Christianity and Confucianism: Culture, Faith and Politics 9780567657640, 9780567696403, 9780567657688

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CHRISTIANITY AND CONFUCIANISM

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CHRISTIANITY AND CONFUCIANISM CULTURE, FAITH AND POLITICS Christopher Hancock

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T&T CLARK Bloomsbury Publishing Plc 50 Bedford Square, London, WC1B 3DP, UK 1385 Broadway, New York, NY 10018, USA 29 Earlsfort Terrace, Dublin 2, Ireland BLOOMSBURY, T&T CLARK and the T&T Clark logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published in Great Britain 2021 This edition published 2022 Copyright © Christopher Hancock, 2021 Christopher Hancock has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Author of this work. For legal purposes the Acknowledgements on p. xi–xii constitute an extension of this copyright page. Cover design: Terry Woodley Cover image: Imaginechina Limited / Alamy Stock Photo All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc does not have any control over, or responsibility for, any third-party websites referred to or in this book. All internet addresses given in this book were correct at the time of going to press. The author and publisher regret any inconvenience caused if addresses have changed or sites have ceased to exist, but can accept no responsibility for any such changes. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Hancock, Christopher, author. Title: Christianity and Confucianism : culture, faith and politics / Christopher Hancock. Description: London ; New York : T&T Clark, 2020. | Includes bibliographical references and index. | Summary: “Christianity and Confucianism: Culture, Faith and Politics, sets comparative textual analysis against the backcloth of 2000 years of cultural, political, and religious interaction between China and the West. As the world responds to China’s rise and China positions herself for global engagement, this major new study reawakens and revises an ancient conversation. As a generous introduction to biblical Christianity and the Confucian Classics, Christianity and Confucianism tells a remarkable story of mutual formation and cultural indebtedness. East and West are shown to have shaped the mind, heart, culture, philosophy and politics of the other – and far more, perhaps, than either knows or would want to admit. Christopher Hancock has provided a rich and stimulating resource for scholars and students, diplomats and social scientists, devotees of culture and those who pursue wisdom and peace today”-- Provided by publisher. Identifiers: LCCN 2020034883 (print) | LCCN 2020034884 (ebook) | ISBN 9780567657640 (hardback) | ISBN 9780567696991 (paperback) | ISBN 9780567657688 (pdf) | ISBN 9780567657695 (epub) Subjects: LCSH: Christianity and other religions--Confucianism. | Confucianism—Relations—Christianity. Classification: LCC BR128.C43 H423 2020 (print) | LCC BR128.C43 (ebook) | DDC 261.2/9512—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020034883 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020034884 ISBN: HB: PB: ePDF: ePUB:

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CONTENTS

L IST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

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L IST OF A BBREVIATIONS

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A CKNOWLEDGEMENTS

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P REFACE Introduction: Images, Issues and Impressionism

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PART I

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1 Confucius, ‘The Master’ and Cultural Decay Picture Restoration and ‘Cultural Archetypes’ Aesthetics, Pain and Nostalgia Life, Learning and Legacy Character and Context Sources and Celebrity Confucius: Life, Legacy and Literature

17 20 22 26 26 35 40

2 Jesus, ‘The Christ’ and Spiritual Renewal The Many Comings of Christianity Jesus: Dynamics of Praise and Blame The ‘Face’ of Jesus: Image, Faith and Politics Image and ‘Cultural Archetypes’ Jesus, the Church and the New Testament Evidence The Christ of Christian Tradition

47 48 54 61 64 70 82

PART II

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3 Heaven, Earth and ‘Harmony’ Ricci, China and New 17th-Century Horizons Confucius Sinarum Philosophus and the Birth of European Sinology Britain, China and the Quest for ‘Harmony’ ‘Heaven’ and ‘Earth’ in the Analects and Gospels The Analects The Gospels

89 90 101 104 118 119 123 v

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CONTENTS

4 Humanity, Society and the Search for Worth Porcelain and the Problem of Perfection China and the Roots of European Anthropology China in Europe: Descartes, Spinoza, Leibniz and the Birth of the Enlightenment Voltaire, Diderot and the Culture of Encyclopedias Britain and the Birth of Anthropology, 1650–1750 Milton, Addison, Pope, Berkeley, Locke and Chinoiserie Hume, Adam Smith and New Questions about China Human Identity, Life and Society in the Analects and Gospels The Analects The Gospels Conclusion

129 130 135 140 149 155 155 169 172 173 179 182

5 Character, Purpose and Morality: China and Enlightenment Habits and Values Tea, Taste and Tradition in China and the West Kant, Character and China: c. 1750–1820 China, Romanticism and Revolution China, Britain and Changing Cultural Horizons China and the West in an Age of Revolutionaries Reid, Burke and Paine Rousseau, Herder, Hegel and Schleiermacher Character, Purpose and Morality in the Analects and Gospels The Analects The Gospels Conclusion

183 185 190 196 198 213 214 221 243 245 252 259

PART III

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6 Truth and Truthfulness: The 19th-Century Crisis in China and the West Story, Truth, Shakespeare and Lin Zexu ᷇ࡷᗀ George Eliot, Charles Dickens and ‘Truth’ in Story Form Legge, Wagner and the Drama of Xiqu ᡢᴢ Theatre Truth, Meaning and Power: The Coming of a 19th-Century Crisis Eliot, Strauss and 19th-Century ‘Lives of Jesus’ Schopenhauer, China and ‘Oriental’ Religions Feuerbach, China and the ‘Hermeneutics of Suspicion’ Kierkegaard, Truth and the Origins of 20th-Century Existentialism Nietzsche, Marx, Truth and Lies ‘Truth’ and ‘Truthfulness’ in the Analects and Gospels The Analects The Gospels Conclusion

263 266 273 289 302 302 304 306 311 315 331 331 338 343

CONTENTS

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7 Memory, Rite and Tradition: The Chinese Origin of a Western Movement Modernism and the Modern World Culture, Memory and Hermeneutics: The Early 20th-Century Dilemma Husserl and His Heirs Igor Stravinsky and Le Sacre du Printemps Marcel Proust and À La Recherche Du Temps Perdu Niels Bohr, ‘Quantum Theory’ and ‘Complementarity’ Ezra Pound, Imagism and ‘The Orient’ Memory, Rite and Tradition in the Analects and Gospels The Judeo-Christian Anamnetic Tradition The Analects and Confucian Classics Points of Comparison and Contrast Conclusion

345 346 353 354 365 373 377 383 395 397 402 407 408

8 Sickness, Death and the Afterlife: On Making Sense of Everything and Nothing Death in the 20th Century: Crisis, Meaning and Management The Origins of Mid-20th-Century Existentialism Shaping the Debate: Husserl, Unamuno, Buber, Marcel, Jaspers and China Life in the Shadow of Death: Four Themes Shaping China and the West Sartre, Camus and Franco-Chinese Existentialism ‘Protest Atheism’ and ‘Theology after Auschwitz’ ‘Christian Existentialism’ and Modern Hermeneutics Life, Death and Meaning: From Wittgenstein to Habermas Sickness, Death and the Afterlife in the Analects and Gospels The Analects The Gospels Conclusion

411 412 415 421 426 426 443 456 468 482 482 490 496

Conclusion

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B IBLIOGRAPHY

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I NDEX

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ILLUSTRATIONS

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

Confucius the scholar (551–449 BCE) The Analects of Confucius [Jesus with] Martha and Mary by Bai Huiqun ⲭភ㗔 (contemp.) Barbara Hepworth, ‘Mother and Child’ (1927) Michelangelo (6 March 1475–18 February 1564) – The Pietà (1498–9) Matteo Ricci, SJ (6 October 1552–11 May 1610) Michael Shen Fuzong/Fu-Tsung ⊸⾿ᇇ (1657–92) by Sir Godrey Kneller (1687) The Gagnières-Fonthill vase by Barthélemy Rémy (1713) Wedgwood abolitionist medallion, ‘Am I not a man and a brother?’ (1786) Mary Anne Evans (aka George Eliot) (22 November 1819–22 December 1880) Lin Shu ᷇㍃ (8 November 1852–9 October 1924) Richard Wagner (22 May 1813–13 February 1883) Lu Xun 冟䗵 [the pen name of Zhou Shuren ઘ⁩Ӫ] (25 September 1881–19 October 1936) 14 Socialist Realism (from the Museum of Socialist Art, Sofia, Bulgaria) 15 ‘Bloody Saturday’: a child crying outside the South Railway Station, Shanghai (1937)

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40 45 57 67 69 91 100 132 135 275 284 295 325 382 455

ABBREVIATIONS

A ACPA AUP BMGN CCP CHCCS CPS CRVP CUP CUV DNB

The Confucian Analects The Association of Chinese Philosophers in America Associated University Presses Bijdragen en Mededelingen betreffende de Geschiedenis der Niederlanden Chinese Communist Party Cultural Heritage and Contemporary Change Series Chinese Philosophical Studies The Council for Research in Values and Philosophy Cambridge University Press Chinese Union Version Dictionary of National Biography, ed. L. Stephens, 63 vols, Oxford: OUP (1885– 1900). EDBT Evangelical Dictionary of Biblical Theology EIC East India Company ELH English Literary History HK Hong Kong IR International Relations KRSRR Kierkegaard Research: Sources, Reception, Resources LMS London Missionary Society LXX Septuagint MS Manuscript MSMS Monumenta Serica Monograph Series NCPF Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers NIDNTT New International Dictionary of New Testament Theology NIGTC The New International Greek Testament Commentary NIV The New International Version of the Bible, London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1979. NT New Testament NYU New York University OT Old Testament OUP Oxford University Press PRC Peoples’ Republic of China RC Roman Catholic (church and tradition) SBL Society of Biblical Literature SJ The Society of Jesus (or the Jesuits) SKQS Siku Quanshu SLS Studia Leibnitiana Supplementa ix

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SUNY TDNTT TDOT TTR WW

ABBREVIATIONS

State University of New York Theological Dictionary of New Testament Theology Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament Traduction, Terminologie, Rédaction World War

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

My sincere thanks to Anna Turton, Sarah Blake, Juliet Gardner, and all the Bloomsbury team for their patience, good nature and encouragement. This has been a journey of discovery for writer and publisher alike! Many friends and colleagues have happily read all, or part, of the manuscript in draft. In particular, my thanks to Anthony E. Clarke, Wright Doyle, Stephen Green, Graham Hutchings, Richard Madsen, John Milbank, Stephen Whitefield, Yang Huilin, Yao Xinzhong, Jing (Cathy) Zhang and her Chinese assistants at Renmin University, Beijing. Without their help, counsel, and scholarly inspiration the work would not have seen the light of day. My thanks are also due to the acute Classical eye of my brother Jonathan, who saved me from infelicitous prose, and to my beloved wife, Suzie, who bore the demands of this lengthy project and checked the text with her meticulous precision. The mistakes that remain are, of course, mine. If perchance some eagle-eyed Western sinologist finds questionable characters in Chinese citations or quotations, I plead the guidance and current disagreements about such things among scholarly Chinese. Fashions change, complexities abound: the wisdom I hope you will find fairly exegeted here, endures. I am also grateful for use of, and permission to quote from, the following copyright material: Analecta Husserliana for multiple citations from Edmund Husserl’s work. The Camus Estate (the Wylie Agency) for quotations from The Stranger and Essays Lyrical & Critical (1968). Faber & Faber for use of ‘Redress of Poetry’ by Seamus Heaney (P190627/239) and T. S. Eliot’s Murder in a Cathedral (1935). Excerpts from NIGHT by Elie Wiesel, translated by Marion Wiesel. Translation copyright @ 2006 Marion Wiesel. Reprinted by permission of Hill and Wang, a division of Farrar, Straus and Giroux. Florian Noetzel Verlag (Heirichshofen Books) for use of a quotation from ‘Music of the Billion’ (9783795904746). Hackett Publishing Company, Inc., for multiple quotations from Edward Slingerland’s fine translation and edition of Confucius Analects (2003). Harper & Row and Penguin Random House for quotations from Alexandr Solzhenitsyn, Gulag Archepelago 2 (1973). The Barbara Hepworth Estate for reproduction of ‘Mother and Child’ (1927). Hodder & Stoughton for multiple quotations from the New International Version (1980 edition). Houghton, Miflin Harcourt for quotations from T. S. Eliot’s Murder in the Cathedral (1935). New Directions Publishing: ‘Fragment (1966)’ by Ezra Pound, from the Cantos of Ezra Pound, copyright ©1968 by Ezra Pound. Reprinted by permission of New Directions Publishing Corp. xi

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Routledge (Taylor & Francis) for permission to quote from Ludwig Wittgenstein’s, Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus (1921), trans. F. P. Ramsey & C. K. Ogden (London: Routledge, 2014), §6.4321. Thames & Hudson for use of quotations from Vincent Van Gogh – The Letters, edited by Leo Janson, Hans Luijten and Nienke Bakker, copyright © 2009 Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam, Huygens Institute, The Hague, Mercatorfonds, Brussels, and Thames & Hudson Ltd, London. Reprinted by kind permission of Thames & Hudson.

PREFACE

Where morning dawns and evening fades you call forth songs of praise. —Ps. 65.8 This is a story more than a study. It tells the story of a long and difficult conversation. At times the two parties have ignored one another; rather more often – too often – they cussed, accused and fought. Both are to blame for the state of their disunion. Like warring siblings, or a divorcing couple, they profess innocence and indict the other. The book is the story of this stormy relationship. It also tells the story of where it all began, in the hope that memory will heal. Time will tell. The story begins by introducing the two main characters, the founding fathers of great dynasties. It proceeds to relate six instances in history when their successors met, conversed and clashed. Some of the story is well-known. Much is little known, with disastrous effects. Like casualties of inherited abuse or multiple forms of dependency, inheritors of this fraught history are innocent victims of others’ culpability. It is only if, or when, we join up the dots of history we understand the complexity of this legacy. History, like memory, can also heal. Denial is a great enemy of therapy. It takes many forms. Behind ‘I am not to blame’, lies the lie, ‘I am never to blame, and see things as they truly are.’ There’s a denial of guilt, and a denial of intention, or failure to grasp motivation. International Relations is now alert to this deep, ‘affective’, dimension. We study the mind of the suicide-bomber. We examine denial of wrongdoing. We try to explain the abuse of power, or corruption of position. Our story is full of denial, and the acute complexities that brings. History relates, and perpetuates, dishonesty. No amount of therapy can help the fundamentally deceitful and self-deceived. I am speaking, of course, of the long, tortuous history of Sino-Western relations. I am also talking of the source and legacy of the moral and intellectual frameworks – those mighty cultural dynasties – which formed China and Christendom, Confucianism and Christianity. In Chapters 1 and 2, we return to the founding fathers of these two dynastic traditions, Jesus and Confucius. Chapters 3 to 8 visit select instances – historical snapshots, if you like – when the dialogue between China and the West, and thence Christianity and Confucianism, intensified. My argument is that both China and the West have been indelibly affected by this exchange; indeed, affected to a degree that we do not, perhaps cannot, maybe even will not, appreciate. Coming to terms with history and memory can be intensely painful. Denial, evasion, anger, blame, distortion, threat and corruption, are tempting. Therapists expect this. Truth must be made attractive. I hope it is here with the allure of fascination, discovery and veracity; perhaps even the offer of ‘truth’ or scent of ‘peace’, rather than well-worn deception or denial of the possibility of change and reconciliation. The thematic chapters in Parts II and III will hold gems of historical wisdom for some, costly choices for others. When I studied Modern History in Oxford in the early 1970s, China had no place in the curriculum. Global historians, and historians of ideas in the West, are playing catch-up on China’s xiii

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PREFACE

impact on Western culture. There is much work to be done. Chinese academics have in recent decades been filling in the blanks on China’s engagement with, and debt to, the West – especially to Christianity and Christian mission. But Western theology hasn’t begun to reckon with the extent to which the terms in which the Bible is read are the result of Sino-Western interaction; while China’s new regressive leadership is in sad denial of the degree to which Chinese culture was, and is, the result of its exposure to worlds beyond its borders. In keeping with a new genre of ‘One World’ literature, this volume tells the story of East-West cultural exchange through comparative analysis of Christianity and Confucianism. It offers a multidisciplinary read on historic East-West relations with a view to recalibrating contemporary culture studies and diplomacy. Recognition of the extent to which China and the West ‘read’ life through similar cultural lenses offers a way to reduce misunderstanding and increase mutual appreciation. I remember a distinguished Chinese colleague dismissing the suggestion Christianity didn’t belong in China with the words, ‘But we wouldn’t be the country we are without Christianity.’ Similar humility would be good in the West: for, it is also true, ‘We wouldn’t be the culture/s we are without China and Confucianism.’ At least, that is what history and inter-cultural exchange teach in six historical snapshots that follow. Before beginning, I want to say three other things. First, this book is written from the West; although I hope I have been as sensitive and attentive to Chinese sources as possible. I am immensely grateful to the thousands of Chinese colleagues with whom I have engaged on Chinese, Christian, Confucian, and countless other topics over the last couple of decades or so. These are my friends. As a Westerner, I respect their diligence, courage, knowledge and joy in life. They will always know their history, Academy and culture better than an outsider. I hope they will see cultural humility in this exercise in historical hermeneutics and will point out ways in which this ‘One World’ perspective might have been enriched. Second, though there are good reasons to focus on Sino-Western relations, a strong case could also made for application of this cross-cultural model to, say, Indo-Western or Persian sources. Recognition that we are product of multiple cultures, and heirs of global interaction, opens a way to see ourselves and others in a new light. My roots and recent work in south India suggest that might be a next project; but, as with China, there is a mass of post-colonial baggage here to overcome in me and in others. For there, too, the story is of a long, difficult dialogue and the inherited damage extensive. Therapy teaches us to face, and not evade, history, memory, culpability and immaturity. The good news is, therein lies a much-needed pathway to peace. Third, I have structured the book as a dialogue between the text and the notes. I have left some of my working in the margins to encourage others to take reading, research and the discussion forward. Citations are at times abbreviated: the full bibliography carries the rest. Since completing this work, the deaths have been reported of Professor Dan Bays and Dr. Gary Tiedemann. Both were wonderful scholars, good friends and generous hosts to this Johnny-come-lately to the party of Sino-Christian Studies. May these fine Christian men rest in the peace and joy of their Lord. To them, and all my readers, I will always owe an incomparable debt of gratitude. Christopher Hancock Tirana, Albania 9 December 2019

Introduction: Images, Issues and Impressionism The beginning is perhaps more difficult than anything else, but keep heart, it will turn out all right. —van Gogh 1927: 31 Our story begins in a seedy studio in Paris. Not the first place, we might imagine, to host a conversation about philosophy and religion, but probably not the last place either. Art is the handmaid of culture, as it is of faith and human creativity. Images evoke in ways data and percentage, logic and argument, never can. They speak when the world is silent and leave lasting impressions. They make a point, sell a product, keep us awake at night. Images in stories add power to narrative. They are like parables in a nutshell. It’s right we begin here, to remind ourselves of the power of images; such that, to some they become forbidden idols, to others favoured gods. If we are not careful, they leave false or distorted impressions. Not every image is true, nor all perception accurate. We misread maps, mistake meanings, forget a face. Our story here questions the image we have of Confucianism and the impression left on us by Christianity. In a seedy studio we risk finding truth and owning up to our mistakes. In one of many letters by the post-Impressionist Dutch artist Vincent van Gogh (1853–90) to his brother Theo (1857–91), he wrote this: ‘What is always urgent is the drawing, and whether you do it straight off with the brush or with something else, say a pen, you never get enough done. I am trying now to exaggerate the essential, and purposely leave the obvious things vague’ (van Gogh 1958: 572).2 Van Gogh’s radical style demonstrates this, with his striking colours, bold lines and rough textures, especially after he, and his co-resident in the ‘Yellow House’ in Arles, Paul Gaugin (1848–93), started to use loose-woven jute canvasses. Artistic skills, like oils, were to be crisply, keenly, deliberately deployed. Echoing Swedish philosopher-scientist Emanuel Swedenborg (1688– 1772), Van Gogh – and, even more so, Gaugin – posited an inherent harmony and beauty in nature that artists seek to capture by simplification, exaggeration and, if needed, ‘distortion’ (Grant 2014: 148f.). Hence, his ‘Prisoners Exercising’ (February 1890) – a stark copy of Gustave Doré’s (1833– 83) gloomy engraving ‘Newgale: The Exercise Yard’ – conveys the sense of imprisonment he felt in the Saint-Paul-de-Mausole asylum at Saint Rémy, where he died from self-inflicted (?) gunshot wounds (five months later). Less is more in such an image. With a few brushstrokes he lays bare his tortured spirit; his life, as depicted elsewhere, an ugly blemish on an exalted canvas. Art and faith alone gave it meaning (Maurer 1998: 35). From this dark ‘Symbolist’ world light still shines; the artist’s studio a shrine to Van Gogh, his admirers, and seekers after truth.

1 2

Letter to Theo van Gogh (The Hague, January 1873). Letter to Theo, 26 May 1888. Van Gogh wrote more than 650 letters to his brother. 1

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Careful selection and skilful exaggeration apply to all forms of art. These principles match our comparative study of Christianity and classical Confucianism. To claim more for it than an impressionist’s introduction would be wrong. Not to attend carefully, as we splash paint on vast subjects, would be foolish. Skill is needed. Focus is essential. Much must be still left vague. Getting to grips with originals is key. Second-hand copies will not do. It is third-hand impressions of Confucianism and Christianity that have made dialogue between them so stormy and strained. Listening to what is really being said helps restore relationship. As we set out, Van Gogh is a good companion. His life’s journey and work are well-known in China and the West. Théodore Duret’s (1838–1927) biography3 was translated and adapted for Japanese readers by Kuroda Jûtarô (1887–1970) in 1921. The work was sinicized by the philosopher, artist, essayist, and social commentator Feng Zikai 䊀ᆀᝧ (1898–1975) as ụ儉⭏⍫ (Van Gogh’s Life). Feng was a Buddhist Neo-Confucian, with a passion for Western art, philosophy, childlike simplicity and artistic sympathy. Van Gogh’s madness is for him ‘similar to the ideal archetype of the Oriental hermit-like artist’ (Inaga 2000: 93).4 Van Gogh and Feng both address pain and sadness in life. Their interests and method are apposite here: they aim to portray the truth about life faithfully, creatively and poignantly. Van Gogh inspires confidence to move on from what we see and know of him to what we do not know of Christianity and Confucianism. He speaks for every scholar, ‘[Y]ou never get enough done’! And adds: ‘It is looking at things for a long time that ripens you and gives you a deeper meaning’ (Jansen 2009: 4.281).5 Lofty ideas, like existential realities, warrant attention to grasp meaning. Mind, body and soul are scrutinized. Centuries of ignorance and interpretative grime dull the colours of ancient texts and traditions. Like the picture restorer, our task is to strip away accretions to understand, appreciate, and then compare originals. For Van Gogh, this is the heart of art and essence of faith and wisdom: this, to him, is how to see, and so live, life. In Van Gogh’s ‘The Starry Night’ (1889) – a view from his room in Saint Rémy – and four versions of ‘Sunflowers’ (1888) he painted for Gaugin’s room when luring him to Arles, we find an analogue of the breadth and depth needed to study Christianity and Confucianism. Cosmic mysteries and daily realities confront us. Just as Van Gogh’s provocative aesthetic sought the soul of the immaterial cosmos in the body of the material world, Christianity and Confucianism construe form as translucent, an opaque window on an unseen, larger world. In the spirit of the Impressionists, we examine the critical, creative genius of Confucius and Jesus, to glean from the few historical brushstrokes we have of their life and thought the key to their wisdom and impact on our world. We read of the impression they left through art. Van Gogh may seem an unexpected intermediary to foster cross-cultural dialogue between Christianity and Confucianism. Far from it: the artist’s early embrace of oriental styles and culture

Cf. Duret, T. (1916), Vincent van Gogh. On van Gogh’s reception in Asia, Inaga, S. (2000), ‘The Myth of Vincent van Gogh’; —(1998), ‘Théodore Duret, Kuroda Jûtarô et Feng Zikai’; Laurence, P. (2003), Lily Briscoe’s Chinese Eyes, 369. 5 Letter 686, to Theo, 23 or 24 September 1888. Unlike some Impressionists, van Gogh was respectful of Christianity. In his early years he aspired to be a pastor and was active as a village evangelist in Belgium. His theological awareness is illustrated by a letter to Theo, prompted by something he’s read by the Russian novelist Leo Tolstoy (1828–1920): ‘From what I gather from that article, in it he’s searching for what will remain eternally true in the religion of Christ, and what all religions have in common . . . I believe that his religion cannot be cruel and increase our sufferings, but on the contrary, it must be very consoling and must inspire serenity, and energy, and the courage to live, and a whole lot of things’ (ibid.). 3 4

INTRODUCTION

3

is well-known. He and Theo were fascinated by Japanese woodcuts (or ukiyo-e prints), which they collected and marketed in Paris. With this came a sense that the Orient could, and did, illuminate the West. As Van Gogh wrote in July 1888: ‘All my work is based to some extent on Japanese art’ (Jansen 2009: 4.175).6 He accorded it neo-religious status:7 as here, images can easily – to some, dangerously – acquire an iconic aura. Impressionism took its name from Oscar-Claude Monet’s (1840–1926) painting of a sun rise over the harbour at Le Havre, Impression, soleil levant (1874). The mystique of the Orient – particularly China – had fascinated and inspired the intellectual and artistic élite of Europe since the early 17th century. Over time – for social, economic, or political reasons – estimations of China and Chinese culture fluctuated. With the US-Japanese Convention of Kanagawa (1854), which ended Holland’s trade monopoly, Japan opened up. Japonisme flooded Europe, as chinoiserie had a century earlier. To Monet, Van Gogh, and others at the time, the ‘rising sun’ of oriental culture was the harbinger of a new European renaissance. In its use of light, vivid colour, texture, acute angles, lack of perspective, and alluring ‘off-stage’ figures, traditional Japanese art offered Impressionists new ideas and techniques. Its vibrant, sceptical, anarchic heir, Post-Impressionism, trailed behind circumspectly. Here imitation and creativity combine. The effect is more muted: reception must be, we sense now, mutual. Van Gogh’s cautious oriental optimism, social realism and generous naturalism, provide a helpful paradigm for cultural dialogue between Christianity and Confucianism. Neither uncritical ‘Orientalism’ nor unthinking ‘Occidentalism’ is appropriate. Mutuality and respect are essential. As Van Gogh wrote again to Theo: I cannot help thinking that the best way of knowing God is to love many things. Love this friend, this person, this thing, whatever you like, and you will be on the right road to understanding Him better, that is what I keep telling myself. But you must love with a sublime, genuine, profound sympathy, with devotion, with intelligence, and you must try all the time to understand Him more, better and yet more. That will lead to God, that will lead to an unshakeable faith. —Jansen: 1.2478 Van Gogh studied life generously and comprehensively, in all its raw beauty and reality: herein lay the key to life’s mystery and God’s reality. As French-American literary critic George Steiner (b. 1929) points out, Van Gogh’s artistic genius turns a tough old pair of peasant shoes, on a rough textured canvas, into the existential truth of a long homeward journey after a hard day’s work in the fields of life (Steiner 1991: 42). The same is true of his depiction of eyes, so full of existential longing and an eagerness to learn. Attentiveness, honesty and generosity of spirit, are marks of a good conversation. They are also sine qua nons of cross-cultural exchange. Bombast, overconfidence, disinterest and mockery make for an unpleasant meal, eaten or shared. Van Gogh

Letter 640. On van Gogh’s interest in Japanese art, Grant, Letters, 150f. Ibid. On the Orient and van Gogh’s self-perception, see his letter to Theo on the exchange of self-portraits with Gaugin: ‘[I]f I might be allowed to stress my own personality in a portrait, I had done so in trying to convey in my portrait not only myself but an impressionist in general, and had conceived it as the portrait of a bonze (sic), a simple worshiper of the eternal Buddha’ (Letter 697, 7 October 1888; Jansen, 4.308). 8 Letter 155, 22 to 24 June 1880 (from Cuesmes). Van Gogh’s faith and art became more complex and inclusive in later life. 6 7

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suggests another kitchen, where life is tasted through another’s experience. In this, he offers a wholesome intercultural diet. The essentialism which guides van Gogh’s aesthetic priorities and technique – and the prolific output that so irked the ponderous Paul Cézanne (1839–1906)! – is useful in other respects. It raises the epistemological issue of ‘essentialism’ per se: that is, the definition of phenomena by traits or platonic ‘ideals’ by temporal ‘forms’. It works for van Gogh, but can it work here? Is an ‘essentialist’ approach to Confucianism and Christianity possible, or even desirable? Can these vast, ancient, evolving traditions be read through their dominant traits? Isn’t more subtlety needed? Or, again, can the ideas and ideals at their heart, be captured in simple, coherent prose? And the billiondollar question: Is what Confucius and Jesus were about ever mastered? Van Gogh’s essentialism alerts us to a fundamental issue for study of Confucianism and Christianity: in form and content these ancient expressions of humanity’s spiritual and ethical response to mystery and drama in life, are profoundly complex. When overlaid by millennia of intentional and unintentional interpretative grime, we struggle to see the originals. We might conclude none existed, that they are merely ancient myths. Better, perhaps, to be open to the idea that in their mystery lies majesty, in tattered rags royal robes. The image we have may be an old, inaccurate impression: it shouldn’t mislead us to assume the original isn’t worthy of attention. It is fools who claim to see and know. These traditions defy such easy confidence. They are allusive in style, depicting wisdom like an Impressionist painting. Van Gogh’s global appeal today is heartening. He reminds us that ‘exaggerating the essential’ can work. In the chapters following we heed his advice; mindful that in the end much will remain ‘vague’, unclear, unexplained, or inexplicable. An image is just an image after all, an invitation in parabolic form inviting us to think further, look deeper and be ready to be surprised. I sincerely hope this will be the beginning of a satisfying new journey. There is more for us in van Gogh’s legacy. The term ‘Impressionism’ became a cudgel wielded by the smug art critic, engraver, and playwright Louis Leroy (1812–85). As he wrote of Monet’s ‘Impression, soleil levant’: ‘Impression – I was certain of it. I was just telling myself that, since I was impressed, there had to be some impression in it – and what freedom, what ease of workmanship! A preliminary drawing for a wallpaper pattern is more finished than this seascape.’9 Leroy was not alone. The fifty-five artists in the ‘Exposition des Impressionnistes’ (Impressionists’ Exhibition) that the flamboyant Parisian photographer Nadar10 showed at his salon in April 1874, were widely ridiculed. Édouard Manet’s (1832–83) sister-in-law, Berthe Morisot (1841–95), reports one critic dismissing them as ‘a bunch of lunatics and a woman’. Form and content were both lambasted. Traditionalists couldn’t see intention in blurred images. But Impressionist style and technique drew almost as much from new science as old oriental art. The physics of light, form, shape and colour were analysed en route to feather-light brushstrokes and vivid tones that evoke a glimpse, a face, emotion, a group, an outdoor scene. The Parisian cognoscenti were hostile. These bold new images did anything but impress. The irascible art critic Albert Wolff (1835–91) wrote in Le Figaro: Try to make Monsieur Pissarro understand that trees are not violet; that the sky is not the color of fresh butter . . . that no sensible human being could countenance such aberrations . . . [T]ry Leroy’s review – in the form of a dialogue between two acidic attendees – appeared in Le Charivari (25 April 1874). Nadar was Gaspard-Félix Tournachon’s (1820–1910) pseudonym. An exotic enigma, Nadar was a caricaturist, novelist, journalist and balloonist!

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to explain to Monsieur Renoir that a woman’s torso is not a mass of decomposing flesh with those purplish-green stains. —q. Shikes 1980: 13211 Perceptions change. Preference and prejudice come and go. Impressionism is now accredited, with van Gogh its legitimate heir and its self-conscious, bastard child. While Monet painted flowers, van Gogh portrayed pain. Impressionism and Post-Impressionism have changed the way we see art and read the world. The impact of both on China and the West has been huge. They have changed perception. In what follows, we track other cultural realities that have defined and united China and the West and have shaped how Christianity and Confucianism have been interpreted. For art and science, like music, nature, books and sport, define culture and unite cultures. Van Gogh exemplifies a vital hermeneutic principle: we read the world through global ‘cultural archetypes’. We do not approach life tabula rasa, but with preconfigured paradigms. To see originals clearly these schematizing ‘archetypes’ must be named, their impact registered, restricted even, if needed. A cross-cultural reading of the Confucian Classics and Christian New Testament requires we face factors affecting our reading. We must ‘read backwards carefully’.12 Comparative analysis risks becoming mere intellectual ‘wallpaper’. We must use all sorts of cultural, literary, historical, philosophical, linguistic and social scientific resources to recover a fresh sense of the original craftsmen and their craft, and thereby glean a clearer idea of what they said and why they still matter. The history of Impressionism alerts us to prejudice and distortion. The movement’s love of detail and light touch demand attention. Depth is subtle, image evanescent, prejudice blind.

CHALLENGES Though our aims are limited, the task is immense. Neither Confucianism nor Christianity can be easily pigeon-holed. They are seminal, pluriform, realities with a long, dynamic – often conflicted – interpretative history. To scholars, they offer the best and worst of disciplines: broad avenues for research, immense scope for ‘impacts’! For millennia Confucianism and Christianity have catalysed human imagination and critiqued culture(s). The canon of the Confucian Classics and Christian scriptures have been thesauri for life and morality. Here are world-defining words, ideas, texts and practices to set beside Islam, Judaism, Buddhism, Hinduism and Marxism, as proto-types of our spiritual, philosophical, and ethical endeavour. Both traditions have also been subject to social, political and intellectual pressure. Long-time Columbia University sinologist Theodore de Bary (1919–2017) observes in The Trouble with Confucianism (1991): ‘[D]espite the new, more considered attention given to Confucius, his place is still unsettled and his status unclear’ (ix). Whatever we conclude of the character and merits of Christianity and Confucianism, these are not artsy flummery but ‘Old Masters’, priceless even when ‘out of fashion’. They judge us, not the reverse. Perspective is crucial. Before considering the history and complexity of cross-cultural (or comparative) philosophical dialogue between Confucianism and Christianity, we should consider the challenges ahead. Here On Impressionism and the 1874 exhibition, Guntern, G. (2010), The Spirit of Creativity, 303–5. On the concept and need to ‘read backwards carefully’, Salter, A. (2017), ‘Reading time backwards?’; Hays, R. (2014), Reading Backwards. Also, below p. 472, n. 386 and passim. 11 12

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are two vast glacial movements that have cut a swathe through the rock of human personality, society and history. We may not warm to their principles: we cannot deny their prescience and legacy, their intellectual weight and moral urgency. When we engage them, we find ourselves prodded and squeezed. As Jesus challenged his disciples: ‘But what about you? Who do you say I am?’ (Mk 8.29). The interrogative character of Christianity and Confucianism is integral to both traditions. Here texts and themes subvert and disconcert. This is ancient ‘wisdom literature’ with a deep, allusive, alluring authority. Much is questioned and questionable here, though. In both traditions, philosophical, theological, and commentarial work, is constantly re-evaluating primary sources. Ancient texts are subject to modern criticism, moral directives to the postmodern mirage of ‘choice’, textual integrity tested by ‘relevance’. If we are not careful, confidence in the possibility of interpretative clarity is shot, with Christianity an ‘essentially contested concept’ (Sykes 1984: 251f.) and Confucianism relegated to exotica. Legitimate questions remain. We must ask with others if Confucianism is a ‘religion’,13 or Christianity ever less than such. We must reckon with various – very different – ‘schools of thought’. Protestant, Catholic, Orthodox, Anglican, Pentecostal become Classical, Neo-, New, or Bostonian Confucianism. Like other ‘Old Masters’ we must be ready to be humbled. If we presume to scrutinize them, we find the reverse to be true. Here are ancient traditions with extraordinary modern power. The challenges facing us can be gathered under three heads. First, the complexity of reading and interpreting ancient ‘Classics’. Both Christianity and Confucianism are textual. Their origin, appeal, focus, character and subsequent history, are inseparable from the Four and Five Books of the Confucian Classics and the four New Testament Gospels. And all are rightly read in their broader canonical context. Here lies, in van Gogh’s sense, their ‘kernel’. Though some may, out of ignorance, indifference or ideology, despise or dismiss these texts, no comparative study of Christianity and Confucianism can. The faces of Jesus, Confucius, and their disciples are etched on these rough canvasses as nowhere else: we read here what was first written about them. As is often said, the twenty chapters of the Analects, or Lunyu 䄆䃎 (collected sayings), of Confucius and the New Testament’s Gospels are the most natural point of textual comparison and thematic dialogue. In our search for the ‘essential’, this is the place to start. In what follows, the Analects and Gospels provide a window to frame and focus our discussion. This restriction helps to protect the narrative line and reduces relevant material. But texts are still notoriously tricky. Reading words may be easy, but understanding and interpreting them is not. In this instance, reading is complexified by Chinese and Greek originals. Understanding is clouded by culture, exposition mangled by syntax. The risk of distortion, misconception, prejudice and presumption, is immense. As indicated, our work is like picture restoration: cleaning texts so their original meaning and present value shines. To ‘read backwards carefully’ requires we reckon with shared ‘cultural archetypes’ that shape the way the Analects and Gospels are interpreted in China and the West. That is my thesis and my aim. These are developed here in thematic chapters set into a progressive timeframe of East-West relations. The process enables us to read, mark, learn and evaluate Jesus and Confucius without prejudice, and so study their image and ideas with openness, understanding and integrity. But it will not be easy: false assumptions run deep in all of us.

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N.B. among other discussions, Taylor, R. (2010), Religious Dimensions of Confucianism.

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Our second challenge is the breadth and depth of the ideas and issues that Jesus and Confucius raise, let alone those who have chewed their bones or continued their work. Here are two characters bracketed by some with Gautama Buddha (c. 563 BCE/480 BCE–c. 483 BCE/400 BCE) and the Prophet Muhammad (c. 570 CE—632 CE), Mahatma Gandhi (1869–1948) and Mother Teresa (1910–97), Martin Luther King, Jr. (1929–68) and Nelson Mandela (1918–2013), as ‘paradigms’ of vision, courage, faith and transformative power. Figures who have changed our world, and how we see it. Like these, we meet Confucius and Jesus more with awe than confidence. Chapters 1 and 2 focus on Confucius and Jesus. We will discover them there to be remarkable as much for who and what they were and are, as for what they said or did. Their appeal is holistic. They address everyday issues and higher things. They critique character and commend compassion. They touch small and great, friend and enemy. They turn words into action, and lead by example. Here is practical wisdom, philosophy of a moral, relational, spiritual, eternal kind. There is an imperative, pedagogical power in what they say and do. ‘This matters’; or, as Jesus said, ‘Whoever has ears, let them hear’ (Mt. 11.15, Mk 4.9). It is no surprise these paradoxically conservative, yet iconoclastic, lives were wracked by obloquy and controversy. Their disruptive energy still shakes the foundation of life as we know or make it. Post-World War II scepticism, hegemonic scientism, materialist apathy, relativistic postmodernism, and angular ‘New Atheism’, may have conspired to choke Christianity, and Confucianism may have been savaged by mid-20th-century Maoism and the myopia of the ‘lost ten years’ of the Cultural Revolution (1966–76), but their power to subvert persists. CCP academic activist Yang Rongguo ὺ῞഻ (1907–78) may have (rather oddly) criticized Confucius as the ‘sage of the reactionary classes’ (q. Ching, J., 1976: 49), for his ideological elitism (with ‘haves’ and ‘have nots’ of an intuited Way) and his philosophical idealism (with precision and an ‘objectification of names’), but ‘the Master’ returned as a giant in Reform Era China,14 with his comprehensive claims still as invasive as in Christian orthodoxy where mind, body and spirit are appealed to at every level. We treat these tigers as kittens at our peril. As Confucius, like the 4th-century Greek philosopher Aristotle (384–322 BCE), warned: ‘Working from the wrong starting-point will lead to nothing but harm’ (A. 2.16).15 Van Gogh would not dispute this. We must begin at the beginning and aim to keep things clear, concise and imitatively compelling. This kind of methodological exaggeration makes sense. It helps us identify significant wood in a forest of intellectual and moral trees. The third challenge we face is perspectival: changing the analogy, where should we, or, as importantly, can we stand to study these two soaring historic peaks? If we’re too close we risk drowning in the effluent of minutiae, if too distant, we’ll overlook the gems in rocky outcrops. The problem of perspective can be put another way. Claimed objectivity threatens the subjective character of Christianity and Confucianism, like a musicologist who mistakes black notes on a page for serene music. If we adopt an ‘invested’ attitude, however, and approach Christianity and Confucianism as ‘committed’ observers, we risk being seen to be (or actually be!) a ‘know-all’ bigot. Interculturalism appreciates such problems of context and perspective, with cultural ‘disengagement’ deemed as difficult as inter-cultural rapport. We must tread with care. Neither Christianity nor Confucianism was formed or fuelled in a cultural vacuum. Both are product, producer and prophetic 14 On this, Gregor, A. and M. Chang (1979), ‘Anti-Confucianism’, 1073–92; MacFarquhar, R. and M. Schoenhals (2006), Mao’s Last Revolution; Teoh, V. (1985), ‘The Reassessment of Confucius’. On Confucian ‘rectification of names’, p. 250, n. 382. 15 N.B. unless indicated, quotations are from Slingerland, E. (2003a), Confucius Analects.

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critics of their historical context. We simply can’t side-step discussions of context and enculturation. However, Christianity and Confucianism have for millennia inhabited ‘One World’. They belong to intersecting cultural ‘horizons’ where mutual enculturation was, and is, inevitable. Viewed thus, the dialogue of Christianity and Confucianism isn’t the strident squabbling of unknown ‘aliens’ and ‘foreigners’, but that of all-too-familiar acquaintances and global, cultural neighbours. This is important to register. We must beware, though, to never underestimate the challenge of monitoring harsh exchanges between East and West or between Confucianism and Christianity. Our story is full of bitter disputes, violent exchanges, tough words and cold, calculating disinterest. The literature is vast, specialist knowledge imperialistic, linguistic nuance often decisive and thematic similarity dangerously seductive. Cultivated in different environments, grown on distant continents, voiced in other tongues, expressed by distinctive rituals: it is not hard to present the case for difference between Christianity and Confucianism. The more so when we admit their different intellectual orbits: one humanistic, the other theistic; one bound to history, the other by eternity. But even a casual observer can see similarity in Jesus’s ‘Love command’ (‘Do to others what you would have them do to you’, Mt. 7.12) and Confucius’s ‘Golden rule’ (‘Do not do to others what you would not want them to do to you’, A. 15.24). If your image of these traditions is that they speak of fundamentally different things, please think again: they do not. That’s the problem; or, better, a problem many have tried to avoid.

POSSIBILITIES Despite the challenges, there has been a long, sophisticated history of careful comparative analysis of Christianity and Confucianism. The present volume depends on the work of others, past and present. It is not hard to see the potential value and persisting allure of Christian-Confucian dialogue. Here are two culture-shaping traditions that have defined life and death for millions. Like it or not, they have made – and still make – our world. Though cultural ‘wallpaper’ for some16 – particularly those deaf to history or dead to the soul – here are two sophisticated, ancient socioethical systems that (at least) inculcate values, engender ideals, foster relationships and help to stabilize society. More than this, Confucian-Christian dialogue offers stimuli for self-discovery, social cohesion and harmony in a war-torn world. Here are old, bold, effective antidotes to fissiparous individualism, aggressive materialism and a corrosive globalized culture. We may not welcome the questions they ask or answers they give, but we can neither deny their right to tender them nor ignore them out of hand. If we drill down further, we find Confucian-Christian dialogue speaks to pressing issues of identity and individuality, and thence into debates on genetic engineering and ecology, euthanasia, education and Human Rights.17 The connection both traditions forge between anthropology and cosmology challenges a mechanistic bifurcation of humanity and the natural world at a time this

N.B. on spirituality in secularity, Smith, G. (2008), History of Secularism. N.B. on New Confucianism and ecology, Tu, W. (1998), ‘Beyond the Enlightenment Mentality’; —(1976) Neo-Confucian Thought; —(1989) Centrality and Commonality. For Christian responses, Gottlieb R. S. ed. (2004), This Sacred Earth; Bakken, P., et al. (1995), Ecology, Justice and Christian Faith; Hessel, D. T. ed. (1996), Theology for Earth Community; — (2000), Christianity and Ecology; Nash, J. A. (1996), ‘Toward the Ecological Reformation of Christianity’. 16 17

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relationship is under close, postmodern scrutiny. As such, both traditions now resist abuse of the natural world and offer a prophetic critique of amoral ecology and biological experimentation. Here, in short, is a concerted appeal to depth in life and a rejection of selfish superficiality. Love, goodness, truth, discipline, sacrifice, patience, study, effort, wisdom and loyalty, are all commended here; while pride and deceit, treachery, cant, poverty, pain, death and despair, are effectively confronted. If we doubt how relevant Confucianism and Christianity are to life today, we should read (again) their ‘Classic’ texts, in which our shared existential condition is laid bare with disconcerting perspicacity. This comparative study of Christianity and Confucianism has been enhanced by, and aims to contribute to, three specific areas of scholarship. First, comparative ‘Culture Studies’ and intercultural philosophy; in other words, academic disciplines that address the specific character and complexity of what has been called the ‘Dialogue between Civilizations’. Talk of ‘culture wars’18 and the ‘clash of civilizations’19 has generated heat, if not light. ‘Culture Studies’ reinforce the notion of Confucianism and Christianity as micro-cultures that exist in a symbiotic relation with macro-cultures that spawn, nurture, critique and disseminate them. We cannot, and do not know cultural realities apart from this process of cultural conditioning. Historical inter-cultural studies confirm of-late that cultural interaction has existed for longer, and in more potent and nuanced ways, than previously imagined.20 Like grains of wheat in a trader’s bag, ideas, rituals and cultural habits have been transported and planted elsewhere.21 We can no longer say confidently and unambiguously that ‘East is East, and West is West’. Modern ‘globalization’ narratives too often forget the fact and impact of ‘Silk Roads’.22 We are, and have been aware for centuries of being, part of one interconnected world. In light of this, later chapters consider Confucianism and Christianity as micro-cultures; that is, through their symbols, rituals, myths and mores. Prior to that, we examine the technical, intellectual exchange that has existed for centuries between Christianity and Confucianism. But even more than this, we look for macro-cultural situations, which spawned, nurtured, critiqued, and disseminated oriental Confucianism in occidental Christianity, and the reverse. Neither Christianity nor Confucianism have existed in a vacuum, and neither remained unaffected by international stimuli. Like images in a camera, each is rightly seen as superimposed on and through the other for millennia. How could it be otherwise? Recognizing this is crucial here. Inter-cultural philosophy, as a subset of ‘Culture Studies’, is an important matrix for ConfucianChristian dialogue.23 If Christianity is more than a philosophy, it is never less: it applies logic, uses 18 N.B. the roots of ‘culture war’ discourse in 1980s America, and of Samuel Huntington (1927–2008) and Edward Said’s (1935–2003) popularizing of an East-West ‘clash of civilizations’, in Prussian PM Otto von Bismarck’s (1815–98) Kulturkampf (culture struggle, 1871–8), that sought to restrict the influence of the RC minority. In the 1920s, the Marxist social theorist Antonio Gramsci (1891–1937) re-energized the idea of a ‘culture struggle’. Cf. also, Hunter, J. D. (1991), Culture Wars. For positive and inclusive views of E-W exchange, Forman, R. G. (2014), China and the Victorian Imagination; Song, G. ed. (2016), Reshaping the Boundaries: The Christian Intersection of China and the West in the Modern Era. 19 Cf. Huntington, S. (1996), The Clash of Civilizations; Said, E. (1978), Orientalism. For a Chinese view, He, G. (2008), ‘Clash of Civilizations’. On Said, p. 184, n. 3, 268, n. 17, 294, n. 145, 384, n. 213. 20 On China and world religions, Chan, W-T. (1969), ‘The Historic Chinese Contribution’. 21 Cf. Clossey, L. (2006), ‘Merchants, Migrants, Missionaries’; Gunn, G. C. (2003), First Globalization.; also, Feuchter, J. et al. (2011), Cultural Transfers in Dispute. 22 On the cultural impact of old ‘Silk Road/s’, Frankopan, P. (2015), The Silk Roads. 23 On E-W philosophical interaction since the late–1980s, Bunnin, N. and J. Yu, eds (2004), Blackwell Dictionary of Western Philosophy; also, on religion and globalization in China from 1800, Jansen, T., T. Klein and C. Meyer, eds (2014), Globalization and the Making of Religious Modernity in China.

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reason, and engages, or is engaged by, secular thought and ideology in its public exposition of faith. Confucianism is, as we will see, controversially a ‘religion’ or even ‘religious’.24 Inter-cultural philosophy – more than inter-religious dialogue, or even comparative religion – captures the spirit of this book in two key respects. First, it advocates an inclusive approach in which no school of philosophy is privileged, no part of their history, methodology, or content, proscribed. This seems to me entirely appropriate. The pitch is to be level, even if the game is tight. Neither Confucianism nor Christianity can be permitted to set the agenda. Christianity cannot demand Confucianism address, for example, sin, nor Confucianism prescribe its expression(s) of filial piety for all. Intercultural philosophy is methodologically and intellectually generous. It does not project categories nor promote its preferred criteria. It pursues mature systems ready and able to communicate respectfully. Second, as David Hall and Roger Ames argue in their ‘deconstructive’ reading of the Analects, Thinking through Confucius (1987), inter-cultural philosophy can help point up the inadequacy of Western categories to express Chinese culture. As Robert Neville says in the Preface: ‘Increasing sophistication has revealed the subtle but pervasive otherness between these cultures that distorts the effectiveness of even the best translations’ (viii).25 In other words, key categories like humanity, heaven, time, love or truth, are susceptible to distorted or projected meanings. I would go further: if we are not aware of ‘cultural archetypes’ that shape how we see life, we cannot read accurately nor ‘read backwards carefully’. If we fail to take cognizance of the way China and the West have been (and indeed are) conditioned by ‘cultural archetypes’, we cannot read the Analects and Gospels with intelligent integrity, let alone interpret them wisely as guides to life and images of truth. Equally, however, when global ‘cultural archetypes’ are identified and deployed, we have the basis for a new type of Confucian-Christian dialogue and East-West socio-political, linguistic and cultural exchange. The second area of scholarship to which this work relates, and seeks to contribute, is the cultural and intellectual history of East-West relations. This is the obvious location for study of the dialogue between Christianity and Confucianism.26 Indeed, the centrality of the 17th-century Jesuit mission to European engagement with China places Confucian-Christian dialogue at the historical and intellectual heart of East-West relations. We will look at the content of that dialogue in detail later: it is the backcloth of much that follows.27 For now, three features of this cross-cultural history deserve attention. First, as Frankopan and others have shown, from 13th-century Mongol invasions to trade in silk, tea, porcelain and spices, European interaction with China was broad and deep. Military campaigns suppressed and displaced people. Old cultural boundaries became blurred.28 Musicology tracks tunes from China to Persia. Evidence reveals Nestorian (viz. Persian) Christians in China in 578 CE, but they were there as traders and not missionaries. Socio-geographic mobility, and this cultural, intellectual fluidity, are not new. Confucian-Christian dialogue – when interpreted

Cf. p. 33, n. 76, 34, n. 77, 35, 117, n. 144, 121f., 151, 182, n. 292, 257, 293. Hall and Ames show how inter-cultural studies can expose the inadequacy of domestic terms and categories. 26 N.B. recently, Keevak, M. (2017), Embassies to China. 27 For a recent study of the Jesuit contribution, N. Golvers, N. (2017), ‘The Jesuit mission in China (17th-18th cent.) as the framework for the circulation of knowledge between Europe and China’. 28 On knowledge exchange without travel, Sachsenmaier, D. (2018), Global Entanglements of a Man Who Never Traveled; and, when early missionaries lost their way, Vermote, F. (2018), ‘Travelers Lost and Redirected’. 24 25

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as a subtle spectrum of casual, verbal, ritual, and formal academic, encounters – existed for centuries in unself-conscious, broadband, cultural interaction. In so far as Christianity was noticed in the Tang Dynasty (618–907 CE), it was linked to Syria and the Roman Empire as just Bosi-jiao ⌒ᯟᮉ (Persian teaching) or Daqin jingjiao བྷ〖Ჟᮉ (Enlightened religion of the Daqin).29 The history of East-West cultural and intellectual relations cannot compartmentalize religion and everyday life, nor bifurcate occidental Christianity and oriental Confucianism. Such hard edges do not fit the evidence, nor the subtle science of cultural interaction. What’s more, as introduced above, this interpenetration involves shared ‘cultural archetypes’ that intrude on, and inspire, ConfucianChristian dialogue. There is one caveat to this: after more than two millennia the mystique (if not terror) of the ‘Orient’ in occidental eyes is as strong as ever.30 The cultural and intellectual history of East-West relations also reveals, secondly, the interaction was two-way. If post-colonial studies ensure European violations of Asia are not hidden, contemporary scholarship admits other countervailing forces. The social, scientific, philosophical, political, and literary impact on 17th- and 18th-century Europe of the quest to copy ‘hard paste’ porcelain, say, or to integrate Chinese thought in European philosophy and correlate Confucianism with Christian orthodoxy, are increasingly acknowledged today.31 Likewise, Western missionaries as intermediaries of culture. As Harvard historian John K. Fairbank (1907–91) wrote: ‘In China’s nineteenth-century relations with the West, Protestant missionaries are still the least studied but most significant actors in the scene’ (Barnett and Fairbank 1985: 2).32 If we accept the criticism in academic International Relations of a late ‘Eurocentric big bang theory of world politics’, in which western ‘civilization’ spontaneously combusted, expanded, and spread out to make a world in its image, Europe’s encounters with China were still at best deferential, at worst, doctrinaire, dangerous, disastrous.33 But there were countless sources in China, and key receptors in the West, that helped to catalyse the dynamic trans-cultural matrix in which independently constructed texts and traditions (like the Analects and Gospels) have been – and still are – consciously or unconsciously read. In the international, cultural cartography that follows, we see significant topographic features on the uncharted, unprocessed, and at times unwelcomed, landscape of cultural reciprocity that has shaped, and still shapes, the world today.34 The legacy of van Gogh and his ilk live on in China and the West.35 Capturing and presenting this is essential here – and for the future. As we have begun to recognize, in the history of East-West cultural and intellectual interaction, Christian mission, and the literature associated with it, are increasingly respected. When something, 29 Daqin was the name for the Eastern Roman Empire. On this, Nicolini-Zani, M. (2013), ‘Christian Approaches to Religious Diversity’. 30 On the mystique of the Orient, p. 101, 103f., 145, 173. 31 Cf. Couto, D. and F. Lachaud, eds (2017), Empires en marche; Brandt, B. and D. L. Purdy, eds (2016), China in the German Enlightenment; Jäger, H. (2012), ‘Konfuzianismusrezeption als Wegbereitung der deutschen Aufklärung’. Cf. also, below p. 102f., 110, 115, 118, 184. 32 Cf. Fairbank, J. K. (1974a), The Missionary Enterprise. 33 For an IR perspective on intimidation Jesuits (and others) felt when they first encountered Chinese politics, culture and philosophy, Zhang, Y. (2014), ‘Curious and exotic encounters’; Mungello, D. (2005), The Great Encounter, 81f. 34 On unexpected Sino-Western philosophical contact, Gopnik, A. (2009), ‘Could David Hume Have Known about Buddhism?’ 35 N.B. Van Gogh’s impact on artists trained in the West, like Xu Beihong ᗀᛢ卫 (1895–1953), President of the Central Academy of Fine Arts and Chairman of the China Artists Association (1949), and Sanyu or Chang Yu ᑨ⦹ (1901–66), who settled in Paris. Such is art’s capacity to speak globally and unite socio-politically. On this, cf. Choi, K. I. (2015), ‘Portraits of Virtue: Henri-Léonard Bertin, Joseph Amiot and the “Great Man” of China’.

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or someone, noticeably Christian first arrived in China is a mystery.36 The stele37 discovered by workman in Xi’an 㾯ᆹᐲ (mod.), or Chang’an 䮧ᆹ (China’s historic capital), in 1625, is dated 781. It honours the arrival of the shadowy Bishop Alopen in 635.38 This is a significant event in the primitive history of Chinese Christianity,39 despite the fact James Legge (1815–97), the Scottish missionary-scholar and first Professor of Chinese at Oxford University (fr. 1876), dismissed Alopen and his successors’ legacy as a ‘certain degenerate nominal Christianity . . . swamped by Confucian, Taoist & Buddhist ideas’ ([1888], Foster 1939: 112)! Perhaps unsurprisingly, before the appearance of the gifted and charismatic Matteo Ricci (1552–1610) and his Jesuit brethren in the early 17th century, the history of Christianity in China is shrouded in mystery and plagued by controversy (not that things improve much later!).40 As casual encounters give way to missionary endeavour, the fortunes of Christianity in China wax and wane. Waves of missionaries come from Europe bringing their different theologies, practices and cultural hand-luggage. Franciscans, Jesuits, Dominicans, and various manifestations of Protestant endeavour, all engage Chinese culture and its ancient Confucian heritage.41 We review this story in Chapter 3. For now, as recent scholarship (on an almost industrial scale) reveals, the RC ‘China mission’ of the 17th and 18th centuries played a pivotal role in importing (largely unsuccessfully at first) European culture into China and exporting (at times effectively and oppressively) Chinese skills, ideas, products, artefacts and personnel into Western Europe. In this atmosphere Confucian-Christian cultural dialogue was hazardous. It had to weather intense military and political storms, economic and imperial ambition, religious and nationalist bigotry, and the idiocy or unpredictability of specific individuals and diverse communities.42 Along the way, Europe learned much from China and China from Europe. The result is the appearance today of two once unimaginable realities: China a global super-power and home to the largest Christian community, the West re-invaded by wealthy Chinese visitors and hundreds of thousands of Chinese scholars and students, many seeking faith and/or a new homeland. The third area of scholarship which this book has been enhanced by, and aims to contribute to, is comparative Sino- and/or Confucian-Christian studies. Scholarship in this area can be subdivided. Some evidence suggests the late 1st-century Thomas mission went on from India to China. The stele was a 279 cm high limestone column with an account of Christian communities and their faith inscribed in Chinese and Syriac script. Cf. p. 92f., 96, n. 28. 38 Cf. Moffett, S. H. (1998b), Art. ‘Alopen’, in G. Anderson (ed.), Biographical Dictionary of Christian Missions, 14f. 39 On the stele, Wang, D. (2006), ‘Remnants of Christianity’, in R. Malek and P. Hofrichter (eds), Jingjiao, 149–62; also, Saeki, P. Y. (1951), Nestorian Documents; Wylie, A. (1855–6), ‘On the Nestorian Tablet’. On the history and archaeology of Christianity in Central Asia and China during the Tang (618–907) and Yuan (1271–1368) dynasties, Barrett, T. H. (2002), ‘Buddhism, Taoism and the eighth-century Chinese term for Christianity’; Baumer, C. (2006), Church of the East, 160–223; Godwin, T. (2017), Persian Christians at the Chinese Court; Halbertsma, T. (2008), Early Christian Remains; Malek, R. ed. (2002), Chinese Face of Jesus Christ, 159–79, 180–218, 259–83; Mikkelsen, G. (2007), [Review] ‘Li Tang’s Study of the History of Nestorian Christianity’. 40 On Christianity in China to 1500, Latourette, K. S. (1929), History of Christian Missions in China; Moffett, S. H. (1998a), History of Christianity in Asia; Moule, A. C. (1930), Christians in China; Gilman, I. and H-J. Klimkeit (1999), Christians in Asia Before 1500; Riboud, P. (2001), Art. ‘Tang’, in N. Standaert (ed.), Handbook of Christianity in China, I. 1–43; Lin, W. (2003), Tangdai jingjiao zai yanjiu; Tubach, J. (1999), ‘Die nestorianische Kirche in China’; Forte, A. ed. (1996), L’inscription nestorienne de Si-Ngan-Fou. 41 On Christianity in China generally, Bays, D. (2012a), A New History of Christianity in China; Doyle, G. W. ed. (2015), Builders of the Chinese Church; Fontana, M. (2011), Matteo Ricci; Liu, W. (2004), Christianity in China; Lutz, J. G. (2008), Opening China; Menegon, E. (2009), Ancestors, Virgins, & Friars; Tiedemann, R. G. ed. (2010), Handbook of Christianity in China, Volume 2; Wang, X. (1998), Christianity and Imperial Culture. 42 On ‘failures’ in Western engagement with the Orient, Hertel, R. and M. Keevak, eds (2017), Early Encounters. 36 37

INTRODUCTION

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First, there are integrative studies like Ralph Covell’s, Confucius, The Buddha, and Christ (1986) and David Mungello’s Curious Land: Jesuit Accommodation and the Origins of Sinology (1989) that interweave historical data with intellectual debate, and correlate philosophical and theological issues with emerging Sino-Christian relations.43 Second, there is the work of Chinese scholars such as He Guanghu (b. 1950), Liu Xiaofeng (b. 1956), Ma Min (b. 1955), Tao Feiya (b. 1954), Yang Huilin (b. 1954), Zhao Dunhua (b. 1949) and Zhuo Xinping (b. 1955), who have developed expertise in Western theology and philosophy, church history, ethics, biblical studies and comparative literature, and provided important critical reflection on, and thought-leadership to, Chinese theology and its white-collar ‘Cultural Christians’.44 Third, some new Sino- and ConfucianChristian literature has a thematic, or ‘systematic’, theological character. This perpetuates early Catholic or Protestant intentions: notably, the scholastic strategy of Alessandro Valignano, SJ (1539–1606), Matteo Ricci, SJ, and their Jesuit brothers in Beijing, Johann Adam Schaal von Bell, SJ (1592–1666) and Ferdinand Verbiest, SJ (1623–88); the early translations, sinology and crosscultural work of pioneer Protestant missionaries like Robert Morrison (1782–1836), William Milne (1785–1822), Walter Medhurst (1796–1857) and the Chinese convert Liang [A] Fa ằⲬ (1789– 1855);45 the educational and medical work of early American missionaries Elijah Coleman Bridgman (1801–61), Edwin Stevens (1802–37), and Peter Parker (1804–88); and a second generation of scholar-missionaries, like John Stronach (1810–88), W. A. P. Martin (1827–1916), Timothy Richard (1845–1919), James Legge and his Cambridge counterpart Herbert Giles (1845–1935).46 As Yang Huilin and Daniel Yeung’s work on Sino-Christian theology has shown, early and mid-20th-century Chinese scholars (i.e. Xie Fuya, Zhou Yifu, Zhou Lianhua, Xu Baoqian, Fan Zimei, Liu Tingfang, Feng Shangli, Cheng Jingyi, Chang Lit-sen, Zhao Zichen [T. C. Chao], Wu Yaozong [Y. T. Wu], Wu Leichuan) developed doctrinal, thematic studies and nurtured distinct traditions of indigenous Chinese theology.47 More recently, Julia Ching, He Guanghu, Paulos Huang, Sangkeun Kim, Miikka Ruokanen, Paul A. Rule, Paul K. T. Sih, Tu Weiming, Yang Huilin, Yao Xinzhong and K. K. Yeo (and myself) have studied sundry theological, contextual and exegetical issues in Sino-Western and Confucian-Christian dialogue.48 Spirituality, humanity, forgiveness, salvation, love, memory, ritual and wisdom have all been studied, and biblical, Confucian, Daoist, Neo-Confucian, and Buddhist texts comparatively exegeted. The present work engages this body of material, and the questions it asks about the cultural distinctives of China and Christianity. But I also want to ask some different questions in new ways. 43 Cf. Lo, H. L. (1996), Nestorianism; Riegert, R. and T. Moore, eds (2006), The Lost Sutras of Jesus; Starr, C. (2016), Chinese Theology; Young, J. D. (1980), East-West Synthesis. 44 On their work, Fällman, F. (2008), Salvation and Modernity; He, G. (2000s), ‘Religious Studies in China 1978–1999’. On cultural re-accreditation of Western mission, Yang, H. (2014), China, Christianity, and the Question of Culture. 45 Cf. McNeur, G. H. (2013), Liang A-Fa: China’s First Preacher; Hancock, C. (2008), Robert Morrison, ad loc. 46 Cf. Covell, passim, on these individuals; also, below p. 214f. 47 On Sino-Christian studies, He, G. (2006), ‘The Basis and Significance of Sino-Christian Theology’, in H. Yang and D. H. N. Yeung (eds), Sino-Christian Studies in China, 120–33; Starr, C. (2014), ‘Sino-Christian Theology’, in Jansen, Klein and Meyer (eds), 379–410; Madsen, R. (2017), ‘Epilogue: Multiple Sinicizations of Multiple Christianities’. 48 Cf. Ching, J. (1976), Christianity and Confucianism; He, G. (2000b), ‘Being vs. nothingness’; —(2013) ‘Human Dignity in Christianity and Confucianism’, in Zhuo, X. (ed.), Christianity, 107–33; Hancock, C. (2006), ‘Wisdom as Folly’; — (2013), ‘Memory, rite and tradition’; —(2014), ‘The seven-fold wisdom of love’; Huang, P. (2009), Confronting Confucian Understandings; Rule, P. A. (1986), K’ung-tzu or Confucius?; Ruokanen, M. and P. Huang, eds (2010), Christianity and Chinese Culture; Sih, P. K. T. (1952), From Confucius to Christ; Yang, H. (2006), Sino-Christian Studies in China; Yao, X. (1997), Confucianism and Christianity; Yeo, K. K. (2008), Musing with Confucius and Paul.

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PLANS As indicated, my aim here is to develop three perspectives in Confucian-Christian dialogue: First, the hermeneutic perspective, to re-examine the Analects and Gospels in light of modern hermeneutics: in particular, by using the motif of ‘reading backwards carefully’, to ensure what is read is what was meant. Though a platform of existential commonality exists between modern readers and these ancient texts, that enables us to engage and be engaged by them, in many other respects we are culturally distant, and bring conscious and unconscious presuppositions to bear on interpretation. To repeat the artistic analogy, our aim is picture restoration, to enable the originals to shine. In the final section of each chapter, we look at the text of the Analects and Gospels to read what they say again in light of historical events and developments. If discouraged or confused at any stage, I suggest you might start here. Second, the cultural perspective in Confucian-Christian dialogue: that is, to re-state the nature of the historic encounter of the Confucian Orient and Christendom. This involves charting shared exposure to, and often willing embrace of, trans-national ‘cultural archetypes’. In Chapters 3 to 8, major thematic comparisons of Confucianism and Christianity (if you like, the ‘essentials’ we exaggerate here) are set against the background of six historic ‘cultural archetypes’ that shaped, and in many respects still shape, the way East and West engage(d) the world and view(ed) life. Personally, I cannot divest myself of an occidental orientation. I hope nevertheless a compelling story of cultural, existential commonality emerges; or, at least enough for Chinese scholars and readers to amplify or adjust my narrative at some later stage. To my mind, that would be a good, right and entirely appropriate complementary study. Third, I aim to develop a critical perspective on Confucian-Christian dialogue: that is, to permit cultural commonalities and hermeneutic resources to challenge the narrow, myopic textualism of those who interpret the Analects and Gospels as if they did not belong to, or could not speak about, the life we live and world we share. Confucianism and Christianity are good for one another – and, I believe, good for the cultures from which they hail. This is not as widely recognized as it could be. Rather than encouraging cultural chauvinism, with China and/or the West growing in satisfied isolationism, I hope this book opens new paths into a ripe orchard of inter-cultural fruit. We begin, though, with the two individuals whose names and lives we associate with the traditions they inspired.

PART I In Part I we meet two men. They travel with us down the centuries covered by this book. At times we will sense their presence, their words and deeds directly affecting our journey. At other times, we will not be aware they are there. Perhaps we have ignored or forgotten them. Perhaps they – or we – have drifted away. This can be disconcerting, discouraging even. But we shouldn’t be worried. These are good men, who understand, really understand people, us. That is part of their genius. They understand fellow travellers as no mountain guide ever can. They anticipate questions, and answer needs, as no tour guide ever could. They set a pace that is both comfortable and challenging. They keep quiet, give us space, test our resolve, leave room for reflection. They add new information to keep our senses alert. Most importantly of all, they don’t just say, ‘Admire that view’, or ‘This is the time meals are served’: they share the view, they serve the meal. They are part of the journey – no, they are the journey, both making it and making it worthwhile. Little wonder we associate them both with ‘the Way’. There is something else we should be prepared for. These guides expose us to risk. They challenge us to attempt that pitch, to scale that wall, to go ‘off piste’ and face up to our fears. In the process, we see a striking integrity in their theory and practice. They don’t say, ‘Go and do, while I do nothing.’ They say, ‘Come and see’, and – perhaps most strikingly of all – ‘Come and see what I do.’ They claim to be examples and guides. They set the bar high and call their travelling companions, their disciples, to do the same. Unlike a doctor who claims to keep the Hippocratic Oath while ignoring suffering, or the musicologist who says notes on a page are great music, or the priest who preaches godliness while practising infidelity, these great guides ‘walk their talk’. Their ideal becomes a reality, their ethics are embodied, in them ‘words’ become ‘flesh’.

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CHAPTER ONE

Confucius, ‘The Master’ and Cultural Decay Virtue is never solitary; it always has neighbours. —A. 4.25 The next two chapters form a pair: better, perhaps, they examine two big figures on one dark old canvas. Like Leonardo da Vinci’s (1452–1519) masterful Mona Lisa (c. 1503–6), their eyes look deeply, follow carefully, interrogate, laugh, and perhaps even love us. It is hard to share a room, a gaze, or a lot of time with them, without being disturbed and consoled in equal measure. We may be more familiar with one face than the other, or unused to seeing them together. The canvas we are looking at needs cleaning. The light could be brighter, our mind and memories could be stronger. We should not be dismayed. Like da Vinci’s portrait of Lisa del Giocondo (1479–1542),1 the Mona Lisa – the young wife of a wealthy silk trader and a scion of Tuscany’s Gherardini clan – if we look carefully, we discover they too are peaceful figures in another priceless masterpiece, with an inviting smile in their eyes. We turn first to Confucius (c. 551–479 BCE). We can make out a bulbous head and ample physique, his rough-textured appearance well-suited to a van Gogh portrait.2 We know he was born3 – and is buried – in Zou Yi 䲜䛁 (Qufu ᴢ䱌) in the state of Lu 冟, one of the vassal territories of the Zhou Dynasty ઘᵍ (c. 1042–249 BCE), located in Shandong Province in modern southeast China. He is a contemporary of Buddha and the Old Testament prophecy and writings on Israel’s Babylonian exile and return to Jerusalem.4 His Western name, ‘Confucius’, is the Latinized version of the honorific title early Jesuit missionaries gave the celebrated Kong Fuzi ᆄཛᆀ5 (Master Kong), whom they found sitting – as to many Chinese he still sits – at the heart of

1 The painting has been in the Musée du Louvre, Paris since 2005. Most critics agree the subject is Lisa del Giocondo. ‘Mona’ means ‘Mother’ or ‘My Lady’. The French and Italian titles, ‘La Joconde’/ ‘La Gioconda’, are a pun on the happy sitter’s name and situation. 2 The earliest known portrait of Confucius is on the wooden frame of a bronze mirror in the Han grave of Liu He ࢹ䋰, the Marquis of Haihun (d. 59 BCE). Confucius is often represented meeting (in ?518 BCE) his iconic counterpart, the semilegendary c. 6th/5th-century BCE philosopher Laozi 㘱ᆀ (old master), reputed author of Tao Te Ching 䚃ᗧ㏃, or sitting in his Temple. It seems Laozi thought Confucius arrogant and stuffy. 3 28 September 551 BCE. 4 Cf. the 6th-century BCE ‘exilic’ prophets (Zephaniah, Jeremiah, Obadiah, Ezekiel) and the writings and prophecy linked to the 5th-century BCE ‘return’ of the Jews from captivity in Babylon to Jerusalem (Haggai, Zechariah, Joel, Ezra-Nehemiah and Esther). 5 N.B. often shortened today to Kongzi ᆄᆀ.

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China’s ancient culture.6 From his appearance, and the little historical data we have, it seems he was for much of his life, like ‘the suffering servant’ of Isaiah’s prophecy, ‘despised and rejected, a man of sorrows and acquainted with grief ’ (Is. 53.3). His protégé Mencius, or Meng Zi ᆏᆀ (c. 372– 303 BCE),7 would claim otherwise: ‘Ever since man came into this world, there never has been another Confucius’ (M. 2A. 2). If we want to know about this towering figure ‘the best thing we can do is look at the Analects’ (Dawson 1981: 5). This is our best canvas. There we find what SwissGerman psychiatrist-philosopher Karl Jaspers (1883–1969) described as a ‘paradigmatic individual’, one of few people in history who, when faced by public obloquy and political chaos, ‘lived what they preached, and represented a very high personal ethic . . . expressed in clear moral demands’ (1962: 51). As we can guess, Confucius is larger than life, intimidating on first acquaintance. We have to work to see a twinkle in his eyes. With cleaning they shine. So, what can we say? From the outset, Confucius’s life and work divided opinion. His increasingly grand titles – ‘Great Sage’ 㠣㚆, ‘First Teacher’ ‫ݸ‬ᑛ, ‘Model Teacher for Ten Thousand Ages’ 㩜цᑛ㺘, ‘Laudably Declarable Lord Ni’ 㽂ᡀᇓቬ‫( ޜ‬fr. 1 BCE) and ‘Extremely Sage Departed Teacher’ 㠣㚆‫ݸ‬ᑛ (fr. 1530) – match his growing profile, but ‘lives’ about him conflict.8 Each age has its own Confucius (Littlejohn 2011: 15). The historian Gu Jiegang 亗乑ࢋ (1893–1980) advised: ‘Take one Confucius at a time’ (q. Nylan and Wilson 2010: 26).9 To Nylan and Wilson, five frequent criticisms of Confucius recur (ibid., 29–66);10 his identity and profile always intertwined over the centuries with politics, ideology, academic debate, personal rivalry, traditions in historiography and prevailing state orthodoxy. Reviews have always been mixed. Friedrich Hegel (1770–1831), the German philosopher, dismissed him bluntly: ‘[T]here is nothing to be obtained from his teachings’ (1892: 1.120f.), and damned with faint praise the ethics of the Analects as ‘good and honest, and nothing more’ (ibid.).11 Other writers for various reasons have been more generous. As we will see later, British and European literati swooned in the 17th and early 18th centuries. But, Confucius’s fortunes hit new highs and lows in the late 19th and early 20th centuries as China sought to reconcile its imperial past with modern Western

6 On Confucianism and China’s unique culture, Yin, F. (2000), ‘A classification of Chinese culture’; Tu, W. (1991), ‘A Confucian perspective on the rise of Industrial East Asia’, in S. Krieger and R. Trauzettel (eds), Confucianism and the Modernization of China, 29–41. 7 Mencius is the most famous Confucian after Confucius. Born in the State of Zou 䲜 (c. thirty miles S. of Qufu), he was purportedly a pupil of Confucius’s grandson Zisi ᆀᙍ, or Kong Ji ᆄԻ (c. 481–402 BCE). Mencius was, like Confucius, an itinerant scholar-official, who provided (often unwelcome) advice to rulers and ruled. Mengzi, his collected works, belongs to the Four Books ഋᴨ (Sishu) of the Confucian canon (below p. 30, n. 60, 102, 120, n. 156, 121, n. 161). To most scholars, unlike Confucius Mencius saw humanity as innately good; as in the ‘Four Beginnings’ ഋㄟ (Siduan; Lit. ‘sprouts’ or ‘limbs’) of virtue, he saw a human capacity to commiserate, feel shame and respect, and distinguish right from wrong. From these, he maintained, the four cardinal Confucian virtues grow, namely, benevolence ӱ (ren), righteousness 㗙 (yi), propriety ⿞ (li), and wisdom Ც (zhi). N.B. Legge found parallels in Bp. Joseph Butler’s (1692–1752) ‘Sermons on Human Nature’ (1726), preached at the Rolls Chapel, London. 8 E.g. the evolving philosophy, ethic and perception of Confucius evident in texts linked to Mozi ໘ᆀ, or Mo Di ໘㘏 (470–391 BCE), Zhuangzi 㦺ᆀ (370–287 BCE), Han Feizi 七䶎ᆀ (c. 280–33 BCE), Dong Zhongshu 㪓Ԣ㡂 (179–c. 104 BCE), Sima Qian (135–86 BCE), Yang Xiong ᨊ䳴 (53 BCE–18 CE) and Zhu Xi ᵡ⟩ (1130–1200). On Sima Qian, p. 29f., 35f., 43, 488. On Zhu Xi, p. 38, 91, n. 2, 96f., 146, 195, n. 59, 297, 483. 9 Gu is best known for his seven-volume Gu Shi Bian ਔਢ䗘 [Debates on Ancient History] published between 1926 and 1941. 10 N.B. Nylan and Wilson also point to positives derived from criticism of Confucius. 11 On Hegel, p. 233f.

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culture.12 Arthur F. Wright captures Confucius’s fluctuating fate in the 1920s as a descent from ‘The Master’ to an ‘uncrowned king’, to a religious founder, and finally to merely an ‘old teacher’ (1960: 308). He, too, quotes Gu Jiegang, a powerhouse for the ‘Doubting Antiquity School’, or Yigupai (⯁ਔ⍮), and China’s ‘New Culture Movement’ (ᯠ᮷ॆ䘀अ) of the 1910s and 1920s: Confucius was regarded in the Ch’un-ch’iu (Spring and Autumn) period (722–481 BC) as a gentleman, in the time of the Warring States (403–221 BC) as a sage, in the Western Han (206 BC–AD 9) as a religious founder, after the Eastern Han (AD 25–220) again as a sage, and now is about to be regarded once more as a gentleman. —ibid. Here, it seems, is an unlikely hero with an inauspicious reputation. It is not surprising if we find the tones in Confucius’s portrait dull and muted. This old picture has been frequently touched up, hacked about, over-painted and, at times, deliberately discoloured. The relationship between Confucius, the man, and Confucianism, as a composite cultural, and socio-ethical intellectual phenomenon, is ambiguous (Ching, J. 1976: 7). The name is once again a Western misnomer for a cluster of ancient scholarly traditions, rituals and ethical mores; namely, ru ݂ (soft, refined, scholarly), rujia ݂ᇦ (ru family, or school of thought), rujiao ݂ᮉ (ru doctrine, or tradition), and ruxue ݂ᆨ (ru learning, or teaching) (Yao, X. 2000: 29f.).13 Today, rujiao or ruxue are commonly translated ‘Confucianism’. The term is extended from its application to early classical texts and traditions, through the later metaphysical ‘Neo-Confucianism’ of scholars like Han Yu 七 ᜸ (768–824) and Li Ao ᵾ㘪 (Xizhi 㘂ѻ) (772–841) in the late Tang dynasty ୀᵍ (772–841), and Zhu Xi ᵡ⟩ (1130–1200) and Wang Yangming ⦻䲭᰾ (1472–1529) in the Song ᆻᵍ (960–1279) and Ming dynasties བྷ᰾ (1368–1644), to latter-day, eco-sensitive, spiritual versions in the now globalized New or Boston Confucianism.14 In light of the dynamic, evolutionary nature of Confucianism, we should note an early point of contrast with Christianity: Confucius does not possess, like Jesus, a necessary centrality, or an ineluctable relation, to the ideas and traditions he spawned. Julia Ching is right: ‘Jesus Christ is more decisive for Christianity than Confucius is for Confucianism’ (1993: 6).15 The socio-cultural status of Confucius and Confucianism are linked, but they are separable. Our focus here is Confucius, the man – a sufficient challenge in itself. Our first task is, then, to clean the picture – that is, to ‘read backwards carefully’ – and so to recover Confucius, the man, author of the tradition he inspired. It is not easy. Layers of archaeological dust and accumulative grime cover both. To Theodore de Bary, there was a problem from the beginning. He writes:

12 Confucius and Confucianism suffered in the iconoclastic progressivism of the ‘May 4th Movement’ (1919) and in the ideological revisionism of mid-20th-century Maoist-Leninism. On this, Wang, H-W. (1975), Legalism and Anti-Confucianism in Maoist Politics; Myers, J. T., J. Domes and E. von Groeling, eds (1989), Chinese Politics; Zhang, T. and B. Schwartz (1997), ‘Confucius and the Cultural Revolution’. 13 N.B. Yao records academic preference for ruxue, in order to present Confucianism as an ongoing process of learning (ibid.). 14 On different forms of Confucianism, Yao, X. (2000), 68–125. For a bibliography on New Confucianism, Yeo, K. K. (2008), Musing with Confucius, 113, n. 9. 15 Ricci was sensitive to the relationship between Confucius and what he hesitated to call ‘Confucianism’ (Jensen 1997: 131f.).

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The trouble with Confucianism was there from the start, to become both a perennial challenge and a dilemma that would torment it through history – there in the founding myths of the tradition as the ideal of humane governance, and thereafter even in Confucianism’s moments of apparent worldly success, as the ungovernable reality of imperial rule. —1991: 1 How, then, are we to penetrate this hard, weathered material for a clear image of the man Confucius and of classical Confucianism to emerge? To answer this question, we return to picture restoration, and look for a ‘cultural archetype’ that can help exegete Confucius.

