñas, King Enrique lost no time in setting off again; and this was right at the beginning of the year, in the month of January. He headed for Leonese territory, as the city of León was on the side of King Pedro whilst the knights of noble birth of the region supported King Enrique. On his arrival the king laid siege to the city, establishing a siege tower in the convent of Santo Domingo, which belonged to the preaching friars. This was situated very close to one of the city’s towers in such a way that it was not possible for the tower to be defended, so strong was the position of the men in the siege tower that had been constructed in the convent. As a result of this, the defenders had to negotiate with King Enrique terms by which the city of León was handed over to him and those within it submitted themselves to his authority. Moreover, all the contingents from the mountain areas of Asturias and Oviedo had given him their allegiance, with the exception of just a few – and among these there were numerous internal conflicts. The supporters of King Enrique continued to gain the upper hand. Having seized control of León, King Enrique set off for Tordehumos,

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para Tordehumos, que estaua alçada contra el e fizola conbatir e dieronsele. E mataron ý al conde de Osona, que auia venido con el rrey e fue fijo de don Bernal vizconde de Cabrera, vn grand señor del rregno de Aragon. E tomo el rrey aquel camino a Medina de Rioseco e algunos otros lugares que estauan contra el. E acordo de yr a Yllescas, do estaua la rreyna doña Iohana su muger e el infante don Iohan su fijo. E es aquella villa a seys leguas de Toledo e paso por Buytrago, que la tenian çercada los suyos e non la pudo auer; pero a pocos dias se dio. Otrossy el rrey paso por Madrid e fallo que la auian cobrado los suyos e estaua por el, e plogole mucho por que vna villa tan buena e tan abastada e en tal comarca era suya. E fuera tomada Madrid en esta guisa: gentes e caualleros del rrey don Enrrique la touieron mucho tienpo çercada e vn aldeano que estaua dentro, que dizian Domingo Muñoz de Leganes, dioles vn dia dos torres que el tenia e sus parientes a la puerta que dizen de moros e por alli se cobro Madrid; pero fue rrobada.

Capitulo segundo. Commo el rrey don Enrrique fue para tierra de Toledo e çerco a Toledo. El rrey don Enrrique despues que llego a Yllescas, estudo alli algunos dias e ouo muchos consejos preguntando a todos que le cunplia fazer o sy yria o andaria por el rregno o si çercaria a Toledo. E sobre esto ouo alli muchos acuerdos, ca todos los que estauan por el en la çibdat de Cordoua querian, e assi ge lo enbiauan dezir, que fuesse al Andalozia; pero por quanto el non tenia dineros assi para pagar a las gentes de

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which had risen up against him. He launched an attack on the town and it was surrendered to him. At Tordehumos the death occurred of the count of Osona – son of Viscount Bernat of Cabrera, a great lord of the kingdom of Aragon – who had come to Castile accompanying the king. King Enrique then headed towards Medina de Rioseco and some other places which were opposed to him. He decided to go to Illescas to meet up with his wife Queen Juana and his son Prince Juan. Illescas is situated six leagues from Toledo and his route towards it took him by Buitrago, which was being besieged by his forces. So far they had not been able to capture it but it did surrender a few days later. The king’s journey also took him by way of Madrid and he found that it had fallen to his supporters and was now loyal to him. He was delighted that so fine and so rich a town, situated in such an area, was now in his hands. Madrid was captured after a lengthy siege by the knights and troops of King Enrique: one day a villager by the name of Domingo Muñoz de Leganés who was inside the town handed over to them two towers standing at what is known as the Gate of the Moors, which were held by himself and his family. It was by means of that gateway that Madrid was taken, but, nevertheless, the town was looted.

1368: CHAPTER II How King Enrique went to the lands of Toledo and laid siege to that city. Having arrived in Illescas, King Enrique remained there for some days and consulted widely, asking all his supporters what would be the right way for him to proceed: whether he should leave and move around his kingdom or whether he should lay siege to Toledo. On this question there were various schools of thought, for all of King Enrique’s supporters in the city of Córdoba wanted him to come to Andalusia, and they sent envoys to tell him this. However, as he had

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armas e por quanto en la comarca de Toledo auia muchas viandas, acordo de çercar a Toledo e assy lo fizo. E puso su rreal de partes de la vega a treynta dias de abril deste año e eran con el rrey don Enrrique fasta mill omnes de armas e en la çibdat de Toledo, fasta seysçientos de cauallo e mucha gente de pie, e commo quier que auia en ella grandes caualleros e fijos dalgo; pero los que tenian la carga de la çibdat eran estos: Ferrando Aluarez de Toledo, que era ý alguazil mayor e tenia sienpre cuydado de gouernar las gentes de armas e era muy buen cauallero; otrossi era ý, que entrara por mandado del rrey, otro cauallero que dizian Garçi Ferrandez de Villodre, el qual traxo alli de vasallos del rrey e de los suyos, trezientos de cauallo e pieça de ballesteros, e estauan otros caualleros naturales de la çibdat, que todos auian grand voluntad de la defender. E el rrey don Enrrique para apoderarse mas para çercar la çibdat de Toledo, fizo luego fazer çerca su rreal e en el rrio de Tajo, vna puente de madera e mando a çiertas gentes de armas de los suyos pasar allende e posauan ý. E desque çerco la çibdat de Toledo, enbio a la rreyna doña Iohana su muger e al infante don Iohan su fijo a Burgos por que touiesen lugar en Castilla de sossegar e guardar muchas çibdades e villas e caualleros que tenian la su parte. E teniendo çercada la çibdat de Toledo, cobro el rrey don Enrrique estos lugares: Cuenca e Villa Real e Ucles e Talauera e el castillo de Mora e el castillo de Hita e el castillo de Consuegra. E auia en el rreal muchas viandas de la comarca e grand acorro de dineros, ca Segouia e Auila e Valladolid e otros muchos lugares de Castilla e de Leon que estauan por el rrey don Enrrique acorrian a el e a los suyos con quanto pudian auer. Otrossy estauan estonçes por el rrey don Pedro: Soria e Berlanga e Bitoria e Logroño e Salua tierra de Alaua e Santa Cruz de Canpesço e Sand Sebastian e Guetaria e Çamora. E de Gallizia todo lo mas dello estaua por el rrey don Pedro saluo algunos caualleros que estauan por

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no money to pay his troops and the area around Toledo offered a rich supply of provisions, he determined to lay siege to the city and proceeded to do so. King Enrique established his encampment in the area of the flood plain on the 30th of April of the year in question. In his company there were up to 1,000 men-at-arms, whilst in the city of Toledo there were as many as 600 mounted troops together with a large number of men on foot. Although in the city there were knights and noblemen of high standing, those who had authority over it were: Fernán Álvarez de Toledo, who was the head constable and a very fine knight who had permanent responsibility for the organization of the men-arms; and also another knight called Garci Fernández de Villodre, who had come to the city at the command of King Pedro and had brought with him some vassals of the king and some of his own, 300 horsemen together with a substantial number of crossbowmen. There were also other knights who were citizens of Toledo, all of whom were determined to defend the city. In order to strengthen his position for the siege, King Enrique promptly gave instructions for the construction of a wooden bridge over the River Tagus near to his encampment. He then commanded a number of his troops to cross to the other side of the river where they remained in position. Once he had laid siege to the city of Toledo, he sent his wife Queen Juana and his son Prince Juan to Burgos so as to have a base in Castile from which to settle and keep secure the numerous cities, towns and knights that had given him their support. Moreover, while he was besieging the city of Toledo, King Enrique captured Cuenca, Villa Real, Uclés, Talavera and the castles of Mora, Hita and Consuegra. In his encampment he now had a large stock of provisions taken from the surrounding area and a considerable amount of money, as Segovia, Ávila, Valladolid and many other places in Castile and León which were on his side were assisting him and his army with as much money as they could raise. At that time there were also places which had declared their support for King Pedro: Soria, Berlanga, Vitoria, Logroño, Salvatierra in Álava, Santa Cruz de Campezo, San Sebastián, Guetaria and Zamora. In addition, most of Galicia was on his side, with the exception of a

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el rrey don Enrrique. E el rregno de Murçia e Seuilla e Carmona e Xerez e Vbeda estauan por el rrey don Pedro. Otrossy el rrey don Enrrique desque puso su rreal sobre la çibdat de Toledo, ouo su consejo donde auria dineros para pagar las gentes que alli tenia, e non fallaron otro acorro saluo labrar moneda. E estonçe mando fazer vna moneda nueua, que llamauan sezenes e valia vno seys dineros, e desta moneda labrauan en la çibdat de Burgos do estaua la rreyna e el infante. Otrossi labrauan en la villa de Talauera desta dicha moneda e con esta moneda ouo acorrimiento el rrey don Enrrique para las pagas de las gentes que alli tenia; pero despues tornaron a labrar otras monedas segund adelante contaremos.

Capitulo IIIº. Commo fazia el rrey don Pedro en Seuilla desque sopo que el rrey don Enrrique cobrara la çibdat de Burgos e de Leon. Agora tornaremos a contar commo fizo el rrey don Pedro despues que sopo que el rrey don Enrrique era ya en el rregno. Assi fue que el rrey don Pedro estando en Seuilla sopo commo el rrey don Enrrique era llegado a la çibdat de Burgos e commo fuera rresçibido e que çercara el castillo e la juderia e lo cobrara todo e que partiera dende e tomara la villa e castillo de Dueñas. E que Rodrigo Rodriguez de Torquemada su adelantado mayor de Castilla, que tenia la dicha villa e castillo de Dueñas, pleyteara con el e era con el rrey don Enrrique, e commo despues fuera para la çibdat de Leon e la çercara e la cobrara, e commo era venido a Toledo por la cobrar e cobrara a Madrid e a Otordehumos e Medina de Rioseco e Buytrago e otros lugares, e ouo

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number of knights who were partisans of King Enrique; and King Pedro also had the backing of the kingdom of Murcia and of Seville, Carmona, Jerez and Úbeda. Having established his encampment outside the city of Toledo, King Enrique also took advice with regard to where he could obtain money to pay the troops that he had there with him, and the only solution that could be found was to mint money. He then ordered the issue of a new coin called the seisén, worth six dineros.1 These coins were produced in the city of Burgos, where the queen and the prince were residing, and also in the town of Talavera, and this provided King Enrique with a way of making payment to the troops who were accompanying him. However, as we shall relate in due course, they subsequently went back to minting other kinds of coin.2

1368: CHAPTER III How King Pedro reacted in Seville on learning that the cities of Burgos and León had fallen to King Enrique. Now we shall return to the account of how King Pedro reacted on hearing that King Enrique was now in the kingdom. The fact is that while King Pedro was in Seville he heard how King Enrique had reached Burgos and had been welcomed into the city, how he had laid siege to the castle and to the Jewish quarter and how all parts of the city had fallen into his hands, and how he had gone on from Burgos and captured the town and castle of Dueñas. He also learned about how Rodrigo Rodríguez de Torquemada, his senior governor for Castile, who had held the town and castle of Dueñas, had been negotiating with King Enrique and had now gone over to his side; how King Enrique had then moved on to the city of León, laying siege to it and capturing it; how he had gone to Toledo with the intention of taking possession of the city, and how he had captured Madrid, Tordehumos, Medina de Rioseco, Buitrago and other places. He was deeply saddened by all of this. It was still his intention to prepare

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dende grand pesar e toda via su entençion era de basteçer a Carmona, e assi lo fazia sienpre lo mas que pudia. E don Gonçalo Mexia maestre de Santiago era partido de Alburquerque e don Iohan Alfonso de Guzman, que fue despues conde de Niebla, e don Alfonso Perez de Guzman alguazil mayor de Seuilla e otros muchos caualleros que tenian la parte del rrey don Enrrique eran llegados a Llerena e a la comarca de Seuilla, e çercaran vna fortaleza pequeña que auia en vn lugar de Seuilla que dizen Caçalla de la sierra, e eran fasta quinientos de cauallo. E el rrey don Pedro non se partia de Seuilla, antes estaua ay quedo, ca nin se fiaua de los de la çibdat nin de los que con el estauan, e traya sus pleytesias con el rrey de Granada para que le ayudasse.

Capitulo IIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro traxo conssigo al rrey de Granada sobre Cordoua e commo acaesçio. El rrey don Pedro desque vio que la çibdat de Toledo estaua çercada, trato con el rrey Mahomad de Granada que le quisiesse ayudar e venir a se juntar con el para yr sobre la çibdat de Cordoua. E el rrey de Granada fizolo assi e vino con mucha gente de cauallo, que eran siete mill de cauallo, ginetes, e de pie ochenta mill, los doze mill ballesteros. E el rrey don Pedro tenia mill e quinientos de cauallo e seys mill omnes de pie. E el rrey don Pedro e el rrey de Granada juntaronsse en vno e vinieron sobre Cordoua. E estauan en Cordoua don Gonçalo Mexia maestre de Santiago e don Pero Moñiz maestre de Calatraua e don Iohan Alfonso de Guzman, que fue despues conde de Niebla. E de la çibdat de Cordoua estauan caualleros: don Alfonso Ferrandez de Monte Mayor adelantado mayor de la frontera e don Gonçalo Ferrandez de Cordoua, que fue despues

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Carmona for a siege and he constantly put as much effort as he could into doing so. The master of Santiago Don Gonzalo Mejía, together with Don Juan Alfonso de Guzmán – later to become count of Niebla –, Don Alfonso Pérez de Guzmán, head constable for Seville, and numerous other knights who were supporters of King Enrique, had left Alburquerque and advanced as far as Llerena and the area around Seville. Here they had laid siege to a small fortress which stood in a village belonging to Seville and was called Cazalla de la Sierra. Altogether they amounted to some 500 mounted troops. King Pedro chose to remain in Seville rather than leaving the city, for he trusted neither its people nor those in his own company, and he negotiated an agreement by which the king of Granada would come to his aid.

1368: CHAPTER IV How King Pedro brought the king of Granada to join him in an attack on Córdoba, and concerning the events which occurred. Once he realized that the city of Toledo was under siege, King Pedro arranged for King Muhammad of Granada to come to his aid and join him in an attack on the city of Córdoba. The king of Granada did as he had requested and brought with him a large force of light cavalry – numbering 7,000 – and 80,000 footsoldiers including 12,000 crossbowmen. King Pedro had 1,500 horsemen and 6,000 footsoldiers. The two kings brought their armies together and moved against Córdoba. The master of Santiago Don Gonzalo Mejía, the master of Calatrava Don Pero Muñiz and Don Juan Alfonso de Guzmán, subsequently count of Niebla, were all present in Córdoba. There were also the following knights from the city: Don Alfonso Fernández de Montemayor, governor general of the Frontier region, Don Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba, who subsequently became lord of Aguilar, his

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señor de Aguilar, e Diego Ferrandez, su hermano, alguazil mayor de Cordoua e otros muchos buenos. E don Alfonso Perez de Guzman estaua en vn castillo cerca de Cordoua, que dizian Hornachuelos, e fazia grand guerra a todos los que tenian la parte del rrey don Pedro, de aquel lugar, e quando sopo que los moros tenian su rreal con el rrey don Pedro sobre la çibdat de Cordoua, partio de Hornachuelos e fuesse para alla. E los moros cuydando que eran de sus gentes, non cataron por ellos e el, con muy grand peligro fuesse dentro de la çibdad por la ayudar a defender. E el rrey don Pedro e el rrey de Granada llegaron çerca la çibdat de Cordoua e los de la çibdat, que eran muchos e buenos, teniendo que pelearian con ellos por las barreras de la çibdat, non estauan aperçebidos de poner rrecabdos en los muros, e los moros eran muchos e llegaron muy fuerte mente a la çibdat en guisa que vn señor de moros que ý venia, que le dizian Abenfaluz, que fue despues rrey de Marruecos, con la grand ballesteria que traya, llegaron a vna coracha que dizian ‘la Calahorra’ e tan de rrezio la conbatieron que la cobraron e la tomaron e al alcaçar viejo fizieron en el seys portillos e subieron suso pieça dellos con sus pendones. E ouo grand desmayo en los de la çibdat, que cuydaron que eran entrados. E las dueñas e donzellas que ý eran, que eran muchas e muy buenas, sallieron ha andar por las calles, todas en cabellos, pidiendo merçed a los señores e caualleros e omnes de armas que ý eran en la çibdat, que ouiessen duelo dellas e non quisiessen que fuessen ellos e ellas en catiuerio de los moros enemigos de la fe de Ihesu Christo. E tales lagrimas e palabras fazian e dizian que todos los que lo oyan cobraron grand esfuerço e luego aderesçaron para las torres e el muro del alcaçar viejo, que los moros auian entrado: pelearon con ellos muy de rrezio commo muy buenos en guisa que mataron pieça dellos e a los otros fizieron los sallir fuera de la çibdat, e dellos saltaron por ençima de las torres e tomaron los sus pendones que ellos auian

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brother Diego Fernández, head constable of Córdoba, and many other men of great qualities. Don Alfonso Pérez de Guzmán was in a castle by the name of Hornachuelos which was situated near to Córdoba and from there was engaging in bitter conflict with all the supporters of King Pedro. When he learned that the Moors had set up their encampment together with King Pedro outside the city of Córdoba, he left Hornachuelos and set off in that direction. The Moors, believing that his men were part of their own army, were taken unawares, and, facing considerable danger, he entered the city to assist in its defence. King Pedro and the king of Granada approached Córdoba and the people defending the city, although they were numerous and good fighters, in the belief that they would do battle with the enemy forces at the outworks of the city, had not had the foresight to place additional support on the walls. The Moors had a large army and attacked the city with such force that, together with his large company of crossbowmen, a Moorish nobleman called Abū Yaflūsin, later to become king of Morocco, reached an outlying part of the fortifications known as ‘la Calahorra’ and so ferocious was their assault on it that it fell to them and they took possession of it.3 They made six breaches in the wall of the old alcázar and a considerable number of them climbed up to the top of it with their banners. Such trepidation ran through the people of Córdoba that they believed that the Moors had already entered the city. The numerous ladies and maidens who were there, women of great nobility, went out into the streets with their hair loose begging the lords, knights and men-at-arms in the city to take pity on them and not allow either men or women to become captives of the Moors, who were enemies of the faith of Jesus Christ. So bitter was their weeping and so powerful were their words that all those who heard them were filled with great courage and at once made straight for the towers and the wall of the old alcázar into which the Moors had made their entry. They fought with them so furiously and to such effect that they killed a good number of their enemy and drove the remainder back from the city. Some of them jumped up onto the towers, seizing the banners that the Moors had put in place, and they pursued them across the outworks,

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puesto e sallieron con ellos por las barreras matando e firiendo en ellos en tal manera que los arredraron dende grand pieça. E en tanto que los moros se tiraron afuera, luego los maestres e los otros caualleros e señores fizieron aderesçar los muros muy hordenada mente, por que sabian bien que otro dia los moros prouarian lo que pudiessen fazer por cobrar aquella çibdat. E toda aquella noche fueron fechas por la çibdat muchas danças e alegrias, e todos tenian grand esfuerço, ca fiauan en la merçed de Dios que darian buena cuenta de la çibdat en guisa que los enemigos de la fe non los podrian enpeesçer. E el rrey de Granada e todos los moros tenian que [en] esta çibdat de Cordoua era la su eglesia mayor, que fuera la cabeça de toda su ley por quanto aquella es la mas fermosa iglesia que en su tienpo fue mezquita e sienpre la rrazonauan por lugar santo. Otrossi el rrey don Pedro tenia grand saña desta çibdat por quanto estauan en ella muchos de los que le auian fecho guerra. Otrossy tenia grand quexa de los caualleros de la çibdat por que se partieran del e en todas las guisas le plazia que los moros cobrassen la çibdat e la destruyessen. Enpero Dios quiso acorrer a los de su fe. E otro dia llegaron los moros e los que eran con el rrey a la çibdat, mas fallaron la hordenança de otra manera que non el primero dia, e non la pudieron enpeesçer e tiraronse afuera.