PICTURE RESTORATION AND ‘CULTURAL ARCHETYPES’ The quality of the image, or impression, we have of Confucius may be a bit discouraging. Picture restoration, like conservation, is a complex, contentious process.16 On a small scale, white bread and saliva can do wonders! A damaged ‘Old Master’ is different. In the case of an old painting, a restorer has to assess the painting’s age and condition, the materials used, and any damage sustained to the canvas, the stretcher and the frame. She has to evaluate the merits of leaving the work in its original ‘historic’ condition, or restoring, or conserving it. Van Gogh made extensive use of ‘chrome yellow’, a pigment base that discolours over time. Other colours are ‘fugitive’ (fade altogether) or lose their ‘light fastness’. If we could, would we want to reverse this process? That’s the question. The trained eye differentiates between natural ageing and noxious agents, and will know how to remove layers, replace pigments, and clean off unwanted matter. Art and science are both needed. Alongside knowledge of solvents and chemicals, the restorer and conserver will understand the artist’s technique and media; and, as Simon Blackwood states, she will ‘nurture an appreciation’, and ‘recognize what beauty lies beneath the veils of many years of neglect or adverse conditions’ (2018). Here we have, I suggest, a useful analogy for ‘reading backwards carefully’. Layers of historical interpretation, cultural assumption, wilful misunderstanding, and our innate dull mindedness, need to be carefully removed. Multi-disciplinary modern hermeneutics is, as we will see later, about the art of meaning, or complex act of reading, as much as the science of communication. As picture restoration and conservation reveal, recovery of a valuable old image requires patience, a sense of history, technical skill and an artist’s eye. We need these to interpret Confucius and Confucianism – and, remember, ‘Master Kong’ relished beauty, and would rejoice at conscious use of an aesthetic method and analogy to explain his ideas. The long, and often heated, debates between conservators, art historians, and the public, about the propriety, limits, and disastrous consequences (!) of picture restoration17 suggest more may be at stake than the state of a canvas or the water damage to a fresco. As French philosopher Étienne Gilson (1884–1978) responded to mid-20th-century wrangling: ‘There are two ways for a painting to perish, the one is for it to be restored; the other is for it not to be restored’ (1957: 108)!18 In a

N.B. though technically imprecise, I am using ‘restoration’ to include ‘conservation’ here. Cf. the heated debate about the cleaning of ‘High Renaissance’ artist Michelangelo’s (1475–1564) fresco ceiling in the Sistine Chapel, Rome (1508–12). 18 On the philosophy, history and practice of conservation, Price, N., M. K. Talley and A. M. Vaccaro, eds (2016), Historical and Philosophical Issues. 16 17

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fine article on controversy in her profession, Dianne Dwyer Modestini, Paintings Conservator at the Institute of Fine Arts at NYU, concludes: ‘The restorer is always standing on shaky ground, not infrequently undermined by the work of his predecessors’ (2005: 34). The long, bitter, all too public debate between the German picture conservationist Helmut Ruhemann (1891–1973), an eminent advocate of thorough cleaning, and the Austrian-born British art historian Sir Ernst Gombrich (1909–2001), who abhorred it to his dying day, would seem to suggest perception is about more than empirical objectivity.19 We see, read and interpret reality, in light of an almost unlimited number of objective and subjective factors. Though the mild John Brealey (1925–2002), chairman of paintings conservation at the Metropolitan Museum of Art (1975–89), might claim, ‘The way the picture looks is the picture’ (Modestini: 27), it is we who look not the picture, just as we read not the book. Interpretation is inseparable from perception, and perception from all we are and have come, for myriad reasons, to see and believe about life and the world. So, the analogy of picture restoration offers an invitation and a caution, an invitation to think deeply about the process, pitfalls and possibilities of restoring this image of Confucius and classical Confucianism, and a caution to be aware of presupposition and prejudice. As Hall and Ames contend: ‘The primary defect of the majority of Confucius’s interpreters . . . has been the failure to search out and articulate those distinctive presuppositions which have dominated Chinese tradition’ (1987: 1).20 Chinese and Western readers of the Analects and Gospels are vulnerable. Self-awareness is essential. These images are priceless, to be cleaned with care. I have named ‘archetypes’ and ‘cultural archetypes’ before without definition: that omission must be swiftly corrected. In Plato, ‘ideal forms’ are archetypes that are perfectly and eternally what temporal objects or images are imperfectly and temporally. In popular usage, ‘archetype’ refers to a classic example of something, or somebody – be they teacher, artist, IT geek or parson – with the implication that they are a proto-type, or an example to copy. Hence, in mathematics ‘archetypes’ are ‘Canonical Examples’. In the psycho-analytic tradition of pioneer Swiss psychiatrist Carl Jung (1875–1961),21 an ‘archetype’ is a primeval image existing in the ‘collective unconscious’, accessing which may enable understanding and healing.22 More recently, drawing on Jung, ‘archetype’ has been used in comparative literature, business management, art history, anthropology and musicology, to identify the striking – at times inexplicable – similarities that appear in characters and images, myths and stories, art, tunes and ritual symbols.23 Archetypes exemplify for many the mysterious interconnectedness of life. But we must proceed with care: identifying ‘cultural archetypes’ is a slippery, subjective slope. Square cultural pegs do not fit every round theoretical hole. Archetypes can also be projected hopes and unrealistic dreams. 19 Cf. Ruhemann, H. (1968), The Cleaning of Paintings; Gombrich, E. (1962a), ‘Blurred Images and the Unvarnished Truth’; —(1962b) ‘Dark Varnishes’. Cf. also, Toch, M. (1931), Paint, Paintings and Restoration; Hochfield, S. (1976), ‘Conservation’. 20 For the American philosopher Richard Rorty’s (1931–2007) response to Hall and Ames (and a Gadamerian perspective on texts and the Analects and NT), Huang, Y. ed. (2009), Rorty, Pragmatism, and Confucianism, 296f. On Rorty, p. 332, n. 325, 474, n. 406. On Gadamer, p. 330, 332, n. 324, 360, 375, 470f., 495. 21 On Jung, p. 22, 381, n. 195, 390, n. 265, 394, 396, 398, 459, n. 297. 22 Cf. Jung, C. G. (1968), The Archetypes and the Collective Unconscious; —([1953] 1972), Four Archetypes; Lawson, T. T. (2008), Carl Jung; Dunne, C. (2000), Carl Jung: Wounded Healer. 23 For a comparable use of symbols, Welch, J. (1982), Spiritual Pilgrims: Carl Jung and Teresa of Avila. On ‘cultural archetypes’ in music (i.e. Mahler’s 9th symphony), Neubauer, J. (1999), ‘Cultural Analysis and the Ghost of “Geistesgeschichte” ’, in M. Bal and B. Gonzales (eds), The Practice of Cultural Analysis, 287–302 (esp. 296).

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Jung and archetypal literary criticism add depth to our discussion. From both we are brought to seek prototypes that define perception, and patterns that symbolize commonalities in experience and culture. Hence, a dream or ancient myth may expound the ‘mother’ figure, or the image of a snake, an apple, a hero, or fraud, convey a universal cultural truth in literary or representational form. Archetypes drive intercultural dialogue towards unity in diversity, towards global harmony through experiential commonality.24 ‘Cultural archetypes’ are ties that bind and images that explain.25 The Confucian Analects and Christian Gospels cannot be understood apart from the ‘cultural archetypes’ they embody and that condition our reading of them. We do not ‘read backwards carefully’ if the presence and impact of such are missed. A potential threat to this approach needs to be addressed, namely, the extent to which ‘cultural archetypes’ are context-specific and so problematic as global operatives. Nationalist exceptionalism, cultural hubris, and ideological post-colonialism, chafe against globalizing meta-narratives and universal norms and forms. ‘My world is my world not yours’, they say. However, as argued in the Introduction, inter-cultural studies engage cultural distinctives and commonalities; indeed, apart from the former we cannot access the latter. Globalization may be a brutal, wretched, reductionist force at times: in the face of this, inter-cultural dialogue is a bulwark of generosity in a battered world of cultural antipathy and nationalist animosity. The proposal here, to recognize the impact of ‘cultural archetypes’ on reading the Confucian Analects and Christian Gospels, is invitational in tone and rhetorical in style. My hope is this approach will ‘ring true’ and assist appreciation of what the Analects and Gospels articulate independently and together, to individuals, societies and an unharmonious world.

AESTHETICS, PAIN AND NOSTALGIA We must choose ‘cultural archetypes’ carefully. They are for us like the conservationists’ chemicals and picture restorers’ solvents. Through them ancient texts are cleaned, their original meaning made clear for a contemporary audience. Gombrich was right to warn against over-cleaning, Ruhemann to advocate some. If, or when, the figures of Confucius and Jesus are lost to view, obscured by time or noxious social, intellectual and moral acids, cleaning is justified. Purist antiquarianism, that leaves a slashed canvas untouched, does not suit these ‘paradigmatic figures’. They deserve to be seen and heard. They speak of things that matter. Over-cleaning is also a risk. Pride, prejudice and presuppositions, can inspire a desire to find in the image of Jesus or Confucius what we want to find. John Brealey was in this respect right: ‘The way the picture looks is the picture.’ To ‘read backwards carefully’ is to find what Confucius and Jesus said and meant, not what we hope they said and never really meant! Differentiating between these is, surely, also ‘essential’.

N.B. I am aware that, for different reasons, Chinese intellectuals Liang Qichao ằஏ䎵 (1873–1929) and Liang Shuming ằ╡Ⓩ (1893–1988) would reject this argument. To Liang, writing in 1920, only ‘Chinese culture’ (as a moral and spiritual force) could save morally wayward Europe after WWI. To Liang, the unique archetypes of ‘Chinese culture’ could not be universalized. On this, Tang, X. (1996), Global Space and the Nationalist Discourse of Modernity; Alitto, G. (1986), The Last Confucian. 25 On popular culture, politics, national brand-marketing and censorship in Asia (and on S. Korea’s ‘cultural archetypes’), Otmazgin, N. and E. Ben-Ari, eds (2012), Popular Culture and the State in East and Southeast Asia. 24

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What, then, of ‘cultural archetypes’ and Confucius and Confucianism? This is tricky. We must proceed with care and choose judiciously. A ‘cultural archetype’ must ‘fit’ the object of enquiry, lest it distort meaning, like ‘bloom’ on an oil painting under glass. It must ‘clean’ effectively like reliable hermeneutic solvents, so we experience a ‘second naïveté’ in reading, that is, ‘as if for the first time’. And it must ‘ring true’ to our sense of self, society, culture/s and the world. This is a tall order. As with the Sistine Chapel in Rome, the result will in the end prove or disprove the legitimacy of the cleaning process, and so ‘ring true’. The ‘fit’ between Confucius and the ‘cultural archetype’ affects everything. It deserves particular attention. And, so we begin the process of picture restoration. Without pre-judging what we may find, Confucius was quite extra-ordinary. His footprints still impress our world. His rather (un-)attractive combination of moral passion, practical wisdom and iconic action is striking; likewise, his educational methods, nationalist zeal and plain old humility. As he said self-effacingly: ‘I transmit rather than innovate. I trust in and love the ancient ways. I might thus humbly compare myself to Old Peng’ (A. 7.1).26 From the outset, here is a man who fascinated and frustrated, his crabby character, allusive style, and independent manner, making him hard to love, but not to admire. Here is someone with a rare capacity to venerate history, recycle nostalgia, savour beauty and acquire disciples. Here, too, lie clues, perhaps, to a plausible, interpretative ‘cultural archetype’ that ‘fits’ Confucius. ‘I am not someone who was born with knowledge. I simply love antiquity, and diligently look there for knowledge’ (A. 7.20). And, of his aesthetic sense: ‘The wise take joy in rivers, while the Good take joy in mountains’ (A. 6.23).27 This is how he explained the link between the ideal he aspired to, the Way or Way of Heaven, and temporal, political, social, moral and artistic reality: When the Way prevails in the world, rituals, music, punitive expeditions, and attacks against foreign powers issue from the Son of Heaven. When the Way does not prevail in the world, these things issue from the feudal lords . . . [I]t is seldom more than ten generations before the lords lose control of them . . . and once the household ministers seize control of state commands, it is seldom more than three generations before they lose control of them. —A. 16.2 Confucius had an acute, pessimistic sense of political, moral and cultural decay. He idealized the past, struggled in the present and feared for the future. In this, he was, and is, not unique. We access the spirit and character of Confucius, I suggest, through a global ‘cultural archetype’ that evokes destruction and nostalgia, lost beauty and moral compromise. So, we ‘read backwards’ more clearly through, say, the socio-political and cultural iconography of 9/11 or the ‘Rape of Nanking’ (1937–8),28 despoliation of the old Summer Palace in Peking, Yuanming Yuan ൃ᰾ഝ 26 There is much debate in commentaries on the Analects on the identity of the legendary, Methuselah-type ‘Old Peng’ or Peng Zu ᖝ⾆ (Ancestor Peng). The Eastern Han dynasty (25–220 CE) commentator, Bao Xian व૨ (6 BCE–65 CE), is probably right to attribute the reference to a respected figure in the Shang ୶ (or Yin ⇧ԓ) dynasty (c. 1600–1046 BCE), who was famed for his tales. 27 On Confucius and aesthetics, Dewoskin, K. J. (1982), A Song for One or Two; Li, Z. (1994), The Path of Beauty; also, below p. 44, 193. 28 It is estimated that between 13 December 1937 and January 1938 Japanese forces killed or raped between 50,000– 300,000 residents of Nanjing, capital of Republican China. On this and the ‘Chinese Holocaust’, Chang, I. (1997), The Rape of Nanking; and, p. 412, n. 3, 446, n. 228, 448, n. 244.

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(Lit. Gardens of perfect brightness), in 1860,29 or of the fine World Heritage site in Palmyra, Syria in 2015, or through the smoke-shrouded dome of St. Paul’s Cathedral, London, during the blitz, or the chimneys of Auschwitz. That is, through iconic images that work like sepia filters on an old camera to create ‘archetypes’ to capture an event, evoke a spirit, connote an era, and unite our world in a sense of shame, outrage, futility and tragedy. We do not understand Confucius unless we reckon with a sense of cultural nostalgia and tragic decay, or feel his wistful gaze on an idealized past ‘Golden Age’ when the Way of Heaven was honoured and lived on earth under the great mythic ‘sage kings’ Yao ๟, Shun 㡌 and Yu ⿩ (c. 3rd millennium BCE), and his home state of Lu was ruled by the founders (and posthumously ideal political prototypes) of the Zhou dynasty ઘᵍ (1046–256 BCE), Wen ᮷ (Lit. literary or cultured) and his (second) son, Wu ↖ (Lit. martial). But he lives in the midst of political and moral ruin, hence his urgent longing to rebuild. Indeed, the intensity of his passion and focus will always disconcert the flighty and frivolous. Confucius was as concerned about the cultural, moral and aesthetic state of his society as he was its rulers’ irresponsible actions and his fellow-citizens’ dissolute lives. As we will see, art, poetry, beauty, music, archery, and all the disciplined patterns of a well-ordered life, mattered as much to him as virtue and filial piety, duty and devotion. ‘Cultural archetypes’ of destruction take us only so far: our lens must focus more. In Confucius and Confucianism, we find cultural and spiritual antecedents of the likes of the composer J. S. Bach (1685–1750) and poet T. S. Eliot (1888–1965), of Bach’s six Cello Suites, BWV 1007–12 (1717–23) and Eliot’s Four Quartets (1936–42), and of their cultural and literary antecedents, their legacy and heirs. In these global icons, I would argue, we find ‘archetypes’ to unite perception and illuminate the Analects. Many read life today through them. They help to clean our picture. In Bach’s Cello Suites, popularized by Spanish virtuoso Pablo Casals (1876–1973)30 and, more recently, by Chinese-American cellist, Yoyo Ma 俜৻৻ (b. 1955), we encounter another tradition creatively re-claimed. As the American cellist and musicologist Laurence Lesser (b. 1938) says, here is ‘a world of emotions and ideas created with only the simplest of materials’ (q. Siblin 2010: 1). Bach reworks old dances with poignant, prayerful cadences, as in the ‘Sarabande’ of Suite No. 2. AngloAmerican Eliot also shared Confucius’s confidence that ‘the communication/ Of the dead is tongued with fire beyond the language of the living’ (1942: ‘Little Gidding’).31 During the London blitz, he kept faith and looked to history as ‘a pattern/ Of timeless moment’ (ibid.).32 The German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche (1844–1900) might dismiss Bach’s music for ‘too much crude Christianity, crude Germanism, [and] crude scholasticism’, and bemoan the fact that, ‘on the threshold of European

Begun in 1707 and completed during the reign of the Qianlong Emperor Ү䲶ᑍ (1711–99), the magnificent buildings, lakes and gardens of the old Summer Palace (5 miles NW of Peking) were destroyed by British forces in 1860, during the second Opium War (1856–60). This was on the orders of the British High Commissioner to China, Lord Elgin (1811–63), in retaliation for brutal treatment of British emissaries dispatched to sue for peace. The event is still a sensitive issue in SinoBritish relations, as signs in the gardens today confirm. 30 The Spanish cellist and conductor Pablo Casals (1876–1973) was, to fellow cellist Paul Tortellier (1914–90), ‘the greatest cellist of all time’. He famously rediscovered Bach’s Cello Suites and then took twelve years to perfect his performance before his first recording of them (1936–9). Casals’s passion, technical brilliance and teaching ability, established the Suites and the cello at the centre of the musical repertoire. On Casals and Bach’s Cello Suites, Kirk, H. L. (1974), Pablo Casals; Siblin, E. (2010), The Cello Suites; Goodnough, D. (1997), Pablo Casals. 31 N.B. words from Eliot’s Four Quartets on his tomb in ‘Poets’ Corner’, Westminster Abbey, London. They also introduce David Blum’s, Casals and the Art of Interpretation (1977). 32 On Eliot as the ‘poetry of belief ’, Scruton, R. (2003), ‘Eliot as Conservative Mentor’. 29

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music . . . [he looked] to the Middle Ages’ (1980: 2.615),33 but few agree; finding instead, as musicologist James Talbot (1664–1708) said of the poignant ‘Sarabande’, Bach’s Six Suites are ‘apt to move the Passions and disturb the tranquility of the Mind’ (q. Little and Jenne 1991: 95).34 Though, as we will see later (below p. 385), he called Confucius ‘the philosopher of the rebellious protestant’ (1934: 41), Confucianism an ‘inferior religion’ (1940: 101), and his friend and fellow-American poet Ezra Pound (1885–1972) and mentor Irving Babitt (1865–1933), rejectors of Christianity because ‘addicted’ (1934: 39)35 to ‘Confucian rationalism’ (Eliot and Haffenden 2013: 14),36 Eliot’s work has acquired an iconic status as a lament for Western civilization, a commentary on socio-cultural decay37 and a celebration of Modernist method.38 Here are his acute lines on modern Western life in ‘Choruses from “The Rock”’: Where is the Life we have lost in living? Where is the wisdom we have lost in knowledge? Where is the knowledge we have lost in information? The cycles of Heaven in twenty centuries Bring us farther from God and nearer to the Dust.39 —[1934b] 1963 T. S. Eliot is well-known in China. ‘Tradition and the Individual Talent’ (1919) was his first work to be translated (May 1934).40 Days after Zhao Luorui 䏉㱯㮔 (1912–98), a poet and professor of English at Peking University, published her first full-length translation of The Waste Land (June 1937), the second Sino-Japanese war broke out.41 More than London Bridge was now ‘falling down, falling down’ in China. Eliot’s historical sense and cultural vision spoke into its sociopolitical, cultural and military crisis. Lihui Liu observes: ‘The terrible situation of the 1930s moved some young Chinese poets to identify Eliot as virtually their spokesman’ (q. Crawford: 2015). With the slaughter of Nanking, tradition and cultural memory were attacked. This drew poet-critic Yuan Kejia 㺱ਟహ (1921–2008), and others, to study Eliot and other Western Modernist authors.42 ‘Pain, pain, all is pain – the poor man!’, Casals declared in a master-class on Schumann’s Cello Concerto On Nietzsche, p. 315f. For Bach’s use of earlier musical motifs and genre, p. 45, 52f., 70. On Talbot, Unwin, R. (1987), ‘An English Writer on Music: James Talbot 1664–1708’. On the ‘Sarabande’, Donington, R. ([1977] 1992), The Interpretation of Early Music, 326, 335f. 35 Cf. also, Miller, J. E. Jr. (2005), The Making of an American Poet, 174. 36 Cf. Eliot’s review of Pound’s Personae (The Dial, 1926). On Pound, p. 383f.. 37 On Eliot’s reception, Däumer, E. and S. Bagchee, eds (2007), The International Reception of T. S. Eliot (esp. Liu, L., ‘China’s Reception of T. S. Eliot’, 154–79). N.B. also, for recent Chinese studies of Eliot, Peng, S. (2001), ‘The Image Systems in The Wasteland by Eliot and the Puzzle of Comprehension’; Li, Y. (2002), ‘Theory on Intellect and the Artistic Turn of Modern Chinese Poetry’; Tang, X. (2003), ‘Anti-Traditional Spirit in Eliot’s Poetry Creation’; Jiang, D. (2003), ‘On the Pursuit of Dramatization in Jiuye Poets Group’; Wu, Y. (2004), ‘De-individuality is a Complex Paradox’; Feng, W. (2003), ‘On the Impersonal Poetic Theory of T. S. Eliot’; Liu, L. (2003), ‘Notions of Time in T. S. Eliot’s Poems’; Dong, H. (2004), ‘Ye Gongchao and T. S. Eliot in China’; —(2005), ‘Jiuye Poets’ Reception of T. S. Eliot’; Liu, G. (2006), ‘Burnt Norton: The Redemption and Fall of Time Present’. 38 On Modernism, Ch. 7, passim. 39 On Eliot’s Buddhistic view of suffering, Miller, J. S. (1965), Poets of Reality, 178f.; Dwivedi, A. M. (2002), T. S. Eliot, 98f. 40 Cf. the May 1934 translation of Eliot’s ‘Tradition and the Individual Talent’, by the poet, translator and literary commentator Bian Zhilin ঎ѻ⩣ (1910–2000), Haft, L. (1983), Pien Chih-Lin, 23f.; Laurence, Lily Briscoe’s Chinese Eyes, 208; Bien, G. (2013), Baudelaire in China, 207, n. 58. On ‘Tradition and the Individual Talent’, p. 350, 369. 41 On Zhao and Eliot studies in China, Liu, S. (1998), ‘In Memoriam: Zhao Luorui, 1912–1998’. 42 N.B. on Yuan Kejia and T. S. Eliot, Laurence, Lily Briscoe’s Chinese Eyes 123. 33 34

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in A minor, Op. 129, 1850. Eliot’s The Waste Land expresses the same. Here, again, is a ‘cultural archetype’ to shape the way we read, see, and hear the world, an intellectual, cultural, aesthetic solvent to clean up our image of Confucius and the way he really perceived his world. As we have seen, ‘cultural archetypes’ may not paint an easy life, but they do make for clearer reading. Few readers of the Analects and Gospels are unmoved by an iconography of disaster and ‘cultural archetypes’ that evoke a nostalgic sense of a lost, better world. In these we find aids to interpret Confucius’s agonized aesthetics and socio-political, moral passion. We ‘read backwards carefully’ if we take them on board. We will return to Bach and Eliot, for now, we move on to study the life and work of ‘Master Kong’.

LIFE, LEARNING AND LEGACY Later chapters will examine Confucius’s teaching in detail. For the rest of this chapter I introduce his character, life, learning and legacy. But we cannot go straight to history and assume his image is uncontaminated. We must search sources and research other resources for his life and the literature that formed like a pearl around him. Layers of assumption and projection must be lifted to begin to see this ‘Old Master’ more clearly. Character and Context So, what can we make out about the face and character of Confucius? What do we know of the world he inhabited and the context that shaped him? These questions segue well from the preceding section and prepare for study of sources for his life and the nature of his celebrity. We must look again for the essential and leave much vague. There is much more that could be said about the historical and cultural context in which Confucius lived, and the way texts that speak of him (or were inspired by him) were formed. Knowledge of Confucius’s character is as clouded as the content of his teaching. As Dawson warns: ‘We can never hope to find out what Confucius was really like and precisely what his teachings consisted of . . . The task of trying to separate the man from the myth is doomed to failure’ (1981: 7). The ‘real Confucius’ is, he says, ‘irretrievable’, but this isn’t disastrous, ‘since it was the myth rather than the reality which was important’ (ibid.). Dawson is right: we are dealing with an occluded, mythic image, where light brush-strokes form shapes that change under the bright light of inquiry. Our task, to change the analogy, is to mend a shattered Ming vase from shards of fine, translucent porcelain. So be it. Three features of Confucius’s character stand out like the recurrent pigments used in paintings by van Gogh. They are ‘base colours’ in his character and behaviour, the ‘ground’ of any later portrait. We take them in turn, though they inter-mingle, reinforcing each other to create a unique hue. First, this ‘Master’ ᆀ (zi) esteemed ‘humility’ 䅉䚌 (qian xun) and educated his followers accordingly. It was foundational for his respect of the past and his hopes for the present. ‘The Master said, “The gentleman stands in awe of three things: the Mandate of Heaven, great men, and the teachings of the sages”’ (A. 16.8).43 Without humility, there is no ‘respect’ ㏃ (jing),44 no focus on On what Confucius looks for in the junzi ੋᆀ (ideal gentleman-official), p. 30, 175, 177, 193, 210, 227, 248f., 257, 332, 333f., 483. 44 Cf. this is a central element in Confucian thought and literature, Chan, S. Y. (2006), ‘The Confucian Notion of Jing (Respect)’. Cf. also, below p. 30. 43

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what matters, no care for others, no love of tradition, no deference to seniors, no readiness to learn. Confucius and Eliot speak the same language. The Analects is explicit: ‘The Master was entirely free of the faults listed: arbitrariness, inflexibility, rigidity, and selfishness’ (A. 9.4).45 Eliot’s poem ‘East Coker’ (1940) keeps this priority: ‘The only wisdom we can hope to acquire/ Is the wisdom of humility: humility is endless’ (1943: 2nd movt.). Confucius’s view of humility combines strength and subtlety. It is a primary colour on his palette of virtues.46 His life has no spirit or shape without it. Second, Confucius expects of himself and demands of his disciples, teach-ability. As he says: ‘At fifteen I set my mind upon learning’ (A. 2.4). He now looks for this in others: I will not open the door for a mind that is not already striving to understand, nor will I provide words to a tongue that is not already struggling to speak. If I hold up one corner of a problem, and the student cannot come back to me with the other three, I will not attempt to instruct him again. —A. 7.8 Slack, sloppy behaviour irks him, no matter who the culprit or what the cause. When the de facto ruler of Lu shuns protocol and forswears tradition, Confucius fears for the worst: ‘They have eight rows of dancers performing in their courtyard. If they condone this, what are they not capable of?’ (A. 3.1).47 Is it an over-reaction? Not to Confucius. Character is revealed in detail. Carelessness is cancerous. As Casals told an orchestra rehearsing the pianissimo ‘Leicht bewegt’ in Richard Wagner’s (1813–83) symphonic poem ‘Siegfried Idyll’ (WWV. 103, 1870), ‘Every note must sing’ (Blum 1980: 2).48 To anyone prepared to work hard at self-cultivation, Confucius was generous: ‘I have never denied instruction to anyone who, of their own accord, offered up as little as a bundle of silk or bit of cured meat’ (A. 7.7). Is this demeaning? No, he remembers whence he came: ‘In my youth I was of humble status, so I became proficient in many menial tasks’ (A. 9.6). However, in time he discovered: ‘If you learn without thinking about what you have learned, you will be lost. If you think without learning, however, you will fall into danger’ (A. 2.15).49 Rote and thought go together.50 Thought reveals the spirit and heart of learning. Superficiality, like esotericism, is eschewed (A. 15.3),51 proportion and practice commended in the search for the prized ‘six virtues’. As Confucius told his capable disciple Zhong You Ԣ⭡, or Zilu ᆀ䐟: Loving goodness without balancing it with a love of learning will result in the vice of foolishness. Loving wisdom without balancing it with a love of learning will result in the vice of

Cf. on ‘inflexibility’ also A. 13.20, 14.32. On ‘humility’ 䅉䚌 (qian xun), below p. 64, 176. 47 N.B. Slingerland’s comment: ‘Although he was de facto ruler of Lu, the head of the Ji Family officially held only the position of minister, and his use of eight dancers thus represented an outrageous usurpation of ritual prerogatives of the Zhou king’ (17). 48 N.B. Wagner first performed the work, a gift to his wife Cosima on the birth of their son Siegfried, at home on Christmas morning 1870. On Wagner, p. 294f. 49 On the importance of a will to learn, A. 1.16, 5.27, 7.8, 15.16. 50 N.B. Bao Xian’s व૨ (6 BCE–65 CE) comment: ‘If one learns but does reflexively seek out the meaning of what is being taught, one will be lost and will have gained nothing from it’ (q. Slingerland, 13). 51 N.B. however the ‘single thread’ is interpreted, Confucius is manifestly not in favour of abstract theorizing (cf. e.g. A. 13.5, 16.13, 17.9, 10). Also, p. 248. 45 46

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deviance. Loving trustworthiness without balancing it with a love of learning will result in the vice of harmful rigidity. Loving uprightness without balancing it with a love of learning will result in the vice of intolerance. Loving courage without balancing it with a love of learning will result in the vice of unruliness. Loving resoluteness without balancing it with a love of learning will result in the vice of wilfulness. —A. 17.8 Passion is refined by education. Balance, or ‘the Mean’, ensures maximum effectiveness and minimum waste. Mind, will, and action are focused in a sound, thoughtful, virtuous life. Education, like instrumental technique, is subordinate to something higher. As Casals said one day: ‘Imagine! They call me a great cellist. I am not a cellist: I am a musician. That is much more important’ (Blum: x). To Confucius, teach-ability is good per se, but also, as importantly, as a means to something higher, for which body, mind and will are all essential (A. 1.16, 5.27, 7.8, 15.16). In short, the moral end justifies the educational means: to that end, it is principled pragmatism and disciplined formation together that prevail. Third, Confucius is devoted to his task, and with devotion come discipline and a willingness to dissent. He can be an awkward so-and-so. Van Gogh’s brighter colours fit Confucius’s fire, will, and passion to recover ru culture – but never to promote himself. With another cause and to a different end, T. S. Eliot celebrated a comparable, self-less devotion, reminding others in ‘Little Gidding’ (Sect. 1): You are not here to verify, Instruct yourself, or inform curiosity Or carry report. You are here to kneel. The Book of Rites ⿞䁈 (Liji), or ‘Record of Rites’, a third of the Five Books Confucius esteemed, captures this single-mindedness: ‘The practice of right-living is deemed the highest, the practice of any other art lower. Complete virtue takes first place; the doing of anything else whatsoever is subordinate’ (Legge 1885: 17.3.5).52 In the myth of the man we find something of his manner. He was driven and frustrated: ‘With a single change Qi could measure up to Lu, with a single change Lu could attain the Way’ (A. 6.24).53 He could be tetchy, blunt, evasive and wily, to make a point and correct a fault: ‘I have never been able to do anything for a person who is not constantly asking himself, “What should I do? What should I do?” ’ (A. 15.16). Disciples are disciplined directly and indirectly: Fan (Chi) Xu ›丸 for greed (A. 6.22, 12.21), Ran Qiu ޹≲ for moral sloth (A. 3.6, 5.8, 6.12, 11.3, 17), Zai (Wo) Yu ᇠҸ for laziness (A. 3.21, 5.10, 6.26, 11.3, 17.21), Yuan Xian ৏២ for over-fastidiousness (A. 6.15, 13.21, 14.1), Zilu ᆀ䐟 for lack of judgement (A. 2.17, 5.7, 8, 14, 26, 7.11, 9.12, 27, 11.13), Zixia ᆀ༿ for cautiousness (A. 1.7, 3.8, 6.13, 11.16, 13.17). Confucius was no push-over. He hissed at medical fussers when he was ill: ‘Would I not rather die in the arms of a few of my disciples than in the arms of ministers?’ (A. 9.12). When Zilu asked about serving

Cf. Confucius’s relation to the Four and Five Books of the Classics, p. 30, n. 60, 35, 39, 44. N.B. the relative health of Lu over its near neighbours, Qi 啺 and Song ᆻ (A. 3.9). On Confucius’s confidence that he could make a difference if given a chance, A. 17.1, 5, 7.

52 53

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his lord, Confucius fired back: ‘Do not deceive him. Oppose him openly’ (A. 14.22).54 Tough, principled behaviour is the norm. Van Norden is right to say of Confucius’s protégés: ‘Rulers no doubt found irritating their penchant for moralizing, but precisely because of their ethical commitment, Confucian disciples could be trusted not to betray their rulers’ (2002: 12). Integrity was costly, loss of it more so. That was his point.55 Confucius makes more sense in context. Just as we cannot know Jesus apart from 1st-century Palestinian Judaism, we discover Confucius in 6th-century BCE China.56 The 4th-century BCE Zuozhuan ᐖۣ (Annals of Zuo) may give a shape to Confucius’s life, and the Record of the Grand Historian ཚਢ‫ޜ‬ᴨ, the Shiji ਢ䁈 (The Scribe’s Record), by China’s famous historian Sima Qian ਨ俜䚧 (c. 145/135–86 BCE), may fill in some details – albeit written four centuries after Confucius, and said by Dawson to be ‘a hotch-potch of material of varying degrees of credibility’ (1981: 5) – but the unique, historic, cultural ‘ground’ on which Confucius’s portrait is painted adds to the tone and texture of his life. As we will see later, Sima is valuable because, as Japanese scholar Nagano Hozan (1783–1837) aptly observed: ‘He makes us see in our minds the character of the men of the time’ (Qian Sima 1993: Intro.). He helps us clean distorting wash. We see Confucius more clearly when we extract what was extra-ordinary in his life and thought from the culturally, politically, and morally, ordinary in 6th century BCE Lu. We catch at his character, personality and principles when he interacts with others or responds to problems. This may be partial, allusive, arcane evidence, but it is still vital data if we are to develop a sense of Confucius, the man, to recover an image of him. Five features of Confucius’s contextual identity warrant comment. This is the first layer of material we need to treat carefully and remove judiciously. First, in the political domain, the vassal state of Lu – where Confucius was born, lived and worked most of his life – was trapped between a bright past and a fading present. The Yellow River valley north of Confucius’s birthplace was one of the ‘cradles of civilization’. Evidence of Neolithic culture from the 5th millennium BCE has been found. We know more of this, perhaps, than of Confucius himself. As we have seen, the state of Lu traced its roots to the Zhou kings Wen and Wu. In 1046 BCE Lu set to attack its Shang ୶ԓ neighbours. Dissolute and disunited, the Shang were defeated. Thereafter, King Wu began to create a well-regulated, neo-feudal, system of regional government. His death in 1043 BCE left a minor, Cheng Wang ᡀ⦻ (d. 1021), in charge. Ji Dan လ‫ޜ‬ᰖ, the Duke of Zhou, acted as regent.57 Lu society flourished. Order, virtue, ritual, education and tradition became state policy. Confucius venerated this great Duke highly (A. 7.5).58 He believed the Shang had lost because they had lost the Way (dao 䚃) and, with it, Heaven’s Mandate (tian

54 Cf. also A. 13.15, 23, 14.7. N.B. with a little more subtlety, in A. 14.21 he takes the prescribed ritual bath and then challenges Duke Ai 〖૰‫( ޜ‬d. 501 BCE) to avenge the murder of Duke Jian 啺㉑‫( ޜ‬d. 481) by the pushy new ruler of Qi, Chen Heng 䲣ᙶ (n.d.). 55 N.B. Dawson’s comment: ‘If self-sacrifice, following Christ’s example, is the key to the Christian message, then learning, after the fashion of the Master, is the vital ingredient of the Confucian message. But in China, the message did not really get across’ (ibid., 10). 56 On the setting for Confucius’s life, Littlejohn, R. (2011), Confucianism, Ch. 1; Lo, Y. K. (2014), ‘Confucius and His Community’, in A. Olberding (ed.), Dao Companion to the Analects, 55–82. 57 For early references to this incident, Shaughnessy, E. L. (1997), Before Confucius, 122f.; —(1993), ‘The Duke of Zhou’s retirement in the East and the beginnings of the Ministerial-Monarch debate’. 58 Confucius had clear views on the Duke (Littlejohn 2011: 3).

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ming ཙભ; Lit. Heaven’s decree or destiny) and blessing. This perspective, Van Norden points out, was ‘the basis of Chinese political thought for the next three millennia’ (2002: 5). This is crucial: Confucius’s fingerprints cover the development of this later vision of China’s life. By the time of Confucius’s birth, Zhou grandeur had faded, its land divided into Western (1040– 771 BCE) and Eastern (770–221 BCE) districts. The state of Lu (a Zhou family legacy) was lent on economically and militarily by its larger neighbours. It was a tense, corrupt, conflicted, powerbrokered world. Duke Xiang, Xiang Gong 㽴‫ޜ‬, head of the Zhou, effectively served at the pleasure of three powerful families, the Ji ᆓ, Meng ᆏ, and Shu ਄ (A. 3.1, 2, 6). The polis had a real problem. As Sima Qian records: ‘In the time of Confucius, the power of the Zhou Emperors had declined, the forms of worship and social intercourse [ritual and music] had degenerated and learning and scholarship had fallen into decay’ (q. Lin, Y., 1938: 127). Tales of Lu’s former glory galvanized the young Confucius. He found a template for social reconstruction in the annals of history. Images of ru culture – icons of its old, ordered life – could be found in ‘The Four Books and Five Classics’ ഋᴨӄ㏃ (Sishu wujing), the Jing ㏃. On these, the diligent must set their gaze.59 To Confucius, from these old texts, ritual, virtue, respect, humility, education, filial piety and, above all, the Way of Heaven, could be re-minted, re-learned and re-applied, so ‘all under heaven’ ཙл (tianxia) might be redeemed.60 That was his vision, prompted by the political chaos and social decay he saw all around him. Yes, his ‘London Bridge’ might be ‘falling down’ (Eliot), but it could still be re-built. Secondly, in the dark professional and social culture of Lu, shafts of light break in with a tough, new cadre of aspirant administrators who are eager to exploit political weakness and advance their careers, Confucius among them. Though tradition claimed for Confucius royal lineage (as he did, too, it seems), he came from a military family61 and belonged to the Shi ༛ class, one of the ‘four categories/occupations of the people’ in (later) Zhou society (its fengjian system ሱᔪ). By tradition, Shi were gentry, that is, knights, scholars, bureaucrats. Their education, training and professional expectations matched their class. But warm winds of change were blowing. Zhou society felt them. Over time, it would become increasingly meritocratic.62 In this environment, Confucius envisaged the transformation of Zhou civil service into an instrument of socio-political and moral renewal. This would be achieved, he believed, through the development of a new cadre of superior, worthy gentlemen, junzi ੋᆀ (Lord’s son), trained to have an acute moral sense, an eye for detail, a love of beauty, a zeal for tradition, and a commitment to, and an aptitude for, learning (A. 3.14).63 To Confucius, society was suffocating under a pillow of lies, intrigue, ambition, laziness, lust, disrespect

On jing, Chan, S. Y. (2006), ‘The Confucian Notion of Jing (Respect)’. Cf. the Sishu ഋᴨ (Four Books) included the Daxue བྷᆨ (Great Learning), Zhong Yong ѝᓨ (Doctrine of the Mean), Lunyu 䄆䃎 (the Analects) and Mengzi ᆏᆀ (Book of Mengzi). These texts were given their final form by the Song dynasty Neo-Confucian scholar, Zhu Xi ᵡ⟩ (1130–1200). The Wujing ӄ㏃ (Five Classics) contain the Yijing or I Ching ᱃㏃ (Book of Changes), Shijing 䂙㏃ (Book of Poetry or Odes), Shujing ᴨ㏃ (Book of Documents) or Shangshu ቊᴨ (Documents of the Elder), Liji ⿞䁈 or Lijing ㏃ (Book, or Classic, of Rites), and Chunqiu ᱕⿻ (‘Spring and Autumn’ Annals). How and when these texts finally cohered is much debated, as is Confucius’s relation to their form and content. Evidence of significant editorial work emerges in the Han ╒ᵍ (220–206 BCE) and Tang ୀᵍ (618–907) dynasties. By the Song dynasty ᆻᵍ (960–1279) they belong to the Shisan jing ॱй㏃ (Thirteen Classics), the heart of Confucian orthodoxy and basis of the examination system for bureaucrats (cf. below n. 111). 61 On Confucius’s father Kong He ᆄ㌷ (or Shulianghe ਄ằ㌷), p. 41. 62 The other categories were nong 䗢 (peasant farmers), gong ᐕ (artisans and craftsmen), and shang ୶ (merchants and traders). 63 Cf. on the junzi, above p. 26, n. 43. 59 60

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and immorality. In contrast, the junzi is, he says, ‘not motivated by the desire for a full belly or a comfortable abode. . . He is scrupulous in behaviour and careful in speech’ (A. 1.14; on esp. speech, 2.13, 4.22, 24, 12.3, 14.20, 27). Indeed, ‘If a gentleman is not serious, he will not inspire awe, and what he learns will be grasped only superficially’ (A. 1.8). Speech, action and discretion must conform: ‘Words should convey their point, and leave it at that’ (A. 15.41, 9.30).64 Applying this, Confucius sought to teach a worthy past to a struggling present. As he said: ‘Both keeping past teachings alive and understanding the present – someone able to do this is worthy of being a teacher’ (A. 2.11). With prophetic energy and vision (Lau 1975: 15; de Bary 1991: 11) he taught to recover and renew ru tradition and culture (Yao 2000: 17). In the process, he changed China and the world, his visionary work helping to create two millennia of imperial bureaucrats and a curriculum they studiously imbibed.65 Thirdly, Confucius is discovered amid the educational and vocational life of Lu. In our picture he is dressed as a ‘sage’. The American sinologist and philosopher H. G. Creel (1905–94) claims there was schooling in China before Confucius, but ‘we do not know very much about it’ (1949: 84). Some say it had already existed for a millennium, Mencius in the two dynasties before his.66 Though his own education was somewhat patchy (A. 19.22),67 Confucius was keen and capable (A. 3.15, 7.22, 32). In later life, he saw education as the means to bring lasting change to hearts, minds and morals – and, thence, to society. He had an open, egalitarian view of it: ‘In education, there are no differences in kind’ (A. 15.39). As his disciple Mencius said, ‘Everyone may become a Yao or Shun [sage or junzi]’ (Mencius 6b. 2). This principle is central to Confucius’s educational philosophy.68 The educational and cultural content (wen ᮷) of the Shi’s training and formation, included ritual, calligraphy, music, archery, history, poetry, charioteering and ethics – together with the precision, grace and discipline expected from each (A. 7.1). Unlike the majority of his peers, Confucius saw warfare as second-best (A. 7.13).69 True learning ᆨ (xue) was, for him, found in ‘four great human relationships’, husband-wife, parent-child, lord-servant and friend-friend. His young, cultured disciple Bu Shang ঌ୶, or Zixia ᆀ༿, expressed this well: Imagine someone who recognizes and admires worthiness and therefore changes his lustful nature, who is able to fully exhaust his strength in serving his parents and extend himself in serving his lord, and who is trustworthy in speech when interacting with friends and associates.

On the need for the junzi to exercise discretion, Slingerland, 96f. The entrance examination for the imperial civil service was finally abolished in 1905. 66 On early Chinese education and its connection to Chinese/Confucian culture, Gu, M. (2014), Cultural Foundations of Chinese Education, Ch. 5; Lee, T. H. C. (2000), Education in Traditional China, Ch. 1. 67 N.B. Confucius’s capable young disciple Duanmu Ci ㄟᵘ䌌 (Zigong ᆀ䋒) claimed his Master had no ‘formal teacher’ (A. 19.22). The Zuozhuan speaks of him being taught at twenty-six by Viscount of Tan and a mystical cloud of water and fire ‘officers’ (48.3b–9a). It is more likely Confucius had a tutor and taught himself like others. 68 On Confucius and education, A. 7.7, 20, 34. For his holistic vision for it, A. 2.12, 6.13, 9.2, 13.4, 19.7. Confucius’s view of education as a lifelong process is echoed by Xunzi 㥰ᆀ, or Xun Kuang 㥰⋱ (d. 238 BCE), who said it ‘continues until death and only then does it cease’ (q. Dawson 1981: 10). 69 N.B. Confucius’s caution with respect to ‘fasting, war and illness’; also, J. K. Fairbank’s comment on the relative appeal of wen ᮷ (culture) and wu ↖ (warfare): ‘Warfare was disesteemed in Confucianism . . . The resort to warfare (wu) was an admission of bankruptcy in the pursuit of wen (culture or civility). Consequently, it should be a last resort . . . Herein lies the pacifist bias of the Chinese tradition . . . Expansion through wen . . . was natural and proper; whereas expansion by wu, brute force and conquest, was never to be condoned’ (1974b: 7–9). Cf. also, Wang, Y-K. (2011), Harmony and War. 64 65

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Even if you said of such a person, ‘Oh, but he is not learned (xue)’, I would still insist that it is precisely such qualities that make one worthy of being called ‘learned’. —A. 1.7 The junzi ‘draws near to those who possess the Way in order to be set straight by them’, for, ‘Surely this and nothing else is what it means to love learning’ (A. 1.14). In this vision for education, Confucius prioritized the Way and the Doctrine of the Mean ѝᓨ (Zhongyong; Lit. balanced middle). These were at the heart of his learning.70 When asked, ‘From whom did Confucius acquire his learning?’ Zigong replies: The Way of Kings Wen and Wu has not yet fallen to the ground – it still exists in people. Those who are worthy understand its greater aspects, while those who are unworthy understand its lesser aspects. There is no one who does not have the Way of Wen and Wu within them. From whom did the Master not acquire his learning? And what need was there for him to have a formal teacher? —A. 19.22 Disposition and discipline determine Confucius’s pedagogy and educational philosophy. In this, he accentuated what had always been known. He exaggerated, we might now say, this fundamental point. Yes, we can make out the Classics in the background and foreground of Confucius’s heavy face on our large, dark canvas, but it is the sage’s straight back and firm gaze that we notice. Education, ethics and self-cultivation are inseparable. As he reflected on his life and character: ‘Remaining silent and yet comprehending, learning and yet never becoming tired, encouraging others and never growing weary – these are tasks that present me with no difficulty’ (A. 7.2). Here is a ‘cultural archetype’ of a moral teacher-practitioner. Confucius’s fingerprints can also be seen on the re-focusing of classical Chinese culture on the personal and the individual. He gives a new priority to behaviour and duty, to obligation, selfdiscipline, ‘six virtues’ (A. 17.8) and social responsibility. We glimpse this when people ask, ‘Why is it that he is not participating in government?’ Confucius replies: The Book of Documents says, ‘Filial, oh so filial, Friendly to one’s elders and juniors; [and so] exerting an influence upon those who govern.’ Thus, in being a filial son and a good brother one is already taking part in government. What need is there, then, to speak of ‘participating in government’? —A. 2.2171

N.B. Confucius’s view of losing and recovering the Mean: ‘Acquiring Virtue by applying the mean – is this not best? And yet among the common people few are able to practice this virtue for long’ (A. 6.29). 71 For a different perspective, where other grounds for resisting ‘office’ are expressed, A. 17.1, 7. On Confucius’s professional life, Dubs, H. H. (1946), ‘The political career of Confucius’. On the politics of Lu at the time, Ames, R. (1983), The Art of Rulership. 70

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To his peers, power required position, to Confucius moral influence was more attractive and effective. As we will see, Confucius’s exposition of human identity meant the self-destroyed and re-built person would also become global ‘cultural archetypes’. Turning the spotlight on individuality set Confucius apart. Rediscovery of the Way and the Mandate of Heaven began one life at a time. The real battle was in a person’s mind, heart and will. Confucius’s socio-ethical programme is built on this principle: ‘When a gentleman serves as a ru, it is in order to clarify the Way (dao); when a petty person serves as a ru, it is because he is greedy for fame’ (A. 17.13). Confucius’s vocation is, then, not only ‘transmitting and teaching the traditional ritual and texts of the Zhou’ (A. 6.13),72 he works for moral formation, personal transformation, professional integrity and renewal of society. Recovery of the spirit of Kings Wen and Wu, and the great Duke of Zhou, as articulated in the ‘Canon of Yao’, involves a person’s body, mind and will: Examining into antiquity, we find that the Emperor Yao was named Fang-hsun. He was reverent, intelligent, accomplished, sincere and mild. He was genuinely respectful and capable of all modesty. His light spread over the four extremities of the world, extending to Heaven above and Earth below. He was able to make bright his great virtue and bring affection to the nine branches of the family. When the nine branches of the family had become harmonious, he distinguished and honoured the great clans. When the hundred clans had become illustrious, he harmonized the myriad states. Thus the numerous peoples were amply nourished, prospered and became harmonious. —de Bary 1991: 1 Here are ‘all the civilized virtues of a good Confucian ruler’ (ibid.), and a Way for life. The fifth area in which we glimpse the extra-ordinary in Confucius is in relation to the spiritual and religious. Early Chinese religions were habitually alive to sacrifice, spirits and the world of the dead, but we find considerable metaphysical reserve in Confucius. As Robert Louden notes: ‘Speculative chatter would only distract people’s attention away from the more fundamental moral task of deciding how to live and act’ (Van Norden 2002a: 80).73 Hence, we discover: ‘The Master did not discuss prodigies, feats of strength, disorderly conduct, or the supernatural’ (A. 7.21). He will not allow himself to be drawn on death and resists speculation on ‘spirits’. He reproves Zilu: ‘You are not able yet to serve people – how could you be able to serve ghosts and spirits’ (A. 11.12). He encourages respect for the ghosts and spirits ‘while keeping them at a distance’ (A. 6.22). He offers ritual sacrifice (A. 2.5, 3.17) and prays fervently – if not a little fearfully (A. 3.13, 7.35).74 He is, as Legge wrote in 1861 (and again in 1893), ‘unreligious rather than irreligious’,75 or, as Louden argues, he is ‘religious but not theistic’ (ibid., 91, n. 33).76 He is more a ‘spiritual teacher’ than a ‘religious leader’, but seemingly aspired to neither

On the interpretation of this, Slingerland, 57. Cf. Louden, R. B. (2002), ‘What does Heaven say?’, in B. Van Norden (ed.), Confucius and the Analects, 73–93. 74 On Confucian ritual practice, sacrifice and prayer, Wilson, T. A. (2014), ‘Spirits and the Soul in Confucian Ritual Discourse’. 75 On this, in the broader context of Legge’s view of Confucius, Girardot, N. J. (2002), The Victorian Translation of China, 470f. Cf. on Legge, p. 12, 118, 121, 203, 244f., 254f., 265f., 269f., 283, n. 104, 289f. 76 For literature and debate about the ‘religiousness’ of Confucianism, Chen, Y. (2013), Confucianism as Religion, Ch. 2. 72 73

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vocation.77 His extra-ordinary attitude to the ‘spirit world’ surprised disciples and set him apart from his peers, and, indeed, from the celestial idealism and cosmogonic naturalism we find later in Guanzi ㇑ᆀ, Laozi 㘱ᆀ and Zhuangzi 㦺ᆀ.78 Yes, the Way is from Heaven, but it is for Confucius primarily a temporal path. We see this in his advice: ‘Set your heart upon the Way, rely on Virtue, lean upon Goodness, and explore widely in your cultivation of the arts’ (A. 7.6). Matteo Ricci was acutely sensitive to Confucius’s inherent rationalism and religious reserve. He was careful not to link Confucius with every form and development of ‘Confucianism’. In the ‘Preface’ to the earliest, composite, Jesuit comparison of Christianity and Confucianism, Confucius Sinarum Philosophus (1687, Confucius, Philosopher of the Chinese),79 we find Ricci’s reserve – and his astute intellectual and spiritual generosity: One might say that the moral system of this philosopher is infinitely sublime, but that it is at the same time simple, sensible and drawn from the purest sources of natural reason . . . Never has Reason, deprived of Divine Revelation, appeared so well developed nor with so much power. As he wrote in his Journal: Of all the pagan sects known to Europe, I know of no people who fell into fewer errors in the early stages of their antiquity than did the Chinese. From the very beginning of their history it is recorded in their worship that they recognized and worshipped one supreme being whom they called the King of Heaven, or . . . by some other name indicating his rule over heaven and earth . . . [and] also taught that the light of reason came from heaven and that the dictates of reason should be hearkened to in every human action . . . One can confidently hope that in the mercy of God, many of the ancient Chinese found salvation in the natural law . . . [and through] the light of his conscience. —1911–13: 386; q. Harris 1966: 127

Zongjiao ᇇᮉ, the Chinese term for ‘religion’, appears in the 19th century. In that Confucianism addresses sacredness, human self-transcendence and ultimate concern, it is rightly ‘religious’, if not a ‘religion’ like Christianity, Judaism, Buddhism and Islam. For a contrary view, Fingarette, H. (1972), Confucius; Küng, H. and J. Ching (1989), Christianity and Chinese Religions. Other scholars have likened Confucius to Moses or a High Church ritualist (Lin Yutang), a combination of Jesus and Socrates (Van Norden) and a ‘sage’; or, they have urged the ‘spiritual’ character and potential of Confucianism. On Lin Yutang, He, J. (2010), ‘Dialogue between Christianity and Taoism’, in M. Ruokanen and P. Huang (eds), Christianity and Chinese Culture, 124–44. On New Confucian spirituality, Tu, W. (1989), Centrality and Commonality (1989); Tu, W. and M. E. Tucker, eds (2003, 2004), Confucian Spirituality; Solé-Farràs, J. (2004), New Confucianism in Twenty-First Century China; Neville, R. C. (2000), Boston Confucianism. 78 Guanzi contains ‘Legalist’ materials (that put a tough case for laws under an autocrat), named in honour of the 7th century BCE Qi 啺 minister and philosopher, Guan Zhong ㇑Ԣ (c. 720–645 BCE). In Guanzi, the dao is beyond sense and sound, but the cause and power of qi ≓ (life force) in a calm heart and mind. Laozi (also known as Tao Te Ching 䚃ᗧ㏃) is a (poss.) 6th-century BCE text associated with the philosopher Laozi 㘱ᆀ (d. 531 BCE). Dao is central to Daoist philosophy and cosmogony: it is there power in life for a person, rather than moral dictates of language, tradition or rational consciousness. Zhuangzi is a 3rd century BCE set of stories and anecdotes in which dao is the determinative, natural principle. 79 Confucius Sinarum Philosophus was a composite 17th-century work by Jesuit scholars (cf. below p. 97, 99f., 101f., 107f., 136, 142, 144). An engraved plate frontispiece has the ‘Master’ towering over the entrance to a library-type Temple. In time, ru tradition replaced Confucius’s authority with personal responsibility and gave tradition a quasi-religious status (Jensen 1997: 132). 77

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The relation between Confucianism and Christianity as ‘religious’ phenomena has taxed the minds of many. The two figures on our old canvas may appear close to one another morally and intellectually, that does not mean they stand side-by-side spiritually. In later chapters we will return to this and to other areas of contrast and comparison. In these five areas, the political, professional, educational, personal and spiritual, we catch glimpses of Confucius’s distinctiveness. In the next section we dig into the sources for his life and the nature of his celebrity, before concluding our picture restoration with primary layer material on his life and legacy and the literature he spawned. Sources and Celebrity A picture restorer or conservator needs to understand the artist’s methods and materials. We need to do the same. Ancient Chinese texts are complex, multi-layered phenomena. We can only scratch the surface here, looking briefly at the history, formation, structure, character, and ultimately the historical and textual reliability of the Analects, Zuozhuan and Sima (or Shiji) as sources for Confucius, paying most attention to the Analects.80 Working backwards, we begin with Qin dynasty 〖ᵍ (221–206 BCE) historian Sima Qian’s ਨ俜䚧 (c. 145/135–86 BCE) magisterial Record of the Grand Historian ཚਢ‫ޜ‬ᴨ (Taishigong shu), or Shiji ਢ䁈 (c. 85 BCE).81 We might say much about this work. Here is China’s grandest history, a ‘foundational text in Chinese civilization’ (Hardy 1999: xiii). By creating a confident, imperial narrative, from ancient myth to the Qin dynasty, and an elegant, new, selective, historiographical style, Sima afforded China and Confucius a fine literary legacy with cultural, intellectual and canonical authority.82 What we find here may not be unique, but it is important. In the face of Qin ‘Legalist’ opposition to Confucius’s authority and role in defining and refining the Classics, it establishes the orthodox view of Confucius’s relation to, and quasi apostolic authorization of, those texts.83 This comes through in Sima’s exposition of Confucius’s literary and educational vocation and aim to gather and ‘transmit’ (A. 7.1) ancient texts:84

On other material, Hunter, M. (2017), Confucius Beyond the Analects, 96–164. The work was begun by Sima Qian’s father, the court astrologer Sima Tan ਨ俜䃷 (165–110 BCE) and completed c. 95 BCE. 82 On Sima’s work, Dawson, R. S. trans. (1994), Sima Qian: Historical Records; Durrant, S. W. (1995), The Cloudy Mirror; —‘Shih-chi ਢ䁈’ (1986a), in W. H. Nienhauser, Jr. (ed.), The Indiana Companion to Traditional Chinese Literature, I. 689–94; —(1986b), ‘Self as the Intersection of Traditions’; —(2005), ‘Truth Claims in Shiji’, in H. Schmidt-Glintzer, et al. (eds), Historical Truth, Historical Criticism, and Ideology, 93–113; Hulsewé, A. F. P. (1993), ‘Shih chi ਢ䁈’, in M. Loewe (ed.), Early Chinese Texts, 405–14; Kern, M. (2010), ‘Early Chinese literature, Beginnings through Western Han’, in S. Owen (ed.), Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, I. 1–115; Knechtges, D. R. (2014b), ‘Shi ji ਢ䁈’, in D. R. Knechtges and T. Chang (eds), Ancient and Early Medieval Chinese Literature, 897–904; Nienhauser, N. (2011), ‘Sima Qian and the Shiji’, in A. Feldherr and G. Hardy (eds), The Oxford History of Historical Writing, I. 463–84; Watson, B. (1958), Ssu Ma Ch’ien, Grand Historian of China; Wilkinson, E. (2012), Chinese History: A New Manual. 83 The earliest reference to the Confucian Classics (in the 3rd century Zhuangzi 㦺ᆀ) is from the period of ‘Warring States’ ᡠ഻ᱲԓ (Zhanguo shidai) (481/403–221 BCE), that followed the peace of what the Zuozhuan commentary calls ‘Spring and Autumn’ ᱕⿻ (Chunqiu) (770–476 BCE). Zhuangzi says there were Six Classics at that time, but the sixth text, the Yuejing ′㏃ (The Classic of Music), has been lost. 84 On the dichotomy between transmitting and not innovating, A. 7.28; also, Yu, J. (2012), ‘Transmitting and Innovating in Confucius: Analects 7: 1’. 80 81

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Confucius studied the religious or ceremonial order and historical records of the three dynasties (Hsia, Shang and Chou),85 and traced the events from the times of the Emperors Yao and Shun86 down to the time of Duke Mu of Ch’in87 and arranged them in chronological order . . . Therefore, Confucius handed down a tradition of historic records and various records of ancient customs and ethnology . . . Confucius taught poetry, history, ceremonies and music to 3,000 pupils, of whom 72 mastered the ‘six arts’ [ed. probably a reference to the ‘Six Classics’]. —q. Lin 1941: 127–35; Yao 2000: 53 Sima is at pains to contrast this with his own work,88 which is neither ‘innovation’ nor comparable to the Chunqiu. Rather, it is, he says self-effacingly, just ‘a classification of materials that have been preserved’ (130.3299–3000; q. Huang 2006: 210, n. 52). He draws on a wide range of (at times contradictory) official and unofficial materials, many of which have been lost, including versions of the Analects, Zuozhuan, writings of the ‘Warring States’ period and oral tradition. Sima is as skilled a diplomat as a historian. His aims and attitude to Confucius are complex.89 Critics abound. He must be careful. Confucius is central to his work, but controversial.90 The potential for misunderstanding is acute. In honouring ‘the Master’ he must safeguard his own position. He summarizes – note, it says as much about the author as his subject! When I read the works of Confucius, I try to see the man himself. In Lu I visited his temple and saw his carriage, clothes and sacrificial vessels. Scholars go regularly to study ceremony there, and I found it hard to tear myself away. The world has known innumerable princes and worthies who enjoyed fame and honour in their days but were forgotten after death, while Confucius, a commoner, has been looked up to by scholars for ten generations and more. From the emperor, princes and barons downwards, all in China who study the Six Arts take the master as their final authority. Well is he called the Supreme Sage! —I. 1947; q. Yang and Yang 1997: 27 Chapter 47 of the Shiji, ‘The Hereditary Household of Confucius’ ᆄᆀцᇦ (Kongzi shi jia),91 is to many the ‘standard source’ (Lau 1979: 161),92 and the classic historical, (mostly) nonhagiographical,93 form of Confucius’s life and ‘myth’. Not everyone agrees. To historian Cui Shu Otherwise known as the Xia ༿ (c. 2070–c. 1600 BCE), Shang ୶ or Yin ⇧ (c. 1600–c. 1046 BCE), and the Chou/Zhou ઘᵍ (1046–256 BCE) dynasties. 86 The mythic Emperors Yao ๟ (trad. c. 2356–2255 BCE) and Shun 㡌 (trad. c. 2294–2184 BCE) belonged to the legendary ‘Three Sovereigns (or ‘August Ones’) and Five Emperors’ (effectively ‘Royal Sages’). Traditionally these two figures, who pre-dated the Xia dynasty, provided exemplary moral leadership and civic instruction, and engendered a prolonged period of prosperity and peace. 87 Duke Mu of Qin 〖ぶ‫( ޜ‬d. 621 BCE) was, from 659–21 BCE, the (14th) ruler of the Zhou dynasty state of Qin. His skilful leadership in the ‘Spring and Autumn’ period led to his being (often) viewed as one of the exemplary ‘Five Hegemons’ ӄ䵨 (Wu Ba). 88 On implied criticism in this, Huang, M. W. (2006), Negotiating Masculinities, 210, n. 52. 89 This relationship is distinctly ‘complex’ (cf. Durrant 1995: 1–45). 90 Cf. ibid., 29. 91 Cf. ibid., on Sima’s use of the term ‘Hereditary Household’. 92 On variant interpretations of Confucius, Van der Sprenkel, O. B. (1975), ‘Confucius: six variations’, in G. Wang (ed.), Self and Biography, 79–98. 93 On Chinese hagiography and the Shiji, Jørgensen, J. J. (2005), Inventing Hui-neng, 77f. 85

CONFUCIUS, ‘THE MASTER’ AND CULTURAL DECAY

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ፄ䘠 (1740–1816), a critical analyst of the Classics, it is ‘seventy to eighty per cent slander’ (q. Durrant 1995: 31). To Creel, it is ‘a piece of carefully veiled satire’ by a pro-Daoist Sima, a ‘slipshod performance’ with ‘little criticism or harmonization’ in which a ‘mealy-mouthed’ and ‘hypocritical’ Confucius ‘moves through the story like a puppet’ (q. ibid.). From his birth, education, ‘distress in the region of Chen and Cai’,94 public rejection(s), and final work collating texts, there is a heroic, cyclical quality to Sima’s cautiously loyal narrative. The story and face seem familiar. Perhaps Sima saw himself, as others have, in the life and work of this ‘Supreme Sage’, an archetypal figure of suffering, hope and redemption, whose influence (as Sima knew) extended well-beyond little Lu. If we want a fine, prose impression of Confucius, the 4th-century BCE Zuozhuan ᐖۣ (Zuo Commentary) is ideal. Digressions are minimal, excesses avoided.95 The text is a story rich in drama, pointed anecdotes, and cameo appearances by Confucius. If it feels a bit wobbly historically, ancient Chinese were not fixated on the historicity or creative limitation of legends.96 If its emphases differ from Sima (who first profiled the work), this should not surprise. Stephen Cook has convincingly unpacked the author’s agenda (2015: 298–334).97 If details and issues are addressed differently, or more succinctly, than in Sima, Gongyang and Guliang98 – so Confucius is here less a dogmatic political drudge or ritual pedant in the struggle between the Zhou and Ji or when advising his disciples99 – we should remember that paint rarely dries on Confucius’s face. Whoever Mr Zuo was, he was a skilful author,100 whose art adds much to our old canvas. Three particular features of the work stand out. First, the sombre tone in which society is described. John Wang has written of its ‘relentlessly realistic portrayal of a turbulent era marked by violence, political strife, intrigues, and moral laxity’ (1986: 804). We see Confucius here through dark clouds of chaos and controversy: war,101 assassination, uprisings, injustice, corruption, deception, scheming and hostile ‘spirits’ swirl about the text. It is not a just world. Innocents suffer: wickedness prevails. Though Confucius is not seen consistently pitting text and morality against social disorder (e.g. Z. lxvi), Zuozhuan helps reinforce our reading of Confucius through the ‘cultural archetype’ of destruction and decay. Secondly, the style, sophistication and standing of Zuozhuan – a text popularly identified with Confucius himself – extend the leitmotif of meeting an ‘Old Master’. Confucius is lauded here in a Chinese equivalent of the Greek histories of Herodotus (c. 484–425 BCE) and

94 On this important incident (when Confucius’s life was threatened) and its relation to the Spring and Autumn Annals, Ng, O-c. and Q. E. Wang (2005), Mirroring the Past, 60f. 95 On the text, context, historical value and ethos, Zuo Tradition (2016), xvii-xcv. 96 For Chinese historiography and orality as it relates to Zuozhuan and the Zhou kings, Schaberg, D. (2009), A Patterned Past, 315–26. 97 On the place of scriptural interpretation in the Han as loci of political manoeuvring, intellectual debate, ideological textualism and historiographical manipulation, Queen, S. (1996), From Chronicle to Canon. 98 The Spring and Autumn Annals (Chunqiu) is known under the names of its three main commentators, the (Old Text) Zuo and the (New Text) Gong yang ‫ޜ‬㖺 and Gu liang ばằ (which draws on the Gong yang) of the Former Han period (206 BCE–8 CE). In time, the anecdotal character and literary quality of the Zuo afforded it precedence over the didactic, indicative politics of Gongyang and Guliang. On the character and content of Gongyang and Guliang, Cheng, A. (2003), Art. ‘Chunqiu Gongyang zhuan ᱕⿻‫ޜ‬㖺儈ۣ and Chunqiu Guliang zhuan ᱕⿻ばằௌۣ’, in X. Yao (ed.), Encyclopedia of Confucianism, I. 78–80; Miller, H. ed. and trans. (2015), The Gongyang Commentary; Ng, O-c. and Q. E. Wang (2005), Mirroring the Past, 45f. 99 On the image of Confucius in Zuozhuan ᐖۣ, Zuo Tradition, lxviif. 100 Though Zuo Qiuming ᐖш᰾ is highly praised in A. 5.25, his authorship of Zuozhuan is contested. It remains a mystery. 101 N.B. the Battles of Chengpu ෾☞ѻᡠ (632 BCE) and Bi 䛢ѻᡠ (597 BCE) between the state of Jin ᱹ (originally known as Tang ୀ) and state of Chu ᾊ.

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Thucydides (c. 460–400 BCE), with which Zuozhuan was broadly contemporary and is justifiably compared. His standing is intertwined, like a sinuous vine in an old wall, with (in every sense) a Chinese ‘Classic’ that built and buttresses China’s language, literature, cultural memory and historiography. To attack one threatens both. Confucius’s fluctuating fortunes reflect as much China’s (literary and linguistic) compulsion to venerate the ‘Supreme Sage’ as any transient political, or ideological, impulses to subvert him. Third, Zuozhuan provides moral commentary on society in the ‘Spring and Autumn’ period. The text is at its best full of principle, at its worst painfully judgemental. It does not want the reader to miss the linkage of immorality and disaster for nations and individuals. ‘Ritual propriety’ ⿞ (li) and ‘proper conduct’ are essential for a good, safe, happy life in society and at home. To this end, lines are drawn. The foolish, wicked and proud people destroy themselves, while righteousness, integrity and humility are rewarded. Many a wise word has been mined from Zuozhuan: the direct, third person narrative draws a reader in. The narrative ‘fits’ the Impressionist genre. Sentences are terse and understated. Paratactic pauses create tension. Ethics are hammered home through story and history. As Martin Kern points out: ‘Instead of offering authorial judgments or catechistic hermeneutics, the Zuozhuan lets its moral lessons unfold within the narrative itself, teaching at once history and historical judgment’ (2010: 49). Much matches, we sense, with Confucius, the man and his message. We meet him through Zuozhuan. So, to the Analects or Lunyu 䄆䃎 (Lit. sayings or edited conversations),102 a text in which most scholars believe we find vestiges of Confucius, the man, his mind, style and workmanship. To Zhu Xi, ‘The Analects and the Mencius are the most important works for students pursuing the Way . . . [its words] are all inclusive; what they teach is nothing but the essentials of preserving the mind and cultivating nature’ (75.21a–b; q. Gardner 2003: 21).103 The text’s historicity is questioned.104 Studies of its long and complex collation, and doubts (of every kind) about its thematic coherence and moral integrity, have fired controversy.105 On the face of it, in twenty Books (of varied lengths) we find pithy wisdom, moral counsel, ‘Socratic’ dialogue and choice bons mots. To critics, this is all expressed in an elitist, sexist, reactionary – if not downright bizarre – way. If we get an impression of the man, Confucius, it is through his turn of phrase or use of meaty metaphors, his robust replies and rasping jibes, his deliberate silences and gentle nurture of disciples, his moods and morals. If we meet him in what’s taught, here is someone focused on life and purpose, attitudes and relationships, ritual practice and educational opportunity, care for the sick and respect for the dead. We are to read, digest and benefit throughout. Closer examination reveals that the Analects is a more problematic source for Confucius than first appears. We must take care, think hard, clean off old varnish, and decide who we really see here. The Analects exists in various versions. It is read now beside 2,000 years of commentary. Finding what was originally said and meant is not straightforward. Key issues in Confucian-Christian dialogue find full expression here. Questions about textual integrity, variant reading, translation, On Confucius in the Analects, Ivanhoe, P. J. (2002), ‘Whose Confucius? Which Analects?’, in Van Norden (ed.), Confucius and the Analects, 119–33. 103 N.B. Zhu Xi’s commentary, Lunyu Jizhu 䄆䃎䳶⌘, was learned by heart by aspirant officials until 1905. It was also held to teach the character and content of Confucianism. 104 On the collation, structure, content and historicity of the Analects, Hunter, M. (2017), Confucius Beyond the Analects; Ni, P. (2017), Understanding the Analects. 105 Information in the text helps date parts of it: i.e. posthumous titles are applied to the Duke of Ai 冟૰‫( ޜ‬r. 494–67 BCE) and noble Ji Kangzi ᆓᓧᆀ (n.d.), who died after Confucius; so, too, Zeng Shen ᴮ৳ (quoted in the Analects), who also died (fifty years) after Confucius. 102

CONFUCIUS, ‘THE MASTER’ AND CULTURAL DECAY

39

interpretative strategy and use, are all present. Perception and reception of the Analects are interconnected with the Classics, or so-called ‘Chinese canon’ ѝ഻ਔިި㉽ (Zhongguo gudian dianji), albeit the Analects didn’t join the Four Books until the Song dynasty. That said, we must treat this old canvas with care, it is highly respected as a witness to Confucianism’s birth.106 Though a complex process, if we remove textual layers of the Analects carefully, we find a ‘Modern’, ‘New Text’ Ӻ᮷㏃ (jinwen jing) version in new orthography (after the infamous ‘burning of the books and burying of scholars’ ❊ᴨඁ݂ [fenshu kengru] in 213 and 210 BCE by the first Qin Emperor 〖࿻ⲷ [259–210 BCE]), and an ‘Old Text’ ਔ᮷㏃ (guwen jing) pre-2nd-century BCE version, in ‘tadpole’ or ‘Kedou’ script 㵼㳚᮷, discovered by chance in a wall when Confucius’s old residence in Qufu was being altered. To purists, past and present, the pre-Han, ‘Old Text’ version – as seen in the Analects of Confucius by Zheng Xuan 䝝⦴ (127–200 CE), a bibulous book-worm from Eastern Han ╒ᵍ) – has a strong connection to Confucius’s grandson Zisi ᆀᙍ (c. 481–402 BCE) and to pupils of his youngest disciple, Zengzi ᴮᆀ (Ziyu ᆀ䕯) (505–435 BCE). These make plausible a claim for the text’s historical preeminence and textual reliability. Indeed, despite the appearance of a (variously ordered) twenty-chapter Lu version 冟ᵜ, and twenty-two chapter Qi text 啺ᵜ, alongside the ‘ancient version’ ਔ䄆䃎 (Gu Lunyu) of the Analects in Ban Gu’s ⨝പ (32–92 CE) Book of Han ╒ᴨ (Han shu), charges of editorial manipulation, and acceptance of an primitive core (Bks. 3–7) plus later addition/s (Bks. ?10–20), this ‘Old Text’ version has claimed primacy as the original source for the Confucius ‘myth’. As Slingerland notes (pace D. C. Lau and Cui Shu ፄ䘠): ‘It is unlikely that any stratum of the Analects was composed after the early fourth century B.C.E’; and, as a consequence, ‘[W]e can safely view the text as a genuine representation of the state of the “School of Confucius” before the innovations of Mencius and Xunzi’ (xv). If we reject Creel’s view that we have ‘no convincing evidence that he [Confucius] wrote or even edited anything at all’ (1960: 106) and accept Chen Lifu (1972: 2) and Xiong Shili’s claim that the extant Six Classics ‘were the final version fixed by Confucius in his late final years’(1996: 406; q. Yao, X., 2002: 53),107 we are at last close to one of the faces on our old canvas. Cleaning is almost complete, although John Makeham rightly reminds us not to forget the role of commentaries, from Mencius, Xunzi and the Record of Ritual onwards, in the reception and interpretation of the Analects: ‘Unless a reader is provided with a commentarial “context” in which flesh is added to the very spare bones of the text, it frequently reads as a cryptic mixture of parochial injunctions and snatches of dry conversation. It is the commentaries which bring the text to life’ (1997: 261).108 In other words, some forms of varnish help us see the original more clearly. This is a wise caveat. Cleaning the canvas to see Confucius requires, as he would say, that we ‘lift the other three corners’ (A. 7.16). Restoring the picture of Confucius from the Analects takes time, skill and effort. If we are to catch his features, it will be through the text’s archaic language and particular style, its chaotic structure and rambling exchanges, and, as in Zuozhuan, its blunt moralizing. It is only in and through all this that we can really begin to see the swarthy complexion and worsted clothing of an earthy van Gogh-type farmer, a man whose bulky frame belies his quick-wittedness and quiet self-assurance. The On formation of the Analects, Kim, T. H. and M. Csikszentmihalyi (2014), ‘History and Formation of the Analects’, in A. Olberding (ed.), Dao Companion to the Analects, 21–37. 107 On claims Confucius and his followers helped shape the Classics, Loewe, M. ed. (1993), Early Chinese Texts, ad. loc; also, Yao, Introduction to Confucianism, 52–4. 108 Cf. also, Henderson, J. B. and O-c. Ng (2014), ‘The Commentarial Tradition’, in A. Olberding (ed.), Dao Companion to the Analects, 37–55. 106

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CHRISTIANITY AND CONFUCIANISM

FIGURE 1: Confucius the scholar (551–449 BCE).

person we meet is urbane, evasive, sharp, moody, morose, critical, and starchily conservative. His big hands fit and ready, not to play Bach or plough fields, but to clear cultural ruins and rebuild society. Confucius: Life, Legacy and Literature In this final part we focus on the primary layer material on our canvas, that is, Confucius’s biography, the aftermath of his life and work, and his literary legacy. We will return to these themes again. An introduction, exaggerating the essential, must suffice for now. The story of Confucius’s life comes in two forms, a famous autobiographical note and multiple biographical constructs, old and new. The Analects is the sources for the note. Confucius describes his life as a staged (perhaps three-part)109 educational, professional and psychological process. Philosophy, pedagogy, technical terminology, and tradition combine: At fifteen, I set my mind upon learning; at thirty, I took my place in society; at forty, I became free of doubts; at fifty, I understood Heaven’s Mandate; at sixty, my ear was attuned; and at seventy, I could follow my heart’s desires without overstepping the bounds of propriety. —A. 2.4 N.B. like earlier commentators, Slingerland groups the process in pairs, viz. education and discipline to learn the Confucian Way, clarity and contentment in living the Way, and the fruit of this in an innate intuition (‘an ear attuned’) and spontaneous understanding (‘I could follow my desires’) of what Heaven wills (9).

109

CONFUCIUS, ‘THE MASTER’ AND CULTURAL DECAY

41

There is nothing here about parents, birth or childhood. His elderly father, Kong He ᆄ㌷ (or Shuliang He ਄ằ㌷), was garrison commander in Lu. He died when Confucius was three, leaving his new, young wife (with whom he had a whirlwind romance),110 Yan Zhengzai 乿ᗥ൘ (from the Yan 乿 family), to rear his ten children. It wasn’t easy. Confucius speaks of his impoverished childhood, and thus need to learn ‘menial tasks’. His mother died young. A big lad – records suggest he was over six feet tall – at nineteen Confucius married Qiguan Ӄᇈ. A year later their son, Kong Li (ᆄ凹) was born, and thereafter two daughters.111 We find Confucius grieving his son’s early death (c. 484 BCE), along with that of his disciples Yan Hui 乿എ (c. 521–481 BCE),112 his favourite, and Zhong You Ԣ⭡ – often called Zilu ᆀ䐟 – (542–480 BCE),113 a brave soldier who died on the field of battle. We know little more of Confucius’s family or private life. We saw before Confucius’s passion for education. His life is an extension of this.114 Missing out in Lu, like other Shi he hawked his skills around (‘took his place in society’). He went to the court of Duke Jing of Qi 啺Ჟ‫( ޜ‬r. 547–490 BCE), but was again unlucky. He was, though, he tells us, ‘free of doubts’ about his guiding lights. After various scrapes, he returned to the increasingly troubled state of Lu, where in the winter of 505 BCE Yang Hu 䲭㱾 usurped his Ji masters and ruled ‘til ousted by the ‘three families’ in 501 BCE. Confucius was meanwhile courted by Gongshan Furao ‫ޜ‬ኡᕇᬮ, who offered him a role in his moral revolt and rebuilding of the fortified city of Bi.115 Confucius declined, hitching himself instead to Jisun Si ᆓᆛᯟ (posth. Ji Huanzi ᆓẃᆀ: d. 492 BCE), the long-serving Chief Minister of Lu (505–492 BCE). Between 505 and 497 BCE Confucius advanced from land agent, to district officer, to Minister of Works, to, finally, Minister of Crime,116 a role he quit dramatically in 497, aged fifty-four, protesting ritual laxity and political corruption (A. 18.4).117 As Bao Xian’s व૨ (6 BCE–65 CE) commentary on the Analects records: ‘Seeing pleasures of the flesh so exalted, and a court so lacking in ritual propriety, how could the Master abide it?’ (q. Slingerland: 215). According to his note, Confucius was convinced he now ‘understood Heaven’s Mandate’. In self-imposed exile, he and a few disciples wandered the states of Wei 兿 (where Confucius narrowly escaped Duke Ling’s 㺋䵸‫[ ޜ‬c. 534–492 BCE] low-born, lecherous wife, Nanzi ইᆀ), Song ᆻ and Chen 䲣 (where his identity was mistaken, and his murder thwarted).118 He returned to Lu at the request of the new Chief Minister, Jisun Fei ᆓᆛ㛕 (posth. Ji Kangzi ᆓᓧᆀ: d. 468 BCE), to assume the lowly non-executive post of ‘Following the Counsellors’, or ‘Leader of the Knights’.119 To Confucius, his ear was finally ‘attuned’ to Heaven’s

Sima reports Confucius was conceived after his parents ‘made love in the fields’. On respect for parents, A. 1.7, 11, 2.6, 4.18–21, 11.5, 17.19. On Confucius’s teaching on the family, Dawson, M. M. ed. (1915), The Ethics of Confucius, Ch. 5. 112 On Confucius’s respect and affection for the gifted Yan Hui, A. 2.9, 5.9, 26, 6.3, 7, 11, 7.11, 9.11, 20, 11.3–11, 23, 12.1, 15.11. 113 Cf. Zilu’s courage, military prowess and administrative skill, A. 5.7, 8, 8.2, 17.8, 23. 114 On Confucius’s early life and career (in esp. Zuozhuan and the Shiji), Chin, A. (2007), The Authentic Confucius, Ch. 1. 115 A. 17.5. On this, Creel, Confucius, 35f.; Dubs, ‘The political career of Confucius’, 277f. On the importance of fortified cities in Lu politics (as seen in Zuozhuan and Sima), Chin, A. (2007), The Authentic Confucius, 29f. 116 It is difficult to propose direct equivalents of the offices Confucius held. 117 On Confucius’s dismay at Ji Huanzi’s response to the gift of female dancers, A. 18.4. 118 N.B. this is probably when Huan Tui ẃ养, a jealous, senior soldier in Song, lopped a branch over Confucius’s head. Doubting he knew Heaven’s Will beforehand, this incident assured Confucius of Heaven’s blessing (A. 7.23). On the attack, Creel, Confucius, 44f. 119 On Confucius’s position, Van Norden, Confucius and the Analects, 33, n. 60. 110 111

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Will, which he now lived wu wei ❑⛪ (Lit. without effort, spontaneously), his hard-won reputation habituated to curbing excess, remonstrating with leaders, and modelling the ideal of the ‘Mean’. In his last years, he followed his ‘heart’s desires’ – now synchronized to Heaven’s Decree – in the twilight world of an elder statesman and honoured teacher, without power or position, but exerting great influence. He died in the fourth month of 479 BCE, aged seventy-one (or two), surrounded by disciples, who mourned as custom dictated for three years. Even the oft-berated Duke Ai of Lu 冟૰‫( ޜ‬r. 494–467 BCE) bewailed his loss, crying: ‘Alas, Heaven has no mercy on me, and has not spared me the Grand Old Man, leaving me unprotected and in deep regret. Alas! Father Ni (Confucius)! Great is my sorrow!’ (q. Lin 1941: 153). Grief Confucius knew in life others felt at his death. Not all held him in high regard. Though disciples (most famously Mencius) lauded Confucius – within a century of his death he had been accorded iconic status – to others, he was (and would remain) grumpy and arrogant, the gentry scholar who ‘avoids the bad people’ (A. 18.6) and ‘won’t soil his dainty hands’ (A. 18.7). The bitter debates we glimpsed in the ‘Spring and Autumn’ period (722–481 BCE) intensify in the ‘Hundred Schools’ 䄨ᆀⲮᇦ (Zhuzi baijia, or Ⲯᇦҹ匤 Baijaa zhengming) of the ‘Warring States’ period (403–221 BCE). They anticipate vicissitudes in 20thcentury attitudes to Confucianism noted above, with the acerbic Mohist essay ‘Against Confucius’120 more than a match for any Maoist ideology or Western liberalism that decries Confucius’s ‘elitism’ or ‘patriarchalism’.121 Critics, it seems, link Confucius and Confucianism to foster their mutual destruction.122 Confucius’s legacy lived on in his disciples, in the state ‘cult of Confucius’, and in the literature directly associated with him. In the Shiji (which records some disciples’ lives), Confucius informs us: ‘The disciples who received my instructions, and could themselves comprehend them, were seventy-seven individuals. They were all scholars of extraordinary ability’ (q. Legge [1861] 2009: 112). Tradition says there were 3,000 disciples, so perhaps only seventy-seven passed muster. Despite what to some is stereotypical moralizing and dull didacticism,123 Confucius was a charismatic figure. He could woo as well as warn. Dull bores do not usually attract young Turks. He could be open and charming: ‘Do you disciples imagine that I am being secretive? I hide nothing from you. I take no action, I make no move, without sharing it with you. This is the kind of person that I am’ (A. 7.24). During his lifetime, disciples earned respect and extended his social influence. A word from ‘the Master’ carried weight with potential employers (A. 6.1, 8). Ji Kangzi, Lu’s Chief Minister,

Cf. The Works of Mozi, Part III. Mohism is the political, social, ethical and ‘empirical’ ‘School of Mo’ ໘ᇦ (Mo jia), or of Mozi ໘ᆀ/Modi ໘㘏 (470–c. 391 BCE). Along with Confucianism, Daoism and Legalism, Mohism was significant in the ‘Spring and Autumn’ and ‘Warring States’ periods. In tone and content, Mohism rivalled Confucianism. But, its tough impartiality ެᝋ (jian ai; Lit. impartial care), statist ideology, economic rigor, non-fatalistic morality, and wariness of aesthetics, led to criticism during the Han dynasty. Some have seen in its demise a missed opportunity for China to turn Mohism’s logical, mechanistic worldview into an early exploration of empirical knowledge. On Mohism and the Mohist attack on Confucius, Graham, A. C. (1993), ‘Mo tzu ໘ᆀ’, in M. Loewe (ed.), Early Chinese Texts, 336–41; Knechtges, D. R. (2014a), ‘Mozi ໘ᆀ’, in Knechtges and Chang (eds), Ancient and Early Medieval Chinese Literature, 677–81; Needham, J. and L. Wang (1956), Science and Civilization in China, II ; Rainey, L. D., Confucius and Confucianism, Ch. 4. 121 On 20th-century controversy, Wang, H-W. (1975), Legalism and Anti-Confucianism in Maoist Politics; Myers, J. T., J. Domes and E. von Groeling, eds (1989), Chinese Politics; Zhang, T. and B. Schwartz (1997), ‘Confucius and the Cultural Revolution’. 122 On the positive power of criticism in Confucius’s developing profile, Nylan and Wilson, Lives of Confucius, Ch. 2. 123 N.B. the dangers of stereotyping Confucian teaching, Dawson, R. (1964), The Legacy of China, 6. 120

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asked about the suitability of three disciples for ‘official duties’ (A. 6.7). Confucius called Zilu ‘resolute’, Zigong ᆀ䋒 ‘perceptive’, and Ran Qiu ޹≲ or Ziyou ᆀᴹ, ‘a master of the arts’ (despite disappointing him, too).124 In due time, Zilu, Ziyou and Ran Yong ޹䳽125 all exercised power as ‘Steward’ to the Ji.126 Zilu later moved to Qi, where he died defending the ruling family, and Ziyou led Lu’s army out against attack. If a leader is proven in his followers, Confucius is impressive: his character and self-control carried more weight than his intellect or force of personality. He was admired because, in so many ways, he lived the vision of a junzi he enunciated. A detailed history of the state ‘cult of Confucius’ need not detain us, having been reported by Sima Qian, and amply treated by Billioud and Thoraval, Ju, Knoblock, Kuo, Needham, Shryock, Stover, Taylor, Yao, and in dictionaries on Confucianism.127 The key point to note is how early, widespread, diffuse, sincere, uncritical and long-lived, this state-sanctioned veneration was. A sacrifice was first offered by the Duke of Ai shortly after Confucius’s death (497 BCE). The first Han Emperor, Gaozu ╒儈⾆ (256/247–195 BCE), made a famous ‘Great Offering’ ཚ㘱 (tai lao) of a pig, ox and sheep in 195 BCE, and then from 59 CE schools across China were required to offer sacrifices to honour the sage. Over time, Confucius’s birthday expanded to the ‘Twice-yearly Confucian Offering’ ֯ཙ (shih-tien). In the syncretism of the Tang dynasty ୀᵍ (618–907), when Buddhism and Daoism thrived and Bishop Alopen arrived in Chang’an, grand temples were built to ‘The Sage of Antiquity’. Every town and city had its ‘literary’ or ‘cultural’ temple ᮷ᔏ (wen miao). Major Ming dynasty བྷ᰾ (1368–1644) reforms to Confucius’s titles and rituals in 1530 shaped the ‘cult of Confucius’ until the Republican era (1912–49), when his approved birthday (28 September) became a national celebration. Though the ‘cult of Confucius’ suffered in the hostility of the Maoist era, since the Cultural Revolution state-sponsored rituals have returned. In the long history of this cult, Confucius’s original identity was over time transformed into the semi-divine worthy we find represented today, a revered source of spiritual, moral and intellectual inspiration, to whom high honour and pure sacrifice are due. We study his portrait for the fame and character attaching to his name. As we saw earlier, Confucius’s vocation and identity are bound up with texts, in the process he turned ru from an educational, ritual, profession into a moral vocation.128 The Analects begins: ‘To learn and then have occasion to practice what you have learned – is this not satisfying? . . . To be patient even when others do not understand – is this not the mark of the gentleman?’ (A. 1.1). The ‘Legalist’ philosopher Han Fei 七䶎 (c. 280–33 BCE)129 recognized Confucius’s achievement: ‘In the present age, the celebrities for learning are the literati [ru] and the Mohists. The highest figure

Ran Qiu was twenty-nine years Confucius’s junior. In time, he became a gifted commander in Lu (cf. A. 3.6, 5.8, 6.12, 11.3). 125 Rang Yong, courtesy name Zhonggong Ԣᕃ, was Ran Qiu’s contemporary. From a humble home and without skilful speech (A. 5.5), he earned his position by his integrity. 126 N.B. the position of Steward was ‘the most important in Lu that could not normally be attained in any manner other than inheritance’ (Creel 1960: 31). 127 Cf. Billioud, S. and J. Thoraval (2015), The Sage and the People, Ch. 7; Gu, J. (1930), Gu Shi Bian, ad loc.; Xunzi (1988), trans. J. Knoblock, 36–50; Kuo, Y-p. (2008), ‘Redeploying Confucius’; Needham, Science and Civilization in China, II. 31f.; Shryock, J. K. (1932), The Origin and Development of the State Cult of Confucius; Stover, L. (2005), Imperial China and the State Cult of Confucius; Taylor, R. L. and H. Y. F. Choy, eds (2005), ‘State Cult’, in The Illustrated Encyclopedia of Confucianism, II. 549f.; Yao, Introduction to Confucianism, 28f., 41, 204–9. 128 Cf. Liu, X. (1998), Hanshu, 1728; q. Yao, Introduction to Confucianism, 18f. 129 On the ‘Legalist’ tradition, p. 35, 42, 337, n. 367. 124

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of the literati was K’ung Ch’iu [Kong Qiu, Confucius]; the highest figure of the Mohists was Mo Ti’ (Liao 1939: 2.298). The complex issue of Confucius’s relation to the Chinese Classics is not easily resolved. In the troubled Han dynasty, the texts were rediscovered, re-edited and, where necessary, supplemented. In 175 CE they were symbolically inscribed in stone, but this did not end debate. The issue of which texts were the ‘true Confucian Classics’ continued into the Tang dynasty, when, amid the chaos, Buddhism and Daoism bloomed and Confucianism wilted. When ru tradition reemerged during the Song dynasty, it was in a new, syncretic, Neo-Confucian form, which absorbed its rivals. In this new incarnation, Confucianism assumed a permissibly dynamic, evolving character. This has continued. Confucius’s response is as inscrutable as da Vinci’s ‘Mona Lisa’. The expression on his old rugged face gives nothing away. Two specific texts stand out for comment, and with this we end. They embody all Confucius aspired to be and to teach. They seal the blood-red aestheticism which courses through his veins. The Book of Odes (Poetry) and the lost Book of Music express the Way of Heaven for him in an accessible, rhetorical, emotional, invitational form. ‘Find inspiration in the Odes, take your place through ritual, and achieve perfection with music’ (A. 8.8). In the course of his seemingly fruitless wilderness wanderings, he learned the power of music. On one occasion in the state of Qi he was so moved by the Shao 並 court music of the sage King Shun, ‘for three months he did not notice the taste of the meat he ate’ (A. 7.14). As he said (pace Casals): ‘I never dreamed that the joys of music could reach such heights’ (ibid.).130 Aesthetic beauty, be it from art, music, poetry, or the natural world, captivated him. He drew raw, sensuous pleasure from an elegant phrase or wellperformed piece, just as he did from a well-ordered ritual or kind deed. He pleaded with his disciples: Little Ones, why do none of you learn the Odes? The Odes can be a source of inspiration and a basis for evaluation; they can help you to come together with others, as well as to properly express complaints. In the home, they teach you about how to serve your father, and in public life they teach you about how to serve your lord. They also broadly acquaint you with the names of various birds, beasts, plants, and trees. —A. 17.9 The Shiji puts this in context: All Six Arts [the Classics] help to govern. The Book of Rites to regulate men, the Book of Music brings harmony, the Book of History records incidents, the Book of Poetry expresses emotions, the Book of Changes reveals supernatural influence, and the Spring and Autumn Annals shows what is right. —Shiji I. 3197; q. Yao 2002: 50 So, Confucius praises Zigong: ‘[Y]ou are precisely the kind of person with whom one can begin to discuss the Odes. Informed as to what has gone before, you know what is to come’ (A. 1.15). He

For an introduction to, and application of, Confucius’s view of music and the Yueji ′䁈 (Record of Music), Ch. 19 of the Liji ⿞䁈 (Book of Rites), Ivanhoe, P. J. (2013a), Confucian Reflections, 45–58.

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then warns his son, Boyu ՟冊: ‘[U]nless you learn the Odes you will be unable to speak’ (A. 16.13; also, 13.5, 17.10). Zigong had grasped what Confucius and later J. S. Bach and T. S. Eliot (among many others) saw, namely, the integrative dynamism of history, texts, art and morality. Texts per se would not suffice. They must be honoured, read, felt, grasped, engaged and enacted, for their meaning and integrity to be found. Ethics and aesthetics meet in Confucian pedagogy and perception. It is no surprise the Book of Odes has a eulogy to the cosmic power behind the junzi: King Wen is on high Oh, he shines in Heaven . . . August was King Wen Continuously bright and reverent. Great indeed was his mandate from Heaven. —Legge [1861] 1966: 427–9; q. de Bary 1991: 2 The rough-hewn face on our dark old canvas begins to shine when turned, and tuned, by the texts on the floor around him to the light, beauty, good order and music of Heaven.

FIGURE 2: The Analects of Confucius.

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CHAPTER TWO

Jesus, ‘The Christ’ and Spiritual Renewal Six-footer1 hanging at the same height as two thieves, / It is suffering that moves the whole world and all ranks.2 —Emperor Kangxi ᓧ⟉ᑍ, 1654–1722 On earth difference is intense, in space distance is immaterial. It all depends where you sit, what position you adopt. Panoramas of this ‘blue planet’ beamed back from the International Space Station reconfirm the wonder of science and the beauty of nature. And the electronics, astrophysics and cosmography that hold satellites in orbit permit incredible new perspectives. They allow us to see our world from beyond our world. There are no national boundaries on the pictures they transmit. Earth is a bright spot in an ink-black space, surrounded by lesser and greater pinpricks of light. Here and now is set in relative time and seen to be of relative importance. Cultures we treasure and protect blur and bleed into one another when set in the context of space and eternity, history and time. It’s not only astronauts and theologians who see life in other ways, anthropologists and geographers do, too. Their view from earth sees the human creature appear, evolve, propagate and spread. Culture, race, ethnicity, language and gender intensify diversity: they veil biological, historical and evolutionary unity. This ‘One World’ story of Confucianism and Christianity doesn’t begin from a premise of global division. It starts from the perspective of a geographer, anthropologist and historian. Like the cosmonaut and theologian, it holds to an inter-cultural connection between East and West long before Confucius spoke, or Jesus lived. We may never know if Jesus and his world had heard stories of life beyond Persia or Arabia, but we cannot assume not. Ancient cultures and societies had ways of connecting we have forgotten in our intense, myopic, earth-bound life. Light and darkness play on the face of the second figure on our canvas, Jesus Christ. He was a 1st-century Palestinian Jew, whose followers helped to ‘convert’ the Roman Empire and lay the foundation for what was called ‘Christendom’ in honour of him. As before, our aim here is to get an impression of the man, through stripping away layers of historic varnish, ‘reading backwards carefully’ to find the inspiration behind Christian tradition. It is not an easy task. The shadow that falls on this face in our picture is threatening, light that breaks in the sky behind him discoloured and doubtful. Yet, as the Catholic theologian Hans Urs Von Balthasar (1905–88) wrote, faith is ‘the closest possible following of Jesus’ (1960: 224). In this, as the Irish poet Patrick Kavanagh (1904–

1 2

Prob. ‘real human’ or from a taller ‘alien’ race. Part of Bishop K. H. Ting’s (1915–2012) translation of [4th Qing] Emperor Kangxi’s (r. 1661–1722) poem ‘The Cross’. 47

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67) pleads: ‘God must be allowed to surprise us’ (1973: 160).3 The path to Jesus is full of problems, paradox, coincidence, complexity. The story of a man nailed to a cross, who ‘rose again’, is not likely to be straightforward. In 1704 Pope Clement XI (1649–1721) finally rejected the early Jesuit principle of ‘accommodating’ Christian truth to Chinese culture. His bull Cur Deus Optimus did not end the controversy: it was another bad example of protectionist politics and in-house theological wrangling. In the year Clement died – as Bach was finalizing the Cello Suites and his time as Kapellmeister in Köthen (1717–23) winding down – the Jesuit mission to China was banned by a frustrated and disappointed Emperor Kangxi. He died a year later. His decree of 1721 proclaimed: ‘Westerners are petty . . . their religion is no different from other small, bigoted sects of Buddhism or Taoism . . . Westerners should not be allowed to preach . . . to avoid further trouble’ (Li, D. 1969: 22).4 However, in the year Pope Benedict XIV’s (1675–1758) bull Ex Illa Die (1742) reaffirmed Clement IX’s position, German composer George Frideric Handel’s (1685–1759) oratorio Messiah received its first performance in Dublin (13 April), with the pulsating, hope-filled ‘Hallelujah Chorus’ at its heart. We do not ‘read backwards carefully’ to Jesus unless ready to be surprised and dismayed. For good and ill, stories, like images, keep us awake at night. His story and image, perhaps, especially.

THE MANY COMINGS OF CHRISTIANITY In 635 CE, the year Bishop Alopen arrived in the imperial capital Chang’an 䮧ᆹ, the Frankish missionary-Bishop Birinus (c. 600–49) baptized King Cynegils (c. 611–42) of Wessex in the River Thames, near Dorchester (c. ten miles SE of Oxford). The same year, as the Venerable Bede (673– 735) records in his Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum (c. 731, Ecclesiastical History of the English Nation), a charismatic Irish monk, Aidan (O. Irish, Áedán; d. 651), established a monastic community on Lindisfarne, a small island off the coast of Northumbria in NE Britain. These are foundational events for the church in Britain. As the saintly, scholar-Bishop of Durham, J. B. Lightfoot (1828–89) records: ‘Aidan holds the first place in the evangelisation of our race. Augustine was the Apostle of Kent, but Aidan was the Apostle of the English’ (q. MacManus [1921] 2005: 233). It is wrong to see Jesus, and the faith he inspired, as a ‘Johnny-come-lately’ to China: their arrival coincided with the coming of Christianity to Britain, where the indigenous tribes and culture were just as hard.5 Indeed, the Celts, Belgae and Picts, who inhabited the wild, but fruitful, Roman province of Britannia, were probably far less civilized than the Tang citizenry of Chang’an. Intellectual and cultural self-confidence and sophistication were part of Confucius’s lingering legacy. Art has played its part in creating, educating and conserving Christian communities. The history of Christian mission to Britain, China, Asia, the Americas, and, in time, Africa and beyond, is inseparable from the creative, artistic dialogue between Christian agents and host cultures. The On Kavanagh, Stack, T. ed. (2003), No Earthly Estate; Agnew, U. (2004), ‘The God of Patrick Kavanagh’. Missionaries allowed to stay were technical or scientific advisors, a service Ricci and other Jesuits provided. On the ‘Rites Controversy’ that produced this imperial response, Mungello, D. E. ed. (1994), The Chinese Rites Controversy; also, p. 95f., 139, 144, 147, 153. 5 On this period, Blair, J. (2006), The Church in Anglo-Saxon Society; Cavill, P. ed. (1999), Anglo-Saxon Christianity; Dunn, M. (2009), The Christianization of the Anglo-Saxons; Mayr-Harting, H. (1972), The Coming of Christianity to Anglo-Saxon England. 3 4

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seeds of this were sown in the conversion of the Roman Empire and the transformation of Europe. The richly illuminated late 7th or early 8th century Lindisfarne Gospels – ‘one of the first and greatest masterpieces of medieval European book painting’ (Backhouse 1979: 10)6 – served to define and refine a new ‘British’ culture long before the whole island was evangelized. Portraits the Jesuits commissioned from Flemish artist Peter Paul Rubens (1577–1640) of their Spanish founders, Ignatius Loyola (1491–1556) and Francis Xavier (1506–52), expressed a similar compulsion to embody their invisible ideal in physical form. Turning to the second figure on our canvas, we are reminded of the Christian claim that in this young man, Jesus, invisible deity is incarnate, that in a divine-human Son we see an ‘exact image’ (Gk. eikon; Heb. 1.3) of a ‘Heavenly Father’. He is, as Bishop John A. T. Robinson (1919–83) entitled a later monograph, The Human Face of God (1973).7 But we must tread carefully: pride, prejudice, idolatry, vanity and false assumptions abound. At a glance, we can see this second face is defaced, disfigured and often repainted. Picture restoration is going to be harder here. The varnish is old, thick and discoloured, the colours burnished as if by candle wax, the canvas threadbare from dirty, desperate handling. As Rubens’s young Dutch contemporary Rembrandt van Rijn (1606–69) reminds us – in his rejection of historic iconography and his realist depiction of Jesus, with fine Jewish features and warm presence – Jesus has been, and still is, seen and known in different ways.8 We see in him the face of humanity in all its beauty, diversity, ugliness and anguish. We learn of Jesus from extra-biblical, ancient sources. Despite cynical, anti-Christian bias, the Roman historian Tacitus (56–c. 120) and Jewish apologist, Josephus (37–c. 100), tell us Jesus ‘Christ’, or ‘Chrestus’, was from Nazareth in Galilee, performed miracles, drew a large following, and was crucified by the Roman Governor, or Prefect, of the province of Judaea, Pontius Pilate (r. 26–36 CE), at the behest of Jewish authorities, as a blasphemer and trouble-maker.9 You can’t tell all this from Jesus’s face or expression. From what we can make out at a distance, he looks gentle as a lamb, open like a friend, and assured as a prince, albeit, seeming to bear the weight of the world on his shoulders. In contrast to Confucius’s stolid, unchanging Chinese features, this face is fluid and ageless. Born more than 550 years after Confucius, one wouldn’t necessarily know it. He might be a little younger – perhaps even older. By repute, he is another ‘paradigmatic figure’ (Jaspers), but why or how isn’t immediately obvious. He is not striking, or impressively built. In fact, he seems frail and emaciated, his clothes those of a servant, not a sage or lord.10 He is, to quote the prophet Isaiah again, ‘one from whom men hide their faces’ (53.3), more than someone you would be

Cf. Backhouse, J. (1981), The Lindisfarne Gospels. Bp. Robinson’s book Honest to God (1963) captured the radical spirit in Britain but mired the author in controversy. His later NT scholarship (e.g. Redating the New Testament [1976] and The Priority of John [posth., 2011]) is more conservative in tone. 8 Rembrandt painted many biblical stories and images. On his Supper at Emmaus (1654) and seven wood-panel oil sketches of Jesus (1630s), that revolutionized perception and artistic representation of Jesus in Europe, Dewitte, L. ed. (2001), Rembrandt and the Face of Jesus; Perlove, S. and L. Silver (2009), Rembrandt’s Faith. 9 Cf. Church, A. J. and W. J. Brodribb (1882), Annals of Tacitus, 15.44, 304f.; Josephus, F. [37–100] ([93–4 CE] 1737, 1974), Antiquities of the Jews, 18.3.3, 20.9.1; Pliny the Younger [61–c. 113], Epistolae, X. 96. Cf. also, Bruce, F. F. (1974), Jesus and Christian Origins; Dunn, J. D. G. (2003), Christianity in the Making, Vol. I; France, R. T. (1986), The Evidence for Jesus; Theissen, G. and A. Merz (1998), The Historical Jesus; Van Voorst, R. (2000), Jesus Outside the New Testament; Whealey, A. (2003), Josephus on Jesus. 10 On Jesus as a man and a leader, Hengel, M. (1981), The Charismatic Leader. 6 7

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drawn to. And yet, as the agnostic historian and novelist H. G. Wells (1866–1946) said of him (like many others), he is ‘the most unique person of history’ (1922: c. 37), so no one can write it ‘without giving first and foremost place to the penniless teacher of Nazareth’ (ibid.). This is the second figure on our old canvas, the ‘focal point of Christianity’ (Bowden 1989: xiii). As Scottish theologian James Denney (1856–1917) argued: ‘From beginning to end, in all its various phases and aspects and elements, the Christian faith and life is determined by Jesus Christ’ (1908: 1). In contrast to Confucius, Jesus is unnaturally disengaged from the tradition he inspired. He belongs to it inextricably. We do not know it except through him. His threat to us is different: for, if we find failure thrust on Confucius, Jesus embraced it. As in Chapter 1, picture restoration requires we remove thick layers of grit and grime, and ‘read backwards carefully’ to find the man, Jesus, who sits at the heart of Christian faith. Many have done this before. Our approach, following others, is to find ‘cultural archetypes’ that condition Chinese and Western perception of what we do and do not – or, perhaps, have not, cannot, or will not – see of Jesus. It is not straightforward. We may conclude the search is impossible, that the story of Jesus Christ is unresponsive to empirical enquiry. We should not baulk at the chance and challenge to study. Like Confucius, Jesus warrants attention and respect, if for nothing else then for his revolutionary ‘Sermon on the Mount/Plain’ (Mt. 5–7; Lk. 6.17–49), and the hope-filled vision he offers through Isaiah when he begins his ministry at his home-town synagogue in Nazareth in northern Palestine: The Spirit of the Lord is on me, because he has anointed me to proclaim good news to the poor. He has sent me to proclaim freedom for the prisoners and recovery of sight for the blind, to release the oppressed, to proclaim the year of the Lord’s favour. —Is. 61.1f.; Lk. 4.18f. Or, as Jesus said to disciples of John the Baptist, his cousin and ‘fore-runner’, who were sent to ask if he really was God’s promised ‘Messiah’: ‘Go back and report to John what you have seen and heard: the blind receive sight, the lame walk, those who have leprosy are cured, the deaf hear, the dead are raised, and the good news is preached to the poor’ (Lk. 7.22). To St. Augustine (354–430) the ‘Sermon on the Mount’ was the ‘perfect standard of the Christian life’ ([1888] 2007: 3). Mohandas K. Gandhi (1869–1948), the spiritual and political leader of the latter stages of India’s movement for independence from Britain (1857–1947), said that it ‘went straight to [my] his heart’ (1927: 49). To Jesus’s disciples, their ‘Lord’ is not just an inspiring spiritual figure, who expounds the mysteries of God and morality, he is the path to purpose, ‘new life’, forgiveness, hope and eternity. He is ‘the Way’ (Jn 14.6), and his first disciples were called ‘Followers of “the Way” ’ (Ac. 9.2, 11.26). Professor of Medieval and Renaissance Literature, reluctant convert, and popular Christian author, C. S. Lewis (1898–1963), finally concluded: ‘The discrepancy between the depth and sanity, and (let me add) shrewdness, of his [Jesus’s] moral teaching, and the rampant megalomania which must be behind His theological teaching unless He is indeed God, has never been satisfactorily got over’ (1947: 132). Lewis caught and taught the interrogative power of this figure, Jesus. I wonder what the two figures on our old canvas, Confucius and Jesus, would have made of one another other. We will never know. Their disciples have tried. When Rubens was asked to paint the gifted, fiery and ultimately suicidal procurator of the China mission, Nicholas Trigault, SJ (1577– 1628) – whose four-year European tour seeking support (1614–18) was, to Logan and Brockey,

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‘one of the greatest publicity coups ever pulled off by the Society of Jesus’ (2003: 162)11 – he dressed his subject in the lavish finery of a Confucian sage.12 The portrait is exquisitely executed.13 Despite the incongruity between Trigault’s expensive garb and Jesus’s ideal of poverty, simplicity and service, it encapsulates Ricci’s theologically inspired missionary principle: the ‘accommodation’ of Christian theology to China’s Confucian philosophy and culture.14 This cultural encounter was from the outset two-way. As Logan and Brockey argue, by criss-crossing Catholic Europe, Trigault ‘had not only brought China to Europe, he would be able to take a bit more of Europe back to China’ (ibid., 164). Like Alopen in Chang’an, Aidan on Lindisfarne, and Ricci in the ambience of Ming dynasty བྷ᰾ (Great Ming) Emperor Wanli’s 㩜ᳶ (1563–1620; r. 1572–1620) court, Trigault and his Jesuit colleagues were cultural intermediaries. They dressed Jesus in local garb and used art as much as science to commend and communicate Christian faith.15 It was a composite approach, rooted theologically in a God robed in the flesh of the man Jesus. It was a method consecrated and confirmed by his, and their, missionary endeavour. As noted above, art affords ‘cultural archetypes’ that promote inter-cultural dialogue hospitable to our human unity-in-diversity. They deterritorialize, like a view from space. As shared images, they both bind and explain. Seen in this light, we look for Confucius and Jesus painted with similar oils on the same old historic canvas. Indeed, they almost seem to look at one another. Finding Jesus, the man, through two millennia of ‘soft’ Christian adoration and ‘hard’ secularist criticism isn’t going to be easy. Much is at stake. Greater claims are made by this man and about this man than for Confucius. To disciples, he is both co-equal and co-eternal with God. As the ‘Prologue’ to John’s theological Gospel states: ‘No-one has ever seen God, but God the One and Only, who is at the Father’s side, has made Him known’ (Jn 1.18). So, too, Jesus says of himself, ‘I and the Father are one’ (Jn 10.30); and, as we have seen, ‘I am the way and the truth and the life’ (Jn 14.6). These claims, and his putative status, set Jesus apart. Nothing comparable is said of, or claimed by, Confucius. English Anglo-Catholic theologian Eric Mascall (1905–93)16 articulates a classic ‘Catholic’ approach to the breadth, depth, and sacramental nature of the church’s spiritual relation to Jesus: ‘That the Christ whom we know today is the historic Christ is basic to our faith, but we

11 Cf. also, Schrader, S. ed. (2013), Looking East: Rubens’s Encounter with Asia. While in Rome, Trigault edited Ricci’s memoirs, De Christiana Expeditione (1616). Also, below p. 97, 100, 104, 108, 112. On Ricci and the early ‘China Mission’, Galagher, L. J., SJ, trans. (1953), China in the Sixteenth Century: The Journals of Matthew Ricci; Fontana, M. (2011), Matteo Ricci; Shelke, C., SJ, and M. Demichelle, eds (2010), Matteo Ricci in China. 12 N.B. Ricci’s 1595 description of his clothing in China: ‘worn by the literati on their social visits’, namely, ‘a dress of purple silk, and the hem of the robe and the collar and the edges are bordered with a band of blue silk a little less than a palm wide; the same decoration is on the edges of the sleeves, which hang open, rather in the style common in Venice. There is a side sash of the purple silk trimmed in blue which is fastened round the same robe and lets the robe hang comfortably open’ (q. Spence 1984: 115). 13 The three Jesuit China missionaries (plus one to Japan) Rubens painted are similarly attired. On Rubens and Sino-Dutch relations, Weststeijn, T. (2016), ‘ “Sinarum gentes . . . omnium sollertissimae”’, in G. Song (ed.), Reshaping the Boundaries, 9–34. 14 On Ricci and ‘accommodation’, p. 63, 93, 95f., 117, n. 145, 136, 139, n. 36, 143, n. 58, 146f., 232. 15 On art and Christian mission, Adeney, F. S. (2015), Women and Christian Mission, Ch. 12; Bailey, G. A. (1999), Art on the Jesuit Missions in Asia and Latin America. Also, for a recent study of the power of artistic ‘resonance’ in the Jesuit China mission, Urrows, D. F. (2018), ‘Art, Culture, and Resonance in the Jesuit Mission in China’. For texts on art, power, culture, ideology, creativity and conflict, Newall, D. ed. (2017), Art and Its Global Histories. 16 As an ‘Anglo-Catholic’, Mascall affirmed the Church of England’s historic ‘Catholic’ identity, as mediated through the theology of the early church Fathers, and its rites, rituals, priesthood and sacraments.

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do not depend for our acquaintance with him on the research of historians and archaeologists. He is also the heavenly Christ, and as such is the object of our present experience, mediated through the sacramental life of the Church’ (1985: 38f.). That is, the living Christ figure at the heart of the tradition he inspires is found in and through the cosmos and the church. If Jesus’s profile touches heaven, his persona and the tradition he inspired have impacted every corner of Western culture – indeed, today, the world. As T. S. Eliot wrote: It is in Christianity that our arts have developed; it is in Christianity that the laws of Europe – until recently – have been rooted. It is against a background of Christianity that all of our thought has significance. An individual European may not believe that the Christian faith is true, and yet what he says, and makes, and does will all spring out of his heritage of Christian culture and depend upon that culture for its meaning . . . If Christianity goes, the whole culture goes. —[1939] 2014: 200 Yale historian Jaroslav Pelikan (1923–2006) was equally clear, writing in his monograph Jesus Through the Centuries: ‘For each age, the life and teaching of Jesus represented an answer (or, more often, the answer) to the most fundamental questions of human existence and of human destiny, and it was to the figure of Jesus as set forth in the Gospels that those questions were addressed’ (1985: 2). The economist, Utilitarian philosopher, and agnostic, John Stuart Mill (1806–73) also saw this: ‘Whatever else may be taken from us by rational criticism, the portrait of Christ presented to us in the Gospels is still left; a unique figure, not more unlike all His predecessors than all His followers’ ([1850, 1870] 1874: 254). Emperor Napoleon Bonaparte (1769–1821; r. 1804–14), an admirer of Muhammad, was fulsome in praise of Jesus and wary of the threat he posed: Alexander, Caesar, Charlemagne and I myself have founded great empires; but upon what did these creations of our genius depend? Upon force. Jesus alone founded His empire upon love, and to this very day millions will die for Him. I think I understand something of human nature; and I tell you, all these were men . . . none else is like Him; Jesus Christ was more than a man . . . [This is] unaccountable; it is altogether beyond the scope of man’s creative powers. —q. The Christian Observer 1861: 261 Again, ‘From first to last, he is the same, always the same, majestic and simple, extremely severe and extremely mild in the business of public life, so to speak, Jesus does not hold to any criticism, his prudent manner so delighted admiration by a mixture of strength and gentleness’ (q. Tristan 1841: 59). To the theologically alert church composer J. S. Bach17 – whose Johannes-Passion, BWV 245 (1724, St. John Passion) and Matthäus-Passion, BWV 244 (1727, St. Matthew Passion), recall with tenderness the bitter injustice of Jesus’s trial, and his exemplary, atoning sacrifice on the cross, with

N.B. on Bach’s theology, Butt, J. (2010), Bach’s Dialogue with Modernity; Chafe, E. (2014), J. S. Bach’s Johannine Theology; —(2015), Tears Into Wine; Leahy, A. (2011), J. S. Bach’s ‘Leipzig’ Chorale Preludes; Marissen, M. (2016), Bach & God; Pelikan, J. (1986), Bach among the Theologians; Petzoldt, M. ed. (1985), Bach als Ausleger der Bibel theologische; Rathey, M. (2016), Johann Sebastian Bach’s Christmas Oratorio; Schweitzer, A. ([1908] 1911), J. S. Bach.

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its offer of forgiveness and life to all18 – Jesus is ‘my all’ and ‘starting-point’, my ‘faithful Shepherd’ and ‘comfort and salvation’.19 He is for everyone, he believed, the ‘soul’s best portion’, the ‘joy of man’s desiring’,20 and thence a ‘priceless treasure’.21 ‘S.D.G’ (‘Soli Deo Gloria’: To God alone the praise) and ‘J.J’ (‘Jesu, Juva’: Jesus, help), with which he ‘garnishes his scores’, are, as the young organist and musicologist Albert Schweitzer (1875–1965) recognized, ‘no formulas, but the Credo that runs through all his work’ (1911: I. 166f.).22 To T. S. Eliot, in Jesus, the God-Man, we encounter the ‘impossible union’ of apparent opposites; or, as ‘The Dry Salvages’ expresses this, ‘The hint half guessed, the gift half understood, is Incarnation.’23 In Jesus’s suffering for the right, sin is purged by fires of sacrificial love (‘Little Gidding’).24 Imagery in Eliot’s ‘Gerontion’ (1920) blends theology, art and doxology. Hence, we read: ‘. . . in the juvescence of the year/ Came Christ the tiger’, who is at his life’s end betrayed by ‘flowering Judas’ and crucified in ‘depraved May’. There is no shortage of material created in the West in praise of Jesus: its breadth, depth, and theological and artistic diversity, are to many compelling. His image is as prominent in the West as Confucius’s is in China. There is also a long, mixed tradition of criticizing Jesus and his disciples. From the withering Λόγος Ἀληθής (Alethe Logos), ‘The True Word’ (c. 177), by the acerbic Greek philosopher, Celsus (fl. 160–80), and the reductionism of Adversus Christianos (Against the Christians) and De Philosophia ex Oraculis Haurienda (Philosophy from Oracles) by the able Neoplatonist Porphyry (c. 234–c. 305),25 through to communistic, nihilistic and atheistic attacks by Karl Marx (1818–83), Friedrich Nietzsche (1844–1900),26 Bertrand Russell (1872–1970)27 and, more recently, myriad expressions of socio-political, religious, personal and ideological protest,28 Jesus, and the communal tradition he inspired, have provoked heated reactions.29 Nietzsche lambasted Jesus’s inversion of power structures: ‘Everything pitiful, everything suffering from itself, everything tormented by base feelings, the whole ghetto-world of the soul suddenly on top!’ ([1895] 1999: 59).30 Russell reflects the reserve some feel criticizing Jesus (‘He had a very high degree of moral goodness’) and the 18 The original title of the St. John Passion captures the spirit and intention of both of these remarkable works, Passio secundum Johannem (The suffering according to John). These are devotional studies of Jesus’s crucifixion. Music can be, as Bach knew, and demonstrates, a better medium for musing on mystery and expressing awe and gratitude. 19 Sacred Cantata: ‘Singet dem Herrn ein neues Lied’, BWV 190 (1724), also in BWV 190a (1730). 20 Cantata: ‘Herz und Mund und Tat und Leben’, BWV 147 (1723), last movt. 21 Funeral Motet: ‘Jesu, Meine Freude’, BWV 227 (1723). 22 On Schweitzer, p. 54, 55, n. 33, 84, 85. 23 Throughout Eliot’s Modernist poem The Waste Land (1922) life is presented as a matter of ‘hints and guesses’ that human curiosity is drawn to pursue and engage. 24 On Eliot and Christianity, Dettmar, K. (2009), ‘ “An occupation for the saint”: Eliot as a Religious Thinker’, in D. E. Chintz (ed.), A Companion to T. S. Eliot, 363–75; Kong, L. (2016), ‘ “Dust in a Shaft of Sunlight”: T. S. Eliot’s Poetry and Religious Conversion in a Secular Age’, in S. Freer and M. Bell (eds), Religion and Myth in T. S. Eliot’s Poetry, 165–84; Pechey, G. (2015), Tongues of Fire; Spurr, B. (2010), ‘Anglo-Catholic in Religion’: T. S. Eliot and Christianity; also, Maddrey, J. (2009), The Making of T. S. Eliot. On Eliot, p. 24f., 64, 143, 157, n. 144, 198, 225, n. 236, 270. 25 Like many critics, Porphyry was less keen to criticize Jesus than his followers; hence, his declaration, ‘The gods have proclaimed Christ to have been most pious, but the Christians are a confused and vicious sect’ (Philosophy from Oracles; q. Berchman 2005: 126). 26 On Marx and Nietzsche, p. 315f. 27 Cf. Russell, B. (1927), Why I am not a Christian. 28 For critics and criticism of Jesus, the Wikipedia article ‘Criticism of Jesus’ is useful: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Criticism_of_ Jesus (accessed 31 August 2017). Some critics, it seems, succumb to the mating call of royalties more than quiet reason! 29 On 20th-century atheism and ‘protest atheism’, p. 102, 114, 116, 124, n. 172, 149, 152, n. 122, 218, 223, 238, 307, 310, n. 211, 318, 323, n. 286, 339, 415, 437, 443f. 30 Cf. Brobjer, T. H. (2008), Nietzsche’s Philosophical Context, 179, n. 56.

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freedom others have to attack his followers (‘as organized in its churches, [Christianity] has been and still is the principal enemy of moral progress in the world’) (1957: 14–16). New Testament scholars and theologians have also piled in. The Cambridge scholar Don Cupitt (b. 1934) comfortably asserted: ‘I accept the well-established . . . view of Jesus . . . that we do not know anything for certain about his life and teaching’ (1979: 137). For others – that is, those who do not engage with him, or choose to ignore him – Jesus is the ‘pale Galilean’ libertine liberal Algernon Swinburne (1837–1909) mocked in his controversial lament for Greco-Roman – read: joy-filled, free, hedonistic – culture, the ‘Hymn to Proserpine’ ([1866] 1868: 77–84): ‘Thou hast conquered, O pale Galilean; the world has grown grey from thy breath;/ We have drunken of things Lethean, and fed on the fullness of death.’ Seeing Jesus clearly amid disagreement is not easy.31 In the next section we look at the dynamics of praise and blame that swirl around him. This will help identify intellectual solvents needed to clean away accumulative grime.

JESUS: DYNAMICS OF PRAISE AND BLAME Before we look at Jesus’s ‘face’ as a theological, cultural and literary motif and at ‘cultural archetypes’ that shed light on it, we need to engage the conflict, confusion and emotion that Jesus’s image has provoked. ‘Praise’ and ‘blame’ encapsulate what we meet in six areas. We can only dip our toes into this raging torrent, which is full of swirls, eddies and ideas. First, as intimated above, the image of Jesus is contentiously comparable; that is, for various reasons, comparison between Jesus and Confucius – and, with any other historical figure – is at times rejected. On grounds of cultural specificity (Jesus and another belong to different contexts), or anachronistic implausibility (the result of time-gaps and geography), or theological orthodoxy (Jesus is not ‘just another’ human being), and/or intellectual suspicion (‘Where might this all end?’), some people claim Jesus and Confucius should not be painted on the same canvas. The Scottish American preacher-theologian P. Carnegie Simpson (1865–1947) was one such, as a defender of Jesus’s uniqueness: Instinctively we do not class Him with others. When one reads His name in a list beginning with Confucius and ending with Goethe, we feel it is an offence less against orthodoxy than against decency. Jesus is not one of the world’s great. Talk about Alexander the Great and Charles the Great and Napoleon the Great, if you will . . . Jesus is apart. He is not the Great; He is the Only. He is simply Jesus. —1901: 44 For quite different reasons, Albert Schweitzer, who left his life as an organist, theologian and musicologist to found Lambaréné missionary hospital in French Equatorial Africa (1913),32 also stressed Jesus’s ‘otherness’, writing (a year after his two-volume study of Bach!) at the end of his

31 For a critical view of Jesus, Crossan, J. D. (1995), Jesus: A Revolutionary Biography. As an inter-cultural account of Jesus’s global, historical reception, Jongeneel, J. A. B. (2009), Jesus Christ in World History. 32 Modern Gabon. Schweitzer was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for this work in 1952.

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historic overview of the 19th-century ‘Lives of Jesus’ movement, Vom Reimarus zu Wrede (1906: The Quest of the Historical Jesus, 1910):33 He comes to us as One unknown, without a name, as of old, by the lake-side, He came to those men who knew Him not. He speaks to us the same word: “Follow thou me!” and sets us to tasks which He has to fulfil for our time. He commands. And to those who obey Him, whether they be wise or simple, He will reveal Himself in the toils, the conflicts, the sufferings which they shall pass through in His fellowship, and, as an ineffable mystery, they shall learn in their own experience Who He is. —[1906] 1981: 401 Christian spirituality and historical theology can both be protective of Jesus’s uniqueness. As Schweitzer had come to realize: ‘There is no historical task which so reveals a man’s true self as the writing of a Life of Jesus’ (ibid., 4). To the radical American New Testament scholar Dominic Crossan (b. 1934), authors of lives of Jesus (excepting himself!) ‘do autobiography and call it biography’ (1993: xviii). Like picture restoration, decisions about the propriety of criticizing Jesus, or comparing him with other religious figures, are based on other criteria.34 David Wells is right: ‘The shape which our Christology [ed. study of Jesus’s life and death] assumes is determined by the presuppositions and operating assumptions with which we start’ (1984: 1). Hence, if he is not uniquely the ‘Son of God’ and ‘Saviour of the world’, he may be justly assessed like any other prophet, shaman, avatar, or ‘inspired’ individual. If he is, however, who he and his followers claim him to be, direct comparison is impossible – and examination of theological, philosophical, or ethical similarity-dissimilarity between Jesus and Confucius is of purely academic, or cross-cultural, interest. As we saw at the start, it all depends where you sit, what position you adopt. Perspective affects who and what we see. Viewed from the wrong angle a picture in a glass-covered frame can be virtually invisible. Secondly, Jesus’s image is controversially contextual, that is, his identity is not easily, or to some satisfactorily, defined geographically or ethnically. His ‘face’, we find, reflects the family and community of his birth, and, the characteristics of his adherents and critics. Few question Jesus’s historicity per se. As New Testament scholar Bruce Metzger (1914–2007) concluded after a lifetime of work on the original texts: ‘Today no competent scholar denies the historicity of Jesus’ (1965: 77f.).35 Likewise, the classicist Michael Grant (1914–2004): ‘No serious scholar has ventured to postulate the non-historicity of Jesus’ (2004: 200). Recent scholarship has focused on Jesus’s 33 N.B. there are interesting parallels between Schweitzer’s study of the theological and historical sources, styles, and imagery of Bach’s religious works (J. S. Bach: Le Musicien-Poète [1905]) – which his musical mentors Charles-Marie Widor (1844– 1937) and Ernst Münch (1859–1928) encouraged him to write – and The Quest of the Historical Jesus, which traces the content, sources and rationale of the Christusbild (picture of Jesus) in 18th- and 19th-century ‘Lives of Jesus’. See further, p. 52f., 56, 78, 82, 85. 34 For contrasting approaches to Jesus’s uniqueness, Swidler, L. and P. Mojzes, eds (1997), The Uniqueness of Jesus; Wright, C. J. H. (1997), The Uniqueness of Jesus. 35 N.B. other extra-biblical and extra-canonical literature exists, i.e. the Gospels of Thomas, Peter, Philip, James, of Truth, of the Egyptians. The origin, content, interpretation and apostolic authorization of this extra-canonical literature has been a contentious issue for a life of Jesus. J. A. Fitzmyer, SJ, states: ‘These apocryphal gospels are scarcely a source of real information about Jesus of Nazareth . . . Details in them, however, have to be scrutinized, and some of them may preserve information that is authentic’ ([1982] 1991: 18f.; and, 11f. for extra-biblical material).

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1st-century Palestinian origin and inherited Jewish outlook.36 Here, it is claimed, we find the young man, Jesus. More controversial, are the degree to which his worldview was bounded by his primitive, native context, and his identity subordinates his historical origins to his global, cultural profile, and claimed divine Sonship. In other words, Jesus’s image is not just about who he is, but who God and man have made him (esp. as ‘Son of God’ and ‘Saviour’). The theologian and martyr, Dietrich Bonhoeffer (1906–45)37 felt this keenly, writing on 30 April 1944 (a year before his hanging): ‘What is bothering me incessantly is the question what Christianity really is, or indeed who Christ really is, for us today’ (1971: 279).38 How a ‘local’ Palestinian figure is also God, and becomes a ‘global paradigm’, has preoccupied faith and scholarship for centuries. How he is invested with contextual characteristics and divested of unnecessary theological and cultural accretions, so that he can be reinvested as God and have local, indigenized, human features, remains a conundrum! Marburg church historian and theologian Adolf von Harnack (1851–1930), an early contributor to this debate, stressed the original ‘activity of the Hellenic spirit upon the gospel’. He concluded: ‘The gospel entered into the world, not as a doctrine, but as a joyful message and as a power of the Spirit of God, originally in the forms of Judaism. It stripped off these forms with amazing rapidity . . . and amalgamated itself with Greek science, the Roman Empire, and ancient culture’ (1894–7: 7.292). The problem for others is that if Jesus’s identity as a 1st-century Palestinian Jew is downplayed, historical integrity and the reality of his Incarnation are threatened, but if his capacity to save, and to connect with the world in every age (with all its ethnic, cultural and sociopolitical diversity), are neglected then God’s identity and the Gospel are compromised. He may be to biblical Christians ‘the same yesterday, today and forever’ (Heb. 13.8), but what of the many ways his ‘face’ and ministry have been painted? New Testament scholar Ben Witherington rightly indicates that there are ‘as many portraits of the historical Jesus as there are scholarly painters’ (1997: 77), and, not all of these are either true or in agreement. As Schweitzer said of the ‘Lives of Jesus’ he studied: ‘He is a figure designed by rationalism, endowed with life by liberalism, and clothed by modern theology in an historical garb’ (396). But this person, ‘never had any existence’ (ibid.). In spite of doubt and controversy, Jesus is still the object of intense – at times, paparazzistyle – enquiry. If the Christusbild (picture of Christ) on our battered old canvas appears somehow fluid and malleable, it is, for some, because Jesus changes in and for every age; to others, it must be so, for the ‘living Christ’ is never bound.

36 On Jesus’s Jewishness and 1st-century Palestinian culture, Vermes, G. (1973), Jesus the Jew; —(1993), The Religion of Jesus the Jew; —(2001), The Changing Faces of Jesus; —(2003), Jesus in His Jewish Context; also, Bourquin, D. R. ([1990] 2007), First Century Palestinian Judaism, (ed.) M. Burgess; Riches, J. K. (1990), The World of Jesus; —(1982), Jesus and the Transformation of Judaism; Sanders, E. P. (1985), Jesus and Judaism. 37 Bonhoeffer’s biography is important. After theological studies in Germany and the USA (1930–1), Bonhoeffer taught at the University of Berlin (1931–3) and was ordained as a Lutheran pastor (1932), serving German churches in London from 1933 to 1935. An active opponent of Hitler as führer (leader), Bonhoeffer was a leader of the anti-Nazi ‘Confessing Church’, a signatory of the ‘Barmen Declaration’ (1933), the founder of an underground seminary in Finkenwalde (1935), a double-agent in the abwehr (Nazi military intelligence) and an object of constant government harassment. Arrested on 5 April 1944, he was imprisoned in Tegel military prison, and then Flossenburg concentration camp where he was executed on 8 April 1945, two weeks before the camp was liberated. Cost of Discipleship ([1937] 1961) and Ethics ([1949] 1955) are reckoned modern theological classics. 38 Cf. also, Bethge, E. ([1970] 2000), Dietrich Bonhoeffer; Metaxas, E. (2011), Dietrich Bonhoeffer: Pastor, Martyr, Prophet, Spy.

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FIGURE 3: [Jesus with] Martha and Mary by Bai Huiqun ⲭភ㗔 (contemp.)

Thirdly, the image of Jesus is caught in the complex dynamic of ‘praise’ and ‘blame’ because it is claimed by a community, namely, the church in all its denominational diversity. As we glimpsed in Mascall, some Catholic Christians celebrate a highly developed sense of an ontological, spiritual relationship between the head, Jesus, and the priesthood, sacraments and ‘body’ of the church. St. Augustine’s principle, ‘Totus Christus, caput et corpus’ (The whole Christ, head and members),39 is still invoked to describe Jesus’s intimate relationship and effective authority among his people. So, too, the spirit of Pope Pius XII’s (1876–1958) encyclical Mystici Corporis Christi [The mystical body of Christ] (29 June 1943) lives on in Catholic teaching on the church as Christ’s ‘Mystical Body’.40 In other words, Jesus’s life and ministry are both continued and realized by his Spirit at work in his church and people.41 In most Protestant churches (Germ. Gemeinde; fellowship), however, confidence in Jesus’s power and presence is tracked back to a God who promised his

39 Cf. Augustine (1956), ‘Homilies on the Gospel of John and on the First Epistle of John’, NPNF., I. 7., Tr. 1, para. 2; also, Van Bavel, T. J. (1998), ‘The “Christus Totus” Idea’, in T. Finan and V. Twomey (eds), Studies in Patristic Christology, 84–94; Canty, A. (2009), ‘The Nuptial Imagery of Christ and the Church’, in C. A. Evans and H. D. Zacharias (eds), Early Christian Literature and Intertextuality I. 225–35. For a Catholic view of the church, Kasper, W. (2015), The Catholic Church; also, on Kasper, p. 444f. 40 Cf. The Encyclical Letter of His Holiness Pope Pius XII: On the Mystical Body of Christ and Our Union in It with Christ (2009). 41 N.B. theologian Hans Küng’s (b. 1928) principle: ‘The Spirit is Lord of the Church’ not ‘The Church is Lord of the Spirit’ (1968: 162f.).

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people he would ‘never leave them or forsake them’ (Dt. 31.6, 8; Heb. 13.5), and to the word of ‘Messiah’ (Lit. anointed, or chosen, one) Jesus: ‘Where two or three come together in my name, there I am with them’ (Mt. 18.20).42 Both Catholic and Protestant streams look to Jesus’s commands and promises as ‘Lord’, and to the Bible’s unique, textual witness to his saving death, as justification of its authority and use by the church.43 The problem is, Christian groups extrapolate from Jesus’s image conflicting views of church polity, authority and morality. It doesn’t end there. The church’s adoration of Jesus appears to some non-members nastily exclusive and proprietorial. Faith in, and prayer to, Jesus, have after all never been the believers’ preserve alone. He is honoured in other religions.44 He himself speaks of other sheep ‘not of this sheep pen’ (Jn 10.16). Atheist Bertrand Russell and Hindu Mahatma Gandhi (and others) may admire the picture of Jesus without wanting or needing to own it. Christian thought and secular criticism have recognized that the question is not only ‘Which Jesus?’, but ‘Whose Jesus?’45 As at his birth, so now, Jesus is ‘homeless’: he does not have a theological or cultural postal address. Fourthly, picture restoration, or ‘reading backwards carefully’, to discover Jesus, the man, has been overtaken in many academic and ecclesiastical circles by the literary, historical and theological exercise of historical criticism; that is, to close study of the ‘world of the text’ (Soulen and Soulen [1976] 2001: 78)46 and the way texts about Jesus developed – if you like, how layers and colours of paint were applied, and sayings, sources and genres employed.47 Context and content come into play here. Few people question the value of literary analysis, but some of us baulk at embracing it uncritically. We doubt someone else’s interpretation, while enjoying reading without having to know the what, and why, and wherefore of a text. In short, biblical ‘historical criticism’, in all its varied forms, has been, and will continue to be, a contentious subject. In Christian, or more general literary, circles, where a piece of writing has acquired ‘sacred’ status (by divine mandate, authorial respect, or a community’s textual identity), the idea scholars can critique that text with impunity, is not only naïve, it is foolish, offensive and provocative. Christians and atheists may not nowadays pronounce fatwas against infidel academics, but tongues wag, fingers point, and temperatures boil over in the pious and the perverse, when the image of Jesus is mired in the muck of public dispute. On Protestant ecclesiology and its relation to the ‘Word of God’, Barrett, C. K. (1995), Jesus and the Word; MacGregor, G. ([1958] 2004), Corpus Christi; Webster, J. (2016), Word and Church. 43 N.B. Anglican ethicist Oliver O’Donovan’s comment on the Church of England’s Article VI, of its ‘39 Articles of Religion’ (1563), on the ‘sufficiency’ of the Bible ‘for salvation’: ‘[T]he authority of Jesus and of these events (recorded in the Gospels) is (from an epistemological point of view) vested entirely in the New Testament and communicated exclusively through its witness. There is no other route by which these events make themselves known to later generations’ (1986: 51). 44 For texts on Jesus in other religions, Barker, G. A. and S. E. Gregg, eds (2010), Jesus Beyond Christianity. 45 Cf. for the communal dimension to NT christology, Horrell, D. G. and C. M. Tuckett, eds (2000), Christology, Controversy, and Community. 46 On the context and formation of the NT text and ‘Canon’, Abraham, W. J. (1982), Divine Revelation and the Limits of Historical Criticism; Aune, D. E. (2010), ‘Historical Criticism’, in D. E. Aune (ed.), Blackwell Companion to The New Testament, 101–15; Barton, J. (2007), The Nature of Biblical Criticism; —ed. (1998), The Cambridge Companion to Biblical Interpretation; Stuhlmacher, P. (2003), Historical Criticism and the Theological Interpretation of Scripture. 47 ‘Historical criticism’ began in the textual revolution of the 17th century, when a text’s meaning and setting attracted increased attention. In the 18th, 19th and 20th centuries, this developed various streams; initially, ‘Lower criticism’ (to recover the original text) then ‘Higher criticism’ (to identify the sources and methods in the text). Subsequently, Biblical studies have developed ‘Source criticism’ (of an author’s sources), ‘Form criticism’ (of the ‘forms’ or types of literary/verbal/ oral sources used), ‘Redaction criticism’ (exploring editorial processes), and, more recently, ‘Tradition criticism’ (tracking oral materials through to texts), and ‘Canon’ or ‘Canonical criticism’ (reading texts in the form received and used by the church). There are many parallels here with textual analysis of the Analects (cf. above, p. 38f.). 42

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Fifthly, the image of Jesus is directly implicated in creedal controversy. It is integral to the development of the church’s faith and formulae, and its deliberate defence of its Credo (faith). In this sense, what is seen is truly what is believed. If Jesus is believed to be just a man, or a prophet, or a demi-god, or the ‘Son of God’ and ‘Saviour of the world’, then that is what is – or, better, who is – perceived. Likewise, the way Jesus’s two ‘natures’ (humanity and divinity) relate to each other in his incarnate life, or relate to other claimants to spiritual eminence, is decided without reference to Jesus himself and the ‘oil painting’ of his history. As St. Paul wrote to the young church in Corinth, ‘We no longer regard Christ . . . from a worldly (Gk. kata sarka; fleshly or human) point of view’ (2 Cor. 5.16);48 that is, to the apostle and believers, Jesus is more than history, or any human perspective, determines.49 Empirical evidence is insufficient if this figure on our old canvas is both the ‘Jesus of history’ and the ‘Christ of faith’.50 Faith decisions pre-empt artistic perception. What is believed is perceived. The problem is the Christian claim ‘We see Jesus’ (Heb. 3.9) does not satisfy those who do not see: indeed, it can confuse, irritate and alienate, by appearing self-righteous, censorious, elitist, or, frankly, a bit weird, like claiming a picture is a priceless ‘Old Master’ without reference to an expert opinion or market valuation. Faith may ‘have its reasons’, but it can infuriate doubters.51 Though viewers dispute the image on our old canvas, a picture remains: old, worn, blood-splattered, neglected, may be, but more than just a pipe-dream. Lastly, the wounds we can just make out on Jesus’s forehead on our dark old canvas testify to his brutal death. The mocking crown of plaited thorns pushed down on his young head cry out for compassion. The crucifixion celebrated in the Emperor Kangxi’s poem at the head of this chapter, and seen in countless crucifixes worn privately or displayed publicly, bears gruesome, tangible, witness to the manner of Jesus’s death. History confirms he was executed by what Romans called ‘mors turpissima’ (Lit. most shameful death), that is impaling on a wooden frame by nails through the victim’s hands and feet.52 He wasn’t unique. Two common criminals died beside him. Thousands died in Emperor Nero’s (37–68 CE; r. 54–68 CE) purge after the great fire of Rome (64 CE).53 As a heroic sacrifice or example of self-giving love, Jesus’s death has prompted little criticism and much admiration. As the monk Thomas à Kempis (c. 1380–1471) wrote in his spiritual classic The Imitation of Christ: ‘In the cross is the height of virtue; in the cross is the perfection of sanctity. There is no health of the soul nor hope of eternal life but in the cross’ ([c. 1418–27] 1850: Bk. II. 12.2, 100). The English author and preacher John Stott (1921–2011) captures the power and appeal of the cross: ‘Because he (God) loved us, he came after us in Christ. He pursued us even to

For exegesis of this tough verse, Bruce, F. F. ([1971] 1996), 1 & 2 Corinthians, 208. On the church’s early view of Jesus, Dunn, J .D. G. ([1980] 1989), Christology in the Making; Fredrikson, P. (1988), From Jesus to Christ; Hengel, M. (2004), Studies in Early Christology; Longenecker, R. N. (1970), Christology of Early Jewish Christianity; —ed. (2005), Contours of Christology in the New Testament; Marshall, I. H. (1976), Origins of New Testament Christology; Moule, C. F. D. (1977), Origin of Christology; Papandrea, J. L. (2016), The Earliest Christologies. 50 On the origins of this distinction, Kähler, M. ([1892] 1964), Der Sogenannte historische Jesus und der geschichtliche, biblische Christus (The So-Called Historical Jesus and the Historical Biblical Christ); Bock, D. L. (2012), Who Is Jesus?; Demetrion, G. ed. (2017), The Historical Jesus and the Christ of Faith; Evans, C. S. (1996), The Historical Christ and the Jesus of Faith; Porter, J. R. (1999), Jesus Christ. 51 On the complex debate about the ‘Jesus of History’ and Christians’ Christ, Wright, N. T. (1996b), ‘The Historical Jesus and Christian Theology’. 52 On mors turpissima, Hengel, M. (1977), Crucifixion in the Ancient World. 53 Cf. Tacitus: ‘Dressed in wild animals’ skins, they were torn to pieces by dogs or crucified, or made into torches to be ignited after dark as substitutes for daylight’ (Annals 15.44). 48 49

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the desolate anguish of the cross, where he bore our sin, guilt, judgement and death. It takes a hard and stony heart to remain unmoved by love like that’ (1986: 98). However, as a necessary offering to atone for sin, and effective act of reconciliation of God and humanity, this is tricky. It has from the first seemed ‘foolish’ and ‘offensive’ (1 Cor. 1.23f.).54 It stirs feelings of guilt, anger, disbelief and disquiet. If an honest theologian is hard-pressed to make out Jesus’s face through the smoke of controversy about ‘theories of atonement’, or the need for a loving God to forgive, others cannot see his face through tears of grief or gratitude, despair or remorse, rage or regret. Paradoxically, Jesus’s death ‘attracts and repels’ (Haight 2005: 78). To sceptics, cynics and Muslims, he didn’t die, he swooned on the cross (to be resuscitated in the cool of a rock tomb). To even progressive theologians, it is one of the earliest and ‘best-attested facts’ of Jesus’s life, the Gospel accounts creating ‘no impression of being a legend apart from the women who appear again as witnesses in v. 47, and vv. 44, 45’ (Robinson 1973: 131; also, Bultmann 1963: 274).55 To artists, musicians and authors, his death affords stimuli to paint, capture sounds, and develop libretti, to live by. ‘Praise’ and ‘blame’ still compete. ‘Praise’ for a unique, ‘once for all’ offering for sin and example of love, ‘blame’ for a wasted life, pointless sacrifice, and humiliating atonement. The cross of Jesus, and its move from a ‘murderous gallows’ to Emperor Constantine’s (c. 285–337) iconic ‘dream cross’, lays bare the human story. As German theologian Jürgen Moltmann (b. 1926) asks: ‘How could the memory of a victim of injustice and violence be changed into a symbol of victorious injustice and violence?’ (2006: 259). To Moltmann, in the face of Jesus on the cross we hear a cry for justice and plea for compassion:56 his silence, humility, and willing acceptance of injustice on Calvary, plead with human pride and failure, depravity, rebelliousness, guilt and greed. To those who respond, he offers hope, healing, a new start. As he says: ‘I have come that they may have life, and have it to the full (periss¯on; Lit. abundantly)’ (Jn 10.10). Like Confucius, the cross sets the bar very high on endeavour, courage, self-sacrifice and discipleship. Jesus warned, ‘If anyone would come after me, he must deny himself and take up his cross and follow me’ (Mk 8.34, Mt. 16.24, Lk. 9.23). Countless millions over two long millennia have heeded this stark, compelling invitation. His dying face is seen in his disciples. In his death millions live and die still today. But, as at Golgotha, many jeer, look away, go about their business, seek some benefit, or just scarper (Mt. 27.27, Mk 15.16f., Lk. 23.26f., Jn 19.17f.). Many passersby don’t even stop to look. In these six areas, the image of Jesus on our canvas has become contentious. We do not look at him without being affected. ‘Praise’ and ‘blame’ compete for our affection and our attention. To see Jesus clearly, we need to neutralize their effect, and, in this instance, be attentive to potential prioritizing of insight over argument. Both principle and prejudice can be remarkably blind. In the next section, I want to look more closely at the ‘face’ of Jesus as a theme in history, theology and Christian spirituality, and at ‘cultural archetypes’ that impact oriental and occidental interpretation of Jesus Christ.

54 Cf. 1 Cor. 1.23, 24. On the foolishness of the cross and classical Chinese philosophy, Hancock, C. D. (2006), ‘Wisdom as Folly: Comparative Reflections on a Pauline Paradox’. 55 On Jesus’s burial, Mt. 27.57f., Mk 15.42f., Lk. 23.50f., Jn 19.38f. On Muslim views of Jesus’s death, Barker and Gregg, Jesus Beyond Christianity, 84, 93f., 119–22; Nazir-Ali, M. (2007), Frontiers in Muslim-Christian Encounter, 34f.; Vicchio, S. J. (2008), Biblical Figures in the Islamic Faith, 143f. 56 On Moltmann’s classic study The Crucified God ([1972b] 1974), below p. 422f., 443f., 450f., 452f.

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THE ‘FACE’ OF JESUS: IMAGE, FAITH AND POLITICS ‘So once again for the last time or the first, we face that face’: with these striking words the American Frederick Buechner (b. 1926) introduces his devotional study, The Faces of Jesus (1974: 14). The ‘face’ of Jesus – as a physical reality, spiritual motif and socio-political tool – has attracted considerable attention over the last 2,000 years. This material forms a further outer layer of varnish, veiling, and at the same time revealing, the historic figure of Jesus, and what has been said and believed of him. We cannot linger long on this, important though it is. We again exaggerate key features of the life, or now the ‘face’, that emerge. Archaeologists and historians quarry caves and libraries to uncover primitive images. Lacking reliable first-hand descriptions of Jesus’s appearance, they investigate the church’s evolving attitude to ‘images’ and icons, to Jesus as a Jewish boy and as the miraculous first-born of the Virgin Mary (and her long-suffering fiancé, Joseph), to his vulnerability in death and post-resurrection reign as the ascended ‘Christus Pantocrator’ (Christ, ruler of/over all). Evidence of physical representations of Jesus is found in early 3rd-century CE Syria, where Jesus is depicted on wooden panels and simple frescoes. He isn’t a bearded Palestinian Jew, or the haloed saint of later Western iconography, he is an elegant, young Roman philosopher, with sandals and pallium (scholar’s tunic), closecropped hair and a shaven face (Brandon 1975: 166f.). As in those deliberately strong images of Confucius, he is dressed to impress the world with his wisdom. The (contentious) beard and flowing robes come later. Though the New Testament speaks of Jesus’s transfigured and resurrected face ‘shining like the sun’ (Mt. 17.2, Rev. 1.16), it does not give a full, physical description. The early church largely heeded the commandment ‘not to make an idol’ or ‘graven image’ (Ex. 20.4). Respected church teachers, Irenaeus (d. c. 202), Clement of Alexandria (d. c. 215), Lactantius (c. 240–c. 320), and Eusebius of Caesarea (d. c. 339), were used to legitimize the Synod of Elvira’s (c. 305–6 CE) Canon 36: ‘No pictures be had in the churches’, nor ‘worshipped or adored . . . painted on the walls’ (q. Davis 2017: 155).57 The desire – or, of course, idolatrous temptation, as early ‘iconoclasts’ and later Protestant Reformers interpreted it58 – to visualize Jesus became in time irresistible, though it remained highly contentious. Many need to see in order to believe. Christian iconography, from the early church to the present day, has battled extreme forms of iconoclasm and idolatry. Jesus’s eyes have been gouged out as grotesquely as his body has been glorified in gorgeous apparel and liturgical splendour.59 57 Cf. also, Grigg, R. (1976), ‘Aniconic worship and the apologetic tradition’; Bigham, S. ([1992] 2004), Early Christian Attitudes Toward[s] Images, 161f. 58 N.B. the non-ecumenical Synod of Elvira failed to suppress the growth of iconography. The backlash came in 6th-century Byzantium, where E. Roman Emperor Justinian’s (527–65) support for images faced a rising tide of iconoclasm (esp. from poor Christians). Matters came to a head in 695 when Emperor Justinian II (668–711; r. 685–75, 705–11) issued gold coinage with Jesus’s face on the obverse side, and a series of edicts by Emperor Leo III (c. 685–741; r. 717–41) against images (726–29) led to armed conflict between church and state. Protestant iconoclasm in the 16th and 17th centuries led to the destruction of images, and violence in Switzerland, Scandinavia, Holland, France, Germany, Scotland and England (esp. during the Protectorate of Oliver Cromwell [1599–1658] between 1653–8). Muslim and anti-Semitic support bolstered the Protestant cause. On the rationale, character, significance, and history of ‘Iconoclastic’ disputes inside and outside Europe, Belting, H. (1994), Likeness and Presence; Besançon, A. (2000), The Forbidden Image; Boldrick, S., L. Brubaker, and R. Clay, eds (2013), Striking Images; Freedberg, D. (1977), ‘The Structure of Byzantine and European Iconoclasm’, in A. Bryer and J. Herrin (eds), Iconoclasm, 165–77; Gwynn, D. M. (2007), ‘From Iconoclasm to Arianism’; Kolrud, K. and M. Prusac, eds (2014), Iconoclasm from Antiquity to Modernity. 59 Cf. esp. Grabar, A. ([1961] 1968), Christian iconography; Schiller, G. ([1971] 1972), Iconography of Christian Art.

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Buechner’s work illustrates how the ‘face’ of Jesus lends itself as naturally to spiritual writing as artistic imagery. Many others before and after him have explored this rich theme. Jesus’s gaze, look, face and ‘turn’ to others, are recurrent themes in the New Testament.60 We learn there that in this face we not only see (a) man, we find God. Christian spirituality has, in multiple ways, sought to ponder, honour and penetrate this ‘veil of flesh’, to know God’s mind and will. Jesus’s ‘face’ becomes a signpost, a symbol, an icon and a window into a distinct way of life. Incidents in Jesus’s life are depicted in various types of Christian iconography as much for their theological meaning, or catechetical value, as for their spiritual energy and pastoral power. We find three powerful and contradictory forces at work among those who first used Christian imagery.61 There were some, like biblical exegete Jerome (347–420) and sensuous Augustine (354–430), who beautified Jesus on theological grounds. Hence, Augustine – in what Aidan Nichols delightfully terms ‘a cornucopia of “adjectival” beauty’ (2007: 10) – perceives Jesus as entirely beautiful: ‘Beautiful on earth; beautiful in the womb; beautiful in his parents’ hands; . . . beautiful on the Cross; beautiful in the sepulchre; beautiful in heaven’.62 Secondly, others pace Justin (100–165) and Tertullian (c. 155–c. 240), view Jesus’s humanity in purely functional terms, as merely a vehicle to convey God, and thus of itself physically unimportant. Or, they visually humble him, depicting him on graves and crosses as a frail and sympathetic human.63 From the 6th century on – reflecting a shift in both theology and spirituality – pictures of Jesus’s cross and ‘Passion’ (suffering) are increasingly prominent.64 The Syriac Rabbula Gospels (586),65 an illuminated manuscript as bright and fine as its Lindisfarne counterpart, has such a Christ. But there are also streams of Christian art that, thirdly, effectively ‘canonize’ Jesus. His incarnate humanity and ‘divine impassibility’66 appear now in the luminescent hues of Eastern icons, or the intense realism of Western imagery, where a haloed Jesus carries his shining cross, or a living Christ, smeared with blood, still bears the marks of his seemingly very recent crucifixion.67 The malleability of Jesus’s image, as seen in these three artistic theological traditions, has continued, the spiritual motif of Jesus’s ‘face’ being adapted to cultural context, pastoral need and human aspiration. It is made pivotal for visual Christian evangelism, enculturated spirituality, and Cf. Mt. 17.2, 26.67, Mk 14.65, Lk. 9.51, 53, 22.64, 1 Cor. 13.12, 2 Cor. 4.6, Rev. 6.16, 10.1, 22.4. Jesus as the true, exact, or legitimate ‘image’ (Gk. eikon, or charakter) of God is also a recurrent motif (e.g. 2 Cor. 4.4, Col. 1.15, Heb. 1.3), and this in contrast to idols and ‘false images’. For a theological-philosophical study of Jesus’s ‘gaze’, Sigurdson, O. (2016), Heavenly Bodies. Also, on the definition and socio-psychological act of ‘gazing’, Sturken, M. and L. Cartwright (2001), Practices of Looking, esp. 72–108, 355f. 61 On ‘faces’ and ‘images’ of Jesus, Badde, P. ([2010] 2016), The Face of God; Booram, B. (2010), Picturing the Face of Jesus; Finaldi, G., et al (2006), The Image of Christ; Lucie-Smith, E. (2011), The Face of Jesus. 62 Cf. Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos, 44.3. 63 N.B. 1st- and 2nd-century ‘Gnostic’ writers (who sought ‘enlightened’ spiritual knowledge [Gk. gnosis]) used Gospel stories of Jesus not being recognized after his resurrection (Lk. 24.16, Jn 20.15) to support claims that he could change his appearance at will. Cf. Ehrman, B. D. (2003), Lost Christianities, 187f.; Every, G. (1988), Christian Mythology, 65. 64 On the ‘Passion’ of Christ in Christian iconography, Schiller, G. (1972), Iconography of Christian Art, Volume II: The Passion of Jesus Christ. 65 On this 6th-century Syriac, Byzantine manuscript (it takes its scribe’s name) – with its floral borders, fine Persian-Hellenic miniatures and fascinating history – which is now thought to come from between Antioch and Apamea in modern Syria, Wright, D. H. (1973), ‘The Date and Arrangement of the Illustrations in the Rabbula Gospels’. Cf. also, the narrative and fine illustrations in Spier, J. ed. (2007), Picturing the Bible, ad loc. 66 On God being ‘impassible’ (without feeling), below p. 449, 453. 67 Devotion to Jesus’s ‘wounds’ (Mt. 28.1–15, Lk. 24.1–48, Jn 20.1–18) and wounded humanity, that he bore through his ascension into heaven (Lk. 24.50f., Ac. 1.9–11), grew during the Middle Ages. A spiritual tradition of ‘stigmata’ emerges, in which Christians (past and present) discover on their body marks similar to Christ’s wounds. 60

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moral or theological aesthetics.68 To illustrate: in Faces of Jesus69 the Latin American ‘Liberation Theologian’ José Míguez-Bonino (1924–2012) portrayed two ‘classic images’ of Christ in Latin America – the ‘conquered’ Christ of suffering, native Indians and the ‘celestial’ Christ of the Spanish conquistadores. To these he adds, provocatively, a third: the private, passive, pious Christ of modern evangelical Protestantism. For Bonino the ‘face of Jesus’ justifies power, consoles pain, satisfies need. Inspired by ‘Liberation Theology’, there are now a plethora of enculturated ‘variations’, re-imagining the common ‘theme’ of Jesus Christ, as an object of need, adoration, hope and ambition. Unlike his revisionist heirs, to avoid the risks of projection and dungeon of tradition, Bonino stressed the need to return to the New Testament Gospels to integrate social analysis in textual exegesis. According to this dynamic hermeneutic Jesus will, he argued, be the transformative agent he originally was. In Ways of Seeing (1972), John Berger claims our ‘gaze’ is directly connected to our social and historical context. Hence, too, Jonathan Crary argues: ‘There never was or will be a self-evident beholder to whom the world is transparently open’ (1990: 6). The observer is caught in a matrix of forces that hinder and enable vision. As Ola Sigurdson puts it: ‘Every scopic regime carries its own unspoken cultural rules for what and how we shall see’ (2016: 154). This is important. As we began to see in Bonino, Jesus’s ‘face’ is formed by, and the source of, power. Historic artefacts like the ‘Turin Shroud’, the ‘Mandylion of Edessa’, and ‘the Holy Face of Lucca’,70 are as potent when dishonoured as owned. Through ‘faciality’ – as French theorists Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari call a regime of ‘signs’ that underpin the ‘politics’ of Western Christianity (Dosse 2010: 255f.)71 – Jesus’s face is an instrument to enhance spiritual and cultural self-awareness, and a weapon of socio-political and ideological warfare. Like Confucius, Jesus’s ‘face’ has been used and abused often. The ‘enculturation’ of Jesus’s image with different cultural, racial, ethnic, or sexual features has served to extend the spirit of ‘accommodation’ of Ricci and the Jesuits. There is, as Neil Macgregor, former Director of the National Gallery in London, wrote, ‘a Christ for every age’ (2000: 115). He is not just a young bearded Jew, but also a Chinese and an African, an Eskimo and, in some radical feminism, a woman. This act of re-branding Jesus with ethnic or sexual features can be as pure as piety (‘He is our Jesus’) and as barbed as politics (‘He is not your rich, white, Western, imperialist, male Jesus’). His face comforts and confronts. In Chinese iconography he is a peaceful Buddhist sage and a dynamic hero.72 The first picture sought by the public in the National Gallery’s ‘Picture of the Month’ during World

68 On the ‘image’ of Jesus and evangelism, Borg, M. J. (1944), Jesus in Contemporary Scholarship, 144f. For a different approach to the theology of Jesus’s ‘image’, Von Balthasar H-U. (1982), The Glory of the Lord, Volume I: Seeing the Form. 69 Cf. Míguez-Bonino, J. ed. (1984), Faces of Jesus. On Bonino as a major figure in the growth of a global and local theological consciousness, Dyrness, W. ed. (1993), Emerging Voices in Global Christian Theology, esp. 216. 70 On the history, authenticity and political potency of these three (of forty-two) ‘miraculous’ medieval images of Jesus, Antonacci, M. (2000), The Resurrection of the Shroud; Cameron, A. (1983), ‘The History of the Image of Edessa’, in C. A. Mango, O. Pritsak and U. M. Pasicznyk (eds), Okeanos, 80–94; Cruz, J. C. (2012), Miraculous Images of Our Lord; Friesen, I. E. (2001), The Female Crucifix; Holmes, M. (2013), The Miraculous Image in Renaissance Florence; Kitzinger, E. (1954), ‘The Cult of Images in the Age before Iconoclasm’; Nicolotti, A. (2014), From the Mandylion of Edessa to the Shroud of Turin; Nickell, J. (1998), Inquest on the Shroud of Turin; Whiting, B. (2006), The Shroud Story. 71 Cf. Deleuze, G. and F. Guattari ([1980] 2013), A Thousand Plateaus. On the global, philosophical category ‘faciality’ in Deleuze and Guattari, Dosse, F. (2010), Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari; Watson, J. (2005), ‘The Face of Christ: Deleuze and Guattari on the Politics of Word and Image’. 72 N.B. Malek, R. (2002–17), The Chinese Face of Jesus Christ; Clarke, J., SJ (2013), The Virgin Mary and Catholic Identities in Chinese History, 1–42; Swerts, L. and K. De Ridder (2002), Mon Van Genechten (1903–1974); Tan, J. Y. (2016), ‘“Who Do You Say That I Am?” Uncovering the Chinese Sensus Fidelium’, in B. E. Hinze and P. C. Phan (eds), Learning from All the Faithful, 281–94; also, generally, Clunas, C. (2017), Chinese Painting and Its Audiences; Grabar, A. (1968), Christian Iconography.

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War II (March–April 1942) was the Venetian artist Titian’s (1490–1576) gentle, hope-filled, painting of the resurrected Jesus speaking to Mary in the garden, ‘Noli me tangere’ (Do not touch me; Jn 20.17). When we remove the varnish on the second figure on our old canvas, we find layers of repainting by enculturated devotion, and more recent re-working to satisfy socio-political and ideological agendas. Despair can creep in: ‘Will I ever see him?’ And a new self-awareness: ‘Is he only what I, or we, have made him?’ It is comforting to recall that this face may be more than humans ponder or predict, and well able to project – and protect – its unique identity.

IMAGE AND ‘CULTURAL ARCHETYPES’ So, what of appropriate ‘cultural archetypes’ that ‘fit’ Jesus and ‘ring true’? What will act like an effective hermeneutic solvent to cut through tough layers of pride, prejudice, politics and presupposition, so we see Jesus, the man, more clearly, and ‘read backwards carefully’ to experience a ‘second naïveté’ in reading and understanding ‘as if for the first time’? What ‘cultural archetypes’ will act to bind and unite perception of Jesus in China and the West? As with Confucius, this is a tall order. We must again proceed with care. A number of ‘cultural archetypes’ suggest themselves. We might, perhaps, look to the face itself, and the human capacity to recognize a face – one of the first cognitive acts of an infant – as a potent global archetype. After all, the power, beauty, personality, memorability, caricaturing, and opacity of a face, are acknowledged worldwide. ‘Dadaist’73 Austrian artist and author Raoul Hausmann (1886–1971) attacked the art establishment with his dystopian, photomontage face The Art Critic (1919) because of the power of a face. The so-called ‘face of a product’ earns millions. ‘Facereading’ is a social counterpart to palmistry in China. We might, again, look to Bach and T. S. Eliot to exemplify the power of social commentary and silent speech. Jesus’s social critique is, after all, much like Confucius: he has no power but exerts influence; he is known for his silence as much as for his speech.74 Hence, we find the Evangelist and the music in Bach’s Passions interpreting the Gospel narrative. Likewise, in Eliot’s poems ‘The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock’ (1920) and ‘The Hollow Men’ (1925) we meet caricatures of individuals imprisoned by anxiety or devoid of feeling. This is tough, loving, timeless social criticism. These modern, urbanite shades roam streets in New York, London and Beijing. We recognize the type. This ‘cultural archetype’ ‘fits’ Jesus. His offer of freedom and ‘new life’ is for such people.75 But I suggest we search elsewhere. We access Jesus, the man, I propose, not, as with Confucius, through global ‘cultural archetypes’ of destruction and nostalgia, lost beauty and moral compromise, but through those that evoke spiritthrough-form, love-in-relationship, and life-through-death. For, if humility, teachability and selfdiscipline, are marks of Confucius, interiority, intimacy and sacrifice are defining features of Jesus.

On ‘Dadaism’ and other ‘Modernist’ or avant-garde artistic movements, p. 348. On the silence of the ‘suffering servant’ and of Jesus, Is. 53.7, Mt. 15.23, 26.63, 27.12, 14, Mk 15.5, Lk. 23.9, Jn 14.30, 19.9, 10, Ac. 8.32. 75 The growth of ‘registered’ (official) and ‘unregistered’ (unofficial ‘house’ or ‘families’) Protestant and Catholic churches in China since the end of the Cultural Revolution has often been linked to a perception of Jesus meeting personal needs. A 2003 survey found 63.5% of Christians in Beijing became believers because of pressure at work, anxiety and/or the uncertainties of modernity. In the countryside, people became Christians for healing or protection for evil spirits and natural disasters. A 2004 survey revealed 63.4 per cent of Christian students became Christians at university because of its religious character and values. 73 74

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Consider: we do not know him if we mistake, or overlook, his re-directing of Jewish spirituality to the ‘spirit’ of the Law, and people to the ‘soul’ before God. As we will see, he reaffirms the first ‘two commandments’, love for God and neighbour (Mk 12.30f.). He intensifies ancient commands not to murder, or to commit adultery, divorce or swear (Mt. 5.21–37), by claiming authoritatively, ‘But I say to you’ (Mt. 5.32, 34, 39, 44), forgive, be holy, resist quickie divorces or careless curses (Mt. 18, 21f., 5.48, 5.31–8). To this, he adds a new intimacy of address in prayer to ‘Our Father’ (Mt. 6.9). He encourages his disciples to think of God’s loving care and availability as that of a generous father rather than an irascible judge (Mt. 6.8, 32, 7.11). He warns, ‘Not everyone who says to me, “Lord, Lord”, will enter the kingdom of heaven’ (Mt. 7.21). God knows the heart as well as need. He judges impartially, sending rain ‘on the just and the unjust’ (Mt. 5.45). In biblical terms, the gap is traversed between a holy God and a sinful world by a sacrifice, offered in the Old Testament by a priest, in the New Testament by Jesus himself. Mark 10.45, probably Jesus’s ‘very own words’ (ipsissima verba), encapsulates his unique self-understanding as servant and sacrifice: ‘[T]he Son of Man [Jesus] did not come to be served, but to serve, and to give his life as a ransom for many’. We will return to Gospel accounts of Jesus soon, but this is the type of figure a ‘cultural archetype’ must fit. Three related ‘cultural archetypes’ suggest themselves. First, it’s said the Norwegian Expressionist artist Edvard Munch’s (1863–1944) four-fold image The Scream (Norwegian: Skrik), painted between 1893 and 1910, is the second most-readily recognized image after Da Vinci’s Mona Lisa.76 The journalist Arthur Lubow (b. 1952) draws a parallel between them. The Scream, he writes, is ‘an icon of modern art, a Mona Lisa for our time’.77 The image is often referenced, copied, or alluded to in modern Chinese literature, art, cinematography and political commentary (Geall 2017: 253). The more-than-horrified expression on the large, open-mouthed face, set against the blood-red, Krakatoan sky,78 is an image hard to forget. It ‘connects’ with postmodern angst and pain in urban dislocation. Munch tells of its inception: One evening I was walking along a path, the city was on one side and the fjord below. I felt tired and ill. I stopped and looked out over the fjord – the sun was setting, and the clouds turning blood red. I sensed a scream passing through nature; it seemed to me that I heard the scream. I painted this picture, painted the clouds as actual blood. The colour shrieked. This became The Scream. —q. Messer 1985: 72 We might say much of these haunting images. They are a further instance of art as social commentary, and a rare insight into modern anguish at alienation and fear. I want instead to use The Scream as an illustration of one of the formative Chinese art-critic Xie He’s 䅍䎛 (fl. 500–35 CE) ‘Six Canons of Chinese painting’ 㒚⮛‫( ⌅ޝ‬Huihua Liufa) found at the start of his influential monograph The Record of the Classification of Old Painters ਔ⮛૱䤴 (Guhua Pinlu), the first systematic study of the theory of painting in China. Writing in the relative calm of the Liu Song ࡈᆻ (420–79 CE) and 76 For this reason, perhaps, people have often tried to steal it. After thefts from The National Gallery (1994) and Munch Museum (2004), The Scream has been recovered. The painting sold for a record $120 million in 2012. 77 Cf. Lubow, A. (2006), ‘Edvard Munch: Beyond the Scream’; also, Prideaux, S. (2005), Edvard Munch; Holland, J. G. ed. and trans. (2005), The Private Journals of Edvard Munch. 78 One theory for the colours in the sky is Munch’s recollection of vivid sunsets a decade earlier (1883–4) caused by the eruption on Krakatoa. Cf. Olson, D. W., R. L. Doescher and M. S. Olson (2004), ‘When the sky ran red: the story behind The Scream’.

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Southern Qi ই啺 (479–502 CE) dynasties, Xie He’s ‘Six Laws’ ‫( ⌅ޝ‬liu fa) have been ‘almost obsessively applied’ (Kwo 1981: 89)79 in traditional Chinese art. The ‘First Principle’, a lynchpin of Chinese aesthetics, stands out. It is simply: ‘≓丫⭏अ qiyun shengdong’, literally, ‘breath-resonancelife-motion’. Xie saw art as a ‘spiritual’ activity, to be filled with natural energy and life-like movement, qi ≓. It should be composed, he contended, by endless, moving ‘consonances’ with nature’s rhythm. To achieve this, technique is not sufficient. The artist must establish a ‘spiritual’ connection with nature, their brushstrokes exhaling the ‘breath of life’. This principle determines all Chinese brush art. So, ‘portraiture’ is translated yingtu ᖡെ (shadow picture) or fushen 䱴䓛 (to enter the body). The picture and painter reach out for the spirit of their subject to create a spiritual impression beyond verisimilitude. The form is to capture and portray spirit. In this, poetry, painting, and calligraphy connect. They seek and speak the same essential, spiritual language. As the great Sung dynasty ᆻᵍ (960–1279) master Su Shi 㰷䔮 (or Su Tungpo 㰷ᶡඑ) (1036–1101) said of Xie He’s successor, the eminent Tang dynasty ୀᵍ (618–907) statesman, musician, poet and painter, Wang Wei ⦻㏝ (699–759): ‘There is a painting in his poem, and a poem in his painting.’80 In Munch’s The Scream and Xie He’s ‘First Law’ we discover a ‘cultural archetype’ that captures Jesus’s avocation of spirit-through-form. What Xie sought in theory, Munch felt existentially, and Jesus lived incarnationally. God found in flesh and blood. So, in Jesus’s ministry, life, sickness, material objects, and nature’s acts, are transfigured by the dynamic spirit of God. Secondly, Jesus’s orientation of life to love-in-relationship finds its ‘cultural archetype’ in a mother cradling her child. In the Madonna and Child of Christian iconography we find an image that transcends specific faith convictions and cultural allegiance. It appeals to the heart of human love. As Jiang Shaoshu ဌ㍩ᴨ (fl. 1642–79) wrote in his popular History of Silent Poetry ❑㚢䂙ਢ (Wusheng shishi [1646]) of the images of Mary and Jesus that Ricci brought to China: ‘The facial features and the lines of clothing look like images of real things in a mirror, vividly alive. The dignity and elegance of the figures are beyond the technical ability of Chinese painters to produce’ (Kao 1991: 256). In the vulnerability of a baby and protectiveness of a mother we find a psychological metaphor replete with moral and aesthetic potential. The British sculptor Barbara Hepworth (1903–75) recounts her early anxiety about ‘the graven image’, and later decision that it was sin ‘only when the image sought to elevate the pretensions of man instead of man praising God and his universe’ (q. Bowness 1966: 10). Over the years, she returned to the image of the Madonna many times, prompted by her son Paul’s death in Thailand (13 February 1953), when serving in the Royal Air Force. We can track the evolution of her art from the intimate realism of ‘Mother and Child’ (1927), through the reclining grey-stone abstract ‘Mother and Child’ (1934) – one of a series of images with their iconic carved holes – to the white, pierced, Modernist form ‘Child with Mother’ (1972). Through these figures, feelings and the sub-structure of life, are explored. As Hepworth said: ‘It is a primitive world; but a world of infinite subtle meaning. Nothing we ever touch or feel, or see and love, is ever lost to us. From birth to old age it is retained like the warmth of rocks, the coolness of grass and the ever-flow of the sea’ (Bowness 1966: 13). In her Bianco del Mare stone pietà, seen in the parish church of St.