Capitulo Vº. Commo el rrey de Granada tomo la çibdat de Iahen e la destruyo, e commo el rrey don Pedro e el rrey de Granada tornaron otra vez sobre Cordoua e commo el rrey de Granada destruyo a Ubeda. Despues desto estudieron el rrey don Pedro e el rrey de Granada en sus reales çerca de Cordoua algunos dias e dende tornosse el rrey de Granada para su tierra e el rrey don Pedro para Seuilla. E despues

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inflicting death and attacking with such force as to drive them back a considerable distance. As the Moors had retreated from the castle, the masters of the Orders and the other knights and lords quickly had the walls repaired and set in good order, for they were well aware that the next day the Moors would make every possible effort to take the city. Throughout that night there was dancing and celebration across the city and everyone was in high spirits, for they trusted in God’s mercy that they would serve the city well enough to prevent the enemies of the Faith from causing them any harm. The king of Granada and all the Moors believed that situated in this city of Córdoba was their supreme church, which had been the heart of their whole religion: it is the most beautiful of churches − in its time it had been a mosque − and they always held it to be a holy place. In addition, King Pedro was deeply hostile to this city as many of those who had been involved in the struggle against him were there within its walls. He also bore a grievance against the knights of Córdoba for having deserted him; and in every respect it was his desire that the Moors should capture and destroy the city. In spite of this, it was God’s wish to come to the assistance of those who had placed their faith in Him. On the next day the Moors reached the city, along with the king’s forces, but they found it in better order than on the first day and, unable to inflict any damage on it, they withdrew.

1368: CHAPTER V How the king of Granada captured and destroyed the city of Jaén, how King Pedro and the king of Granada returned to launch another attack on Córdoba, and how the king of Granada destroyed Úbeda. After this King Pedro and the king of Granada remained for some days in their encampments near Córdoba, and from there the king of Granada returned to his own lands and King Pedro went back

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otra vez torno el rrey de Granada con muy grand poder e fue para Iahen. E desque llegaron a la çibdat de Iahen, los que estauan dentro salieron a pelear en las barreras con los moros e ouieronsse de rretraer a la çibdat e los moros entraron en las barreras e cobraron toda la çibdat en su poder. E los christianos, los que pudieron, acogeronsse al alcaçar de la dicha çibdat, e los otros fueron muertos e catiuos. E avn despues los moros çercaron el alcaçar e los christianos non tenian viandas ningunas para tantos omnes commo ally se acogeron e desque vieron en tal afincamiento que eran perdidos del todo, fizieron su pleytesia de dar al rrey de Granada çierta quantia de doblas e que los desçercasse, e desto dieron en arrehenes personas çiertas. E los moros pegaron fuego a toda la çibdat e a las iglesias e derribaron las puertas mayores de la çibdat e grand parte de los muros, donde fue estragada e rresçibio muy grand daño e grand desonrra la çibdad de Iahen, que es vna de las mejores de aquella tierra, do sienpre ouo muy buenos guerreros. E otra vez entro el rrey don Pedro e el rrey de Granada con el, con grandes conpañas, e llegaron a la çibdat de Cordoua; pero fallaronlos en tal guisa muy aperçebidos los que ý eran que non prouaron de llegar a ellos. E partio el rrey de Granada e fue por el obispado de Iahen e tomo la çibdat de Ubeda, que non era muy bien çercada, e entrola e rrobola e fizola quemar. E los christianos rrecogeronsse a vna fortaleza que es en la dicha çibdat, que dizen el castillo, e alli escaparon. E conbatieron a Andujar e non la pudo tomar. E despues por estas dos çibdades que anssi fueron destruydas, el rrey don Enrrique fizo muy bien rreparar de muros la çibdat de Iahen e la çibdat de Vbeda e preuilligolas en guisa que se poblaron. E eso mesmo en estos tienpos, en ayuda del rrey don Pedro, el rrey de Granada entro las villas de Marchena e Vtrera e leuo quantos ý fallo catiuos a Granada, e perdiose mucha gente. E fue çierto que del lugar de Vtrera solo, que es de Seuilla, leuaron los moros honze mill personas omnes e mujeres pequeños e grandes. Otrossy los castillos que el rrey don Pedro ganara del rregno de Granada quando ayudaua

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to Seville.The king of Granada then made his way back again with a vast army and headed for Jaén. When they reached the city, the defenders came out to fight against the Moors at the outworks but were forced to withdraw into the city. The Moors then made their way across the outworks and took possession of the whole city. Those of the Christians who were able to do so took refuge in the city’s alcázar and the remainder were either killed or taken captive. Subsequently the Moors besieged the alcázar and, lacking provisions for such a large number of people taking refuge there and seeing that under such pressure they had no hope of escape, the Christians negotiated terms with the king of Granada: they were to pay him a certain sum in doblas and he was to halt the siege, and a number of people were handed over to him hostages. The Moors set fire to the whole city and to the churches, and they demolished the main gateways and a large part of the walls. The city of Jaén – one of the finest in those lands where there have always been oustanding warriors – was devastated and suffered great damage and humiliation. King Pedro, accompanied by the king of Granada and a large army, again moved onto the offensive and drew close to the city of Córdoba. However, they found its defenders so well prepared that they did not attempt to make an attack on them. The king of Granada then left Córdoba and moved through the diocese of Jaén: he seized Úbeda, whose walls were not strong, entering and looting the city and ordering it to be burned. The Christians took refuge in a fortified part of the city, known as ‘the castle’, and there they found safety. The Moors then attacked Andújar but were unable to capture it. Subsequently, in order to assist the two cities of Jaén and Úbeda which had suffered such destruction, King Enrique had their walls fully repaired and awarded them privileges to encourage their repopulation. Likewise during this period, seeking to give assistance to King Pedro, the king of Granada forced his way into the towns of Marchena and Utrera and carried off to Granada as captives all the people that he found there. Many people were lost. It was known for certain that just from the town of Utrera, which belongs to Seville, the Moors took 11,000 people, men and women, young and old. In addition, the castles which King Pedro had won from the kingdom of Granada when he assisted King

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al rrey Mahomad contra el rrey Bermejo, todos los cobraron los moros e mas otros algunos; ca cobraron los moros en esta guerra nueua mente Belmez e los castillos de Canbil e Alhamar, los quales ganara el infante don Pedro, fijo del rrey don Sancho, en tienpo de las tutorias del rrey don Alfonso. Otrossy los castillos que el rrey don Pedro ganara commo dicho es, que eran Turon, Hardales, el Burgo, Cañete, Las Cueuas, cobraron los moros en esta guerra e fizieron mucho daño en tierra de christianos por la diuision que auia entre ellos. E esto fecho el rrey don Pedro torno a Seuilla e sienpre fazia basteçer la villa de Carmona, que es a seys leguas dende, ca sienpre se rresçelaua que se auia de veer en algund peligro. E el rrey don Enrrique estaua en el rreal que pusiera sobre la çibdat de Toledo e auia cobrado vna bastida que los de la çibdat auian fecho en vna iglesia sobre la puente de Alcantara que llaman Sant Seruande. E tenia el rrey don Enrrique de cada parte çercada la çibdat de Toledo, e de la otra parte de la puente de Sand Martin tenia fecha otra bastida e el tenia su rreal en la vega.

Capitulo VIº. Commo algunos de la çibdat de Toledo quisieron dar vna torre al rrey don Enrrique. Assy acaesçio que algunos omnes que estauan dentro en la dicha çibdat de Toledo que amauan seruiçio del rrey don Enrrique, vn dia a medio dia tomaron vna torre de la çibdat que llaman la torre de los abades, que es muy alta e muy fuerte, e pusieronsse en ella, e llamauan ‘Castilla por el rrey don Enrrique!’. E los del rreal fueronles luego acorrer e pusieron escalas a la torre e subieron quarenta omnes del rrey suso e pusieron ý çinco vanderas. E los de la çibdat desque se vieron en tal guisa, llegaron todos e

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Muhammed against the Red King were all captured by the Moors along with a number of others: during the present campaign the Moors retook Bélmez and the castles of Cambil and Alhabar, which had been seized by Prince Pedro, son of King Sancho, during the time of the minority of King Alfonso. Moreover, in the course of this conflict, the Moors also took the castles captured by King Pedro – as we have already explained –, which were Turón, Ardales, el Burgo, Cañete and Las Cuevas, and they caused great destruction in the Christian territories as a result of the divisions which existed there. After all of this had taken place, King Pedro returned to Seville and devoted himself unceasingly to the preparation of the town of Carmona, six leagues away, for a siege: at all times he was afraid that he would find himself in danger. King Enrique remained in the encampment that he had established outside the city of Toledo. He had seized a fortification which the people of the city had built on the site of a church called San Servando, looking down over the Bridge of Alcántara.4 King Enrique now had the city of Toledo completely encircled and he had had another tower constructed on the far side of the Bridge of San Martín. His encampment stood on the flood plain.

1368: CHAPTER VI How some citizens of Toledo attempted to hand over a tower to King Enrique. It happened that, one day at mid-day, a number of men in the city of Toledo who were loyal to King Enrique seized the so-called Abbots’ Tower, which is both of great height and very strongly fortified.5 They occupied it with cries of ‘Castile for King Enrique!’ and at once the men from the king’s encampment rushed to their aid. They put ladders up against the tower and 40 of King Enrique’s men went up, raising five banners. When the people of the city saw themselves in this predicament,

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pusieron fuego de partes de la çibdat a vna puerta baxa de la torre e ardio luego, e alli pusieron mucha leña e mucha madera en guisa que el fuego fue muy grande, e el fuego subia a la torre. E los que auian subido suso e estauan por el rrey don Enrrique, que auian tomado su boz e se alçaran con la torre non pudian desçender yuso a la çibdat por el fuego nin estar en la torre, e ouieron a dexar la torre e desçender por las escalas que pusieron, e non pudieron al fazer.

Capitulo VIIº. Commo algunos de la çibdat de Toledo fueron muertos por que querian dar entrada al rrey don Enrrique e commo cuydo cobrar el rrey don Enrrique la puente de Sant Martin e commo fizieron los de la çibdat. Otrossy en aquel tienpo que el rrey don Enrrique touo la çibdat de Toledo çercada, algunos otros de la çibdat de Toledo por algunas vezes querian dar entrada a los del rreal; pero toda via se descubria e fueron muertos algunos en la çibdat por esta rrazon. Otrosi el rrey don Enrrique fizo poner engeños a la puente de Sand Martin, ca los de la çibdat querian derribar la puente e los engeños de fuera tirauan a los onbres que labrauan en la torre de la puente. E el rrey don Enrrique fizo fazer alli vna bastida en guisa que cauauan la torre grande que tenian a la puerta de la puente. E vn dia, teniendo los maestros que ya la torre estaua puesta en cuentos para le poder dar fuego e que caeria, dixeron al rrey que mandasse venir las gentes de omes de armas, ca fazian cuenta que sy aquella torre cayesse, que la çibdat era entrada, ca non auia dentro en la çibdat otra torre de que se pudiesse defender la puente. E commo

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they flocked to the tower and set fire to a door at its foot, on the city side. It was quickly ablaze and they piled up a considerable amount of firewood and timber so as to produce a large fire which rose up into the tower. Those who had gone up, supporters of King Enrique who had declared their allegiance to him and had seized the tower, were unable to make their way down into the city because of the blaze, and likewise they could not remain on the tower. They had to abandon the tower and descend by means of the ladders that had been set up, for there was nothing else that they could do.

1368: CHAPTER VII How some citizens of Toledo were killed because they wanted to allow King Enrique to enter the city; how King Enrique sought to seize the Bridge of San Martín; and how the people of the city reacted. There were further occasions during the time that King Enrique was besieging Toledo when some others of its citizens tried to enable the troops from the king’s encampment to enter the city. Their plans were always discovered, however, and this led to some people in the city being killed. King Enrique also had siege engines put in place to fire on the Bridge of San Martín, for the city’s defenders wanted to demolish the bridge and the attackers’ siege engines were bombarding the men working on its tower. King Enrique had a siege tower erected there to enable them to mine the large tower that the defenders held at the gateway to the bridge. One day when the engineers judged that the tower was ready to collapse, as it was now supported only on props ready to be set on fire, they informed the king that he should summon his men-at-arms: they reckoned that, if that tower was brought down, the way into Toledo was clear, given that there was no other tower in the city from which it was possible to defend the bridge. Although the people of Toledo

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quier que los de la çibdat fazian vn muro de tapias muy grande en cabo de la puente, dentro en la çibdat, para la defender, pero avn estaua baxo, e el rrey don Enrrique, por conssejo de los maestros que pusieron los cuentos a la torre, mandoles poner fuego; pero non cayo la torre, que avn non fuera toda puesta en cuentos e perdiosse la obra e todo el trabajo que auia tomado en fazer aquellas cauas e poner aquellos cuentos a la torre. E los de la çibdat quando vieron aquello, pensando que el rrey don Enrrique mandara cauar e poner otra vez los cuentos a la torre, lo qual assi se fazia, començaron de fazer derribar la puente de Sand Martin por medio el arco, a tirar las llaues de las piedras por que cayesse. E el rrey don Enrrique fizo poner dos engeños que tirauan a la puente e a los que labrauan en ella para la derribar; pero los de la çibdat acabaron primero su obra e derribaron la puente e cayo el arco. E commo quier que fue grand daño para la çibdat por se perder tal puente commo aquella, que era fermosa, enpero tenian ya que estauan seguros por aquella partida. E assi paso lo que finco deste año que el rrey don Pedro estaua en Seuilla enbiando por todas la mas conpañas que pudia auer de los que tenian su partida e tratando con el rrey de Granada que le diesse ayuda para venir a acorrer a Toledo. Otrosy el rrey don Enrrique estaua en el rreal de Toledo enbiando por los que eran de su parte, que veniessen todos juntarse con el por quanto sabia nueuas que el rrey don Pedro auia de venir a desçercar la çibdat de Toledo e pelear con el.

Capitulo VIIIº. Commo las villas de Logroño e Bitoria e otras enbiaron rrequerir al rrey don Pedro commo farian. Las villas de Logroño e de Bitoria e Salua tierra de Alaua e Santa Cruz de Canpesço tenian la partida del rrey don Pedro, e quando esta guerra se fazia, ellos estauan muy aquexados de caualleros e gentes

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were constructing a very large defensive wall of rammed earth standing within the city at the end of the bridge, this had still not reached sufficient height, and so King Enrique, following the advice of the engineers who had put the props in place under the tower, ordered these to be set on fire. However the tower did not collapse as not all of it was as yet resting on props. The undertaking came to nothing and all the trouble taken over the mining and the placing of props under the tower was wasted. When they saw this, assuming that King Enrique had ordered his men to dig more tunnels and once again put props in place – which indeed was being done – the people of the city began to work to bring down the Bridge of San Martín in the middle of the arch by removing the keystones so that it would collapse. King Enrique had two siege engines set up, bombarding the bridge and those who were working to demolish it. However the people of the city were the first to finish their task: they brought down the arch and the bridge collapsed. Although it was greatly to the detriment of Toledo to lose so beautiful a bridge, nevertheless the people now felt safe on that side of the city. So it was that for the remainder of the year King Pedro stayed in Seville, summoning as many troops as he could from among his supporters and negotiating with the king of Granada for the provision of assistance in the relief of Toledo. Likewise, King Enrique remained in his encampment outside Toledo, summoning all his supporters to join him, for he had received reports that King Pedro was going to come to break the siege of Toledo and do battle with him.

1368: CHAPTER VIII How Logroño, Vitoria and some other towns sent King Pedro a request for instructions with regard to the course that they should take. The towns of Logroño, Vitoria, Salvatierra de Álava and Santa Cruz de Campezo had declared their support for King Pedro and during the course of this conflict they had suffered severe harassment from

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que les fazian guerra por el rrey don Enrrique, e enbiaron al rrey don Pedro sus mensageros a Seuilla encubierta mente por los peligros de las comarcas que estauan por el rrey don Enrrique, por los quales le enbiauan dezir que ellos estauan en muy grand priesa e que se non podian defender e veyan bien que el non los pudia acorrer e que si su merçed era, que el rrey de Nauarra era su amigo e estaua junto con el su rregno, que les paresçia que era bien que se diessen a el e que se defenderian. E el rrey don Pedro desque vio estas cartas que estas villas le enbiaron sobre esta rrazon que auedes oydo, enbioles su rrespuesta que les mandaua e rrogaua que en todas las maneras del mundo estudiessen firmes por el, que el fiaua por Dios que muy ayna los entendia acorrer a ellos e a los que tenian su partida e de les gualardonar los seruiçios que le auian fecho; pero en caso que el non los pudiesse tan ayna acorrer, que les mandaua que antes se diessen e entregassen al conde don Enrrique que al rrey de Nauarra e que nunca partiessen de la corona de Castilla. Otrosi que el fallara en el rrey de Nauarra pocas ayudas e que non era su voluntad que el cobrasse tales villas non auiendo rrazon por que. Enpero asy acaesçio que los de las villas sobre dichas, lo vno por que lo tenian assy tratado con el rrey de Nauarra, otrossi por quanto don Tello, hermano del rrey don Enrrique, señor de Vizcaya, se auia visto con el rrey de Nauarra e tenia sus pleytesias con el contra el rrey don Enrrique su hermano, que non lo amaua nin lo queria bien nin quisiera venir a ayudarlo en esta guerra e estaua en Vizcaya en su tierra, e los dichos lugares de Bitoria e Logroño e Salua tierra e Santa Cruz dieronsse al rrey de Nauarra e vino a ellos a tomar la possession e vino con el rrey de Nauarra, don Tello a gelas fazer entregar. E estudieron por el rrey de Nauarra las dichas villas fasta otro tiempo

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knights and soldiers who were waging war on them on behalf of King Enrique. They sent envoys to King Pedro in Seville, and they did so in secrecy on account of the threat posed by the areas which were in support of King Enrique. Through these envoys they communicated to the king that they were hard pressed and unable to defend themselves; it was clear to them that he could not come to their assistance and so they suggested that, if such was his will − since the king of Navarre was his ally and their towns were situated very close to his kingdom − they felt that it was right to accept the Navarrese monarch’s lordship and thus be in a position to defend themselves. Once he had seen the letters from these towns containing the proposal about which you have just heard, King Pedro sent them his reply: he commanded and entreated them that at all costs they were to remain unwavering in their support for him. He told them that, as he trusted in God, it was his intention to come very soon to assist them and those who had taken his side and to reward them for their loyalty to him. However, in case he proved unable to bring them aid with such speed, his command was that they should hand the towns over and surrender themselves to King Enrique rather than doing so to the king of Navarre, and that they should never separate from the Crown of Castile. He also said that he had received little support from the king of Navarre and that he had no desire for him to gain possession of towns such as these without due cause. Nevertheless, it turned out that the people of those towns lost no time in handing them over to the king of Navarre. This was done on the one hand because they had already agreed with him that they would do so and on the other hand since King Enrique’s brother Don Tello, lord of Vizcaya, had met with the king of Navarre and had negotiated a pact with him against his brother King Enrique: Don Tello was no friend or ally of his and had not been willing to come to his aid in the present campaign but rather had remained in his own territory in Vizcaya. The towns of Vitoria, Logroño, Salvatierra and Santa Cruz were handed over to the king of Navarre, who came to take possession of them accompanied by Don Tello, present in order to oversee their transfer. The towns remained subject to the king of Navarre until a later time, as we shall relate, and he installed garrisons

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do contaremos commo paso. E puso el rrey de Nauarra en las dichas villas e logares conpañas de armas e daua ý sueldo e fazia guerra a Castilla.

Capitulo IXº. De lo que en este año acaesçio en el rregno de Aragon. En este año que dicho auemos enbio el rrey don Pedro de Aragon a Çerdeña a don Pedro de Luna que era vn grand rrico omne de Aragon e con el mucha buena gente. E desque don Pedro de Luna llego en la ysla de Cerdeña, andudo luego por la tierra e fue poner su rreal delante la çibdat de Çerdeña do estaua el jurge de Arbolea, la qual çibdat dezian Orestan. E puso su rreal çerca la çibdat e non pusieron buena guarda en el, ca dexaua yr por viandas a los que querian yr. E el jurge de Arbolea desque vio la poca hordenança de los de Aragon, allego su gente que estauan con el en la çibdat de Orestan e sin sospecha sallio al rreal e fueron luego desbaratados don Pedro e los suyos. E morio ý don Pedro de Luna e muchos buenos caualleros e escuderos con el. E quien el rreal quiere poner çerca de çibdat o villa do esta grand gente non lo deue poner muy çerca luego, ca es muy grand peligro segund aqui auedes entendido; otrossi deue guardar sienpre que las gentes non se partan por la tierra.

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in the towns and villages, hired salaried troops and launched raids against Castile.6

1368: CHAPTER IX Concerning what happened during this year in the kingdom of Aragon. During the year about which we have spoken, King Pere of Aragon sent Don Pedro de Luna, an Aragonese magnate, to Sardinia, together with a large force of highly accomplished troops. Once Don Pedro arrived on the island of Sardinia he rapidly began to roam over its territory and established his encampment outside Oristano, the Sardinian city which was the seat of the Judge of Arborea.7 His encampment was located close to the city. However, there was no close vigilance and those wishing to go off in search of provisions were allowed to do so. On seeing the lack of organization on the part of the Aragonese, the Judge of Arborea assembled the troops that he had with him in the city of Oristano and made a surprise attack on the encampment. Don Pedro and his troops suffered a serious defeat, and Don Pedro de Luna met his death there along with many accomplished knights and squires. Anyone who wishes to establish his encampment near to a city or town where there are a significant number of troops should not place it very close by, as this involves considerable risk, as you have seen in this case. In addition, he must always keep the troops from spreading out around the surrounding territory.

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AÑO QUARTO del rrey don Enrrique, que fue en el año del Señor de mill e trezientos e sesenta e nueue, e de la era de Çesar mill e quatroçientos e siete, e era AÑO VEYNTE que el rrey don Pedro rregnara.

Capitulo primero. Commo llegaron al rrey don Enrrique mensageros del rrey de Françia a confirmar sus ligas con el. En el año quarto que el sobre dicho rrey don Enrrique rregno e era año de veynte que el rrey don Pedro rregnara, que fue año del Señor de mill e trezientos e sesenta e nueue quando andaua la era de Çesar en mill e quatroçientos e siete, e del Criamiento del mundo, segund la cuenta de los ebreos, en çinco mill e çiento e veynte e nueue años, e de los alarabes en sieteçientos e setenta e un años, estando el rrey don Enrrique sobre la çibdat de Toledo que tenia çercada, llegaron ý a el mensageros e enbaxadores del rrey don Carlos de Françia, por los quales le fiziera sauer que era guerra abierta entre el e el rrey de Ingla terra e que su voluntad era de lo auer por su amigo e por su aliado si a el pluguiesse. E al rrey don Enrrique plogo mucho desto e commo quier que en el lugar de Aguas Muertas en el rregno de Françia, segund auemos dicho suso, fueron fechas amistades entre el rrey de Françia e el rrey don Enrrique estando ý el duc de Angeu e el cardenal de Boloña, enpero agora de nueuo fizieron sus amistades e sus rrecabdos de ligas e confederaçiones, las mas firmes que seer pudieron, en esta manera: primera mente, que el rrey don Carlos de Françia e el rrey don Enrrique de Castilla fuesen amigos de amigos e enemigos de enemigos e se ayudassen contra cualquier omne del mundo, e que esta mesma amistad durasse e fuesse firme entre ellos e sus fijos primeros herederos nasçidos e por nasçer, e que ninguno dellos non

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YEAR FOUR (1369) of the reign of King Enrique, which was the year of the Lord 1369 and, counting from the era of Caesar, 1407; and THE TWENTIETH YEAR of the reign of King Pedro. 1369: CHAPTER I How King Enrique received emissaries sent by the king of France to confirm their alliance. These events occurred in the fourth year of the reign of King Enrique – the twentieth year of the reign of King Pedro – which was the year of the Lord 1369; in 1407, counting from the era of Caesar; 5,129 years from the creation of the world by the reckoning of the Hebrews; and, according to that of the Arabs, it was in the year 771. While King Enrique was camped outside the city of Toledo, which he had placed under siege, he received emissaries and ambassadors sent by King Charles of France to inform him that war had been declared between himself and the king of England. He also told King Enrique that his wish was to have him as his friend and ally if he was willing. King Enrique was delighted at this. As we related above, in the village of Aigues-Mortes in the kingdom of France, in the presence of the count of Anjou and the cardinal of Boulogne, an alliance had already been established between the king of France and King Enrique. However, they now confirmed their friendship and drew up their treaties and alliances, expressed in the strongest terms possible, as follows: firstly King Charles of France and King Enrique of Castile were to be allies of allies and enemies of enemies and to support each other against any man in the world; this same bond of friendship was to endure and to remain constant both between them and between their first-born heirs, those already born and those who would be born

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pudiesse fazer pleytesia ninguna con enemigo alguno syn voluntad e consentimiento del otro, e otros articulos que fizieron sobre armadas de mar quando las ouiessen de fazer. E de todas estas cosas fizieron cartas, las mas firmes e mejores que seer pudieron. Otrossy dixeron los dichos mensageros al rrey don Enrrique commo el rrey de Françia le enbiaua luego en su ayuda a mossen Beltran de Claquin con quinientas lanças. E acordadas e fechas estas ligas partieronse los enbaxadores del rrey de Françia, del rrey don Enrrique e tornaronsse para Françia.

Capitulo IIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro puso sus fijos en Carmona e ayuntaua sus gentes para venir a acorrer a Toledo, e commo fizo matar a don Diego Garçia de Padilla. En este año sobre dicho el rrey don Pedro, antes que partiesse de Seuilla, leuo sus fijos e su thesoro todo e muchas armas a la villa de Carmona, e dexo con ellos omnes de quien se fiaua. E despues que esto ouo fecho partio de Seuilla e vino para Alcantara, e alli rrecogio conpañas suyas por que auia enbiado; ca estonçe vino alli a el Ferrand Alfonso de Çamora, que tenia la çibdat de Çamora, e los que estauan en Mayorga e otros muchos que tenian su parte en Castilla, e ayuntaronsse con el. E su entençion era de venir a acorrer a los de Toledo que estauan çercados e le auian enbiado dezir por muchas de vezes que non tenian viandas señalada mente pan, e que non se pudian tener luengo tienpo. Otrossy en estos dias antes que el partiesse de Seuilla, dixieronle commo Diego Garçia de Padilla, maestre que fuera de Calatraua e estonçe era señor de Val de Corneja e estaua con el, que trataua con algunos de la parte del rrey don Enrrique. E el rrey don Pedro fizolo tomar preso e poner en el algiue del castillo de Alcala de Guadeyra.

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in the future; and neither of them was to enter into negotiation with any enemy without the agreement and consent of the other; and other articles were included concerning when naval expeditions were to be undertaken. On all these matters documentation was drawn up, as binding and comprehensive as possible. The emissaries also told King Enrique that the king of France was sending Monsieur Bertrand du Guesclin to support him along with 500 lances. Then, once this alliance had been agreed and drawn up, the ambassadors of the king of France took their leave of King Enrique and returned to France.

1369: CHAPTER II How King Pedro installed his children in Carmona and assembled his forces in order to go and relieve Toledo; and how he had Don Diego García de Padilla put to death. In the course of this year, before departing from Seville King Pedro took his children, all his treasure and a large store of arms to the town of Carmona and left with them men in whom he trusted. Once he had done this he set out from Seville and headed for Alcántara where he assembled the forces that he had summoned. He was then joined in Alcántara by Fernán Alfonso de Zamora, who held the city of Zamora, by the men who had been in Mayorga and many others of his supporters in Castile. His intention was to go to the assistance of the people of Toledo, who were being besieged and who had written to him repeatedly to say that they had run out of provisions and in particular bread and that they could not hold out for much longer. During the period before he left Seville he was also told how Diego García de Padilla, previously master of Calatrava and currently lord of Valdecorneja, and who was one of his allies, was in discussion with supporters of King Enrique. King Pedro had him arrested and held in the dungeon of the castle of Alcalá de Guadaíra.

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Capitulo IIIº. De otra carta que un moro de Granada sabidor, que dizian Benahatin, enbio al rrey don Pedro quando sopo que yua a la batalla de Montiel. Estando el rrey don Pedro en Seuilla aparejandose para partir dende por yr a acorrer a Toledo, que estaua çercada, vn moro que dizian Benahatin, e era grand sabidor e filosopho e priuado del rrey de Granada, del qual diximos suso que le auie enbiado otra carta quando el rrey don Pedro torno de Vayona e vençio la batalla de Najara, e assi agora este mesmo moro desque sopo que partio el rrey don Pedro de Seuilla para acorrer a Toledo, penso que auia de pelear e enbiole otra carta, de la qual el tenor es este: ‘Ensalçado rrey e señor que Dios honrre e guarde, amen. El tu sieruo Benahatin, pequeño philosopho e del consejo del rrey de Granada tu amigo, con todo rrecomendamiento e con el humildança, poderoso e nonbrado rrey entre los rreyes: Non niego yo que el mi seruiçio non sea sienpre aparejado a onrra e ensalçamiento del tu estado e señorio rreal en quanto el mi saber alcançe e el mi poder sofrirlo pueda; las cosas que lo adebdan quales e quantas son, pues tu ya eres sabidor, non es menester rrepetir [de nueuo]. Pediste me que por industria del mi saber, con grand diligençia e acuçia de grand estudio, otrossy por manera de grand seso que en mi fallauas, en tus negoçios, que te fiziesse saber en qual manera podras palpar por verdadero saber vn dicho de profeçia, el qual dizes que fue fallado entre los libros e propheçias que dizes que fizo Merlyn, del qual las sus palabras, por los terminos que lo yo rresçibi son estas que se siguen: En las partidas de Oçidente, entre los montes e la mar, nasçera vn aue negra comedora e rrobadora, e todos los panares del

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1369: CHAPTER III Concerning another letter which a Moorish sage from Granada, by the name of Benahatin, sent to King Pedro when he learned that he was on his way to take part in the battle of Montiel. While King Pedro was in Seville making ready to set off in order to go and relieve Toledo – which was under siege – he received a second letter from the Moor called Benahatin. This man was a great scholar and philosopher and an adviser of the king of Granada, and we have already told of how he had sent King Pedro a previous letter after his return from Bayonne and his victory in the battle of Nájera. So now this same Moor, having learned that King Pedro had left Seville to go to the assistance of the city of Toledo and considering that he was going to do battle, sent him another letter, the content of which is as follows: ‘Glorious king and lord, may God honour and protect you, amen. It is in supplication and humility that your lowly servant Benahatin, a philosopher of minor importance and counsellor of your friend the king of Granada, addresses you, powerful and renowned king among kings. I do not deny that, with regard to the sufficiency of my learning and the adequacy of my ability, the service that can I offer you is not always in keeping with the honour and praise which are appropriate to your standing and position of royal authority. As you are already aware of what lies behind this, there is no need for me to repeat it. You asked me through the application of my learning, most diligently and with great scholarly rigour, and through the intelligence that you have found in me with regard to your affairs, to tell you how you may fathom for its true meaning a prophetic text, which you assert to have been found among the books and prophecies that you say were produced by Merlin.1 The words of this text, just as I received it, are the following: In the western regions, between the mountains and the sea, will be born a black bird, voracious and thieving, hungry to take

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mundo querria acoger en si, e todo el oro del mundo ençerrara en su estomago e despues gormarlo ha e tornara atras e non peresçera luego por esta dolençia; ca dize caersele han antes las alas e secarsele han las plumas al sol e andara de puerta en puerta e non le querra ninguno acoger, ençerrarse ha en selua e morra ý dos vezes, vna al mundo e otra ante Dios, e desta guisa acabara. Rey alto, rroguesteme, ca todo es en tu poder, rrogar e mandar, que yo pensaria quand graue era o podria ser, segund el menester en que estas, el deseo grande que as por seer çertificado en el entendimiento desta propheçia en que manera podras ende seer sabidor e que por la amistança e debdo de seruidunbre que en la tu merçed yo he, traspasasse yo en mi toda la mayor carga que yo pudiesse tomar deste tu cuydado; por que por el plazer de la mi esplanaçion, que en las mis palabras atiendes, ouiesses buena fiuza de sofrir lo aduenidero, e toda via que la verdat non te fuesse negada por amorio que contigo ouiesse, maguer que en algunas cosas o en todo pudiesses tomar mayor pessar de lo que tienes. Rey alto e poderoso, sabe que yo, commo obediente al tu mandamiento, con cuydoso estudio seyendo partido de quales quier otros negoçios mundanales que a ello me agrauiassen, esforçe la materia sobre ello, escudriñe por todas partes el mi saber por cunplir lo que me enbiastes mandar e lo que por este estudio e mi entendimiento pude alcançar e acuerdo en que fuy ayuntado con otros grandes sabios syn vanderia e syn sospecha, e fablaron en esta materia commo quier non por manera de adeuinança, en que algunos rrahezes se ponen, la qual es rrepoyada en todo buen saber, e saluo sienpre antes e despues en cada lugar el solo e mejor [saber] de Dios e el su non semejante poderio, al qual toda cosa es ligera. E fue esta profeçia interpretada por la forma contenida, la qual es en cada seso della e cree que ha de seer trayda a esecuçion en la tu persona rreal, de lo qual Dios solo