79 On the meaning and use of Xie He’s ‘Six Laws’, Qian, Z. (1998a/b), ‘ “Resonance” in Criticism on the Arts’, in Limited Views, 97–120. 80 On the two principles of painting – ‘shi zhong you hua’ 䂙ѝᴹ⮛ (Lit. painting within poetry) and ‘hua zhong you shi’ ⮛ѝᴹ䂙 (Lit. poetry within painting) – that Su Shi and Wang Wei shared, Hsiao, L-L. (2013), ‘Wang Wei’s and Su Shi’s Conceptions of “Painting within Poetry” ’.

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Ives, Cornwall, we glimpse a ‘cultural archetype’ of Jesus. Here is intimate, vulnerable, love-inrelationship that makes sense of the mystery of life and death. Modernism was well suited to expound this.81 Here is Eliot’s ‘hint half guessed, the gift half understood’ of Incarnation in sculptural form. Here is the answer Henry Moore (1898–1986),82 Hepworth’s long-term Modernist friend and artistic rival, gave when quizzed by a niece about his sculptures’ allusive, simple titles: All art should have a certain mystery and should make demands on the spectator. Giving a sculpture or a drawing too explicit a title takes away part of that mystery so that the spectator moves on to the next object, making no effort to ponder the meaning . . . Everyone thinks that he or she looks but they don’t really, you know. —Day: 2008 In the second figure on our canvas we see, but do not see. We are meant to look carefully. This person does not ‘cast his pearls before swine’ (Mt. 7.6). His whole life is an invitation to explore

FIGURE 4: Barbara Hepworth, ‘Mother and Child’ (1927). On Modernism, Ch. 7, passim. Born in Castleford, Yorkshire, UK, Henry Spencer Moore, OM, CH, FBA, RBS, settled in the vibrant artistic society of Hampstead, N. London. As Hepworth’s better-known colleague and Modernist contemporary, Moore gained wealth and fame during his lifetime. Taking early inspiration from a reclining Toltec-Maya, Chac Mool stone statue (from the Yucatan Peninsula, Mexico), Moore is known for large semi-abstract, pierced sculptures (in various materials) seen today in public places around the world.

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life and love-in-relationship to God, neighbour and self. As Hepworth’s intimate sculpting of the ‘Madonna and child’ reminds us, there is particular pain in parental loss, in the death of an only child, in an infant brutalized by a wicked system. There have been many Chinese pietàs, and versions of the ‘Madonna and child’.83 A secular expression of this is found in a highly charged narrative video, ‘Don’t cry on’, cited by Paola Voci in China on Video: Smaller-Screen Realities (2010: Fig. 3.6). An ashen mother holds her dead child as troops withdraw. She screams silently, as in Munch’s picture. The inevitability of death for the weakest in such a society is, Voci notes, ‘a recurrent trope in much contemporary Chinese modern literature’ (ibid.). China’s ‘one child’ policy fuelled the sense of powerlessness and outrage.84 This is not new. Lu Xun’s 冟䗵85 (1881–1936) famous 1918 novel, ⣲Ӫᰕ䁈 (Diary of a Madman) indicts ‘the inhuman condition into which Chinese people have been forced, and in which they have become used to live’ (ibid.). In Hepworth, the video, and Lu Xun, the ideal of love-in-relationship is shattered by the fact, mystery, and anguish of death. A child dies. A mother weeps. Injustice wins. Few people gaze at the second figure on our dark old canvas unmoved by such. Herein lies another ‘cultural archetype’ for us. We have one final ‘cultural archetype’ to introduce before we turn to biblical texts that tell us about Jesus. In them we find, as we have begun to see, someone synonymous with life-through-death. What ‘cultural archetype’ will act like a solvent to clear away the dirt and grime on that feature of our second figure? We might focus on the image of the crucified. I suggest we scroll on a frame to his deposition from the cross, to Jesus caught between death and resurrection. It is a moment where time and non-time, history and eternity meet. He dies, and in his death, to the eye of faith, death dies. He rises, and in his resurrection, to the eye of faith, life is raised to ‘new life’. In ‘three days’ between crucifixion and resurrection, he inhabits the space and place we understand. Here death is wellknown, what comes after as yet unknown. We need a ‘cultural archetype’ that speaks into that anxious, uncertain space of life-through-death. Symbolically, in a year fire ravaged the Temple of Confucius in Qufu (1499), the Pietà, by the Florentine artist-sculptor Michelangelo Buonarroti (1475–1564), was completed. The work is, perhaps, as well-known as Mona Lisa and The Scream, but it talks a very different language. We do not see here the contented smile of a wealthy young mother, nor the anguish on the face of urban anonymity. We see Mary cradling her dead son after his deposition from the cross on the hill called ‘the place of a skull’ (Mt. 27.33). Carved in fine white Carrera marble, the work was a funerary artefact commissioned by the flamboyant Gascon aristocrat, Cardinal Jean de Bilhères de Lagraulas (c. 1435–99), French King Charles VIII’s (1470–98; r. 1483–98) Ambassador to the Holy See. The 23-year-old Michelangelo chose a subject familiar in France and

On the form and significance of images of the ‘Madonna and child’ in China, Clarke, J. (2013), The Virgin Mary and Catholic Identities in Chinese History; Mungello, D. E. (2005), The Great Encounter of China and the West, 21f.; Jespersen, T. C. (1996), American Images of China, 55. The concept of pietàs is naturally extended in China to filial piety, esp. the father-son relationship. On this, Chao, P. (1983), Chinese Kinship; Fortes, M. (1961), ‘Pietas in Ancestor Worship’; Wolf, A. P. ed. (1974), Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society; Sullivan, M. (1959), Chinese Art in the Twentieth Century; —(1989), The Meeting of Eastern and Western Art. 84 The Chinese government’s ‘one child’ policy was introduced in 1979. Purportedly aimed at controlling population growth, it was a useful domestic reminder of government power. The policy, which began to be phased out in 2015, is linked to widespread female infanticide, restrictive penalties for offenders (e.g. denial of educational and professional opportunities), evasion by officials (who simply travel overseas to have other children), the creation of a generation of demanding only children or ‘little prince-lings’, and a disproportionately male population (the reason the policy was reversed). 85 Lu Xun (Zhou Shuren ઘ⁩Ӫ) was shaped by early Left-wing politics. To many literary critics, he is a founding-father of modern Chinese literature. See further, p. 160, 198, 287, n. 115, 314, 324f., 331, 457, n. 283. 83

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parts of Northern Europe, but not in Renaissance Italy. When the Chapel of St. Petronilla was demolished for Bramante’s (1444–1514) remodelling of St. Peter’s, the Pietà was positioned in the first chapel in the south nave where it remains today.86 Michelangelo’s work matches Lesser’s acute account of Bach’s Cello Suites: ‘[A] world of emotions and ideas are created with only the simplest of materials’ (Siblin 2009: 1). Beauty, truth and genius converge in Michelangelo’s pious integration of classical imagery in Renaissance naturalism. The theme is sombre, the tone is not. This pietà exemplifies life-through-death. Perhaps the disturbed geologist Laszio Toth grasped this, shouting as he struck the work with a geologist’s hammer on Whitsunday, 21 May 1972: ‘I am Jesus Christ, I have risen from the dead.’87 But look at the work. The proportionately smaller Mary has the face of a proud young mum, more than a grieving, middle-aged matron. A rare signature from Michelangelo is as visible as the wounds from Jesus’s recent crucifixion.88 It is as if he sleeps after a hard day’s work, cradled by

FIGURE 5: Michelangelo (6 March 1475–18 February 1564) – The Pietà (1498–9).

Michelangelo’s Pietà was transported to the World Fair in New York in 1964–5. It stood in the ‘Vatican Pavilion’ while crowds passed by on a moving walkway. 87 Toth struck off Mary’s arm below the elbow, a chunk of her nose and part of one of her eyelids. La Pietà is now shielded by bullet-proof glass. 88 La Pietà is the only sculpture Michelangelo signed. ‘MICHAELA[N]GELUS BONAROTUS FLORENTIN[US] FACIEBA[T]’ (Lit. Michelangelo Buonarroti, Florentine, made this) is inscribed on the sash across Mary’s chest. The artist, historian Giorgio Vasari (1511–74), author of the influential Lives of the Most Excellent Painters, Sculptors, and Architects (1550; enlarged 1568), tells us Michelangelo did this when a visitor attributed the work to his contemporary Cristoforo Solari (c. 1460–1527), ‘the hunchback’. For a recent study, Wallace, W. E. (2009), Michelangelo; the Artist, the Man, and his Times; or, the tough atmospheric novel by Sidney Alexander, Michelangelo The Florentine (1957). 86

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his earthly mother and heavenly Father. Were the Pietà compared to a movement of Bach’s Cello Suites, it would be to the ‘sweet hopefulness’ of a Courante,89 not the wistfulness of an Allemande or Sarabande. Here, love, life, joy and hope converge in another ‘Old Masterpiece’. It is an awesome analogue of Incarnation: God revealed in ‘the simplest of materials’, our fine, frail, breakable humanity. Here is Jesus, a 1st-century Jew from Nazareth, captured in marble like a fly in yellow aspic, expressing life-through-death. We gaze, yes, but forget. Images fade. As Moore knew: ‘Everyone thinks that he or she looks but they don’t really, you know’ (q. Grant, 2004: 15). In the image of Jesus, we sense there is more than first meets the eye. Focus on the image of the historical Jesus misses much. There is depth here, as in the Pietà, that history and time cannot capture.

JESUS, THE CHURCH AND THE NEW TESTAMENT EVIDENCE We turn now to the primary literary layers on which our second figure is depicted, namely, the biblical texts – particularly, the four Gospels – that provide a unique account of Jesus’s life and work. We must again exaggerate the essential, there is much to consider. To ‘read backwards carefully’, we need to track back from the Council of Chalcedon in 451 and the church’s formal statement on Jesus’s full divinity and humanity. We need to see how worship, prayer, preaching, teaching, expansion, criticism, heresy and authority, all shape the figure of Jesus we find on our canvas. We also need to understand the development in New Testament thinking about Jesus and the different accounts we find inside and outside the Gospels. As with Confucius, the task of removing multiple layers of complex material is far from straightforward. Some readers of the New Testament are by nature sceptical, others credulous. As we saw before, studying Jesus shapes and reveals priorities and personalities. New Testament scholar C. H. Dodd (1884–1973) urges that this is not futile: ‘We have no right to distrust any of the Gospel statements unless there is good cause’ ([1970] 1978: 33). In fact, he says: ‘The first three gospels offer a body of sayings on the whole so consistent, so coherent, and withal so distinctive in manner, style and content that no reasonable critic should doubt, whatever reservations he may have about individual sayings, that we find reflected here the thought of a single, unique teacher’ (ibid.). Dodd’s contemporary, Vincent Taylor (1904–67) is similarly reassuring: ‘The development which can be seen is not a mark of corruption, but a process of interpretation made necessary as the tradition is understood better and is expounded in the light of the missionary expansion of the primitive church’ (1958: 22). In other words, there was a historical figure – a tangible ‘first cause’, we might say – to which the Gospels bear witness and Christianity is the lasting ‘effect’. He is – to use an analogy we will return to in relation to Confucius (p. 248, n. 366) – the ‘golden thread’ that unites the Bible and explains the church, the heart of Christian doctrine and church devotion. The fourth Ecumenical Council that gathered in Chalcedon (viz. Kadiköy, Istanbul) from 8 October to 1 November 451, drew 520 bishops from every part of the Christian church. Previously, the church had met at Nicaea (325) to resolve the doctrine of the Trinity, and at the third Ecumenical Council in Ephesus (431, 449) tried to expatiate theologically on how Jesus was and could be both

This is the astute view of the quirky Cartesian diplomat, composer, lexicographer and musicologist, Johann Mattheson (1681–1764). Author of Das neu-eröffnete Orchestre (1713) and Der vollkommene Capellmeister (1739), Mattheson was a wealthy Hamburg citizen and friend of Handel. His works (mostly operas, oratorios and cantatas) were lost during WWII, but returned recently to the State and University Library, Hamburg. On Handel, p. 48, 86, 130, 197, n. 71, 366. 89

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God and man. The details of Chalcedon, and the tortuous path leading to it, cannot detain us. Three issues warrant brief attention for light they shed on the Gospels. First, the ‘Chalcedonian Definition’ signed by the whole Council was a much-needed political and theological fudge.90 The four great, negative adverbs at its heart – that Jesus’s humanity and divinity co-exist in him asynchytos, atreptos, adiairetos, achoristos (without confusion, change, division or separation) (q. Bettenson 1947: 73) – are notable for excluding heresy (particularly the views of Arius [256–336], Apollinaris [d. 382], Nestorius [386–451] and, more immediately, Eutyches [c. 375–454], which variously dehumanized Jesus or downgraded his divinity) and for including diversity (within defined boundaries). The aim was to ‘bar out extreme statements on either side’ (Mackintosh 1912: 213). To some it was an urgent, usable, ‘compromise’ (Pannenberg [1968] 1988: 285),91 to others ever since a poorly articulated anachronism, a bad example of (Greek) ‘theological bankruptcy’ (Temple 1912: 230),92 ‘the saddest and most momentous event in the history of dogma’ (Harnack [1886–9] 1976: 197), and a good reason to rebel. Furthermore, as H. R. Mackintosh points out: ‘[T]he Chalcedonian decisions had at first a near fatal influence on the Eastern Church’, with risings ‘in Egypt, Palestine and Syria’ (ibid., 215).93 The seeds of controversy are sown in the New Testament where we find multiple images of Jesus: these are often viewed as either devout attempts to honour him or useful evidence to discredit him. Better to regard them, I suggest (as many scholars do), as exemplifying an intentional expression of, and quest for, unity-in-diversity,94 which is proleptic of Chalcedon and suggestive for global enculturation today. After all, we are read differently by different people, likewise Jesus from the very beginning. Secondly, the Council of Chalcedon illustrates in microcosm the role of heterodoxy in shaping christological orthodoxy. As the German lexicographer of the New Testament and theologian Walter Bauer (1877–1960) argued, orthodoxy is a reflexive reaction to heresy.95 Besides the predictable panoply of ‘fleshly sins’ to divert and distort faith in Jesus, and the heresies Chalcedon explicitly refuted, the pathway from the New Testament to the council is strewn with the Church’s perennial inclination to Docetism (that Jesus only appeared to be human), Gnosticism (only the enlightened know Jesus) and Pharisaic Judaizing (that makes faith contingent on rules). British theologian H. E. W. Turner (1907–95) rightly identified five catalysts of heresy, namely, addition, subtraction, distortion, imbalance and denial.96 In reaction to this, the church intentionally

90 On the Council of Chalcedon, Edwards, M. (2009), Catholicity and Heresy in the Early Church; Grillmeier, A. ([1965] 1975), Christ in Christian Tradition, Volume I; Kelly, J. N. D. ([1950] 2006), Early Christian Doctrines; —([1972] 2014), Early Christian Creeds; Meyendorff, J. (1966), Orthodoxy and Catholicity; —(1969), Christ in Eastern Christian Thought; —(1989), Imperial Unity and Christian Divisions; Price, R. and M. Gaddis (2005–7), The Acts of the Council of Chalcedon; Sellers, R.V. (1940), Two Ancient Christologies; —(1953), The Council of Chalcedon; Young, F. M. and A. Teal ([1972] 2014), From Nicaea to Chalcedon. 91 N.B. Pannenberg also calls the formula ‘problematic’ for not taking as its starting point the historical unity of Jesus, the man. 92 On Temple and his critics, McIntyre, J. ([1966] 1998), The Shape of Christology 308f.; Kent, J. (1992), William Temple, 38f. 93 On the ‘monophysite’ movement (from mia physis, one nature) that sought to protect faith in Jesus’s ‘one nature’ after Incarnation, and on its churches in Armenia, Syria and Egypt (565–622), Frend, W. H. C. (2008), The Rise of the Monophysite Movement. 94 N.B. the classic study, Dunn, J. D. G. (1990), Unity and Diversity in the New Testament. 95 Cf. Bauer, W. ([1934] 1971), Orthodoxy and Heresy in Earliest Christianity. On the debate Bauer’s position provoked, Lüdemann, G. (1996), Heretics, 242, n. 83. 96 Cf. Turner, H. E. W. (1954), The Pattern of Christian Truth. Turner was the first scholar to respond in a substantial way to Bauer’s work.

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developed authoritative textual sources (the creeds and canon of Scripture), and institutional (bishops, presbyters and deacons) and theological resources (teachers, writings, arguments and conciliar decisions). Instead of obscuring the figure on our canvas, these bring his image into sharper relief, as they were intended to do. Thirdly, like the New Testament, in Chalcedon’s deliberations and conclusions we find discernible ‘types’ of Christology. Some are ‘high’ or ‘low’ – emphasizing Jesus’s divinity or humanity; some are ‘material’ or ‘spiritual’ – maximizing, or minimizing, his body or flesh; some are ‘biblical’ or ‘philosophical’ – drawing on Jewish texts or Greco-Roman thought. Hence, the composite theological tradition ‘Nestorianism’, with which Bishop Alopen and the early Persian mission to China are linked, is rooted (like Islam, its geographic neighbour) in God’s necessary indivisibility: that is, anything said of Jesus must concur with this. The result, Chalcedon concluded, was a schizoid Jesus in whom humanity and divinity edgily co-habit. In contrast, the ‘high’ Christology of John’s Gospel – in which Platonic dualism (distinguishing ‘spirit’ and ‘matter’ decisively) and Jewish theology (that professed God ‘Almighty’ and ‘Eternal’) conflate – the mystery and miracle of Incarnation is expressed in the (hitherto) unimaginable claim: ‘The Word became flesh’ (Jn 1.14). If the authors and creedal interpreters of the New Testament were conditioned by contemporary intellectual, cultural, and religious resources, we should not be surprised to see this process repeated in oriental and occidental Christology today. Culture shapes what we write and how we read. It also affects what we see, remember, value and communicate. This is important. Stripping away a further layer on the image on our old canvas, we find, as indicated above, that worship, prayer, preaching, teaching, expansion and criticism, colour the way Jesus is seen. If the practice of baptism in the three-fold name (Father, Son and Holy Spirit) undergirds the development of the Trinity doctrine, prayer to and through Jesus inspired the church to proclaim him confidently Lord and God.97 Likewise, it was through the disciples’ obedient ‘remembering’ (Gk. anamnesis) of Jesus in their thankful ‘breaking of bread’ (Gk. and Lat. eucharistia), their preaching of ‘Jesus as Lord’ (kerygma), and their heeding of his command to ‘go and make disciples of all nations’ and to baptize and teach (Mt. 28.19, 20), that the church’s ‘rule of faith’ (Lat. regula fidei) and practice was developed, as its creedal core and ground of governance. Meanwhile, the church experienced unprecedented internal and external pressure from its expansion and persecution. It is not surprising that the ‘Quest for the historical Jesus’ moved forward after Schweitzer into a ‘New’98 and ‘Third Quest’,99 and then backwards through Jesus and the church’s preaching to find the man behind what we know as ‘Christianity’. Jesus’s centrality to the process of Church ‘tradition’ is crucial.

97 N.B. Wiles, M. (1967), The Making of Christian Doctrine, 62–93. On worship in the early church and its doctrinal impact, Dunn, J. D. G. (2010), Did the First Christians Worship Jesus?; Hengel, M. (2003), ‘Hymns and Christology’, in Between Jesus and Paul, 78–96; Hurtado, L. W. (1999), At the Origins of Christian Worship; Martin, R. P. ([1964] 1974), Worship in the Early Church. 98 N.B. the ‘New Quest’ was heralded by Göttingen (later Tübingen) Prof. Ernst Käsemann (1906–98) in a lecture ‘The Problem of the Historical Jesus’ (20 October 1953). Käsemann argued for history in the theology of the Gospels. On this, Robinson, J. M. (1959), The New Quest for the Historical Jesus; Van Voorst, R. E. (2000), Jesus Outside the New Testament. 99 The ‘Third Quest’ includes various perspectives and principles. It evaluates evidence for Jesus on the basis of dissimilarity, mutual attestation, ‘embarrassment’, plausibility, congruence, and new archaeological evidence. On this, Borg, M. J. and N. T. Wright (1999), The Meaning of Jesus; Charlesworth, J. H. (2006), Jesus and Archaeology; Jeremias, J. (2002), Jesus and the Message of the New Testament; Powell, M. A. (1999), Jesus as a Figure in History; Theissen, G. and D. Winter (2002), The Quest for the Plausible Jesus; Vermes, G. (1994), Jesus the Jew; Witherington, B., III ([1995] 1997), The Jesus Quest: The Third Search for the Jew of Nazareth; Wright, N. T. (1996a), Jesus and the Victory of God.

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And so, we turn to the Gospels. They do not contain all the New Testament says of the man, Jesus. Like the Analects, they are a useful way to focus our comparative discussion. Even a quick glance reveals two important things: the shape of Jesus’s life, and the character of the Gospels. In outline, Jesus is a 1st-century Galilean Jew ‘of Nazareth’ (Mt. 26.71), the ‘son of Joseph’ (Lk. 4.22), a craftsman (Gk. tekton). He was born during the reign of Caesar Augustus (27 BCE–14 CE) in the Roman province of Judea. More specifically, we find from Luke 2.2 that his birth coincided with a tax census (6–7 CE) by the new Governor of Syria, Publius Sulpicius Quirinius (c. 51 BCE–21 CE).100 ‘Jesus’ (Gk. Ἰησοῦς, Iesous) equates to the Hebrew Yeshua (‫ )ישוע‬or Yehoshua (‫)יהושע‬, meaning Yahweh’s ‘rescue’ or ‘deliverance’. Jesus’s death is also dateable to before the end of Pilate’s101 ‘Prefecture’ of Judea (26–36 CE), in the reign of Emperor Tiberius (14–37 CE). This was a tumultuous and momentous time. Rome ruled the Western world with a rod of steel and the ‘rule of (Roman) law’. Though marginal at the time, Jesus and his followers were said to have turned that world ‘upside down’ (Ac. 17.6). This is something, and somebody, quite exceptional. With regard to the details of Jesus’s life, the Gospels provide a strikingly coherent picture, although ‘harmonizing’ them is hard.102 John, Jesus’s tough, prophet-style cousin, ‘prepares the way’ by preaching repentance and announcing Messiah’s imminent arrival. At the same time, Jesus is born in Bethlehem to Mary, a virgin, who is betrothed to one, Joseph. They move to Nazareth. Jesus begins his public ministry in the fields and lanes, synagogues and villages of Galilee. He calls disciples: Simon Peter and his brother Andrew, James and John (sons of Zebedee), Philip, Bartholomew, Matthew, Thomas, James son of Alphaeus, Simon the Zealot, Judas son of James, and Judas Iscariot, who would betray him (Lk. 6.12f.; on Levi/Matthew, Lk. 5.27f., Mt. 9.9f., Mk 2.14f.).103 ‘Many women’, we find, follow Jesus, including his mother Mary, Mary of Magdala, and Martha, a friend Lazarus’s sister. The Gospels are peopled with vast crowds, a range of interlocutors and nasty enemies. Here are Jewish leaders (the ruling Sanhedrin, Nicodemus and Joseph of Arimathea), Zacchaeus (a despised tax-collector), a devout Roman centurion (with a sick daughter), a rich young man (seeking moral comfort), the priests Annas and his son-in-law, Caiaphas (High Priest when Jesus died), Pilate, Herod Archelaus, and countless people Jesus ‘touches’ in various ways. The Gospels have Jesus’s personality and fingerprints all over them. As C. H. Dodd describes the material: ‘A large proportion of it comes in the form of short, crisp utterances, pungent, often allusive, even cryptic, laden with irony and paradox’ (1978: 49). He then adds tellingly: ‘It is impossible to suppose that they are merely the product of skilful condensation by early Christian teachers. They have the ring of originality. They betray a mind whose processes were swift and direct, hitting the nail Thanks to Luke’s careful work, we can date Jesus’s birth accurately. In 6 CE Quirinius replaced Herod the Great’s banished son, Herod Archelaus (23 BCE–c. 18 CE), the former ethnarch of Judea, Samaria and Idumea. 101 For the slightly different accounts of Pilate’s actions and attitude in Jesus’s sentencing and death, Mt. 27.1–26, Mk 15.1–20, Lk. 22.66–23.25, Jn 18.28–19.16. 102 Scholars differentiate between a radical, synthetic, sequential and parallel approach. The first attempt to ‘harmonize’ the Gospels was the 2nd-century Diatessaron by Syrian scholar Tatian (120–80). In the 3rd century, Ammonius of Alexandria (175–240) created a ‘synopsis’ of the Gospels, the Ammonian Sections, based on Mt. Augustine also wrote a Harmony of the Gospels. Stirred by a love for the Bible and eagerness to protect its integrity, the French jurist Chas. Dumoulin (1500– 66), cartographer Gerh. Mercator (1512–94) and J. J. Griesbach (1745–1812) prepared parallel, harmonized texts. Cf. recently, Aland, K. ([1985] 1993), Synopsis of the Four Gospels; Orchard, J. B. (1983), A Synopsis of the Four Gospels. 103 On the disciples’ call, Mt. 4.18f., Mk 1.14–20, Lk. 5.1–11, 27f., 6.12f., Jn 1.35–51. Unlike Confucius and 1st-century Rabbis, Jesus chose and called his disciples, ‘Follow me’. 100

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on the head without waste of words’ (ibid.). This is the ‘style’ of Jesus, to Dodd. It is his effect we are left with more than his biography. His charismatic preaching, teaching, healing, and exorcisms soon attract attention. Tension mounts as crowds increase. Jewish leaders resent his popularity and reject his teaching. His concern for outcasts, and low regard for form, irritate Pharisaic piety and Sadducean pride. After a three-year ministry, ending in Jerusalem, Jesus is betrayed, arrested, tried, tortured and crucified. His ministry continues in his disciples, who claim, three days after his death, he has ‘appeared’ (Lk. 24.34) to them and breathed on them God’s Spirit (Jn 20.22). This is the shape of the ‘gospel’ story, but the writers treat Jesus differently. There is, like Confucius, a textual – and thence interpretable – source for Jesus’s life. From the start, his character and activities are portrayed differently. Commentary here comes in a new type of literature, four ‘Gospels’ (good news). Written to honour Jesus, they each have a unique take on his life and significance. In Mark, the earliest gospel, Jesus is a wonder-working preacher. Mark’s style is concise, his manner brusque. He begins with typical directness: ‘The beginning of the gospel (Gk. euangelion: evangel, good news) about Jesus Christ, the Son of God’ (Mk 1.1). Luke, by tradition a physician, tells his patron, Theophilus, he has made a ‘careful investigation’ of the events to produce an ‘orderly account’ (Lk. 1.1–4; Ac. 1.1–5). In Luke, Jesus is a young man who has come to save-heal (Gk. sodzein) ‘the world’. He gathers a following but is rejected and dies an unjust death. Matthew, who draws on Mark and Luke, clothes Jesus from birth in royal titles and a messianic role (Mt. 1.18–2.23). God’s ‘kingdom’ comes in and through him. In contrast, the elderly John blends tinctures of history, theology and mysticism in his cross- and counter-cultural impressionist portrayal.104 Jesus is, as a man, ‘full of grace and truth’ (Jn 1.14, 17). He is also the ‘Son’ and ‘Word’ of God, so the ‘true’ light, life, truth, hope and salvation of the world. As Jesus says: ‘For God so loved the world that he gave his one and only Son, that whoever believes in him shall not perish but have eternal life’ (Jn 3.16). Like van Gogh, the Gospels are partial and selective. They exaggerate essentials and leave much vague. A life of this person will, they know, fall short. As John says: ‘Jesus did many other miraculous signs in the presence of his disciples, which are not recorded in this book. But these are written that you may believe that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God, and that by believing you may have life in his name’ (Jn 20.30). The Gospels share a hope that readers will hear ‘the Word’ in their words and his. They are part of the church’s holy writings, or ‘scripture’. Herein lies their canonical authority. We take the Gospels in their (probable) reverse historical order, beginning with John. John is different; as unlike the other Gospels as Hepworth’s modernist ‘Child with Mother’ (1972) her earlier versions. It is, indeed, as Leon Morris says, ‘a pool in which a child may wade, and an elephant can swim’ ([1971] 1974: 7). At the end of exegesis, the book can still be ‘strange, restless, unfamiliar’ (Hoskyns 1947: 20). It speaks of a wonder-filled world. Writing in the late 1st century, the elderly apostle’s aim is to explain and proclaim his friend, Jesus. His writing is spiritually profound, historically sound and instructive.105 He shares the faith and ‘essential Jewishness’ (Hunter 1963: 59–73) of the Synoptics. Here are evangelistic zeal, apocalyptic imagery and N.B. John’s cross-cultural description of Jesus as ‘Word’ in the ‘Prologue’ (1.1–18) links Jesus to OT understanding of God’s ‘Word’ as his sovereign, creative and saving revelation and will and to Greek views of logos (word) as the rational principle of cosmic coherence. 105 For introductions, Barrett, C. K. ([1955] 1976), The Gospel according to St. John; Brown, R. E. (1966), The Gospel according to John; Marsh, J. (1968), Saint John; Tasker, R. V. G. (1960), The Gospel according to St. John; also, the bibliog. in Ladd, G. E. ([1974] 1993), A Theology of the New Testament, 249f. 104

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apostolic authority. But John’s history also has a heavy coat of theological varnish.106 As such, ‘it is of the greatest importance’ to have ‘the interpretation of the Fourth Evangelist’ (Taylor 1958: 21) and to read John ‘in company with . . . the remaining books of the New Testament’ (Morris 1974: 64). From the poetical ‘Prologue’ (Jn 1.1–18), with its theological and historical climax, ‘The Word became flesh and dwelt among us’ (Jn 1.14), to Jesus’s last cry on the cross, ‘It is finished’ (Jn 20.30), John’s image of Jesus is unique (e.g. Jn 4.6, 7, 11.33, 35, 19.28, 34). His Jesus is not explicitly ignorant, tempted, surprised or resistant to suffering (Jn 12.27, 19.34), as in other gospels (e.g. Mk 14.33f.). He is exalted ‘Son of God’ of the early Church’s faith and worship.107 In John, Jesus’s life is transformed into sustained doxology, his biography is written in a sermonic liturgy. This is to inspire faith. But light and darkness both play on Jesus’s face here. He is seen and known in pain and defeat, victory and glory. We sense, as in The Analects, that John writes for his words to be lived, indeed, that Jesus’s words are only interpreted if both ingested and applied. John’s Jesus shares with Confucius a sense that truth is truth if learned and lived. Three things from John stand out for comment. First, Jesus is for John ‘Messiah’, a prized title he uses sparingly (Jn 1.17, 10.24, 20.31),108 and the ‘Son’ of God and man.109 He makes visible his invisible Father (Jn 1.41, 45, and 20.31).110 He does his Father’s work to a victorious climax on the cross (Jn 20.2, 18, 20, 25, 21.7, 12; also, 20.13, 28). John’s stories encapsulate his ‘High’ or ‘Spirit’ Christology. There is no birth narrative (Taylor: 19), but Jesus is ‘baptized’ in the Holy Spirit (Jn 1.32), speaks ‘in the power of the Spirit’ (Jn 3.34), prays ‘for the Spirit’ to fill the disciples, and ‘promises’ his Spirit will lead, guide and inspire them, and ‘judge’ the world in truth and righteousness.111 John’s narrative is crafted on a cosmic scale. Jesus is God’s Spirit-inspired ‘Word’, who ‘comes down’, ‘makes God known’ (Jn 1.18, 8.19, 14.7, 9f.) and at the end of his life goes back ‘up’ to heaven (Jn 6.33, 38f., 50f., 8.21f., 12.32, 17.25). Second, John connects Jesus’s claims to be doing his Father’s ‘will’ and ‘work’ to his life and death (Jn 4.34, 5.19f., 36; also, 9.4f., 10.25, 32, 37). Miraculous ‘signs’ are linked to bold claims. Seven ‘I am’ sayings help to define Jesus’s person and work. He is the ‘bread (and water) of life’ that satisfies (Jn 6.16–59).112 He is the ‘true light’ (Jn 1.4, 9) in creation and salvation (Jn 9.1–41; also, 1.5, 47, 8.19f., 12.35f., 46.). He is the ‘door’ (Jn 10.7),113 and ‘good shepherd’, who protects and

106 Cf. W. G. Kümmel’s comment: ‘The number of texts for which a dependence of John upon the Synoptics can be defended with any reason is astonishingly small, and by closer inspection even for those texts the number of divergencies is far greater than that of the agreements’ ([1963] 1965: 155). 107 N.B. the contrast Vincent Taylor draws between John and the Synoptics: ‘The high point of St John’s christology is the Sonship of Christ and His incomparable relation to the Father . . . In the Fourth Gospel Sonship is displayed on an even plane; in the Synoptics it is visible on the highest contours’ (1958: 21). 108 Cf. Jn 17.3, when used by Jesus in the so-called ‘High Priestly prayer’ (Ch. 17). On this sparing use, Morris, 160. For development of Jn’s thought, 1.45, 49, 3.28f., 4.25f., 29, 42, 5.45f., 6.15, 7.26f., 31, 40–3, 9.22, 10.24, 11.27, 12.34, 17.3, 10.31. 109 N.B. ‘Son of Man’ is used 13x in John, sometimes by Jesus of himself. 110 For Jesus’s relationship to Moses, Morris, 111f. On the significance of this, Jn 1.51. 111 For John’s theology of the Holy Spirit, Ch. 14–16. On the ‘promise’ and ‘work’ of the Holy Spirit as ‘life’, ‘truth’, ‘comfort’ (Gk. paraclesis, advocacy) and ‘judgement’, Jn 3.34, 14.16, 15.26, 16.7f., 20.22. 112 N.B. Tasker’s comment on John 6: ‘A most noticeable feature of the last part of this discourse is the way in which the miraculous feeding of the Galilean multitude, the death of Jesus on the cross, and teaching relevant to the sacrament of Holy Communion are all blended together’ ([1960] 1974), 95f.). Also, on water, the ‘woman at the well’ and the ‘food’ of doing God’s work, Jn 4.13f., 34, 7.38f., and 6.55f. 113 Cf. Jn 10.7; also, Jn 17.12 and Ezek. 37 on the contrast between Jesus and the violence of the Jews in Jn 10.22f.

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provides for his people (Jn 10.11).114 He has power in and over life and death (Jn 11.1–44) as the ‘resurrection and the life’ (Jn 11.25).115 He is source of ‘abundant’ (Jn 10.10), ‘eternal’ life for all (Jn 3.16f., 10.15, 11.21f., 13.1f.). As such, he is ‘the way, truth and life’ (Jn 14.6), who in death ‘goes ahead’ in order to ‘prepare a place’ in heaven for believers (Jn 5.24, 7.16f., 8.28, 45f., 54f., 12.47f., 14.26, 16.13f.). He is the life-giving ‘vine’, with his Father ‘the gardener’ and disciples ‘branches’ (Jn 15.1, 5), who creates a just, dynamic, spiritual relation to those owning his name.116 Third, John’s crucifixion narrative is a drama portraying a ‘suffering that moves the whole world’, as in the Emperor Kangxi’s poem (above p. 47). For, Jesus says: ‘When I am lifted up (on the cross), I will draw all people to myself ’ (Jn 3.14f., 12.32). His death ‘glorifies’ the Father by fulfilling his plan and redeeming his world. Like the marble in Michelangelo’s Pietà, the physicality and textuality of Jesus in John, are spiritually potent. Sacramentality is a mark of his Gospel. Hence, as in the Protestant reformer Martin Luther’s (1483–1546) ‘theology of the cross’ (below p. 452), for John faith sees in the crucifixion of Jesus both shame and glory, in the ‘empty tomb’ death and victory, in Jesus’s ‘words’ life, freedom and hope. When Jesus told his disciples to think carefully before following, in fear and trust they reply: ‘You have the words of eternal life’ (Jn 6.68). This image of Jesus, like da Vinci’s Mona Lisa, holds our gaze and silently speaks of hidden joy and the hope of life. The apocalyptic tone, and reference to the Temple’s destruction, in Luke-Acts lead some scholars to propose a date soon after besieged Jerusalem’s fall to the future Emperor Titus (39–81 CE; r. 79–81 CE) in 70 CE. To Luke, the ‘end time’ has come. The delay to Jesus’s ‘Second Coming’ (Gk. Parousia), that is stressed in other Gospels, is displaced here. Jesus is a fiery, apocalyptic prophet. That is how the astute author, ‘beloved physician’ and Paul’s companion in Acts, sees him.117 Though he draws ‘substantially’ on Mark (Marshall 1978: 30) and other ‘synoptic’ resources – using, like Matthew, ‘Q’ (Germ. Quelle; source) – Luke’s personality, his Palestinian sitz im leben (situation in life)118 and direct appeal to his readers’ audience, and his explicit aims, shape his image of Jesus. He writes as an insider to Jesus’s world. He knows the message he wants to convey. Luke’s historical and theological interests are clear from the start: Many have undertaken to draw up an account of the things that have been fulfilled among us, just as they were handed down to us by those who from the first were eyewitnesses and servants of the word. Therefore, since I myself have carefully investigated everything from the beginning, it seemed good also to me to write an orderly account for you, most excellent Theophilus, so that you may know the certainty of the things you have been taught. —Lk. 1.1–4 On Jesus as both ‘door’ and ‘shepherd’, Brown, John, I. 386; also, Jn 1.4, 13. Cf. Barrett: ‘Jesus is the resurrection and the life; apart from him there is no resurrection and no life, and where he is, resurrection and life must be’ ([1955] 1976: 329). 116 Cf. Barrett: ‘Only in Christ can Christians live. In him there is fruitfulness of true service to God, of answered prayer, and of obedience in love. All who are in him are his friends, and they are necessarily united with each other in love’ (ibid., 393). 117 Cf. on medical terminology to validate the early 2nd-century ascription to Luke, and a response to doubts about his authorship of Acts (because of its ‘removed’ view of Paul and post-Pauline attitude to the church), Marshall (1978), The Gospel of Luke, 33f. 118 N.B. Marshall’s comment: ‘[F]or all his (Luke’s) individuality he gives the impression of reflecting the outlook of a particular Christian community . . . much of Luke’s special material clearly has a Palestinian basis’ (ibid., 31). 114 115

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Theology and history are inseparable for Luke (Marshall 1978: 35).119 He sees Jesus through the lens of Isaiah 61.1 and 2, read in the Nazareth synagogue. Here is ‘good news’ for the poor, imprisoned, blind and oppressed of every age (Lk. 4.18f.). Hence, Marshall says: ‘[T]he message of Jesus is finely summed up in the saying, “The Son of Man came to seek and to save that which was lost” ’ (ibid., 36; cf. also, Lk. 19.10, Mk 10.45). Luke is drawn to Jesus’s preaching, both the fact and content of it. This Jesus brings a life-giving message. We should note, too, Luke’s attentiveness to Jesus’s character and reactions. Jesus is known through what he does. As a man, he grows ‘in wisdom and stature, in favour with God and men’ (Lk. 2.41–52). He is also tempted (Lk. 4.13, 22.28), adored (Lk. 11.27f.), disappointed (Lk. 22.15), prayerful (Lk. 5.16, 6.12, 9.18f., 10.21f., 11.1f., 18.1f., 22.32, 41, 44).120 He gets angry and anxious. Unlike John, Luke’s Jesus is ignorant and vulnerable. Throughout, his account is marked by realism and nuance.121 So, when Luke uses the name ‘Lord’ (which he does fifteen times before and after the resurrection),122 it is an intimate, respectful, devotional title (e.g. Lk. 7.19, 10.1, 11.39, 12.42, 17.5f.). Luke’s subtlety is aimed at enhancing Jesus’s love for God and neighbour, and his concern for the sick, sinful and socially excluded (e.g. Lk. 7.36–50, 9.51–6, 17.11–19, 18.9–14, 19.1–10). His Jesus provides a perfect example (Lk. 9.51–6, 14.25–35). He is a credible person with a Spirit-inspired identity and a ministry for all. Luke’s Jesus is also the suffering ‘Messiah’ and ‘the Christ’. These titles are used often to honour Jesus’s ‘royal’ coming as ‘good news of great joy’ praised in heaven and earth. These titles fit Luke’s ‘high’ Spirit-Christology, that takes and develops earlier traditions (Taylor 1958: 12). The ‘Son’ is Spirit-inspired (Lk. 1.26f., 35f.). His birth, baptism, temptation, prayer, miracles, submission to his Father, and choice of disciples, are all Spirit-guided and Spirit-endowed works (Lk. 1.35f., 3.22, 4.1f., 14, 18, 10.21, 24.49). Contra Jewish hopes, this anointed ‘Christ’ brings peace not a sword (Lk. 2.14). He offers salvation (Lk. 1.77)123 and ‘light to all nations’ (Lk. 2.31f.). Crucially, Jesus rarely uses ‘Messiah’ of himself in Luke: when he does, it is in association with his suffering (Lk. 24.26, 46). The coming of this Christ is bitter-sweet. The Spirit leads him into suffering. He comes to suffer, die and rise again (Lk. 22.46). Perhaps not surprisingly Luke’s Jesus has over the centuries inspired numerous practical Christian social ministries. Lastly, Luke urges Jesus’s power to ‘save’ young and old from physical and spiritual sickness (Lk. 4.16f., 5.15, 9.1f., 12.22f.).124 Here is bitter grief at Jerusalem’s rebellious spirit, rejection of him and imminent fall (Lk. 13.31f.), and Jesus’s anguished last hours. To the end, though apparently powerless, Jesus is in control. His ‘cleansing of the Temple’ (Lk. 19.45f., Mk 11.15f.), ‘part of the motive for the action taken against him by the Jewish leaders’ (Marshall 1978: 719), instigates a Cf. Marshall: ‘Of all the Evangelists he is most conscious of writing as a historian, yet throughout his work this history is the vehicle of theological interpretation in which the significance of Jesus is expressed’ (ibid., 35). N.B. also, Marshall, I. H. (1970), Luke: Historian and Theologian. 120 N.B. Jesus’s recourse to regular prayer to his heavenly Father is a strong theological theme in Luke: it reinforces Jesus’s (filial) relationship to, and (human) dependence on, God. 121 Contrast, for example, Lk. 6.10/Mk 3.5 (anger), Lk. 8.24/Mk 4.38 (desperation), Lk. 4.28f./Mk 6.5f. (inability to perform miracles at Nazareth), Lk. 19.41f./Mk 13.32 (ignorance of the final parousia), Mk 15.34 (the cry of dereliction, omitted by Luke). 122 This title occurs 15x (in addition to two uses associated with Mk 11.3). 123 On ‘saviour’ and the phrase ‘knowledge of salvation’, Marshall, Luke, 93. 124 On Jesus and children, Lk. 3.8, 5.34, 6.35, 7.32, 35, 11.13, 13.34, 18.29, 23.28. On his power over evil, 4.31f., 38f., 5.17f., 7.11f., 8.26f., 40f., 9.37f., 13.10f., 18.35f. 119

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grand dénouement. Jesus suffers intentionally, in accord with Old Testament prophecy (Lk. 24.27). He embraces a prophet’s plight. Though he is buried according to custom (Lk. 23.50f.), his life confronts authority (Lk. 24.27). He grieves his generation’s hardness of heart. He suffers betrayal, arrest, mockery, injustice and execution, and he does so here explicitly out of love (Lk. 22.1f., 47f., 66f., 23.26f.). In Luke’s resurrection narratives, Jesus appears ‘many times’ and ‘in many places’ (Lk. 24.1–49; contrast Mk 16.1–8 [9–20]). He is designated now the ‘Christ’ and ‘Son of God’.125 His ascension is akin to an enthronement. As the risen ‘Lord’, he commands his disciples to wait for the gift and power of the Spirit (Lk. 24.50f., Ac. 1.1–10, 2.1f.) to empower their witness. At the end, Jesus’s divinity shines through. This image is radiant. Matthew’s gospel is (probably) contemporaneous with Luke’s but feels rather older. Like Bach’s Cello Suites, it combines antiquity and creativity with exquisite ease.126 Written after Mark (whom he uses), Matthew unites (old) Jewish themes with (new) Christian ideas. As Dom John Chapman says: ‘Everything in Matthew (roughly speaking) is more primitive . . . because wholly Jewish’ (1937: 256). In comparison with Luke (and Mark), ‘primitive tradition is interpreted to a greater degree’ here (Taylor, 13). Matthew was, for some, always primus inter pares, hence its pole position in the New Testament.127 To Michael Green it is, ‘the most important single document in the New Testament’ (1988: 1). If true, this is due to what Floyd Filson calls its ‘persistent capacity to shape Christian thought and church life’ (1961: 4). Here we find the original Christusbild of the church’s life and faith. This is fine-tuned Christology. History serves the author’s pastoral, theological, ecclesiological purposes. His art exemplifies Xie He’s ‘First Law’. Matthew’s verbal brushstrokes exude ‘energy’. Jesus’s humanity is subject to subtle revision in Matthew. As Vincent Taylor says: ‘Interpretation of this kind was inevitable and necessary, and its presence is of great value for the study of the Person of Jesus’ (1958: 13). This gospel has an inner, sermonic structure. Old and new are both honoured, as the wise teacher draws out of his store ‘new treasures as well as old’ (Mt. 13.52). Writing to Jewish converts, Matthew intends to prove Jesus is ‘Messiah’ and Saviour. Hence, his Jesus is not angry or surprised (Mt. 12.9–14, 13.53–8). Instead, his high calling (Mt. 9.14f., 12.1f., 22–37, 46f., 13.53f., 15.1–9, 16.1f., 13–20, 19.16f., 21.23f., 22.15–22), miraculous power (Mt. 8.16, 12.15, 14.21, 15.38, 21.19) and disciples’ respect,128 are all accentuated. Matthew wants us to see a regal face on our old canvas. To Tasker, ‘The apologetic aim of the evangelist can be summed up in the sentence “Jesus is the Messiah, and in Him Jewish prophecy is fulfilled” ’ ([1961] 1976: 18). Like a Rubens portrait of a Jesuit saint, Matthew fulfilled the expanding missionary church’s need for a definitive – and inspirational – portrait of Jesus. There is authority in his achievement. Matthew provides a catechetical compendium of information on Jesus. First among his titles is ‘Messiah’, with ‘Christ’ a personal name (Mt. 1.16, 21). To Levertoff, the ‘great concepts’ of ‘Messiah’ and ‘kingdom’ are at ‘the heart’ of Matthew ([1928] 1940: xxvf.). A. H. McNeile echoes On Jesus’s ‘spiritual’ appearances and ‘physical’ presence (proven by eating) in Luke, contrast Lk. 24.31, 39, 41; cf. also, Marshall, 900f. 126 For new material, see e.g. Chs. 1, 2, 13 and parts of 26–28. 127 Traditionally viewed as a Greek translation of Aramaic logia (sayings) of Jesus by the apostle Matthew, the converted taxofficer, Matthew’s Gospel is first in early versions of the NT Canon because of its perceived capacity to elucidate the church’s message, identity, leadership and liturgy. On the call and apostolicity of Matthew/Levi, the tax-collector, Mt. 9.9– 13, 10.3, Mk 2.14–17, 3.18, Lk. 5.27–32, 6.15, Ac. 1.13. 128 N.B. the recasting in Mt. 8.25, 10.18, and 19.17. 125

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this opinion: ‘[T]he special impression which Matthew embodies is that of royalty. Jesus is the Messiah’ (1915: xvii). His lineage, birth, cousin John, identity as ‘the Christ, the Son of the living God’, and his kingdom rule, dignified death and promised return, all fulfil Old Testament prophecy (Mt. 1.17f., 2.4, 11.2, 16.16, 20f., 22.42, 24.5, 33, 26.63, 68, 27.17, 22). Whether he wrote to comfort Jewish converts, or commend Jesus to other Jews, Matthew’s Jesus is the royal ‘Son of David’ (Mt. 1.1, 20, 9.27, 12.23, 15.22, 20.30f., 21.9, 15), his life and work repeatedly justifying the claim, ‘that it might be fulfilled which was spoken by the prophets’ (Mt. 1.22, 2.15, 17, 23, 4.14, 8.17, 12.17f.; cf. Taylor, 15).129 The divine title ‘Lord’ (Gk. kurios) is not used here of Jesus,130 but ‘Son of Man’ is of his humanity and role as end-times judge (Mt. 16.13, 16 and 24.29–31). Jesus’s birth (Mt. 1.20), baptism (Mt. 3.16), temptations (Mt. 4.1), and life and work, are all imbued now with the Spirit. More than in Luke or Mark’s account, Jesus is God’s Spirit-inspired ‘servant’ (Mt. 12.18b; q. Is. 62.1–4) and ‘prophet’, who exorcises ‘evil spirits’ and inaugurates a new ‘age of the Spirit’.131 Because of Jesus’s association with the Father and the Spirit in Matthew 28.19, the Trinity is often traced to Matthew.132 Furthermore, use of ‘Son’ at critical moments in Matthew reinforces his ‘High’ Christology.133 Before his disclosure as ‘Son of God’ in his resurrection, Jesus’s wisdom and works anticipate the claim. Finally, Jesus is in Matthew both a ‘teacher of the law’ (Mt. 13.52), and a prophet who calls, no, commands: ‘But I say to you. . .’ (Mt. 5.21f., 27f., 31f., 33f., 38f., 43f., 6.25f., 29f., 7.24f.),134 seek righteousness that ‘surpasses that of the Pharisees and teachers of the law’ (Mt. 5.20). He quotes Hosea 6.6: ‘I desire mercy, not sacrifice’ (Mt. 9.13),135 and explains the ‘new wine’ image of repentance and faith (Mt. 9.15f., 12.7). He is here the ‘sower’ who scatters ‘good seed’ (Mt. 13.1f.), teaching old truth in new parables (Mt. 13.34f.).136 He is ‘a great light’, who heralds a ‘new age’ for those living ‘in the shadow of death’ (Mt. 4.15f., Is. 9.1, 2). As God’s prophet (Mt. 13.53f.), he exposes darkness, offers hope, appeals to all to repent and proclaims God’s kingdom rule (Mt. 4.17).137 Throughout,

Cf. refs. to Isaiah, Mt. 6.9f., 42, 53, 8.17, 13.13f., 12.18f., 8.17. N.B. except in 21.3, which is based on Mk 11.3. 131 N.B. the change from ‘finger of God’ (Lk. 11.20) to ‘Spirit of God’ (Mt. 12.28). 132 N.B. Taylor: ‘Here we have passed beyond the Christology which sees in Jesus the Spirit-filled prophet . . . Although we may not read into the saying later Trinitarian theology, we must recognize that a step has been taken which was to find its culmination in the Christology of Nicaea’ (1958: 16). 133 Matthew follows his sources in Mt. 3.17, 4.3, 6, 11.25–27, but adds the title ‘Son’ in Peter’s Confession (Mt. 16.16), in Jesus’s walking on the water (Mt. 14.33), in the taunts of the crowds and chief priests (Mt. 27.40, 43), and in the baptismal formula (Mt. 28.19). By presenting Jesus’s birth as the result of God’s act (1.3–5, 18–25), he answers church debate. 134 N.B. Tasker’s comment: ‘In three of these apparent antitheses Jesus is clearly bringing out what is implied in the Mosaic commands in opposition to the strictly literal or legalistic interpretations of them by the scribes . . . What He is saying is that God’s demands in these matters are far more comprehensive and exacting than current interpretations of them by the scribes might seem to suggest’ ([1961] 1976: 65). 135 Beare says Jesus’s words ‘I came . . .’ mean ‘I came into the world’, or ‘I came down from heaven’, i.e. ‘[T]hey convey a consciousness not merely of prophetic mission or of Messianic dignity, but of heavenly origin’ (1981: 227). He also quotes NT scholar Rudolph Bultmann (1884–1976), this ‘serves to gather up the significance of the appearance of Jesus as a whole’ ([1921) 1963: 156; q. ibid.). On Bultmann, p. 329, 461f., 465f., 472, n. 393. 136 On differences in style between this and the Sermon on the Mount, and on Jesus’s use of parables, Beare, 286, 288f.; also, Jeremias, J. ([1947] 1963), The Parables of Jesus. 137 Cf. on the kingdom, and ‘kingdom ethics’, of Jesus, Tasker, 60f. N.B. also Dodd’s words on the ‘absolute ethics of the kingdom of God’ Jesus enjoins: ‘The precepts of Christ are not statutory definitions like those of the Mosaic code, but indications of quality and direction of action which may be present at quite lowly levels of performance’ (1947: 19). 129 130

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Jesus calls (Mt. 4.18f., 9.9f., 35f.), heals (Mt. 4.23f., 8.1f., 14f., 9.1f., 18f., 17.14f., 20.29f.), preaches and calls for a response (Mt. 5–7, 7.28f., 8.18f., 13.1–53, 19.1f., 21.23–22.14, 23). He teaches his followers (Mt. 9.14f., 10.1f., 11.1f., 16.5–20, 18, 19.23–20.19, 24, 25), corrects his opponents (Mt. 12.1f., 38f., 15.1f., 16.1f., 17.24f., 19.3f., 21.23–22.46), and announces a ‘kingdom’ that is priceless, elusive, tough and intensely dynamic (Mt. 7.13f.). Though hidden or lost, it is like treasure (Mt. 13 passim), a pearl, a broad net, and ‘good news’ to the sick, anxious, weary and wayward (Mt. 9.35f., 11.25f.). Isaiah saw this in his vision(s) of the ‘Suffering Servant’ and of the kingdom ‘Messiah’ would live and die to found (Mt. 12.17f., 21.23f., Is. 42.1–4). In keeping with its structure and perspective on Jesus’s sovereignty, Matthew’s gospel comes to a carefully controlled climax. Prophesies (Mt. 23.1–25.46), plots (Mt. 26.1f., 14f., 27f.), private grief and public denunciation (Mt. 26.36f., 26.57f., 27.11f.), military execution and celestial signs (Mt. 27.32f., 27.51f.), resurrection and repeated appearances to the disciples, end this masterful drama.138 Jesus prevails, his plans fulfilled (Mt. 28.19f.). Probably the earliest Gospel (c. 65–70 CE),139 Mark has a brusque, no-nonsense style.140 It reflects, as the German biblical scholar Johannes Weiss (1863–1914) showed in his influential study Die Predigt Jesu vom Reiche Gottes (1892, Jesus’s proclamation of the Kingdom of God), an urgent, apocalyptic sense of the imminent end to history.141 Jesus is the herald of the ‘end times’. So, the Gospel begins bluntly: ‘The beginning of the gospel about Jesus Christ, the Son of God’ (Mk 1.1). This belies the weight, secrecy, shadow, conflict, and challenge, of the message that follows. Though scholars agree Mark’s history is laced with theology, Taylor emphasizes: ‘There are good reasons for thinking that it stands near to the ideas of Jesus himself ’ (1958: 9). Jesus’s humanity and personality are drawn in Mark like a vivid van Gogh portrait. He is earthy, passionate, vulnerable, and oozing charisma, in his ‘amazing’ teaching and miracles (Mk 1.22f., 11.27f.) Strong in adversity and sensitive to need, Jesus is angry, surprised, compassionate, disappointed, doubting and ignorant (Mk 3.5, 10.14, 6.6, 34, 38, 8.2f., 17, 27, 9.19, 21, 10.18, 13.32). At times, he fails to perform miracles and feels ‘God-forsaken’ at the end (Mk 6.5f., 15.34). Like the other Gospels, Mark employs Jesus’s titles carefully: they become tools in his theology and shaping of primitive faith.142 Jesus is the long-awaited ‘Messiah’ (Mk 1.2–3, Is. 40.3). He is the ‘Teacher’ and ‘Master’ anointed and empowered by the Spirit at baptism.143 He tells his disciples to N.B. Mt’s short, dramatic, resurrection narrative, 28.1–15. On the dating, Cranfield, C. E. B. ([1959] 1974), The Gospel according to St Mark, 8. I rely heavily on Cranfield, my NT exemplary teacher, for this section. 140 It seems highly likely: i. the Apostle Peter’s young travelling companion John Mark was the author of the Gospel; and, ii. Mark wrote his gospel in Rome shortly after Peter’s martyrdom in 65 CE (on Mark, 1 Pet. 5.13, Ac. 12.12, 25, 15.37f., Col. 4.10, 2 Tim. 4.11). Cf. Cranfield: ‘The unanimous tradition of the Early Church that the author of the gospel was Mark, the associate of Peter, is not open to serious doubt’ ([1959] 1974: 5). 141 Weiss taught at Göttingen, Berlin, and Heidelberg universities. His eschatological re-interpretation of Mk led him to argue: i. the text had been adapted by the early Church in light of the delayed parousia; and, ii. Mk therefore had limited moral or spiritual value. His interpretation had a huge impact on the young Albert Schweitzer. Weiss also promoted a ‘Form Critical’ approach to the NT. This encouraged the idea of ‘Q’, an earlier text, that many scholars., incl. Bultmann accepted and used. N.B. Weiss’s other works on the NT and early Christianity: Paulus und Jesus (1909), Jesus von Nazareth, Mythus oder Geschichte? (1910), and Das Urchristentum (1917., posth.). On Weiss, p. 81, 461f. 142 In the late 19th and early 20th century NT scholarship came to see in Mk a strong theological agenda that conditioned what he says about Jesus, and how and when he says it. On Mk as a theological document, Telford, W. R. (1999), The Theology of the Gospel of Mark; Chapman, M. (2001), The Coming Crisis. 143 Mk has no supernatural birth, and, apart from the Spirit’s role in Jesus’s baptism and temptation (1: 10, 12), there are only a few references to the Spirit (Mk 3.29, 12.36, 13.11). 138 139

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keep his identity a secret.144 He is also the heavenly ‘Son of Man’ (Jesus’s preferred title in Mark)145 come to serve, suffer and die vicariously; hence, Mark 10.45: ‘The Son of Man came not to be served but to serve and to give his life as a ransom for many.’ Mark keeps ‘Lord’ as a post-resurrection title,146 so pre-empting its use in the early baptismal formula ‘Jesus is Lord’ (Taylor, 6). He uses the title ‘Son of God’ from the outset, without extraneous pressure or sense of ‘pre-existence’.147 The title ‘Lord’ is justified by Jesus’s life, death and resurrection, and ultimately defines him. By coming, the kingdom of God is ‘at hand’, or inaugurated, with its fulfilment imminently anticipated (Mk 1.1–8).148 Mark 1.14f. states: ‘The time has come . . . The Kingdom of God is near. Repent and believe the good news!’ This provocative, prophetic call to repentance (also Mk 1.17f., 2.14f., 4.35f.) heralds a new beginning to God’s relationship to his world. An inner change of mind (Gk. metanoia: Mk 2.18f., 7.1f., 14f., 9.42f.), and an inclusive ethic of love (Mk 6.34, 8.2f., 10.13f., 17f., 12.28f., 14.1f.),149 are proleptic of the ‘end times’ (Gk. eschaton) when God’s kingdom will be fully realized. Meanwhile, the ‘greatest’ ‘serve’, and, like Jesus, sacrifice their life in love for their neighbour (Mk 11.1f.). Was Mark wrong to believe Jesus was about to return as King, as Weiss suggests? Cranfield is clear – Christian faith should always create a sense of divine immanence: ‘Ever since the Incarnation men have been living in the last days’ ([1959] 1974: 408). The shadow of the Cross falls early across Mark. A debate about fasting (Mk 2.18f.) provides the first hint. Cranfield comments: ‘What has happened to the forerunner will be repeated in the case of him who comes after’ (ibid., 111). Jesus is now the ‘prophet without honour in his own country’ (Mk 6.1f.). As ‘Son of Man’, he is, like Confucius, ‘despised and rejected’ (Is. 53.3). He sees himself as the ‘Suffering Servant’ of God in Isaiah’s songs. He embraces conflict without courting it (e.g. Mk 1.28, 45, 2.13f., 3.9f., 4.33, 5.20, 24), and is finally betrayed, judged, tortured and killed alongside common criminals on Calvary, a hill outside Jerusalem (Mk 15.1–41) in accord with his predictions (Mk 8.31f.). Jesus’s true identity is revealed, in Mark’s longer ending (Mk 16.15f.),150 by his resurrection ‘on the first day of the week’ (Mk 16.2), when he appears first to ‘Mary Magdalene, Mary the mother of James, and Salome’ (Mk 16.9),151 and then to the rest of his incredulous inner circle (Mk 16.9–14). As Cranfield comments: ‘Mark’s account (more emphatically than any of the others) underlines the mystery and awe-fulness of the Resurrection and warns On Mk and Jesus as ‘Messiah’, the direct and indirect Messianic implications of Peter’s confession (Mk 8.39), the healing of blind Bartimaeus (Mk 10.46f.), the ‘triumphal entry’ (Mk 11.1f.), the trial before Caiaphas (Mk 14.60f.), and the superscription over the cross (Mk 15.26). Jesus appears to claim the title for himself (Mk 8.39, 14.62), but without nationalistic overtones or any desire that his disciples tell others (Mk 8.30). Cf. Cranfield’s comment on the ‘Messianic secret’: ‘Only faith could recognize the Son of God in the lowly figure of Jesus of Nazareth. The secret of the kingdom of God is the secret of the person of Jesus’ (ibid., 153). 145 N.B. Jesus uses the title 14x of himself, to relate to the present (Mk 2.10, 28), future (Mk 8.38, 13.26, 14.62), his suffering, death and resurrection (Mk 8.31, 9.9, 12.31, 10.33f., 45, 14.21, 41). The title suggests heavenly and earthly authority and weakness (Mk 2.10, 28, 10.45, 14.62, Dan. 7.13). 146 Unlike other Gospels, Mk does not use ‘Lord’ as an honorific title (except poss. in 11.3). 147 N.B. use of the title in the parable of the wicked husbandmen (Mk 12.6), by the Centurion (Mk 15.39) and when demons identify Jesus (Mk 1.24; also, 3.11, 5.7, 13.32). 148 Contrast Mk 1.1–8 with the order and events in Mt. 1–2, Lk. 1–2, and Jn 1.1–34. 149 Jesus’s life, death, resurrection, healings (Mk 1.21f., 40f., 2.1f., 5.1f., 21f., 7.22f., 31f., 9.14f., 10.46f.) and miracles (e.g. Mk 6.30f., 8.1f.) fulfil his ‘new command’ to love and transform his Jewish contemporaries’ messianic expectations. 150 Cf. Cranfield, 471f. on Mark’s longer ending. 151 N.B. Cranfield’s comment: ‘One feature of all four gospel accounts which goes a long way towards authenticating the story as a whole is the prominence of women; for this is a feature which the early Church would not be likely to invent’ (463). 144

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against all attempts to sentimentalize or domesticate or reduce to the measures of our mental capacity or emotional convenience the decisive intervention of God’ ([1959] 1974: 470). In later recensions, before he is ‘taken up into heaven’ (Mk 16.19), Jesus orders his disciples to continue his ministry of preaching, healing, baptism and exorcism (Mk 16.15f.). So, Mark ends: ‘Then the disciples went out and preached everywhere, and the Lord worked with them and confirmed his word by signs that accompanied it’ (Mk 16.20). Much could be said of Jesus outside the Gospels where his humanity and divinity are articulated with literary skill and theological creativity. Some of this material pre-dates the Gospels. Judicious selection and editorial policies have separated the chaff from the wheat. The four Gospels provide more than sufficient evidence. The story of Jesus of Nazareth is less prominent in extra-canonical material than the Christ of the community’s early faith. In the last section, we trace development of this Christ of Christian tradition. Like Confucius, the image of Jesus is susceptible to thousands of years of tampering.

THE CHRIST OF CHRISTIAN TRADITION Some New Testament scholarship stresses the diversity of interpretations found in the early Church, and the fluidity, or fragmentation, of the faith of Jesus’s first disciples. The path to the great Council of Chalcedon (451 CE) is pock-marked by unsightly – often politicized and personal – wrangling masquerading as theology, philosophy, good order or a quest for truth. From the outset Jesus’s identity and legacy are contested. Those who set Paul over against Jesus justify this from the New Testament. Others resist this, claiming the Bible’s authority, canonicity, use, and resultant literary and thematic integrity. Some see heresy determining orthodoxy prior to Chalcedon, and so validating the Conciliar process or central magisterium. To others, common-sense or charismatic gifts prove the Holy Spirit’s sovereign control over the Church’s doctrinal development and accept the inevitable ‘provisionality’ of faith claims. As with ‘Master Kong’, the tradition that carries Jesus forward in history is a vast, dynamic, evolving, multi-facetted phenomenon, not all of it worthy, but much of it noteworthy. To quote (and reassign) Lesser (above p. 69), here, too, ‘a world of emotions and ideas (are) created with only the simplest of materials’. Five characteristics of christological development warrant mention in preparation for the thematic chapters in Parts II and III. First, the Christ-tradition is essentially doxological, its medium is worship and tone joyful. A faith based in a story of death’s defeat by a resurrected saviour cannot be solemn for long. The crucified, compassionate Jesus of the poor and oppressed is the conquering ‘Christus Victor’ of a completed atonement and a promised return. The ‘sweet hopefulness’ of the Christian sarabande is shot through with gigue-like joy in the corporate ‘Eucharistia’ (thanksgivings) that anticipate an eternal, heavenly feast, and in funerals that focus on Jesus’s promised preparation of ‘a place in heaven’ for believers. Philip Spitta’s Johann Sebastian Bach: His Life and Influence on the Music of Germany speaks of the shift from other, more solemn, dance-movements to the gigue: ‘[G]rave impressions produced by the movements that have gone before are gathered up into a cheerful and animated form, and the hearer goes away with a sensation of pleasant excitement’ ([1951] 1952: 90). Though a cross-shaped shadow falls on the Christ of Christian tradition and the church’s flawed life, no authentic study of this Christ figure should fail to convey the hope Easter imparts, the ‘sensation of pleasant excitement’ this godly gigue gives to the heart of the tradition Jesus engenders.

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Unlike Confucianism, Christian tradition is both in theory and practice unequivocally ‘spiritual’ or ‘religious’. That is, from earliest times Jesus inspired liturgy and praise. He is the focus of the community ‘gathered’ in worship and ‘scattered’ in service. New Testament worship, Christian liturgy, and theology reflect an essential focus on a praised Jesus Christ. Biblical exegesis and historical theology contain the principle lex orandi: lex credendi (viz. worship determines belief). The Christ of Christian tradition begins and is continued in the Church’s corporate and individual worship. The ‘Hymn to Christ’ in Philippians 2.6–11, the doxologies, good wishes, and blessings that end the Pauline Letters (Rom. 16.25f., 1 Cor. 16.19f., 2 Cor. 13.14f., Gal. 6.18, Eph. 6.23f., Phil. 4.23, Col. 4.18, 1 Thess. 5.23f., 2 Thess. 3.16f., 1 Tim. 6.20f., 2 Tim. 4.19f.), the ‘psalms, hymns and spiritual songs’ (Col. 3.16) and ‘creedal’ fragments in Colossians, Ephesians and the Book of Revelation,152 all transmit a distinctive, living, religious tradition in a renewed community. Here is Jesus, not only the object of worship (as ‘Lord’ and ‘Saviour’) and subject of beliefs, but a pattern for disciples (as ‘Friend’, ‘Husband’ and ‘Master’) and the offerer of his people’s praise, intercession and sacraments (as ‘Mediator’ and ‘High Priest’; 1 Tim. 2.5, Heb. 7.11–10.25). The liturgical refrain ‘through Jesus Christ our/the Lord’ captures the Church’s sense of its indebtedness to Christ’s mediation. In short, Jesus is central to Christian liturgy and doxology: he is ‘made known in the breaking of the bread’ (Lk. 24.35), he ‘baptizes in the Holy Spirit’ (Mt. 3.11, Mk 1.8), he is present when ‘two or three’ gather ‘in his name’ (Mt. 18.20), he promises never to ‘leave or forsake’ them (Mt. 28.20, Heb. 13.5). Here are some substantial reasons for joyful celebration with a dance-like joy that looks backwards and forwards. Second, the Christ-tradition is carefully constructed. The idea of a ‘tradition’ (Lat. trado; I hand on or over) is seen in early New Testament texts. 1 Corinthians 15.3–4 finds Paul stating definitively: ‘For I passed on (Gk. paréd¯oka) to you as of first importance: that Christ died for our sins according to the Scriptures, that he was buried, that he was raised on the third day according to the Scriptures.’ Similarly, in 1 Corinthians 11.23–4 he says of the institution of the Lord’s Supper: ‘For I received (Gk. parélabon) from the Lord what I also passed (Gk. paréd¯oka) on to you: The Lord Jesus on the night he was betrayed, took bread, and when he had given thanks, he broke it and said, “This is my body, which is for you; do this in remembrance of me”.’ Here is ‘language proper to traditionary processes’, as Barrett calls it ([1971] 1978: 264f.), and an early sense from Paul of ‘Apostolic Tradition’ shaping Christian faith and life (ibid., 337). The Church’s corporate worship, its preached kerygma (Gk. kerussein; to herald, proclaim)153 and its taught dogma (Gk. dogma; teaching), are ultimately indivisible, constituent elements of this – as is the centrality of God in Jesus. As Paul quoted to the Athenians: ‘In Him we live and move and have our being’ (Ac. 17.28). C. H. Dodd summarizes the apostolic kerygma: Jesus comes in the ‘latter days’; in his birth, life, ministry, death and resurrection he fulfils Old Testament prophecy; Easter and the ascension confirm him as ‘Messiah’; the gift of the Spirit fulfils his promised presence and power for his people; history will reach its climax in Jesus’s final return as Lord and Judge; meanwhile, repentance, faith and obedience are required of all. As the church expanded, key doctrinal differences emerged. The need for a clear set of beliefs intensified.154 The original integration of dogma in kerygma was lost.

Cf. Col. 1.15–20, Eph. 1.3–14, Rev. 4.8f., 11f., 5.9f., 12f., 7.12, 15f., 11.17f., 15.3, 19.2f. On the importance of kerygma in the early Church, Mt. 3.1, Lk. 4.18f., Rom. 10.14. 154 N.B. Paul’s struggle in his Epistle to the Galatians to safeguard the traditional ‘gospel’ of salvation ‘by faith in Jesus Christ’ as a sufficient, efficacious ‘saviour’ against the ‘Judaizing’ policies of religious formalists and legalists. 152 153

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Dogma became linked to accredited leaders and their ‘creeds’ and practices. Bishops became guardians of the ‘Christ of Christian tradition’; their clergy participants with them in his official ministry. The living Christ of the ‘body’, or esse (Lat. being), of the early church was in time transformed into the bene esse (Lat. well-being) of developed institutions, his power delegated to an ‘ordained’ ministry who share his ministry and headship. Though Confucianism develops, not in this way. We do not find in later Confucianism officials looking to ‘the Master’ to justify their preservation of ‘tradition’, or to empower their ministry. The image of Jesus we see has a life away from the canvas. Thirdly, the Christ tradition is the subject of intense debate. Christological conflict rages from the New Testament onwards. We have already seen the image, or ‘face’, of Jesus subject to cultural, political, philosophical, textual and ideological pressure. This was not all destructive. Pain and pressure can renew and restore; just as Barbara Hepworth’s later works re-pristinated classic models of ‘Madonna and child’. In fierce 4th and 5th century debates between the great ‘schools’ of Antioch and Alexandria, between Augustine and Pelagius (c. 360–418), a British scholar resident in Rome, or church hierarchs and advocates of heretical or purportedly heterodox views of Jesus’s divinity and humanity (i.e. Gnostics, Docetics, Arians, Apollinarians, Nestorians, Marcionites, Ebionites, Monophysites and Monothelites), the issue was not Jesus’s biography, but his capacity to save. A Christ who was less than fully God could not offer an eternal sacrifice for sin, nor intercede efficaciously for sinners. A Christ who was less than fully human could neither ‘sympathize’ with the weak (Heb. 2.17f., 4.14–16) nor suffer with, and for, them on the cross. When Athanasius (c. 296/8–373 CE) turned his heavy theological artillery on Arius (c. 250/6–336 CE) in De Incarnatione, it was to safeguard Jesus’s sufficiency as a divine-human saviour. Likewise, when Cyril of Alexandria (c. 376–444 CE) and Bishop Leo of Rome (c. 391/400–461 CE) persuaded Chalcedon to reject the Archbishop of Constantinople, Nestorius’s (c. 386–c. 451 CE) ‘conjunction’ (and sundering) of Jesus’s two ‘natures’, it was to safeguard the integrity of Jesus Christ as Lord and ‘saviour’ from psychological and spiritual schizophrenia. As Cyril wrote in his letter to Egyptian monks (Epistula monachos Aegypti, 25–26): ‘If the Word did not suffer for us humanly, he did not accomplish our redemption Divinely; if he suffered for us as a mere man and but the organ of deity, we are in fact not redeemed’ (q. Torrance 1996: 247). Chalcedon may have used transient terms, and failed to end christological controversy, but in its four great adverbs (above p. 71) it reserved a space for a Christ who could save. As Mackintosh argues: ‘[T]he framers of the definition wished not so much to formulate a theory of Christ’s person as to bar out extreme statements on either side’ ([1912] 1937: 213). In this it has, more or less, succeeded.155 However articulated over two millennia, the Christ-tradition has safeguarded Jesus as saviour from human sin and rebellion. Only in its most critical, revisionist, ideological forms, does theology make this into a bland, inspirational programme of social welfare, self-actualization, sexual freedom, or sinless abandonment. Fourthly, the Christ tradition is essentially ‘catholic’, that is, its reach is universal (Gk. katholik¯e), its spirit inclusive. There is more of van Gogh’s generous God, and of Schweitzer’s sacrificial philanthropy, in this Christ-tradition than Christian narcissism or nastiness might suggest. Thanks to

155 N.B. William Temple (1881–1944), Archbishop of Canterbury during part of WWII, indicted the Definition as demonstrating ‘the bankruptcy of Greek patristic theology’ (q. Houlden 2005: 163). More recently, the German systematic theologian Wolfhart Pannenberg (1928–2014) praised Chalcedon as a ‘masterful compromise’ (1970: 198–200). The debate continues. On Pannenberg, p. 71, n. 91, 340, n. 378, 450, 454f., 459, n. 301, 468, n. 358, 472, n. 393.

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Augustine’s theological genius, the expansion of the church did not produce a contraction of its faith or vision. The church’s creeds were, for him, the context for creativity and an arena for adoration. The ‘marks’ (Lat. notae) of the Church affirmed in the Nicene Creed (325 CE) – ‘one, holy, catholic and apostolic church’ – were to be, like the Chalcedonian Definition, boundaries for belief more than ‘articles of the faith’. United in sacramental worship, weary of controversy, and bound by common creeds, the church of Augustine and Chalcedon emerged with a remarkable capacity to accept diversity. Indeed, little changed christologically until the Enlightenment, when the Christ-tradition is subject to fierce new textual, philosophical, scientific, cultural and ecclesiastical pressures. To Friedrich Nietzsche, Bach and Christ could both be damned! But the image of Jesus, as Schweitzer’s Quest for the Historical Jesus saw, was re-worked. Adaptation was not all bad, albeit, at times it created ambiguity, if not animosity. Theological creativity created an image of Christ without cultural discipline or aesthetic respect: to parody Casals, it was theological ‘intonation without conscience’156 or concern. But, the ‘living Christ’ could not be killed by pens or guns. As the Swiss theologian, Karl Barth’s (1886–1968) Der Römerbrief (1919: The Epistle to the Romans, 1968)157 holds, the living ‘Word’ of the ‘Prince of Peace’ can still say, ‘No!’ (in holiness) to war and sin, and ‘Yes’ (in love) to all who are ‘elected’ in and through God’s love for his Son. This, for him, was the necessary new (albeit traditional) and inclusive (but raspingly confrontational or ‘dialectical’) Christ-Word for the 20th-century world. Last, the Christ tradition gives continuity to the church and the world. As we saw earlier, the image of Jesus has exerted an incomparable influence on Western culture. Art, literature, science, law, architecture, music, education, medicine, social welfare, working practices, family relationships, rulers and governments over two millennia, have all been inspired by him. To men and women outside the Christian church, he has been a personal inspiration, his life of charity and goodness, self-sacrifice and service, offering an ‘ideal’, when others are lost or compromised. In popular religion, Jesus has provided a focus for occasional prayer and comfort in a crisis. In politics, invocation of Jesus’s ‘name’ – though sometimes abused – has sounded a note of sincerity, humility and integrity. In the world of film, theatre, print and the media, Jesus still generates a strong revenue stream. For many, he has earned and deserves the theatrical title, ‘Jesus Christ Superstar’. The Christ-tradition was a leitmotif in Christendom for more than 1,500 years, to define, refine, humble and inspire individuals, cultures and communities. This has continued, more recently, in the non-Western world. Here is a powerful global brand, another ‘Master’ beside Confucius, who deserves attention and respect. For many people the problem is not really that we can’t imagine Jesus, we can imagine him, and just about believe that, despite our failings, he sees potential in us, as Confucius did in his disciples. Schweitzer once said of Bach: ‘At root, he conceived everything for an ideal instrument.’ Augustine sensed the same, praying simply: ‘Thou knowest my unskilfulness, and my infirmities; teach me and heal me’ (1923: 163). N.B. Casals oft-quoted remark, ‘Intonation is a matter of conscience.’ N.B. Barth’s rejection of the Liberal theological establishment’s endorsement of Kaiser Wilhelm II’s (1859–1941; r. 1888–1918) war effort, and publication of Der Römerbrief (when pastor of a Reformed Church in Safenwil, Switzerland), arguably justify his reputation. He taught subsequently at Göttingen, Bonn (from which he had to resign in 1935) and Basel universities, and inspired generations of scholars. He co-authored the ‘Barmen Declaration’ (1934) as the ‘Confessing Church’ response to Nazism. His early ‘dialectical theology’ set God’s sovereign ‘Word’ against rebellious humanity and proud reason. In his 13-volume Church Dogmatics (1932–67) this position is moderated, with Jesus Christ presented as God’s ‘Royal Son’, ‘Living Word’ and self-abnegating Saviour, in and through whose election and death on the cross, God’s grace is mediated to the world. On Barth, p. 239, n. 315, 270, 307, 312, n. 222, 313, n. 226, 329, 418, n. 34, 420, n. 47, 445, 450, 453, 457, 461f., 464f.

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We turn to the wisdom of Confucius and Christ not to be reassured, but to be inspired. In their hands ‘the simplest of materials’ can, with patience, skill and faith, be transformed like Carrera marble into another masterpiece. As we saw before, in the year Benedict XIV reiterated Ex Illa Die (banning Chinese rites and further debate), Handel’s Messiah received its first performance (Dublin, 13 April 1742). With a text by Charles Jennens (1700–73), a landowner and patron of the arts, drawn from the King James Bible (1611) and Church of England’s Book of Common Prayer (1662), another masterpiece was born. Setbacks are integral to Christianity, but Handel’s ‘Hallelujah Chorus’ conveys the insuppressible sense of Easter hope that once pervaded Christendom.

PART II In Part I our focus has been the two central figures at the heart of this comparative, cross-cultural study of Christianity and Confucianism. We have seen how these ‘paradigmatic’ individuals spawned socio-ethical and spiritual traditions that have been, and are, variously owned and interpreted. Our aim has been to strip away interpretative grime, and layers of pride, projection, assumption and presumption to see the ‘face’ of these two figures more clearly. We have proposed global ‘cultural archetypes’ that shape – and thereby serve to unite – the way Confucius and Jesus have been and are viewed in China and the West. The dichotomy of ‘East’ and ‘West’ is profoundly questioned. In Part II we turn to three central themes in Christianity and Confucianism: i. ‘Heaven and Earth’, for the context for life; ii. ‘Human identity, Life and Society’, on the nature of life for an individual and his or her society; and, iii. ‘Character, Purpose and Morality’, or the moral ends around which life is orientated. We might say much on each of these. As noted already, to focus discussion and clarify points of comparison and contrast between classical Confucianism and historic Christianity, we allow the Analects and Gospels to act as primary texts for analysis. To ‘read backwards carefully’, and read these texts in a subtle, sensitive, way – and in light of the other – we need to understand the cultural, historical and intellectual dynamics affecting their interpretation. Inter-textual reading of the Analects and the Gospels is set in Part II against the background of the progressive engagement between China and the West from the 17th to the early 19th centuries. At the time, the context, nature and moral ends of life were much discussed. To help read this aright, we again employ ‘cultural archetypes’ that both define and unite interpretation of the Analects and Gospels in China and the West. If, as historians in China and the West have shown, there was significant East-West cultural exchange from the 17th century onwards, this deserves to be recognized in the way the Gospels have been, and are read today – likewise, for the way the Analects have been, and are, interpreted in China. There is no culture-neutral reading of texts, certainly not texts linked to ancient, ‘paradigmatic’ figures like Confucius and Jesus. The following chapters show how their devotees shaped one another in ways hitherto unknown or, more often, unacknowledged.

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Heaven, Earth and ‘Harmony’ From harmony, from heavenly harmony, This universal frame began. —John Dryden [1631–1700], ‘A Song for St. Cecilia’s Day, 1687’1 The three chapters in Part II set cross-cultural interpretation of the Analects and Gospels in the context of developing East-West relations, and of decisive events and ideas drawn from the 17th and 18th centuries. In Chapters 6 to 8, our historical dialogue-partners are from the 19th and 20th centuries. The process is necessarily selective and intentionally progressive. The evidence for, and possibility of, interpretative clarity and cross-cultural understanding are, I suggest, compelling. Our story began before this, but major episodes are about to start. Tracking the content of thematic interpretation against a progressive historical and intellectual context enables development of a cross-cultural, and inter-textual, ‘history of interpretation’ of the Analects and Gospels. It also helps us to see how ‘cultural archetypes’ shape what is read. In this hermeneutic process, the protracted – often unseen, or ignored – ‘dialogue of cultures’ between China and the West impacts the use – and the abuse – of the Analects and Gospels. A new, ‘One World’ view of these old texts will not want to construe them as alien, or competitive, cultural sources, rather, as trans-national ‘Classics’ that act as receptors and progenitors of unitive ideas and global ideals. This is particularly true when shared ‘cultural archetypes’ shape what is seen or read. In this case, history, and the history of ideas, become solvents to clarify interpretation of our primary texts. They help to reveal the whence, what, and why, of interpretative assumptions today. To ignore this is dangerous. We begin with ‘heaven’ and ‘earth’. These are central themes in Confucianism and Christianity. In different ways, these two related categories impact everything that follows. They set the context – transcendent and immanent – in which the two traditions articulate their Way to life and designated sovereign power. We study ‘heaven’ and ‘earth’ here in the Analects and Gospels against the background of the change and challenges to Eastern and Western history and cosmology in 17thand early 18th-century Europe and Asia. We are at the beginning of deepening East-West cultural engagement. Perception of the context and content of life ‘under heaven’ and ‘on earth’ was a major issue to understand and debate. As we will see, classical Confucianism addressed tian ཙ (heaven, or god), and its associate power Shang di/ti кᑍ (Lord of Heaven, or Lord on high), in awed terms. These were understood to control, condition, and inspire, life and death for individuals and society. The Bible and classical

1

Oxford Book of English Verse 1250–1918, (ed.) A. Quiller-Couch ([1900] 1949), 479f. 89

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Christianity are similarly respectful in celebrating God as ‘creator of heaven and earth’ (cf. Nicene Creed and Gen. 1, 2), and Jesus, the ‘Son’ and ‘Lord’, as herald and instigator of a new ‘kingdom’, the authorized voice for ‘the kingdom of heaven’ (Mt. 3.2, 5.3, Mk 9.47). Earth is also configured, in both traditions, in clear cosmic, moral terms. But, the 17th and 18th centuries saw this perspective disrupted. Established convictions are challenged by cross-cultural engagement and scientific, geographic and empirical discovery. ‘Heaven’ and ‘earth’ are both subject to intellectual and cultural pressure. New evidence drives new questions and conclusions. The stakes are high. In classical Confucianism and biblical Christianity, cosmic categories condition the context in which life – in all its beauty, tragedy, power and politics, spirituality and morality – are conceived and the content of life itself, that is, what it means to live, and live in harmony, with ‘higher powers’ and earthly neighbours. We may wonder, as our forebears did, what could be more pressing and urgent? We continue study of these issues in coming chapters. For now, to ‘read backwards carefully’, and study what the Analects and Gospels say of ‘heaven’ and ‘earth’, we need to strip back to a time when these primary texts were read at face value, that is, to study them at the point they began to be embroiled in critical, creative, cross-cultural revision. The setting in the 17th and early 18th century is critical. The ‘Scientific Revolution’ – when new ‘laws’ of physics, mathematics, astronomy and cosmology arise – challenged Christian and Confucian ‘worldviews’ (Germ. Weltanschauungen). A ‘clash of civilizations’, or early ‘culture wars’, in and between China and the West looks possible; particularly as the Jesuit ‘China Mission’ lands in China, to face-off, we might assume, with the cultural forces of the late Ming and Qing dynasties. In fact, the opposite is the case. Mutual respect runs high. It becomes a time of immense importance for later global, cross-cultural history. New scholarship on this is vast. We can only scratch the surface to remove a few layers of distortion and projection. There is much still to consider. We must follow van Gogh’s advice and exaggerate the essentials to glean a reliable impression. In this chapter we look primarily at Sino-British issues, in the next Sino-European material. This is a happy historical snapshot in the sun. Storm clouds soon gather. Troubles in Sino-Western relations build. War will ensue. One final point before we begin. East-West interaction in the 17th and early 18th centuries changed the world culturally and conceptually. How the Analects and Gospels were, and are, read and interpreted still reflects this change. To say – or even imply – that Western exegesis of ‘heaven’ and ‘earth’ in the Gospels was unaffected by Confucianism is as errant as Chinese exegesis of the Analects that understates the impact of Western biblical terminology. Cross-cultural studies and history refute such egregious hermeneutic isolationism. To return to the analogy in Part I, the two figures depicted on our old canvas have the same ‘ground’ and the same ‘sky’. What they saw, believed, and taught about ‘heaven’ and ‘earth’ – and, thus, the context of life – reflects their unique perspective and a shared existential framework. My argument is that ‘cultural archetypes’ – drawn now from East-West exchange in the 17th and early 18th centuries – created, and still create, a common ground for Chinese and Western interpretation of the Analects and Gospels. This perceptual base has continued. The ‘wash’ on Confucian China and Western Christendom is the same. This should now be admitted.