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for itself all the honeycombs in the world and which will devour and take into its stomach all the world’s gold and then vomit it back up: it will recover and will not at first perish as a result of this malady. For the text says that first it will lose its wings and its plumage will burn dry in the sun; it will wander from door to door but no one will give it shelter; it will be confined in the forest where it will die twice: once to the world and once more before God; and in this way it will meet its end. Illustrious king, you asked me – for all is in your power, both to ask and to command – to consider just how earnest was, or might be, according to the need in which you find yourself, your great desire for clarification in your understanding of this prophecy, and how you can be given knowledge of it. You asked me, by virtue of friendship and of the debt of service that I owe to your Grace, to take upon myself as much as possible of the burden of this concern of yours, in order that through the satisfaction provided by the explanation that you expect me to give, you may be confident of enduring the things which are to come. Moreover, you requested that the truth should not be kept from you on account of my close friendship with you, even though some things – or, indeed, everything − that I say may cause you to have greater cause for sorrow than is at present the case. Illustrious and mighty king, I want you to know that, obedient to your command, through careful study and having removed myself from any worldly affairs that might have weighed upon me, I studied the related material meticulously, hunting through every part of my knowledge in order to carry out the task which you had written to entrust to me. What I managed to grasp by means of such study and through my own understanding was considered in collaboration with other men of great wisdom, without partisanship and without any lack of trust existing among us. They discussed this subject but not as though it were a riddle embodying some trivial matters − for this is condemned in all true scholarship − saving always, both first and last and in all places, the sole and superior wisdom of God and His power without peer, in comparison with which all things carry little weight. The prophecy was interpreted in terms of the meaning contained in each one of its elements. You may conclude that it is to apply to your

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te guarde, e en que manera ella es e ha de ser puedes saberlo por las esplanaçiones que se siguen. Rey alto ensalçado, sabe que esta profeçia enderezar a el hito de España contra el rrey que en ella era, que en fin del libro que me enbiaste dezir que seria rrey della, en la qual tierra agora non es visto seer rrey dende otro alguno sy non tu, que por derecho e antigüedad lo tienes, quanto mas pues que es manifiesto que tu eres el rrey en que la profeçia dize que nasçera entre los montes e la mar, ca el tu nasçimiento fue en la çibdat de Burgos, segund entendi, que bien puede seer dicho que es en tal comarca, e assy entiendo que el primero seso de los articulos de la propheçia que fabla del primer nasçimiento, que se prueua quanto cunple. Siguesse adelante que dize que esta aue assy nasçida, que sera comedora e rrobadora. Rey, sabe que los rreyes que comen de los aueres e algos e rrentas que a el non son deuidos son llamados estos tales, comedores e rrobadores; pues si tu comes e gastas de las tus rrentas propias al tu señorio convenientes, tu solo lo sabes; mas la tu fama es contraria, ca diz que tomas los algos e bienes de tus naturales e non naturales donde quier que los puedes auer, e fazes tomar e rrobar, e que esto, que non fazes por el puro derecho, e assy explana que el tu comer e rrobar sea tal commo lo que tiene la segunda explanaçion del segundo seso de la propheçia. Otrossi dize que todos los panares del mundo querra coger en sy. Rey, sabe que pensando sola mente en esta explanaçion, por traer a buena concordança creedera, que falle quando el rrey don Alfonso tu padre era bivo e avn despues de su finamiento e despues aca que rregnaste algund tienpo, que todos los del tu señorio biuian a grand plazer de la vida por las buenas costunbres de que husaua tu padre, e este plazer les finco assy pendiente despues del su finamiento, en tienpo del tu señorio, el qual plazer auian por tan deleytoso que bien pudian dezir que dulçor de panares de miel nin de otro sabor alguno

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own royal person; and from this may God, and God alone, preserve you! The manner of this − and the manner in which it is to be − you can learn from the explanations which follow. Illustrious and exalted king, I want you to be aware that this prophecy is directed towards Spain, against the king reigning over her. At the end of the book that you sent me it said that this person would be her ruler; and in this land there is now no man who can be viewed as king other than yourself, for you hold this position by right and by seniority. It is all the more apparent, then, that you are the king that the prophecy states will be born between the mountains and the sea, for – as I have understood it – you were born in the city of Burgos, which can indeed be said to lie in just such a region. And thus I understand that the first element of the text of the prophecy, which at the beginning talks about the birth, is proven to be entirely true. Next it is stated that this bird, born under such circumstances, will be voracious and thieving. My king, I want you to be aware that rulers who devour wealth, possessions and income which are not due to them are described in this way: voracious and thieving. For if you devour and consume your own income which belongs to the territory of which you are lord, you alone will know of it. However, your reputation goes against you, saying that you take the wealth and possessions both of your subjects and of others, wherever you have an opportunity to seize them, and that you have others take and steal, and that you do not do this by what is truly your right. And this demonstrates how your voracious and thieving nature coincides with the explanation of the second element of the prophecy. The prophecy also states that the bird will be hungry to take for itself all the honeycombs in the world. I want you to be aware, my king, that, as I devoted my thoughts solely to the explanation of this prophecy in order to give an interpretation of it worthy of belief, I found that, when your father King Alfonso was alive, and even after his death and after you had reigned for some time, all those who lived under your lordship did so in great pleasure as a result of the noble ways of your father. This pleasure, moreover, continued to be felt after his death and during the time when the people lived under your lordship: so great for them were its delights that they might well have

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non podria seer a ello comparado, de los quales plazeres son tirados tienpo ha todos los tus subditos por que tu eres el açidente dello por muchas amarguras e quebrantos e desafueros en que los as puesto, e pones de cada dia, faziendo en ellos muchas cruezas de sangre e de finamientos e otros muchos agrauios, los quales lengua non podria pronunçiar. Assy tengo que se explana este terçero seso desta profeçia de los panares, pues por el tu açidente fue el rrobador dellos. Otrossi dize que todo el oro del mundo metera en sy e en su estomago. Rey, sabe lo qual creo que eres bien sabidor, maguer paresçe que non curas dello, que tan manifiesta es la tu cubdiçia desordenada de que vsas que todos los que han el tu conosçimiento por vso e por vista, e avn eso mesmo por oydas, o por otra qual quier conversaçion, tienen que eres el mas señalado rrey cubdiçioso desordenado que en tienpos passados ouo aqui en Castilla nin en otros rregnos e tierras e senoríos; por que tan descubierta e tan manifiesta es e tan grande la tu cobdiçia que muestras en acresçentar tesoros desordenados que non tan sola mente abonda lo hordenado mas avn siguiendo mal a mal, que tomas e rrobas algos e bienes de las iglesias e casas de oraçiones; assi acresçientas estos thesoros, que te non vençe conçiençia nin vergüença, e tan grande es el acuçia que en la cubdiçia pones que fazes nueuas obras e fuertes, assi de castillos commo de otra fortalezas e lauores, do puedas asossegar estos tales thesoros por que non puedes caber con ellos en todo el mundo, andando fuyendo de vn lugar en otro toda via con ellos, que el partir dellos te es graue de lo prouar; por lo qual todos afirmando el testo de la propheçia en este caso, e bien creo que si en el tu estomago los pudieses meter, por te non partir dellos e traer lo contigo, que te ofreçerias a ello. E assaz se muestra assi seer verdat por que bien sabes quanto tienpo ha en commo el tu henemigo, que se titulo en el tu nonbre de rrey, es con otros tus enemigos, la segunda vez entrado por las tierras e señorios dende, e

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said that neither the sweetness of honeycombs nor that of any other taste could be compared to it. However, for some time your subjects have been deprived of these pleasures, and you have been the cause of this through the many bitter experiences, deep sorrows and acts of injustice to which you have subjected them and to which you continue to subject them each day, perpetrating on them many bloody atrocities, deaths and numerous other wrongs, such that no tongue could tell of them. And, since you were the cause of those pleasures being stolen from your people, this is how I consider that the third element of the prophecy, dealing with the honeycombs, is to be explained. The text also states that the bird will devour and take into its stomach all the world’s gold. My king, I want you to be aware that your inordinate greed is apparent. I believe that you already know this well, although it seems that you care little about it. Your greed is so manifest that those who know of you − from experience or from what they have seen or likewise through hearing about you or as a result of any dealings that they have had − all consider you to be the most conspicuous example of a king driven by inordinate greed that there has ever been here in Castile or in other kingdoms, lands and lordships. For so blatant, obvious and immense is the greed that you display in accumulating disproportionate amounts of treasure that not only are you not satisfied with what is seemly but, with evil following upon evil, you also take and steal wealth and possessions from churches and places of prayer.2 You amass your treasure unrestrained by conscience or shame and so intense is your greed that you undertake the construction of new buildings and strongholds, both castles and other fortifications and structures, in which you can store such treasures securely; for there is not enough space in the whole world to hold you and those treasures as you constantly flee with them from one place to another, since parting from them is hard to endure. All of this confirms what the present section of prophecy’s text says.3 I can well believe that, if you could fit your treasures into your stomach and carry them with you so as not to part with them, you would be prepared to do so. There is sufficiently clear evidence of the truth of this: you are well aware how long has passed since your enemy, who has taken for himself your title of king − together with others who are opposed to you − invaded for a second time the lands and lordships of

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donde tu te llamas rrey, afirmando el titulo que ha tomado rreal, e por non te partir desta cubdiçia faze te oluidar vergüença e bondad e estas te asentado en las postrimeras del tu señorio en esta frontera, açerca contigo de tus thesoros, pues de ti non los entiendes partir nin otrossi leuar contigo metidos en tu estomago, do los querrias poner si cosa fuesse e pudiesse seer; e dende oluidas la honrra e el estado que avies, el qual te va menguando cada dia: e assy tengo que se explana este quarto seso desta profeçia. Otrossy lo al que desto se sigue, do dize que lo gormara. Rey, çierto es que el mucho cobdiçioso cubdiçia, e con escaseza desordenada que es su hermana, allega thesoros en esta manera. Puede le contesçer ende bien, commo contesçio al omne gloton que pone en su estomago mas vianda de aquella que la natura pide que puede sofrir, assi por el poner la demasia [es] que el estomago non puede sofrir de gormar lo hordenado e lo desordenado, por lo qual non se puede escusar que non rrecresca por ello el açidente, el qual trae desmayo e flaqueza en todos los miembros, e pues tu por esta manera llegas thesoros con cubdiçia desordenada, tengo que te aura contesçer por esta mesma forma: que perderas lo hordenado por lo desordenado e comunal mente todo en vno que lo gormaras por superfluydad, que es su ocasion, e rrecresçer te ha por ello el açidente, el qual verna en ti aquella dolençia que diz que pone en este quinto seso desta profeçia Merlin, e non seria fallado rremedio de sanidad e assi tengo que es esplanado el quinto seso desta materia. Dize otrossy que se le secaran las peñolas e se caera la pluma. Rey, sabe que los philosofos naturales entre los otros negoçios que dellos manaron, que trataron muy biva mente en tales materias e semejantes seyendo puesto el caso e disputada la quistion entre ellos, e la absoluçion es esta: que las peñolas con que los rreyes ennoblesçen a si mesmos e anparan e defienden sus tierras e sus estados, que son los omnes grandes en sangre e en linaje, que son sus naturales, por

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which you call yourself ruler, reinforcing his claim to the royal title. And your unwillingness to renounce your greed makes you forget all sense of shame and all integrity, and you find yourself rooted to the spot on this frontier at the very edge of your kingdom, close to your treasures; for neither is it your intention to part with them nor can you carry them with you, held within your stomach, where you would like to keep them if such a thing were possible. As a result of this you are forgetting all about the honour and the prestige which you used to possess, and your standing is sinking lower day by day. And that is how I consider that this fourth element of the prophecy is to be explained. Let us also consider the following section, in which it is said that the bird will vomit it back up. My king, it is true that the man who is full of greed longs to acquire possessions and, together with the extreme miserliness which is the sister of covetousness, this leads him to amass treasure. In consequence the same thing can easily happen to him as happens to the glutton who fills his stomach with more food than nature requires or more than it can cope with: for in this way, as a result of being over-filled, the stomach cannot help vomiting up both what was sufficient and what was in excess, making the onset of illness inevitable, and this brings feebleness and loss of strength in all parts of the body. Since you in the same way amass treasures with inordinate greed, it is my belief that something similar is to happen to you: you will lose what was sufficient because of overindulgence and you will vomit it all up together out of excess, and you will be struck by sickness as a result, producing in you that illness which Merlin is said to mention in this fifth element of the prophecy; and no cure would be found. And this is how I consider that this fifth element of the prophecy is to be explained. The text also says that the bird will lose its wings and its plumage will burn dry in the sun. My king, I want you to be aware that the natural philosophers, among the other subjects on which scholarship flowed from them, dealt keenly with such and similar matters, with the arguments being set out and the question debated among them. Their conclusion is as follows: the plumage by means of which kings lend themselves nobility and protect and defend their lands and their estates consists of the men, distinguished in bloodline and in lineage,

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que estos son conparados e llamados ‘alas’ con que los rreyes buelan a vnas tierras e a otras, con quien fazen sus conssejos. E con las peñolas que destas tales alas se crian en los cuerpos de los rreyes, que ennoblesçen mucho sus personas e sus figuras, e que se fazen mucho apuestos por ello, e cresçen en su horgullo e apremian mucho en ello sus contrarios, e con estas alas pueden fazer muy ligeros buelos los rreyes quando los sus naturales son pagados dellos, en lo qual deuen mucho afirmar los rreyes por que entre ellos e los rreyes e los nobles en sangre non aya desmano a culpa del rrey; pero toda via guardando el conosçimiento rreal del rrey e la su alteza, lo qual en ninguna guisa non deue seer quebrado. E quando entre ellos assi se guarda ý es Dios terçero por guarda e por entre medianero e es el rrey çierto de sus alas en el tienpo de los menesteres, de lo qual desplaze mucho a sus enemigos, e desto todo, por tu ventura, muestrase contra ti lo contrario, por lo qual temo que la propheçia quiere çerrar en ti de grado en grado, siguiendosse a essecuçion, que en ti non ay ya alas de buelo nin peñolas con que afermoses tu persona rreal, assy que non paresçe seer en ti esfuerço alguno por fazer boladura syn lision de tu cuerpo o sin grand daño de tu estado, ca tus mal querientes pujan en la tu osadia, e puesto que alguna muestra quieras fazer so color de buelo diziendo que tienes plumas, sabe que muy fuerte cosa e muy graue es de encobrir lo que manifiesto es, ca esas tus plumas, con quien esa tu color piensas fazer, non son tales con que puedas fazer buelo ninguno por pequeño que sea syn te estar aparejada la lision ante dicha, mayor mente para el grand menester en que estas, ca lo manifiesto de ti es que las plumas enteras en los [codillos] que solias auer en tus alas con que bolar solias, que son caydas pues los tus naturales todos, los mas nobles e mas poderosos que a esto eran conparados, que fasta aqui tenias por peñolas de tu buelo, han puesto en oluido el amorio que te solian auer, e el señorio tuyo que fasta aqui obedesçian trataronlo

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who are their vassals; for these are compared with and described as “wings” with which kings fly from one territory to another and it is with them that they take their counsel. Through the plumage of these wings growing on the bodies of kings, their person and their appearance acquire great nobility. It gives them an air of great elegance and they grow in pride and it is a powerful means by which to subdue their enemies. With these wings kings can fly with great ease when their vassals are contented with them: and on this kings must place great importance so that between them and those of noble blood no wrong occurs through fault of the king, although at all times it is necessary to recognize his exalted position, which in no way must be infringed. Moreover, when this relationship is preserved between them and God is present as an arbiter and intermediary and when the king is certain of his wings in times of need, his enemies suffer great discomfort. Your fate, however, is proving to be quite the contrary of all of this: as a result of which I fear that the prophecy is about to close in on you, step by step, steadily moving on towards its fulfilment, for you no longer have feathers for flight or plumage to enhance your royal person, so that you appear now to lack the strength which would enable you to fly without suffering serious injury to your body or grave harm to your standing. The audacity shown towards you by your adversaries is increasing and, even if you seek to give some appearance of flight, claiming that you do possess feathers, you should be aware that it is a serious matter and one of great consequence to disguise what is apparent: for those feathers of yours with which you seek to create that appearance are not such as to enable you to undertake any flight, however limited, without the prospect of suffering the injury of which I have spoken. This is especially true in view of the situation of dire need in which you find yourself: for what is apparent about your position is that whole feathers and the joints of your wings which previously enabled you to fly have all fallen away, since all your vassals, the most noble and the most powerful to whom this comparison applied – those that until now you had considered to be the plumage with which to support your flight − have forgotten all about the affection in which they used to hold you. They have negotiated with your opponent the same bonds of allegiance which used to keep them in obedience to