RICCI, CHINA AND NEW 17TH-CENTURY HORIZONS The Analects and Gospels were well-established cultural resources by the time Matteo Ricci, SJ (1552–1610) reached Peking on 24 January 1601. His coming signaled the beginning of a new era in Chinese Christianity. East-West cultural exchange reached new heights under his quiet, capable,

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charismatic leadership. As scholar Li Zhi ᵾ䌴 (1527–1602; frequently known as Zhuowu ঃ੮)2 said of Ricci, having met him in Jining and Nanjing in the 1590s: ‘He is an extraordinarily impressive person. His mind is lucid, and his appearance is simple’ (Francke 1967: 39). He went on: ‘Amongst all the men I have seen, none can compare to him. All who are either too arrogant or too anxious to please, who . . . display their own cleverness or are too ignorant and dull, are inferior to him’ (ibid.). Ricci’s reception and methodology are seen to advantage through the success, strategy, theology and failure of missional forebears.3 In these, we find early efforts to use Chinese terms to translate Christian views of ‘heaven’ and ‘earth’. Ricci and his colleagues were not the first to adapt Christian tradition to local culture. As we have seen above, the Lindisfarne Gospels, and medieval iconography, ‘enculturated’ Christianity. By the 17th century, devout devotees of the Polish mathematician-astronomer Nicolaus Copernicus (1473–1543) were adept at adjusting (private) scientific opinions to (official) Catholic teaching, while 16th century Protestant Reformers also ‘accommodated’ the gospel to culture in their vernacular translations of the Bible and support for local princes. In Catholicism and Protestantism, the written ‘Word’ of the Bible and tangible ‘Word and Works’ in creation, testified to a divine creator’s

FIGURE 6: Matteo Ricci, SJ (6 October 1552–11 May 1610). 2 Li Zhi had (Persian) Islamic ancestry. As a follower of the Neo-Confucian scholar-soldier Wang Yangming ⦻䲭᰾ (1472– 1529), who criticized the rationalist dualism of the highly influential Song Neo-Confucian scholar Zhu Xi ᵡ⟩ (1130–1200), Li Zhi was ostracized and committed suicide. He was a master of popular literature known for his commentary on Sanguo yan yi й഻╄㗙 (Romance of the Three Kingdoms) by the late Yuan/early Ming author Luo Guanzhong 㖵䋛ѝ (c. 1330–1400). On Wang Yangming, Ching, J., R. C. Lee and E. Y. Lee (2000), The Religious Thought of Chu Hsi, 195; also, below p. 123, 163, 313, n. 227. 3 On Christianity in China before Ricci, Gilman, I. and H-J. Klimkeit (1999), Christians in Asia Before 1500, 265–302.

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mystery, power, mercy and love. Ricci’s encounter with, and exposition of, Confucian cosmology opened unimagined cultural and intellectual vistas to Britain and Europe – past and present. This is a shared legacy. We study it to recover a greater sense of this common, cultural and intellectual heritage. The second Tang ୀ Emperor, Taizong ཚᇇ (598–649; r. 626–49), who reigned when Bishop Alopen and his colleagues arrived in Chang’an in 635, was a liberal-minded reformer and keen patron of literature, new learning and the arts. The tradition Confucius inspired had lasted as state orthodoxy through much of the Han dynasty (200 BCE–220 CE). In the 1st century CE a new syncretistic Daoism appeared, which owed much to the recent arrival in China of Indian Buddhism. By the time of Alopen, Daoism was well-established in Chinese society, and posed a serious threat to Confucianism’s old intellectual and cultural hegemony. The first expressions of Christian dialogue with Chinese culture had to imbibe a cocktail of imperial interest with flavours of Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism. It was a ‘Golden Age’ in China, politically, culturally and intellectually. An imperial ‘Edict of Toleration’ (638) let the homely spirituality of the Nestorian monk-evangelists flourish. Parts of the Bible and other ‘sacred books’ were translated. A church was built, twenty-one (probably Persian) priests appointed. The famed Nestorian stele (viz. stone monument)4 – or, as its self-designation states, བྷ〖Ჟᮉ⍱㹼ѝ഻⻁ (Memorial of the propagation in China of the luminous religion from Daqin) – was erected on 7 January 781. The stele sheds important – albeit contentious5 – light on the missionaries’ theology, life and practice. It was unearthed sometime between 1623 and 1625, its appearance timed, it seems, to root the Jesuit mission in antecedent Christian endeavour.6 History – true and false – plays a key role in our story. Written in Chinese and Syriac, the nine- by three-foot stone stele presents a careful, useful account of Christian truth in Chinese terms. Alexander Wylie (1815–87), a British missionaryscholar in China, said of it: ‘The Chinese titles and designations of members of the hierarchy used on this tablet are all taken from the Buddhist vocabularies’ (1897: 62). Confucianism is also here, with dao 䚃 (the Way) designating the message and lifestyle of the new ‘Persian’ faith. Buddhist terms for God are also here. God is ‘the unchanging in perfect repose before the first and without knowing’, who ‘set the original breath in motion . . . made and perfected all things’ and ‘imparts his mysterious nature to all sages’, that is, to all who express ‘goodness’, ‘a just temperament’, and avoid ‘lust and a puffed-up spirit’ (Mungello [1985b] 1989: 15f.). Jesus (or Mi-shih-he, Messiah) is presented here, in classic (heterodox) Nestorian terms, as ‘the divided Person of our Three in One’. He it was, the stele declares, who for humanity’s sin and idolatry was ‘hung up a brilliant sun to take by storm the halls of darkness’ to destroy ‘the wiles of the devil’ (Wylie 1855–6: 285f.). As Kenneth Latourette summarizes the theology and gospel of the stele: ‘The faith was said to make for the peace and tranquility of the realm, the prosperity of the living, and the joy of the dead. The virtues extolled were love, mercy, kindness, the placing of all men on equality, and the relief of Cf. p. 12, n. 37. On debate about the origin, theology, authenticity and ‘ownership’ of the stele, Havret, H., SJ (1895), La stèle chrétienne de Si Ngan-fou; Keevak, M. (2008), The Story of a Stele; Pelliot, P. (1996), ‘L’inscription nestorienne de Si-ngan-fou’; Godwin, T. (2017), Persian Christians at the Chinese Court, ad loc. 6 The first Westerner to report on the stele was the Portuguese missionary Alvaro Semedo, SJ (1585/6–1658), who visited Chang’an between 1625 and 1658. Semedo describes the stele’s discovery in his Imperio de la China (1642). Trigault translated the inscription into Latin: this version circulated in Europe and was translated into French, Portuguese, Italian and English. The German sinologist Athanasius Kircher, SJ (1608–80) published the first Chinese (and Syriac) transcription of the stele in China Illustrata (1667; ET 1673). On this, Molina, J. M. (2004), ‘True Lies: Athanasius Kircher’s China Illustrata’, in P. Findlen (ed.), Athanasius Kirker, 365–81; Billings, T. (2004), ‘Jesuit Fish in Chinese Nets’. On Semedo and Kircher, p. 102f., 113f., 138, 184, 187. 4 5

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suffering – clothing the naked, feeding the hungry and healing the sick’ (1929: 56). This is an early form of Chinese Christianity. It wears as-yet ill-fitting cultural clothing, but it presages Ricci’s openness to adapt Christian faith to classical Chinese terms and ideas. During Emperor Taizong’s reign, the Nestorian missionaries established hundreds of monasteries. As Lo Hsiang Lin records, the reign had ‘the reputation that “the faith spread throughout the ten districts” and “monasteries abound in a hundred cities”’ (1966: 1). The cache of 5th- to 11th-century manuscripts found in the Dunhuang ᮖ❼ caves (NW China) in the early 20th century – including four syncretic texts, or ‘Jesus Sutras’ – challenge Legge’s view of Alopen’s work (above p. 12).7 The Hymn to the Holy Trinity (from the ancient ‘Gloria in Excelsis’), Book of Jesus Messiah, and Discourse on Monotheism, in particular, show great cross-cultural skill. Messiah’s purpose is ‘to restrain (people) and guide them to do good’, and to give them ‘the way of heaven’. As Book of Jesus says: ‘[I]t was the Lord’s will to dispose the people in the world not to serve inferior spirits’ (q. Covell 1986: 28). So, Ricci trod the path of ‘accommodation’ to Chinese terminology others had explored before. His use of the term tian, and assimilation of the traditional Shang dynasty term for the ‘Lord of Heaven’, Shangdi кᑍ, to the monotheistic God of the Bible, was deliberate, provocative and controversial.8 It probably offended his Western overseers more than Chinese listeners, but all parties recognized how words shape worlds and were sensitive to the terms in which their world was defined. Our story, we will find, is often a matter of understanding words. Under Taizong’s successors, Christianity’s fortunes faltered. His son, the fourth Tang Emperor, Gaozong ୀ儈ᇇ (r. 649–83), supported the building of new monasteries and gave the missionaries freedom to travel. After January 665, however, when the fearsome Dowager ‘Empress Regnant’ Wu ⲷᑍ↖ (624–705) all but took control, persecution began to mount. It culminated in Emperor Wuzong’s ୀ↖ᇇ [↖ࡷཙ] (814–46) anti-Buddhist Edict (845), in which the ‘Ta Ch’in’ (Syrian/ Nestorian) and ‘Muh-hu-fo’ (Zoroastrian) monks – ‘to the number of more than three thousand’ – were ‘compelled to return to the world’ (i.e. renounce vows) (Philip 1998: 3).9 As Ricci – and many later Westerners – discovered, imperial whim and internal politics were potent enemies of gospel ministry and of predictable mercantile endeavour. Despite suppression, Nestorian Christianity re-emerged in the more conducive climate of the ‘Great Yuan’ dynasty བྷ‫ݳ‬ᵍ (1271–1368) under the Mongol Emperor, Kublai Khan (1215–94). In the year he died, Catholicism came to the capital, Cambaluc (Peking), robed in the simple Franciscan attire of missionary-statesman John Montecorvino (c. 1246–c. 1330). Texts from the Yuan period refer to Christians as yelikewen (poss. Turkic erke’ün) or diexie 䘝ኁ (poss. a transcription of the Persian word ‘tarsâ’, god-fearer) (Halbertsma 2008: 10).10 Dominican friars also came. But neither of these groups – nor the Augustinians after them – were predisposed to adapt historic Christianity to Chinese On these texts, Riegert, R. and T. Moore, eds (2006), The Lost Sutras of Jesus. On the historical, linguistic and theological-philosophical debate about the meaning of tian and Shangdi in the Analects, and their relation to Christian monotheism, Cline, E. M. (2014), ‘Religious Thought and practice in the Analects’, in A. Olberding (ed.), Dao Companion to the Analects, 259–92 (esp. 278f.). 9 Cf. also, Reischauer, E. O. (1955), Ennin’s Travels in Tang China. The fate of these Nestorian monks and their followers is debated. Many scholars follow P. Y. Saeki and the Welsh Baptist missionary Timothy Richard (1845–1919), claiming the majority adopted an Islamicized faith or joined the secretive ‘Jin Dao Jiao’ 䠁䚃ᮉ (‘Religion of the Golden Pill’), a sect in N. China. Geography and theology would support Saeki: ‘We take the existence of over twenty-one millions (sic) of Mohammedans in China as one of the external evidences which indicate that there must have been a very large body of Nestorians when our monument was set up in A.D.781’ ([1937] 1951: 49). 10 On a poss. reference here to Jews, Goldstein, J. ed. (2000), The Jews of China, 9. 7 8

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culture. Some of their cultural hand-luggage was, perhaps, scarred with suspicion borne of earlier work in the Philippines. All was not lost. Alopen’s legacy lived on in the intellectual, spiritual soldiery of Ricci and his tough Jesuit colleagues.11 They paid a high price gladly in their cross-cultural mission. Ricci’s arrival coincided with the growth of Western interest in China. This started in the mid16th century when Europeans quaffed the tasty (largely trustworthy)12 tales of travel in Asia (between 1276 and 1291) by Venetian merchant-adventurer Marco Polo (1254–1324), which Rustichello da Pisa (fl. 1272–1300) retold in his Book of the Marvels of the World (c. 1300).13 The work appeared in English in 1503 (trans. John Frampton), and in a new Italian version in 1559 (trans. Giovanni Ramusio). Terra firma was mundus mirabilis. Following voyages by the Italian Christopher Columbus (1450–1506) and Portuguese explorer Vasco da Gama (ca 1460–1524), Asian exploration intensified. The detailed, first-hand account of the exploits of the Portuguese soldier of fortune Galeote Pereira (c. 1520–c. 1560) in China – or Da Ming བྷ᰾ (Great Ming), as he discovered it was named – provided some sense of the country’s geography, military, ritual, religion and system of justice. This fed into Europe’s growing fascination with all things oriental.14 Captured in battle and imprisoned in Fujian and Guangxi Provinces in the 1540s, Pereira’s racy derring-do was published from notes in 1561 and translated into Italian (1561) and English (1577).15 Similar works, which shed a usually favourable light on China, appeared. Some idealized its Confucian morality and well-ordered system of government (cf. Atkinson 1935: 353f., 358– 74).16 Among these were the Dominican Gaspar da Cruz’s (c. 1520–70) Tratado das cousas da China (1569, Treatise on things Chinese), soldier-author Bernardino de Escalante’s (c. 1537–c. 1605) navigational travelogue on ‘the kingdoms and provinces of the Orient, and of the existing knowledge of the greatness of the Kingdom of China’ (1577),17 and Historia de las cosas más notables, ritos y costumbres del gran reyno de la China (1586: The History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China and the Situation Thereof, [1588] 1853–54), by Augustinian monks Martín de Rada (1533–78) and Juan Gonzáles de Mendoza (1545–1618), which reported on earlier abortive missions to China (1579–80, 1582).18 Based on only shallow coastal contacts, the work praised China’s imperial paternalism and cultural humaneness. The work played a leading role in promoting the 17th- and 18th-century myth of China’s wisdom, power and imperial radiance. Pereira had told

The ‘Society of Jesus’ or ‘Jesuits’ were formed at the initiative of the former soldier Ignatius of Loyola (1491–1556) in 1534, their Formula of the Institute being approved in Pope Paul III’s (1468–1549; r. 1534–1549) bull of 1540. Central to the work of the Society, or ‘Company’ as it is often called, was ‘the propagation and defence of the faith and progress of souls in Christian life and doctrine’. For background on the beginning of the China mission, Alden, D. (1996), The Making of an Enterprise, 66–71. 12 On the historical, geographical and cultural value of this material, Vogel, H. U. (2013), Marco Polo Was in China. 13 The work appeared in Franco-Italian versions as Devisement du Monde and Livres des Merveilles du Monde, and the Latin De Mirabilis Mundi. 14 On early European interest in China, Spence, J. D. (1998), The Chan’s Great Continent. 15 Cf. da Cruz, Fr. G., O.P. and Fr. M. de Rada, O.E.S.A. ([1550–75] 1967), South China in the sixteenth century, being the narratives of Galeote Pereira. 16 Cf. Atkinson, G. (1935), Les nouveaux horizons de la Renaissance française, 353f., 358–64. 17 Cf. de Escalante, B., Discurso de la navegacion que los portugueses hacen a los Reinos y Provincias de Oriente . . . (1577, Discourse of the navigation made by the Portuguese to the kingdoms and provinces of the Orient . . .). Cf. Lach, D. F. (1965, 1970), Asia in the making of Europe, II. 742–3. 18 Rada and Mendoza’s Historia was the first work published in the West containing Chinese characters. The work was translated by Robert Parke in 1588, and by the diplomat-sinologist Sir George Staunton (1781–1859) in 1853–4. Staunton played a strategic diplomatic role in the birth of Protestantism in China; cf. Hancock, C. (2008), Morrison, ad loc. 11

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his Western audience the ‘idolatrous’ Chinese named their supreme being ‘heaven’: ‘[A]s we are wont to say “God knoweth it”, so they say at every word Tien xautee ཙ᳹ᗇ; that is to say, “The heavens do know it” ’ ([1588] 1853–4: 15). His words struck an alluring – to some, jangling – note with Western readers, especially when tian and counterpart di ൠ (earth) were given Chinese imperial sanction as theological terms.19 We catch a glimpse of the interplay of ‘heaven’ and ‘earth’ in Confucian minds in this remark by first Ming Emperor བྷ᰾ᵍ, Hongwu ⍚↖ (1328–98; r. 1368– 98): ‘Ever since the earliest emperors ruled all-under-Heaven (ཙл tianxia), China has controlled the barbarians from within while the barbarians have respectfully looked to China from without . . . This was hardly human effort but really the gift of Heaven’ (q. Tan 2009: 97). In time, Jesuit use of tian affirmed and countered this claim. They were walking on thin ice, as they soon found. Information stirred Western powers and awakened European interest. Careful study of the history, philosophy and culture of China – and missionary opportunities there – grew. The possibility for Christian assimilation – and, thus, confusion – of Yahweh with the Shang term Shangdi and the later Zhou dynasty tian, was clear.20 When the French Figurists Joseph Prémare, SJ (1666–1736), Joachim Bouvet, SJ (1656–1730), and Jean-François Foucquet, SJ (1665–1741), displaced biblical religion by the Chinese Classics,21 and said the mythological emperor Fu Xi Կ㗢 was author of the ‘Great Law’ that united Persian, Greek and Hebrew traditions, confusion and excess were, to many, now frighteningly realized (Pak 1974: 53f.). Though often criticized (and later officially censured), Ricci advocated a balanced, academic, pragmatic, approach.22 Ricci’s ‘courteous understanding and friendly discussion’ did not, however, ‘produce large numbers of converts’ (Lach and Van Kley 1993: 177).23 But ‘accommodationism’ did give Jesuits a template for theology and practice in China.24 It was reaffirmed by papal decrees in support of Chinese-language liturgies (1615) and, later, practices ‘favourable to Chinese customs’ (1656).25 Meanwhile, the protracted political, diplomatic and theological crisis of the ‘Rites

19 N.B. the coherence and proximity of ‘heaven and earth’ are seen in the classical Confucian term tiandi ཙൠ (Lit. heaven and earth). 20 On the origin, meaning and evolution of the ancient Chinese terms for ‘god’, or ‘Lord of Heaven’, Chang, R. H. (2000), ‘Understanding Di and Tian: Deity and Heaven from Shang to Tang Dynasties’; Dubs, H. H. (1959–60), ‘Theism and Naturalism in Ancient Chinese Philosophy’; Eno, R. (2008), ‘Shang State Religion and the Pantheon of the Oracle Texts’, in J. Lagerwey and M. Kalinowski (eds), Early Chinese Religion: Part One, 41–102; Huang, Y. (2007b), ‘Confucian Theology, Three Models’; Creel, H. G. (1970), The Origins of Statecraft in China; Fowler, J. D. and M. Fowler (2008), Chinese religions; Legge, J. (1880), The Religions of China; Yang, C. K. (1970), Religion in Chinese Society; Yao, X. and Zhao, Y. (2010), Chinese Religion: A Contextual Approach. 21 For a recent re-evaluation of these Figurist figures, Wei, S. L-c. (2018), ‘In the light and shadow of the Dao: Two figurists, two intellectual webs’. 22 On Ricci, Fontana, M. (2011), Matteo Ricci: A Jesuit in the Ming Court. 23 When Ricci became superior of the China mission (1597), there were about 100 converts there. Unlike the older missions to Japan and India, which relied on the Portuguese padrado system (viz. military and political support), the China mission, which gained independence and vice-provincial status in 1623, had a unique intellectual, cross-cultural character. When Ricci died (1610) there were 5 Jesuit residences – at Chaoch’ing (1583), Shaochou (1589), Nanch’ang (1593), Nanking (1599) and Peking (1606) – and c. 2500 converts from different social backgrounds. On padrado and the growth of the China mission, Lach and Kley, 175f. 24 For early Jesuit apologetics, esp. Wang X. (1998), Christianity and Imperial Culture. 25 The supreme (Jesuit) tribunal decree of 23 March 1656, which Pope Alexander VII (1599–1667) endorsed, responded to a request for clarity from the China mission through their Italian emissary, Martino Martini, SJ (1614–61), author of Novus Atlas Sinensis (1655). The decree described ancestral rituals as ‘a purely civil and political cult’. For a recent study of Marian devotion in China, Song, G. (2018), ‘The Many Faces of Our Lady: Chinese Encounters with the Virgin Mary between 7th and 17th Centuries’.

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Controversy’ began.26 It was sparked by (prob. innocent) attendance at a ceremony to honour ancestors (27 August 1635) by the Franciscan Antonio Caballero da Santa Maria (1602–69) and another Dominican colleague. In due time, this controversy over ‘rites’ and ‘terms’ consumed the Jesuit mission.27 ‘Accommodation’, as a Jesuit strategy, was eviscerated by Emperor Kangxi’s Edict of 1642 and long, internecine Catholic feuding.28 The West did not – and does not – always communicate clearly. The story of Ricci’s journey to Peking with Michele Ruggieri, SJ (1543–1607) – via Zhaoqing (where the governor was drawn to his cartography, horology, and mathematics), Shaoquan, Nanjing and Nanchang – cannot detain us.29 His missiological methods must. Alessandro Valignano, SJ (1539–1606), Ricci’s superior, had argued in his Résolutions and Cérémonial (proposed for the earlier Japan mission) that Christian custom could, and should, be adapted to Asian culture.30 Ricci drew on this in his dialogical apologetic – between a Chinese and Western scholar – Tianzhu Shiyi ཙѫሖ㗙 (1603, The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven).31 He defended Christian faith in a clear, rational, naturalist way for his Confucian contemporaries, building comparison on friendship, ‘Natural Law’,32 and theistic intimations in the Confucian Classics.33 He used the popular celestial term tian, that Pereira had reported.34 The heart of the argument is that, ‘He who is called the Lord of Heaven in my humble country is He who is called Shang-ti (Sovereign on High) in Chinese’ ([1603] 1985: 121).35 Ricci’s work gained imperial support in 1603. A century later, as M. G. Lau 26 On the theology of the ‘Rites Controversy’, Menegon, E. (2013), ‘European and Chinese Controversies over Rituals’, in B. Boute and T. Småberg (eds), Devising Order, 193–222; —(2009), Ancestors, Virgins & Friars. 27 Caballero came to see Confucian rituals to be (like Buddhism and Daoism) dangerously religious. On this, Rule, P. A. (1986), K’ung-Tzu or Confucius?, 105. Rule says this is based on ‘a naive but not un-Chinese theory of language . . . where all ceremonies that share the same name are essentially the same’ (ibid.). On the vicissitudes of the Jesuit mission in Shandong, Mungello, D. E. (2003), The Spirit and the Flesh in Shandong, 1650–1785. 28 To illustrate the later controversy, and its consequences: in 1676, the Dominican China missionary (later Archbp. of Santo Domingo and Primas of the West Indies), Domingo Fernández Navarrete, OP (1618–89), published Tratados historicos, politicos, ethicos, y religiosos de la monarchia de China in Madrid. The book was anti-Jesuit and pronounced the stele spurious. The Jesuits faced internal and external pressure. Navarrete’s work was translated as An Account of the Empire of China (1704) and popularized by the philosopher Voltaire (1694–1778; cf. p. 143) and Jansenists in France. On this, Cummins, J. S. (1962), The Travels and Controversies of Friar Domingo Navarette, 1618–1686. 29 On Ricci’s early years in Beijing, Witek, J. W. (2005), ‘The Emergence of a Christian Community in Beijing’, in Wu, X. (ed.), Encounters and Dialogues, 93–116; Cronin, V. (1955), The Wise Man from the West. 30 On Valignano and the Jesuit mission, Urceler, M. A. J., SJ (2016), ‘The Jesuits in East Asia in the Early Modern Age’, in T. Banchoff and J. Casanova (eds), The Jesuits and Globalization, 27–48; Moran, J. F. (1993), The Japanese and the Jesuits. 31 N.B. the 2nd edn was published in Hangzhou in 1607. This later edition was better known and more widely circulated. Cf. the recent editions and translations of The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven by D. Lancashire and P. K. Hu, SJ (1985), and T. Meynard, SJ (2013). 32 Nicolò Longobardi SJ (1559–1654) and the Franciscan Caballero disputed this. On Franciscan disputes, Criveller, G. (2014), ‘Il ruolo dei francescani nella controversia dei Riti cinesi’. There were clashes between, for example, the Province of San Gregorio that was pro adjustment and Italians, led by Carlo Orazi da Castorano (1673–1755) and commissioned by Propaganda Fide, who were anti ‘accommodation’. 33 The Buddhist Neo-Confucian secularists Zhu Xi and Lu Xiangshan 䲨ҍ␥ (1139–93) rejected this ‘spiritualizing’ of Confucius. In contrast, the German philosopher Gottfried W. von Leibniz (1646–1716) upheld it as a theo-philosophy fit for a new scientific age. On Leibniz and Confucianism, Mungello, D. E. (1977), Leibniz and Confucianism; Mühlhahn, K. and N. van Looy, eds (2012), The Globalization of Confucius and Confucianism; also, below p. 106, 116f., 137, n. 23, 139f., 141f., 149, n. 103, 153, 167, 184, 190, 192f., 214, 222, 232f., 299, 327, 336f. 364, 379, 390, 459. 34 On Jesuit methods, Standaert, N., SJ (2010), ‘Matteo Ricci: Shaped by the Chinese’. This is based on d’Elia, P. ed. (1942–9), Fonti Ricciane: Storia dell’introduzione del cristianesimo in Cina, and on (his pupil) Bettray, J. (1955), Die Akkommodationsmethode des P. Matteo Ricci S.I. in China. 35 At the time Ricci wrote, the later Shang and Zhou dynasties’ conflation of Shangdi and tian led to his often using the terms (virtually) interchangeably.

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observes, the Emperor Kangxi ‘liked the book so much that it was his constant companion for over a six-month period’, and soon ‘gave permission to the missionaries to resume preaching the Gospel at the Imperial Court’ (1982: 94). Ricci’s skill in wooing Chinese intelligentsia to see the value of comparative cross-cultural, textual dialogue is enduringly impressive. The Kangxi imperial ‘Edict of Toleration’ (1692), setting Christianity on a par with Buddhism and Daoism, endorses the wisdom of his approach: The Europeans are very quiet; they do not excite any disturbances in the provinces, they do no harm to anyone, they commit no crimes, and their doctrine has nothing in common with that of the false sects in the empire, nor has it any tendency to excite sedition . . . We decide therefore that all temples dedicated to the Lord of heaven in whatever place they may be found, ought to be preserved, and that it may be permitted to all who wish to worship this God to enter these temples, offer him incense, and perform the ceremonies practiced according to ancient custom by the Christians. Therefore let no one henceforth offer them any opposition. —q. Pittman 2001: 35f. We will return to the details of Tianzhu Shiyi later. For now, we note that Trigault’s translation and publication of Ricci’s account of work in China, De Christiana expeditione apud Sinas (1615), gained Ricci, and the Jesuit mission, the profile the Order desired. The work presents Confucius as a virtuous pagan (rather like a Greco-Roman sage), with China ruled by a Platonized ideal of a philosopher-kingship. Sixteen editions followed its first publication (in Augsburg). It was translated into European languages, including English, thanks to Samuel Purchas (c. 1577–1626), who included parts of it in his travelogue, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas his Pilgrimes (4 vols, 1625).36 ‘Accommodationism’ gained widespread international acclaim as a strategy, but in the end this proved short-lived. When the reclusive Ming Emperor Wanli 㩜ᳶ – who, incidentally, Ricci never met – invited him to the imperial and cultural fortress of the ‘Forbidden City’, metaphorically and intellectually the walls of classical Confucianism were breached. Ricci was wary of the fluid state orthodoxy of Zhu Xi’s Neo-Confucianism, preferring the pure form Confucianism of the Analects and Confucian Classics. The discussions he entered were based primarily on these. The issues he raised were on classical Confucian tradition. A central issue was, of course, the compatibility of the Confucian ‘terms’ tian and Shangdi with the biblical ‘God’. Publication by his successors of Confucius Sinarum Philosophus (1687)37 served to widen discussion. The issues faced, and materials Ricci used, became more generally available. Texts included the Analects and, from the Record of Rites, Great Learning and Doctrine of the Mean. More minds, disciplines and communities were drawn into reception and analysis of this material. As we will see, publication of Confucius Sinarum Philosophus heralded a new era in East-West exchange.38 Without the open-mindedness, generosity of spirit, and

36 On Purchas, Koss, N. (2016), ‘Matteo Ricci on China viz Samuel Purchas’, in C. H. Lee (ed.), Western Visions of the Far East, 85–100; Lynam, E. ed. (1946), Richard Hakluyt and His Successors; Pennington, L. E. (1966), ‘Hakluytus Posthumus: Samuel Purchas and the Promotion of English Overseas Expansion’; —ed. (1997), The Purchas Handbook; Steele, C. R. (1997), ‘From Hakluyt to Purchas’, in D. B. Quinn (ed.), The Haklyut Handbook, I. 74–84. 37 Cf. above p. 34, n. 79. 38 On production of Confucius Sinarum Philosophus, Dew, N. (2009), Orientalism in Louis XIV’s France, 205–33.

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intellectual acuity of Ricci and his missionary partners, the fruitfulness of this era would have been impossible. Like Ricci’s superiors – and later Protestant missionaries – we must ask: Are tian and Shangdi appropriately used of the monotheistic God of the Bible? Is tian in the Analects directly – or even generally – comparable to ‘heaven’ in the Gospels’? Let alone its mythological and religious counterpart di ൠ to ‘earth’? We will return to these issues later in this chapter. Ricci was not only inspired to discuss God and heaven, earth also attracted him. Zhou dynasty ઘᵍ (c. 1046–256 BCE) mythic cosmography conceived heaven as round and earth as square, with China (Huaxia 㨟༿) encircled by ‘barbarian’ hordes. On landing in Macau in 1582, Ricci set about learning China’s complex language, culture and religion/s. When commanded to enter the ‘Forbidden City’, it was as much for his scientific learning as for his Christian faith and part-translation of the Confucian classics.39 The Ming illuminati were captivated by mythology, and by newer scientific arts of cartography, chronometry, horology, astrology, astronomy and geography. Daoist dualism drew a starker contrast than classical Confucianism between tian (ཙ), di (ൠ), an intermediary realm (й⭼) for humans ren (Ӫ), and a lower world of gui 公 (ghosts) and mo 冄 (demons). Ricci and his peers’ astronomical and calendrical knowledge – especially an ability to predict solar eclipses (with astrological significance for the Chinese) – created a solid platform for dialogue. As a rare act of respect, Ricci, the yi ཧ (barbarian),40 was designated shidafu ༛བྷཛ (scholar official), in honour of his grasp of Confucianism and Chinese culture. His translation of Euclid’s (fl. 323–283 BCE) 13Book Elements ᒮօ৏ᵜ (Gk. stoicheia)41 – assisted by the scholar-official and Catholic convert Xu Guangxi ᗀ‫ݹ‬ஃ (1562–1633), one of ‘Three Great Pillars of Chinese Catholicism’42 – opened other avenues for cross-cultural exchange. His translation followed hard on the heels of a 1570 English translation by Sir Henry Billingsley (d. 1606), a learned merchant and Lord Mayor of London.43 In China and the West, Greek thought was changing the way the world was seen and studied. The Jesuit mission to China was advocate and beneficiary of this data exchange. Mutual respect was key. The interplay of science, culture and theology in the early years of the Jesuit China mission provided a natural setting for critical re-evaluation of tian ཙ (heaven or sky). The principles of mathematics, physics and logic Euclid propounded also resonated with China’s historic interest in the earth, its shape, history, resources and governance. ‘Earth’ in China and the West was attracting

In 1594 Ricci produced a Latin paraphrase of the Four Books and some commentarial material. Ruggieri had paved the way in his earlier translation. The Four Books were often used to teach the Jesuits Chinese. Cf. Mungello, Curious Land, 59; Lundbaek, K. (1979), ‘The First Translation from a Confucian Classic in Europe’. 40 Use of yi ཧ for foreigners (incl. officials) has a long and complex history in China. The compass quadrants had been assigned to siyi ഋཧ (four barbarians). Cf. Chan, H-L. (1968), ‘The “Chinese Barbarian Officials” ’; Chen, Z (2004), ‘From Exclusive Xia to Inclusive Zhu-Xia’; Pu, M. (2005), Enemies of Civilization; Pulleyblank, E. G. (1983), ‘The Chinese and Their Neighbors’, in D. N. Keightley (ed.), The Origins of Chinese Civilization, 411–66. 41 Readers of the Greek NT hear in stoicheia (Lit. elementary principles) the idea of cultural power and worldly systems (cf. Gal. 4.3, 9, Col. 2.8, 20). 42 The ‘Three Great Pillars of Chinese Catholicism’ 㚆ᮉйḡ⸣ (Holy Religion’s Three Pillar-Stones) were Xu Guangqi ᗀ ‫ݹ‬ஃ (1562–1633) from Shanghai, Li Zhizao (1565–1630), who held senior positions (incl. in Nanjing), and Yang Tingyun ὺᔧ㆐ (1557–1627) from Hangzhou. These senior Confucian officials shared Ricci’s interest in science. Xu Guangxi was the most senior, as Minister of Rites (responsible for foreign affairs, culture and education) and a noted agriculturalist. Li Zhizao wrote a treatise requesting the Emperor to invite more missionaries to China, so they could help correct the Chinese calendar (cf. 䃻䆟㾯⌻ᳶ⌅ㅹᴨ⮿, Plea to translate books on Western calendar methods). Heaven in every sense is prominent in their writing, i.e. Yang’s treatise on the consistency of Confucianism with Christianity, Tian shi ming bian ཙ䟻᰾䗘 (Light emitted by Heaven). 43 On this, Engelfriet, P. M. (1998), Euclid in China. 39

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new types of enquiry. Map was replacing myth.44 Ricci entered the fray bearing an orthodox view of the earth as ‘the Lord’s and everyone in it’ (Ps. 24.1). It was a perspective China, travel, and the ‘Scientific Revolution’, would in time question. Chinese cartography emerged in the 5th-century BCE ‘Warring States’ period. The discipline became more sophisticated when Pei Xiu 㼤⿰ (224–71 CE), ‘the father of Chinese cartography’, developed his six ‘Principles’. These drew on the geographical chapter ‘Yu Gong’ ⿩䋒 (Tribute of Lu) in the Shiji, and the work of the Qin cartographer Xiao He 㮝օ (d. 193 BCE). In 1602 Ricci drew his map of the world, Kunyu Wanguo Quantu ඔ䕯㩜഻‫ޘ‬െ (A complete map of the 10,000 countries on earth). The Emperor asked him then to assist with the eight-scroll, five-continent world map, Zhifang Waiji 㚧ᯩཆ㌰ (Record of the world), which Jesuit colleagues Diego de Pantoja (1571–1618), Sabatini de Ursis (1575–1620) and Giulio Aleni (1582–1649) would complete.45 Ricci had studied China carefully. He knew how maps were crafted, closely guarded and interpreted with precision. They were understood to denote a physical space and a socio-political and spiritual resource. When Ricci spoke of ‘heaven’ and ‘earth’, his words were refracted in Ming scientific interest, popular culture, and classical Confucian philosophy and ritual practice. As with tian in the Analects, Ricci’s engagement with ‘earth’, in all its myriad forms, offered an opportunity and a threat to his own and his Chinese interlocutors’ understanding. They shared an awareness of a settled world being shaken by new scientific, religious and philosophical issues. ‘Harmony’ was at a premium in this tense, threatening – to some, exhilarating – new scientific environment. A ‘shaking of the earth’ of biblical proportions occurred finally in 1644,46 when Ming China was overrun by Tartar hordes. The news reached Europe. The event attracted much political, religious and literary comment. The ‘Poet Laureate’ (1668) John Dryden’s (1631–1700), less well-known rival Elkanah Settle (1648–1724) published The Conquest of China by the Tartars in 1675.47 The following year, painter, engraver, and engineer, Henry Winstanley (1644–1703), produced a playing card in London depicting the event (Poole 2012: 148).48 To some in Britain and Europe, the event heralded China’s imperial demise, to others God’s call to expand the China mission. Bruised Confucian China would come face-to-face with a new bullish, increasingly expansionist, Christian Europe. The biblical ‘God of the nations’,49 and the Catholic Church, taught cosmic dominion and justified international exploration.50 The publication of Confucius Sinarum Philosophus in 1687 coincided with interest in China. Dedicated to French ‘Sun King’, Louis XIV (1638–1715) – as a For a recent study of Chinese cartography and its place in early-Modern East-West exchange, Morar, F-S. (2018), ‘Relocating the Qing in the Global History of Science: The Manchu Translation of the 1603 World Map by Li Yingshi and Matteo Ricci’. 45 N.B. published by Yang Tingyun ὺᔧ㆐ (1557–1627), another of the ‘Three Great Pillars of Chinese Catholicism’, in Hangzhou (1623) and revised for publication in Fujian (1626). 46 On heaven and earth being ‘shaken’, Hag. 2.6, Is. 13.13, Heb. 12.26. 47 Settle is a tragi-comedic figure. He is one of the ‘dunces’ in the poet-satirist Alexander Pope’s (1688–1744) The Dunciad (1728). His opera The World in the Moon (1697) has Chinese themes and was inspired by Bp. Francis Godwin’s (1562– 1633) mystical, utopian travelogue The Man in the Moone (posth. 1638). On Settle, Chang, D. (2015), ‘ “History and Truth”: The Conquest of China by the Tartars (1675)’. On Settle and Pope, below p. 117, 156f., 160f., 164f., 168. 48 Winstanley also designed the iconic Eddystone Lighthouse (off the SW coast of Britain). He died there in the ‘Great Storm’ of 1703 during construction. For other reactions to the Tartar conquest, cf. Poole, W. (2012), ‘Heterodoxy and Sinology’, in S. Mortimer and J. Robertson (eds), Intellectual Consequences of Religious Heterodoxy, 135–54. 49 On Yahweh as ‘Lord of the nations’, Gen. 10.32, Deut. 28.1f., Pss. 2.8, 22.27, 67.1f., Is. 2.1f., 14.26, Jer. 1.5, 18.6f., Zeph. 3.8, Zech. 14.9, Mal. 1.11, Mt. 28.18f. 50 Ricci painted a rose-tinted view of a united Europe in his apologetics. Cf. Zürcher, E. (2000), ‘China and the West: The Image of Europe and its Impact’, in S. Uhalley, Jr. and Wu, X. (eds), Christianity and China, 43–61. 44

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thinly veiled effort to screw money out of him51 – the work promoted the Jesuits’ Asian mission and expertise. Cultural imperatives drew them to China’s Confucian intelligentsia. Comparison of texts and terms was inevitable. Along the way, they coined ‘Confucianism’, with which their mission could be conveniently remembered. Edited by four Jesuits led by the Belgian Philippe Couplet, SJ (1623–93)52 – from Mechelen in the Spanish Netherlands – Confucius Sinarum Philosophus was intended to high-light an ‘inflated difference’ between Christian orthodoxy and Buddhist heterodoxy. Couplet was careful to bring with him an impressive young Mandarin convert, Michael Shen Fuzong/Fu-Tsung ⊸⾿ᇇ (1657–92), when he presented a copy to Louis XIV. Flemish Jesuit Pieter Thomas Van Hamme, SJ (1651–1727), who was present, records that the king had Shen ‘recite loudly in Chinese the Pater Noster, the Ave Maria, and the Credo’ (Heyndrickx 1990: 130) and gawped at his use of golden chopsticks. The book’s publication caused a stir across Europe. Catholic King James II (1633–1701) asked to see a copy when visiting Oxford in September 1687.

FIGURE 7: Michael Shen Fuzong/Fu-Tsung ⊸⾿ᇇ (1657–92) by Sir Godrey Kneller (1687). Couplet’s scheme worked. The following year Louis XIV sent six French Jesuits to China as royal mathematicians, to promote science, the French crown and the Christian gospel. 52 On Beethoven and Mechelen, p. 197f. Couplet, a pioneer in European sinology, became a Jesuit in 1640. He was drawn to China by hearing Martino Martini, SJ (1614–61); cf. p. 95, n. 25, 102, 110, 112f., 160. He sailed in 1656 and began churches in Jiangnan (on the lower Yangtze). He then returned to Europe in 1681 to secure papal permission for Chineselanguage liturgies and to persuade the king to send five more ‘mathematicians’ to the imperial Court. Like Trigault before him (Cf. p. 51, n. 11), in 1685 Couplet toured Europe, this time demonstrating missionary success in the form of Shen Fuzong. In addition to Confucius Sinarum Philosophus – which he co-edited with Prospero Intorcetta, SJ (1626–96), Christian Wolfgang Herdtrich, SJ (1625–84) and François de Rougemont, SJ (1624–76) – Couplet’s Tabula chronologica monarchiae sinicae (1686) sought a harmony between the Pentateuch and China’s imperial chronology. Delayed by an administrative row, he sailed for China in 1693, but died at sea off Goa. 51

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Bodleian librarian and orientalist Thomas Hyde (1636–1703) obliged him.53 According to Oxford antiquary Antony (à) Wood (1623–95), after this meeting with ‘the Jesuit convert’ (Shen; N.B. no Chinese Catholic had previously been in Britain) the King commissioned a portrait of ‘the little blinking fellow’ from Sir Godfrey Kneller (1646–1723), which he kept by his bedside (1894: III. 236).54 East-West exchange was kindled by China’s mystique, the intrigue of novelty, and an endless supply of combustible suspicion, faith and personalities. Misunderstanding stoked the fires of passion in rare moments of equanimity.

CONFUCIUS SINARUM PHILOSOPHUS AND THE BIRTH OF EUROPEAN SINOLOGY Confucius Sinarum Philosophus ‘marked a watershed in the history of European knowledge of, and access to, the Chinese philosophical tradition’ (Dew 2009: 205–33). It appeared soon in various versions and translations, including the free-flowing English abridgement, The Morals of Confucius: A Chinese Philosopher (1691). It dispersed ‘infinitely sublime, pure, sensible’ virtues of Confucius ‘drawn from the purest Fountains of Natural Reason’.55 The gauntlet of rationalism was thrown down. Adolf Reichwein claims: ‘1700 was . . . the year of transition in which the affections of the learned world were turned towards China’ ([1925] 2000: 78). In 1702, the Jesuits’ eclectic and influential Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, full of China titbits, began to appear. New information on China was starting to flood the market. In 1769, the doctor, historian, essayist and cartographer, Nicolas-Gabriel Clerc (1726–98) responded to this: ‘From this moment onwards, a clear conviction banished all uncertainty, and everyone was forced to admire a people as old as it was wise, and as pre-eminent in religion as in wisdom’ (Dauterman 1970: 385). Cultural tides began to run China-wards. Before Ricci arrived in Peking, Ruggieri56 had published the first book in Chinese by a European (1584). It was a simple Catechism, with a small section of the Great Learning in Latin. Compared to Ricci’s Tianzhu shiyi, and Confucius Sinarum Philosophus, Ruggieri’s work was short and thin. A decade later, Dominican Juan Cobo, OP (1546–92) translated a late 14th-century text on Chinese philosophy, Myong sim bo-gam (trad. ᰾ᗳሦ䪁, Mingxin baojian), into Spanish.57 Espejo Rico del Claro Coraz (Precious Mirror of the Clear Heart) was already well-known in the Philippines, when it was published in Madrid in 1595. The work – a compendium of (mostly) Daoist and Confucian aphorisms – was presented to the crown-prince, the future Philip III (1578–1621).58 Domingo de

On this, and Hyde’s contact with Shen, Poole, ‘Heterodoxy and Sinology’, 143f. N.B. the conversation between the King and Hyde is reported here. 55 Cf. The Morals of Confucius, 2nd edn ([1691] 1724), ‘Advertisement’. 56 Born in Spinazzola, Italy, Ruggieri gained a doctorate in civil and canon law before joining the Jesuits in 1572. Ordained in 1578, he and a dozen others were sent to Asia. He arrived in Macau (via India) in July 1579. A gifted linguist, Ruggieri played a major role in laying the foundation for European sinology, working with Ricci to produce a Chinese Catechism and Portuguese-Chinese dictionary (1583–88). He returned to Rome in 1588 in order to persuade the Pope to send an Embassy to the Chinese court, but became embroiled in controversy, dying in Salerno in 1607 without returning to China. 57 Some attribute the work to the Daoist scholar Fan Liben ㇴ・ᵜ (n.d.), an early Ming literateur from Wulin. On the text, Blussé, L. and H.T. Zurndorfer eds (1993), Conflict and accommodation in early modern East Asia, 174; Chan, A., SJ (2002), Chinese Books and Documents, I. 137, 180–3; Chan, H. [trans. L.T. Chan] (2003), ‘The First Translation of a Chinese Text into a Western Language’, in H. Chan and L. T. Chan (eds), One Into Many (2003), 67–82; Zhang, X. (2006), [䐏䲿࡙⪚ヷࡠѝ഻] Following the Steps of Matteo Ricci to China, trans. Ding, D. and Ye, J., 150. 58 On Cobo’s work, Chan, A., Chinese Books, I. 137f. 53 54

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Salazar, OP (1512–94), the first Bishop of Manila, commended it to King Philip II (1527–98) in a letter (24 June 1590). The book proved, Salazar said, the power of reason to access truth, and the text’s value to save lost Chinese souls. But it was Couplet and his team who provided Europe with its first substantial view of China’s distinctive social, moral and ritual philosophy.59 This was the authors’ intention – an accessible introduction to Confucianism in its pure, classical form.60 They knew – but were not keen to address – Neo-Confucianism. This came later.61 In addition to lists of Emperors and dates, Confucius Sinarum Philosophus contains a brief life, and book-framed portrait (from the Library of the Imperial Academy) of Confucius, together with an annotated Latin version of three of the Four Books (the Analects, Great Learning and Doctrine of the Mean). At the time, all were reckoned to have been written by Confucius. The uniqueness of Confucius Sinarum Philosophus led to its being translated and circulated widely.62 It helped inspire more than a century of ‘Sinophilia’. British and European views on government, morality, political economy, philosophy, religion, fashion, gardens, furniture, crockery and consumables (especially tea), would be affected by chinoiserie and rococo.63 Claiming commonality in Christian-Confucian social and moral teaching – contra Buddhist pagan ritual and Daoist mystical magic – Jesuit commentary developed its own panegyric for ‘the Master’ (cf. Rowbotham 1945: 224–42). In its classical form, Confucianism was said to espouse principles akin to the Old Testament law and ‘Ten Commandments’. Its adherents – particularly the literati the Jesuits knew and admired – were thoughtful, refined and morally righteous – albeit in Christianity truth challenged their rationalistic cosmology and atheistic philosophy (Brook and Blue 1999: 62). The ‘Preface’ to Confucius Sinarum Philosophus is always worth quoting for its tone and optimism: ‘One might say that the moral system of this philosopher is infinitely sublime, but that it is at the same time simple, sensible and drawn from the purest sources of natural reason . . . Never has Reason, deprived of Divine Revelation, appeared so well developed nor with so much power’ (q. Hobson 2004: 194).64 As we will see, Enlightenment rationalism found here a fruitful source of exotic justification. Many contributed to Europe’s nascent knowledge of China. In 1642 the Portuguese missionary Álvaro Semedo, SJ (1585–1658), published his Imperio de la China. The work built on that of Pereira, da Cruz, Escalante, Rada and Mendoza.65 A decade later, Martino Martini, SJ, produced De Bello Tartarico (1654), Novus Atlas Sinensis (1655), and Sinicae Historiae Decas Prima (1658), which Van Kley describes as, ‘the first systematic account of ancient Chinese history’ (1971: 359). In 1662, Prospero Intorcetta, SJ, introduced Confucius Sinarum Philosophus and published notes on the Four Books by Portuguese Vice-Provincial, Inácio da Costa, SJ (1603–66).66 Intorcetta was

Cf. Mungello, Curious Land, 257f., on the evolution and production of this volume. Cf. Mungello, 247–99; —(1983), ‘The First Complete Translation of the Four Books in the West’, 515–41; Meynard, T., SJ, ed. (2011), The Confucius Sinarum Philosophus: The First Translation of the Confucian Classics. 61 N.B. Lundbaek, K. (1983), ‘The Image of Neo-Confucianism in Confucius Sinarum Philosophus’. 62 Cf. the French version, La Morale de Confucius, Philosophe de la China, trans. J. de la Brune [some say Louis Cousin] (1688). In addition to the abridged version of 1691, further English edns. appeared (1718, 1729 and 1780). On this, Von Collani, C. (1990), ‘Couplet’s Missionary Attitude Towards the Chinese’, in J. Heyndrickx (ed.), Philip Couplet, 37–54. 63 The 1691 English version tried to harmonize Chinese chronology and the Septuagint. On E-W dates and dating, p. 110, 111f., 123, n. 170. 64 Cf. also, Hobson, J. M. (2006), ‘Revealing the cosmopolitan side of Oriental Europe: the eastern origins of European civilisation’, in G. Delanty (ed.), Europe and Asia, 107–19. 65 Cf. above p. 94, 104, 108. 66 Cf. Sapientia Sinica Ta-Hsu ¯eh (Great Learning), trans. Inácio da Costa (Jianjiangfu: Jiangsi Province, 1662). On early Jesuit apologetics and translations, Marinescu, J. M. N. (2008), ‘Defending Christianity in China’. 59 60

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trained by another Portuguese missionary, Gaspar Ferreira, SJ (1571–1649), author of a PortugueseChinese dictionary. Da Costa’s work formed part of what was effectively a ‘crash course’ in Chinese and the Classics the Jesuits introduced when facing personnel shortages in the early years of the China mission (Brockey 2007: 279; App 2012: 145f.). In 1667 Intorcetta published a larger version for his European audience, Sinarum scientia politico-moralis. These were followed by Gabriel de Magalhaes’, SJ (1610–77), Nouvelle Relation de la Chine (posth. 1688) and Kircher’s China Monumentis, qua sacris qua profanes (1667), better known as China Illustrata, a big book, written without his ever having visited China. Of all the works on China from the mid-17th century, those by the short-lived – and now highly regarded – Dutch philosophical geographer Bernhard Varen (1622–50), Descriptio regni Iaponiae (1649) and Geographia Generalis (1650), were justly deserving of attention. The earth was being comprehended and encompassed – and thereby unified – not just by maps and explorers, but by texts, translations and cross-fertilized ideas. Like Dryden’s ‘A Song for St. Cecilia’s Day’, Confucius Sinarum Philosophus speaks of ‘harmony’ as Heaven’s gift and humanity’s highest goal. ‘Harmony’ ઼䄗 (hexie) stands beside ren (humaneness) and li (ritual) in the Analects, and, as an ideal, in The Book of Odes, Book of History and Book of Changes.67 ‘Grand harmony’ ཚ઼ (taihe) – the coherence of everything in the Way – consummates all good.68 In this, Confucius Sinarum Philosophus introduced a new view of ‘harmony’ into the universe of European readers. It laid down in new ways ‘Reason’s’ challenge to Christian confidence in divine revelation and a biblical view of heaven and earth. As we will see in Chapter 4, 18thcentury Britain and Europe were culturally and intellectually predisposed to the perspective Confucianism would bring. A revolution in science, philosophy and cosmology had already begun, which Confucianism would expedite. Illuminati in Britain and Europe would be bedazzled by China’s ethics and education, its laws and governance, and a social philosophy that controlled a vast land mass and population.69 The Jesuit historian Jean-Baptiste Du Halde, SJ (1674–1743), editor of the Lettres édifiantes et curieuses (1711–43), and author of Description de la Chine (1735), called it ‘the most remarkable of all countries yet known’ ([1735] 1738: IV. 1).70 To some in the West, China’s allure was its antiquity and its novelty, to others, as we will see later, it demonstrated human prowess and achievement without reference to God – certainly not one who reigned in heaven and was incarnate in Jesus. If rose-coloured flavours distort taste and sweeten digestion, this is true of Britain and Europe in the 17th and 18th centuries. Western sinophilia and East-West interaction created what Chinese literary scholar Qian Zhongshu (1910–98) dubbed ‘striking connections’ (datong ᢃ䙊) (Egan 1998: 15–22).71 The world was shrinking and, with it, came growing awareness of local and international benefits of inter-cultural exchange. China had much

Cf. ઼ he (harmony) in A. 13.23, where the application is moral and personal. On the debate in contemporary Chinese political discourse about the legitimacy of calling he ‘Confucian’ (as in hexie shehui, ‘the harmonious society’), Ji, Z. (2015), ‘Secularization without Secularism’, in T. T. T. Ngo and J. B. Quijada (eds), Atheist Secularism and its Discontents, 92–111 (esp. 98f.). 68 On ‘harmony’ (hexie) in Confucianism, Li, C. (2014), The Confucian Philosophy of Harmony; and, on its application to music, theology and language in China, Ng, D. T. W. (2017), ‘The Sinicization of Sacred Music’, in Zheng, Y. (ed.), Sinicizing Christianity, 261–289 (esp. 284 n. 92, which cites Zheng, H. [1999], ‘A New Criterion of Translation: The Theory of Harmony’). 69 It is estimated China’s population at the time was c. 150m, France’s nearer 20m. 70 Du Halde’s famous Description de la Chine draws on various sources, incl. the Lettres édifiantes et curieuses. 71 N.B. repetition of this expression in Qian, Z. (2014), Patchwork: Seven Essays on Art and Literature. 67

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to give, the West much to both give and receive. But the present wasn’t gift-wrapped. It came inscribed in strange script and invisibly entangled with a filigree of multi-generational, cultural, intellectual, and ‘spiritual’, expectation and baggage.

BRITAIN, CHINA AND THE QUEST FOR ‘HARMONY’ To prepare for textual analysis of ‘heaven’ and ‘earth’ in the Analects and Gospels in the last section of this chapter, I want to focus on perception and reception of China and Confucian thought in 17th- and early 18th-century Britain. There is a wide range of material here. It is risky to condense. This is the context for Dryden’s ‘A Song for St. Cecilia’s Day, 1687’. As noted above, ‘harmony’ is a central feature of his poem. We return to Dryden later, for now, we turn to the world – and its perception of heaven and earth – that he inhabited. We registered earlier English versions of Marco Polo and Rustichello’s Book of the Marvels of the World (trans. Frampton, 1503), Euclid’s Elements (trans. Billingsley, 1570), da Cruz and Rada’s version of Pereira’s journeys (trans. Willis, 1577), Rada and Mendoza’s Historia de las cosas más notables (trans. Parke, 1588) and the parts of the Ricci-Trigault Journal in Hakluytus Posthumus (ed. and trans. Purchas, 1625). To these, we should now add a mixture of other literature that reflects an awakening British interest in China, and its Confucian culture and philosophy, as well as geographic, scientific and historical material that casts new light on a literal, biblical perspective on ‘heaven’ and ‘earth’. Though of greater interest to radicals and intellectuals, the (sometimes dreadfilled) mystique of the Orient had widespread appeal.72 To see nuance and significance in the ‘harmony’ of Dryden’s ‘A Song for St. Cecilia’s Day’, we must cast the net wide. Material falls into a number of categories. First, as glimpsed already, British minds were entranced by exploration of the scope, culture/s and history of the earth, and scientific re-categorizing of ‘heaven’ and the cosmos. To historians, China’s role in invigorating Western philosophy and science is as pivotal as Ricci and his colleagues’ contribution to China’s technical and scientific development. Dryden’s poem73 was directly contemporary with Confucius Sinarum Philosophus (1687) and provides an analogue to the competing claims of art, science, music, poetry, astrology, cosmology and theology in the 17th and 18th centuries. As if to symbolize this convergence, on 5 July of the same year Sir Isaac Newton (1642–1726/7) published his Philosophiae Naturalis Principia Mathematica. Newton’s groundbreaking work formulated ‘laws’ of universal gravitation and mechanics, and projected the speed of light. In Britain and Europe (as in China), reason read ‘laws of motion’ in humanity’s political, social, ethical and ‘natural life’. As the French physicist Alexis Clairaut (1713–65) wrote of Newton’s ‘famous’ work, it ‘marked an epoch in the great revolution in Physics’. And, he adds: ‘The method its illustrious author has used to show the cause of things, has shed the light of mathematics on a science hitherto in shadowy conjecture and hypothesis’ ([1745] 1749: 329). Later opinion concurs. As George E. Smith states: ‘No work was more seminal in the development of modern physics and astronomy than Newton’s Principia’ (2007: online). Though viewed today through Albert Einstein’s

On the symbolic – and actual – commercial, political and intellectual power of the London lawyer John Selden’s (1584– 1654) map of China (deposited in the Bodleian Library in 1659) to ‘translate’ China to London (and Oxford) and encapsulate Asia’s multi-faceted role in ‘a world of densely networked information’, Batchelor, R. K. (2014), London: The Selden Map. 73 In the Church calendar St. Cecilia’s Day is 22 November. 72

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(1879–1955) theory of gravity (in the ‘general theory of relativity’, 1916), ‘no work of science has drawn more attention from philosophers’ (ibid.). Newton’s theological opinions have been much debated. His sense of an ordering ‘higher power’, that provided stability and harmony to the cosmos and thence civic life, is clear.74 To Newton and others, there was no necessary mismatch of faith and science. Classical Confucianism appeared to reinforce this position. It is against this revolutionary background that the ‘modern’ mind of Dryden, and his intellectual peers, formulated their view of China and the world.75 Newton introduced a new chapter in the ‘history of science’. Heaven and earth, once (in-)credible elements in an all-powerful creator’s visible and invisible creation, become key components of a logically – and empirically – constrained universe. Once seen through a literalist reading of the Bible and an interventionist view of God as creator and redeemer, heaven and earth are now accountable to the dictates of reason and science. The origin and age of the world, its languages, tribes and cultures, are no longer reserved to faith and piety. Now philosophers, historians, scientists, political theorists, artists and radical theologians, can lay claim to them, and, to their view of God, God’s relation to the world, and Jesus’s life, death, miracles, mores and view of man.76 In this maelstrom of science, geography, history and religion, Confucian cosmology offered new options. Yongjin Zhang is absolutely right: Confucius becomes ‘patron saint of [the] eighteenth-century Enlightenment’ (2017: 209). We should note in passing that, like Ricci and Ruggieri, Newton was conscious of his indebtedness to others. Though he accepted the biblical account of a creator, who imparted beauty, order and integrity to the cosmos, he owed much to the Cambridge philosopher Henry More (1614–87). More’s rationalist view of life and the universe afforded him an invaluable perspective on the dualism of French philosopher René Descartes (1596–1650). However, in his early moderate Anglicanism and later ‘deistic’ sympathies, he was inclined to follow the mechanical philosophy of the chemist and physicist, Robert Boyle, FRS (1627–91). Boyle provided a basis to refute the reductionism of progressive pantheists, as well as the religious ‘enthusiasm’ and mysticism that were popular among his contemporaries.77 Newton gives mathematical form to the laws of elliptical planetary motion in a heliocentric universe, that the German astronomer, mathematician and astrologer, Johannes Kepler (1571–1630), had framed empirically in his Astronomia nova (1609) and Epitome Astronomiae Copernicanae (1617–21). Kepler’s ‘celestial physics’ drew on the philosophy of Aristotle’s De Coelo et Mundi (On Heaven and Earth, c. 350 BCE), the new observations of Tycho Brahe (1546–1601), a Danish astronomer-aristocrat, and the calibration of projectiles in Italian polymath Galileo Galilei’s (1564–1642) study Dialogo sopra i due massimi sistemi del mondo (1632, Dialogue Concerning Two Chief World Systems), which once-friendly

74 On the relation between Newton’s theology, science and politics, Jacob, M. C. (1976), The Newtonians and the English Revolution: 1689–1720. 75 On the importance of sinology to the nascent Royal Society in Britain, Poole, W. (2012), ‘Heterodoxy and Sinology’, in S. Mortimer and J. Robertson (eds), The Intellectual Consequences of Religious Heterodoxy, 1600–1750, 135–54 (esp. 143). 76 Cf. Blue, G. (1999), ‘China and Western social thought in the modern period’, in T. Brook and G. Blue (eds), China and Historical Capitalism, 57–109 (esp. 62f.). 77 On Newton’s views on science and faith, Christianson, G. E. (1996), Isaac Newton and the Scientific Revolution; Force, J. E. and R. H. Popkin, eds (1999), Newton and Religion; Pfizenmaier, T. C. (1997), ‘Was Isaac Newton an Arian?’; Thayer, H. S. ed. (2005), Newton’s Philosophy of Nature; Webb, R. K. (1996), ‘The emergence of Rational Dissent’, in K. Haakonssen (ed.), Enlightenment and Religion, 12–41; Westfall, R. S. ([1964] 1973), Science and Religion in Seventeenth-Century England; —(1983), Never at Rest: A Biography of Isaac Newton; —(2015), The Life of Isaac Newton.

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Jesuits now saw as a slur on Pope Urban VIII (1568–1644). Though Newton’s Optiks (1704), work on colour, and development of the reflecting telescope, are unique, it is acknowledged now that he and the German polymath, Gottfried Wilhelm (von) Leibniz (1646–1716),78 must share the credit for independent work on ‘Calculus’. Following Hooke, Newton’s ‘Mechanics’ was a powerful British antidote to the work of the ‘father of Western philosophy’, René Descartes. Newton also owed much to the philosopher, scientist and statesman, Francis Bacon (1561– 1624),79 whose study of scientific, empirical method, Novum Organum Scientiarum (1620, 1645)80 links new logic with devout reason (contra dull superstition). If Principia gave scientific depth to temporal reality, Bacon added breadth to cultural perception. His three-volume Essays (1597, 1612, 1625) repositioned language and knowledge, with The Advancement and Proficience of Learning, Divine and Human (1605)81 identifying the language and characters of Chinese as perfect, primeval, conveyors of ‘Things or Notions’. New Atlantis (1627), on the other hand (now an icon of political science), imagined a Utopia. Interaction between Boyle and the Mandarin convert82 Michael Shen Fuzong on Chinese and science serves to confirm the breadth of academic interest in China at the time. Though some members of the Royal Society – i.e. Francis Lodwick (1619–94), John Wilkins (1614–72) and Isaac Vossius (1618–89)83 – viewed China’s culture, science, language, history, medicine, morality and philosophy with doe-eyed delight, others were more doubtful, dismissing them dispassionately as intellectually humdrum or exotically ‘fantastic’.84 Truth, faith, language and government are interrelated in this new Newtonian and Baconian world.85 Confucius, China, and Chinese language, become dialogue-partners on almost all things heavenly and earthly. The Copernican Bishop, Francis Godwin (1562–1633), thus ends his mythic journey, The Man in the Moone (1638) in the land of perfect communication, China.86 In contrast to the confidence the Dutch ‘Golden Age’ artist, Frans Hals (1582–1666) gave (purportedly)87 to Descartes’s face, Sir Godfrey Kneller’s portrait of Newton – painted two years Though a ‘rationalist’, Leibniz was ridiculed by his peers – especially Descartes, Voltaire and Baruch Spinoza (1632–77) – for believing the universe to be the best reality God could create. On Newton’s friend and disciple, Samuel Clarke’s (1675– 1729) correspondence with Leibniz about divine intervention, Alexander, H. G. ed. (1956), The Leibniz-Clarke correspondence. Cf. on Descartes, p. 140f.; Voltaire, p. 149f.; and, Spinoza, p. 122f, 138, n. 28, 138, 141f. 79 On Bacon, Cantor, N. F. and P. L. Klein (1969), Seventeenth-Century Rationalism. 80 The work was published in 2 parts (in England and Holland) in 1620, 1645 and 1676. 81 Published in London in 1605, the work inspired the taxonomy of French Encyclopédistes (cf. p. 133, 138, n. 28, 149f., 151f., 222f.). 82 Boyle gave the Bodleian Library a Chinese Almanac in 1671. While in Oxford, Shen catalogued the Library’s Chinese holdings. On Bacon and Shen, Poole, ‘Heterodoxy and Sinology’, 143f. 83 Cf. Poole, W. (2017), John Wilkins (1614–1672). Wilkins famously included a Chinese version of the Lord’s Prayer in his Essay towards a Real Character, and a Philosophical Language (1668). Cf. also Isaac Vossius’s De artibus & scientiis Sinarum, in Variarum Observationum Liber (1685), where Chinese inventions and discoveries are lauded without reserve. Vossius was also drawn to Chinese medicine (esp. acupuncture); cf. Lu, G-D. and J. Needham, eds ([1980] 2002 repr.), Celestial Lancets, 286. On interest in Chinese script, Kern, R. (1996), Orientalism, Modernism, and the American Poem, 12f. 84 On Lodwick’s (self-aware) heterodoxy, Poole, W. (2004a), ‘A Rare Early-Modern Utopia: Francis Lodwick’s A Country Not Named (c. 1675)’; —(2005), ‘The Genesis Narrative in the Circle of Robert Hooke and Francis Lodwick’, in A. Hessayon and N. Keene (eds), Scripture and Scholarship in Early Modern England, 41–57; —(2005b), ‘Francis Lodwick’s Creation: Theology and Natural Philosophy in the Early Royal Society’. 85 On the Chinese dimension to this, Mungello, Curious Land, 183f.; also, Almond, P. C. (1999), Adam and Eve in Seventeenth-Century Thought. 86 Cf. on the date of this work (perhaps as early as 1620), Butler, J. A. ed. (1995), The Man in the Moon, 14f. The work appears to have influenced Wilkins’s, The discovery of a world in the Moone (1638). On Wilkins, p. 109f. 87 On Hals’s portrait and an exposition of Descartes’s thought, Nadler, S. (2013), The Philosopher, the Priest and the Painter. 78

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after Confucius Sinarum Philosophus – depicts him with wild hair and a distracted expression. The painting captures, perhaps, the ambivalence of many in Britain to this new revolution; albeit, now in science and discovery, and not, as recently, in religion and politics. But, light from this era still shines. Few would doubt we read the Analects and Gospels in China and the West in light of the ground-breaking (and earth-shrinking) labours of Bacon, Newton and their contemporaries. The ‘Scientific Revolution’ and the history of science – like cultural ‘Classics’88 – still unite, and inspire, our ‘One (now, post-Modern) World’. The timing and content of Dryden’s poem ‘A Song for St. Cecilia’s Day’ underline the social foment of his age. He wrote in a society experiencing dramatic political, scientific and religious disruption. This is the second theme to register. A year after Dryden’s poem, Newton’s Principia, and Confucius Sinarum Philosophus appeared, the so-called ‘Glorious Revolution’ (1688) in Britain saw Catholic King James II (1633–1701; r. 1685–88) ousted, and a dual monarchy – his Protestant daughter, Mary (1662–94), and her Dutch husband (and cousin), the stadtholder, William of Orange (1650–1702) – established. Nine bishops and 400 ‘Nonjuring’ clergy refused to rescind their ordination oath to James II. The schism lasted to their deaths. Groups of ‘dissenting’ Protestants (viz. Puritans, Levellers and Quakers), who had broken away from the Church of England before, or during, the mid-17th-century ‘English Revolution’, were accorded new freedoms by a royal ‘Act of Toleration’ (1688). For three years prior to this, Britain saw another influx of Huguenots, fleeing the repressive ‘Edict of Fontainebleau’ (1685).89 Dryden’s earth was far from harmonious. Church, society, and – it must have appeared to some – science, were at odds. This may explain ‘harmony’s’ prominence in his poem to St. Cecilia. It may also suggest why many at the time were so keen to find new models for government, society and the universe. If the biblical heirs of Protestant Puritanism in Britain shared the dream of a trans-Atlantic Utopia, an eclectic company trailed after the free-thinking ‘Cambridge Platonists’.90 They, too, found inspiration in Confucius and the Orient. They quarried new textual mines for new ideas on government and society, God and harmony. China fed progressive minds. But we also find intriguing popular undercurrents and powerful counter-narratives. Not all accounts of China are positive. To Puritan and puritanical minds China held dark mysteries. The republican poet, John Milton’s (1608–74), mythical masterpiece Paradise Lost (1664, 1667) describes Satan, ‘the Fiend’, returning to earth via the ‘barren Plaines’ of ‘Sericana’ (i.e. China’s Goby Desert): where Chineses drive With Sails and Wind thir canie Waggons light: So on this windie Sea of Land, the Fiend

88 On the idea and importance of cultural ‘Classics’, p. 6, 35, 69, 107, 119, 147, 183, 209, 225f., 281, 283, 286, 294, 329f., 332, n. 327, 358, 425, n. 99, 430, 443. 89 It’s calculated this reduced French Protestants from c. 800,000 to c. 1500. 90 ‘Cambridge Platonism’ is a 19th century description of mid-17th century theologians and philosophers, who elevated reason (‘the candle of the Lord’) over revelation. Rejecting Puritan ‘anti-rationalism’ and the dichotomous materialism of the political philosopher Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679), the broad-minded Cambridge Platonists anticipated the 18thcentury Latitudinarian ‘Deists’ (cf. p. 114f., 126). Some of the Cambridge Platonists were fascinated with China, esp. Benjamin Whichcote (1609–83), Henry More (1614–87), Ralph Cudworth (1617–88), Nathaniel Culverwell (1619–51), Anne, Viscountess Conway (1631–79), Joseph Glanvill (1636–80), Damaris Cudworth Masham (1659–1708) and John Norris (1657–1711). Cf. Patrides, C. A. (1980), The Cambridge Platonists.

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Walk’d up and down alone bent on his prey, Alone, for other Creature in this place. Living or liveless to be found was none. —1667: Bk. 3, I. 438–4391 In addition to tales from Marco Polo, Pereira, da Cruz, Rada and Mendoza, British interests – already piqued by the Elizabethan explorations of Sir Francis Drake (c. 1540–96) and Sir Walter Raleigh (1552–1618) – were drawn to information from the Dutch traveller Johann Nieuhof (1618–72), whose trip to China from 1655 to 1657 was reported in An Embassy from the EastIndia Company of the United Provinces, to the Grand Tartar Cham, Emperour of China (trans. John Ogilby, 1659).92 The work drew on the Ricci-Trigault Journal and praised the ‘morall Philosophie’ of Confucius. Nieuhof saw China as a land ‘administered by the Order of the Learned’, while Confucianism ‘taught Rules Oeconomical and Political, as well as the way to Live well and Govern well’ (Nieuhof: 163). If Newton’s work re-framed thinking on heaven, Nieuhof opened new vistas on the nature and government of earth. An early advocate of Confucianism in Britain was Sir William Temple (1628–99),93 British Ambassador to The Hague (1668–71) during the tumultuous ‘Restoration’ monarchy of Charles II (1630–85; r. 1660–85). Temple cites Nieuhof. He also praises Confucianism’s morality and its pragmatic approach to government. He lauds the mental courage, cultural respect and accurate annals of the Jesuit missionaries. He publishes a work on the beautiful – that is, moral and harmonious – asymmetry (Japanese sharawadgi) of Chinese gardens.94 His essay ‘On Heroic Virtue’ ([1690] 1814: 313–405) heralded the publication of Confucius Sinarum Philosophus and its account of Confucius as a learned sage (more than as a religious leader). To Temple, Confucianism offered an unsullied, practical, social philosophy, not the sordid form of priest-craft or useless metaphysics he knew all too well. Confucius would provide a powerful response to Puritan petulance and vapid Caroline flamboyance.95 British illuminati saw in him a respectably ancient, but relevantly modern, worldly wisdom.96 As van Gogh and Impressionism believed, there broke a new, hope-filled dawn from the East.

The fact Milton was aware Chinese used wind-blown craft to cross the Gobi Desert is a reminder not everything learned about China was new. On Milton, China and early modern globalization, Lu, M. (2016), The Chinese Impact Upon English Renaissance Literature, esp. 103–40. See further on Milton, p. 155f. 92 N.B. the full title: An Embassy from the East-India Company of the United Provinces, to the Grand Tartar Cham, emperor of China: delivered by their excellencies Peter de Goyer and Jacob de Keyzer, at his imperial city of Peking wherein the cities, towns, villages, ports, rivers, &c. in their passages from Canton to Peking are ingeniously described by John Nieuhoff; Englished and set forth with their several sculptures by John Ogilby. On Nieuhof, Sun, J. (2013), ‘The Illusion of Verisimilitude: Johan Nieuhof ’s Images of China’. 93 Cf. Bp. Gilbert Burnet’s (1643–1715) illuminating comment, ‘He [Temple] was a great admirer of the sect of Confucius in China, who were atheists themselves, but left religion to the rabble’ ([1683] 1833: I. 62). Cf. also, Fan, C. (1998), ‘The Beginnings of the Influence of Chinese Culture in England’, in A. Hsia (ed.), The Vision of China, 69–86; Woodbridge, H. E. (1940), Sir William Temple; Courtenay, T. P. ed. (1836), The Life, Works and Correspondence of Sir William Temple, Bt. (review in Fraser’s Magazine XV [1837], 400f.). 94 Cf. Temple, Sir W., Bt. (1690a), ‘Upon the Garden of Epicurus; or, Of Gardening, in the Year 1685’, in Miscellanea: By a Person of Honour. On sharawadgi, p. 161f., 199, 207. 95 On the socio-political context of Temple’s advocacy of Confucianism, Jenkinson, M. (2010), Culture and Politics at the Court of Charles II, 228f. 96 On Temple, Chinese patriarchy and Confucius, Batchelor, London, 218f. 91

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Fifty years ahead of continental philosophes, Temple was ‘the first English political writer to hold up the Chinese system of government as a model’ (Woodbridge 1940: 276). Confucius’s influence extends beyond Britain. It is evident in the popular polemic of another political refugee (from Ireland), Temple’s former devotee and employee, the harsh, clerical satirist, Jonathan Swift (1667– 1745). Swift’s allegory Gulliver’s Travels ([1726] 1735)97 reiterates Temple’s praise of China’s (Lilliput-style) ‘native genius’ for virtue and learning. ‘[T]he two hinges of all government, reward and punishment’ are, he says, ‘nowhere turned with greater care, nor exercised with more bounty or severity’ (ibid., 120f.). Swift and Temple united in admiration of Confucius’s use of reason and ‘design of reclaiming men from the useless and endless speculations of nature, to those of morality’ (ibid., 46).98 As Temple stated: ‘[N]o people can be happy but under good governments, and no governments happy but over good men’ (ibid., 114). To those in Britain fearful of regicide and/or religious extremism, Confucius offered a fair, balanced path to political harmony and public morality. Biblical and political conservatives rejected this as subversive idealism and mythic fantasy.99 The philologist William Wotton (1666–1727) derided Confucius Sinarum Philosophus and denounced Temple’s 1690 panegyric on the wisdom of the ‘ancients’ (ibid., 21–4, 164–96) as, ‘an incoherent Rhapsody of moral Sayings’ (1694: 144f.).100 Confucius’s moral ‘mean’ and vision of cosmic ‘harmony’ did not satisfy everyone’s socio-political aspirations or perceived sense of need. But taste and needs would change. Nascent British sinology is evident, thirdly, in the acquisition and edition of Chinese texts. The London-based Dutch merchant and linguist, Francis Lodwick, who (despite little formal education) became a Fellow of the Royal Society in 1679, had Chinese texts from the 1650s. Another, rather obscure Fellow of the Royal Society was Nathaniel Vincent (d. 1722), a Chaplain to Charles II, who recounts Lodwick showing his Chinese materials to his friends Robert Hooke and John Wilkins. It seems they thought of translating Confucius. To Hooke and Wilkins’s dismay, Lodwick’s texts were burned in the ‘Great Fire’ of London (1667). In 1674, Vincent published a sermon mentioning Confucius, and, in 1685, produced (prob.) the first translation of the Great Learning in English (Jenkinson 2006: 35–47). Two years prior to the publication of Confucius Sinarum Philosophus, Hooke lectured on the Chinese abacus, and, a year before, began to study ‘Chinese Characters’. For historical, philosophical and linguistic reasons, he disputed Couplet’s opinion that Chinese had remained unchanged in form and pronunciation (Mortimer and Robertson 2012: 151f.).101 Another London-based, Dutch merchant (with broad, literary interests) was the flamboyant lawyer James Boevey (1622–96), ‘Mr Positive’.102 The bibliophile Boevey had a stack of papers on philosophy and a (now lost) ‘Life of Cum-fu-zu’, which he and Lodwick’s friend, the antiquarian, natural

The provocative, politically alert, contemporary dramatist, John Gay (1685–1732) wrote of Gulliver’s Travels in a letter to Swift (1726): ‘It is universally read, from the cabinet council to the nursery’ (q. Fox 1995: 21). 98 Swift also supports this principle in his The Battle of the Books (1704). Temple was criticized for implying ‘the moderns were not superior to the ancients’ (Marburg 1932: 26). 99 Cf. Stone, D. (2011), ‘Swift, Temple, Defoe, and the Jesuits’. 100 Cf. Mortimer and Robertson, Intellectual Consequences of Religious Heterodoxy, 144f. 101 N.B. Aristotelian historical method here and its consistency with Hooke’s respect for (and disagreement with) his mentor Wilkins. On Chinese as the ‘primitive language’, p. 110f. 102 This is the diarist Samuel Pepys’s (1633–1703) delightful (if harsh!) summary of the loquacious Boevey after dining with him (Latham and Matthews 1971: 206). The Pepys Library at Magdalene College, Cambridge, has a copy of a text by Confucius (# 2452). 97

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philosopher and biographer, John Aubrey (1626–97), hoped the Royal Society Library would house.103 They were, it seems, disappointed, but British sinology would still flourish.104 As we have begun to see, nascent British sinophilia incorporated an eclectic range of interests in China’s language, philosophy, history and culture: three impact our theme here. First, China and Chinese offered new options to those fascinated by the complex historical, philological and, for many, theological and biblical issue of a ‘perfect’ world and language. As we saw, Godwin’s influential work The Man in the Moone (1638) ends in China, where he believed communication to be perfect.105 Godwin is behind Wilkins’s The discovery of a world in the Moone (1638), the French dramatist Cyrano de Bergerac’s (1619–55) paradisal study L’Autre Monde: ou les États et Empires de la Lune (1657 posth., The comical history of the states and empires of the Moon) and Swift’s Gulliver’s Travels (1726). The opening of China aroused interest in the mystic, astral conjunction of harmony, heaven, music, truth and language. Cyrano’s work is set in heaven: there Adamic language is a musically perfect form of harmony. Like Dryden in ‘A Song to St. Cecilia’s Day’, Cyrano sees music as a model for harmony in, and between, heaven and earth. Ideas have the power to fuse cultural horizons. The 17th-century quest for the original or ‘perfect’ language106 can be traced from the unitive gift of speech at Pentecost (Acts 2.1–41), through classical scholastic interpretation of language, faith and reason in Thomas Aquinas (1225–74) and the poet Dante Alighieri’s (c. 1261–1321) defence of vernacular in Il Convivio (ca 1304–7), which Renaissance humanism and Protestant Reformers adopted to justify use of simple speech and notation. Disagreement persisted. Many (pace Dante) viewed classical, academic, ecclesiastical Latin as the perfect language, full of noble stability, virtuous form, intellectual capacity, grammatical proportion and thence inner ‘harmony’. Debate intensified. The quest for an aboriginal lingua natura that Adam spoke, and Babel lost (Gen 11.1–9), found inspiration from cultural exploration and linguistic analysis (Perriah 2014: 19f.).107 In a newly discovered – let alone redated – world, Chinese could contend historically and philologically as the aboriginal language.108 103 The oriental interest and impact of the ‘Hooke Circle’ was considerable. In addition to merchant-linguist Lodwick and antiquary Aubrey, Hooke’s conversation-partners included Administrator of the Royal Society Abraham Hill (1633–72), astronomer Edmond Halley (1656–1742), bookseller John Houghton (1645–1705), and translators (and brothers-in-law) Alexander Pitfield (1659–1728) and Richard Waller (c. 1660–1715). Hooke’s diaries show him reading Confucius Sinarum Philosophus on 17 December 1689. The account of the French Jesuit Guy Tachard’s, SJ (1651–1712), two voyages to Siam (on behalf of Louis XIV) in 1685 and 1687, his compatriot Simon de la Loubère’s (1642–1729) report of his Embassy to China (1687), Hooke and Lodwick’s translation of first Russian Ambassador Fyodor Baikov’s (c. 1612–c. 1663) Embassy to China (1656), and Martini’s Sinicae Historia Decas Prima (1658), all enhanced the ‘Hooke Circle’s’ desire to re-examine biblical universality and to consider the disruptive implications of Chinese chronology for traditional views of the antiquity, authority, priority and historicity of Genesis. Cf. further p. 100, n. 52, 102, n. 63, 111f., 123, n. 170, 137, 156, n. 138, 222. 104 On the part played by the Royal Society in the development of porcelain, p. 105f., 109f., 130. 105 On the work’s date (?1620), Butler, J. A. ed. (1995), The Man in the Moon, 14f. 106 The Majorcan philosopher, and 3rd Order Franciscan, Raymond Lull (c. 1232–1315), first conceived of a ‘perfect language’ (alongside other early work on computation) in his lively presentations on the ‘art’ of finding (Christian) truth (in the face of the Moorish Saracens), Art Abreujada d’Atrobar Veritat (1290, The abbreviated art of finding truth) and later in Ars generalis ultima or Ars magna (1305, The ultimate general art). On the issue of a ‘perfect language’, Eco, U. ([1993] 1995), The Search for the Perfect language; Perreiah, A. R. (2014), Renaissance Truths. 107 On Confucianism’s broad appeal to a range of political opinions in England, Wee, C. J. W. (2003), Culture, Empire, and the Question of Being Modern, 214. 108 N.B. in 1659, a year after Martini’s Decas sinicae historiae, Vossius claimed China’s historiography was better than the Bible, and the Noahic flood not universal. Vossius was influenced by Isaac La Peyrère’s (1596–1676) 1655 claim that the Chinese were a pre-Adamite race. On this debate, Guy, B. (1963), The French image of China before and after Voltaire, 109–12; Morrow, J. L. (2016), Three Skeptics and the Bible: La Peyrère, Hobbes, Spinoza; Popkin, R. H. ed. (1987), Isaac La Peyrère; Sæbø, M. ed. (2008), Hebrew Bible/Old Testament: The History of Its Interpretation, II. 817–23.

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Following Godwin, Wilkins proposed an original, universal language in his essay, ‘Mercury: or, The Secret and Swift Messenger’ (1641). He modified this in An Essay towards a Real Character and a Philosophical Language (1668). His first essay claimed Chinese to be the ideal, celestial, non-verbal language, stating, almost twenty years before Dryden’s ‘A Song to St. Cecilia’s Day’: ‘The utterance of these Musicall tunes, may well serve for the universall language, and the writing of them for the universal Character. As all Nations do agree in the same conceit of things, so likewise in the same conceit of Harmonies’ (Wilkins 1641: 144). Wilkins was not alone in seeing Chinese as a form of symbolic communication, like music.109 His sometime colleague, Scottish philosopher George Dalgarno (c. 1626–87), went a stage further in a series of practical, philosophical studies on the relation between words, ‘signs’, ‘representation’,110 and communication, creating a sign-language for the deaf. In both, we see the spirit of Baconian empiricism: ‘If a man will begin with certainties, he shall end in doubts; but if he will be content to begin with doubts, he shall end in certainties’ (2008: 38). ‘Harmony’ was of interest, then, to British writers for a variety of reasons, with new doubt-filled reason more congenial to many than the old shibboleths of religious certainty. The claim for Chinese as the perfect, primeval language is most fully developed at the time by John Webb (1611–72), a layman from Butleigh, Somerset. Webb’s monograph, An historical essay endeavouring a probability that the language of the Empire of China is the Primitive Language (1669),111 siphons fascination provoked by maps of newly discovered countries, reports of civilizations with ancient chronologies (Chaldean, Phoenician, Egyptian, West and East Indian, American and Chinese), and a growing readiness to doubt, or defend, the data and dating of the Bible. This is our second theme. In 1650, the royalist Archbishop of Armagh and Primate of All Ireland, James Ussher (1581–1656), when exiled in England, published his now infamous112 Annales Veteris Testamenti, e prima mundi origine deducti (Annals of the Old Testament, deduced from the first origins of the world), and a supplement, Annalium pars posterior in 1654.113 Dating the world from the Bible was a respectable topic. John Lightfoot (1602–75), a Hebrew scholar and ViceChancellor of Cambridge University, had published a similar work (1642–44). Ussher, using the (Latin) Vulgate, dated the world to the night before Sunday, 23 October 4004 BCE (Julian calendar). Lightfoot proposed the autumnal equinox 3929 BCE. Before we dismiss this as bizarre, it is well to remember that Bede argued for 3952, Kepler for 3992 and Newton for c. 4000 BCE. Thoughtful Bible readers – fed on new Renaissance historiography – now found the historicity of Genesis 1 and 2 to be of theological, historical and scientific interest. Ussher did not write to defend, but to celebrate God’s creation in Genesis.114 To those, like him, predisposed to date the Old Testament,

This did not transfer into comparable enthusiasm for Chinese music, which some British contemporaries saw as a sign of China’s cultural decay! 110 Dalgarno’s Ars Signorum (1661, Art of Signs) and The Deaf and Dumb Man’s Tutor (1680) took issue with Hobbes and Descartes. On this, Maat, J. (2004), Philosophical Languages in the Seventeenth Century, 66f.; also, Cram, D. and J. Maat, eds (2001), George Dalgarno on Universal Language. 111 On Webb, Mungello, Curious Land, 178f.; also, Chen, S. (1998), ‘John Webb’, in Hsia (ed.), Vision of China, 87–116. 112 The cynical American palaeontologist Stephen Jay Gould (1941–2002) echoes ridicule of Ussher’s work as ‘a symbol of ancient and benighted authoritarianism’. 113 On Ussher and Lightfoot, Barr, J. (1984–5), ‘Why the World Was Created in 4004 BC: Archbishop Ussher and Biblical Chronology’; Brice, W. R. (1982), ‘Bishop Ussher, John Lightfoot and the Age of Creation’. 114 In 1675 the London bookseller Thomas Guy began printing Bibles with Ussher’s dates in the margin. By 1701, the Church of England included them in official editions of the Bible: this continued for two centuries. Arguably, neither party benefitted from this association! 109

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the flood Noah faced (Genesis 6–9) in 2349 BCE – precipitated by God’s anger at human sin – was universal. China was also submerged.115 This had massive cultural and chronological implications (see below p. 113). To his critics, Ussher exemplifies biblical naivety, a ‘young creationist’ theology, and the clash of (new) science with (old) orthodoxy. Significantly, new Chinese historiography also challenged old biblical dates. As Van Kley writes: ‘[T]he most serious challenge to the traditional scheme of world history and the factor most instrumental in changing that scheme was the “discovery” of ancient Chinese history in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries’ (1971: 362). If the earth of the Bible was shaken by science, China disrupted Creation’s date and Noah’s flood.116 In the mid-17th century, the traditional, biblical view of Adam as proto-man, Eden as the origin of language, and the universality of the flood, began to be seriously questioned. French millenarian theologian Isaac La Peyrère (1596–1676) claimed, in his controversial treatise Praeadamitae (1655), Adam was not the first man, other ancient languages existed, and there was at first ‘a general Harmony of those new-found nations’ (1656: 167).117 Other scholars looked at use of pictograms and ideograms in ancient languages, including Chinese. One is the author of De Re Literaria Sinensum (1660), Theophilus Spizelius (1639–91), a Lutheran minister from Augsburg, who claimed China had the oldest letters, indeed, had invented them per ipsum. Spizelius, using the (anon.) Artificia Hominum, Admiranda Naturae in Sina et Europa (1655: NB. by Adam Preyel, fl. 1655), held that Chronologia Sinae contradicted European and biblical chronology – albeit, Preyel also claimed the flood occurred in the reign of ‘the seventh Chinese emperor’ and was preceded by a visit by Noah to China to improve China’s culture and morals. Cornelius is right: ‘The 1650s, 1660s and 1670s were highwater years for speculations about the Chinese language’ (1965: 68).118 Webb introduced unwelcome ideas from China and Europe. Conflict began to bubble up. Perversity adds to the tension. In 1677, the weighty jurist Sir Matthew Hale (1609–76) called Webb’s claim – put forward in his posthumous The Primitive Origination of Mankind – ‘a novel conceit’ (1677: 163). The essay was republished (essentially unchanged) in 1678 as The Antiquity of China. Hitherto, the Bible was read to imply Hebrew (via the Canaanites) was the first language. As Hale saw, this presupposed the ‘hard’ truth that ‘the Holy and supposed Primitive Language should be preserved only in the Posterity of accursed Canaan’ (ibid.). Debate intensified. Webb had used the Ricci-Trigault Journal (from Purchas’s Pilgrims), Semedo, Martini and Kircher. Using Martini’s reference to a flood during the reign of the Zhou King, Yao, he argued for the primary primitivity of Chinese. To Webb, this proved the biblical flood was universal, but that, after it, Noah’s son Shem had travelled East (via India) to China. Webb’s theory contradicted Kircher, who argued in China Illustrata (1667) that

The fact that – using the same method of calculation – the Greek OT (Septuagint) dated creation to 5200 BCE, and the flood to 2957 BCE, led Jesuits to prefer the Septuagint, which dated the flood to five years after the beginning of China’s history (projected by Martini to be in 2952 BCE). Cf. Garber, D. and M. Ayers eds (2003), Cambridge History of Seventeenthcentury Philosophy, I. 91f. 116 On ‘various [mid-17th-century] attempts to reconcile Chinese antiquity with scriptural antiquity’, Lu, M. (2016), The Chinese Impact, 122f. 117 La Peyrère’s work was translated into English in 1656 as, Men Before Adam OR A Discourse upon the Twelfth, Thirteenth and Fourteenth Verses of the First Chapter of the Apostle Paul to the Romans. By which are proved that the First Men were Created before Adam. Hobbes’s Leviathan (1651) and Spinoza’s Tractatus Theologico-Politicus (1670, ET 1689) accepted La Peyrère’s rejection of a Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch. On Hobbes, p. 107, 111, 142, 148, n. 90, 156, 159f., 216, 222. On Spinoza, p. 106, n. 78. 118 Cf. also generally, Luca, D. (2016), The Chinese Language in European Texts; Salmon, V. ([1979] 1988), The Study of Language in 17th-Century England. 115

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China was peopled by descendants of Noah’s son, Ham. Drawing on Semedo, Martini, the historical geography of Raleigh’s History of the World (1614), the polemical ecclesiastic Peter Heylin’s (1599–1662) Cosmographia (1652) and Vossius’s Dissertatio de Vera Aetate Mundi (1659), Webb dated Chinese to c. 3000 BCE; in other words, to before the flood, not pace Kircher, to 300 years after it. China’s ancient language became an issue of intense Western biblical interest.119 Faith was on the line . . . and ‘the Orient’ was to blame. Daggers were drawn. China is, thirdly, directly and indirectly adduced in more esoteric and artistic works. This is the milieu in which Dryden’s ‘A Song for St. Cecilia’s Day’ was composed. Though a man of his age, Dryden does not draw explicitly on Confucius in his poem. His inspiration is the Bible, with hints of new science. Cecilia, the 2nd- or early 3rd-century musical muse, who ‘sang in her heart to the Lord’ at her marriage to a pagan (and was martyred for it), sits at the head and foot of the poem’s opening stanza, surrounded by Genesis and Pythagoras, and the socio-philosophical, scientific, musical theme, harmonia mundi (world harmony). From harmony, from heavenly harmony, This universal frame began: From harmony to harmony Through all the compass of the notes it ran, The diapason closing full in Man. Dryden unites here a contemporary view of the cosmos, as coherent with poetry and music. The roots of this run deep. In 1525, the ‘idiosyncratic’ Italian Franciscan friar, Francesco Giorgi Veneto (1466–1540) published De harmonia mundi totius. He used Plato’s Timaeus, with its Pythagorean numerology and ‘harmony’ of ‘soul’ and cosmos, to inspire a dark form of Christian ‘Cabalism’ popular in Elizabethan England.120 Scholars see Veneto behind poet-playwright William Shakespeare’s (1564–1616) The Merchant of Venice (1596–9; 1st perf., 1605), the alchemy of the much-travelled doctor to King Charles I (1600–49; r. 1625–49), Arthur Dee (1579–1651), and his melancholic friend, polymath Sir Thomas Browne (1605–82), who shared Dee’s copy(!). Dryden has more for us. His poem fuses a confident post-Renaissance humanism with a traditional, biblical cosmology and eschatology. It climaxes apocalyptically with music’s ultimate demise, presaging the world’s end: So when the last and dreadful hour This crumbling pageant shall devour, The trumpet shall be heard on high, The dead shall live, the living die, And Music shall untune the sky! An exasperated Charles II is quoted as saying of Vossius: ‘He believes everything except what is in the Bible!’ N.B. on 17th- and early 18th-century biblical scholarship, and radical theology and politics, Hill, C. (1993), The English Bible and the Seventeenth Century Revolution; Killeen, K. (2009), Biblical Scholarship, Science and Politics in Early Modern England; Killeen, K., H. Smith and R. J. Willie, eds (2015), The Oxford Handbook of the Bible in Early Modern England; Neil, W. (1975), ‘The Criticism and Theological Use of the Bible 1700–1950’, in S. L. Greenslade (ed.), Cambridge History of the Bible, III. 238–93; Shamir, A. (2017), English Bibles on Trial. 120 N.B. More’s later, Conjectura Cabbalistica . . . or a Conjectural Essay of Interpreting the Minde of Moses, according to a Threefold Cabbala: viz. Literal, Philosophical, Mystical, or Divinely Moral (1653). 119

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As we have seen, ‘harmony’ was prominent in 17th-century European science, philosophy and culture, largely because of Kepler’s reworking of Pythagoras.121 It is symptomatic of Kepler’s eclecticism that work on his Harmonices Mundi (1619, The Harmony of the World) began in the year Ricci reached Beijing and French King Henry IV (1553–1610) issued his ‘Edict of Nantes’, that gave Protestants hitherto unimagined civic freedoms. Kepler invoked the principle: ‘Geometrical things have provided the Creator with the model for decorating the whole world’ (q. Caspar 1993: 265f.). Musica universalis (music of the universe) – the so-called ‘music of the spheres’ – is at the heart of this; so, music and the universe possess a God-given coherence and ‘harmony’. Kepler’s work – and popular interest in ‘the music of the spheres’ – ensured ‘harmony’ had a pivotal place in British and European encounters with Chinese culture.122 Dryden’s appeal to ‘harmony’ in his poem, ‘A Song for St. Cecilia’s Day’, is a further instance of a unitive ‘cultural archetype’ shared by China and the West. Western Christian culture and classical Confucian philosophy both afford ‘harmony’ a prominence in the way they conceive of life on earth and in heaven, in the cosmos and the human heart. In 17th- and early 18th-century China and the West, the Analects and Gospels were read through this shared theme. Alien texts could be, or become, allies. Recognition of this commonality helped (and still can) defuse suspicion and create intellectual optimism – or, at least for some. Interest in China and Confucius is also seen, finally, in 17th- and early 18th-century English Deism. The term ‘Deist’ was coined by Protestant Reformer John Calvin’s (1509–64) student Pierre Viret (1511–71) in his Instruction Chrétienne (Geneva, 1564). ‘Deist’ is first used in English by the enigmatic Oxford academic Robert Burton (1577–1640) in his popular The Anatomy of Melancholy (1621). Viret applied the term to those who believed in a creator God but rejected a redeemer Jesus. He respected their learning, but still called them ‘monsters and atheists’ (q. Corfe 2007: 54). Burton is more positive. He names atheists and near-atheists, adding: ‘Cousin-germans to these men are many of our great Philosophers and Atheists’, who are ‘Deists’ (1621: III. iv; II. 1); that is, they are moral but atheistic.123 Deism pre-dates – and most probably pre-empts – European Enlightenment sinophilia. Confucius is central to both. Before looking at ‘heaven’ and ‘earth’ in the Analects and Gospels, a brief look at Deism, as it relates to our theme. The poet George Herbert’s (1593–1633) eldest brother, Edward, Lord Herbert of Cherbury (1583–1648), a royalist diplomat with strong continental ties, is traditionally the ‘father of English Kepler was born in Weil der Stadt (SW Germany). He worked amid intense religious, political and intellectual unrest. He held key scientific positions with aristocratic and royal patrons, including the ‘mad’, mercurial, Emperor Rudolf II (1552– 1612). A devout Catholic, Kepler did ground-breaking work on optics (Astronomiae Pars Optica, 1604), developing the refracting ‘Kepler Telescope’, and encouraging Galileo’s astronomical and optical work, Mysterium Cosmographicum (1595), on ‘celestial physics’ (uniting theology, physics and astronomy). Kepler also studied Copernican heliocentrism and the laws of planetary motion, which led to Astronomia Nova (1609), and Ephemerides (tabled predictions of the positions of stars and planets), later published as Tabulae Rudolphinae (1627). Kepler’s Harmonices Mundi (1617) appeared during his mother’s trial for witchcraft and other personal tragedies. Kepler died on 15 November 1630. His heart-felt, self-styled epitaph records: ‘Mensus eram coelos, nunc terrae metior umbras/ Mens coelestis erat, corporis umbra iacet’ (‘I measured the skies, now the shadows I measure/ Skybound was the mind, earthbound the body rests’). 122 On Kepler’s correspondence with members of the Jesuit China mission, Needham, Science and Civilization in China, 3.444, and his comment (ad loc.): ‘The two condemnations of Galileo’s Copernican views were in 1616 and 1632 and must have had a considerable effect on the China Mission.’ 123 Burton’s Anatomy of Melancholy continues to attract attention. Famously, the depressive Dr. Samuel Johnson (1709– 1784) admitted in 1770 it was, ‘the only book that ever took him out of bed two hours sooner than he wished to rise’ (Boswell [1781] 1832: II. 508). 121

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Deism’, with the movement peaking between 1690 and 1740.124 Herbert published his magnum opus, De Veritate,125 in 1624. It is a long, complex – at times opaque – work: ‘Formed . . . in all its principle parts in England’, but finished, in Paris, with support from the Dutch political theorist and philosopher scientist Hugo Grotius (1583–1645) – and to Herbert, a clear ‘sign’ from God. As an early exercise in English metaphysics, it is unique. It studies basic issues of method, knowledge, reality, truth and perception, and, crucially, pre-empts debates on body, truth and knowing in Descartes and Immanuel Kant (1724–1804).126 A pious man, who believed in God, miracles, prayer and revelation, Herbert did not challenge faith or revelation.127 The Bible was to him, though, just a surer source of faith and comfort. His epistemological interests led him to seven propositions and ‘five articles’, praising reason and sense-perception at the expense of faith and dogma. Contra mind-body dualism, Herbert finds ‘a certain harmony between objects and their analogous faculties’ (ibid., 68), without which knowledge is impossible.128 The intellect bears witness to God’s creation, action and providence, being ‘the highest image and type of the divinity’. Hence, he says: ‘[W]hatever is true or good in us exists in supreme degree in God’ (ibid., 79). To critics, this exaltation of reason impoverished revelation. To others, Herbert constructed a fortress for natural religion. Correspondences with Confucianism were clearly possible, as later radicals recognized.129 Herbert alienated many. He was charged with ‘enthusiasm’, and an excessive sense of God’s immanent action, by later traditionalists (Brown 1771: 2.278; Leland [1757] 1978: I. 25). Descartes rejected his method and ‘truth’. In De Religione Gentilium (1663, posth.), Herbert locates his ‘five articles’130 in pagan religion, including Confucianism. It was an exercise in what the Scottish philosopher, historian, diplomat and economist, David Hume (1711–76), would later call ‘a natural history of religion’ or ‘comparative religion’ (q. Meister and Copan [2007] 2013: 162).131 Herbert uses philosopher-jurist John Selden’s (1584–1654) De Diis Syris Syntagmata II (1617),132 his French friend, critic, and member of the Minims’ order, Marin Mersenne’s (1588–1648) Quaestiones celeberrimae in Genesim (1623a),133 and Vossius’s De Theologia Gentili (1641). Reason is here a 124 On Herbert, Bedford, R. D. (1979), The Defence of Truth: Herbert of Cherbury and the Seventeenth Century; Butler, J. A. (1990), Lord Herbert of Chirbury; Hill, E. D. (1987), Edward, Lord Herbert of Cherbury. 125 N.B. the title: De Veritate, distinguitur a revelatione, a verisimili, a possibili, et a falso (1624: On Truth, as It Is Distinguished from Revelation, the Probable, the Possible, and the False, 1633). 126 Cf. on Kant, p. 154, 161, n. 166, 162, 165, 190f. 127 On Herbert’s faith in context, Waligore, J. (2012), ‘The Piety of the English Deists’. 128 He posits four classes of faculty, viz. natural instinct, internal sense, external sense and discourse, or reasoning. 129 On Herbert and E-W dialogue, Clarke, J. C. (1997), Oriental Enlightenment, ad loc. 130 Herbert’s ‘five articles’ of universal religion – which he believed to be true of the Catholic Church and of ‘the religion of reason’ – were: (1) there is a supreme Deity; (2) this Deity ought to be worshipped; (3) virtue combined with piety is the chief part of divine worship; (4) men should repent of their sins and turn from them; (5) reward and punishment follow from the goodness and justice of God (in this life and the next). And, these articles contain all the doctrine of the true catholic church and the religion of reason. 131 N.B. Hume’s Natural History of Religion (1757) is ‘generally agreed to be the first work of comparative religion in English’ (Meister and Copan [2007] 2013: 162). 132 From 1619, Selden wrote in all his books ‘περὶ πάντων τήν ἐλευθέριαν’ (Above all things freedom!). 133 Mersenne was a friend of many of Europe’s leading freethinkers, including the progressive French priest Pierre Gassendi (1592–1655). Though initially a staunch defender of Aristotle, and an early opponent of Deism and Galileo, in time Mersenne moved from attacking atheism and scepticism to advocating the power of reason. Harmony is also a prominent theme in Mersenne. Cf. his L’usage de la raison (1623b), L’analyse de la vie spirituelle (1624), Les méchaniques de Galilée (1634), Harmonie universelle (1636), Les nouvelles pensées de Galilée (1639).

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God-given route to truth, religion a universal empirical reality.134 Confucianism, for Herbert, the erstwhile intellectual radical, warrants respect as an expression of global, rational religion. To Roetz, ‘There is not a single one of the British Deists who did not pay tribute to Confucius’ (Hölscher and Eggert 2013: 25).135 In his Anima Mundi (1679), Diana of the Ephesians (1680) and posthumous Summary Account of the Deists’ Religion (1693), the philosopher-squire Charles Blount (1654–93),136 who promoted Herbert and Deism, used Jesuit travelogues to critique ‘particular religions’ and promote universal religious ‘truth’. The Scottish republican Thomas Gordon (c. 1691–1750) bludgeoned Western culture with a utopian Orient, hoping ‘all fiery Catholicks and bigots . . . were converted into rational and sober Chinese’ (q. Tarantino 2010: 426).137 John Toland (1670–1722), an Irish pamphleteer, mathematician and philosopher – to Swift ‘the great Oracle of the anti-Christians’ (1742: 106)138 – listed Confucius among ‘Votaries of Truth’ alongside Greek philosophers and God, in a Spinozist sense,139 as ‘the Mind . . . and the Soul of the Universe’ ([1720] 1751, 17).140 Similarly, Toland’s Christianity not Mysterious (1696) rejected biblical mystery and elevated natural religion, in what to some is a nascent type of atheism.141 The book, and Toland, were censured. He died an impoverished, but contented, ‘pantheist’ on 11 March 1722.142 The socalled ‘Deist’s Bible’, Matthew Tindal’s (1656–1723) Christianity as Old as the Creation (1730), also sees China as the answer to Western problems: ‘I am so far from Thinking the Maxims of Confucius and Jesus Christ to differ; that I think the plain and simple Maxims of the former, will help to illustrate the more obscure Ones of the latter; accommodated to the then Way of speaking’ (1798: 296). Anticipating the strength of feeling many in the West had for and against him in his day, he later wrote: ‘Navarrete, a Chinese missionary, agrees with Leibniz and says that “It is the special providence of God that the Chinese did not know what was done in Christendom; for if they

134 These themes are also tracked in works included in the 3rd edn of De Veritatione (1645), viz. De Causis Errorum, Religio Laici, and Appendix ad Sacerdotes. 135 Cf. also, Appleton, W. W. (1951), A Cycle of Cathay: The Chinese Vogue in England During the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries. 136 Mostly published anon., Blount is a rare defender of Dryden’s much-lampooned rhyming Restoration tragedy, The Conquest of Granada (1st perf., 1670; pub. 1672). 137 On Gordon, Israel, J. (2011), Democratic Enlightenment, 43; also, Tarantino, G. (2012), Republicanism, Sinophilia, and Historical Writing. 138 For context, Weinbrot, H. D. (2013), Literature, Religion, and the Evolution of Culture, 1660–1780, Ch. 1 and 2. 139 On the similarity of Toland and Spinoza, Garber, D. and D. Rutherford, eds (2004–18), Oxford Studies in Early Modern Philosophy, 6.264. On Spinoza, p. 106, n. 78. 140 Cf. also, Garber and Rutherford, Oxford Studies, 8. 141 On Toland’s skilful obfuscation to avoid censure, Fouke, D. C. (2008), Philosophy and Theology in a Burlesque Mode. On his atheism, Berman, D. (1992), ‘Disclaimers in Blount and Toland’, in D. Hunter and M. Wootton (eds), Atheism from the Reformation to the Enlightenment, 268–72. 142 N.B. Toland’s Letters to Serena (1704), in which he (possibly) coins the term ‘Pantheist’, as a synonym for ‘Spinozist’. Toland first encountered the term pantheismus in the little-known English mathematician Joseph Raphson’s (c. 1648–c. 1715) De Spatio Reali seu Ente Infinito (1697). In his Pantheisticon (1720), Toland defines ‘Pantheism’: ‘The power and energy of All, which has created all and which governs all . . . is God, which you may call Spirit and Soul of the Universe. This is why the Socratic Associates have been called pantheists, because . . . to them this soul cannot be separated from the Universe itself.’ In his Socinianism Truly Stated, by a pantheist (1705), he says he is a ‘Pantheist’ (7). On Toland’s ‘Pantheism’, Diller, J. and A. Kasher, eds (2013), Models of God and Alternative Ultimate Realities, 608f. Toland’s religious toleration extended to Jews: cf. his (anon.) pamphlet, Reasons for Naturalising the Jews (1714). But in a work now (often) attributed to him, Traité sur les trois imposteurs (c. 1711–19, Treatise on the three impostors), he condemns Christianity, Judaism and Islam as politicized frauds. Cf. Minois, G. ([2009] 2012), The Atheist’s Bible; Daniel, S. H. (1984), John Toland: His Methods, Manners, and Mind.

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did, there would be never a man among them, but would spit in our faces” ’ (ibid., 348). Interestingly, the Scottish philosopher David Hume claims the Quakers ‘seem to approach nearly the only regular body of Deists in the universe, the literati, or the disciples of Confucius in China’, being free of priests and ecclesiastical institutions (1743: I. 81). To free-thinkers, Confucius was a congenial, controversial, ally. Use of China and Confucianism as idealized foils to Western philosophy, faith and socio-political culture, grows. As politician-philosopher Lord Bolingbroke (1678–1751), mentor to the poet Alexander Pope (1688–1744) and philosopher Voltaire (1694–1778),143 said: ‘We look further back than into those of any other’, and find there ‘the effects of natural religion, unmixed and uncorrupted, with those of artificial religion and superstition’ (1841: IV. 264; q. Aldridge 1986: 142f.). In the moralism of William Wollaston (1659–1724),144 the vivid prose of the pamphleteer and spy Daniel Defoe (1661–1731),145 the unpredictability of Charles Gildon (c. 1665–1724),146 the literary horticulture of Joseph Addison (1672–1719) and other contributors to the eclectic Spectator (1711–14), and Samuel Clarke’s (1675–1729) dialogue on ‘consciousness’ (1707–8) with Anthony Collins (1676–1729), and on philosophy and natural religion (1715–16) with Leibniz – China’s Confucian philosophy and culture were cross-examined. To some, this offered the possibility of a rational heaven and a moral earth, to others, the fearful reality of a proven, corrupt and despotic hell. Confucianism assisted the scientifically minded to construct a new view of God’s relation to the world. As the Christian apologist William Paley (1743–1805) would later argue, God the ‘watch-maker’ winds up the world and then leaves it to run.147 Rationalist engagement with science (on both sides of the English Channel) found in Confucian cosmology new stimuli to assert the independence and inter-dependence of faith and reason, God and the world, earth and heaven. So, faith was possible and evidence in support available. Natural philosophy and orthodox theology could co-exist. Life could be lived and studied without bothering God. Confucianism reinforced this new theology, philosophy, cosmology and ‘proto-modern’ view of science. Despite this evidence of interest in Confucianism in the 17th and early 18th centuries, we should not misconstrue or over-state it. The capacity of the Church of England to absorb reasonable diversity ensured a creative, eclectic thinker like Sir Thomas Browne (1605–82) could be as easily absorbed as On Pope, p. 99, 117f., 156f., 160, 161, n. 168, 164f.; on Voltaire, p. 149f. Like many Deists, Wollaston welcomed what he saw as Confucius’s reduction of religion to morality, writing: ‘By religion I mean nothing else but an obligation to do (under which word I comprehend acts of body and mind. I say, to do) what ought not to be omitted, and to forbear what ought not to be done’ ([1722] 1750: 41). 145 Like George Anson (1697–1762), Captain of the Centurion that circumnavigated the world and suffered at the hands of Chinese officials in Canton, Dafoe had little, if anything, good to say of China. Castigated for his euro-centric, colonial elitism, his mythic Robinson Crusoe (1719), caustic narrative The History of the Devil (1728, in which Satan inspires Jesuit ‘accommodation’ to Confucianism) and futuristic essay ‘Of Captain Mission and his Crew’ (1728, where utopian figure Mission is converted by lewd Italian priest Carracioli, a Deist), Dafoe is aligned with Deist iconoclasts, and their views on primitive culture, in his critique of China. Cf. Chen, S. (1998), ‘Daniel Defoe’, in Hsia (ed.), Vision of China, 215–48. 146 N.B. Gildon’s less (!) odd, The Golden Spy: Or, a Political Journal of the British Nights Entertainments of War and Peace, and Love and Politics (1709). 147 After a decade at Cambridge, in 1776 Paley moved to Musgrave, Westmoreland. He became Archdeacon of Carlisle in 1782. When there, he published his Cambridge lectures, The Principles of Moral and Political Philosophy (1785) and first work of apologetics, Horae Paulinae (1790). His View of the Evidences of Christianity (1794) was part of Cambridge’s theology syllabus until the 1920s. Paley became Sub-Dean of Lincoln Cathedral, and a well-known abolitionist (of the slave trade). His Natural Theology (1802), which uses the ‘watch-maker’ analogy, inspired evolutionist Charles Darwin (1809–82), but irritates atheist Richard Dawkins (b. 1941). On Darwin, p. 134f., 169, n. 225, 264, 274, 296, 316, 326, 335, n. 351, 347, 448, n. 241. 143 144

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the spiritually profound Royalist Bishop of Down and Connor, Jeremy Taylor (1613–67), the broadly pragmatic John Tillotson (1630–94),148 Archbishop of Canterbury from 1691 to 1694, and the quixotic patristic orientalist Herbert Thorndike (1598–1672). In 1742 – the year Messiah was first performed, and Benedict XIV issued his bull Ex quo singulari (reiterating the ban on ancestral worship and forbidding further debate), seeds of British Protestant missionary endeavour were sown. A year after his heart was ‘strangely warmed’ at a Moravian meeting in Aldersgate, London (24 May 1738), the Oxford Anglican cleric John Wesley (1703–91) created a new cadre of lay preachers. By 1742, the Methodist class-meeting system was growing biblical faith in domestic cells. Both of these practical, spiritual initiatives would impact the late 18th- and early 19th-century mission to China. From February to November 1742, in a parish south of Glasgow, Scotland, the ‘Cambuslang Revival’ erupted, ‘a spark of grace that set the kingdom a blaze’.149 It is one of a number of spontaneous spiritual combustions recorded during the ‘Evangelical Revival’ in Britain and ‘Great Awakening’ in America. It is estimated John Whitefield (1714–70), Wesley’s gifted colleague, preached to as many as 30,000 people in Cambuslang in August 1742. This local event had a global impact. The ‘Scottish Revival’ incubated 19th-century Protestant mission to China. We see its legacy in Scottish missionary sinologists Robert Morrison (1782–1836), William Milne (1785–1822) and James Legge (1815–97). The flame of biblical Christianity was not extinguished by scientific Rationalism or sceptical Deism: like Messiah, its music and message were a response to it; like Bach’s Cello Suites, it drew inspiration from vital, repristinated classical themes. The earth might be shaken, but Martin Luther’s (1483– 1546) 17th- and early 18th-century heirs, in Britain and beyond, still found in God and the Bible ‘Ein feste Burg’ (A safe stronghold).150 Secularist varnish should not obscure this secure faith.

‘HEAVEN’ AND ‘EARTH’ IN THE ANALECTS AND GOSPELS We turn now to ‘heaven’ and ‘earth’ in the Analects and Gospels. As in Chapters 1 and 2, we do so sensitized to accumulated interpretative grime that overlays these texts and distorts their meaning. ‘Reading backwards carefully’, the 17th and early 18th centuries now acquire a new cultural and intellectual significance in the relation between, and interpretation of, China and the West. Established political, philosophical, religious and cultural convictions were subject in both to intense pressure from new discoveries in the natural and physical sciences. We read now ‘on the far side’151 of nascent European sinophilia and a ‘Scientific Revolution’, which in time changed the world, and the way ‘heaven’ and ‘earth’ were, and are, interpreted. We read in light of earlyModern globalization and the intensification of East-West dialogue.

148 Cf. Irish poet and playwright Oliver Goldsmith’s (1728–74) comment in The Citizen of the World, or letters from a Chinese philosopher (1762): ‘The unaffected of every country nearly resemble each other, and a page of our Confucius and your Tillotson have scarce any difference’ ([1762] 1837: III. 225, Letter #33). On Goldsmith, p. 171f., 198, n. 82, 215. 149 On this 18th-century ‘Scottish Revival’, Fawcett, A. (1971), Cambuslang Revival; MacFarlan, D. ([1847] 1988), The Revivals of the Eighteenth Century, particularly at Cambuslang. 150 Written between c. 1527 and 1529, the hymn Ein feste Burg ist unser Gott (A mighty fortress is our God), a paraphrase of Ps. 46, remains a Protestant favourite. Translated in 1539 by the English Reformer Myles Coverdale (c. 1488–1569) as ‘Oure God is a defence and towre’, the ‘common-usage’ version, ‘God is our Refuge in Distress, Our Strong Defence’ is from J. C. Jacobi’s (1670–1750) widely used Psalmodia Germanica (1722). 151 The expression ‘on the far side’ is used throughout of a given or unforgettable reality that shapes the way we perceive. Hence, we live, for example, ‘on the far side’ of faith, marriage, films, literature, holidays or bereavement.

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Few people in China or the West today interpret the Analects and Gospels without to some extent processing them through the 17th and early 18th centuries. The first part of this chapter sought to strip away layers of interpretative varnish. In the process, we have seen ‘harmony’ to be a shared – and thus unitive – ‘cultural archetype’, and, as result, a potent – or at least, potential – ‘solvent’ for cultural pride, prejudice and textual distortion. ‘Harmony’ helps us read our primary sources not as enculturated textual competitors, but as globalized cultural ‘Classics’. Of course, we may not readily identify with aspects of the pre- or primitive scientific view of ‘heaven’ or ‘earth’ found in biblical faith and Confucian wisdom: that is, surely, less important than the potential, global benefit of recovering commonality in these two, vast ancient traditions. ‘Harmony’ united us once: it might do so again. The Analects We begin with the Analects, aware of the two questions posed earlier; namely, Are Shangdi and its associate tian accurately used of the God of the Bible? And, is tian in the Analects rightly connected with the biblical ‘God’ or ‘heaven’ in the Gospels? As Ricci saw, more is at stake than comparative philosophy. His ‘True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven’ (1603) drew on the method and content of the pioneer missionary Alessandro Valignano’s, SJ (1539–1606), Catechismus Japonensis (A Japanese Catechism).152 Central to the Jesuits’ ‘cultural imperative’ was use of the right ‘term’ to translate ‘God’. Ricci’s decision to use ཙ tian (heaven) was clever and courageous, as he submitted Christian terminology to Confucian orthodoxy and identified ‘correspondences’ between classical Chinese texts and Thomistic theology.153 Whether or not his use of terminological, and translational, ‘equivalence’ (now, technically, ‘foreignizing’) was justified remains a moot point. At the time, it led to new meanings being projected onto ‘heaven’ and ‘earth’ in China and the West. These owed as much to scientific, geographic, linguistic, and historical views of the universe, as they did to traditional or literal readings of the Analects and Gospels. Ricci, like Dryden, was a child of his age. As a pupil of Christopher Clavius, SJ (1538–1612), a leading Jesuit mathematician and astronomer (who also inspired Galileo), Ricci’s study of ཙ䴚 tianxue (heavenly matters; theology and astronomy), and grasp of various types of science and scientific instruments, set him apart, and, as we noted, attracted Chinese admirers.154 As sophisticated and enculturated figures, Ricci and Dryden add to the varnish on our old canvas. Recognizing this fact helps us to ‘read backwards carefully’ and compare more acutely the textual data on ‘heaven’ and ‘earth’ in classical Confucianism

152 On this, Meynard, T., SJ (2013), ‘The Overlooked Connection between Ricci’s Tianzhu shiyi and Valignano’s Catechismus Japonensis’. 153 On Ricci’s eleven theological ‘correspondences’ between Thomist categories for God and classical Chinese understanding of Shangdi and tianzhu, Standaert, N., SJ (1995), The Fascinating God, 63f. For a famous critique of Ricci’s translational neologisms, Gernet, J. ([1982] 1985), China and the Christian Impact, 243. On the difficulties Ricci faced, Meynard’s response to them, and the claim that scholastic thinking is ‘embedded in Indo-European languages and therefore untranslatable into Chinese’, Wu, H. (2016), ‘Review: Matteo Ricci, SJ., Le Sens réel du “Seigneur du Ciel”, ed. and trans. T. Meynard, SJ (2013)’. 154 N.B. Needham: ‘Ricci, Schall, Verbiest and, in a later generation, Gaubil, were in China at a period of spontaneous decline of indigenous science, the Ming dynasty and early Ching, a decline which had nothing obviously to do with the forces which sent them there and permitted them to stay’ (1956: 3.173). On early Jesuit use of Kepler’s ‘Rudolphine Tables’ (that he sent in 1627) to prompt a revision of the Chinese calendar, Fontana, Matteo Ricci, 282f.; Needham, Science and Civilization, 3.444.

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and biblical Christianity. This avoids the dangers of what J. D. Schneewind calls ‘anachronism’ and ‘antiquarianism’ (2005: 169). This is important if the data here is to be relevant and useful. Selfawareness is basic to good communication. So, what of the context, content and consequences of Ricci’s quest for the right term for God, and decision to use tian in his celebrated treatise Tianzhu Shiyi (The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven)? With regard to the Chinese context of Ricci’s work, as we have seen above, the immensely important cultural and philosophical term tian had in the Zhou Dynasty been used alongside, or in place of, the older Shang term Shangdi, ‘Lord on High’. Scholars debate the fact, origin, process and consequences of tian’s slow evolution from the essentially physical and astral ‘sky’ to the expansive and inclusive ‘deity’ projected onto its meaning by Ricci, H. G. Creel and other later writers.155 What’s more, it is disputed whether the Analects has a consistent view of tian, and, ergo, whether Ricci consciously or unconsciously imposed interpretative uniformity on it. To Eno, who studies the function of tian in the Analects and (as in Chapter 2 above) distinguishes between Confucius’s meaning and the text itself,156 generations of Ruists who ‘recorded, composed, selected and arranged’ the Analects, ‘portrayed T’ien (sic) in a consistent way, which expressed the enduring interests and goals of early Ruism’ (1990: 94).157 It seems Ricci – both by design and in context – may have deduced the same. However, in later Neo- and New Confucianism we find a more fluid interpretation of tian,158 in which materialism gives place to metaphysical idealism, and the fixed, physical, differentiated realities of ‘heaven’ and ‘earth’ in early Confucianism accede to a more synthetic, processive, metaphysical vision of the unity of reality.159 With regard to the meaning Confucius and Ricci ascribed to tian in the Analects, five things stand out, which help explain Ricci’s choice of the term to translate the biblical ‘God’. First, there is a doxological quality to tian in the Analects,160 which Ricci almost certainly saw and respected. ‘Heaven and earth’ ཙൠ (tiandi), as interrelated physical realities, are a cause of wonder and joy. They exude beauty, constancy, order and harmony. In this, their greatness is explicitly connected to the mythical Yao. Hence, in Analects 8.19, Confucius proclaims: ‘How great was Yao as a ruler! So majestic! It is heaven that is great, and it was Yao who modelled himself upon it.’ And, he adds: ‘Among the Cf. the comprehensive study, Eno, R. (1990), The Confucian Creation of Heaven; also, Chang, C. (2007), The Rise of the Chinese Empire, I. 327–331, n. 66; Creel, H. G. (1970), ‘The Origin of the Deity T’ien’. 156 N.B. Eno: ‘To explore the Analects for Confucius’s own view requires a different interpretative method’ (1990: 95); with the implication, an ‘editorial’ and/or ‘original’ Confucian use of tian in the Analects may be quite different. 157 Louden shares Eno’s belief that ‘the tian passages [do] form a consistent whole’ (2002: 77). Fingarette is less confident the Analects provides a refined and constant meaning (1972: 62); likewise, Hall and Ames (1987: 208). 158 N.B. possible explanations of the character ཙ (tian): i. it is composed of the symbol for man Ӫ (ren) and one а (yi), viz. that which unites humanity in itself (Creel 1951: 139); ii. the character ཙ joins the symbols of big བྷ (da) and man Ӫ (ren), so ‘great man’, or ‘the rulers of the past’ (cf. Zhang, D: ‘The character for “heaven” is probably derived from that for “big man” ’ [2002: 3]); iii. tian denoted the ‘Sky God’ (Kunio 1958; q. Yao, X., 2000: 141), or the place to which the ashes of ceremonial sacrifices ascend (Eno 2002: 181–9). 159 During the Tang dynasty, early astronomical interests nurtured study of a differentiated ‘heaven’. As the poet Liu Zongyuan ḣᇇ‫( ݳ‬773–819) wrote: ‘That which is above and is dark the world calls “heaven”; that which is below and is yellow, the world calls “earth”.’ (q. Zhang [1989] 2002: 6). Likewise, the poet, philosopher and essayist Liu Yuxi ࢹ⿩䥛 (772–842) observed: ‘Heaven is the greatest of things having form; human beings are the most excellent of animals’ (q. Zhang, 6). 160 Tian occurs 17x in the Analects, 10 x by (‘I’) Confucius, 7x by others. As K. K. Yeo points out, the thrust of Confucius’s use is to democratize the term to ensure its application is individual and immediate, not political and detached (2008: 120f.). Cf. also, Kim, S-H. (1988), ‘Silent Heaven Giving Birth to the Multitude of People’; also, for 5 clear meanings of tian, Feng, Y. ([1937] 1981), History of Chinese Philosophy, I. 31. 155

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common people there were none who were able to find words to describe him. How majestic in his accomplishments, and glorious in cultural splendour.’ The ineffable greatness of tian (and thence Yao) is clarified by Mencius: ‘[E]verywhere he dwells is infused with spiritual power (shen ⾎), and above and below he joins together with the flow of heaven and earth’ (7. A. 13; Slingerland: 84). As is often noted, tian in the Analects offered Ricci an evocative, relational term; or, as the philosopher, linguist and diplomat Hu Shih 㜑䚙 (1891–1962) said, ‘a knowing, feeling, loving, and hating supreme ruler of men and the universe’ (1967: 110).161 In other words, this is not the mechanistic naturalism of Laozi 㘱ᆀ. But we must not overheat Confucius’s position. Though his ‘cultural brilliance . . . is readily heard about’, as Zigong noticed, ‘one does not get to hear the Master expounding upon the subjects of human nature or the Way of Heaven’ (A. 5.13). This metaphysical reserve is well-charted – and, rightly contrasted with the celestial idealism and cosmogonic naturalism of Zhuangzi, Guanzi and Laozi. But doxology can be eloquent in silence. As Confucius replied to Zigong’s question ‘What does Heaven ever say?’, ‘Yet the four seasons are put in motion by it, and the myriad creatures receive their life from it. What does Heaven ever say?’ (A. 17.19). His silence embraces and celebrates tian in its entirety.162 Faced by mystery, silence is a wise friend. Second, Ricci controversially led Western interpretation towards a divinization of the term tian. Ricci’s erstwhile Protestant critic James Legge admitted tian was to Confucius ‘the name of a personal being’. However, Legge criticizes Ricci for ‘avoiding the personal name of ᑍ (Di), or God, and only using the more indefinite term Heaven’; adding petulantly, ‘His avoidance of the name ᑍ (Di) seems to betray a coldness of temperament and intellect in the matter of religion’ (1880: 139). The degree to which Confucius and the Analects project monotheistic deity on the anthropomorphisms of tian has been much debated. To Kelly James Clark: ‘It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that Tian is god-like in a way that invites comparison to the Western sense’ (2007: 50).163 Peimin Ni is nuanced: ‘As long as we are aware of the unique features of tian, translating it as “heaven” can break the Western monopoly of the term, expanding its meaning and rectifying the biases associated with it’ (2016: 41). Amid the swirling political conflict of mid-20th-century China, Confucius’s view of tian is co-opted to conserve Zhou spiritualism and condemned by communism, fatalism, idealism and elitism (Eno 1990: 95). To Creel, Confucius saw tian as ‘an impersonal ethical force, a cosmic counterpart of the ethical sense of man’ (1970: 117). In contrast, Ivanhoe and Puett see ‘the greatest of the divine powers’ (tian) as an evolving concept and personal reality that Confucius revered as ‘the collective will of or supreme power in the spiritual realm’.164 Speaking into this

161 Contrast Hu Shih with Feng Youlan 俞৻㱝 (1895–1990), Hou Wailu ‫ן‬ཆᔜ (1903–87), A. C. Graham (1919–91) and Benjamin Schwartz (1916–99), who for various reasons see the Analects as the ‘only reservoir for the sage’s beliefs’ (Liang, C., 2016: 75). Interestingly, Hu perceives Confucius’s thought in the Spring and Autumn Annals and Book of Changes (ibid.). 162 N.B. the fuller sense of celebration of ‘heaven’ and a separable ‘earth’ in The Doctrine of the Mean: ‘This heaven is now only as much as what shines here, yet taken as without limit, the sun, moon, and constellations are bespangled in it, the myriad things covered by it. Now this earth is only as much as a handful of soil, yet taken in its breadth and depth, it supports Mounts Hua and Yue without being weighed down, holds rivers and seas without seeping away. The myriad things are supported by it’ (Legge 1861: I. 26). 163 For a contrary view, Littlejohn, Confucianism, 35f.; Ames and Rosemont, Analects, 47. 164 Cf. Ivanhoe, P. J. (2007), ‘Heaven as a source for ethical warrant in early Confucianism’; Puett, M. J. (2002), To become a God: Cosmology, sacrifice, and self-divinization in early China. For contemporary theological interpretations, Cline, E. M. (2014), ‘Religious Thought and Practice in the Analects’, in A. Olberding (ed.), Dao Companion to the Analects, 259–92; Huang, Y. (2007), ‘Confucian Theology, Three Models’.

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debate, Zhang Dainian states: ‘The religious idea of God and the popular use of the word to refer to the sky are but the extremes’ ([1989] 2002: 3). In general, tian implied ‘a Spinozarian notion of the “totality of all that is”’ and the ‘name of all things’ (Pak 1974: 62). In other words, despite fluidity in meaning, Ricci used a term that was compatible with Christian faith and with Chinese popular religion, even if, as Cline notes, monotheists are more inclined to find God in tian than agnostics (Cline 2014: 279).165 Thirdly, tian is represented in the Analects as possessed of moral potency; that is, it is not an arbitrary force or moral principle, but an intentional, cosmic agency that promotes and sustains ethical and ritual propriety. Again, its attractive applicability to the biblical God is clear. But tian is variously represented in the Analects. It is everything from an ultimately determinative force, like ‘fate’ (A. 14.36) or ‘The Mandate of Heaven’ ཙભ (tianming), to a personal presence that monitors and inspires moral behaviour, and inhibits and judges ethical and ritual deviance. Heaven warrants respect, if not fear (A. 9.12). As we saw in Chapter 1, Confucius views his life as directed by, and subservient to Heaven, believing that at the age of fifty he is finally in tune with its Mandate (A. 2.4). He admits to Zigong a sense of not being understood when he studies ‘what is below . . . to comprehend what is above’. But he still believes, ‘If there is anyone who could understand me, perhaps it is Heaven’ (A. 14.35). It is Heaven that protects him from physical danger, and ‘endows’ him with virtue (A. 7.23). It is also Heaven that invests him with a vocation – ‘like the wooden clapper for a bell’ (A. 3.24) – to recover the lost culture ᮷ (wen) of King Wen of Zhou ઘ᮷⦻. ‘If Heaven intended this culture to perish, it would not have given it to those of us who live after King Wen’s death. Since Heaven did not intend that this culture should perish, what can the people of Kuang do to me?’ (A. 9.5). As an anthropomorphic moral power, tian is ‘held in awe’ in the Analects. And, as Brasovan says: ‘(I)t controls the longevity and death of creatures . . . it can enact cultural revolutions, socio-political capitulations, and epochal shifts in human history’ (2017: 34). In keeping with Confucian personalism and pragmatism, tian is not linked in the Analects with rarified metaphysics: it justifies, sanctions and blesses domestic, social and political action.166 Its celestial aspect corroborates, challenges and corrects societal norms.167 Fourthly, tian is about immanent energy and heavenly harmony in the Analects; that is, its meaning transcends later bifurcations of ‘heaven above’ and ‘earth below’, as much as spirit and matter, soul and body, creator and creation. As such, it is an integrative term that comprehends visible and invisible reality. To some, it is akin to ‘nature’, but this only works if ‘nature’ is what lives, as much as what is. The conformity of an individual, or societal, life with ‘The Mandate of Heaven’ empowers that life as much as exalts its purpose. Tian, ren (ӱ benevolence), qi (≓ life force) and yi (㗙 righteousness, justice, meaning) are interrelated in the Analects. The popular invocation of tian Pereira witnessed (above p. 94f.), captures the grammar of classical Confucian usage. So, life is lived sub specie aeternitatis (eternally, or under heaven) and in terris (on earth, or temporally). Tian encompasses both. Whatever we conclude about the relation between Shang Cf. also, Louden, ‘ “What does heaven say?” ’, 91, n. 32. On ecological deductions from Confucian cosmology, above p. 8, n. 17, 9. Also, for a useful introduction and bibliography, Berthrong, J. H. (n.d.), http://fore.yale.edu/religion/confucianism/ bibliography. 166 On the relation between Confucian cosmology and political (esp. military) activity, Ames, R. T. (2011b), ‘War, Death and Ancient Chinese Cosmology’, in A. Olberding and P. J. Ivanhoe (eds), Mortality in Traditional Chinese Thought, 117–36. 167 On Feng Youlan’s view of the ethical potency of tian in the opening of the Doctrine of the Mean, Wang, H. (2008), Translating Chinese Classics in a Colonial Context, 88. 165

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dynasty ୶ᵍ (c. 1600–c. 1046 BCE) use of кᑍ (Shangdi) of the ‘Lord on High’, or ᑍ (Di) of the ‘Lord’ (god), and later Zhou dynasty ઘᵍ (c. 1046–256 BCE) use of tian for the same heavenly figure, the tradition, or ru (݂), that Confucius ‘transmitted’ conceived the existence of a power with praiseworthy qualities. Lastly, the Analects introduce tian as an intellectual or rational phenomenon; that is, as Confucius says concisely in Analects 2.4, at fifty he ‘understood’ Heaven’s Mandate. The Jesuits grasped the cerebral nature of classical Confucianism. They recognized in it a social ethic based on the development of ‘mind’ as much as ‘will’. As we have seen, tian nurtured rational judgement and moral intention (A. 7.23, 9.5, 14.36). Tianming ཙભ (The Mandate of Heaven) and ming ભ (fate or destiny) are not irrational forces, but a focused, fiery, conscious, intentionality that humans resist, or accept, to their benefit or cost. The trained, well-ordered life and active mind are in the Analects mirrors for Heaven’s beauty, harmony and rationality. However, we should not over-state the place of ‘mind’ in the Analects; in comparison, that is, with its ultimately decisive role in Mencius,168 Zhuangzi,169 the Song idealist philosopher Cheng Hao 〻井 (1032–85), for whom ‘only the mind is heaven’ (q. (Zhang, D., 2003: 10), and Ming scholar Wang Yangming ⦻䲭᰾ (1472– 1529), who claims: ‘The mind is heaven. In talking of the mind, one refers to heaven and earth and all the myriad things’ (1935: q. Ching, J., 1972: 214). The function of mind-in-reality that Spinoza saw in Confucianism is not from the Analects. In fact, the Classics commend a balanced, earthy, common-sense view of life, more than the intellectualism and impractical metaphysicalism the Enlightenment chose to profile. The temptation to find what we are looking for is so strong. The Gospels ‘Heaven’ and ‘earth’ in the Gospels are similarly multi-stranded. Critical reflection on the truth and significance of the Bible in 17th- and early 18th-century Britain confronts the impact of science and Confucianism on classical Christian cosmology.170 The five-fold categorization of tian in the Analects helps condense and compare a mountain of textual, historical material. First, a doxological tone is again clear. So, in Matthew, Jesus declares: ‘I praise you, Father, Lord of heaven and earth, because you have hidden these things from the wise and learned and revealed them to little children’ (11.25). As the ‘Lord of heaven and earth’, the God of the Gospels is, as Newton believed, the sovereign creator and sustainer of life.171 The disciples are to ‘consider’ the

168 N.B. Mencius: ‘To the mind pertains the role of thinking. By thinking it obtains its object. If it does not think, it does not obtain its object. This is what heaven has given to me’ (6, Gaozi A, #15); and, ‘Those who exert their minds know their nature, and those who know their nature know heaven’ (7, Exhausting the Mind A, #1). 169 N.B. Zhuangzi: ‘Do not let the human mind harm the Way; do not let human beings abet heaven’ (6, ‘The Teacher who is the Ultimate Ancestor’, line 9); and, ‘Extraordinary persons are extraordinary in the sight of human beings but normal in the sight of heaven’ (line 74). 170 On attempts to ‘accommodate’ Genesis to geology, palaeontology, Chinese chronology and language, Poole, W. ([2005] 2016), ‘The Genesis Narrative in the Circle of Robert Hooke and Francis Lodwick’, in Hessayon and Keene (eds), Scripture and Scholarship, 41–57. 171 Newton’s much-discussed theology appears to move in a rationalist, or (?) Deist direction. A reply to Richard Bentley sheds light on his position when writing the Principia: ‘When I wrote my treatise about our Systeme I had an eye upon such Principles as might work with considering men for the beliefe of a Deity & nothing can rejoyce me more then to find it usefull for that purpose. But if I have done the publick any service this way ‘tis due to nothing but industry & a patient thought’ (Letter to Richard Bentley, 10 December 1692: 189. R. 4.47ff. 4A–5, Trinity College Library, Cambridge: http:// www.newtonproject.ox.ac.uk/view/texts/normalized/THEM00254 [accessed 20 November 2017]).

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‘heavens’ (Gk. Ouranos: sky, air) in order to see a providential ordering and loving care, not only of the ‘birds of the air’, but of themselves (Mt. 6.26f.). The physical, material, reality of heaven and earth are in this sense translucent. God is seen and known through the things he has made (Pss. 8, 19.1–4, Rom. 1.20): for this he deserves thanks and praise. Those seeking ‘heavenly signs’, or idolizing creation, defame the name, mystery, majesty and creativity of God (Mt. 5.18f., 34f., 6.20f., 25f., 7.21f., 16.2). Biblical orthodoxy and popular piety in 17th- and early 18th-century Britain promoted a spiritual and scientific respect for the cosmos. Few doubted, or dissented: God was ‘Creator’, and worthy all creation’s praise (Ps. 150). As we saw earlier, if the Bible contained God’s ‘Word’, the world revealed his ‘Word and Works’. Scientific study was not inimical to this spirituality. As George Herbert’s (1593–1633) poem ‘Longing’ (1633) states: Indeed the world’s Thy book, Where all things have their leaf assigned; Yet a meek look Hath interlined. Thy board is full, yet humble guests Find nests. —1887: 132f. In the face of the finite, albeit glorious, materiality of a divinely created cosmos, Jesus says: ‘Heaven and earth will pass away, but my words will never pass away’ (Mt. 24.35). Heaven and earth, as distinct, effulgent entities, will at the end be replaced by a new ‘kingdom’ over which Christ rules. As the disciples are taught to pray, ‘Thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven’ (Mt. 6.10, Lk 11.2f.). Contra Confucian cosmology, in the Gospels ‘heaven’ and ‘earth’ are eschatological in character and teleological in purpose. As such, they are merely provisional realities created for specific, praise-filled purposes, through which God’s glory is seen, his will is known, and his plan of salvation accomplished. Second, as we have begun to see, ‘heaven’ and ‘earth’ in the Gospels are theologically charged. They are the context in which God reveals his power, fulfils his purposes and elicits praise. In the 17th and early 18th centuries, devotion still determined scientific perception. Few questioned Jesus’s revelatory role as the divinely appointed mediator between heaven and earth.172 As he says in John’s Gospel, ‘Anyone who has seen me has seen the Father’ (14.9). Hence, he ‘comes’ from heaven and ‘returns’ to heaven (Jn 3.31, 6.38, 14.28, 16.28, Acts 1.9–12). At his birth, baptism, transfiguration and ascension, heaven is ‘opened’ and God (both directly and indirectly) ‘speaks’, authorizing the identity and vocation of his anointed Son (Mt. 1.18–25, 3.16f., 17.1–8, Mk 1.9f., Lk. 1.26–38, 2.8–20, 3.21f., 9.28–36, 2 Pet. 1.16f.). Jesus ‘looks’ to ‘heaven’ in prayer (Mk 7.34, Jn 17.1). At his death, and separation from his heavenly Father, the ‘heavens’ are ‘darkened’ (Mt. 27.45, Mk 15.33, Lk. 23.44). During his ministry, Jesus proclaims the coming and character of God’s ‘kingdom’ as the rule, power and ethic of his ‘new (communal) life’ for those who ‘follow’ Like biblical criticism and the Gospels, atheistic and deistic tendencies in Britain were slow to direct their fire against Jesus himself. On the theological interface of progressive thought and biblical studies, Snobelen, S. D. ([2006] 2016), ‘ “To us there is but one God, the Father”: Antitrinitarian Textual Criticism in Seventeenth- and Early Eighteenth-Century England’, in Hessayon and Keene, 116–136.

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and ‘believe’ (e.g. Mt. 3.2, 5.3, 6.33, 7.21, 11.11, Mk 9.47, 10.14, 23, Lk. 4.43, 10.9, 12.31, 17.20f., Jn 3.5). In Jesus, ‘heaven’ is ‘at hand’ (Mt. 3.2, 4.17, Mk 1.15). Indeed, the ‘kingdom of heaven’ is ‘within’ or ‘among’ (Lk. 17.21) those who trust and obey him. In contrast, earth, though imbued with insignia of divine glory, is the domain of sin, death and demonic powers, until the decisive day of Jesus’s ‘return’. Meanwhile, his disciples are to proclaim the ‘good news’ of forgiveness of sins and ‘new life’ to the ‘ends of the earth’ (Acts 1.8). The ‘hope’ of heaven is, for Jesus’s disciples, anchored by his bodily resurrection on the ‘third day’, and confirmed by their own faith and experience. ‘Heaven’ is, then, in the Gospels, not a strained, theological abstraction, but a keen moral imperative and true philosophical and existential reality. Rather than counter this, Confucian cosmology cooled the spirits of those otherwise drawn to millennial extremism or Restoration mysticism. Third, as in the Analects, ‘heaven’ in the Gospels has clear moral connotations. It is not the power to do good (pace Confucius): it is the frame of reference in which good is done and towards which good tends.173 Jesus’s preaching and description of the ‘kingdom [of heaven]’ are the heart of his message in the Gospels, and the communal moral he enjoins. In contrast to tian in the Analects, as we will see in Chapter 5, biblical ethics look to Jesus’s dominical authority and the work of the Holy Spirit. Apart from these, the disciple has no innate moral capacity to honour God or keep his laws. That said, moral incentives are clear: the ‘kingdom of heaven’ is a precious ‘treasure’ and a ‘priceless pearl’ for which sacrifices are made (Mt. 13.1–52, 16.24f., Lk. 9.23f.). Likewise, the consequences of rejecting, or denying, Jesus’s call to ‘enter’ by ‘the narrow door’ into the ‘kingdom of heaven’ (Mt. 7.13f., Lk. 13.24f.) are vividly portrayed (Mt. 13.42, 24, 25, Lk. 13.28f., 21.5–36). Eternal bliss in ‘heaven’ is for those who ‘repent and believe the gospel’ (Mk 1.14f., Mt. 25.35–40). Though the term ‘heaven’ is applied to God in the Gospels (Mt. 21.26, Lk. 15.18, 21), it never displaces God. It is the eternal gift of God and the immanent presence – or personal sense of that gift – in the believer’s life. It is inherent in the teleological ethics of the New Testament, and integral to Christian eschatology and doctrines of ‘the last things’.174 If Ricci’s use of tian to translate the biblical God clarified matters for Chinese minds, it potentially confused Bible-believing Christians, for whom ‘heaven’ is at most the ‘throne’ or ‘domain’ of God, where his will and ways prevail.175 The potential for a false conflation of God with the cosmos is clear, but ‘divine modality’ and ‘human personality’ are no part of ‘heaven’ and ‘earth’ in the Gospels. Mutual respect does not always mean accord, nor, on this last point, clear understanding. Fourth, in different language, but an over-lapping meaning, the Gospels and Analects have a clear sense of an inherent power in the conformity of life to a heavenly template. In the ‘Beatitudes’ from the ‘Sermon on the Mount’, the ‘kingdom of heaven’ is for the ‘poor in spirit’ and ‘persecuted’; while the ‘children of heaven’ are those who ‘love their enemies’, ‘do the will of the Father in heaven’, are ‘the least’, or willing not to be ‘the greatest’, like a child (Mt. 5.3, 10, 45, 12.50, 18.1f., 19.14f.). The clear implication is that in and through the way of weakness, submission, humility For a historical perspective, Hickman, L. (2017), ‘The ethical cosmos’, in Eighteenth-Century Dissent and Cambridge Platonism, 101–35. 174 Traditionally, the ‘four last things’ in Christian eschatology relate to death, judgement, heaven and hell, as the four stages of the soul after death. Cf. Chapter 8, passim. 175 On ‘heaven’ as the locus of God’s ‘throne’, Is. 66.1, Acts 7.49; also, on Jesus ‘sitting at the right hand of the Father’ or being ‘at the right hand’ of God, Mt. 22.44, Acts 2.33, 7.55f., Rom. 8.34, Eph. 1.20, Col. 3.1, Heb. 8.1, 10.12, 12.2, 1 Pet. 3.22, Rev. 3.21. 173

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and silent suffering, divine strength and blessing are discovered and distributed. This is suggestively similar to the empowered ‘harmonizing’ of human life to a higher will evident in the Analects. Seventeenth and early 18th-century readers of the Bible, though often preoccupied with the ‘Harmony of the Gospels’,176 or the harmony, beauty and design of creation that proved God’s existence,177 were, I suggest, also ready to find in Confucian moral and cosmological ‘harmony’ grounds for affirmative mutual recognition. Confucius’s popularity in late 17th-century Britain may explain the exclusion of his philosophy from the parameters of the annual ‘Boyle Lectures’ (1692-present), which are, ‘for proving the Christian religion against Notorious Infidels, viz. Atheists, Deists, Pagans, Jews and Mahometans’ (Bentley 1693: 1).178 In other words, though attractive to Deists and rationalist critics of Christianity, Confucianism could be adduced in its defence. ‘Harmony’ was a non-controversial theological theme. The Nonconformist theologian and hymn writer Philip Doddridge (1702–51) joyfully expounds the theme with heavenly choirs in a verse setting of Psalm 66.7: His praise gives harmony to all their voices, And ev’ry heart thro’ the full choir rejoices. —1805: V. 34 Lastly, in Doddridge’s friend and fellow hymn writer, Isaac Watts (1674–1748), we glimpse the final sense in which ‘heaven’ and ‘earth’ are expounded in the Gospels. They refer to seasons and natural passage of time in the ‘heavens’ and ‘earth’ (Mt. 16.3, Lk. 12.56).179 Though sin may dull human perception, the evidence of God’s ordering is clear. To Watts, the Holy Spirit ‘re-establishes harmony between the human faculties’ (1813: 1.10). This mirrors God’s order, beauty and harmony in the cosmos. Hence, the Spirit’s work is, he says, ‘to put all our misplaced and disjointed powers into their proper order again, and to maintain this divine harmony and peace’ (ibid.). Furthermore, ‘It is the blessed Spirit that inclines reason to submit to faith, and makes the lower faculties submit to reason, and obey the will of our maker, and then gives us the pleasure of it’ (ibid.). Like friend Philip Doddridge, Watts skirts around ‘natural theology’ in celebration of the rational evidence in creation (for God’s existence) and faith (in God’s providential love, salvation and care) (Strivens 2015: 86f.). It is not only rationalist and Deist heirs of the Cambridge Platonists who cut the

As noted above (p. 73, n. 102), the history, theology and hermeneutical implications, and visual representation of a ‘harmonizing’ of the four gospels (or first three gospels), is long and complex. In the early 18th century, the radical Swiss theologian Jean Leclerc (1657–1736) wrote a new Harmony of the Gospels (1701), which the philosopher John Locke (1632–1704; p. 126, n. 176, 147, n. 88, 155, 162, 164, 167, 169, 215, 219, 222, 226, 315) had, while Griesbach’s (1745– 1812) classic study (1776) served to quieten the more conservative. On renewed English interest in ‘harmonizing’ the Gospels from the 16th to 18th centuries, McArthur, H. K. (1966), The Quest through the Centuries, 85. 177 N.B. naturalist John Ray’s (1627–1705), The Wisdom of God Manifested in the Works of Creation (1691), that sets out ‘to take a view of the Works of Creation, and to observe something of the Wisdom of God discernible in the Formation of them, in the Order and Harmony, and in their Ends and Uses’ (40). Cf. also, the Boyle lectures (in 1692 and 1694) by Richard Bentley (1662–1742), Master of Trinity College, Cambridge, and William Derham (1657–1735) in 1711 and 1712. On this, Strivens, R. (2015), Philip Doddridge and the Shaping of Evangelical Dissent, esp. 84f. 178 On contemporary debate about God’s existence, Stewart, M. A. (2006), ‘Arguments for the Existence of God: The British Debate’, in K. Haakonssen (ed.), Cambridge History of Eighteenth-Century Philosophy, II. 710–30; Muller, R. A. (2003), Post-Reformation Dogmatics, III. 193–5. 179 On Watts’s theology and view of reason, Beynon, G. (2016), Isaac Watts: Reason, Passion and the Revival of Religion. 176

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undergrowth of biblical literalism on the journey to Confucius’s centrality in the continental Enlightenment. Orthodox voices also assist this process, heralding ‘harmony’ as a gracious divine gift in and through God’s interrelated benefits of creation, revelation and recreation in Jesus Christ. The ubiquitous, polymorphic theme of ‘harmony’ in 17th- and early 18th-century Britain – from which, as we have seen, Dryden and others drew artistic, musical, literary, theological and scientific inspiration – though not explicit in the Gospels, is legitimately drawn from the cosmological and spiritual gifts of ‘peace’ and ‘unity’ Christ and the Spirit impart. Though Dryden does not cite the Analects, he unites and interprets in, and for, his day and age Asian Confucianism and Gospel orthodoxy, when in his poem ‘A Song for St. Cecilia’s Day, 1687’, he states: ‘From harmony, from heavenly harmony,/ This universal frame began.’ We read ‘on the far side’ of this. We also read after the rabid sinophilia of 18th-century Britain and Europe. To this we turn in the second snapshot of our story.

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Humanity, Society and the Search for Worth Am I not a man and a brother? —Josiah Wedgwood [1730–95], ‘Slave Medallion’, 1787 Self-understanding can be an unreliable guide. Exposure to another person can reveal things we would prefer to hide or ignore. Cross-cultural engagement attracts and repels most people in equal measure. We are fascinated by the other, but protective of our own. The dissimilar can be alluring, the similar and familiar oddly infuriating. International disputes and cultural tension can, like personality clashes, be provoked as much – if not more – by our rejected or unrecognized similarities, as much as cultural distance or unreconcilable differences. These psychological and relational realities impact the next stage in the story of the discovery, and break-down, of Sino-Western relations. We enter a swirling atmosphere. Our timeframe is from the last decades of the 17th century to c. 1750. Western sinophilia peaks during this period. To some, the Orient fulfilled the grandest, purest, most practical of romantic dreams: to others, China’s strangeness was a mirage created by ‘aliens’ and/or sustained by ‘Myths’. Others in the West, with a greater degree of emotional, political, or religious, detachment, objectified China, and made decisions based on a careful analysis of available data. Why people sit where they do and see what they see, cannot be easily, or conclusively, agreed. Such are people, such is perspective. International Relations, and intellectual and cultural history, are rightly understood to be very often more about personality and perspective than we might be ready to admit. Recovering harmony begins in admission of causing dissonance. We turn here from comparative analysis of classical Confucian and Christian views of the context of life, to the nature, or content, of life for an individual and his/her society. We mirror, if you like, Socrates’s (c. 470–399 BCE) shift from study of the heavens to human life (as a ‘rational’, rationally explicable reality) and from Aristotle’s (384–322 BCE) developed metaphysical and teleological view of ‘human nature’ (as a fixed, idea moving towards its natural end) – which dominated medieval thought – through their critique and reversal in the open-ended empiricism of the late 17th and early 18th centuries.1 If ‘heaven’ and ‘earth’ in the Analects and Gospels are conditioned by new ideas and interaction between China, Britain and Europe in the 17th and early 18th centuries, so now are humanity and society. We ‘read backwards carefully’ when we see the ‘faces’ of Confucius and Jesus on our old canvas are dulled by interpretative grime and depicted on a 1 For non-metaphysical, non-determinist, ‘behaviourist’ views of human nature, cf. below on Hobbes, Rousseau, Hegel, Marx, George Eliot, Darwin, Kierkegaard, Nietzsche, Sartre.

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shared ground not only of early-Modern cosmology but also of the related, contemporaneous, issue of anthropology.2 In the last chapter we saw Confucius connect the majesty of the mythic Yao to the greatness of Heaven (A. 8.19; p. 120). Psalm 8 also proceeds from praise of God’s glory in the heavens (v. 1, 3) to ask, ‘What is man that you are mindful of him, the son of man that you care for him?’ (v. 4). Cosmology and anthropology are separated here (in Chapters 3 and 4), but the potential artificiality and interpretative risks of this are clear. In the end, the reader must decide, in the light of the evidence, if this division is warranted. But this is not our only risk: cultural entanglement also threatens this chapter. The 17th and 18th-century material reviewed here is drawn equally, and interconnectedly, from Britain and Europe. For, ideas spread like viruses, not only between China and the West, but across the English Channel and, later, the Atlantic. Such is the scope and impact of this, it has marked indelibly how life for individuals and their societies are read in, and into, the Analects and Gospels. The long, intercultural ‘history of interpretation’ of the Analects and Gospels enters a rich, rewarding new phase here. Selection and exaggeration are again essential. So, too, identification of a ‘cultural archetype’ that enriches intertextual understanding and modern EastWest dialogue. In this case, I propose, china helps China and the West understand each another.

PORCELAIN AND THE PROBLEM OF PERFECTION We begin with a chemical process that has both united and divided China and the West – the quest to make porcelain. Our ‘cultural archetype’ is now a cultural artefact. The translucent beauty of bone-white porcelain, or just the ubiquity of ‘blue and white’ china, impact us all. The history of European efforts to crack the problem of porcelain is an accessible analogue for humanity’s quest to understand and transform itself and create life in community. This can be illustrated from the life and work of the globally branded Wedgwood family. Their story is in a sense ours, too. ‘Wedgwood’ is a valuable, global ‘cultural archetype’. In the discovery, beauty, subtlety, ambition and oppression of porcelain, human life, character, progress and community, are laid bare.3 We read the Analects and Gospels ‘on the far side’ of Josiah Wedgwood’s (1730–95) life, discoveries, priorities and humanity. In the year Handel’s Messiah was first performed, 1742, Thomas Briand (fl. 1742–80), an innovator from Chelsea, London, lectured to the Royal Society on ‘soft-paste’ porcelain.4 For centuries, the quest to reproduce the delicate and highly prized porcelain from China had been an obsession of many entrepreneurial craftsmen in Britain, including Josiah Wedgwood. In the pre-industrial world, artisan skills were jealously guarded by ‘guilds’ and trade secrets. This was certainly true of porcelain. Briand was the first successful British manufacturer of ‘soft-paste’ porcelain. In 1743, the ‘Chelsea’ porcelain factory opened its gates. In 1749, the Anglo-Irish painter Thomas Frye (c. 1710–62) patented ‘bone ash’ porcelain. An industry was born that would in time enrich many people in 2 I use the term ‘anthropology’ in this chapter to include areas covered by the classical doctrine of humanity, and the later academic discipline, which emerges in the 19th century. 3 On rival products from Delft, Meissen and Sèvres, and the social impact they had, p. 133, 154. 4 The terms ‘soft’ and ‘hard’ paste refer to the different temperatures and constituents used in manufacturing porcelain. ‘Softpaste’ is clay, glass frit and feldspathic porcelain fired at lower temperatures. This process made bone china, vitreous, Seger, new Sèvres, and Parian porcelain in 18th-century Britain and Europe. But Chinese porcelain, from the 7th and 8th century, was a ‘hard-paste’ ceramic compound of crushed feldspar rock (petunse) and kaolin, fired at c. 1400°C. This was the process Western potters struggled to emulate.

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Britain, including the Wedgwood family, but it would also affect the lives of millions for good and ill around the world. Porcelain is inter-twined with East-West cultural relations, the Jesuit China mission, and the theme of this chapter, ‘Humanity and Society’. In the 16th-century word ‘manufacture’ (lit. hand-made) we speak of human life. We are what we make, and, in Durkheimian analysis, we pursue new production when pressured by competition.5 The story of porcelain illustrates this well. The history of Chinese ceramics is long, complex and fiercely contested. That China pioneered new processes and production of a wide range of artefacts on an industrial scale, few people question. The Western concept ‘porcelain’,6 as a distinct type of manufacture, does not encompass all of China’s ceramics. Some earthenware and impervious stoneware pottery (for utilitarian and finer use), from ‘northern’ and ‘southern’ regions (recovered from caves and funeral sites), dates from pre-dynastic China. ‘Proto-porcelain’ and ‘porcelaneous’ wares, tao 䲦 (using kaolin fired to temperatures of 1000˚+ in different types of ‘updraft’, ‘dragon’ 喽 [long] and ‘mantou’ kilns 併九), are found more than 800 years prior to what some see as the start of decorated Chinese porcelain (made of crushed porcelain or feldstar stone – known as ‘petunse’ – quartz, and varying amounts of kaolin, or kaolinite) in the Eastern Han ᶡ╒ pottery (c. 206 BCE–200 CE) from Zhejiang. The path from China’s palaeolithic pottery to the highly prized ‘blue and white’, high-fired (ci ⬧) porcelain of the Yuan ‫(ݳ‬1271–1368) and Ming བྷ᰾ dynasties (1368–1644) – with their graceful lines and Islamic style, that are found in Europe from the 14th century – passed through lead-glazed, ‘egg-andspinach’ sancai йᖙ (three colour), and lime-green Celadon ware of the Sui 䲻 (581–618) and Tang ୀ (618–907) dynasties, to become pure, white, translucent artefacts. Suleiman, an Arab merchant, refers to the latter in his mid-9th-century Chain of Chronicles: ‘They have in China a very fine clay with which they make vases which are as transparent as glass; water is seen through them. The vases are made of clay’ (q. Bushell and Laffan 1910: 1). In under-stated Song ᆻ (960–1276) pottery, we see Confucian influence: it believed blue under-glaze and complex patterns to be brash. In the luxuriant, cosmopolitan, Mongol Yuan and Ming ware, we see types and styles of Chinese porcelain manufactured for internal and export markets. As a cultural artefact, ‘blue and white’ china brooks few rivals: its profile in Britain and Europe is a tangible analogue of social and international relations.7 We express who we are in what we make – and in how we use products, for good and ill.8 Josiah Wedgwood was born into an English Dissenting family in Burslem, a suburb of the modern city of Stoke, the eleventh and youngest child of a potter, Thomas Wedgwood III (1685–1739). Josiah’s grandfather was a Unitarian minister, a tradition Josiah followed. In childhood, Josiah contracted smallpox. This left his right knee too weak for a potter’s wheel. He directed his energies to designs others could work, and to financial and business protocols that would, and did, benefit his industry. Like many in his day, he was drawn to Chinese, and to neo-Classical, styles. Though European sinophilia wanes during his lifetime, he benefits from increased knowledge of China, its porcelain processes and manufacturing practices. The Jesuit missionary François Xavier d’Entrecolles, SJ (1664–1741) was central to the growth of European knowledge of Chinese porcelain. D’Entrecolles landed in Canton in 1698 on the French East India Company ship, Amphitrite. Like others on board, he had been sponsored by On the French sociologist/sociologist of religion, Émile Durkheim (1858–1917), Schmaus, W. (1997), Durkheim’s Philosophy of Science, 23f. 6 ‘Porcelain’, from the old Italian word for cowrie shell, porcellana, evokes its translucence. 7 Cf. the cultural significance of porcelain and statistics on Chinese export, p. 134, 135, 154f., 162, 164, n. 189, 169, 172f. 8 On truth through ‘manufacture’, below p. 148, n. 92, 154, 173, 174, 177. 5

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Louis XIV.9 With a ‘passion for the curious and unusual’ and proclivity to sift and marshal material (Finlay 2010: 18), d’Entrecolles was sent to the ‘Porcelain Capital’ of China, Jingdezhen Ჟᗧ䧞 (on the Chang river in NE Jiangxi). From the Han Dynasty on, Jingdezhen (the ancient capital Changnan) produced porcelain said to be ‘as thin as paper, as white as jade, as bright as a mirror, and as sound as a bell’. Such was its standing, the city was one of the ‘Great Four’ in the Ming and Qing dynasties;10 indeed, some say ‘China’ is a Western trader corruption of Changnan, or extrapolation from the city’s trade. D’Entrecolles lived there for twenty years before his appointment as Superior General in China (1706–19) and Superior of the French Residence in Peking (1722–32). Porcelain was another aspect of the rich, cultural legacy the Jesuit mission left Europe. Fine pottery rendered Chinese culture visible, accessible and widely admired in society. It united and divided China and the West. Purportedly the first Chinese porcelain found in Europe was the magnificent Fonthill Vase,11 a richly decorated pot gifted to Louis the Great of Hungary (1326–82) by a Chinese Embassy bound for Avignon in 1338 to meet Pope Benedict XII (1285–1342; r. 1334–42). The vase was (almost

FIGURE 8: The Gagnières-Fonthill vase by Barthélemy Rémy (1713). N.B. Louis XIV’s passion for porcelain, p. 133. The others were Foshan ֋ኡ (Guangdong), Hankou ╒ਓ (Hubei) and Zhuxianzhen ᵡԉ䧞 (Henan). 11 Also known as the Gaignières-Fonthill Vase. It was prob. made in Changnan c. 1300–40. In colour and style, it represents the end of Qingbai 䶂ⲭ ware and the beginning of the ‘blue and white’ style seen in Europe in the 15th century and imitated by European potters from the 18th century. Having various owners, incl. Jean, duc de Berry (1340–1416), the vase can be seen in a 1713 watercolour owned by the French genealogist, antiquary and collector, Francois Roger de Gaignières (1642– 1715). William Beckford (1760–1844), a profligate English novelist and art collector, who lived at Fonthill Abbey, Wiltshire, procured it (hence its name). It is now in the National Museum of Ireland, Dublin. 9

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certainly) from Changnan.12 Porcelain gained favoured social status. There is a pen and ink drawing of it by the German Renaissance artist Albrecht Dürer (1471–1528). In 1506 Archduke Philip of Austria (1478–1506) gifted some Ming celadon ware to the then Archbishop of Canterbury (fr. 1503), William Warham (c. 1450–1532).13 Later in the century, London became famous for its silver-mounted Chinese porcelain.14 Elizabeth I’s (1533–1603; r. 1558–1603) lifelong advisor and beau, William Cecil, 1st Baron Burghley (1520–98), had a stash of Wanli pottery c. 1580. Charles II’s mistress Barbara Villiers, the 1st Duchess of Cleveland (1640–1709), auctioned her porcelain collection in Paris in 1678. Louis XIV is said to have had a ‘porcelain fetish’. Porcelain figures of social and intellectual illuminati were popular in an 18th-century gentleman’s study. A bust of Shakespeare by the Flemish sculptor Peter Scheemaker (1691–1781) is listed in 1741/2. Europe struggled for four centuries to match and master China’s ‘hard-paste’ porcelain. The 16th-century ‘soft-paste’ Medici porcelain is one of many ignominious failures. In 1712 and 1722, after years of study, and help from local experts and converts, d’Entrecolles wrote at length to Louis-François Orry, SJ (1671–1726), treasurer of the Jesuit mission in China and India, about porcelain. His letters were finally printed in Lettres édifiantes et curieuses de Chine (1702–76),15 in Du Halde’s Description de l’Empire de la Chine (1735), and in French philosopher, advocate and literary artist Denis Diderot’s (1713–84) Encyclopédie (1751–72).16 China’s expertise was now broadcast across Europe. Wedgwood drank deep from Jesuit wells. His ‘Commonplace’ book quotes d’Entrecolles at length.17 But more is at stake. Porcelain will become a romanticized and politicized cipher for life in society. Manufacture is revelatory: it will soon become revolutionary. Though some claim earlier English success – and French soft-paste ‘blue and white’ porcelain was certainly produced in the Saint-Cloud factory, Rouen, from 1702 – in parallel with the publication of d’Entrecolles findings, Augustus II ‘the Strong’, Elector of Saxony (1670–1733), sponsored experiments into ‘hard-paste’ porcelain. The scientific polymath, Ehrenfried Walther von Tschirnhaus (1651–1708) experimented with kaolin clay (used in China) and alabaster mined from nearby Colditz. He was joined in 1705 by the feisty young alchemist Johann Friedrich Böttger (1682–1719). A note in their workshop log records that shortly before his death in October 1708, Tschirnhaus solved the porcelain problem. The first example of hard-paste, translucent white, vitrified porcelain, had been produced. In 1709, the year Augustus became King of Poland, Böttger announced the news – and shamelessly took the credit! Its secret tightly guarded, the ‘Meissen’ factory opened its doors a year later. Though Wedgwood was fascinated by, and keen to copy, Chinese techniques, as we have seen, Briand beat him to the starting blocks. Wedgwood’s work led him to collaborate in his twenties with the eminent pioneer in British pottery, Thomas Whieldon (1719–95), his business partner from 1754, and, from 1768 to 1780, with the notable, gentleman-potter from Scropton, Derbyshire, On other pieces of porcelain de Berry may have possessed, Arnold, L. (1999), Princely Gifts and Papal Treasures, 133f. Warham bequeathed the gift to New College, Oxford in 1530. 14 On porcelain, the Jesuits and silver-mounted artefacts, Wilson, G. ed. (1999), Mounted Oriental Porcelain in the J. Paul Getty Museum, Introduction. 15 Cf. the Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, below p. 101, 103. 16 On Du Halde, p. 137, 138, 139, 150, 171f., 205. On Diderot, p. 149f., 152, 153f., 161, n. 166. 17 On Wedgwood’s debt to China for refining porcelain, resolving production issues and training staff, Žmolek, M. A. (2013), Rethinking the Industrial Revolution, 409f. 12 13

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Thomas Bentley (1731–80), who brought sophistication to their work. Wedgwood’s marriage to his third cousin, Sarah Wedgwood, in 1764 provided much-needed finance to expand his primitive factories. Wedgwood’s unique style, and ‘blue and white’, ‘black basalt’, ‘creamware’, ‘jasperware’, and ‘caneware’ glaze, combined classical shapes, literary motifs and evocations of well-known paintings. The breadth and combination of his products attracted royal patronage, burgeoning domestic and overseas trade, and vast wealth. Wedgwood was passionate about perfection. He was as keen on perfect products as he was the process behind them and business that drove them (McKendrick 1982: 108). It took him three years to perfect his 1789 copy of the 1st-century BCE ‘blue and white’ Portland vase: his marketing genius, launch of new products, siting of stores, accounting protocols, and very modern commitment to (multi-lingual) customer satisfaction, continue to impress. He was quite simply a highly effective entrepreneur, who made china, and made it popular. But he was also committed to ethical practice. What has been said of Wilberforce is also true of Wedgwood: one man can change his society – but cannot do it alone. Wedgwood’s life and work left a global legacy. He is a worthy associate of the ‘cultural archetype’ for this chapter. Wedgwood’s impact lay beyond pottery. His study of Chinese porcelain production became the template for his development of new industrial processes. By separating artisan skills, productionlevels could be increased. Domestic and high-end pottery poured onto the streets of Britain. ‘Blue and white’ became a sought-after sign of affluence, then a symbol of an emergent, urban middle class. British and European society were defined and transformed by porcelain.18 Wedgwood’s wealth enabled him to change the socio-economic status quo in Britain, and her sovereign territories, in other ways. When called upon by his friend William Wilberforce, MP (1759–1833), and a group of wealthy evangelicals and ‘socialist’ Quakers, to fund a campaign to abolish the economically advantageous – and, nationally scandalous – slave trade, Wedgwood agreed. As the Quaker abolitionist Thomas Clarkson (1760–1846) said of Wedgwood’s ubiquitous ‘Slave Medallion’: Of the ladies several wore them in bracelets, and others had them fitted up in an ornamental manner as pins for their hair. At length the taste for wearing them became general; and thus fashion, which usually confines itself to worthless things, was seen for once in the honourable office of promoting the cause of justice, humanity and freedom. —[1808] 1839: 417 Produced first by poor, but skilled, Chinese labourers, Wedgwood made porcelain a key to unlock the chains of (mostly West) Africans transported on British ships to slavery in the Caribbean and elsewhere. He turned the biblical principle of human creation by, and equality before, God into a reconstructive social agenda for Georgian Britain. A century later, his own grandson, the naturalist, geologist and evolutionary biologist, Charles Darwin (1809–82), shattered the faith of many Victorian churchmen with the publication on 24 November 1859 of On the Origin of Species.19 Biology might select, economics, faith and society did not.