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con el tu contrario. E la ocasion e el açidente por quien vino, fuera de Dios, tu eres el sabidor dello, e assy tengo que en esto se despone este sesto seso de la dicha profeçia. Otrossi avn dize mas, que andara este rrey de puerta en puerta e que ninguno non lo querra acoger. Rey, sabed que todos lo sabemos que tan manifiesto es solamente esto contra ti: que synple saber de qual quier omne puede fazer su esplanaçion por que, mal pecado, tengo que los del tu señorio non quieren acogerte, yrado nin pagado, en quanto ellos pudiessen, por que sienpre quesiste que de los tuyos fuesses mas temido que loado e amado, e commo quier que en esa çibdat do estas agora asentado te ouiesses apoderar, pero Dios te libre del poderio del diablo por que del non sean tentados los que ý son para que fagan algund mouimiento contra la tu persona; ca oy dezir que dizen de ti e he temor que se querran mouer contra ty e assi tengo que se desplana la rrazon deste seteno seso. Dize otrossy que se ençerrara en la selua e que morra ý dos vezes. Rey, sabe que lo que ami fue mas graue e el mayor afan que en esto tome, sy fue por apurar el seso deste vocablo que dize “en la selua”, e para esto acarrea su entrepetraçion en esta guisa. Yo rrequeri los libros de las conquistas que pasaron fasta aqui entre las casas de Castilla e de Granada e de Benamarin, e por los libros de los fechos mas antigos que ý pasaron, falle escrito que quando la tierra que llaman de Alcaraz en el tu señorio, era poblada de los nuestros moros e fue perdida, e fue cobrada de los christianos, que auia çerca della vn castillo, que a ese tienpo era llamado por nonbre “Selua”, el qual falle por estos mesmos libros que a essa sazon perdio luego este nonbre que auia de “Selua” e fue llamado por otro nonbre “Montiel” e que agora que asi es llamado, e assy tu eres aquel rrey que la profeçia dize que ha de seer ý ençerrado: luego esta es la selua o el lugar del ençerramiento segund por esta propheçia se pone, e en el auran de contesçer estas muertes e lo al que la profeçia dize. Dios solo es dello sabidor, al

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you. Of the cause and the instrument which brought this about, apart from God, you are well aware. And so I consider that this is how the sixth element of the prophecy is to be interpreted. The text also adds that the bird will wander from door to door but no one will give it shelter. My king, you should be aware that we all know this to be so clearly directed at you that it can be interpreted by the simple learning possessed by any man. For, to your great misfortune, it is my belief that – as far as it is within their power − those who live under your lordship are not willing to accept you whether your mood is one of anger or of contentment, because you have always desired to be feared rather than praised and loved by your people. Moreover, even if in that city where you are now established you were to be firmly in control, may God preserve you from the power of the Devil lest the people there be tempted by him to take part in some movement against your person. For I have heard what they are saying about you and I fear that they will try to move against you; and this is how I believe that the meaning of this seventh element is to be interpreted. The prophecy also says that the bird will be confined in the forest where it will die twice. My king, I wish to tell you that the part of this task which caused me the greatest difficulty and over which I toiled the most was the elucidation of the phrase “in the forest”, whose interpretation involved the following steps: firstly I sought out the books on the wars of conquest which have taken place up to the present day between the houses of Castile, Granada and Banū Marīn, and in those dealing with the events of greatest antiquity I discovered an account dealing with the time when the territory under your lordship which was known as Alcaraz was inhabited by our Moors and subsequently was lost and conquered by the Christians.4 Nearby there was a castle, at that time known as Selva, which means “forest”. As I discovered in those same books, shortly afterwards the castle lost this name of Selva and was given the different one of Montiel, and that is what it is currently called. Thus, you are that king who, according to the prophecy, is to be confined there and this, therefore, is the forest or place of confinement to which this prophecy refers. It is there that these deaths are to take place together with the other events mentioned in the prophecy. Only God has knowledge of this,

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qual solo pertenesçe los tales secretos. E por que en este lugar canso el mi saber en este caso segund que era menester e non puedo mas alcançar, ca lo puse a mayor otro lugar e non ouo por industria, saluo por quanto se dexo vençer de alguna opinion que la mi ymaginaçion non parte despues aqui de sy, que tienen que bien assy commo en cada vno de los otros mienbros esta propheçia faze contra ti en cada materia, segund se sigue por las prouanças, que bien assy yra faziendo su curso por conclusion del vno al otro, de grado en grado, contra esta aue negra, que assi dize que nasçera, en la qual todas estas cosas han de seer conplidas. E por que el postrimero seso en que faze conclusion del ençerramiento e de la muerte seria antes adeuinança que non alcançamiento de saber, lo qual en todo buen saber deue ser rrepoyado, dexa su explanaçion a aquel en quien es el poderio, que lo tal rreserua en sus secretos, e tu ventura que la quiera Dios guiar e desuiar, por que las cosas ante dichas non ayan lugar de fazer en ti la esecuçion que trae tan espantosa, en lo qual yo seria muy agradable, maguer en mis juizios fincasse contrario e non verdadero, lo qual seria muy ligero e agradable de lo sofrir, por que mayor buena andança seria a mi en la tu merçed del bien e vida segura que ouiesses, que non del contrario que temo. E en lo que cunpliere mandame commo a tuyo e en esto me faras grand plazer, mas non me escriuas este vocablo “rrogar”, por que en el tu rruego me fazes pesar e enojo, pues non me cae en rrazon, e sy algo fuy atreuido, non culpes la mi osadia por que de la parte del tu cuydoso seso me atreui e mandaste por tu carta que la verdat desto non te fuesse negada en aquello que el mi saber alcançasse. E yo fablo contigo segund lo entendi sobre ello, mas non por otra çertidunbre que pudiesse yo afirmar; pero sy en la tu corte hay omnes justos e sabidores de quien las tales cosas non se encubren, sometome a la mejor correbçion del su saber. Escrita en Granada.’

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since such secrets belong to Him alone; for at this point my mind grew tired with this part of the task, as was inevitable, and it is not possible for me to make out any more. I set my intellect in another, loftier place and it remained at rest except insofar as it allowed itself to be overcome by a belief which since then has remained in my mind. This is that, just as in each of the other elements, this prophecy applies to you in every respect, as follows from the arguments, which will thus progress from conclusion to conclusion, step by step, applied to this black bird whose birth is described in the prophecy, and through which all these things are to become reality. Since the final element, which contains the conclusion alluding to confinement and death, would amount to solving a riddle rather than the application of learning, and this in all true scholarship must be rejected, its explanation is left to the One in whom power resides and who retains such matters among His secrets. May God guide your fortune and prevent the events which have been described from bringing upon you so awful a conclusion. I would take great pleasure if this were to happen, even though as a result I would prove to be mistaken and wide of the truth in my judgements: it would be easy and pleasant to bear, for I would gain greater satisfaction from your enjoyment of prosperity and security than from its opposite, which is what I fear. In whatever you require, command me as your servant and by doing so you will give me great pleasure, but do not write to me using this word “request”, because with this word “request” you cause me unhappiness and annoyance, as it does not strike me as right. If I have been somewhat audacious, do not criticize my boldness, for it was on behalf of your troubled mind that I dared to speak freely; and your command in your letter was that the truth should not be kept from you inasfar as my learning could fathom it. I am speaking to you according to what I have understood of this matter, but not with any other certainty of which I could give firm knowledge. However, if in your court there are other just and scholarly men from whose understanding the meaning of such matters is not concealed, I submit myself to correction by their superior wisdom. Written in Granada.’

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Capitulo IIIIº. Commo el rrey don Enrrique sopo commo el rrey don Pedro queria partir de la çibdat de Seuilla para venir a acorrer a la çibdat de Toledo, que la tenia çercada el dicho rrey don Enrrique segund dicho es. El rrey don Enrrique estando en el rreal que tenia sobre la çibdat de Toledo sopo que el rrey don Pedro queria partir de la çibdat de Seuilla e queria en todas guisas venir a acorrer la çibdat de Toledo. E enbio luego sus cartas al maestre de Santiago don Gonçalo Mexia e al maestre de Calatraua don Pero Moñiz e a los otros caualleros que estauan en Cordoua, que luego que sopiessen que el rrey don Pedro partia de Seuilla, que ellos partiesen de Cordoua e veniessen sienpre en par del, poniendo sus guardas commo cunpliessen e que supiessen que su voluntad era de pelear con el dicho rrey don Pedro, e que esse mesmo mandamiento auia fecho a todos los caualleros e gentes de armas suyos que estauan en Castilla e en Leon, que luego se veniessen para el al rreal do estaua. E los maestres de Santiago e de Calatraua e los otros señores e caualleros que estauan en Cordoua desque vieron las cartas que el rrey don Enrrique enbiara commo dicho es, luego se aperçibieron e dexaron hordenados aquellos que en la dicha çibdat de Cordoua auian de fincar por guarda de la çibdat, e todos los otros luego que supieron que el rrey don Pedro partia de Seuilla, partieron de Cordoua e touieron sienpre su camino allegandose a Toledo segund que el rrey don Pedro fazia. E quando el rrey don Pedro llego a la Puebla de Alcoçer, que es en la comarca e tierra de Toledo, ellos llegaron a Villa Real, que estaua por el rrey don Enrrique, que esta a diez e ocho leguas de Toledo. E eran los maestres e los otros señores e caualleros que partieron de Cordoua, entre los castellanos e ginetes, mill e quinientos omnes de armas. E el rrey don Enrrique que estaua en el rreal que tenia sobre la çibdat de Toledo que tenia çercada, sopo por çierto commo el rrey

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1369: CHAPTER IV How King Enrique learned that King Pedro was intending to leave the city of Seville in order to come to the assistance of the city of Toledo, which – as has already been explained – was being besieged by King Enrique’s forces. While King Enrique was in his encampment outside the city of Toledo, he received reports that King Pedro was intending to set out from Seville and that he wished at all costs to come to the aid of the city of Toledo. He lost no time in writing to Don Gonzalo Mejía, master of Santiago, to Don Pero Muñiz, master of Calatrava, and to the other knights who were in Córdoba, instructing them that as soon as they knew that King Pedro was leaving Seville they should set out from Córdoba and shadow his progress closely, leaving a garrison in the city as was necessary; they should be aware that King Enrique intended to do battle with King Pedro and that he had sent a similar command to all his knights and men-at-arms in Castile and in León, instructing them all to report to him in his encampment without delay. Once the masters of Santiago and Calatrava and the other lords and knights in Córdoba saw the letters which – as we already have said – King Enrique had sent, they at once made ready, leaving in place the men who were to remain behind to guard the city of Córdoba. The rest of them, as soon as they heard that King Pedro was leaving Seville, set out from Córdoba, always following his path and, just like him, heading for Toledo. As King Pedro reached Puebla de Alcocer, which is in the area and the territory of Toledo, the men shadowing him arrived in Villa Real, which had given its support to King Enrique and is situated 18 leagues from Toledo. The troops accompanying the masters and the other lords and knights who set out from Córdoba, including Castilian horsemen and light cavalry, numbered 1,500 men-at-arms. King Enrique, who was in his encampment outside the besieged city of Toledo, received confirmed reports that King Pedro had

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don Pedro llegara a Alcantara e auia alli cogido las conpañas que le venian de Castilla e que eran ya en la Puebla de Alocoçer. Otrosi sopo commo los maestres de Santiago e de Calatraua e los otros señores que estauan por el e caualleros que eran de su partida que estauan en la çibdat de Cordoua eran partidos de la dicha çibdat e estauan en Villa Real. E desque todo esto esto fue çierto, ordeno de dexar çercada la çibdat de Toledo segunt estaua, por quanto en la çibdat non estauan si non pocas conpañas, que ya auia diez meses e medio que la tenian çercada e eran muchos de los que estauan dentro en ella, sallidos e venidos a la su merçed; otrossi muchos muertos e gastados e non tenian ya cauallos, de la grand fanbre que en la çibdat auia, ca la fanega de trigo en pan cozido valia mill e dozientos marauedis, e assi segund esto valian todas las otras viandas muy caras, e avn assy non las auian e comian los cauallos e las mulas, e eran ya menguadas muchas de las gentes de guisa que estauan en la çibdat muy pocas; pero la çibdat es tan fuerte que pocos omnes la defendieran. E por esta rrazon dexo ý gentes de las suyas que guardasen la dicha çerca segund diremos.

Capitulo Vº. Commo el rrey don Enrrique acordo de yr a pelear con el rrey don Pedro. El rrey don Enrrique ouo su consejo que nin sabia çierto sy el rrey don Pedro venia por le dar batalla o por le fazer leuantar de la çerca por alguna manera, e pues la batalla estaua en dubda, que le cunplia dexar la çibdat çercada por que si la batalla non se fiziesse, non perdiesse el rrey don Enrrique el tienpo e trabajo que pusiera en la tener çercada, ca se rresçelaua que el rrey don Pedro fiziesse senblante que queria dar batalla, e en tanto que viesse la çibdat desçercada e al rrey don Enrrique leuantado del rreal, que faria commo pusiessen viandas en Toledo. E por esto ouo el rrey don Enrrique su consejo de dexar gentes

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reached Alcántara, where he had met up with the troops coming to join him from Castile, who were now in Puebla de Alcocer. He also heard that the masters of Santiago de Calatrava, the other lords who supported him and the knights in Córdoba who were his allies had left that city and were now in Villa Real. Once all of this was known for certain, he gave instructions that the city of Toledo was to be kept under siege: there were only a few troops in the city, for they had been besieging it for ten and a half months, many of the people who had been inside had come out to place themselves at his mercy and many were dead or exhausted. They no longer had any horses, as a result of the serious shortage of food in the city, for a fanega of wheat in the form of baked bread cost 1,200 maravedís.5 Likewise all other provisions were extremely expensive: even so they were impossible to obtain and people ate horses and mules. The number of defenders had diminished to the point that very few remained in the city, but it is so well fortified that it could have been defended by just a small force. So for this reason King Enrique left some of his troops there to maintain the siege, as we shall relate.

1369: CHAPTER V How King Enrique resolved to go and do battle with King Pedro. King Enrique consulted his advisers. He did not know for certain whether King Pedro was coming to do battle with him or in order to oblige him in some way to raise the siege. He determined that, since the battle was in doubt, it was best for him to continue with the siege of the city. This was so that, in the case of the battle not taking place, King Enrique would not have wasted the time and effort that he had put into besieging the city: there was a suspicion that King Pedro was making a show of intending to give battle and that, as soon as he saw that the siege had been raised and that King Enrique had left his encampment, he would have provisions taken into Toledo. For this reason King Enrique resolved to leave some of his troops in the encampment outside the city

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de las suyas en el rreal sobre la çibdat de Toledo por que fincasse çercada e en este acuerdo fueron todos los que con el eran. E dexo el rrey don Enrrique sobre la çibdat de Toledo en el rreal, al arçobispo de Toledo don Gomez Manrrique, que era vn muy grand perlado e de grand linaje e tenia conssigo muy buena conpaña de omnes de armas. E dexo ý a Pero Gonçalez de Mendoça, mayordomo mayor del infante don Iohan su fijo, e a don Ferrand Perez de Ayala e a don Diego Garçia de Toledo e a Diego Gomez de Toledo e otros caualleros e escuderos con ellos, que eran seysçientos omnes de armas e pieça de ballesteros e peones con ellos. E el rrey don Enrrique partio del rreal de Toledo e fuesse para vna villa que dizen Orgaz, que es a çinco leguas de Toledo, e alli venieron a el los maestres de Santiago e de Calatraua e don Iohan Alfonso de Guzman, que fue despues conde de Niebla, e don Alfonso Ferrandez de Monte Mayor, adelantado mayor de la frontera, e don Gonçalo Ferrandez de Cordoua, e Diego Ferrandez su hermano, alguazil mayor de Cordoua e muchos otros caualleros e escuderos que estauan en Cordoua. Otrossy alli llego a el mossen Beltran de Claquin, que venia de Françia, e eran con el e con otros estrangeros que el rrey tenia primero consigo, fasta seysçientas lanças. E assi ayunto el rrey don Enrrique alli todas sus conpañas para pelear, que pudian seer todas fasta tres mill lanças, e de ginetes e omnes de pie non curo de ayuntar saluo aquellos omnes que yuan con los señores e caualleros, e segund cada dia solian andar. E alli fizo el rrey don Enrrique toda su hordenança de la batalla con acuerdo e consejo de los que ý eran con el, e mando que la auanguarda ouiesse mossen Beltran de Claquin e el maestre de Santiago don Gonçalo Mexia e don Pero Moñiz maestre de Calatraua e don Iohan Alfonso de Guzman e los otros caualleros de Cordoua que alli eran, e toda la otra gente que fuesse con el en otra batalla. E non fizo otras alas nin mas batallas. E partio el rrey don Enrrique de Orgaz e luego sopo commo el rrey don Pedro pasara por el campo de Calatraua e que era çerca de vn lugar e castillo de la horden de Santiago que dizen Montiel e que la conpaña que ally venia con el era esta: don Ferrando de Castro e el

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of Toledo in order to maintain the state of siege; and all those present were in agreement. In the encampment outside the city of Toledo King Enrique left Archbishop Gómez Manrique of Toledo, a prelate of very high standing and distinguished lineage who had a fine company of menat-arms at his service. He also left there Pero González de Mendoza, chief steward to his son Prince Juan, Don Fernán Pérez de Ayala, Don Diego García de Toledo and Diego Gómez de Toledo, and with them some other knights and squires: a force amounting to 600 men-at-arms together with a good number of crossbowmen and footsoldiers. King Enrique set out from the encampment at Toledo and headed for a town called Orgaz, situated five leagues from Toledo, and there he was joined by the masters of Santiago and Calatrava and by Don Juan Alfonso de Guzmán, who was later to become count of Niebla, Don Alfonso Fernández de Montemayor, governor general of the Frontier region, Don Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba and his brother Diego Fernández, head constable of Córdoba, and many other knights and squires who had been in Córdoba. Another arrival was Monsieur Bertrand du Guesclin, who had come from France, together with a number of other foreigners – as many as 600 lances – who had accompanied the king in the past. And so at Orgaz King Enrique drew up all his forces ready to fight: probably altogether as many as 3,000 lances. He did not trouble to assemble a force of light cavalry or men on foot, with the exception of those who habitually accompanied the lords and knights. There and then King Enrique drew up his battle formation with the agreement and advice of the men accompanying him. He instructed that the vanguard was to be composed of Monsieur Bertrand du Guesclin, the master of Santiago Don Gonzalo Mejía, the master of Calatrava Don Pero Muñiz, Don Juan Alfonso de Guzmán and the other knights from Córdoba who were present, while all the other troops were to be with him in the other batallion. He drew up no other flanks and no other batallions. King Enrique set off from Orgaz and quickly learned how King Pedro had crossed the Territory of Calatrava and was close to a town and castle belonging to the Order of Santiago and bearing the name of Montiel.6 King Pedro had with him Don Fernando de Castro, the

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conçejo de Seuilla e de Carmona e Xerez e Eçija, e Ferrand Alfonso de Çamora e los que con el estauan; otrossi caualleros e escuderos e otros que estauan por su partida en Mayorga, que pudian seer todos castellanos e ginetes tres mill lanças, e caualleros de moros que el rrey de Granada le enbiara en su ayuda, con vn cauallero de Granada que venia con ellos por mayor, eran mill e quinientos de cauallo. E sopo el rrey don Enrrique que el rrey don Pedro era en Montiel: pero dizianle que queria desuiar el camino que primero truxiera e que queria yr camino de Alcaraz, que estaua por el, pero non lo sabia çierto.