For a parallel with tea and tea-drinking p. 8, 186, 188, 190. N.B. the better-known later title The Origin of Species (6th edn, 1872). On the work’s history and reception, Browne, E. J. (2006), Darwin’s Origin of Species; Reznick, D. N. (2009), The Origin Then and Now; Scheibel, A. B. and J. W. Schopf, eds (1997), The Origin and Evolution of Intelligence. On Darwin and ‘social evolution’or ‘social Darwinism’, p. 235, 316, 320. 18 19

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FIGURE 9: Wedgwood abolitionist medallion, ‘Am I not a man and a brother?’ (1786).

After years of study, travel, discussion, sickness and heart-ache – together with 19th-century work on evolution by French naturalist Jean-Baptiste Lamarck (1744–1829), and his own colleague, Alfred Russel Wallace (1823–1913) – Darwin advanced his theory of ‘natural selection’. His work blends Aristotelian essentialism (where species retain certain features) with anti-Aristotelian scientism (in which reality per se develops). Unlike his grandfather, Darwin symbolizes the flowering of British Cartesian rationalism and Baconian empiricism. With very different premises and prejudices, neither member of the Wedgwood family would doubt Confucius’s claim: ‘Of all that Heaven has produced and Earth nourishes, the greatest is man’ (q. Kelen 1971: 93). Readers of the Analects and Gospels in China and the West do so in light of Wedgwood and Darwin’s work, and the trans-continental ‘cultural archetype’ of porcelain. We will return to porcelain later in this chapter. For now, we note its remarkable socio-economic and moral reach. In different ways, it has touched and changed us all.

CHINA AND THE ROOTS OF EUROPEAN ANTHROPOLOGY D’Entrecolles is one of many missionaries, diplomats, explorers and entrepreneurs, who acted as cultural intermediaries between China and the West in the 17th and early 18th centuries (Rowbotham 1942: vii). The expansion of Western knowledge of China was exponential. Printed material outstripped porcelain production. China did not need to promote itself: it inspired a cultural, intellectual army of subversive Europeans. Central to China’s impact on European culture and society were issues classical Confucianism raised about the nature of ‘man’. The question was not only, ‘Who do I think am?’, but ‘How and what do I think?’ Anthropology and epistemology are inseparable. The impact of China’s challenge to the intellectual, social, and moral foundations of European culture emerged gradually. In time, innocent publications would become incendiary devices. We read the Analects and Gospels today ‘on the far side’ of the revolution in early-Modern

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anthropology and philosophy that D’Entrecolles and his colleagues, consciously and unconsciously, ignited.20 We study key European figures in this section, their British counterparts in the next. European reception of Confucius and Confucianism in the 17th and 18th centuries, is both complex and contested. Cast in sharp relief is the problem of how to preserve the right ‘interpretative context’ and avoid projecting ‘uncommon assumptions’ (especially a modern ‘self ’) on the Analects and Gospels. These, Hall and Ames rightly caution, plague Confucian studies (1987: 11, 18f.). But we also find fluidity in the image of Confucius per se. As Paul Rule says, he is ‘plagiarized by countless works’ (1986: 73). Of his ascendant profile during this period, there is little doubt. Jensen says of his European reception at the time: Confucius was a significant, and salient, artefact. The frequency with which his name and image appeared in letters, memoires, treatises, travel literature and histories suggests that he was moved like a New World species in an expanding market of new ideas joining Rome with Paris, London, Berlin, Prague and then, in turn, with the missionary outposts at Goa, Canton, Macao and Beijing. —1997: 9 The need for care is clear. The tributary stream of data on China in the early 17th century joins the fast-flowing river of Renaissance humanism. This becomes by the mid-18th century an oriental torrent. If Michelangelo’s Pietà gives physical form to ‘il Sommo Poeta’ (the supreme poet) Dante Alighieri’s (c. 1265–1321) ‘Vergine madre, figlia del tuo figlio’ (Virgin mother, daughter of your son),21 the radical Enlightenment in the West reimagines Confucius in a much more invasive way. Gone is the ‘accommodation’ of Jesus to Chinese culture. Confucius becomes an axe to smash Christendom’s ‘carved panelling’ (Ps. 74.6). He is invoked in expansion of the European mind from (Christian) Renaissance humanism to (secularized) Enlightenment rationalism. As the Jewish Russian philosopher and historian of science Alexandre Koyré (1892–1964) says, this involves a move From the Closed World to the Infinite Universe (1957). The mind and meaning of ‘man’ are pivotal to this paradigm shift in European consciousness. Seventeenth- and early 18th-century European sinology can be divided into two main types: i. the study of Chinese language and translation of Confucian texts; and, ii. the use of Chinese materials to interpret, or critique, Western thought and practice.22 As we have seen, early drafts of Chinese philosophical texts by Ruggieri and Ricci appear in the 1590s. Prior to publication of Confucius Sinarum Philosophus in 1687, Jesuit manuscripts from China and Goa began to introduce Confucian thought. Sapientia Sinica (1662) has the Great Learning and some of the Analects. Sinarum scientia politico-moralis (1667–9) has a section of the Doctrine of the Mean. These, and other Confucian texts translated at this time, began to be available across continental On China and the new discipline of ‘anthropology’, Niekerk, C. (2016), ‘The Problem of China: Asia and Enlightenment Anthropology’, in B. Brandt and D. L. Purdy (eds), China in the German Enlightenment, 97–117. 21 Dante, Commedia, III. Paradiso, Cantica 33. Composed between c. 1308 and 1321, Commedia is a breath-taking literary counterpart to the ‘angelic doctor’ Thomas Aquinas’s (1225–74) Summa Theologiae (1265–74). It is a Christian vision of the afterlife, with Inferno (Hell), Purgatorio (Purgatory), and Paradiso (Paradise). Dante’s contemporary Giovanni Boccaccio (1313–75) called the work ‘Divina’ (divine). In his late-medieval Christian way, Dante defined humanity by reference to God and divine judgement, not by humanity’s self-assigned criteria which are now more popular. 22 For history and cross-cultural typology, Ji, J. (2007), Encounters Between Chinese Culture and Christianity. 20

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Europe.23 And, as David Pollard points out, these books ‘were interpreted as consistent with “natural religion” and lacking only Revelation through Jesus Christ’ (2011: III. 2184f.). In other words, early translations both interpreted, and effectively promoted, Confucian thought. Pollard continues: ‘Virtues that the Chinese regarded as only human or social were given religious colouring: for example, yi (justice) was translated fidelitatem (fidelity), ren (benevolence) was pietate et clemente (piety and mercy), shengren (sage) was translated as sanctus (saint, or holy man)’ (ibid.). And, again: ‘In the sphere of metaphysics, dao (the Way), the universal order the Chinese thought of as organic and self-generating, was translated rationally as regula (rule), a mechanical system laid down by God, and xiu dao (cultivation of the Way) interpreted as spiritual exercises like those the priests themselves performed’ (ibid.).24 Over time, this comparative process would witness rolereversal: Confucian categories would critique Christianity. In this initial stage, European Sinology shared Britain’s interest in the history, language, geography and culture of China:25 acute investigation, and application of Confucian philosophy and ethics, would come later. Seventeenth-century European studies of China and the Chinese language are almost always composed by, or dependent on, Catholic missionaries. But an influential lay source was Dutch philosophical geographer, Bernhard Varen’s (1622–50) Descriptio regni Iaponiae (1649) and his Geographia Generalis (1650).26 Inspired by his cartographer friend Willem Blaeu (1571–1638), and the Asian explorations of Abel Tasman (1603–59), William Schouten (c. 1567–1625) and other Dutch navigators, Varen investigated geography, cartography, the physics of time, climate and seasons, and many newly discovered cultures. The addendum to Descriptio regni Iaponiae is entitled ‘Chinensum religio’ (Chinese religion).27 Anthropology is often situated in and interpreted by cosmology: it is so here. Varen writes of the Chinese: [They] assert that the whole universe consists of one and the same substance and that its creator, together with sky and earth, men and beasts, trees and plants, and finally the four elements,

E.g. Du Halde’s Description of China has: i. Prémare’s part-translation of the Book of Odes (Shi jing); ii. a full Latin version by Alex. de la Charme (1695–1767), whose translation of a mid-16th century Chinese chronology was completed in 1741, but not published until 1830; iii. Ant. Gaubil’s (1689–1759) translation of the Book of Documents/Classic of History (Shu jing) published in Paris (1770); iv. the MS of Jean-Baptiste Regis’s (1663–1738) anti-Figurist translation of the Book of Changes (Yijing), Y-King, antiquissima sinarum liber (Book of Changes, the oldest Chinese book), which was initially refused publication because of its content, but was then produced in Stuttgart (1834) and Tübingen (1839). On Leibniz and the Yijing, p. 96, 116, 117, 140f., 143f. On these texts, Luca, D. (2016), The Chinese Language in European Texts. 24 N.B. Pollard has an over-view of Jesuit versions of Chinese literature and of their Western texts in Chinese. Though Chinese materials were widely read in Europe, Western texts were, Pollard points out, read by few and largely lost when the Catholic mission was proscribed in the mid-18th century. Though early materials were of an apologetic and catechetical nature, of the c. 131 Jesuit compilations and translations in and from China between 1584 and 1790, c. 89 were on astronomy with others on scientific themes (i.e. anatomy, medicine, zoology, phonology, musicology and logic). 25 On this, Lundbaek, K. (1991), ‘The first European translations of Chinese historical and philosophical works’, in T. H. C. Lee (ed.), China and Europe, 29–43; Minford, J. and J. S. M. Lau, eds (2000), Classical Chinese Literature, xlivf.; Mungello, D. E. (1988), ‘The Seventeenth century Jesuit translation project’, in C. E. Ronan, SJ, and B. B. C. Oh (eds), East meets West, 252–72. 26 Cf. Roetz, H. (2013), ‘The Influence of Foreign Knowledge on Eighteenth Century European Secularism’, in L. Hölscher and M. Eggert (eds), Religion and Secularity, 9–33 (esp. 23). Varen’s Geographia Generalis passed through fifteen complete, and four part-edns. in five European languages, and ten in an abridged French version. Varen draws a distinction between ‘absolute’, ‘relative’, and ‘comparative’ geography, and uses principles found in others, including Isaac Newton, James Jurin (1684–1759), William Dugdale (1605–86), the French cartographer J.B. Bourguignon d’Anville (1697–1782) and Prussian naturalist Alexander von Humboldt (1769–1859). In mapping the world, he mapped life. 27 N.B. also, von Collani, C. (1995), ‘The “Treatise on Chinese Religions (1623)” of N. Longobardi, S.J.’. 23

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compose a single continuous body, of whose great body individual creatures are members. From the unity of these substances they teach ... that we can arrive at similitude to god from the fact that he is one with him. —[1649]; q. Maverick 1939: 421 The similarity between this and the Dutch Sephardic Jewish convert to Christianity, Baruch Spinoza’s (1632–77) later thought is, as his contemporaries noticed,28 striking.29 Varen was not unique. The French adventurer-medic Francois Bernier (1620–88), pupil of the clerical philosopher and mathematician Pierre Gassendi (1592–1655), reported at length on life and travel in Asia. Serving at one time as the physician to the Indian Prince Dara Shikoh (1615–59), the elder son of Shah Jahan (1594–1666) and Aurangzeb (1618–1707), the last Moghul Emperor, Bernier wrote travelogues that blend cultural commentary and empirical analysis. Like his free-thinking, empirical mentor Gassendi, Bernier used a Baconian-type system of racial classification to narrate Asian history and to objectify China and Chinese culture for European readers.30 Life’s mystery and diversity were, like Chinese porcelain, increasingly subject to empirical study and cross-cultural commentary. Humanity and society begin to look different, to take on new meaning. Social change blows in on warm oriental breezes. To Semedo, Couplet, Navarrete,31 Verbiest, and Du Halde’s early work on China’s geography, politics, religion and culture, is added now that of others. These include Louis Le Comte, SJ (1655–1728), Jean-Baptiste Regis, SJ (1663–1738), the Figurists Joachim Bouvet, SJ (1656–1730) and Joseph de Prémare, SJ (1666–1736), Jean-Denis Attiret, SJ (1702–68), Jean Joseph Marie Amiot, SJ (1718–93),32 the Parisian scholar Nicolas Fréret (1688–1749), the Italian Paolo Mattia Doria (1667–1746),33 and Shen Fuzong’s successor, Arcadio Huang 哳హ⮕ (1679–1716), brought to Paris by the Missions étrangères, who pioneered Chinese lexicography.34 All were known to, and their work scrutinized by, the leaders of the early, radical European Enlightenment. But information is contentious. Le Comte’s Nouveaux Mémoires sur l’état présent de la Chine 28 On the proto-Encyclopédiste Hugenot Pierre Bayle’s (1647–1706) view that Spinoza and the Japanese held ‘the first principle of all things that constitute the universe is nothing but one and the same substance’ (1697: II. 832), Roetz, Religion and Secularity, 23. On Bayle, p. 147, 151, n. 122 & 123, 152. 29 Cf. below p. 141f., 146, 153, 211, n. 158, 214, 238f., 276, 280, 299, 307, n. 199, 336. On Spinoza, Varen and Chinese thought, Maverick, L. A. (1939), ‘A possible Chinese source of Spinoza’s doctrine’; —(1946), China, A Model for Europe. N.B. Spinoza was converted to Christianity in 1649, the year Varen’s Descriptio was published. 30 On European views of China at the time, Brandt, B. and D. L. Purdy, eds (2016), China in the German Enlightenment; Cook, D. J. and H. Rosemont, Jr. (1994), Writings on China; Gernet, J. (1985), China and the Christian Impact; Israel, J. I. (2007), ‘Admiration of China and Classical Chinese Thought in the Radical Enlightenment’. 31 Bp. Domingo Navarrete’s, OP (1618–86), Tratados de la Monarchia de China (1676) was translated and printed as An Account of the Empire of China, Historical, Political, Moral, and Religious, 4 vols (London, 1704). Cf. on British awareness of European travelogues, The Collection of Voyages and Travel, 4 vols (London, 1704); A New General Collection of Voyages and Travels, 4 vols (London, 1746), III (which references Navarrete). N.B. also, Cummins, J. S. ed. (1962), The Travels and Controversies of Friar Domingo Navarette. 32 On Amiot and porcelain, Choi, K. I., Jr. (2015–16), ‘Portraits of Virtue’; —(2015), ‘Father Amiot’s Cup’, in A. Gerritsen and G. Riello (eds), Writing Material Culture History, 33–41. 33 N.B. a friend of historian, philosopher and social analyst G. Vico (1668–1744), cf. below p. 148f. 34 On the relation between Freret, Huang, Doria and the radical French lawyer Montesquieu (1689–1755), Israel, J. I. (2006), Enlightenment Contested, 660. On Montesquieu, below p. 152, n. 122, 153f., 171, 184, 214, 221, 226, n. 244, 228, n. 258, 275, n. 54, 316. N.B. Doria’s anti-Spinozist, pro-Platonic work on Christianity and Confucianism (cf. De Fabrizio, P., et al. [1981–6], Manoscritti napolitana di Paolo Mattia Doria). Doria wrote of the destructive power of commerce on morality. His views probably influenced Vico.

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(1696)35 was censured for setting Confucianism ‘on a par with the Christian revelation as a supreme product of the moral aspirations of Man’ (q. Rowbotham 1945: 232).36 Bouvet’s Histoire de l’empereur de la Chine (1697) presented the Emperor Kangxi as the ideal ruler, Confucius’s vision of government as exemplary. Both of these works reveal early European Sinology was confident, critical and creative. It was also collaborative and cosmopolitan.37 The German physician, botanist, philologist and sinologist Christian Mentzel (1622–1701), author of a short Latin-Chinese Lexicon, corresponds with Couplet.38 Likewise, the Flemish poet and dramatist François Noël, SJ (1651– 1729), who is prominent in early Western Sinology and the ‘Rites Controversy’, having held posts in China and Rome before teaching in Prague and dying in Lille, is praised in Du Halde’s Description of China.39 Leipzig theologian and Hebraist Johann Benedikt Carpzov II (1639–99), from an intellectual dynasty, followed the polymath Leibniz and philosopher Christian Wolff (1679–1754) in trusting Noël’s views on China, Chinese culture and Confucianism. Andreas Müller (1630–94), Thomas Bayer (1694–1738), J. L. Mosheim (1693–1755), and Christoph Murr (1733–1811) in Germany, laid the ground-work for later European sinologists, such as the French academic JeanPierre Abel-Rémusat (1788–1832), the fiery Julius Klaproth (1783–1835), the controversial missionary-linguist Joshua Marshman (1768–1837) and his angular, but honourable, nemesis, the first Protestant missionary to reside in mainland China, Robert Morrison (1782–1834).40 So, seeds were sown, thoughts spawned, the headwaters of Western culture ‘contaminated’ by new Confucian cuttings from this missionary material. The West is thereby exposed to ‘corrosive’ Asian ideas, as some rejoiced, and others dreaded, to discover.41 We should note in passing the challenge translators of the Bible into Chinese faced.42 Morrison was sanguine: ‘A European can have little motive to enter on the study of Chinese; or at least, can scarcely have motive sufficiently strong to carry him successfully through’ (1817: 121). Despite extensive Jesuit scholarship, later translators had access to only a few handwritten copies of Franciscan missionary-scholar Basilio Brollo de Glemona’s (1648–1704) 38,000-character 35 On Le Comte, Frey, L. S and M. L. Frey (2003), ‘The Search for Souls’, in G. J. Ames and R. S. Love (eds), Distant Lands and Diverse Cultures, 231–48. 36 Prompted by Dominican opposition to Jesuit ‘accommodation’, the Sorbonne investigated Le Comte and others for evidence of heresy. In 1710 the papacy forbade all publications on the China mission without official permission. Le Comte’s work remained a standard text on China. It was published in Philadelphia as early as 1787. On this, Maverick, L. A. (1946), China a Model for Europe, 21f.; Aldridge, A. O. (1993), The Dragon and the Eagle, 17f. 37 On circulation of knowledge about China, Golvers, N. (2012), ‘“Savant” in correspondence from China with Europe in the 17th–18th centuries’. 38 Cf. Mentzel, C. (1685), Sylloge Minutiarum Lexici Latino-Sinico-Characteristici; —(1696), Kurze Chinesische Chronologia; also, Kraft, E. (1975), ‘Christian Mentzel, Philippe Couplet, Andreas Cleyer und die chinesische Medizin’, in H. Wormit (ed.), Fernöstliche Kultur, 158–96. On Mentzel and other early European translations of Chinese texts, Lach and Van Kley, eds (1993), Asia in the Making of Europe, III. 1681, n. 94. 39 In 1710 Noël published his Observationes Mathematicae et Physicae in India et China Factae (Mathematical and Physical Observations made in China), and the following year, Sinensis Imperii Libri Classici Sex (Six Classic Books of the Chinese Empire), which is a significant upgrade on Confucius Sinarum Philosophus. 40 On Müller and other early German studies of Confucius, Li, W. (2012), ‘Confucius and the Early Enlightenment in Germany from Leibniz to Bilfinger’, in K. Mühlhahn and N. van Looy (eds), The Globalization of Confucius and Confucianism, 9–21; Landbæk, K. (1986), T. S. Bayer; Muslow, M. ed. (1997), Johann Lorenz Mosheim. Though a Protestant, Murr was an admirer of the Portuguese Jesuits, and author of Geschichte der Jesuiten in Portugal (2 vols, 1787– 8). On Abel-Rémusat, Klaproth and Marshman, p. 201f., 206, 290, n. 127, 297, n. 157, 328. On Morrison, 13, 118, 139f., 199f., 267, 269, 286, 290f., 297, 328, 467. 41 On Chinese thought and German philosophy from Leibniz to Heidegger, Schönfeld, M. (2006), ‘From Confucius to Kant’. 42 On Morrison’s Chinese sources (1825: 44f.).

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Dictionarium Sinico-Latinum,43 and Francisco Varo’s (1627–87) primitive grammar, Arte de la Lengua Mandarina (compiled, 1682; published in Canton, 1703), his Mexican pupil Pedro de la Piñuela (1650–1704) had revised.44 Copies of Mentzel’s Lexicon Latino-Sinicum (1685), Bayer’s two-volume Museum Sinicum (1730), and French orientalist Étienne Fourmont’s (1683–1745) Meditationes Sinicae (1737) and Linguae Sinarum Mandarinicae (1742),45 were all available, but not many.46 Like other early works, Prémare’s influential Notitis Linguae Sinicae, though completed in 1729, was not published until 1831. A part-translation of the Chinese Bible, by French missionary Jean Basset (1662–1707), also existed. This, like other Catholic resources, was used respectfully by Morrison and his Protestant heirs.47 Others had traversed the Alpine peaks of Mandarin before them. They were thankful for the footholds they had been left. English antiquarian and orientalist Stephen Weston (1747–1830) spoke for many: ‘The Chinese tongue . . . may be mastered for the purpose of knowing what it contains, if one has courage to scale the wall that surrounds it, and to force a way through the hedges of aloes, and prickly pears, with which it is fenced, by learning the mode of using its dictionaries, and by an acquaintance with its roots, or claves’ (1807: xii; q. Minford and Lau 2000: xlvi). Unless we acknowledge this, we cannot begin to understand the passion behind Europe’s Enlightenment quest to engage China’s language, philosophy and culture.48 Crucially, China did not force Europe’s hand: Europe eagerly – at times, perhaps, naïvely – submitted to the Confucian yoke from Asia.

CHINA IN EUROPE: DESCARTES, SPINOZA, LEIBNIZ AND THE BIRTH OF THE ENLIGHTENMENT Furnished with new materials and inspired by the challenge of Confucian ideas, European intellectuals engaged in a prolonged courtship of Chinese philosophy and culture. For the rest of this part of the chapter we meet their most prominent suitors. We exaggerate essential features to honour China’s impact on the early-Modern European mind. During this time, as the diplomat Sir George Staunton (1781–1859) aptly said, Confucius was ‘cried up’.49 The Analects and Gospels are read and interpreted in China and the West ‘on the far side of ’ the intellectual revolution this intense Sino-European interaction inspired. We turn, first, to the potent pre-Socratic interest in non-human realities of the French philosopher – and long-term resident in Holland – René Descartes (1596–1650). Cartesian philosophy owes little directly to Confucius’s thought. Most of the early European work on ‘the

In a famous case of plagiarism, the China resident and scholar Chrêtien Louis Joseph de Guignes (1759–1845) tinkered with the Glemona MS and published it, without attribution, in Paris as Dictionnaire chinois, français, et latin (1813). 44 On Varo’s work, Coblin, W. S. and J. A. Levi, trans. (2000), Francisco Varo’s Grammar of the Mandarin Language. On the importance of Varo’s work for Morrison and Marshman, Foley, T. S. (2009), Biblical Translation in Chinese and Greek, 74f. 45 As if to confirm the strength of early French Sinology, Fourmont’s work contains the catalogue to Louis XIV’s Chinese library and a hundred works by missionaries. Cf. Leung, C. (2002), Étienne Fourmont (1683–1745), ad loc. 46 Gützlaff disparaged this material (Reed 1838: I. 370f.). 47 On the history, use and theology of the Chinese Bible MS in the British Library, Quatuor Evangelia Sinice, presumed to be (mostly) drafted by Basset, Zetzsche, J. O. (1999), The Bible in China, 28f.; Hancock, Morrison, 21f.; Strandenaes, T. (1983), ‘The Sloane MS #3599: An Early manuscript of an Incomplete Chinese Version of the New Testament’. 48 On the later history of European and British sinology and Bible translation, p. 201f. 49 N.B. Sir George Staunton in conversation with John Cam Hobson (1786–1869), May 1819: ‘Confucius had formerly been too cried up, and (is) now too much cried down’ (q. Kitson 2013: 193). On Staunton, romanticism and China, p. 206f. 43

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Master’ appeared after Descartes’s death, but his thought is an important praeparatio Evangelii. It helped to create an intellectual climate conducive to Confucian ideas and ideals. Contemporaries recognized this, and, more or less intentionally, assigned Descartes a Chinese character and Confucius French clothes.50 In his Discours de la Méthode (1637, Discourse on the Method), Meditationes de Prima Philosophia (1639–41, Meditations on the First Philosophy), and their synthesis in his comprehensive mechanistic and metaphysical work Principia Philosophiæ (1644; French, 1647: Principles of Philosophy), Descartes justifies the British philosopher Bertrand Russell’s description of him as an intellectual ‘discoverer and an explorer’ (1946: 557). After his itinerant youth, Descartes resolved ‘to seek no knowledge other than that which could be found in myself or else in the great book of the world’ ([1637] 1985: Pt. 1). In his quest for ‘certainty’ he admits doubt, suspects human judgement, and submits to God-given reason and the use of his mind. As he contended, ‘Cogito ergo sum’ (I think, therefore I am). Descartes’s impact on philosophy, scientific methodology, and human perception of material reality, is all too clear: less obvious is his direct relation to 17th and 18th-century sinophilia. To some, he heralds a rosy-fingered dawn of rationalist readings of the Confucian Classics and the New Testament Gospels; to others, the noonday sunlight on antithetical mind-body dualism; to others, again, early dusk on divine revelation and faith in a personal God. We find few references here to the well-known and ‘new’ worlds of his day: Persia, Mexico, China [x3], and Hurons of the Americas, are only glimpsed. To Descartes, it was more significant that humanity was one ‘as regards reason or sense’. As he said: ‘[S]ince it is the only thing that makes us men and distinguishes us from the beasts, I am inclined to believe that it exists whole and complete in each of us’ ([1637] 2008: 111).51 So, Descartes shared Confucius’s view of humanity’s rational capacity and moral potential, but to force a closer correlation between their thought is both problematic and (probably) anachronistic. If Descartes helped to create the conditionalities in which Confucianism flourished in 17thcentury Europe, his younger Dutch contemporary, Baruch Spinoza (1632–77), made a direct, albeit highly contentious, contribution to Western appreciation of Confucian thought. Drawing on the Dutch scholar and manuscript collector Isaac Vossius (1618–89),52 Spinoza was, as Roertz records, well-informed about China and new Chinese texts (2013: 23, n. 58). The similarity we saw earlier between Confucian and Spinozist cosmology and anthropology is to be read in light of this. In contradicting the theological a priorism, rationalist episteme, and residual dualism in Descartes, Spinoza’s Tractatus Theologico-Politicus (anon. 1670, Theologico-Political Treatise) and Ethica, ordine geometrico demonstrata Ethics (posth. 1677, Ethics, Demonstrated in Geometrical Order) interpret the Bible as a fallible human construct, with God and nature – Deus, sive nature (God, or nature) – as one in substance, being, purpose and modality. As Leibniz states this: ‘That eternal and infinite being we call God, or Nature, acts from the same necessity from which he exists’ ([1670] 2002: Pt. IV, Preface). Kepler and Dryden’s ‘harmonizing’ of heaven and earth has fuller philosophical and moral expression in Spinoza. He is, however, a cautionary tale on the fickleness of the (first) ‘translator’. Reading can err, translation often even more so.

50 N.B. the co-option of Descartes as a cipher for Confucius (Hall and Ames 1987: 24f.). On Descartes generally, Cottingham, J. (2008), Cartesian Reflections. 51 For the difference between Descartes, Leibniz and Montaigne on this issue, Perkins, F. (2004), Leibniz and China, 33f. 52 On Vossius, p. 106, 110, n. 108, 113, n. 119, 115.

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The Tractatus Theologico-Politicus, which the Synod of the Dutch Reformed Church condemned in 1673 (and banned in 1674),53 combines the biblical exegesis of Sephardic Rabbi-philosopher Moses Maimonides (c. 1135–1208) with the political thought of the Baconian philosopher Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679).54 Like his intellectual counterparts in Britain, Spinoza provocatively contrasts an institutional, religious approach to the Bible with a rational attitude, that is free of ‘prejudices of a common people of long ago’ (2002: 520). The Bible is subject to theological and practical criticism, and comparative textual analysis; while, ‘human power consists chiefly in strength of mind and intellect’ (ibid., c. 20).55 For, nature, not God, engenders laws, rights, powers and principles. Spinoza’s view of the Bible and respect for Confucius began to level the playing field between them – or so he hoped. Confucius’s influence is even clearer in Spinoza’s Ethics. In Part I, he introduces pantheist naturalism, in opposition to Cartesian rationalist materialism. To Spinoza, like Confucius, heaven and earth (qua God and world) co-inhere. Process dominates structure, being supplants necessity, and a traditional view of God is replaced by ‘modes’ of human activity. Cartesian dualism is again attacked in Parts II–V. Now, ‘intuitive knowledge’ is upheld, and human motivation and ungoverned ‘affects’ (passions) are essayed in a new, virtue-based view of human freedom and self-preservation. All is for Spinoza only really known sub specie aeternitatis; that is, in light of eternity, or Heaven (qua Confucius). It is not far-fetched to find parallels here with Confucian anthropology, ethics, political theory, epistemology and cosmology. Ironically, some at the time said Confucius was an atheistic Spinozist (!), while others learned from Spinoza’s ‘oriental philosophy’ that ‘all things are one’ (Roertz: 22f.).56 The Confucian tornado touched down in Holland, and Spinoza was held responsible. He was only partly to blame: many Nicodemuses came to Confucius by night during his lifetime.57 Later generations have been defined and refined as much by Spinoza as Descartes. Like Descartes, as Hegel later observed, Spinoza is a ‘testing-point in modern philosophy’. As he wrote, ‘it may really be said: you are either a Spinozist or not a philosopher at all’ ([1817] 1995: III. 252, Sect 2, c. 1, A2). The Gospels are interpreted (consciously and unconsciously) by many in China and the West as human texts Spinoza made less unique, and, as importantly, viewed through the Confucian lens he so carefully polished. Spinoza’s comparative, humanist epistemology still conditions the way life and society are viewed. In a religiously violent age, it is surprising Spinoza survived. He died in his bed in The Hague on 21 February 1677, ten years before Confucius Sinarum Philosophus appeared. To some, Spinoza is

The Tractatus Theologico-Politicus was Spinoza’s attempt to pre-empt the criticism he anticipated his Ethics would provoke. Though peaceable in manner and generous in spirit, Spinoza’s principled radicalism ignited controversy. After his conversion to Christianity, he developed and maintained close links with radical Christian groups; notably, the Collegiants, a Dutch sect with Anabaptist and Arminian roots. On 27 July 1656, the Talmud Torah congregation of Amsterdam issued a writ of cherem (exclusion). In 1670, he was expelled from the city. His writings were later listed on the Catholic Index of Forbidden Books. 54 On Hobbes and other progressive political theorists in Britain, p. 159f. 55 N.B. Spinoza’s sense here that ‘right is might’. 56 N.B. these ascriptions by Ricci’s successors in China, Nicholò Longobardi (1559–1654) and Antonio Caballero, SJ (Fr. Antoine de Sainte Marie: 1602–69). On the assumption that Spinoza and Confucianism were atheistic, Lai, Y-T. (1985), ‘The Linking of Spinoza to Chinese Thought by Bayle and Malebranche’; Bayle, P. ([1736] 1997), Mr. Bayle’s Historical and Critical Dictionary, V. 199, III. 550. 57 On the secretive enquirer/disciple Nicodemus, who came to see Jesus at night, Jn 3.1f. 53

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a prophet synonymous with Chinese wisdom or Confucian subterfuge. To others – like the French Cartesian cleric Nicholas Malebranche, SJ (1638–1715), in his prickly Entretien d’un Philosophe chrétien et un Philosophe chinois (1707) – the ‘impious Spinoza’ is a caricature of Chinese rationalism.58 Despite being a believer, Spinoza is also, to others, a harbinger of European ‘secularism’ on account of the confidence – borne of China study – he placed on humanity’s capacity to order life without God.59 He sowed new doubts in Christian minds. To French Christian apologist Blaise Pascal (1623–62) the issue was simple: ‘Which is more credible of the two, Moses or China?’ (q. Eliot, T., 1956: 592). Towards the end of his life, Spinoza’s thought was refined in conversation with the German polymath Gottfried W. von Leibniz (1646–1716). Leibniz was born two years after the end of the Thirty Years War in Europe (1618–48) and overthrow of the Ming dynasty in Peking by the ‘dashing’ rebel Li Zicheng ᵾ㠚ᡀ (1606–45),60 and replacement by ‘a prince of almost unparalleled merit’ (Leibniz), Qing Emperor Kangxi ᓧ⟉ (1654–1722; r. 1661–1722). Deliberately, or not, Leibniz inspired a generation of European philosophes, whose imagination was fired by the Orient. To those, like Leibniz, caught by a ‘crisis of consciousness’ in 18th-century Europe, the ‘myth of China’ – with its image of the ‘bon chinois’ (moral Chinese), deistic philosophy, and enlightened despotism – offered much. However, opinion was mixed. To British adventurer Commodore George (Baron) Anson, RN (1697–1762), Chinese were ‘dishonest’.61 Political economist Henri de Saint-Simon (1760–1825),62 dismissed reports from China as ‘deceitful accounts’ (q. CairaPrincipato [2001] 2013: 249). However, as we saw above, the cultural and intellectual tide was running China-wards at least until c. 1750.63 Thereafter, various types of criticism, and now ‘Sinophobia’, appear. We note them here and return to them in Chapter 5. There is much ‘Sinophilia’ to study: exaggeration of the essential is here absolutely essential! As a polyhistor mathematician, philosopher, diplomat, librarian and proto-ecumenist, Leibniz was besotted with China from his youth.64 The Preface to Novissima Sinica (1697, The latest news from China) explains: ‘Certainly the size of the Chinese Empire is so great, the reputation of this wisest nation in the Orient so impressive, and its authority so influential an example to the rest’ 58 Malebranche said Tianzhu ཙѫ (Heavenly Master, Lord of Heaven) ‘is at most a powerful divinity like Zeus who defeated many giants, and he is not the omnipotent and absolute being’. Like Bayle and Arnauld, he saw Chinese wisdom as inferior, because materialistic, irreligious and non-rational (in a Western sense). Jesuit ‘conversion by accommodation’ was finally jettisoned for Dominican ‘proselytizing’. Cf. Minamiki, G. (1985), The Chinese Rites Controversy, 15–76. Also, on Malebranche’s view of Chinese philosophy, Reihman, G. M. (2013), ‘Malebranche and Chinese Philosophy’. 59 N.B. Canadian socio-political philosopher Charles Taylor’s (b. 1931) apposite comment: ‘(T)he discovery of the intrahuman sources of benevolence is one of the great achievements of our (sic) civilization and the charter of modern belief ’ (2007: 257). 60 N.B. His birth-name was Li Hongji ᵾ卫ส. 61 On Anson’s circumnavigation of the world (including to China) in HMS Centurion, during the ‘War of Jenkins’ Ear’ (Sp. Guerra del Asiento) of 1739–48, Anson, G. (1745), A voyage round the world, in the years MDCCXL, I, II, III, IV . He was joined on part of this voyage by John Byron (1723–86) (‘Foul-weather Jack’), the noble poet’s grandfather. 62 Saint-Simon is credited with founding French sociology because of his holistic, organic view of society under social law/s: a view promoted by Auguste Comte (1798–1857) and Durkheim. On Comte, p. 234, 280, 430. On Durkheim, p. 131, 143, 293, 330, 361, n. 75, 391, 413, 477, n. 429. 63 There are intimations of later criticism of China in Navarette’s Tratados historicos (1676: above p. 96, n. 28, 138, n. 31), a work much-admired by Voltaire and the Jansenists in France and echoed in Russian diplomat (and trader with China), Lorenz Lange’s (c. 1690–1752) Journal de la residence du Sieur Lange (1726). For Diderot’s criticisms, p. 153f. 64 On Leibniz, Adams, R. M. ([1994] 1998), Leibniz: Determinist, Theist, Idealist; Aiton, E. J. (1985), Leibniz: A Biography; Antognazza, M. R. (2009), Leibniz: An Intellectual Biography; Dascal, M. ed. (2008), Leibniz: What Kind of Rationalist?; —ed. (2010), The Practice of Reason: Leibniz and His Controversies; Jolley, N. (2005), Leibniz.

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(1697: 45). Through much of his life, Leibniz gathered Chinese texts, corresponded with Catholic missionaries (fr. 1697–1707), explored Chinese as a medium for philosophy and model for binary computation,65 and engaged (as a tolerant Protestant) in the ‘Rites Controversy’ (Garber and Ayers 2003: 95f.). Despite strong mathematical, diplomatic, religious and scientific opinions, Leibniz did not project his ideas or prejudices onto China,66 as he felt others did. He scoured literature, put questions to experts,67 and developed his own ideas and perspective.68 The myth and reality of China’s history would, he maintained, serve to help humanity understand itself and recover ‘natural religion’ (Caira-Principato: 249f.). Here was a country and a system notable for ‘public tranquillity and social order’ that rarely manifested ‘hatred, wrath, or excitement’ (Leibniz 1697: 46f.). La Science des Chinois (1685: a version of Intorcetta’s Sinarum Scientia [1673]), Confucius Sinarum Philosophus (1687), Le Comte’s Nouveaux mémoires sur l’état présent de la Chine (1696), Longobardi’s Traité sur quelques points de la Religion des Chinois(1701),69 and Astronomica Europaea by Ferdinand Verbiest, SJ (1623–88),70 all feed into Novissima Sinica.71 Bouvet’s Histoire de l’empereur de la Chine (1699) and Caballero’s Traité sur quelques points importants de la Mission de la Chine (1701) shape Leibniz’s Annotationes de cultu religioneque Sinensum (1709) and unfinished Discours sur la Théologie Naturelle des Chinois (aka his Lettre sur la philosophie Chinoise à M. de Rémond [1716]),72 written in a series of exchanges with the British Baconian metaphysician and ethicist Samuel Clarke (1675–1729).73 As he wrote: ‘The true religion is enclosed within the [Confucian] classic books’ (q. Caira-Principato: 249).74 And, ‘[I]t is necessary for us to send for these political sages to teach us the art of governing and all their natural theology, which they carried to such a height of perfection’ (ibid.). To Leibniz, humanity and society can, and will, be changed by China for the better. Fascinated initially by the form, significance and potential of the Chinese language per se, Leibniz’s interaction with the leading Jesuit mathematician Claudio Filippo Grimaldi, SJ (1638–1712), prior N.B. Leibniz’s correspondence with the Jesuit missionary, mathematician and astronomer Joachim Bouvet, SJ (1656– 1730). Bouvet was one of the five Jesuit mathematicians sent to China with Jean de Fontenay, SJ (1643–1710), at the behest of Louis XIV (above p. 99f). De Fontenay had taught mathematics and astronomy at the College Louis le Grand. The team was well-received by the Emperor Kangxi and his court. Bouvet interpreted Western science to the imperial court, and, conversely, demonstrated to Europe the potential of the I Ching for Christianity. In exchanges with Bouvet, Leibniz explored the ‘Real (or primal) Characters’ discernible amid preternatural harmony, and the ‘Sufficiency of Reason’ as shown by China’s culture and view of character. 66 Opinions vary on Leibniz and Confucianism. Some, like Bertrand Russell, ‘secularize’ him, others, like A. Kroner (1916) and H. Schmalenbach (1921), focus on the theological potential of Confucius for Leibniz. Cf. Ching, J. and W. Oxtoby, eds (1992), Discovering China; Lach, D. F. (1957), The Preface to Leibniz’s Novissima Sinica; Mungello, D. E. (1977), Leibniz and Confucianism; —(1971), ‘Leibniz’s interpretation of Neo-Confucianism’; Perkins, F. (2004), Leibniz and China. 67 In 1689 Leibniz conversed in Rome with Claudio F. Grimaldi, SJ (1638–1712), appointed Director of the Astronomical Bureau in Beijing in 1688. On Western advisors in the Imperial court, Spence, J. D. (1969), The China Helpers. 68 On Leibniz’s creative approach to Chinese philosophy, Mungello, Leibniz and Confucianism, passim. On his place in German anthropology and ethnography, Vermeulen, H. F. (2015), Before Boas, Ch. 2. 69 Comments by Leibniz were appended to Longobardi’s Traité sur quelques points de la Religion des Chinois. 70 On reception of Verbiest’s works, Golvers, N. (2003), Ferdinand Verbiest, Ch. 9. 71 On the probability (pace Rita Widmaier) that Leibniz became acquainted with Verbiest’s text/s (dubbed by T. A. H. von Strattman as one of the ‘basic’ authorities on things Chinese) while in Rome (May to November 1689), Golvers, Ferdinand Verbiest 274f. 72 Cf. von Collani’s review of this material (2004: 40–3). 73 N.B. Ribas calls the debate ‘one of the most significant episodes that the Baconian system had to face before its definitive victory in the Age of Enlightenment’ (2003: 64). On Clarke, p. 106, n. 78, 117, 144, 146, 162, 215, n. 169. 74 Cf. the collection, Cook, D. J. and H. Rosement, Jr. trans. and eds (1994), Leibniz: Writings on China. 65

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to and after the latter’s return to China in 1692, led to a broadening of his China interests. Driven by philosophy, religion, mathematics and ecumenical diplomacy, Leibniz sought in Confucianism a universal, rationalist, natural metaphysic compatible with Christianity.75 His Pythagorean outlook found in Chinese a universal language, and in the hexagrams of the I Ching a form of binary calculus. But it was China’s essential ‘otherness’, as a civilized ‘anti-Europe’, that fascinated him. His Novissima Sinica wonders if the highest levels of civilization aren’t set by God – at the extremes of Eurasia – to foster independent excellence and mutual respect. Though equal in status and sophistication, Europe excels in the abstract disciplines of logic, mathematics, metaphysics and religion, while China leads in ‘practical philosophy’ and in ‘the precepts of ethics and politics’. Cultural and intellectual exchange is, for Leibniz, a ‘commercium not only of commodities and manufactures, but also of light and wisdom’ ([1700] 1900: 81).76 When, then, in 1697, Bouvet told Leibniz China had solved the ‘Secret of Creation’ by philosophy and mathematics, Leibniz celebrated by turning the information into a fine medallion for his aristocratic patron. ‘Light and wisdom’ from East-West exchange were, to Leibniz, like van Gogh, both enviable and inevitable. The cosmic ‘harmony’ Dryden and Kepler had professed was confirmed.77 Though (François-M. Arouet) Voltaire (1694–1778) called China ‘the wisest empire on earth’ ([1756] 2003: 11.180) and the Far East ‘the cradle of all arts to which the West owed everything’, that the West can only ‘admire, blush and, above all, imitate’ (q. Reichwein 1925: 89f.),78 Leibniz went even further. The Jesuit mission in China should be matched by a Confucian campaign in Europe.79 China’s place at the heart of the European Enlightenment was assured. Reason is to replace religion as the source of social cohesion and basis of morality. But, like Dutch ‘Delftware’, Europe’s oldest imitation of Chinese ‘blue and white’, Leibniz’s attempt to reproduce Confucian ideas and ideals in Europe proved ultimately artificial. His China is a mirage: this image is irreproducible because, as events would reveal, it never really existed. Three themes in Leibnizian Sinology map on to the theme of the present chapter. First, behind Leibniz’s interest in China’s approach to science and mathematics lies a more general enquiry into ‘ars characteristica universalis’ (Fr. spécieuse générale). This was more than a universal language for mathematical, scientific and metaphysical concepts or ‘calculus ratiocinator’: Leibniz was interested in a universally communicable way of being in the world. His quest for a universal, ideographic language (based on Chinese characters) is the cousin of contemporary British interest in pre-Adamic language and, more practically, in easier mercantile communication.80 It is also contributory inter alia to the nascent academic disciplines of anthropology and comparative philosophy. To Leibniz, in a quest for ‘some kind of language . . . by which all concepts and things can be put into beautiful order, and . . . different nations might communicate their thoughts’, God notifies us ‘that a far greater secret lies hidden in our understanding, of which these are but the shadows’ ([Leibniz] On Leibniz’s theology, Adams, R. M. (2000), ‘Leibniz’s Conception of Religion’, in M. D. Gedney (ed.), Proceedings of the 20th World Congress of Philosophy, vol. 7, 57–70. 76 N.B. Franklin Perkins’s use of this phrase in Leibniz and China: A Commerce of Light (2004). 77 On his recently revealed advocacy of this perspective in later life, Schweitzer, A. (2003), Nachlass: Geschichte der Chinesischen Denken; and, Roertz, H. (2003), ‘Albert Schweitzer on Chinese Thought and Confucian Ethics’. 78 N.B. Voltaire follows this up – a rebuke to Bossuet for omitting China from his Discourse sur l’histoire universelle (1681) – by beginning Essai sur les Moeurs with a section on China. 79 On Leibniz, China and Confucianism, also, Li, W. (2000), Die christliche China-Mission im 17. Jahrhundert; Widmaier, R. ed. (1990), Leibniz korrespondiert mit China. 80 Leibniz criticized misguided pragmatism in Dalgarno and Wilkins (above p. 111). 75

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q. Buchenau and Cassirer 1996: 30f.). Leibniz’s methodological shift to the general, logical, universal and pictorial, took empirical analysis of the human condition to a new level of sophistication. He hoped his exercise in pictorial algebra would stimulate scientific enquiry ‘in which are treated the forms or formulas of things in general, that is, quality in general’ ([Leibniz] q. Loemker 1989: II. 23). His Sino-European, ‘One World’, philosophy drove the ‘Scientific Revolution’ and inspired a globality, and later cross-cultural hermeneutic, that has grown and flourished. Distinguishing ‘Chinese’ and ‘Western’ philosophy, he came to re-affirm the reality and role of both.81 In China and the West, the Analects and Gospels are read today ‘on the far side’ of Leibniz’s expansive vision and his inclusive method. Second, in his long Discourse on the Natural Theology of the Chinese, written in the first instance to co-opt support from, and to correct errors in, the influential Oratorian priest and Cartesian philosopher Nicolas Malebranche’s hastily written,82 anti-Spinozist apologia, Entretien d’un Philosopher chrétien et un Philosophe chinois,83 Leibniz exemplifies the two-way exchange between China and Europe in the 17th and 18th centuries, and also Europe’s growing awareness that Confucianism is not a fixed, unchanging tradition. Leibniz argues that, by distancing himself from Spinoza’s monistic blurring of Christianity’s bifurcation of ‘spirit’ and ‘matter’, Malebranche risks Neo-Confucianism’s ‘heterodox’ distinction between li ⿞ (principle, reason, wisdom, justice and order) and qi ≓ (material energy). To Leibniz, li corresponds to Shangdi кᑍ (divinity). Leibniz’s rebuttal affords Europe early exposure to Song dynasty philosopher Zhu Xi ᵡ⟩ (1130–1200), who would in time gain many Western followers,84 and defends classical Confucianism against the (all-too-common phenomenon) of European distortion. Like Ricci before him, Leibniz favours the Confucian Classics for their textual clarity and cultural definition. He criticizes Chinese illuminati who stray ‘from the truth and even from their antiquity’ (1697: 75f.). Debating Clarke, he condemns ‘the decadence of natural religion’ and celebrates the excellence of ‘Chinese natural religion’. The Christian faith (pace Confucianism) affirms, he argues, human existence as conserved by (but never constrained by) a heavenly power. Its socio-political and ethical views of the ‘City of God’ (qua Augustine) – perfection, community, good order and justice – are all premised on God’s existence; a God, who, like tian in the Analects, ‘rules without interposing’ (Ribas 2003: Abstract) on humans (who have minds that image divinity).85 This God, to Leibniz, does not circumvent political authority or personal moral responsibility, he acts in and over them. For, in life and society we find Leibniz saw ‘Chinese philosophy’ as a coherent and substantive reality. On this large, complex and important issue, Perkins, F. (2016), ‘Leibniz on the Existence of Philosophy in China’, in Brandt and Purdy (eds), China in the German Enlightenment, 60–79. 82 The work relied on patchy information provided by Bp. Artus de Lionne (1655–1713), an ex-China missionary and Archbp. of Sichuan. Lionne opposed ‘accommodationism’. He joined the papal legate C-T. M. De Tournon’s (Carlo Tommaso: 1668–1710) mission to the Emperor Kangxi (1705–7) to reaffirm the papal ban on Chinese rites. Angered by the papal decision, the Emperor imprisoned De Tournon, who died on 1 August 1707 shortly after his incarceration (and appointment as a Cardinal). 83 Malbranche had been charged with Spinozism by critics, incl. the French patristic scholar and leading Jansenist (viz. Augustinian-Calvinist) Antoine Arnauld, ‘Le Grand’ (1619–98). On this, Mungello, D. E. (1980), ‘Malebranche and Chinese Philosophy’. 84 Cf. on Zhu Xi, p. 18, n. 8. 85 On Leibniz’s socio-political and moral philosophy, and its relation to his Monadology and Malebranche’s (1688), Dialogues on Metaphysics, Jolley, Leibniz, 181f.; Riley, P. (1999), ‘Leibniz’s Political and Moral Philosophy in the “Novissima Sinica”’; —(2003), ‘Leibniz’s Méditation sur la notion commune de la justice’; Mungello, D. E. (2000), ‘How Central to Leibniz’s Philosophy Was China?’, in Li, W. and H. Poser (eds), Das Neueste über China, 57–67. 81

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vital insignia of divine activity. As in the Analects, metaphysical harmony is, for Leibniz, the ground of moral perfection and human pleasure.86 Third, Leibniz’s wide-eyed respect for his Jesuit interlocutors (on subjects ranging from hexagrams, astronomy and ancient history, to Chinese Jews, porcelain and mining) – particularly when the banning of Chinese rites in Paris (1700) and Rome (1704) heralded the end of their China mission – is more than sinological Utopianism or cultural ‘universalism’.87 It expresses Leibniz’s intellectual and ecclesiastical ecumenism; albeit, his treatise On the Civil Cult of Confucius claims ‘strangers’ often ‘have better insight into the histories and monuments of a nation than their own citizens’ (1700–1: 64). Leibniz is not only drawn to the general and the particular: he is passionate about the universal and the useful. Europe is under threat: China offers hope. His interests are eclectic, his ideas expansive. He inhabits a new, unitive, globalized reality. With his emphasis on tolerance and ‘understanding better’, as Eric Nelson sees, Leibniz anticipates the ‘hermeneutics of inter-cultural understanding’ (2009: I. 279–302).88 Neither the Analects nor the Gospels are, for Leibniz, private, local texts: they are universal ‘Classics’ to be read charitably and comparatively. This inclusive, modern hermeneutic is operative today in the way these ancient texts are read. We cannot – and do not – read in cultural, religious, or moral isolation. The nature and content of life are changed by Leibniz: cosmic harmony is to be seen in society; human equality is the ground of a new meritocracy. This is Leibniz’s lasting legacy. Others joined Leibniz in praise of China and implicit, or explicit, blame of Europe. The generosity, civility and religious inclusivity of the Kangxi Emperor – to say nothing of imperial patience with protracted Catholic feuding – is compared favourably with Europe’s ‘Wars of Religion’ (c. 1524–1648), its ‘Thirty Years War’ (1618–48), and with Louis XIV’s vindictive revocation of the Edict of Nantes (1685). If anywhere, ‘the kingdom of heaven’ is to be found in China not in violent, irascible, war-torn Europe. To Leibniz and free-thinking contemporaries, China’s ancient history proves ‘how capable nature is’, as the provocative German philosopher Christian Wolff (1679–1754) put it (1985: 171, n. 83). To the extent that Confucius and Confucianism honoured lumen naturale (nature’s light), they constituted a dark, lingering threat to the dominant religious mindset of early-Modern Europe, even when this was not intended by Western devotees. To the broad-minded Huguenot historian Pierre Bayle (1647–1706), Confucianism is compatible with a Christian ‘natural theology’. His learned Dictionnaire Historique et Critique, which appeared first in 1697,89 indicts ‘bigots of faith’ who oppose Jesuit ‘accommodation’ and reduce Confucius to simply saying ‘some nice things with regard to morality and the art of rulership’ (1697: II. 832; q. Roertz 2013: 23). 86 Cf. Leibniz, ‘Of the Highest Good’: ‘Pleasure is nothing other than a perception of perfection’ ([1875–1900] 1960–61: 7.111–17). 87 On Leibniz’s vision of a new, religiously, linguistically, and politically unified earth, Lai, Y-T. (1998), ‘Leibniz and the Antiquity of China’, in A. P. Coudert, R. H. Popkin and G. M. Weiner (eds), Leibniz, Mysticism and Religion, 136–68. On his debt to Jesuit sources for seeing compatibility between Christian charity and Confucian kingship, Liu, Y. (2001), ‘From Christian Platonism to Organism: The Two Chinas of Leibniz’. 88 On Leibniz, religious pluralism and toleration, Edamura, S. (2016), ‘Leibnizian Philosophy and the Pluralism of Religion and Culture: The Case of China’; King, R. (1999), Orientalism and Religion; Masuzawa, T. (2005), The Invention of World Religions. On Locke and Leibniz on ‘tolerance’, Perkins, F. (2002), ‘Virtue, Reason, and Cultural Exchange’. 89 Appearing first in two volumes, the Dictionnaire sought to correct the French priest Louis Moréri’s (1643–80) Grand Dictionnaire historique (1674; 2 vols, posth. revised edn, 1681). Bayle’s influential work was edited and expanded many times in the early 18th century.

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We find comparable evidence in the (lately influential)90 Neapolitan philosopher and social theorist, Gianbattista Vico, whose (1668–1744) Il Diritto Universale (Universal Right; 1720–2) and mighty De Principi Scienza Nuova (1725, 1730, 1744, On the Principles of New Science) integrate Catholic faith, Baconian empiricism and rhetorical theory.91 Vico’s early expression of a ‘philosophy of history’ rejects Cartesian rationalism and metaphysicalism. Instead, as he says, Verum esse ipsum factum (What is true is what is made).92 His study of phronesis (practical wisdom), De Antiquissima Italorum Sapientia (1710), pre-empts both the spirit and terms of modern social sciences: ‘[T]o introduce geometrical method into practical life is like trying to go mad with the rules of reason, attempting to proceed by a straight line among the tortuosities of life, as though human affairs were not ruled by capriciousness, temerity, opportunity, and chance’ (q. Mooney 1985: 4).93 To Vico, imagination is key.94 Life and society are both infinitely variable and scientifically recordable. With regard to China, though critical of its social and political ‘primitivity’, and eager to safeguard the Bible’s historical integrity, Vico moves from respect for early Jesuit ‘accommodationism’ to cautious admiration for Confucianism, dubbing it ‘la Filosofia – naturali è rozza, è goffa’ (the natural, rough, and clumsy philosophy) (1730: 104).95 Like Leibniz, Vico opens a door to cross-cultural hermeneutics others have passed through. In contrast to Vico, Christian Wolff – the intellectual bridge between Leibniz and Kant in Germany96 – is not as concerned to defend Christianity (especially, Lutheranism) against crossquestioning by mathematics, or, indeed, by comparison with Confucianism. In his early career teaching mathematics and natural philosophy at Leipzig (1703–6) and Halle universities (1706– 23), Wolff corresponded with Leibniz.97 Over the years, he developed an integrative system in which science and philosophy comfortably co-exist, at the expense of classical Christian cosmology and anthropology. Conflict erupted in 1721. Stepping down as pro-Rector of the university, Wolff gave a lecture on 12 July entitled, ‘Oratio de Sinarum Philosophia Practica’ (On the Practical Philosophy of the Chinese, 1750).98 Drawing on his dialogue with Leibniz and the works of Couplet and Noël, Wolff praised the socio-political and practical moral vision of the Chinese ‘Master’ and 90 On Vico, Verene, D. P. (2002), Art. ‘Giambattista Vico’, in S. M. Nadler (ed.), Companion to Early Modern Philosophy, 570. Little-known outside Naples during his lifetime, Vico was studied by Hobbes, Hume, Adam Smith (1723–90), the Scottish Enlightenment, J. G. Herder (1744–1803), Karl Marx (1818–83), 19th-century French Romantics, and the 20thcentury ‘historicism’ of social theorists from Isaiah Berlin (1909–97) to Edward Said. 91 On rhetoric and semiotics in Vico, Mooney, M. (1985), Vico in the Tradition of Rhetoric. 92 N.B. also, Verum et factum reciprocantur seu convertuntur (The true and the made are exchangeable with one another). On this principle in Hume, Adam Smith, and the Scottish Enlightenment, with respect to China and porcelain production, p. 131, n. 8. 93 On the individual in society, Vico, De Nostri Temporis Studiorum Ratione (1708); also, Bahia, S. C. and C. Hammer (2012), ‘Returning to Vico: The Role of the Individual in the Investigation of the Social’. 94 Cf. on Vico and imagination, Pern, T. (2015), ‘Imagination in Vico and Hobbes: From affective sensemaking to culture’; Verene, D. P. (1991), Vico’s science of imagination; Zittoun, T. (2015), ‘From Vico to sociocultural imagination’. 95 On Vico, China and Confucian philosophy in the context of the Jesuit mission, Canaris, D. P. (2016), ‘The Discovery of the True Confucius: The Image of China in the Thought of Giambattista Vico and its Significance for Jesuit Accommodationism’. 96 N.B. Wolff taught the German philosopher-theologian J. F. Schultz (1739–1805), who was the philosopher Immanuel Kant’s (1724–1804) teacher and friend. On Kant, p. 190f. 97 In the end, Wolff jettisoned Leibniz’s presupposition of reason’s ‘sufficiency’ and nature’s ‘harmony’ in favour of his comprehensive ‘principle of contradiction’. Cf. Corr, C. A. (1975), ‘Christian Wolff and Leibniz’. 98 On the lecture, Wolff, C. (1998), Gesammelte Werke, Pt. 3, 45, 151f.; also, Larrimore, M. (2000), ‘Orientalism and Antivoluntarism in the History of Ethics’. On ‘natural theology’ in Wolff, Corr, C. (1973), ‘The Existence of God, Natural Theology, and Christian Wolff ’.

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of the human mind.99 His lecture combined early-Enlightenment rationalism with a confident Western Confucianism. Halle University dismissed Wolff in 1723. He moved to a chair at Marburg, for which he had been head-hunted. There he, and the university, flourished. Israel says of Wolff ’s experience in Halle: ‘The conflict became one of the most significant cultural confrontations of the 18th century and perhaps the most important of the Enlightenment in Central Europe and the Baltic countries before the French Revolution’ (2002: 29). Charged with fatalism and the capital crime of ‘atheism’ by Lutheran cleric and philanthropist August Hermann Francke (1663–1727), and his academic henchman Johann Joachim Lange (1670–1744),100 Wolff embodies the shift in European culture we have glimpsed earlier in Britain; namely, from a theocentric, biblical anthropology to an anthropocentric, practical humanism.101 And, as importantly, from dogmatic church truth to negotiable public truths. In later life, Wolff let his mind range widely. Cosmology, psychology, educational theory, economics, ethics and government policy all come under his searching gaze. Life and society are subject to intense scrutiny. Humanity has, Wolff maintains, an innate capacity to know ‘what is good’ (1985: 146f., n. 71).102 Their ‘chief end’ is found not in perfection like porcelain, but in vital society. Wolff ’s impact was – and still is – huge. His use of German (contra Latin) gave it academic kudos. His division of philosophy into clear theoretical and practical categories103 provided a rigorous new heuristic. His humanist optimism inspired generations of politicians and theoreticians.104 The Analects and Gospels are read in China and the West in light of Wolff, and the empirical, Enlightenment hermeneutic he inspired.

VOLTAIRE, DIDEROT AND THE CULTURE OF ENCYCLOPEDIAS We end this part looking at two representative francophone philosophes who play different, but equally important, roles in popularizing Confucius and Confucianism across Europe: the iconoclast historian, wit and philosopher (Francois-Marie Arouet) Voltaire (1694–1778), and the encyclopaedic art critic and author Denis Diderot (1713–84).

Cf. Lach, D. F. (1953), ‘The Sinophilism of Christian Wolff (1679–1754)’. On the charge Wolff was voicing ‘atheist’ views, Kanamori, S. (1997), ‘Christian Wolff ’s Speech on Confucianism’. Voltaire commented icily on this incident in an article on China: ‘Wolff praised the Chinese for worshipping a supreme god and for loving virtue.. . . [He] attracted to Halle 1,000 students from all nations. In the same university, there was a professor of theology named Lange who attracted nobody. This man . . . naturally wanted to ruin the professor of mathematics Wolff . . . [H]e inevitably accused him of not believing in God’ ([1764] 1972: 112). On Wolff ’s critics, Becker, G. (1991), ‘Pietism’s Confrontation with Enlightenment Rationalism’; Deppermann, K. (1982), ‘August Hermann Francke’; Gerlach, H-M. (2001), Christian Wolff, ad loc. 101 N.B. Wolff replaces Leibniz’s ontological ‘monadology’ with an atomized view of humans as conscious ‘souls’. On ‘God and the soul’ in his Psychologia Empirica (1732) and Psychologica Rationalis (1734), Blackwell, R. J. (1961), ‘Christian Wolff ’s Doctrine of the Soul’; and, on the ‘autonomy of morality’ in China, Ching, J. (1989), ‘Christian Wolff and China: The Autonomy of Morality’. 102 Cf. again, Louden, R. B. (2002), ‘“What Does Heaven Say?”, in Van Norden (ed.), Confucius and the Analects, 73–93. 103 Leibniz grounded philosophy first in philosophia rationalis (logic), and then divided it into the ‘theoretical’ fields of ontology, cosmology, rational psychology and natural theology, and the ‘practical’ disciplines of ethics, economics and politics. 104 On Wolff ’s legacy cf. European Journal of Law and Economics 4, nos. 2 & 3 (1997), esp. Senn, P. (1997), ‘What is the Place of Christian Wolff in the History of the Social Sciences?’ 99

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Voltaire’s role in our story is complex. During his life, domestic chinoiserie began to dominate European culture. Symbolic of his admiration for China, a poem ‘Sur Confucius’ (On Confucius) hung under a lithograph of the ‘Sage’ in his home in Fernay, near Geneva. De la seule raison salutaire interprète, Sans éblouir le monde, éclairant les esprits, Il ne parla qu’en sage, et jamais en prophète; Cependant on le crut, et même en son pays. —1825: II. 526105 Voltaire was born two years before Le Comte’s Nouveaux mémoires were published. His respect for China (from his mid-twenties on) is expressed in his Lettres chinoises: indiennes et tartares, published in 1766. In eighty works and 200 letters he expresses awe at China’s size, history, government, good order and morality, which he ascribes, largely, to Confucianism’s wholesome influence. As an expression of this, he wrote a three-act play in 1753, L’Orphelin de la Chine (The Chinese Orphan).106 It is based (loosely)107 on the first Chinese play known in Europe, the 13thcentury drama about revenge, Zhaoshi guer 䏉∿ᆔ‫( ނ‬The Orphan of the House of Zhao),108 by the Yuan playwright Ji Junxiang ㌰ੋ⾕ (fl. 1250). In 1731, Prémare translated part of the play (poorly) for the orientalist Fourmont at the Collège de France. Du Halde likewise included it in his Description of China (1735).109 Voltaire’s play confirms the entrepreneurism in which he (like Wedgwood) approached China: here was a useful, oriental, cultural commodity that could be adapted to serve new occidental purposes. The play employs a traditional tripartite French structure. The original setting – the state of Jin during the ‘Spring and Autumn’ period – is replaced by the Mongol invasion during the Song era, as an analogue to Manchu rule in the 18th century.110 This is not cultural or philosophical plagiarism, it is devotional secularism and a new, ideological pragmatism.111 China is adapted to Voltaire’s ‘enlightened’ purposes. Trans. (ed.): ‘The salutary interpreter of reason alone,/ Enlightening minds without dazzling them,/ He spoke only as a sage, never as a prophet,/ And he was believed, even in his own country.’ On this poem in the context of Voltaire’s thought, Javary, C. J-D. (2010), Les Trois Sagesses Chinoises: Taoïsme, Confucianisme, Bouddhisme, ‘Le confucianisme’, and ‘Voltaire, le confucéen’. 106 N.B. sub-titled, ‘Les Morales de Confucius en Cinq Actes’. 107 Voltaire follows the Chinese less than the English version by William Hackett (n.d.), The Chinese Orphan: An Historical Tragedy (1741) – a thinly veiled attack on Sir Robert Walpole (1676–1745), the de facto first British PM – and the Italian by Viennese playwright Pietro Metastasio (1698–1782), L’Eroe cinese (1752), a commission from the Habsburg Empress Maria Theresa (1717–80). On The Orphan of Zhao and other Chinese plays, West, S. H. and W. L. Idema, trans. and intro. (2015), The Orphan of Zhao and Other Yuan Plays; Idema, W. L. (1988), ‘“The Orphan of Zhao”’; Zhao, Y. trans. (2001), Snow in Midsummer. On Hatchett’s play, Chen, X. ([1995] 2002), Occidentalism, 100f. On Chinese plays as ‘trans-cultural archetypes’, p. 160, 205f. 108 The full title of the play is 䏉∿ᆔ‫ނ‬བྷ๡ӷ (The Great Revenge of the Orphan of Zhao). The play belongs to the 䴌ࢷ (zaju) genre of Chinese plays (viz. poetic music dramas) from the Yuan dynasty (1271–1368). 109 On Voltaire’s sinophilia and Chinese literary interests, Aldridge, A. O. (1986), The Reemergence of World Literature, 141f. 110 On the character and history of the play, Hsia, A. (1988), ‘“The Orphan of the House Zhao” in French, English, German, and Hong Kong Literature’. On Voltaire’s use of historiography, Pierse, S. (2013), ‘Voltaire: Polemical Possibilities of History’, in S. Bourgault and R. Sparling (eds), A Companion to Enlightenment Historiography, 162f.; Raab, N. (2015), The Crisis from Within, 26–8. 111 On phases in Voltaire’s sinophilia, Mungello, D. E. (1991), ‘Confucianism in the Enlightenment’, in Lee (ed.), China and Europe, 99–128 (esp. 104f.). 105

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In Voltaire’s Essai sur les moeurs et l’esprit des nations (1756) – written to counter what he saw as the culturally myopic, politically oppressive, Judeo-Christian chauvinism of Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet’s (1627–1704) Discours sur l’histoire universelle (1681) – in his equally provocative Le siècle de Louis XIV (1752) and Dictionnaire Philosophique (1764),112 China, and its a-religious sage,113 are turned from prophetic ‘ploughshares’ (Is. 2.4, Joel 3.10, Micah 4.3) into powerful ‘swords’ to slay a corrupt ancien régime, an incestuous polis, and a hegemonic, superstitious church. China’s ancient meritocracy is lauded at the expense of a dissolute (and hereditary) French aristocracy. China and Confucianism offered Voltaire an ideal, virtue-based, socio-political, cultural system (Chinese: ≁ᵜ minben),114 built, not on miracle, revelation or the occult, but on natural morality and a human view of ‘truth’.115 It is a ‘simple’ system unadulterated by ‘absurd innovations’ (e.g. the Trinity doctrine), that ‘has never been disgraced by miracle tales nor defiled by squabble and bloodshed’ (1756: II. 178; q. Roertz 2013: 26). As he says of the secular ‘sage’ Confucius, like the Stoic philosopher Epictetus (50–135 CE), ‘[H]e only recommends virtue: he preaches no mysteries’ (q. 2007: 400).116 Iconoclastic demons scream in Voltaire’s flowing prose. His vocation ¯ crasez l’Infâme’ (Crush the infamous one), by which he is gripped in his preferred later signature, ‘E meant the Church. In time, he pours oil on revolutionary France, and lights the match there and in America – indeed, in China, too, where Voltaire is often invoked as the justification for civil violence117 and of commendable European secularism.118 Who can avoid Voltaire today? Though best-known, Denis Diderot (1713–84) was not alone in producing the new cultural and literary genre ‘Encyclopedia’. The famous Encyclopédie that he and Jean le Rond d’Alembert (1717– 83), a serious Parisian polymath, co-edited from 1751, was fruit of the collaborative labours of a large, mixed bag of loosely affiliated philosophes, who were interested in new ideas and ready to put pen to paper. The Société des gens de lettres, to which the authors belonged, is a poor relation of its 19th-century namesake (fr. 1838).119 Diderot wrote of the Encyclopedia’s first contributors: ‘Among some excellent men, there were some weak, average, and absolutely bad ones. From this mixture in the publication, we find the draft of a schoolboy next to a masterpiece’ (q. Kafker 1988: xiv).120 The Following the new style of Bayle’s Dictionnaire Historique et Critique (1697), though enlarged considerably over the years, the 344pp. 1st edn of the Dictionnaire Philosophique portatif (Geneva, 1764), which Voltaire had begun in 1752, contained only seventy-three articles. 113 Contra Bayle’s atheism, Voltaire recognized – and respected – in Confucius (and other non-Western cultures) a sense of a ‘supreme being’ as a basis for morality. 114 N.B. ≁ᵜ minben, interestingly, also has democratic connotations. 115 On Voltaire, Confucius and Enlightenment anthropology, Pagden, A. (2007), ‘The Immobility of China’, in L. Wolff and M. Cipollnin (eds), The Anthropology of the Enlightenment, 50–64 (esp. 55f.); Israel, J. I. (2006), Enlightenment Contested, 657f. N.B. compare Wolff with Voltaire’s praise for Chinese wisdom in his article ‘On China’ ([1764] 1972, 2004: 112–15). 116 Cf. also Voltaire’s, The Chinese Catechism, Or, Dialogues between Cu-su, a Disciple of Confucius, and Prince Kou, Son of the King of Lou (1765). 117 N.B. for oriental views of Voltaire and Confucius, Chang, C-Y. (2013), Confucianism: A Modern Interpretation, 436f.; Lee, S-h. (2006), Confucian Discourse since Modernity, 25f. On the impact of Voltaire’s sinophilia on later Franco-Chinese relations, Bailey, P. (1992), ‘Voltaire and Confucius: French attitudes towards China in the early twentieth century’. 118 N.B. Shanghai littérateur Zhang Ruogu’s ᕥ㤕䉧 (1904-?) re-translation and invocation of Voltaire’s L’Orphelin de la Chine during WWII, ‘in order to raise the morale of the Chinese people in their struggle against Japanese invaders’ (q. Chen, X., 2002: 100f.). 119 The cultural giants Honoré de Balzac (1799–1850), Victor Hugo (1802–85), Alexandre Dumas (1802–70) and George Sand (1804–6) belonged to the latter group. 120 On the contributors, Kafker, F. A. (1996), The Encyclopedists as a Group; Kafker, F. A. and S. Kafker (1988), The Encyclopedists as Individuals. 112

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work’s seventeen volumes, published between 1751 and 1765, contain articles (some anonymous) on everything from art to music, science, philosophy, history, geography and literature. Despite its deficiencies it provides a remarkable insight into the mid-18th century and the roots of the European Enlightenment. Here’s a still life of radical Europe. Diderot was high priest of the revolutionists’ principle that reform, freedom of thought, tolerance, and scientific and artistic health require education. Less well-known encyclopedic works contributed to European understanding of life, religion, society and China. The radical Swiss biblical exegete and journalist-encyclopedist Jean Leclerc’s (1657–1736) periodicals, Bibliothèque universelle et historique (1686–93), Bibliothèque Choisie (1703–13) and Bibliothèque Ancienne et Moderne (1714–27), helped to expand European awareness of progressive English thought.121 Bayle’s Dictionnaire, the Amsterdam periodical Nouvelles de la République des Lettres (1684–9, 1699–1710, 1716–18), which Bayle co-edited with French theologian and publicist Jacques Bernard (1658–1718), the scholarly journal edited by Henri Basnage de Beauval (1657–1710) Histoire des Ouvrages des Savans (fr. 1687), and the Abbé Guillaume Raynal’s (1713–96) Histoire des Deux Indes (1770, 1774, 1780), which blended oddly philosophical tirades and opinions on commerce (including with the Orient), all stimulated progressive European thought on God, religion, humanity, politics and society.122 Groundwork for later political revolutions was being laid. In the salons of Paris – like that of Diderot’s friend and fellow encyclopedist Paul (H.T.), Baron d’Holbach (1723–89) – European republican secularism held radical minds. Political realism, religious skepticism, and intellectual cynicism, all take root here.123 On China, the Jesuit Dictionnaire de Trevoux (1721) and Étienne Souciet’s, SJ (1671–1744), slipshod collation of materials from long-term Peking resident Antoine Gaubil, SJ (1689–1759), Observations mathématiques, astronomiques, chronologiques et physiques. . . Tirées des anciens livres chinois (1729–32), and the multi-volume Nouvelle Bibliothèque Germanique (1752) by the Wolffian Huguenot Samuel Formey (1711–97), all supplement Diderot and d’Alembert’s work, and anticipate later general studies, like the three-volume first edition of The Encyclopaedia Britannica (1768–71) and the article on China by James Brewster (1777–1847) in his brother, Sir David Brewster’s (1781–1868), eighteen-volume rival publication, Edinburgh Encyclopaedia (1808–30). As in Diderot and d’Alembert’s Encyclopédie, perceptions of China are played out in the harsh arena of European publicity. As George Lehner’s China in European Encyclopedias illustrates, both the 1712 and 1718 editions of Louis Moréri’s (1643–80) Grand Dictionaire historique ([1674]

On Leclerc, Bots, H. (1984), ‘Jean Leclerc as journalist of the Bibliothèques’, in G. A. M. Janssens and F. G. A. M. Aarts (eds), Studies in Seventeenth-century English Literature, 53–66; Golden, S. A. (1972), Jean Leclerc; Reesink, H. J. (1931), ‘L’Angleterre et la littérature Anglaise’. 122 On Holland as the home of ‘free thought’ and progressive publication in the pan-European Respublica litteraria (Republic of Letters), Cerny, G. ed. (1987), Theology, Politics and Letters at the Crossroads of European Civilization, 255–68; Gibbs, C. G. (1971), ‘The role of the Dutch Republic as the Intellectual Entrepot of Europe in the 17th and 18th centuries’; Dibon, P. (1965–6), ‘Les Provinces Unies, carrefour intellectuel de l’Europe du XVII e siècle’; Ulbach, L. ed. (1884), La Hollande et la liberté de penser au XVII e et au XVIII s siècle. On Bayle and Montesquieu as ‘atheists’, Kow, S. (2011), ‘Confucianism, Secularism, and Atheism in Bayle and Montesquieu’. 123 On male and female ‘salons’ and the ‘Age of Enlightenment’ (as Habermasian ‘public’ and ‘private’ discourse), Beasley, F. E. (2006), Salons, History, and the Creation of Seventeenth-Century France; Craveri, B. (2005), The Age of Conversation; Goodman, D. (1994), The Republic of Letters; Habermas, J. (1989), The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere; Kale, S. (2006), French Salon. On Habermas, p. 323, 479f. 121

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1680, 2nd edn), edited by church historian Louis Ellies du Pin (1657–1719), take a conservative line in the Chinese ‘Rites Controversy’ (2011: 101, n. 143). Bayle – who published his Dictionnaire Historique to correct Moréri (!) – and Diderot adopt a different stance. Cracks in sinophilia widen after 1750. Confucius will all too soon be an enemy of the ‘Republic of Letters’. Diderot is a prophet of later European ‘Sinophobia’. Though he drew inspiration from Voltaire, and providential Deists, for his initial views on China, he moves increasingly away from the sinophilia of Spinoza, Leibniz, Wolff and Voltaire, and the nuanced opinions of the pioneer ‘Physiocrat’ economist François Quesnay (1694–1774).124 Dubbed by a clerical editor Nicolas Baudeau (1730–92) ‘the great law-giver, the Confucius of Europe’, Quesnay, whose classic Tableau économique (1758, Economic Table) gave early analytic expression to an ‘agrarian’ economics (in which land or ‘nature’ are the basis of wealth not mercantilism), admired Confucianism’s holistic societal ontology, and, in Le Despotisme de la Chine (1767) praised Chinese politics and society, with (to his mind) its benign despotic government.125 In contrast, Diderot’s article ‘Chinois’, in the Encyclopédie (November 1753, III) draws on Le Comte’s Nouveaux Mémoires sur le’état présent de la Chine (1696), and on German philosopher Johann Jakob Brucker’s (1694–1774) Historia Critica Philosophiae (5 vols, 1742–4; 6 vols, 1766–7), to vilify China. So, Confucius’s social and moral vision is respected, but his metaphysics is ridiculed. Chinese politics, culture and intellectual life are lambasted as regressive, oppressive, myopic, idolatrous and corrupt. In light of more honest Western travelogues, Christian anxiety (in 1742 the Catholic China mission was prohibited), suspicion of the existence of ‘sage nations’, growing respect for individual freedom, and the new sense (pace Voltaire and the radical aristocrat-lawyer Montesquieu [1689–1755]) that China was in reality just another absolutist ‘despotism’, sinophobia blossomed after 1750.126 The erosion of the orbis Christianus, tension between church and state (ultimately rooted in the 11th-century ‘Investiture crisis’), and gaudy ‘trans-confessional absolutism’ (Roetz 2013: 26), all gave Diderot and his coterie cudgels to batter Christian powers and Confucian ideals. With Abbé (Gabriel Bonnot de) Mably (1709–85), the radical Parisian philosopher-theologian Nicolas Boulanger (1722–59),127 the lawyer Montesquieu, and his aristocratic counterparts, Honoré Gabriel Riqueti, Comte de Mirabeau (1715–89), Baron d’Holbach, the Abbé Raynal, and the philosopher-mathematician Pierre Louis Moreau de Maupertuis (1698–1759), who was Director of the French ‘Académie des Sciences’ and the first President of its Prussian equivalent – to say nothing of the Genevan philosopher On Diderot and Descartes, Vartanian, A. (1953), Diderot and Descartes. On Quesnay, Zhang, W-B. (2000), On Adam Smith and Confucius, 27f. 126 N.B. ‘Sinomaniac’ Montesquieu’s categorization of societies, ‘estates’ and institutions (in De l’esprit des loix (sic) [anon., 1748: The Spirit of the Laws, 1750]), his support for personal freedom and use of ‘despotisme’, and veneration of him in Britain’s American colonies prior to the ‘Revolutionary War’ (1775–83), see esp. Althusser, A. (1972), Politics and History: Montesquieu, Rousseau, Marx; Hsia, The Vision of China, 19f.; Lutz, D. (1984), ‘The Relative Influence of European Writers on Late Eighteenth-Century American Political Thought’; Pangle, T. (1973), Montesquieu’s Philosophy of Liberalism; Shackleton, R. (1961), Montesquieu: a Critical Biography; Shklar, J. (1989), Montesquieu; Spurlin, P. M. ([1941] 1961), Montesquieu in America. N.B. Voltaire’s L’essai sur les mœurs sought to counter Montesquieu’s De l’esprit des loix. On Montesquieu’s Spicilège (1718) and understanding he acquired from Arcadio Huang (above p. 138) on Confucianism, Daoism (the ‘Tao’) and Buddhism (‘Foë’), Israel, Enlightenment Contested, 660f. 127 N.B. Boulanger’s Examen critique de la vie de saint Paul (Amsterdam, 1770: Critical Examination of the Life of St. Paul, 1823) was one of the first of its kind. Authorship of such works was veiled. D’Holbach gave Boulanger credit for his antireligious Christianisme dévoilé (1766, Christianity Unveiled). On the use of Boulanger’s thought by radical thinkers, such as the English-born American political theorist and activist Thomas Paine (1737–1809), Davidson, E. H. and W. J. Scheick (1994), Scripture and authority, 63f.; Clark, J. C. D. (2018), Thomas Paine, ad loc. 124 125

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Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712–78) and his German counterpart Immanuel Kant (1724–1804), whom we study in the next chapter – Diderot belonged to a community of discourse in which criticism of China was encouraged. In time Diderot, like Montesquieu, would come to view the Qing emperor not as ‘le premier philosophe’ (the first/preeminent philosopher), but as the guardian of an ancient system that was based on ritual obsequiousness, repression, paternalism and religious superstition, and ripe, like France, for a radical overhaul. In an opportunistic counter-charge, the church, in texts like Abbé Nicolas-Sylvestre Bergier’s (1718–90) confident Apologie de la religion chrétienne (1763), concurred (pouring scorn on philosophes who had ever said other than Diderot and his fellow China critics!).128 Opportunist attacks habitually plague disputes. In the midst of this, as Christine Jones has described, we find an ‘accessorizing’ of French porcelain as an analogue of social and intellectual change across Europe. Life and society are now redressed in clay fashioned by French artisans.129 China taught the early-Enlightenment that earth mattered: it also encouraged humanity’s corporate and individual responsibility. French artisans grasped and glorified this principle through pottery kilns and guillotines. John Whitehead says of the socio-aesthetic impact of the Sèvres pottery in mid-18th-century France (that symbolically used and changed Chinese production processes), ‘[A]fter revolutionizing the art of porcelain, it stood as the undisputed arbiter of taste in Europe’ (2010: Synopsis). If, as in Wedgwood, perfection is portrayed in porcelain, life – like beauty, art and luxury – is again crafted here in manufacture. Pierre Bourdieu’s (1930–2002) work on ‘symbolic currency’ finds a ready exemplar in this use.130 As Voltaire warned a rich hedonist with prophetic zeal in his poem, ‘Défense du Mondain, ou L’apologie du luxe’ (1737) (Defense of the ‘Man of the World’, or Apology for Luxury): La porcelaine et la frêle beauté De cet émail à la Chine empâté Par mille mains fut pour vous préparée Cuite, recuite, et peinte, et diaprée. —1746: II. 719131 In time, like Confucius, fragile porcelain would become a weapon of fierce social warfare. We pick up the story of European attitudes to China after 1750 in Chapter 5, where we study its role in the (r)evolution of Enlightenment ethics. For now, we return to Britain to see how sinophilia and suspicion swirl around issues of human life and society. Here, too, thick varnish is poured over later interpretation of the Analects and Gospels.