Capitulo VIº. Commo fue la pelea de Montiel. El rrey don Enrrique ouo su consejo de acuçiar su camino quanto pudiesse e catar manera commo peleasse con el rrey don Pedro, ca sabia que si la guerra se alongasse que el rrey don Pedro auria de cada dia muchas aventajas. E por esto ouo su consejo e acordo de acuçiar la batalla e fizolo assy. E andudo quanto pudo en guisa que llego çerca del dicho castillo de Montiel do estaua el rrey don Pedro. E algunos de los que yuan con el ponian fuego por la tierra por veer el camino, ca la noche era muy escura. E el rrey don Pedro non sabia nueuas çiertas del rrey don Enrrique nin que era partido del rreal que tenia sobre la çibdat de Toledo, e tenia sus conpañas derramadas por las aldeas enderredor de Montiel, ca dellos posauan dos leguas dende e otros a vna legua de Montiel donde el estaua, e assy estauan todos. E aquella noche el alcayde del castillo de Montiel, que era vn cauallero de la horden de Santiago e comendador de Montiel que dizian Garçi Moran, que era asturiano, e el e los suyos vieron grandes fuegos a dos leguas del lugar de Montiel, e fizieronlo saber al rrey don Pedro commo paresçian grandes fuegos a dos leguas del castillo donde el estaua, e que catassen si eran de sus enemigos. E el rrey don Pedro dixo que pensaua que serian don

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militias of Seville, Carmona, Jerez and Écija, and Fernán Alfonso de Zamora and those in his company; and also in his army were knights, squires and others of his supporters from Mayorga, amounting to some 3,000 lances, including Castilian horsemen and light cavalry. In addition there were Moorish knights – 1,500 horsemen – sent to aid him by the king of Granada, with a knight from Granada as their commander. King Enrique learned that King Pedro was in Montiel. He was told that his adversary intended to make a detour from his original route and head for Alcaraz, which had given him its support, but he did not know this for certain.

1369: CHAPTER VI How the battle of Montiel was fought. King Enrique determined to hasten his pace as much as possible and seek a way of engaging King Pedro in battle, for he was aware that if the war became drawn out King Pedro would gain considerable advantage with every day that passed. For this reason he consulted his advisers and decided to try to precipitate the battle. He acted accordingly, advancing as quickly as he could in order to reach the castle of Montiel where King Pedro had installed himself. Some of those accompanying King Enrique lit fires along the ground so as to make out their way, for it was a very dark night. King Pedro knew nothing for certain of King Enrique, not even that he had left his camp outside the city of Toledo. He had his forces spread out through the villages around Montiel: all scattered, some of them billeted two leagues away, others one league from where he was in Montiel. That night the governor of Montiel castle – a knight of the Order of Santiago, an Asturian by the name of Garci Morán –, together with his men, saw large fires burning two leagues away from Montiel. They informed King Pedro that these fires could be seen two leagues from where he was in the castle and they advised him that they should investigate whether they had been lit by his enemies. King

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Gonçalo Mexia e don Pero Moñiz e los que partieran de Cordoua, e que se yuan juntar con los que estauan sobre el rreal de Toledo. E esto era por que non sabia ningunas nueuas. Pero el rrey don Pedro enbio luego sus cartas a todos los suyos que posauan en las aldeas que al alua del dia fuessen luego con el en el lugar de Montiel donde el estaua. E quando fue grand mañana, otro dia, llego el rrey don Enrrique e los suyos, que de la media noche auian andado a vista del lugar de Montiel. E las gentes del rrey don Pedro que el enbiara al camino do paresçian los fuegos tornaronsse diziendo al rrey don Pedro commo el rrey don Enrrique e los suyos venian muy çerca. E el rrey don Pedro e los suyos armaronsse e pusieron su batalla çerca del dicho logar de Montiel e los que posauan en las aldeas, de los suyos, non eran llegados todos. E el rrey don Enrrique aderesço sus gentes para la batalla, e mossen Beltran de Claquin e los maestres de Santiago e de Calatraua e los otros señores e caualleros e los de Cordoua, que eran en la auanguarda, quando mouieron por yr a la batalla para juntar con los del rrey don Pedro, toparon en vn valle que non pudieron pasar. E el rrey don Enrrique e los que con el yuan, que era la segunda batalla, pasaron por la otra parte e aderesçaron para los pendones del rrey don Pedro e luego que llegaron a ellos fueron desbaratados, que el rrey don Pedro nin los que con el eran nin los moros non se touieron punto nin mas, antes començaron de se yr. E los del rrey don Enrrique, los vnos siguieron los moros e alcançaron e mataron dellos e los otros se detouieron peleando con los del rrey don Pedro fasta que el rrey don Pedro se ençerro en el castillo de Montiel, que estaua ý luego e algunos de los suyos con el, e algunos morieron e otros fuyeron. E fue esta batalla miercoles catorze dias de março deste dicho año a ora de prima. E en esta batalla non morieron de los del rrey don Pedro omnes de cuenta, saluo vn cauallero de Cordoua que dizian Iohan Ximenez, e la rrazon por que pocos morieron fue por que los vnos posauan en las aldeas, que non eran llegados a la batalla, e los otros que ý eran rrecogieron se con el rrey al castillo de Montiel.

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Pedro said he thought that it would be Don Gonzalo Mejía and Don Pero Muñiz and the men who had set out from Córdoba, who were on their way to join up with those in the encampment outside Toledo. All this was because he had received no reports. However, King Pedro promptly wrote summoning all those of his men who were billeted in the villages, instructing them to join him in Montiel at dawn. Then, when the next day dawned, King Enrique and his troops arrived, having marched through the night in view of Montiel castle. The men that King Pedro had sent out onto the road where the fires could be seen returned to him with reports of how King Enrique and his forces were drawing very close. King Pedro and his troops armed ready for combat and drew up their battle lines near to the town of Montiel, although those who had been billeted in the surrounding villages had not yet all arrived. King Enrique headed his troops straight towards the field of battle. Monsieur Bertrand du Guesclin, the masters of Santiago and Calatrava, the other lords and knights and the men from Córdoba, all of whom were in the vanguard, when they moved forward towards the place where they were to join battle with King Pedro’s troops, found themselves in a valley along which they could not advance. However, King Enrique and those with him in the second section of the army, passed along the other side of the valley and made straight for his adversary’s standards. As soon as they reached them, King Pedro’s forces gave way: neither he nor the troops in his company nor the Moors held firm for any length of time but instead they began to retreat. Of King Enrique’s troops, some pursued the Moors, catching them up and killing a number of them, and the others remained behind, continuing to fight with King Pedro’s army until he took refuge, together with some of his men, in the nearby castle of Montiel. Some of his supporters were killed and others fled. The battle had taken place at the hour of Prime on Wednesday the 14th of March of the year in question.7 No men of distinction among King Pedro’s troops died in this battle, with the exception of a knight from Córdoba by the name of Juan Jiménez. The reason why few men died was that some of the troops had been billeted in the surrounding villages and had not arrived in time for the battle, whilst others who had taken part withdrew with the king into the castle of Montiel.

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Capitulo VIIº. Commo Martin Lopez de Cordoua, que se llamaua maestre de Calatraua sopo commo el rrey don Pedro era vençido e tornosse para Carmona. Luego que la batalla de Montiel fue desbaratada segund dicho es, algunos de los del rrey don Pedro que partieron de ally fallaron a Martin Lopez de Cordoua, que el rrey fiziera maestre de Calatraua, en Baeça, que venia con conpañas al rrey don Pedro para seer con el en la batalla, e contaron le commo el rrey don Pedro e los que con el eran fueron desbaratados. E el maestre don Martin Lopez desque estas nueuas sopo tornosse para Carmona do estauan los fijos del rrey don Pedro, los cuales eran estos. El rrey don Pedro despues que morio doña Maria de Padilla, ouo fijos de vna dueña que estaua en su casa e criara al infante don Alfonso su fijo e ouo dos fijos della, vno que dizian don Sancho e otro que dizian don Diego, e queria los el rrey don Pedro muy grand bien a la madre e a ellos, e dexara los en Carmona. Otrossi estauan en Carmona otros fijos que el rrey don Pedro ouiera de otras dueñas. E el maestre don Martin Lopez luego que en Carmona llego, apoderosse de todo lo que ý era assi de thesoro commo de los alcaçares de la villa, que son tres, e auia los fechos e enfortalesçidos mucho e basteçidos de muchas viandas e de muchas armas el rrey don Pedro. Recogieronsse con el dicho Martin Lopez en la dicha villa de Carmona fasta ochoçientos omnes de cauallo castellanos e ginetes e muchos ballesteros.

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1369: CHAPTER VII How Martín López de Córdoba, who termed himself master of Calatrava, learned that King Pedro had been defeated, and how he returned to Carmona. Shortly after they had been put to flight in the battle of Montiel, as we have described, in Baeza some of King Pedro’s supporters who had left the battlefield came across Martín López de Córdoba, whom the king had created master of Calatrava. He was coming with companies of troops to fight on King Pedro’s side in the battle and they told him how King Pedro and his army had been defeated. On hearing this news, Don Martín López, the master, returned to Carmona to join the sons and daughters of King Pedro. Among them were two sons that, after the death of Doña María de Padilla, he had fathered by a lady of his household who had brought up his son Don Alfonso; one was called Don Sancho and the other Don Diego, and King Pedro, who was very fond both of them and of their mother, had left them in Carmona.8 Also in Carmona there were some more children that King Pedro had fathered by other ladies. As soon as Don Martín López, the master, arrived in Carmona, he took charge of everything there, both the treasure and the town’s alcázares – of which there are three –, which King Pedro had built up, fortified heavily and equipped with a large supply of provisions and arms. Together with Martín López, some 800 Castilian horsemen and light cavalry and also a large number of crossbowmen withdrew into the town of Carmona.

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Capitulo VIIIº. Commo el rrey don Pedro sallio de Montiel e morio. El rrey don Enrrique desque ouo desbaratado la dicha pelea de Montiel e vio al rrey don Pedro acogido al castillo que ý era, puso muy grand acuçia en fazer çercar de piedra seca [faziendo] una pared al lugar de Montiel [enderredor] por rreçelo que el rrey don Pedro non se fuesse de ally. E asy fizo e puso muy grandes guardas de dia e de noche enderredor del lugar de Montiel por rreçelo que el rrey don Pedro non se fuesse de alli. Asi fue que estaua con el rrey don Pedro en el castillo de Montiel vn cauallero de Gallizia que dizian Men Rodriguez de Senabria, que auia seydo preso en la villa de Briuiesca quando el rrey don Enrrique la tomo quando entrara en el rregno nueua mente, segund auemos contado. E mossen Beltran de Claquin por que aquel cauallero le dixo estonçe quando fuera preso que era natural de la tierra de Trastamara, que el rrey don Enrrique diera estonçe por condado al dicho Beltran de Claquin, pago su rrendiçion por el, que eran çient mill florines, a vn cauallero que le tenia preso que dizian mossen Bernal de la Sala, por lo qual el dicho Men Rodriguez estudo con mossen Beltran vn tienpo e despues partiosse del e fuesse para el rrey don Pedro. E por que conosçia el Men Rodriguez a mossen Beltran, fablo con el del castillo de Montiel, donde se acogera quando el rrey don Pedro fuera desbaratado e dixole que si a el pluguiesse que el queria fablar con el secreta mente. E mossen Beltran dixole que le plazia e seguro le que viniesse a el e el Men Rodriguez sallio de noche al mossen Beltran, por quanto mossen Beltran tenia la guarda de aquella partida donde el e los suyos posauan, e Men Rodriguez le dixo assi: ‘Señor mossen Beltran, el rrey don Pedro mi señor me mando que fablasse con vos e vos dize assi que vos sodes vn muy noble cauallero e que sienpre vos preçiastes de fazer fazañas de buenos fechos e que vos veedes el estado en que es el e que, si a vos pluguiesse de lo librar de aqui e poner en saluo e seguro e seer vos con el e de la su partida, que

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1369: CHAPTER VIII How King Pedro left Montiel and met his death. Once King Enrique had won the battle of Montiel and had seen King Pedro find protection in the nearby castle, he urgently set about having the castle and town of Montiel surrounded by a dry stone wall, in his concern that King Pedro should not get away. He took this measure and, lest the king escape, he had Montiel heavily guarded day and night. It happened that with King Pedro in the castle of Montiel there was a Galician knight called Men Rodríguez de Sanabria. This man had been taken prisoner in the town of Briviesca when King Enrique had seized it after entering the kingdom for the second time, as we have related. Since at the time of his capture Men Rodríguez had told Monsieur Bertrand du Guesclin that he was a native of the lands of Trastámara, of which King Enrique had recently created Monsieur Bertrand count, the Breton knight had paid Men Rodríguez’s ransom – of 100,000 florins – to Monsieur Bernardon de la Salle, the knight who was holding him prisoner. As a result of this Men Rodríguez remained with Monsieur Bertrand for some time before taking his leave of him and going to join King Pedro. As Men Rodríguez knew Monsieur Bertrand, he spoke to him from the castle of Montiel, where he had taken refuge following King Pedro’s defeat, and told him that, if he was willing, he wished to talk with him in private. Monsieur Bertrand agreed to this and gave him a guarantee of safe conduct so that he could come to him. Men Rodríguez left the castle by night to meet Monsieur Bertrand, who was responsible for the guarding of the area where he and his men had their quarters. ‘Monsieur Bertrand,’ Men Rodríguez said to him, ‘my lord King Pedro has commanded me to speak with you: he says to you that you are a knight of outstanding nobility, that you have always prided yourself on committing deeds of great integrity and that you can see the position in which he finds himself. I am to tell you that, if you are willing to allow him to leave this place, escort him to safety,

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el vos dara las sus villas de Soria e Almaçan e Atiença e Monte Agudo e Deça e Moron por juro de heredad para vos e los que de vos vinieren. Otrossy que vos dara dozientas mill doblas de oro castellanas e yo pido vos por merçed que lo fagades assi, ca grand honrra auredes en acorrer vn rrey tan grande commo este, e que todo el mundo sepa que por vuestra mano cobra su vida e su rregno.’ E mossen Beltran dixo a Men Rodriguez: ‘Amigo, vos sabedes bien que yo so vn cauallero vasallo del rrey de Françia, mi señor e su natural, e por su mandado so venido aqui en esta tierra a seruir al rrey don Enrrique. Por quanto el rrey don Pedro tiene la parte de los ingleses e el es aliado con ellos, espeçial mente contra el rrey de Françia mi señor, e yo siruo al rrey don Enrrique e esto a sus gajes e a su sueldo, e non me cunple fazer cosa que contra su seruiçio e su honrra fuesse nin vos me lo deuriades consejar sy algund bien e cortesia de mi rreçibistes, e rruego vos que non me lo digades mas.’ E Men Rodriguez le dixo: ‘Señor mossen Beltran, yo entiendo que vos digo cosa que vos sea sin verguença e pido vos por merçed que ayades vuestro conssejo sobre ello.’ E mossen Beltran desque oyo todas las rrazones que el dicho Men Rodriguez le dixo, rrespondiole que pues tales rrazones le dizia que queria auisarsse e saber que le cunplia fazer en tal caso. E Men Rodriguez se torno al castillo de Montiel al rrey don Pedro. E algunos dixieron despues que Men Rodriguez dixera esto al mossen Beltran con arte e que fuera en conssejo por que el rrey don Pedro fuesse escarnesçido commo despues fue. E avn dizian que maguer que Men Rodriguez fue despues preso con el rrey don Pedro, quando el fue preso, que todo fue arte e sabiduria del dicho Men Rodriguez por quanto despues dio el rrey don Enrrique al dicho Men Rodriguez en Gallizia dos lugares, que son Alariz e Milmanda en tenençia e a Oynbra por juro de heredad; pero esto non paresçio despues asy, que Men Rodriguez era buen cauallero e non era de creer que el fiziesse tal cosa contra su señor, ca despues desto touo el sienpre la parte del rrey don Pedro e morio teniendo su partida del rrey don Pedro. E despues que esto asi paso entre el dicho mossen Beltran e el

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make yourself his ally and take his side in the conflict, he will grant you some of his towns – Soria, Almazán, Atienza, Monteagudo, Deza and Morón – for you and your descendants to enjoy as your own. He will also give you 200,000 gold Castilian doblas. I implore you to be willing to do this, for you will win great honour by assisting a king as great as this one and through everybody knowing that it is by your hand that he is regaining his life and his kingdom.’ ‘My friend,’ Monsieur Bertrand replied to Men Rodríguez, ‘you are well aware that I am a knight, vassal and subject of the king of France and it is at his command that I have come to this land to serve King Enrique. Since King Pedro has given his support to the English and is their ally, specifically against my lord the king of France, and I am in the service of King Enrique, in his employ and receiving his pay, it is not fitting that I should do anything which is disloyal to him or which brings him dishonour; nor, if you have received any benefit or courtesy from me, should you advise me to do it. So I ask you to say no more to me of this matter.’ ‘My lord Monsieur Bertrand,’ said Men Rodríguez, ‘it is my intention to put to you a proposal which brings you no shame and I beg you to seek counsel on it.’ Having heard all the arguments that Men Rodríguez put forward, Monsieur Bertrand replied that, in the light of such suggestions being made to him, he wished to seek advice and determine what it was right for him to do in such a case. Men Rodríguez returned to King Pedro in the castle of Montiel. Later it was claimed by some people that Men Rodríguez had said these things to Monsieur Bertrand with a different intention and that he had been part of a plan to trick King Pedro, as subsequently happened. It was also claimed that, although Men Rodríguez was later taken prisoner at the same time as King Pedro was captured, this was all trickery and cunning on the knight’s part, in view of the fact that King Enrique later gave Men Rodríguez tenure of the two villages of Alariz and Milmanda in Galicia as well as Oimbra as a permanent inheritance. However afterwards this did not appear to be true: Men Rodríguez was a fine knight and it was not to be believed that he would have acted in this way against his lord, since subsequently he always took the side of King Pedro and he died supporting his cause. After this encounter had taken place between Monsieur Bertrand

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dicho Men Rodriguez, otro dia mossen Beltran conto esta rrazon a caualleros e escuderos parientes e amigos suyos que alli eran con el, espeçial mente a vn su primo que dizian mossen Oliuer de Mauni e dixoles todas las rrazones que el Men Rodriguez le dixera, e que les demandaua consejo que faria. Enpero luego les fazia saber que en ninguna manera del mundo el non faria tal cosa seyendo el rrey don Pedro enemigo del rrey de Françia su señor, e eso mesmo del rrey don Enrrique, a cuyos gajes el estaua en su seruiçio, mas que les preguntaua que si esta rrazon que Men Rodriguez lo acometiera sy la diria al rrey don Enrrique o sy faria mas sobre ello ya que lo acometiera que el fiziesse cosa que fuesse contra seruiçio del rrey de Françia e el rrey don Enrrique a cuyas gajes el estaua, que era caso de trayçion. E los caualleros sus parientes con quien mossen Beltran tomo este conssejo le dixieron a mossen Beltran que ellos en esse mesmo conssejo eran, que el non fiziesse cosa que fuesse contra seruiçio del rrey de Françia, otrossi contra seruiçio del rrey don Enrrique a cuyas gajes el estaua e que bien sabia que el rrey don Pedro era enemigo del rrey de Françia por la amistad que tenia con el rrey de Ingla terra e con el prinçipe de Gales su fijo contra la casa de Françia. E dixeronle que les paresçia que esta rrazon la fiziesse luego saber al rrey don Enrrique, e el fizolo assi e dixole todas las rrazones que le dixera el dicho Men Rodriguez de Senabria. E el rrey don Enrrique ge lo agradesçio mucho e dixole que loado fuesse Dios, que mejor guisado tenia el de le dar aquellas villas e doblas que le prometiera el rrey don Pedro que non el. E dixole luego el rrey don Enrrique al dicho mossen Beltran que el ge las daria las villas que el rrey don Pedro le prometiera otrossy las doblas; pero que le rrogaua que el dixiesse a Men Rodriguez de Senabria quel rrey don Pedro viniesse a su posada del dicho mossen Beltran e le fiziesse seguro que le pornia en saluo, e desque ý fuesse que gelo fiziesse

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and Men Rodríguez, on the following day Monsieur Bertrand told some knights and squires, members of his family and friends of his who were present there with him – and in particular one of his cousins called Monsieur Olivier de Mauny – about what had been discussed. He informed them about all the proposals that Men Rodríguez had put to him and said that he was asking them for advice with regard to what he should do. However, he immediately made them aware that in no way in the world would he do such a thing, as King Pedro was an enemy of his lord the king of France and likewise of King Enrique, in whose pay and service he was. Moreover, he also asked them whether he should tell King Enrique about the proposal which Men Rodríguez had put to him, and whether he should take further action in this respect given that he had been urged to do something which was disloyal to the king of France and to King Enrique – in whose pay he was –, for it was a treasonable act. The knights, relatives of his, whom Monsieur Bertrand consulted on this matter, told him that they agreed with him that he should not commit any act of disloyalty to the king of France or likewise to King Enrique, in whose pay he was; and they pointed out that, as he was well aware, King Pedro was an enemy of the king of France through his alliance with the king of England and his son the prince of Wales against the House of France. They told him that in their opinion he should report this matter at once to King Enrique. He followed their advice and repeated to the king everything that Men Rodríguez de Sanabria had said to him. King Enrique thanked him warmly and told him that – thanks be to God! – he was in a better position than King Pedro to hand over to him the towns and the sum in doblas that he had been promised. Immediately afterwards King Enrique informed Monsieur Bertrand that he would give him the towns promised to him by King Pedro and also the doblas. However, he asked Monsieur Bertrand to inform Men Rodríguez de Sanabria that King Pedro was to go to his quarters and he told him to give him an assurance that he would take the king to safety; and, as soon as King Pedro was there, Monsieur Bertrand was to let King Enrique know. Although Monsieur Bertrand was hesitant about doing this, on the urging of some of his relatives he agreed to

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saber. E commo quier que el mossen Beltran dubdo de fazer esto; pero por acuçia de algunos parientes suyos fizo lo asi. E non touieron los que esta rrazon sopieron que era bien fecho e dizen algunos que quando el torno la rrespuesta a Men Rodriguez, que el le assegurara que pornia al rrey don Pedro en saluo, e que algunos de sus parientes de mossen Beltran que fueran en el consejo e avn pasaran juramentos muy grandes entre ellos en manera que el rrey don Pedro se touo por assegurado dende. E en tal manera se fizo, que finalmente el rrey don Pedro estaua ý tan afincado en el castillo de Montiel que non lo podia sofrir, que algunos suyos se venian para el rrey don Enrrique, otrossi por que non tenian agua si non poca, e con esto e con esfuerço de las juras que le auian fechas aquellos con quien Men Rodriguez de Senabria tratara sus fechos, auenturosse vna noche el rrey don Pedro e vinosse para la posada de mossen Beltran e pusosse en su poder armado de vnas fojas e en vn cauallo. E assi commo alli llego, descaualgo de un cauallo ginete en que venia, en la posada de mossen Beltran, e dixo le a mossen Beltran: ‘Caualgad que ya tienpo es que vayamos.’ E non le rrespondio ninguno por que ya lo auian fecho saber al rrey don Enrrique commo el rrey don Pedro estaua en la posada de mossen Beltran. Quando esto vio el rrey don Pedro, dubdo e penso que el fecho yua a mal e quiso caualgar en el su cauallo ginete en que venia, e vno de los que estauan con mossen Beltran trauo del e dixole: ‘Esperad vn poco.’ E touolo e non lo dexo partir. E vino con el rrey don Pedro esa noche don Ferrando de Castro e Diego Gonçalez, fijo del maestre de Alcantara e Men Rodriguez de Senabria e otros. E luego que alli llego el rrey don Pedro, e tardaua en la posada de mossen Beltran commo dicho auemos, sopolo el rrey don Enrrique, que estaua ya aperçebido e armado de todas sus armas, e el baçinete en la cabeça, esperando este fecho, e vino alli armado e entro en la posada de mossen Beltran. E assi commo llego el rrey don Enrrique trauo del rrey don Pedro, e non lo conosçio, ca auia grand tienpo que non lo auia visto. E dizen que le dixo vn cauallero de los de mossen Beltran: ‘Catad que este es vuestro enemigo.’ E el rrey don Enrrique avn dubdaua si era el. E dizen que dixo el rrey don Pedro: ‘¡Yo so! ¡Yo so!’ E estonçe el rrey don Enrrique conosçiole e feriolo con vna daga

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do so. Those who knew about what had been said did not consider that it was the right thing to do. There are those who claim that, in giving his reply to Men Rodríguez, the Breton knight had assured him that he would take King Pedro to safety and moreover that some of Monsieur Bertrand’s relatives had been involved in the discussions and even in the swearing of weighty oaths, in such a way that King Pedro was made to feel secure. The situation developed in such a way that in the end King Pedro found himself so completely trapped there in the castle of Montiel that he could no longer endure it. Some of his men were going over to King Enrique, and in addition they had hardly any water left. As a result of this, and encouraged by the oaths sworn by the men with whom Men Rodríguez had been negotiating, one night King Pedro ventured out from the castle and made his way to Monsieur Bertrand’s quarters. Mounted and armed with swords, he placed himself in his hands. As soon as King Pedro arrived he dismounted from his jennet, and there in Monsieur Bertrand’s quarters he said to the knight, ‘Mount your horse, it’s time for us to be on our way.’ No-one answered him, for they had already notified King Enrique that King Pedro was in Monsieur Bertrand´s quarters. On seeing this, King Pedro hesitated and, grasping that something was wrong, he tried to mount the jennet on which he had come. One of the men who were with Monsieur Bertrand caught hold of him, saying, ‘Wait a moment.’ He hung on to him and did not allow him to leave. That night King Pedro was being accompanied by Don Fernando de Castro, Diego González, son of the master of Alcántara, Men Rodríguez de Sanabria and a number of other men. As soon as King Pedro had arrived and found himself detained in Monsieur Bertrand’s quarters, the news reached King Enrique. He was already prepared, fully armed and wearing his bascinet, waiting for this to happen.9 He made his way there in his armour and entered Monsieur Bertrand’s quarters. As soon as he went in, King Enrique caught hold of King Pedro but did not recognize him: it had been a long time since he had last seen him. It is claimed that one of Monsieur Bertrand’s knights said to him, ‘Look, this is your enemy!’ King Enrique was still in doubt as to whether it was indeed him, but men say that King Pedro then exclaimed, ‘It is me! It is me!’ At that point King Enrique

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por la cara. E dizen que amos a dos, el rrey don Pedro e el rrey don Enrrique, cayeron en tierra. E el rrey don Enrrique lo firio estando en tierra de otras feridas. E alli morio el rrey don Pedro a veynte e tres dias de março deste dicho año. E fue luego fecho grand rruydo por el rreal: vna vez diziendo que era ydo el rrey don Pedro del castillo de Montiel e luego otra vez, en commo era muerto. E morio el rrey don Pedro en hedad de treynta e çinco años e siete meses; ca el rrey don Pedro nasçio año del Señor de mill e trezientos e treynta e tres años e rreyno año del Señor de mill e trezientos e çincuenta años, e de la era de Çesar mil e trezientos e ochenta e ocho años, e fino en este año que es el año del Nasçimiento del Señor de mill e trezientos e sesenta e nueue e de la era de Çesar mill e quatroçientos e siete años. E asi biuio el rrey don Pedro treynta e çinco años e siete meses, segund que dicho auemos, ca se cunplieron sus treynta e çinco años en agosto e el fino mediado março adelante en el otro año. E fue el rrey don Pedro assaz grande de cuerpo e blanco e rruuio, e çeçeaua vn poco en la fabla, e era muy caçador de aues e fue muy sofridor de trauajos. E era muy tenprado e bien acostunbrado en el comer e beuer, e dormia poco e amo mucho mugeres, e fue muy trabajador en guerra e fue cubdiçioso de llegar tesoros e joyas. E valieron las joyas de su camara treynta cuentos en piedras preçiosas e en aljofar e baxillas de oro e de plata e en paños de oro e otros apostamientos. E auia en moneda de oro e de plata en Seuilla en la Torre del Oro e en el castillo de Almodouar, setenta cuentos, e en el rregno e en sus rrecabdadores en moneda de nouenes e cornados treynta cuentos. E en debdas de sus arrendadores, otros treynta cuentos, assi que ouo en todo, çiento e sessenta cuentos, segunt despues fue fallado por sus contadores de camara e de las cuentas. E mato muchos en su rregno, por lo qual le vino todo el daño que auedes oydo. E por ende diremos aqui lo que dixo el propheta Dauid: ‘Agora los rreyes aprendet, e seed castigados todos los que judgades el mundo, ca grand juyzio e marauilloso fue este e muy espantable.’ E rregno el rrey don Pedro en paz syn otro le tomar su titulo, diez e seys años conplidos, del dia que el rrey don Alfonso su padre fino, que fino en el mes de março en el rreal de Gibraltar, segund dicho auemos, año del Señor mill e trezientos e çinquenta años e de la era de Çesar

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recognized him and struck him with a dagger across the face. It is said that the two of them, King Enrique and King Pedro, fell to the ground, and as they struggled there King Enrique struck his adversary more blows. And it was there that King Pedro died on the 23rd of March of the year in question. At once a great commotion spread throughout the encampment, as there circulated first the news that King Pedro had left the castle of Montiel and, shortly afterwards, that he had been killed. King Pedro died at the age of 35 years and seven months. He was born in the year of the Lord 1333 and came to the throne in the year of the Lord 1350, in 1388 counting from the era of Caesar; and he died in this year, which was, from the year of the Lord’s birth, 1369, in 1407 counting from the era of Caesar. Thus – as we have already said – King Pedro lived for 35 years and seven months, as he reached the age of 35 in August and died in mid-March in the following year. King Pedro was quite strongly built, pale-skinned and fair-haired, and he spoke with a slight lisp. He was a great hunter of birds and he had considerable powers of endurance. He was very temperate, had good habits with regard to eating and drinking, slept little and had a marked fondness for women. He was very active in times of war and he felt a great desire to acquire treasures and jewels. The jewels of his chamber were worth 30 million in precious stones, pearls, gold and silver plate, gold cloth and other fine items. In gold and silver coin he had 70 million in the Tower of Gold in Seville and the castle at Almodóvar; throughout the kingdom and in the hands of his tax-collectors there were 30 million in novenes and cornados, and in debts owed by his tenants a further 30 million.10 So in all he possessed 160 million according to the reckoning made subsequently by those responsible for the accounts of his chamber and those of the kingdom. He killed a large number of people in his realm, as a result of which he suffered all the ills of which you have heard tell. Therefore, at this point we shall use the words of the prophet David: ‘Now, O kings, act wisely. Take warning you judges of the earth.’11 For this was a great, wondrous and terrible judgement. King Pedro reigned in peace, with no other man taking his title, for 16 full years, from the day of the death of his father King Alfonso – which occurred, as we have said, in the month of March in the encampment outside Gibraltar, in the year of the Lord 1350, in 1388

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mill e trezientos e ochenta e ocho fasta quel rrey don Enrrique entro en el rregno e se llamo rrey en Calahorra en el mes de março, año del Señor mill e trezientos e sesenta e seys, e de Çesar mill e quatroçientos e quatro. E rregno tres años en contienda con el rrey don Enrrique.

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counting from the era of Caesar – until King Enrique entered the kingdom and took the title of King in Calahorra in the month of March of the year of the Lord 1366, 1404 counting from the era of Caesar. For three years he reigned in conflict with King Enrique.12

NOTES YEAR 14 (1363) 1. Since the late nineteenth century, Murviedro has been known as Sagunto (or Sagunt). 2. The Orduna text appears to imply that the king of Aragon and prince Ferran, as well as King Pedro’s half-brothers, had been in France. There is no evidence to suggest that this is the case and the translation follows the text of other editors (see, for example, Llaguno Amirola, 1779, 369). 3. the spring of Almenara: King Pere’s chronicle also describes this episode, but states that the Aragonese army waited on ‘the plains of Nules, near the spring of La Losa’ (Mary Hillgarth, 1980, ii, 538). 4. Don Sancho: in fact King Pedro was to make Sancho lord of Villena and endow him with a number of other properties. Isabel later bore the king a second son, who was named Diego (Estow, 1995, 213). 5. Castellón de Burriana: In the fourteenth century this was the name given to what is now Castellón (or Castelló) de la Plana, also known just as Castellón (or Castelló), the principal city of the present-day province of the same name. The town of Burriana (or Borriana) is situated some 13 kilometres to the south. 6. The castle of la Muela is situated above the town of Monroyo (or Mont-roig) in the present-day province of Teruel. 7. Launac is situated about 25 kilometres north-west of Toulouse. For the context of this battle and its consequences, see Vernier, 2008, 57−59 and Fowler, 2001, 61−69. 8. For the role of the mercenaries of the ‘free companies’ in the battle of Launac and more generally during this period, see Vernier, 2008, 57−58, Fowler, 2001, 66−68, and also 1362, VIII, note 8.

YEAR 15 (1364) 1. Don Felipe de Castro: Don Felipe IV de Castro Alemany became a firm friend of Count Enrique and after his marriage to Juana in 1366 he joined him in his campaigns (see 1367, III). He was taken prisoner at Nájera but was eventually freed by his brother-in-law, now king, in 1369. Richly endowed with lands in Castile, he did not return to Aragon, but a year later he was killed by his own vassals in Paredes de Navas (Fantoni y Benedí, 2000, 68). 2. a river known as the Cullera: this is now known as the River Júcar (or Xúquer).

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3. ‘solano’: this is literally a wind that comes from the direction in which the sun rises. It is the name given to a strong and destructive hot east wind. 4. Other editors include this chapter at the beginning of the following year, as the episode in question occurred early in 1365 (see, for example, Llaguno Amirola, 1779, 390). 5. the first ruler to bear that name: this king is known today as Jean II. Jean I, the posthumous son who was the successor to Louis X, had lived for just five days in 1316.

YEAR 16 (1365) 1. This was the battle of Montpensier, fought on the 3rd of June, 1362: Count Enrique’s Castilian troops, numbering about 400, defeated a much larger force, killing some 600 men and taking 200 prisoners (Fowler, 2001, 54−55).

YEAR 17 (1366) 1. Sir Eustace: this is Eustache (Eustache) d'Auberchicourt, a Frenchman who had spent some time under the command of the Black Prince but had also fought as a mercenary in the service of a number of different causes including that of the king of Navarre. 2. the emperor of Germany: Karel (Karl or Charles) IV reigned as Holy Roman Emperor from 1355 until his death in 1378, and also as king of Bohemia from 1346. 3. Muhammad el Cabezani: this figure has been identified with Faraj ibn Ridwān, who had previously been sent by Muhammad V to support King Pedro against the king of Aragon (Abbady, 1964, 11; see also 1363, III). 4. King Enrique: the Orduna text follows manuscript tradition in calling Enrique ‘King’ at this point, whilst other editors opt for the title ‘Count’, which Orduna (1997, 128) suggests was used in this passage of the original text of the versión vulgar . 5. had himself crowned: the meaning of the Spanish text (‘se corono’) could be that King Enrique was crowned by another person, presumably a bishop or an archbishop. It could also, however, mean that he actually crowned himself. There was a long tradition of self-coronation on the part of the Castilian monarchs and one of the most famous examples was that of Alfonso XI, Enrique’s father, which also took place at las Huelgas. The convent of Santa María la Real de las Huelgas had been founded in 1187 by King Alfonso VIII and his wife Leonor (or Eleanor). It was without doubt significant that Enrique chose for the ceremony to be performed at the place where his father had crowned himself in 1331. Ironically, it was also the birthplace of King Pedro.

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6. Count of Trastámara: for the origin and importance of this title, see 1350, III, note 7 and Introduction, note 1. 7. The so-called Five Towns were Salvatierra de Tormes, Montemayor del Río and Miranda del Castañar (all situated in the present-day province of Salamanca) and Granadilla and Galisteo (Cáceres). See Llaguno Amirola, 1779, 409. 8. Martín Yáñez: the Orduna text gives the name Martín López here, but it is made clear elsewhere that the man responsible for the store of gold and silver was Martín Yáñez, the king’s chief treasurer. 9. An estoc was a long, sharply-pointed sword, generally for two-handed use, of a kind first introduced in the fourteenth century. From Guarda, King Pedro was accompanied by his escorts for a further 130 kilometres, heading northwest towards Lamego. From there they had to travel a further 100 kilometres northwards to Chaves, which is situated close to the frontier with Galicia. 10. This is the same Juan Diente who first appeared as one of King Pedro’s guards, involved, for example, in the deaths of the master of Santiago Don Fadrique (1358, III) and Prince Joan (1358, VI). 11. The Feast Day of Saint John (St John the Baptist) falls on the 24th of June. The day on which the murder took place, the Feast of Saints Peter and Paul, was five days later. 12. to be given to: the Orduna text reads ‘entrar’ (to enter), but the translation follows other editions in taking this as ‘entregar’ (to hand over). 13. One quintal was equivalent to 112 lbs (Estow, 1995, 230) or approximately 51 kilograms. 14. Count Alfonso was an illegitimate son of King Enrique. At this point he was just 11 years old. 15. It is not entirely clear here who is offering allegiance to whom: according to some versions of the text (see, for example, Llaguno Amirola, 1779, 425), it is Juan Rodríguez de Biedma who is offering his allegiance to Don Álvar Pérez de Castro. Don Álvar was Don Fernando de Castro’s half-brother but, whilst Don Fernando remained unfailingly loyal to King Pedro, Don Álvar − having accompanied King Pedro through Portugal (see chapter X, above) – he then switched his allegiance to King Enrique (see chapter XII). 16. February of the year in question: given that King Pedro arrived in Bayonne at the beginning of August 1366 (Estow, 1995, 231), this must in fact have been February 1367. 17. dinero: one dinero was, indeed, worth one tenth of a maravedí (see, for example, Lincoln, 2017, 577). 18. the Bayonne canal: Bayonne stands at the confluence of the River Adour and its tributary the River Nive. Until its course was changed in the sixteenth century, the River Adour flowed parallel to the coast for some 15 kilometres before reaching the sea at Capbreton and, after flooding which occurred in the mid-fourteenth century, further north at Vieux-Boucau.

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19. his wife the princess: in 1361 the prince had married his cousin, Countess Joan of Kent. 20. John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, was ten years younger than his brother the prince of Wales. He accompanied him to Spain and fought in the battle of Nájera. In 1371 he married King Pedro’s daughter Constanza and in 1386 he was to lay claim – unsuccessfully – to the throne of Castile.

YEAR 18 (1367) 1. Pierre, Le Bègue de Villaines was a prominent member of the free companies, fighting alongside Bertrand du Guesclin. He was to play a significant role in King Enrique’s victory at Montiel and in the capture of King Pedro, for which he was generously rewarded. The nickname Bègue means literally ‘the stammerer’. 2. Pero López de Ayala: this is the first occasion on which the chronicler records his presence among King Pedro’s opponents. We last heard of him as figuring among the few remaining supporters of the king who accompanied him back from Burgos to Seville in March 1366 (see 1366, IV). 3. knights in full armour: both here and in the description of the right flank, the translation follows the Orduna text, but other editions give caballos (horses) rather than caualleros (knights). This reading is backed up by other sources, including the account given by Jean Froissart, and it would indicate that Enrique’s army was making use of the kind of heavily armoured cavalry commonly employed north of the Pyrenees (Villalon and Kagay, 2017, 229). 4. the king of Naples: Jaume III of Majorca had refused to swear allegiance to the king of Aragon and as a result had been driven out of his kingdom. His son Jaume, after being imprisoned in Barcelona for some years, eventually escaped and found refuge with Queen Giovanna (Joanna) of Naples. They married in 1363, although in fact Jaume never ruled as king. 5. on the day of the battle: this appears to imply that the present chapter describes the organization of the army on the day of the battle of Nájera itself. The chronology is potentially confusing here. In chapter IV King Enrique was reviewing his forces at Bañares and organizing them ready for the forthcoming battle. In chapter V the prince of Wales and King Pedro are shown to be going through the same process, but the content of the subsequent chapters makes it clear that their army is still at the point of preparing to enter Castile and, presumably, some way short of readiness for battle. For details of the ensuing campaign, see Villalon and Kagay, 2017, 199−218. 6. bearing a letter: what follows is the most detailed account included in any of the chronicles of this correspondence between the prince of Wales and King Enrique. Different sources, however, vary in what they tell us of the number, order, tone and content of the letters that were exchanged. For a review of

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these, see Villalon and Kagay, 2017, 218−21. A third letter appears to have been written by King Enrique from Santo Domingo de la Calzada at an earlier point in the campaign and there may have been four letters altogether. Delachenal (1909−31, 3:398) examines the copies of the actual letters which survive and concludes that Pero López de Ayala ‘purely and simply fabricated’ the text of his versions. 7. our dear and beloved relative: in the course of his letter the prince of Wales repeatedly mentions his bond of kinship with King Pedro. In 1170 Eleanor Plantagenet, daughter of Henry II of England, married King Alfonso VIII of Castile. Through her daughter Berenguela she was directly related to the line of kings of Castile from Fernando III to King Pedro. In addition, Eleanor of Castile, wife of Edward I and grandmother of Edward III, was the daughter of Fernando III, king of Castile and León. See Introduction, p.11. 8. Saint James: According to legend the body of Saint James the Greater (Santiago) had been transported to Galicia and subsequently transferred to Santiago de Compostela, where his tomb became the object of veneration by pilgrims over the centuries. Tradition credited Saint James with intervention in battle on behalf of Castilian forces against Muslim enemies. 9. Santisteban del Puerto is a town situated in the present-day province of Jaén. 10. Lazarus Sunday is the fifth Sunday in Lent. The battle took place on Saturday the 3rd of April (see chapter XIX). The date is confirmed by Froissart and in King Pedro’s own correspondence (Orduna, 1997, 197 and Díaz Martín, 1975, 431). 11. Pope Benedict: Pedro Martínez de Luna became a cardinal in 1375 and was elected pope, as Benedict XIII, in Avignon in 1394. With the kingdom of France withdrawing its support from the Avignon ‘antipopes’, he was eventually to lose the support of his cardinals and ultimately find himself excommunicated, receiving recognition only in Aragon. In Spanish he is known as Papa Luna. 12. the pass of Jaca: this is probably the pass of Somport (also known as the pass of Aspe or Canfranc). 13. The Vizcayan port of Castro Urdiales was of considerable commercial importance, but it was also of critical significance as a naval base and as the location of Castile’s main royal shipyards. 14. the French were beginning to wage war: for an account of the growing unrest in Guyenne and of the strategy of the French monarchy in provoking discontent among the Gascon lords, see, for example, Barber, 1978, 207−10. 15. reales: the real was a silver coin introduced by King Pedro. It was initially worth three maravedís. For the dobla, see 1355, XV, note 8. 16. Benahatin: in the translation this name has been left in the distorted form in which the chronicler uses it, but there is convincing evidence (Garcia, 1999, 20) to identify both the name and the figure described by the chronicler with

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Muhammad ibn al-Khatīb, who was an adviser to King Pedro’s ally Muhammad V and a polymath best known for his work as an historian and as a poet. It is possible to view Benahatin’s two letters as apocryphal and it could be argued that López de Ayala attributed them to Ibn al-Khatīb under this name but invented or extensively elaborated their content. The points which they make are highly appropriate to, and reinforce very effectively, the arguments that he has been developing over the course of the Crónica. On the other hand, critical opinion is now inclined to view them as genuine (see particularly Garcia, 1999). Garcia (1999, 21) cites a passage in which Ibn al-Khatīb states that he wrote to King Pedro to give him advice and suggests that a more extensive correspondence took place. Other versions of the letters apparently sent by the Moor to the king have survived independently and it is possible (Moure, 1993) that the letters which appear in the Crónica are derived from a translation from Arabic into romance carried out by a Jewish scholar. The two letters probably circulated independently as propaganda before their inclusion in the Crónica (Moure, 1993, 79), but it is also highly likely (Garcia, 1999, 37) that López de Ayala adapted them for his own, very specific purposes. 17. who ... bears the title of ruler: that is, King Enrique. 18. of which he might himself be accused: here the translation follows the reading of Llaguno Amirola and others rather than the version (‘excused’ instead of ‘accused’) which appears in the Orduna text. 19. will I say what I have said ... in whose court I have lived: the translation of this sentence follows the reading in the Llaguno Amirola text rather than Orduna’s rather more problematic version. 20. Pero Girón ... master of Alcántara: there is no evidence that Pero Girón held this position. Pedro Alfonso de Sotomayor had recently been appointed master of Alcántara, replacing Martín López de Córdoba who was now master of Calatrava (Novoa Portela, 2002, 333). 21. put to death with great cruelty: Doña Urraca was burnt alive, a notorious event which was the origin of a vivid popular legend concerning the loyalty of one of Doña Urraca’s ladies who threw herself into the flames to die with her (see, for example, de Mena, 2017, 140−42). 22. Asturias de Santillana was an administrative district which took in the centre and west of present-day Cantabria together with the extreme eastern part of what is now the Principality of Asturias. The district of Trasmiera corresponded to the part of Cantabria which lies to the east of the River Miera. 23. the tower of the bridge of Avignon: this was the Tour Philippe-le-Bel, which stood at the western end of the bridge and had been constructed at the beginning of the fourteenth century and extended some fifty years later. The bridge spanned the River Rhône, linking the territory of the king of France to the west with the enclave under the authority of the Pope to the east.

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24. three towns: today these are Thézan-lès-Béziers, Servian and Cessenon-sur-Orb. 25. the Bastard of Béarn: this was Bernard de Foix, the illegitimate half-brother of Gaston Fébus, count of Foix (see 1357, IV, note 3). He later married a member of the de la Cerda family, thus inheriting considerable wealth and property, and remained in Castile under King Enrique. 26. the Valley of Andorra: Andorra was originally known as ‘les valls d’Andorra’. 27. It is not possible to identify the exact name of the squire here called Dolet. Froissart calls him Talebot and in printed texts of the Crónica he appears as Tobete (Llaguno Amirola, 1779, 514). 28. much against their will: it was under pressure from the French cardinals that in 1370 Pope Urban V was to return to Avignon. Shortly afterwards he fell ill and died. 29. Cardinal Gil de Albornoz had in the first instance been a soldier. Between 1353 and 1357, on behalf of Pope Innocent VI, with the aid of a mercenary army he reduced to submission the feudal lords who had achieved virtual control of the Papal States. He returned to Italy for two further campaigns between 1358 and 1363. For the cardinal’s role in helping to arrange the marriage between King Pedro and Blanche of Bourbon, see Estow, 1995, 141−42.

YEAR 19 (1368) 1. the seisén ... worth six dineros: that is, six tenths of a maravedí. 2. other kinds of coin: these were reales and cruzados: in Orduna’s text the account of the minting of these coins (including an explanation of the reasons behind it and the consequences) is to be found in 1369, XI (Orduna, 1997, 297). In other editions it is in chapter III of the first year of the Chronicle of Enrique II. 3. For the role of the Marinid prince ‘Abd al-Rahmān ibn ‘Alī ibn Abū Yaflūsin, known to the chronicler as Abenfaluz, see Abbady, 1964, 33. 4. The strategically important site of the castle of San Servando was occupied from the late eleventh century by a Benedictine monastery from which the castle took its name. The monastery was destroyed after only 22 years, but almost a century later the ruined complex was granted to the Knights Templar, under whom it was converted into a fortress. This in turn lost its importance in the early fourteenth century after the dissolution of the Templars and fell into neglect, but the text appears to suggest that a new defensive structure had recently been constructed on the site by King Pedro’s supporters. 5. Abbots’ Tower: the ‘Torre de los Abades’ is a large rectangular structure of Islamic origin, jutting out from the city walls, which served to protect the access to a gateway. 6. until a later time, as we shall relate: the recovery of Vitoria and Logroño by King Enrique is recounted in 1373, VIII−IX (Orduna, 1997, 348−50).

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7. For the role of the Judges of Arborea, see 1352, VIII, note 5.

YEAR 20 (1369) 1. Merlin: the tradition of prophecies attributed to the sage Merlin has its origin in the works of Geoffrey of Monmouth, composed in the first half of the twelfth century. However, it was the Venetian known as Richard d’Irlande who in the 1270s composed Les Prophésies de Merlin, a work which spawned a variety of imitations, particularly in France, Italy and Spain, usually of an apocalyptic nature and possessing a strong political content. Pero López de Ayala was not the first Castilian writer to cite Merlin as the source of a prophecy: the Poema de Alfonso XI, composed by Rodrigo Yáñez in 1348, also does so on two occasions. There is a further allusion to Merlin’s prophesies in the Visión de Alfonso X, a politically motivated work probably composed during the final years of the reign of Enrique II. For a detailed study of this tradition and its significance, see Alvar, 2015, 333−44. In addition, Garcia (1999, 30−36) has identified close links between López de Ayala’s account and French texts, notably the Chanson de Duguesclin, contemporary with the Crónica. 2. not only are you not satisfied with: for the sake of clarity, the translation of this sentence follows Llaguno Amirola’s reading (1779, 540: ‘non solo non te abasta ...’) rather than that of the Orduna text. 3. The translation here follows Llaguno Amirola (1779, 540: ‘Por lo qual todo, es afirmado ...’). 4. The mountains of Alcaraz are situated in the present-day province of Albacete. The town of Alcaraz itself and its fortress occupied a strategically important position on the lower slopes and they were captured by Alfonso VIII from the Muslims in 1213 in the wake of his victory at Las Navas de Tolosa. The town of Montiel and its castle are situated some 30 kilometres from Alcaraz: the Castillo de la Estrella at Montiel had been handed over by Alfonso VIII to the Order of Santiago, to which it belonged until it was placed in the hands of King Pedro (see 1354, XIV). 5. The precise size of a fanega, a unit of dry capacity, varied between localities, but as a general rule it is defined as being approximately equivalent to 55.5 litres. Here it is probably equivalent to just over 40 kilograms. 6. the Territory of Calatrava: this area of natural beauty, situated around the town of Almagro in the present-day province of Ciudad Real, continues to be known as the ‘Campo de Calatrava’. It was the most important of the territorial estates of the Order from which it takes its name. 7. Prime is the first of the canonical hours of prayer and corresponds to the first hour of daylight. 8. The lady of his household is Doña Isabel, mentioned in 1363, V.

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9. bascinet: this was a kind of helmet which had various forms, but the one worn by King Enrique would probably have extended down at the back and the sides as far as the base of the neck, leaving part or all of the face exposed. 10. novenes and cornados were both coins made of vellón (billon, an alloy of silver with a larger amount of copper or another base metal). Cornados (or coronados) were so called because they bore the image of crowned head of the king. 11. Now, O kings …: this is taken from Psalms 2:10. The quotation from the psalm does not include the sentence which follows, although the punctuation of the Spanish text suggests that it does. 12. In Orduna’s edition the narrative for year 4 of King Enrique’s reign continues as chapter IX, but in other editions of the text this material is included as the opening section of a separate chronicle. The account for the remainder of the year 1369 deals principally with: the surrender of the castle of Montiel and the capture of most of King Pedro’s key supporters; the submission of most cities, including Toledo; continuing resistance in a number of areas, notably that by Don Martín López in Carmona; how King Enrique sent for his daughter Leonor from France; the declaration of support for the king of Aragon by the castle of Requena (situated on the frontier between Castile and the kingdom of Valencia) and the struggle which ensued; the minting of a new coin, the cruzado, and a new form of the real, which were used to pay King Enrique’s armies and the foreign mercenaries (thus fuelling inflation); the claim laid by King Fernando I of Portugal to the throne of Castile and the outbreak of hostilities; King Fernando’s short-lived invasion of Galicia and King Enrique’s retaliation; the unsuccessful siege of Guimarães and the capture of Bragança; how Don Fernando de Castro took refuge in Guimarães; the loss of Algeciras to the Moors of Granada; and the time spent by King Enrique in Toro, where he made arrangements for the payment of the foreign mercenaries and for the dispatch of troops to the various remaining centres of conflict in Castile and on its frontiers.