Cf. on Bergier, Israel, Enlightenment Contested, 661f. Cf. Jones, C. A. (2013), Shapely Bodies: The Image of Porcelain in Eighteenth-Century France. On the socio-political role of Meissen porcelain, Cassidy-Geiger, M. (2007), Fragile Diplomacy: Meissen Porcelain for European Courts; Weber, J. (2017), ‘Copying and Competition: Meissen Porcelain and the Saxon Triumph over the Emperor of China’, in C. Forberg and P. W. Stockhammer (eds), The Transformative Power of the Copy, 331–73. 130 Cf. Bourdieu, P. ([1997] 2003), Outline of the Theory of Practice. 131 Trans. ‘Porcelain and the fragile sheen/ Of its enamel spread thick ‘à la Chine’/ A thousand hands with you in mind/ Fired, re-fired, and dyed, and refined’ (cf. also, Voltaire 2003: 16.273–313). 128 129

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BRITAIN AND THE BIRTH OF ANTHROPOLOGY, 1650–1750 The eminent Voltaire scholar Gustave Lanson (1857–1934) calls the young exile’s Letters concerning the English Nation (1733), written while he was in Britain between 1726 and 1729, ‘the first bomb hurled against the Old Regime’ ([1899] 1919; q. Anchor 1967: 57).132 As Robert Anchor explains, here is ‘the first writing which sought to free reason from any association with the institutions and values of the Old Regime and turn it against them’ (ibid.). These are bold claims, reminding us that however we see Voltaire’s time in Britain – or ultimately resolve scholarly debates about the relation between the Enlightenment and the ‘Republic of Letters’, or the nature of salons and the role of women members, or the use and abuse of China as a source and symbol of radical ideas in the 17th and 18th centuries – cross-Channel conversation was as important for shaping the Enlightenment mind as international exchange with China. While in Britain, Voltaire read Bacon, Locke and Newton. He kept company with politically engaged literary figures such as Swift, Alexander Pope (1688–1744) and John Gay (1685–1732), author of the popular ballad opera The Beggar’s Opera (1728). In time, D’Holbach’s salon in Paris would host Scottish philosophers David Hume and Adam Smith, as well as radical politician and journalist John Wilkes (1725–97), Whig aristocrat and man of letters Horace Walpole (1717–97), historian of ancient Rome Edward Gibbon (1737–94), actor David Garrick (1717–79),133 and Irish novelist Rev. Laurence Sterne (1713–68); to say nothing of aristocratic Italian criminologist Cesare Beccaria (1738–94) and polymathic ‘Founding Father’ of the United States of America, Benjamin Franklin (1706–90). Ideas incubated, germinated and cross-fertilized by literary exchange and intellectual friendship. Views on humanity and society were shared and sharpened. In this section, we look at five late 17th- and early 18th-century figures, their society and outlook, to see the impression they leave on the Analects and Gospels in China. These are, again, important resources to help us ‘read backwards carefully’. Milton, Addison, Pope, Berkeley, Locke and Chinoiserie We begin with the prolific Puritan polemicist John Milton (1608–74) and his biblical epic Paradise Lost. Though John Aubrey says Milton began work on the poem, ‘2 yeares before the King came-in’ (i.e. 1660 and the ‘Restoration of the Monarchy’ under Charles II), Milton almost certainly began it in the 1630s. It was completed in 1653, a year after he had lost his sight (Aubrey [1669–96]; Dick 1960: 202).134 The long cultural and literary shadow cast by Paradise Lost reaches China. As we saw in Chapter 3, by the mid-17th century Britain’s intelligentsia were conscious of, and increasingly informed about, the Orient. As Secretary for Foreign Tongues to the Commonwealth Council of State (fr. March 1649), Milton was engaged with foreign policy and diplomacy. Though no expert on China,135 he is fascinated by Tartary and tales of Genghis Khan. He has read Hakluyt, Purchas, 132 N.B. also, Voltaire ([1909] 1924), Lettres Philosophiques, ed. G. Lanson, 3rd edn, 2 vols. On Voltaire’s exile in Britain (after a brief imprisonment in the Bastille for cuffing a servant), Ballantyne, A. (1919), Voltaire’s Visit to England, 1726– 1729; Collins, J. C. (1908), Voltaire, Montesquieu and Rousseau on England. 133 On Garrick’s performance in Irish playwright Arthur Murphy’s (1727–1805) translation and adaptation of Voltaire’s The Orphan of China (1755) on 21 April 1759, Chen, S. (1998), ‘The Chinese Orphan: A Yuan Play. Its Influence on European Drama of the Eighteenth Century ’, in Hsia, The Vision of China, 359–82 (esp. 374f.). 134 Cf. generally, Poole, W. (2017), Milton and the Making of Paradise Lost. 135 Milton’s knowledge of, and attitude towards, China is debated. Like many of his peers, he appears to be well-versed in the Orient. On the sources and impact of Milton’s oriental ideas, Lu, M. (2016), The Chinese Impact Upon English Renaissance Literature, 186f.

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Martini, and Heylyn’s Cosmographia (1652). He knows ‘the ancient annals of the Chinese’ and about ‘two Chinas’ with capitals in ‘Cambalu(c)’ and ‘Paquin’ (Peking).136 China is described as the ‘mightiest’, with antiquity, prosperity and the great ‘Wall of Cathay’ (1753: II. 144f.). In Paradise Lost, ‘Sericana’, the ‘Chineses’ and ‘Paquin of Sinaean Kings’ (Bks. III. 438, XI. 390) are referenced. And, as we saw earlier (p. 107), Satan enters the world through the ‘barren plains/ Of Sericana’.137 In exchanges with the German theologian, diplomat, and scientist, Henry Oldenbury (1616–77), Milton reports enthusiasm in Oxford for Martini’s Sinicae historiae decas prima (1658) and criticism of Mendoza’s History of China (1586) (Lu, M., 2016: 112). Some perceive in this Milton’s interest in debates about how biblical and Chinese history correlate a resource for ‘two forms of history’ (eternal and temporal) and the ‘complex double function’ of Chinese history (to inspire and critique the West) in Paradise Lost.138 Crucially, besides his sinological interests, Milton was, as Shen Hong says, ‘the first British poet to be introduced into China’ (2014: 96). We study him for his past and present role in Sino-Western cultural dialogue. The Analects and Gospels are read today, directly and indirectly, in light refracted by Milton’s monumental classic, his thoughtful Christian faith and, to some even today, his provocative socio-political vision.139 To focus on Paradise Lost. The poet, moralist, and literary critic Samuel Johnson (1709–84) says the poem speaks of ‘the fate of worlds, the revolutions of heaven and earth’ ([1779–81] 1905: 1.171). To Milton, its aim is to ‘justifie the ways of God to men’ (Bk. 1.25–6). Few doubt the execution of Charles I (30 January 1649), chaos in the English Civil War (1642–51), the claims of Cartesian rationalism and political critique of Thomas Hobbes’s (1588–1651) Leviathan (1651),140 and translation of the epic Os Lusíadas (1572: The Lusiads, 1655) by Portuguese poet Luís Vaz de Camões (1524–80), conspire in some way to energize Milton.141 Grand themes of divine royal decrees and rebellious human acts are depicted now on a vast canvas as a cosmic ‘civil war’. This is in the background to the faces of Jesus and Confucius. Kepler and Spinoza both find a place in Milton’s biblical cosmology.142 But Satan, ‘The Tempter’ – dramatically depicted in Doré’s dark image (1866) – plays a lead role, marshalling grotesque fiends for ‘impious war in Heav’n’ (Bk. 1.43). His archangelic adversaries, Raphael (Bks. V–VIII) and Michael (Bks. XI–XII), take the fight to him and oppose his sinful earthly host, thus opening the door to God’s future. Based on the

On ‘Cambalu’ and ‘Pequin’, Chang, Y. Z. (1970), ‘Why did Milton err on Two Chinas?’ On use of travellers and travelogues in 18th-century commentaries on Milton, McDowell, N. and N. Smith, eds (2009), The Oxford Handbook of Milton, 680f. 138 On Milton and his contemporaries’ views of China, Chinese historiography and biblical chronology, Gilbert, A. H. (1911), ‘Milton’s China’; Lu, M. (2016), Chinese Impact, 112f., 117; Markley, R. (2006), The Far East and the English Imagination: 1600–1730, 71; —(1999), ‘“The destin’d Walls/ Of Cambalu”: Milton, and the ambiguities of the Far East’, in B. Rajan and E. Sauer (eds), Milton and the Imperial Vision, 191–213 (esp. 197f.). 139 On the early reception of Paradise Lost, Hale, J. K. (2004), Milton as Multilingual, Pt IV; Leonard, J. (2013), Faithful Labourers: A Reception History of Paradise Lost, 1667–1970; von Maltzahn, N. (1996), ‘The First Reception of Paradise Lost (1667)’; Poole, W. (2004c), ‘The Early Reception of Paradise Lost’. 140 On Milton and Hobbes, Wolfe, D. M. (1994), ‘Milton and Hobbes: A Contrast in Social Temper’. On Hobbes and early Confucianism, Huang, C-c. (2010), Humanism in East Asian Confucian Contexts, 106f.; Turner, B. S. (2013), The Religious and the Political, 66f. 141 On Milton, colonization, travel and a ‘New World’, Armitage, D., A. Himy and Q. Skinner, eds (1995), Milton and Republicanism, 215f. 142 On Milton and early-Modern cosmology, Ramachandran, A. (2015), The Worldmakers: Global Imagining in Early Modern Europe, 182–220; and, on suspicion of Milton from the scientific community, Poole, W. (2004b), ‘Two Early Readers of Milton: John Beale and Abraham Hill’. 136 137

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Genesis account of the ‘Fall’ of Adam and Eve (Gen. 3),143 and humanity’s ‘Redemption’ in Jesus, Milton’s magnum opus is a global ‘Classic’: like old stained glass, it transfigures cultural light. If to postmodern minds the poem’s biblical imagery is offensive, or unimpressive, to Christian and agnostic readers, spiritual or existential truths are conveyed with beauty and clarity. To Dr. Johnson, its ‘characteristick quality is its sublimity’, and ‘peculiar power to astonish’ ([1779–81] 1905: 1.171). To Dryden, the ‘Poet Laureate’, as we saw, when the poem was first published, it was ‘one of the greatest, most noble, and most sublime POEMS, . . . this Age or Nation has produced’ (1932: III. 417).144 No fewer than 100 English editions, and multiple foreign translations, appeared before the end of the 18th century. Its influence is evident in the twelve essays by Joseph Addison (1672–1719) in The Spectator (1712) and in Alexander Pope’s (1688–1744) Dunciad (1743).145 With its ‘subversive potential and incisive exploration of the experience of alienation’, it is, as Margaret Kean points out, ‘a touchstone for all the Romantic writers’ (2013: 36).146 Poets Samuel Taylor Coleridge (1772–1834), Percy Bysshe Shelley (1792–1822) and his sister Mary (1797–1851), William Blake (1757–1827), William Wordsworth (1770–1850) and American Walt Whitman (1819–92), all find inspiration here. Paradise Lost becomes, in short, a biblical thesaurus for life and society in 17th- and 18th-century Britain and beyond. It has entered the world’s soul, its images of heaven and hell, life and death, choice and failure, deeply wrought. Condensing Milton’s contribution to our story is hard. Focusing on his anthropology helps. The fact that China plays a part in his cosmic drama aids his integration and clarifies his contribution to our narrative. Three themes stand out for comment. Together they justify Samuel Johnson’s claim that the work has ‘the power of displaying the vast, illuminating the splendid, enforcing the awful, darkening the gloomy, and aggravating the dreadful’ (ibid.). First, just as many read Paradise Lost through the lens of Blake’s Milton lithographs (1804–10), so Paradise Lost gives poetic definition to key features of biblical anthropology. In Chapter 6, we see its counterpart in the Elizabethan and Jacobin playwright-actor William Shakespeare’s (1564– 1616) dramatized commentary on truth and personality.147 Milton’s Puritan theology proffers distorting paradoxes. It is both naturally biblical and surprisingly Modern. The Protestant Reformers’ cardinal principle sola scriptura (by scripture alone) is safe in Milton’s hands.148 His work celebrates

143 N.B. on Milton’s religion, Bryson, M. (2004), Tyranny of Heaven: Milton’s Rejection of God; Evans, J. M. (1968), Paradise Lost and the Genesis Tradition; Hunter, W. B., Jr., C. A. Patrides and J. H. Adamson (1971), Bright Essence: Studies in Milton’s Theology; Kurth, B. O. (1966), Milton and Christian Heroism; Lewis, C. S. (1960), A Preface to Paradise Lost; Lieb, M. (1981), Poetics of the Holy: A Reading of Paradise Lost; —(2006), Theological Milton; Patrides, C. A. (1966), Milton and the Christian Tradition. 144 On the reception history of Paradise Lost, Kean, M. ed. ([2005] 2013), John Milton’s Paradise Lost: A Sourcebook; Shawcross, J. (1995), John Milton: The Critical Heritage. For negative criticism (for different reasons), e.g. Eliot, T. S. (1957), On Poetry and Poets, 138–45; Empson, W. (1961), Milton’s God. ‘New Milton’ studies see the poet as less clear and orthodox, his work marked by ‘indeterminacy and incertitude’, e.g. Herman, P. C. (2012), ‘Paradigms Lost, Paradigms Found: The New Milton Criticism’, in P. C. Herman and E. Sauer (eds), The New Milton Criticism, 1–22. On Milton’s Socinianism and Deism, Rogers, J. (2006), ‘Milton and the Heretical Priesthood of Christ’, in D. Loewenstein and J. Marshall (eds), Heresy, Literature and Politics in Early Modern English Culture, 203–20. On Milton’s orthodoxy, Poole, The Making of Paradise Lost, 96f. 145 On Addison and Pope, p. 160f., 164f. 146 On the love-hate relationship some Romantics felt towards Paradise Lost, Murray, C. J. ed. (2004), Encyclopedia of the Romantic Era, 1760–1850, 747f. 147 Cf. below p. 266f. 148 On Milton’s biblicism, Fletcher, H. F. (1929), On the Use of the Bible in Milton’s Prose.

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scriptural faith. In his exegesis of Genesis in Paradise Lost, earth is a place of sin, death, darkness, sex and temptation.149 As a poetic theodicy, the poem portrays the intimate relationship Adam and Eve have with one another, and with God, before they are ejected from the ‘Garden of Eden’ for disobeying the divine decree not to eat from ‘the tree of the knowledge of good and evil’ (Gen. 2.17).150 The Bible defines the idealism and the realism of Milton’s anthropology. In the encomium to man in Book IV. 288–92 (based on Gen. 1.27 and 28), humanity’s creation in the imago Dei (the image of God) and ‘dominion’ over earth are clearly enunciated: Two of far nobler shape erect and tall, Godlike erect, with native Honour clad In naked Majestie seem’d Lord of all, And worthie seem’d, for in their looks Divine. The image of their glorious Maker shone. As willful, sexual individuals, who fear, doubt, disobey, feel shame and remorse, and go on discovering new truths about themselves and God, we also see in Milton’s Adam and Eve a poignant, Neo-Platonic ‘soul struggle’ (psychomachia) between reason (ratio) and desire (libido), and (pace Shakespeare, see p. 266f.) an early-Modern sense of individuality and personality. The glory of humanity’s God-given identity is tarnished by sin, and, as the Renaissance Christian humanist Marcilio Ficino (1433–99) warned in his Epistolae, ‘the soul is always miserable in its mortal body’ (q. Woodbridge 2002: 168). Though Milton’s Puritan biblicism is all too clear, his anthropology is still creative and eclectic. His Adam is as much a Renaissance hero as an object of divine – let alone Pauline – wrath.151 For all his honest realism, there is an early-Modern – almost Confucian – optimism in his view of man. In contrast to corporatist European Catholicism, Milton pre-empts Kantian individualism and celebrates what Walt Whitman calls the ‘democratic celebration of self ’ (Kean: 38). Second, following on from this, Milton injects into Anglophone culture a profound, poetic affirmation of the Protestant principle of personal moral and spiritual responsibility; but he does this self-consciously against the background of civil strife and societal change. We wonder, perhaps, at the poem’s remarkable reception. The reason for it surely lies here: Milton is theologically articulate for biblicist Britain, and critically attuned to its thirst for change. His poem is, then, both a poetic apologia for Protestantism and a passionate appeal for a Republic.152 Adam and Eve are innately noble: ‘authors to themselves in all’ (Bk. III. 122). They are also ‘By nature free, not over’rul’d by Fate’ (Bk. V. 527). For, a human has, we find in Milton’s Tetrachordon (1645) on divorce, ‘freedom by his naturall birthright, and that indeleble (sic) character of priority which God crown’d him with’ (1645: 589f.). And again: ‘There are left som remains of God’s image in man, N.B. on interpretations of Paradise Lost that supplant its Christian humanism with Cartesian rationalism, Herman and Sauer (eds), New Milton Criticism, 26f.; Adams, R. M. (1966), Ikon: John Milton and the Modern Critics. 150 On Milton’s doctrine of humanity and sin, Poole, W. (2005a), Milton and the Idea of the Fall. 151 On the protracted debate about Milton and ‘heroism’, Kermode, F. (1953), ‘Milton’s Hero’; Steadman, J. M. (1967), Milton and the Renaissance Hero. 152 On Milton’s republicanism and views on politics and society, Armitage, D., A. Himy and Q. Skinner, eds (1995), Milton and Republicanism; Fixler, M. (1964), Milton and the Kingdoms of God; Frye, N. (1965), The Return of Eden: Five Essays on Milton’s Epics; Hamel, C. (2013), ‘The republicanism of John Milton’; Knott, J. R., Jr. (1971), Milton’s Pastoral Vision. 149

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as he is meerly man’ (ibid., 5). As such, contra a strict Calvinist doctrine of predestination, a person can accept or reject God.153 But, as in St. Paul’s letter to the Romans and Reformation Protestantism, sinful souls can only be saved sola fidei (by faith alone) and sola gratia (by [divine] grace alone). In light of ‘Eternal Providence’, the ‘happy fault’ (felix culpa) of human sin leads to Christ’s saving death. As Adam says near the end: ‘O goodness infinite, goodness immense!/ That all this good of evil shall produce,/ And evil turn to good’ (Bk. XII. 469–471). At the behest of ‘Heav’n’s awful Monarch’ (Bk. IV. 960), Providence acts to quash the abuse of royal power (witness, the beheading of Charles I). Contrary to rational moralism and political radicalism in Hobbes’s Elements of Law (1640), De Cive (1642) and Leviathan (1651), Milton’s manner is mild, his apocalypticism and iconoclasm more measured.154 Despite his will for change, he turns away from revolution in the name of responsible individualism and Nicene orthodoxy. If tension exists, as some claim, between Milton as artist and theologian,155 he sublimates this to faith, realism, a love for freedom and a sense of duty.156 Milton, the man, is impressive. Third, we find Milton’s Protestant sympathies reconfirmed when we look at his views on, and use of, China. Given the profile China and Confucius had, and the circles in which Milton moved in mid-17th-century Britain, it is no surprise that China appears in his writings; even if, as some scholars argue, he seems to confuse China and Tartary in Paradise Lost.157 We saw previously (above p. 107) how Satan enters the world via China’s ‘barren plains’. Milton may be using the monastic association of desert with spiritual conflict or alluding to the destructive power of the ‘Tartar’ (i.e. Manchu) invasion in 1644. Another clue is his ‘Letter in Latin’ in which he gives Confucius credit for protecting China from revolution – and by implication from Jesuit infiltration (Étiemble 1989: II. 319). His image of China’s bare, windswept plains is another instance of Western idealization of China’s aboriginal (Edenic) perfection, in which Confucian morality, imperial authority, ritual civility, and the beauty of porcelain,158 exist in perfect harmony, in perpetuity – that is, until crushed by Satan and the Catholic church. Torn ‘twixt a commonwealth of preservation and expansion, Milton joins those who see in China a human ‘type’ of Christ’s ‘archetypical’ kingdom of peace. Milton’s Adam – though a heroic figure akin to a Greco-Roman demi-god – has no power apart from God – and, of course, his marriage to Eve. He does not display epic, martial virtues; rather, those of Confucius and Christ: integrity, faithfulness, goodness, patience, single-mindedness and a love for peace – or, as Archangel Michael describes it, ‘a paradise within thee, happier far’ (Bk. XII. 586–7). It is little surprise the Romantics found inspiration here: Paradise Lost is a study in human psychology as much as Christian spirituality. It is also little surprise that in 1837 the German missionary Karl Gützlaff likened Paradise Lost for his Chinese readers to Homer’s much-admired N.B. Wolfe: ‘Milton . . . asserted man’s innate nobility and made the infliction of God’s wrath contingent upon man’s freedom of choice’ (1941: 63f.). 154 On the inappropriateness of using ‘iconoclastic’ of Milton, Shore, D. (2012), Milton and the Art of Rhetoric, 102f. 155 N.B. on this tension, Walker, J. M. (1986), ‘“For each seem’d either”: Free Will and Predestination in Paradise Lost’. 156 We should note, too, that after Milton’s famed meeting with Galileo in Florence in 1638, the cosmologist is the only contemporary mentioned in Paradise Lost. Though Milton is no Spinozist, Kepler and Galileo may inspire the rhetoric of Bk. VIII. 122–5: ‘. . . What if the Sun/ Be Center to the World, and other Starrs/ By his attractive vertue and thir own/ Incited, dance about him various rounds?’ 157 N.B. seeming inconsistency surrounding the ‘Cathaian coast’ (Bk. XX. 292, n. 3). This is generally taken to mean the Chinese coast. In pre-16th century cartography Cathay is only part of China, with its capital Cambalu[c]. However, Bk. XI. 388 and 390 differentiate between ‘Cambalu, seat of Cathaian Can’ and ‘Paquin, of Sinaean [Chinese] kings’. 158 Cf. Chinese porcelain in ‘myrrhine cups embossed with gems’ (Milton 1671: Bk. IV. 119). 153

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epics, as ‘the crown of poetry’, praising its ‘imposing and majestic style’ and a tale of ‘our first ancestors’ exiled from ‘the Garden of Bliss’. This was, he said, ‘deep and philosophical, its intention grand and magnanimous’.159 So began Milton studies in China, their fortunes subject to academic fads, cultural need and politics. But, of the poet and poem’s power over later interpretation of the Analects and Gospels, we should not doubt. We ‘read backwards carefully’ through the vivid hermeneutic of Milton’s magisterial work. When the second edition of Paradise Lost appeared in 1674, the Monarchy had been restored and knowledge of China increased. With Milton’s consent, Dryden wrote a Five-Act rhyming operatic version, The State of Innocence and the Fall of Man. The work was never staged. Other attempts to capitalize on Milton’s success would follow. In 1676, Dryden’s brother-in-law, Sir Robert Howard (1626–98) tried hard to improve on Settle’s Conquest of China by the Tartars (1667).160 Drawn by Martini’s De bello Tartarico (1654),161 and other general travelogues, the theme had already prompted an odd assortment of Dutch dramas.162 Despite Dryden’s help, Howard’s play failed. The significance of all this is the progressive transformation of China from the distant, the dreadful, and the ideal, we glimpse in Milton, into a place in which, as Foss and Lach note, ‘changing events affect the lives of real human beings as they do elsewhere’ (1991: 174). As in Hobbes, success or failure will come now not from God, but from ‘man’. It is a change from which Christendom would not recover. We will look at chinoiserie in more detail in the next chapter. It is an off-shoot of translation and distribution of 17th-century literature on China we have examined already. In the youthful poet, essayist, politician and playwright Joseph Addison (1672–1719), portrayed again in a striking portrait by Sir Godfrey Kneller,163 chinoiserie found a gifted advocate.164 Addison is important in three related ways. First, he popularized the concept ‘sublimity’, and, with it, aesthetic criteria to define human life. ‘Sublimity’ was introduced into Britain by a 17th-century translation of the mythical, 1st-century soldier Longinus’s treatise On the Sublime. The text was rediscovered in the late 16th century, and translated into French, in 1674, by the poet and literary critic Nicholas Cf. Gützlaff, K., ‘Poetry’, in Eastern Western Monthly Magazine 195 (Canton: n.p. 1837), 1; q. Hao, T. (2012), ‘Milton in Late-Qing China (1837–1911)’. On Gützlaff, p. 140, 159, 204, n. 118, 259, n. 424, 270, n. 29. N.B. the first Chineseauthored work referencing Milton by the Qing dynasty scholar Lin Zexu ᷇ࡷᗀ (1785–1850), Accounts of Four Continents (1839). On this, and later respect for, and study of, Milton as a ‘master poet’ by high-profile authors like Liang Qichao ằ ஏ䎵 (1873–1929), Lu Xun 冟䗵 (1881–1936) and Ku Hung-Ming 䗌卫䣈 (1857–1928), Hao, T. (2005), ‘Ku Hung-Ming, an Early Chinese Reader of Milton’. On Liang, p. 22, 225, n. 235, 227, n. 247, 251, n. 388, 270, n. 30, 285, n. 107, 328, n. 300, 332, 335, n. 351, 364; on Lu, p. 68, n. 85. 160 For background, Scott, Sir W. [1771–1832] (1827), The Miscellaneous Prose Works of Sir Walter Scott, Bt., I. 411. On Settle, Brown, F. C. (1971), Elkanah Settle; also, p. 99f., 168. 161 On Martini, above p. 95, n. 25, 100, n. 52. 162 E.g. Christoph W. Hagdorn’s (n.d.) courtly romance Aeyquan, oder der gro e Mogol (Amsterdam, 1670), French playwright Samuel Chappuzeau’s (1625–1701) humane tragic-comedy Armetzar ou les ennemis (Leiden, 1658), Joost van der Vondel’s (1587–1679) empathetic Zunqchin (Amsterdam, 1667) and Johann Antonides van der Goes’s (1647–84) youthful saga Trazil, of overrompelt-Sina (Amsterdam, 1685). China becomes in some plays an idealized setting for chivalry and friendship, in others a moralized forum to discuss issues of political and personal import. Compared with the angst evident in FrancoDutch dramas, Settle’s Conquest of China is weak historically and excessively attentive to civility. Cf. the contextual reference to Hagdorn in, Tan, Y. (2007), Der Chinese in der deutschen Literatur, 29f.; also, Van Kley, E. (2003), ‘Qing Dynasty China in Seventeenth Century Dutch Literature’, in W. F. Walle and N. Golvers (eds), The History of the Relations between the Low Countries and China in the Qing Era (1644–1911), 216–34. 163 On Kneller’s other relevant works, p. 99f., 106, 160. 164 Cf. Voltaire’s high opinion of Addison (Addison 1873: VI. 722f.). 159

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Boileau-Despréaux (1636–1711). As a further example of cross-Channel cultural exchange, three English translations appeared in little over fifty years.165 ‘Sublimity’ established itself in British philosophy and aesthetics.166 Addison used the term in a series of papers on ‘The Pleasures of the Imagination’ (1712), for the Spectator magazine, which he co-edited from 1711 with his friend, the Irish politician and writer Sir Richard Steele (1672–1729). The term is used of anything that is incomparably excellent, and, as a result terrifies, amazes and inspires. To Addison, ‘sublimity’ and ‘the sublime’ are three visual elements in imagination, i.e. greatness, uncommonness, and beauty. This was an ideal referent for ‘perfection’ seen in Chinese porcelain and on the new ‘Grand Tour’ of Europe. As Addison says of the Alps on his own ‘Grand Tour’ in 1699: ‘[They] fill the mind with an agreeable kind of horror’ ([1705] 1773: 261). Secondly, Addison, Antony Ashley Cooper, the 3rd Earl of Shaftesbury (1671–1713),167 and literary critic and dramatist John Dennis (1658–1734), use ‘sublimity’ to locate humanity in nature. In a post-Newtonian, Cartesian world, humanity is defined as both subject and object of their world. Biblical ideas of human ‘dominion’ over a divine ‘Creation’ are now counter-balanced by deistic awe at the grandeur of the world. Life is tested not by God’s law but ‘sublime’ human products (like porcelain) and the wonders of ‘Nature’. Miltonian spiritual conflict is re-construed as strife within man and over nature. Later Romanticism co-opts this in its repristination of Virgilian (70 BCE–19 BCE) heroes and souls in peril,168 while the German philosopher G. W. F. Hegel (1770–1831) views fine detail in oriental art as an accentuation of existential conflict.169 Thirdly, China is central to Addison’s world. To A. O. Lovejoy, his Spectator papers ‘expressly set[s] up the Chinese as the actual expression of the ideals which he is preaching’ (1948: 113).170 He reads China through Le Comte and Sir William Temple.171 He learns from Temple about the oriental garden principle sharawadgi.172 Temple first adopted the term in an essay Upon the gardens of Epicurus in 1692. The paper blends the Confucian ideal of humanity at harmony with the world with designs that are ‘truly Grand and Noble, after Nature’s own manner’ (Langley 1728: vii). As Temple stated: ‘[T]here may be other forms wholly irregular that may . . . have more beauty than any others’ (1690b: II. 57f.).173 Echoing Temple, Addison contrasts sharawadgi with dull British gardens and gardeners that ‘instead of humouring nature, love to deviate from it as much as possible’

Cf. by John Pulteney (?1660–1726) in 1680, Leonard Welsted (1688–1747) in 1712, and William Smith (1711–87) in 1739. 166 On use of the term ‘sublime’ in late 17th-century literary criticism, Kuypers, J. M. ed. (2014), Purpose, Practice, and Pedagogy in Rhetorical Criticism, 141f. N.B. also, the early work on philosophy and aesthetics by the Irish politician and political theorist Edmund Burke (1729–97), A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful (1757), which Diderot and Kant take cognizance of (cf. p. 102, 157, 160f., 193, 197, 212 below). 167 On Shaftesbury p. 165, 169. 168 We find an unlikely application of this ideal of bravery in a letter by Pope (cf. below p. 164f.) to his confidante, Lady Mary Wortley Montagu (1689–1762), in 1717. In 1716 Lady Wortley ‘courageously’ accompanied her husband to the ‘Sublime Port’ (Istanbul) after he was appointed UK Ambassador to Turkey (Webb 1982: 53f.)! 169 On Hegel, p. 233f. 170 Cf. also, Liu, Y. (2008), Seeds of a Different Eden, 18f. 171 On Le Comte, p. 138, 139, n. 35 & 36, 144, 150, 153, 214. On Temple, p. 108f., 168. 172 N.B. sharawadgi is not a Chinese term. As Michael Sullivan explains, it is ‘a corruption of a Persian word’ (1990: 263–93). Cf. also, Murray, C. (1998a), Sharawadgi; —(1998b) ‘Sharawadgi Resolved’; Kuitert, W. (2013), Japanese Robes, Sharawadgi, and the landscape discourse of Sir William Temple. 173 In The Englishness of English Art (1956) Anglo-German architectural historian Nikolaus Pevsner (1902–83) describes the impact of Temple’s horticultural comment as ‘one of the most amazing in the English language’. 165

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(1712; q. Qian, Z., 1998: 125f.).174 Nature’s ‘sublimity’ is demonstrated in what Lovejoy calls this ‘gospel of irregularity’ (ibid., 101); in other words, the ‘Chinese’ vision for a garden and not the strictly patterned parterre’s and tidy trees of France, Italy and Holland. The Romantics’ love of wild, beautiful ‘Nature’ is traceable here. In this natural form of chinoiserie – captured in the ‘blue and white’ porcelain of ‘Willow Pattern’ – horticulture celebrates Chinese porcelain, culture and its inspiration in Confucian philosophy and ritual. European and British perception of ‘Nature’ is transformed by China.175 In Addison’s Spectator articles (especially, ‘Leonora’), as in other contemporary literature, porcelain becomes a convenient literary analogue to female beauty, fragility, taste and consumerism (Kowaleski-Wallace 1996: 154).176 A shift in consciousness towards a self-aware human subject is crystallized in the writings of Anglo-Irish philosopher Bishop George Berkeley (1685–1753). As his Treatise concerning the Principles of Human Knowledge (1710), his Essay towards a New Theory of Vision (1709) and three-part version of Principles of Human Knowledge (1713), make clear, Berkeley is drawn to the interface of anthropology and epistemology, to the relation between human subjectivity and perceived reality. In terms some find ‘mystic’, the ‘orthodox’ Deist Berkeley viewed ‘subjective idealism’ as a matter of perception. As he argued: ‘Esse est percipi (to be is to be perceived).’ So, ‘There is nothing real except minds and their ideas . . . anything else is inconceivable, and what is inconceivable cannot exist’ ([1713] 1843: 222f.). Berkeley rejects cold Cartesian rationalism and the materialist empiricism of Malebranche and Locke – and, in his own De Motu (1720), the theoretical absolutism of Newtonian laws of time, space and motion – in favour of Aristotelian ‘idealism’ and an anthropocentric ‘immaterialism’. The significance of this is huge. Berkeley has had myriad philosophical disciples.177 His thought is both taut and flexible. The knowing, sentient human subject becomes central to philosophy and theology. Berkeley shares with his fellowIrishman Sir Richard Steele and friend Addison, the influential poet-critic Alexander Pope, the Scottish philosopher David Hume, and, as we will see in Chapter 5, the German philosopherethicist Immanuel Kant (1724–1804), a new regard for human vision, interpretation, perception and intuition. He prepares the way for modern and postmodern phenomenalism, perspectivalism, and truth as perception.178 Berkeley’s ideas were controversial at the time. Samuel Johnson sought (unsuccessfully) to mock Berkeley’s immaterialism by kicking a stone (the fallacious Argumentum ad lapidem). Like Voltaire, Berkeley offended the anti-deist Samuel Clarke and Newton’s ill-fated successor as Lucasian Professor of Mathematics at Cambridge, William Whiston (1667–1752);179

174 Cf. also, Liu, Y., Seeds of a Different Eden, 91–112; Brown, T. C. (2007), ‘Joseph Addison and the Pleasures of “Sharawadgi”’; Harney, M. (2016), Place-making for the Imagination, Ch. 1; Porter, D. (2010), The Chinese Taste in Eighteenth-Century England. 175 On later chinoiserie and visuality, Sloboda, S. (2008), ‘Picturing China’. 176 Cf. also, Klein, L. E. (1996), Shaftesbury and the Culture of Politeness, vii–ix. 177 On Berkeley’s ideas and impact, Pappas, G. S. (2000), Berkeley’s Thought; Pitcher, G. (1977), Berkeley; Tipton, I. C. (1974), Berkeley: The Philosophy of Immaterialism; Winkler, K. P. (1989), Berkeley: An Interpretation; —ed. (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Berkeley. Cf. also, on Berkeley, contemporary thought, and his philosophy of perception, natural philosophy and metaphysics (incl. on ‘consciousness’, ‘self-consciousness’ and ‘signs’), Airaksinen, T. and B. Belfrage, eds (2011), Berkeley’s Lasting Legacy. 178 Cf. Stack, G. J. (1970), Berkeley’s Analysis of Perception, 50–73. On Berkeley’s unique contribution to the Enlightenment, Clark, S. R. L. (1990), ‘Soft as the Rustle of a Reed from Cloyne’, in P. Gilmour (ed.), Philosophers of the Enlightenment, 47–62. 179 On Berkeley’s early critics, Bracken, H. M. (1965), The Early Reception of Berkeley’s Immaterialism 1710–1733.

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albeit, Whiston’s own tenure (1702–10) was curtailed by criticism, and he withdrew to author his mighty tomes Primitive Christianity Revived (1711), Josephus (1732), and Antiquities of the Jews (1737). Berkeley’s impact has been the greater. Though he may spawn doubt about reality per se, ‘matter’ is now deniable without absurdity, reality expressed as ‘ideas’ in the mind of God and God known without empirical evidence. As the limerick lampooned atheistic critics of his philosophy and resultant theology of perspective: Dear Sir, your astonishment’s odd I’m always about in the Quad And that’s why the tree continues to be Since observed by, yours faithfully, God.180 We might say much of Berkeley’s philosophy. He is important for our story in other respects. He knows, and respects, China’s size, energy, historiography, science, medicine and culture. In one of seven dialogues in Alciphron, or the Minute Philosopher (1732), he says the Chinese are ‘a learned, ingenious, and acute people, very curious, and addicted to arts and sciences’; adding, ‘I profess I cannot help paying some regard for their accounts of time’(1843: I. 472).181 Britain is ‘swarming, like China, with busy people’ ([1735] 1820: III. 185). In an appendix to The Querist, he wonders if French porcelain will outstrip Chinese goods (ibid., III. 538). Conversely, Berkeley is known in China. His eclectic interests are referenced in mid-19th-century literature.182 His ‘immaterialism’ – or, as it would become, ‘subjective idealism’ – is favourably likened to the idealism of the NeoConfucian scholar Wang Yangming ⦻䲭᰾ (1472–1529) in mid-20th-century discussion of Marxist materialism and Maoist realism.183 More than this, we hear resonances of Xie He’s 䅍䎛 ‘Six Principles of Chinese Painting’184 in his view of intuition. We find him contributing to economic and ethical debate after the bursting of the ‘South Sea Bubble’ (Spring, 1720). If inter-cultural philosophy finds in Berkeley and Neo-Confucianism corroborative traditions, economic history listens to the philosopher as an important voice in debate about the relative merits of luxury, commerce, capitalist energy, and personal or social morality. To Scott Breuninger, Berkeley follows the Roman historian and politician Sallust’s (86 BCE–35 BCE)185 Bellum Catilina and Bellum Jurgurthinum, and a long line of 17th-century writers,186 who praise the ‘mediocrity of money’, and/or the moral, and 180 Cf. McCracken, C. (1979), ‘What Does Berkeley’s God See in the Quad?’; —(1995), ‘Godless Immaterialism: On Atherton’s Berkeley’, in R. G. Muehlmann (ed.), Berkeley’s Metaphysics, 249–260; McKim, R. (1997–8), ‘Abstraction and Immaterialism’. 181 N.B. he also credits the Jesuits here with knowledge of ‘Chinese affairs’. 182 N.B. his advocacy of the universal efficacy of tar-water, as recorded in The Chinese Times (Tianjin, 1888), Vol. II. 828! 183 On Chinese criticism of Berkeley’s ‘solipsism’, Liu, S-h. (2009), ‘Neo-Confucianism (II): From Lu Jiu-Yuan to Wang YangMing’, in B. Mou (ed.), The Routledge History of World Philosophies, III , Ch. 13 (esp. 411f.); —(2001), ‘Philosophical Analysis and Hermeneutics’, in B. Mou (ed.), Two Roads to Wisdom, 131–52 (esp. 144f.). 184 Cf. p. 78. 185 Cf. Breuninger, S. (2010), ‘Luxury, Moderation and the South-Sea Bubble’, in Recovering Bishop Berkeley, 71–94; to which I am indebted for this section. Cf. for context, Glaisyer, N. (2006), The Culture of Commerce in England, 1660–1720. 186 Cf. Thomas Mun [1571–1641], A Discourse on Trade from England unto the East Indies (1621), Rice Vaughan [d. c. 1672], A Discourse of Coin and Coinage (1675), Nicholas Barbon [c. 1640–98], Discourse of Trade (1690), Sir George Mackenzie [1636/8–91], The Moral History of Frugality (1691). N.B. Daniel Defoe disagreed: ‘[’T]is the longest Purse and not the longest Sword that conquers Nations’ (1705: II. 78).

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financial, benefit of frugality. As Elizabethan Lord Chancellor Francis Bacon (1561–1626) wrote: ‘Industry to increase and frugality to maintain are the true watch words of a kingdom’s treasury’ (q. Breuninger 2010: 77).187 To Berkeley, behind the irresponsibility of Directors and investors who speculated in a spate of ‘bubble’ companies in 1720, lay a loss of public spirit caused by an ‘atheistical narrow spirit, centering all our cares upon private interests’ (1820: III. 77).188 In the spirit of Calvinist mercantilism, Berkeley claims that ‘by restoring and promoting religion, industry, frugality, and public spirit’, it is is possible ‘public happiness and prosperity’ will return (ibid., III. 65). We read the Analects and Gospels in light of embittered history and moral debate about SinoEuropean trade. As commerce with China grew, Breuninger argues, ‘luxury’s economic role was reassessed and “demoralized” (or “economized”)’; to some, the ‘softening’, ‘civilizing’ effect of luxury goods was all too clear (ibid., 76). Chinoiserie dulled consciences in the 18th century as opium did a century later. Porcelain is not the ‘doux-commerce’ (soft trade)189 the American economist Albert O. Hirschman (1915–2012) claims it to be. It is an analogue for vanity, greed, power and a globalized culture.190 Facing such truths is hard for all parties in protracted sociocultural, diplomatic disputes. We turn next to Alexander Pope (1688–1744) and his philosophical inspiration, John Locke (1632–1704). Pope is one of the ‘Augustan’ authors; taking their name from the first Hanoverian King, George I’s (1660–1727; r. 1714–27) rather flouncy and imperious self-designation, ‘Augustus redivivus’. ‘Augustan’ poetry dresses politics, satire, and philosophy in deceptively drab garb. Pope was a frail, sickly, diminutive figure. He was also a prolific, silver-lipped author. Numerous notes, poems, essays, translations and treatises – including his famous Essay on Man (1734) – pour from him. He looks at humanity and society with a cool, calculating eye. As a Catholic, he was an outsider, who forged lasting friendships with leaders of the British establishment. As Maynard Mack says, in Pope ‘attitudes generated by deism, eighteenth-century sociality, and Roman Catholicism come together’ (1982: I. 235).191 He snubs hegemonic Newtonian physics (Payne 2008: 18, n. 11). The influential politician Henry St. John, 1st Viscount Bolingbroke (1678–1751), was dedicatee, and a major source of inspiration for, the Essay on Man. Pope was astute politically.192 When Tory friends (like Bolingbroke)193 fell from grace in the aftermath of Queen Anne’s (1665–1714) death, Pope’s star still rose. The grotto he had built at his Thames-side house at Twickenham bears ample

187 Berkeley was supported by works like The Naked and Undisguis’d Truth (anon: 1721) and the vicious A New-Year-Gift for the Directors (1721), which proposed Directors of deceitful and speculative ‘bubble’ companies be decapitated and skinned! 188 Cf. also, on Berkeley, Clark, S. R. L. (2005), ‘Berkeley on Religion’, in K. Winkler (ed.), Cambridge Companion to Berkeley, 369–404 (esp. 390f.). 189 Despite later European production, the growth and size of the Chinese porcelain trade is staggering. In 1558, a Portuguese ship carried 1,000 pieces of Chinese porcelain to Europe. By 1638, one Dutch ship carried 60,000 pieces, the entire Dutch fleet 900,000 pieces. Orders for two British ships (the Essex and the Townsend) in 1717 ran to 305,000 pieces, with four British ships carrying 800,000 pieces in 1721. By the end of the century, as a symptom of changing tastes, European massproduction, and the end of ‘Sinophilia’ and emergence of ‘Sinophobia’, the import of Chinese porcelain in Europe had declined. 190 Cf. Feuerwerker, A. (1990), ‘Chinese Economic History in Comparative Perspective’, in P. Ropp (ed.), Heritage of China, 224–41. 191 Cf. also, Mack, M. (1985), Alexander Pope: A Life. On the formation and reception of Pope’s Essay on Man, Rogers, P. (2004), The Alexander Pope Encyclopedia, 118f. 192 Cf. Rogers, P. (2010), A Political Biography of Alexander Pope; Jones, E. (2013), Friendship and Allegiance in EighteenthCentury Literature. 193 On Bolingbroke, p. 168, 171, 218.

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testimony to his wealth, standing and imagination.194 He belongs unquestionably to the crossChannel community of well-connected philosophes. He shines brightly in their midst. Pope’s life proves the harsh principle, ‘The life of a writer . . . (is) warfare on earth’ (Byron 1842: 800).195 Anonymity impossible; criticism inevitable.196 Both friendship and influence are pricey. Continental opinion was divided. Voltaire’s view of Pope is unclear. He is initially positive: ‘The Essay on Man appears to me to be the most beautiful didactic poem, the most useful, the most sublime that has ever been composed in any language’ ([1733] 2003: 147).197 His satirical novella Candide (1759) is scathing about Pope’s moral optimism: ‘Whatever IS, is RIGHT’ (Bk. I. 292.). In contrast, though Rousseau doubted Pope’s innate theism,198 he said of the Essay on Man, ‘[It] softens my ills and brings me patience’ (q. Solomon, 108f.). Kant was more consistent in adulation.199 Opinions have remained divided. Pope’s equanimity is admirable, his humanist self-confidence palpable. He lives his celebrated couplet: ‘Know then thyself, presume not God to scan/ The proper study of Mankind is Man’ (II. I). A new British anthropology challenges the megalith of Miltonian theism. The juggernaut of Enlightenment philosophy chugs down Chancery Lane. Pope is significant here in three areas. First, there is a primitive, existential quality to his writing and in the way his work is received. Emotions are stirred. Behind Bolingbroke is Shaftesbury’s latertermed ‘moral sense theory’,200 publicized in his The Moralists (1709). Trackable to Mencius’s concept of ‘sense’, Shaftesbury’s theory (through Bolingbroke) is the inspiration for the first part of Pope’s Essay on Man. For, in Shaftesbury, we find an oriental, Spinozist, natural theology, in which a benevolent, omniscient deity orders life with harmony, balance and good taste. Human identity is recovered in its relation to this benevolent cosmic power.201 Indebted to Shaftesbury, Pope also pays parodic lip-service to Milton in a four-part Essay written (deliberately in heroic couplets) to ‘vindicate the ways of God to man’ (I. 16). In his Moral Epistles (1731–5), Pope creates a plausible, rational, proto-existential, account of the human condition. Mark Pattison (1813–84),

He apparently mused (like a Romantic) over the grotto: ‘Were it to have nymphs as well – it would be complete in everything!’ Pope is an influential pre-Romantic. Cf. On his villa, garden and grotto, and the myths and issues around them, Rousseau, G. S. and P. Rogers, eds (1988), The Enduring Legacy: Alexander Pope Tercentenary Essays, 137f. 195 For a recent study of Pope in ‘three modes’ of discourse, Sell, R. D. (2011), Communicational Criticism, 83–150. 196 On the ‘poetical war’ over Pope, Solomon, H. M. (1993), The Rape of the Text: Reading and Misreading Pope’s Essay on Man, 7f. 197 On Voltaire’s first meeting with Pope and his shift from shock (at Pope’s disability) to respect (at his eloquence), Rosslyn, F. (1990), Alexander Pope: A Literary Life, 10. On the impact of translation and distribution of Anglophone texts (e.g. by Milton, Dryden, Pope, Swift, Defoe, etc), Stockhorst, S. ed. (2010), Cultural Transfer Through Translation, 15f. 198 On Rousseau and Pope, Damrosch, L. (2005), Jean-Jacques Rousseau, 157. 199 On Kant’s early (positive) use of Essay on Man, Cohen, A. ed. (2014), Kant’s Lectures on Anthropology, 15, n. 24. On Kant, p. 190f. 200 ‘Moral sense theory’ is a form of ‘sentimentalist’ ethical epistemology in which moral judgements arise from ‘sense’ and ‘experience’. Otherwise known as ‘ethical intuitionism’, it is an ancient view of moral judgements. Mencius is followed (and then rejected) by Xunzi 㥰ᆀ c. 312–230 BCE), Shaftesbury by British (esp. Scottish) philosophers Francis Hutcheson (1694–1746), David Hume, Adam Smith, Thomas Reid (1710–96; below p. 165, n. 200, 214f., 247, 292, n. 138, 331, n. 324), Herbert Spencer (1820–1903), and contemporary authors like Michael Slote (b. 1941), Simon Blackburn (b. 1944) and Allan Gibbard (b. 1942), in whom ‘empathy’, ‘meta-ethics’ and ‘meaning’ – or ‘apt feelings’ – are (variously) central. 201 We catch snatches of Confucianism, perhaps, in Shaftesbury’s naming of earth, in The Moralists, ‘Mansion-Globe’ and ‘Man-Container’. He writes: ‘How narrow then must it appear compar’d with the capacious System of its own Sun . . . tho’ animated with a sublime Celestial Spirit’ (Pt. III, Sec. 1.373). Translation of Shaftesbury is significant. On Diderot’s 1745 French translation of An Inquiry Concerning Virtue and Merit, Shank, J. B. (2008), The Newton Wars and the Beginning of the French Enlightenment, 484f. 194

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the broad-church editor, said a century later Pope’s aim is, ‘to depreciate the pretensions and humble the aspirations of man’ (Pope 1871: 92) (i.e. when seduced by lust, reason, pride or science). Set between God and mortal beasts is rational sense, and what Pope calls the ‘Chaos of Thought and Passion, all confus’d;/ Still by himself, abus’d or disabus’d’. This rational sense is necessary (as in the Analects) for a person to be, and become, a virtuous and benevolent citizen. Optimistic Confucian sociality trumps the pessimistic individuality of Cranmerian, establishment piety.202 As Pope declares: but human soul Must rise from individual to the whole. Self-love but serves the virtuous mind to wake, As the small pebble stirs the peaceful lake. —IV. 370–3 Seen by many as the finest 18th-century British poet, Pope was lambasted by the jaundiced Headmaster of Winchester, Joseph Warton (1722–1800) for lacking ‘pure poetry’,203 more weightily by the ‘Poet Laureate’ (fr. 1813–43), Robert Southey (1774–1843), for belonging to ‘the worst age in English poetry’ (Southey 1835: II. 138);204 and, in the Romantic essayist Thomas De Quincey’s (1785–1859) damning praise, for ‘a disposition radically noble and generous, clouded and overshadowed by petty foibles’ (1863–71: XV. 137). He was also, as De Quincey perceived, ‘the most brilliant of all wits who have . . . applied themselves to the poetic treatment of human manners’ (ibid.). Pope tracks the highways of the human heart like a pioneer explorer. The Life of Pope by fellow-invalid Samuel Johnson empathizes: ‘[H]is vital functions were so much disordered that his life was a “long disease”’ (1905: III. 256).205 To the poet of ill-repute, Lord Byron (1788–1824), writing in the prolonged ‘Pope Controversy’ (1806–26):206 ‘There will be found as comfortable metaphysics, and ten times more poetry, in the Essay on Man than in the Excursion’ ([1837] 2015: 806).207 Pope is a herald of Modern anthropology. He sired countless progeny, who, like the Romantic poets and contributors to the new science of psychology, extol the mystery and majesty, the light and darkness, of the human condition.208 As in Michelangelo’s Pietà, life is sculpted here

202 Thomas Cranmer (1489–1556) was Archbp. of Canterbury (fr. 1533–55). He acted as King Henry VIII’s (1491–1547; r. 1509–47) agent to establish the Church of England and was a (? the) leading theological and liturgical architect of the Anglican ethos of Pope’s day. 203 N.B. Warton’s purportedly dull, unpopular (Gosse, 1919), ‘vaguely famous’ (Saintsbury, 1911), Essay on the Genius and Writings of Pope ([1756] 1782). Cf. for contemporary opinion and a new critical edition of Warton’s Essay (4th edn), Rounce, A. ed. (2004), Alexander Pope and His Critics. 204 On Southey, p. 198, 207, n. 133. 205 On Johnson’s condition, Deutsch, H. (2000), ‘The Author as Monster: The Case of Dr. Johnson’, in H. Deutsch and F. Nussbaum (eds), ‘Defects’: Engendering the Modern Body, 177–209; Lund, R. (2005), ‘Laughing at Cripples’. 206 On this controversy and its literary setting, Tasch, P. A. (1997), ‘Literary Criticism’, in G. Newman, L. Ellen Brown, et al. (eds), Britain in the Hanoverian Age, 1714–1837, 412f.; Keach, W. (2004), Arbitrary Power, 49f.; Amarasinghe, U. (1962), Dryden and Pope. 207 For an analysis of the debate and contrary view, Solomon, The Rape of the Text, 30f. 208 Though drawn to Pope’s experientialism, Romantic heavy-weights like Coleridge, Lamb and Southey were critical of his style, philosophy, theology, morality and much-discussed decadence (his relationship to women was the subject of much tittle-tattle).

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in a 360˚ perspective. Pessimistic about human behaviour, Pope denies dependence on God, and is, like Confucius, optimistic about human potential. As he proclaims: Created half to rise and half to fall; Great Lord of all things, yet prey to all, Sole judge of truth, in endless error hurl’d; The glory, jest and riddle of the world. —Essay on Man, II. 1 Though often judged and found wanting, Pope is a prophet of paradisal progress on earth.209 Second, Pope and his circle owed much to the philosopher John Locke (1632–1704): his was as much ‘The Age of Locke’ as of the ‘Augustans’.210 Locke’s empiricist treatise An Essay Concerning Human Understanding was published in 1689.211 It is the manifesto of the erstwhile ‘Father of Modern Liberalism’. Experience is central to Locke’s thought. Contrary to Descartes’s theory of innate, or pre-existent, ideas, Locke claims sense-data (from the five senses) is the source of higher ideals, and concepts are the result of particular experiences. As a result, to Locke (and Pope) human knowledge is inevitably limited. The mind is for Locke tabula rasa. Once engaged, it is the source of continuity in human consciousness and of light through secular reasoning; independent, that is, of revelation and biblical religion. As Pope, the Deist, declared: ‘Nor think in Nature’s state they blindly trod;/ The state of Nature was the reign of God’ (III. 147–8). We hear Locke in Pope’s Essay on Man: What can we reason, but from what we know? Of man, what see we but his station here, From which to reason, or to which refer? —I. 18–20 Charged with Leibnizian rationalism and Lockean empiricism, Pope is, like Locke, a major voice in cross-Channel cultural and intellectual exchange in the early 18th century.212 Both men are thick filters on contemporary reading of the Analects and Gospels in Europe and Asia. They aid development of anthropological categories that shape/d the Modern world. Third, Pope’s attitudes towards, and reception in China are interesting.213 Though he is much less well-known in China than Milton,214 we catch glimpses of China and Confucius in Pope’s On Pope’s esteem for ‘Nature’ and his place in Britain’s growing preoccupation in the early decades of the 18th century with classical antiquity, the Palladian style and ‘Grand Tours’ to expand historical and scientific knowledge, Spadafora, D. (1990), The Idea of Progress in Eighteenth-century Britain, 36f. 210 On poetry and the politics of the late 17th and early 18th centuries, Connell, P. (2016), Secular Chains: Poetry and the Politics of Religion from Milton to Pope. 211 On the translation of Locke by the Huguenot exile Pierre Coste (1668–1747), and the general issue of the transmission of cultural values, Delisle, J. and J. Woodsworth, eds ([1995] 2012), Translators through History, 200f. On the reception of Pope, Barnard, J. ed. ([1973] 1995), Alexander Pope: The Critical Heritage. 212 E.g. on Pope’s translation into German, Guthrie, J. (2013), ‘Eighteenth-Century German Translations of Pope’s Poetry’. 213 On Pope’s role in mediating 17th-century awareness of China to the Romantic era, Kitson, P. J. (2013), ‘Thomas Percy and the forging of Romantic China’, in Forging Romantic China, 26–44. On Pope and Temple’s sinological views, Qian, Z. (1998c), ‘China in the English Literature of the Eighteenth Century’, in Hsia (ed.), Vision of China, 125f. 214 On Pope (esp. his ethics) from a Chinese perspective, Ma, X. (2013), 㫢᷿䂙ⅼ⹄ウ俜ᕖ㪇 [On Alexander Pope’s poetry]. 209

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works. All underline his deistic sympathy and affinity with the Scriblerian club.215 From this milieu – and persistent public obloquy – emerged Pope’s satirical poem Dunciad. In an unpopular, Aeneidtype parody, the unlikely ‘hero’ is Lewis Theobald (1688–1744), a contemporary author and editor of Shakespeare’s works.216 Other contemporary figures also appear thinly veiled.217 The work relates the coronation and rule of Theobald/Tibbald, King of Dunces, and lauds the bland service of goddess ‘Dulness’ and her imbecilic minions (who are equally devoid of taste and talent!). The work is an instance of translatio stultitia (the converse of translatio studii). In Dunciad, ‘enlightenment’ moves westwards, leaving in its wake darkness. Pope transfigures grief at Western decay into veneration for the Orient. The East again has a ‘rising sun’. And, it is again the ill-fated Elkanah Settle who tells Theobald: Far eastward cast thine eye, from whence the Sun An orient Science their bright course begun: One god-like Monarch all that pride confounds, He, whose long wall the wand’ring Tartar bounds; Heav’ns! what a pile! whole ages perish there, And one bright blaze turns Learning into air. —[1728–43] 1770: III, Bk. III. 73–78218 In a footnote, Pope indicates the reference is to Emperor ‘Chi Ho-am-ti’, or 〖࿻ⲷ Qin Shi Huang (259–210 BCE, 1st Emperor of the Qin dynasty), who conceived the ‘Great Wall’, centralized government, standardized writing, and, scandalously to Pope and the Scriblerian fraternity, engaged in a violent book-burning and purge of the intelligentsia.219 It seems Pope owed much of his knowledge of, and perspective on, China and Confucianism to Sir William Temple.220 In contrast to corrupt, vulnerable, British and European culture, China is the locus of reason, civility, and a durable culture and system of government – hence, the wistful words in Pope’s Moral Essays ‘. . . tho’ China fall’ ([1731–5] 1770: III. II. 268). Similarly, in his Chaucerian poem The Temple of Fame (1715), on the temple’s eastern side we discover: ‘Superior and alone, Confucius stood,/ Who taught that useful science – to be good’ (1835–9: I. 158, l. 107–8). But beauty, purity and morality are, for Pope, frighteningly fragile. He likens them to porcelain in The Rape of the Lock (1714): Whether the Nymph shall break Diana’s Law, Or some frail China Jar receive a Flaw,

The Scriblerian club (in honour of the imaginary ‘Martinus Scriblerus’) existed from 1714 to c. 1745. It produced satirical works on (what it deemed) poor poetry and cultural decay. Members included Swift (above p. 109, 116, 155, 165), Bolingbroke, Gay, Scottish physician and author John Arbuthnot (1667–1735), the literary patron and 1st Earl of Oxford, Robert Harley (1661–1724), and the Anglo-Irish clerical poet Thomas Parnell (1679–1718). 216 ‘Colley Cubber’ has this role in the 1742 version. 217 The work was published anon. in various forms between 1729 and 1743. Such was the outcry after the first edition, Pope feared for his life: if he went outside, it was with his Great Dane dog and two loaded pistols! 218 On Settle, p. 99f., 160, n. 160. 219 For use of Pope’s image by Argentine author Jorge Luis Borges (1899–1986), Philmus, R. M. (2005), Visions and Revisions, 353, n. 6. 220 On Temple, p. 108f., 161, 168. 215

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Or stain her honour or her new Brocade, . . . Haste then ye Spirits! to your Charge repair; —Canto II. 105–9 Here, as in the Restoration playwright William Wycherley’s (c. 1641–1716) The Country Wife, porcelain and its fracture acquire sexual overtones. As Poor Richard’s Almanack (1732–58) warns: ‘Glass, china, and reputation, are easily cracked and never well mended.’221 Pope is an iconic literary figure. Through his writings he mediated Confucian values to nascent British and European anthropology. He admires the rational, social, morally more optimistic, character of Confucian anthropology and ethics; but he knows human frailty and vulnerability firsthand. As a sensitive pre-Romantic, he still conditions the way the Analects and Gospels are read today. The Essay on Man is an opaque filter for modern hermeneutics. Hume, Adam Smith and New Questions about China Five years after Pope’s Essay on Man first appeared, the empiricist philosopher, magisterial historian of England, and pioneering ‘positivist’ of the Scottish Enlightenment, David Hume, published anonymously A Treatise on Human Nature (1739). He tells us the work ‘fell dead-born from the press’ (1777: 7f.), so he re-cast it into An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding (1748). The discussion of ‘personal identity’ is omitted. However, as noted already, like Berkeley and Locke, Hume positions empirical anthropology, and its cousin epistemology, at its heart. Cartesian rationalism, and the Spinozist cosmology of late 17th- and early 18th-century Sinophilism,222 are displaced by Hume’s new Baconian naturalism. Psychology, will, emotion and habit – rather than innate ideas, inductive reason, logic and causation (let alone oriental cultural shibboleths) – are now the root of truth, knowledge and understanding in society. Ground-work is laid here for Romantic appeals to the historical, human condition as the place of art, passion, faith and, crucially, self-expression.223 As in Shaftesbury, Hume’s Essay Concerning the Principles of Morals (1751) – which he says in My Own Life (1777) is ‘of all my writings, historical, philosophical, or literary, incomparably the best’ (16) – grounds moral judgements in ‘sense’ and ‘feeling’. The seeds of sinophobia are subtly watered here. As we will see shortly, if Confucius praised the formative, cultural and ethical power of beauty and poetry, classical Confucian anthropology exalted character, will and ritual propriety (this and not Humean experientialism or Romantic individualism).224 Confucius could not answer every Western need. That said, after Hume, moral, theological, cultural and perspectives on humanity reflect an Enlightenment proclivity for human ‘sense’ and secular ‘reason’, in which there is little, if any, room for a transcendent, miracle-working God, let alone an infallible Bible and an authoritarian Church.225

Cf. Richard Saunders’s (aka Benjamin Franklin [1706–90]), Poor Richard’s Almanack, was published in Philadelphia between 1732 and 1758. On Franklin, p. 156, 220, n. 201 & 202. 222 Cf. On Descartes, above p. 106, 140f., 222. 223 Though Hume’s influence is evident in Kant, utilitarianism, logical positivism, and later philosophies of science and language, he resists defining ‘self ’ as more than an agglomeration of multiple sensory stimuli. 224 N.B. pace Hall and Ames (above p. 21), the dangers of projecting modern categories back on to Confucian anthropology are acute here. 225 Prior to Darwin (p. 117, n. 147), Hume’s anti-teleological approach to knowledge and causality was the clearest counter to traditional arguments for God’s existence ‘from design’. 221

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Enlightenment empiricism, scholastic skepticism, and atheistic Romanticism, are not Hume’s brainchild, but they are nursed and nurtured by him. In decades following, humanity is ‘born again’ by history, art, intellect, radical politics and a vast, experiential epistemology. Life ‘red in tooth and claw’ claims a determinative place in the way humanity understands its true nature and vocation. The history of European and American ‘reception’ of Hume is important for us.226 The global, political dimension to our narrative emerges clearly here. Translation of Hume’s Enquiry (and other works) into multiple European languages in the mid-18th and early 19th centuries confirms the character and impact of his ‘counter-revolutionary’ ideas.227 Hume is not only the voice of empirical enquiry, he is a prophet of modern democracy.228 His tracts ‘That Politics May Be Reduced to a Science’ (1742) and ‘Idea of a Perfect Commonwealth’ (publ. in Political Discourse in 1752), resonated with leading radicals and progressive Whigs, as their influence on Federalist Paper, No. 10 (23 November 1787) by fourth US President, James Madison (1751–1836; Pres. 1809–17), would seem to confirm.229 Likewise, the trans-Atlantic political radical Thomas Paine (1736/7–1809), the pamphleteer Richard Price (1723–91), the acute journalist-philosopher William Godwin (1756– 1836), the gifted advocate for women’s rights Mary Wollstonecraft (1759–97), and Scottish Whig jurist James Mackintosh (1765–1832), are all admirers of his work. Hume helped to change his world – and changes ours still today. Such is the infectious power of strong ideas and acute argument. We might think Hume had little interest in China, his work little known there. This is not the case. The few, fragmentary references to China in Scottish Enlightenment literature are important: culture, ethics, politics, economics and philosophy are all adduced. Hume and his younger Scottish contemporary, Adam Smith, disagree on China’s character, economic profile and its prospects. In Smith’s Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759) and Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (1776) its culture and economy are criticized for their ‘stationary state’. To Smith a vast, low-paid, population could – and should – outstrip the West economically. But, non-economic ‘laws and institutions’ hold China back from her ‘full complement of riches’ (q. Rostow 1990: 207). Hume, in contrast, respects the ‘one vast empire’ with its rational, deistic ethic (Dodds 2018: 47f.). He has none of the sinophobia, or suspicion of Confucius, we find in the late 18th and 19th centuries.230 However, in his essay ‘The Rise and Progress of Arts and Sciences’, published in 1742 – the same year Messiah was first performed, Briand lectured on porcelain, the ‘Cambuslang Revival’ erupted and Catholic missionaries were expelled from Peking – he admits China under-achieves: ‘In China, there seems to be a considerable stock of politeness and science, which, in the course of so

N.B. Jones, P. ed. (2005), The Reception of David Hume In Europe, which has essays on Italy, Russia and Sweden. Cf. also, on his past and present reception, Burton, J. H. (1849), Letters from Eminent Persons addressed to David Hume; Fiesel, J. ed. (1999–2003), Early Responses to Hume; Gawlick, G. and L. Kriemendahl (1987), Hume in der deutschen Aufklärung. Umrisse einer Rezensionsgeschichte; Hill, R. (1978), Fifty Years of Hume Scholarship; Ikeda, S. (1986), David Hume and Eighteenth-Century British Thought; Jones, P. (1975), Philosophy and the Novel, ad loc. 227 On this terminology and theme, Bongie, L. L. ([1965] 2000), David Hume, Prophet of the Counter-Revolution; Berlin, I. (1979), ‘Hume and the Sources of German Anti-rationalism’, in H. Hardy (ed.), Against the Current, 162–87. 228 Cf. Susato, R. (2016), ‘Hume as an Ami de la Liberté’; Livingston, D. W. (1990), ‘Hume’s Historical Conception of Liberty’, in N. Capaldi and D. W. Livingston (eds), Liberty in Hume’s History of England, 105–53. 229 On Hume, Madison and the making of America, Spencer, M. G. (2005), David Hume and Eighteenth-Century America; Adair, D. (1957), ‘“That Politics May Be Reduced to a Science”’; Conniff, J. (1980), ‘The Enlightenment and American Political Thought’; Draper, T. (1982), ‘Hume and Madison: The Secrets of Federalist Paper No. 10’; Morgan, E. S. (1986), ‘Safety in Numbers: Madison, Hume, and the Tenth Federalist’. 230 Cf. on this, Chapter 5 passim. 226

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many centuries, might naturally be expected to ripen into something more perfect and finished, than what has arisen from them’ (q. Schabas and Wennerlind 2008: 315). Unlike Smith, he reckons distance, trade monopolies, and Western import tariffs, conspire to eviscerate China’s market progress. Here is a classic example of personality making perspective: ‘A Chinese works for threehalfpence a day, and is very industrious. Were he as near us as France or Spain, every thing we use would be Chinese, till money and prices came to a level . . . as is proportioned to the number of people, industry and commodities of both countries’ (ibid.).231 But, China is not without hope. Like Bolingbroke, Hume celebrates China’s freedom from institutional, religious superstition. Natureworship is also, he says, found here in its purest form (1826: III, 10).232 He also admires China’s cultural history.233 Confucian cultural anthropology and practical, social morality, are deemed healthy soil. As Chinese scholars and Sinologists have noted, if Hume does not embrace Confucius’s anthropo-cosmic ontology, he does express an (empiricist) realism with respect to ‘humanity’ (or ‘sympathy’), causality and human moral responsibility.234 In short, Hume’s views are close to Johnson’s ‘Life of Confucius’ (in his three-part ‘Essay on Du Halde’s Description of China’ [1742])235 and Walpole’s Letters from Xo-Ho, a Chinese Philosopher at London (1757).236 Far closer to them than the Irish novelist Oliver Goldsmith’s (1728–74) harsh caricature of a ‘Chinaman’ in The Citizen of the World, or Letters from a Chinese Philosopher (1762) – that parodies Montesquieu’s Lettres Persanes (1721) and praises the Marquis D’Argens’s (1704–71) atheistic Lettres Chinoises (1739–40)237 – or the satirical philosopher, historian and influential, social commentator, Thomas Carlyle’s (1795–1881) commendation of China’s open civil service exam (as a model for Britain) in his On Heroes, Hero-worship and the Heroic in History (1841).238 We can trace modern debate about ‘Orientalism’ to Hume and his peers. Opinion was, and is, divided about its character, threat, potential and social benefit. Occidental principles and prejudice find inspiration here; so, too, different personalities and deception. As one anonymous contemporary responded to Du Halde’s Smith did not entirely disagree: ‘The cotton and other commodities from China would undersell any made by us, were it not for the long carriage and other taxes that are laid upon them’ (ibid.). 232 N.B. Essay X is entitled, ‘Superstition and Enthusiasm’. 233 N.B. Hume’s Confucianesque denial of ‘contract’ in social and political bonds, and view of the state as an organic expression of familial, local ties (1738–40: 3.2.2). 234 For comparative analysis of Humean morality Cheng, C-y. (1991), New Dimensions of Confucian and Neo-Confucian Philosophy, 291f. On Confucius and Hume’s view of ‘secret and unknown causes’, Ing, M. D. K. (2012), The Dysfunction of Ritual in Early Confucianism, 74f.; Slingerland, E. (1996), ‘The Conception of Ming ભ in Early Confucian Thought’; Liu, X. (2003), Mencius, Hume and the Foundation of Ethics, and the critical review by E. L. Hutton, in Hume Studies 30, no. 1 (2004): 201–3. On the absence in Confucius of the ‘whole complex of [Humean] notions centering around “choice” and “responsibility”’ (Fingarette 1972: 18); also, Kupperman, J. J. (1989), ‘Confucius, Mencius, Hume and Kant on Reason and Choice’, in S. Biedermann and B. A. Scharfstein (eds), Rationality in Question, 119–140 (esp. 119). 235 Johnson is plausibly proposed as the anon. translator of Du Halde’s two-volume work. 236 N.B. Goldsmith named his Chinese correspondent from Walpole’s work. Cf. also on this, Conant, M. P. (1908), The Oriental Tale in England in the Eighteenth Century, ad loc. 237 This is a good case-study in cross-Channel and inter-continental impacts. On French influence in his Letters, Griffin, M. (2013), Enlightenment in Ruins; Barbier, C. P. (1951), ‘Goldsmith en France au XVIIIme Siècle’; Brooks, C. (1993), ‘Goldsmith’s Citizen of the World: Knowledge and the Imposture of “Orientalism”’; Brown, J. E. (1925), ‘Goldsmith’s Indebtedness to Voltaire and Justus van Effen’; Carew, R. S. (1921–2), ‘A French influence on Goldsmith’s Citizen of the World’; Dai, D. W-Y. (1979), ‘A Comparative Study of D’Argens’ Lettres Chinoises and Goldsmith’s Citizen of the World’; Sells, A. L. (1924), Les Sources Françaises de Goldsmith. Cf. also, Smith, H. J. (1926), Oliver Goldsmith’s The Citizen of the World; Tao, Z. (2009), Drawing the Dragon, ad loc.; —(1996), ‘Citizen of Whose World? Goldsmith’s Orientalism’; Woods, S. H., Jr. (1986), ‘Images of the Orient: Goldsmith and the Philosophes’. 238 Carlyle’s remark prompted introduction of civil service examinations in Britain in 1855. 231

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Description of China: ‘I see no cause to esteem the Chinese government . . . It is Britain only. I accept no other Country on earth, that is happy by Constitution’ (1740: 108). Patriotism is here a hermeneutic principle.239 We read the Analects and Gospels on the far side of Hume and his opinionated peers. In some, pride and patriotism were as impermeable as Chinese, in others, China could, as yet, do no wrong. Western perception of humanity and society in the late 17th century and first half of the 18th century is profoundly impacted by cross-cultural interaction with China. This is as true in Britain as Europe. Exalted ideas and everyday artefacts acquire an oriental wash. Not all welcomed Chinese philosophy and cultural influence: few remained unaffected. Like ‘blue and white’ china, Chinese culture was processed, commoditized and domesticated. We ‘read backwards carefully’ when we see the Analects and Gospels indelibly scratched by this.

HUMAN IDENTITY, LIFE AND SOCIETY IN THE ANALECTS AND GOSPELS For the remainder of this chapter we revert to the Analects and Gospels. We read sensitized by the preceding. Many at the time (like Goldsmith) equated Christianity and Confucianism. Confucius was ‘an amalgam of the qualities of the good man in the eighteenth century: the detachment and wit of the Spectator, the personal devoutness and purity of William Law, the human compassion and understanding of Parson Adams’ (Appleton 1951: 124).240 Fired by burgeoning passion for chinoiserie, prior to c. 1750 comparisons were largely positive. As Appleton notes, only later ‘disparities between the myth and the actuality became apparent’, which led to ‘downright hostility’ (ibid.). Not all followed Tindal in claiming ‘the plain and simple maxims of the former [Confucius], will help to illustrate the more obscure ones of the latter [Jesus Christ]’, but expanding horizons bred and fed Western minds open to learn. Before we consider humanity and society in the Analects, a further word on porcelain, this chapter’s ‘cultural archetype’. We have noted already the social and commercial profile porcelain had in 17th and 18th-century Britain and Europe. It would become a potent social hermeneutic: the life, lifestyle and character of women particularly were expounded (directly and indirectly) through china; as Elizabeth Kowaleski-Wallace notes, ‘china made it possible for people to talk about women and their qualities in a particular way’ (1996: 154).241 The ‘China closet’ was a social and literary reality. John Gay’s poem, ‘To a Lady on Her Passion for Old China’ (1725) draws (mostly negative) comparison between the fragile, decorative – and, it seems, essentially useless – Cf. on chauvinist and patriotic hermeneutics, p. 231. William Law (1686–1761) was a pious, controversial Anglican author. He belonged to the second generation of Nonjurors, who rejected the ‘oath of allegiance’ (above p. 107). Author of the best-selling A Serious Call to a Devout and Holy Life (1728), Law was revered as an exemplar of integrity and sanctity by leaders of the 18th-century ‘Evangelical Revival’, and as an inspiring ‘independent’ by progressives like Samuel Johnson and Edward Gibbon. ‘Parson Adams’, the much-loved clerical hero in Henry Fielding’s novel Joseph Andrews (1742) is modelled on Law. Fielding described the work as a ‘comic epic poem in prose’. It was his first full-length novel and one of the first of the new literary genre ‘novel’ in English. Life and literature intertwine here, as often, in our story. On novels in Sino-Western cultural and intellectual exchange, p. 196, 201, 205f., 258f., 266. 241 Cf. also, Sloboda, S. (2009), ‘Porcelain bodies: gender, acquisitiveness, and taste in eighteenth-century England’, in J. Potvin and A. Myzelev (eds), ‘Material Cultures, 1740–1920’, 19–36; —(2014), Chinoiserie: Commerce and Critical Ornament in Eighteenth-Century. 239 240

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character of china and the life and behaviour of women; albeit, porcelain also evokes physical and moral perfection and marital responsibility: China’s the passion of her soul A cup, a plate, a dish, a bowl Can kindle wishes in her breast, Inflame with joy, or break her rest. —1725: 1–2 William Hogarth’s (1697–1764) satirical etching ‘Taste for the High Life’ (1746) profiles the female china-collector. Porcelain becomes an analogue of taste and wealth, comportment and morality. To Goldsmith, porcelain’s true value lies in its combination of strength, utility and beauty. Wedgwood redeemed slaves and china through his abolitionist medallion. His craft gives form, as we saw above, to the Confucian (and biblical) truth: ‘Of all that Heaven has produced . . . the greatest is man’ (Kelen: 93). The history, mystery, beauty, marketing, and social impact of porcelain and its manufacture, restate the question at the start of this chapter, ‘What is man?’ (Ps. 8.1). As a global cultural artefact, porcelain now creates hermeneutic parity and clarity in the way the Analects and Gospels are read in China and the West today. We consider morality in Chapter 5: for now, we ‘read backwards carefully’ for humanity and society in the Analects and Gospels, and look for key points of comparison and contrast in this episodic cross-cultural, historical and philosophical survey. The Analects We begin with the Analects. As in the Gospels, the evidence is fragmentary, the task tricky. Early Confucianism is orientated towards the moral and communal more than the individual or ontological: but character and behaviour interest Confucius. ‘Human nature’, as currently understood, is only occasionally addressed by him. Analects 5.13 records: ‘[O]ne does not get to hear the Master expounding upon the subjects of human nature [ᙗ xing] or the Way of Heaven.’ We must beware of projecting modern, scientific, anthropological categories on ancient literature and traditions, let alone on their silence or ambiguity. We are in an ‘other’, ancient, pre-Socratic world. Later Western categories were not known and are not applicable. However, the Confucian Classics were of interest to late 17th- and early 18th-century Britain and Europe precisely because they do speak of humanity and society. At a time of profound social and political upheaval, they offered an attractive, alternative perspective. History also teaches caution. Like its Western reception, the Confucian material is diffuse and pluriform. ‘Which Confucius, and which Confucianism?’ are fair counter-questions to ‘What is man?’242 Detailed study of the Analects at this time is as rare as Chinese knowledge of the Bible. Most Western interpretation and application of Confucian ideas is based on second-hand evidence or general impression. Sinology and lexicography, like comparative philosophy and biblical criticism, are in their infancy. They only become part of our story later (p. 289f.). Even the little known of the Analects’ view of human life, identity, character and behaviour, was as novel and intriguing in the 17th and 18th centuries as it is today. Mystique captivates. Cf. above p. 201f. Hume, for his part, is particularly indebted to Mencius.

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To focus discussion, we look at key terms the Analects use for humans, mindful that this theme continues in Chapter 5.243 The context, as seen in Chapter 3 and previously here, is the cosmos and the Will of Heaven. The content of Confucian anthropology is ultimately reflective of the will and purpose of ‘higher powers’ (in ‘heaven’ and on ‘earth’), as much as of the psyche, decisions, or predisposition of people. Metaphysical teleology (an enduring and ultimate ‘end’ to life) and observational psychology (a composite account of the individual) are both involved. Confucianism offered a way to resolve the medieval impasse between the (dominant) rationalism of Aristotelian metaphysics – in which human nature was a God-determined ‘idea’ or ‘form’ to be pursued – and the (emergent) existentialism of the humanist Renaissance and Protestant Reformation, that accorded individuals freedom to be, do, and become ‘human’. It stimulated and stirred philosophical and theological debate: Confucian answers frequently challenging orthodox Christian assumptions. Like Chinese porcelain, European values and achievements were studied, evaluated, manufactured and smashed. First, as we have glimpsed already, humanity is interpreted through xing ᙗ,244 and its correlates of qing ᛵ and haowu ྭᜑ. The terms apply to humanity, its natural affections and pre-dispositions. The relationship between xing and qing is complex. Franklin Perkins warns of imposing modern, Western ideas of human potentiality, or actuality, on more fluid Confucian categories (2014: 130). Xing is only found twice in Analects; in 5.3, as we have seen, and in 17.2: ‘By nature (xing) people are similar.’ This infrequency must not mislead. Xing is central to the Analects. Because humans share xing everyone is teachable and, thus, also accountable. Further, as Donald Munro argues: ‘The doctrine of the natural (biological) equality gave the Confucians the strongest possible argument to support the contention that merit should be the sole criterion in awarding political and economic privileges’ (1969: 14). Early-Modern naturalism agreed. Humanity is not defined in being an aristocrat, animal, spirit, or inanimate object, nor even by being created ‘in God’s image’ (imago Dei), but by simply being born and behaving in certain ways.245 Contrary to Mencius246 and Xunzi – but, in keeping with the pre-Song philosopher Gaozi ੺ᆀ (c. 420–350 BCE), the Han scholars Dong Zhongshu 㪓Ԣ㡂 (179–104 BCE) and Wang Chong ⦻‫( ݵ‬27–c. 100 CE), and Tang poet and politician Han Yu 七᜸ (768–824 CE) – the Analects speak of humanity’s natural attributes and moral potential, which may or may not be realized. Han Yu writes: ‘Human nature is born along with birth . . . There are five things which distinguish it as human nature: benevolence, rites, trust, justice and wisdom.’247 To be clear, this is not Aristotle’s ‘four causes’ of human metaphysics (matter, form, effect and end), but it is close to the Analects, where humanity is defined (and refined) by activity. Xing is a natural gift to be developed, not a legal, or social, right to claim. There is work (of every kind) to be done for a person to be fully human. Truth and identity are revealed here once again by ‘manufacture’.

N.B. for an older study, Morton, W. S. (1971), ‘The Confucian Concept of Man’. Xing is also related to, and derived from sheng ⭏ (Lit. live, grow, give birth, generate). 245 Cf. Zhang, Key Concepts, 367f., where he shows Mencius defines the ‘innate’ as ‘human’ and ‘immoral’, and as (more) ‘animal’ (e.g. Mencius 4, 6, 7). 246 To Mencius xingshan ᙗழ (Lit. human nature) is good. On xing as a central, but complex, concept in Mencius, Perkins, Heaven and Earth, 127f. 247 Cf. Sibu Beiyao: Collected Works of Mr Chang Li, 11.2, Original Nature, 131a-b (q. Zhang [1989] 2002: 369). On xing in the Analects, Chan, S. (2012), ‘Polishing the Jade: xing (Human Nature) and Moral Cultivation in the Analects’. 243 244

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As we have seen, Confucius’s vision of societal transformation hinged on gentleman-bureaucrats, the junzi. In this hope, we see his dynamic, optimistic view of human potential. Myth and tradition are his practical inspiration, not obtuse philosophy or modern psychology. The idealized figures Yao, Shun, and Duke Zhou determine his view of the junzi, and thence his hopes for humanity and society. Ren ӱ (Lit. benevolence, humaneness) is central to this. In its 105 appearances in the Analects, ren has a broad, practical application. Cosmic tian finds its earthly counterpart in ren. As we will see in Chapter 5, ren abuts other virtues. Li ⿞ (ritual propriety) and qi ≓ (life force)248 express and nurture it. Humanity is fulfilled in and through ren, which reflects the Will of Heaven and is embodied by the junzi. Through ren, the ideal forms of human life, relationship, ritual, and virtue are expressed. As Confucius replied to Fan Chi’s request to explain ren in Analects 13.19: ‘When occupying your place, remain reverent; when performing public duties, be respectful; and when dealing with others be dutiful.’ Ren is a personal, social quality. It is also an inward disposition. As Analects 13.19 teaches (and 12.1 confirms): ‘The key to achieving Goodness (ren) lies within yourself.’ Or, as Confucius chides his gifted follower Yan Hui: ‘How could it come from others?’ As we might expect, Confucius’s view of ‘humanity’ is balanced: it comes through nature and nurture; it is corroded by indiscipline and destroyed by death.249 Ren is also a relational quality. As Confucius explains to Zigong: ‘Desiring to take his stand, one who is Good (ren) helps others to take their stand; wanting to realize himself, he helps other to realize themselves. Being able to take what is near at hand as an analogy could perhaps be called the method of Goodness (ren)’ (A. 6.30). Ren is found in action, not by abstraction. This is the thrust of the ‘inverted’ Confucian ‘Golden Rule’, ‘Do not impose on others what you yourself do not desire’ (A. 12.2).250 Humanity is both discovered and recovered through relationship, ritual and morality. Abstract anthropology is unimaginable here. This type of phronesis (practical wisdom) resonated with classic Anglican spirituality, where – as in godly divines like George Herbert (1593–1633) and Jeremy Taylor (1613–67)251 – personal fulfilment, God-given peace and inner stillness, are found in sacrificial service not detached, mystical, Buddhistic contemplation. We will return to ren in Chapter 5. Four other terms are used of humans. First, xin ᗳ (Lit. heart, mind, disposition, or feeling).252 Central to Confucius’s view of humanity is his confidence in the mind’s ability to choose. In the Confucian Classics, it is xin that thinks, learns, considers, decides and senses. Indeed, everyone has an ‘evaluating mind’; that is, to Munro, ‘a capacity for making the

248 N.B. qi ≓ is rare in the Analects, though prominent in Mencius and later Confucian writers (Zhang [1989] 2002: 49f.). In A. 16.7, we find a unique connection between qi and psycho-physiological categories: ‘The gentleman guards against three things: when he is young, and his blood and vital essence (qi) are still unstable, he guards against the temptation of female beauty; when he reaches his prime, and his blood and vital essence (qi) have become unyielding, he guards against being contentious; when he reaches old age, and his blood and vital essence (qi) have begun to decline, he guards against being acquisitive.’ 249 On the forms of behaviour Confucius sees frustrating human development, p. 27, 28f, 249f., 336. 250 N.B. Nivison’s restatement of the Confucian ‘Golden Rule’: ‘My behaviour or attitude affecting another person should in some sense be the kind of thing that I would find acceptable if I were the person affected’ (‘Golden Rule Arguments in Chinese Moral Philosophy’ [1996b: 59]). Cf. also on the Confucian ‘Golden Rule’, p. 8, 248, 252, 254f. 251 N.B. the influential devotional writings of Herbert and the Anglo-Irish Non-Juror Bishop Jeremy Taylor (p. 118), the socalled ‘Shakespeare of Divines’. Both reflect the practical spirituality characteristic of the English national church. On this ethos, Moorman, J. R. H. (1983), The Anglican Spiritual Tradition; Stranks, C. J. (1961), Anglican Devotion. 252 The connection between xing (nature) and xin (mind) is debated. Some scholars find in xing ᙗ the radicals for mind xin ᗳ and birth sheng ⭏, suggesting nature involves the birth, or growth, of the mind.

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discriminations in question’ (ibid., 12, 74). Similarly, all engage in basic, human-animal functions (eating, drinking, sleeping, sex, et al). Differences arise from character, choice, ability and opportunity. Seventeenth- and early 18th-century rationalists and Deists were happy to read this. In the Analects, the mind guides a person to perceive the ‘propriety or impropriety of an object, act, position, or event’ (ibid.). In contrast to a Platonic idealization of rationality in the cosmos (the human mind ‘mirrors’), and later Kantian view of ‘mind’ (as an instrument of ‘pure reason’), xin is a composite faculty that includes all of humanity’s intellectual, moral, sensory and spiritual acts and aspirations.253 To Confucius, though the mind can be trained, it can also be dull, deceived and distracted. Thought, will and judgement can guide and mislead.254 Education, training and discipline are needed for thought to be wise, focused, structured, balanced and eagerly pursued. In Analects 7.8, Confucius is against ‘a mind that is not already striving to understand’. ‘I will not open the door’, he says.255 He is equally clear in Analects 15.31, protracted thought is less useful than active learning.256 So, in Analects 2.15 balance is again commended: ‘If you learn without thinking about what you have learned, you will be lost. If you think without learning, however, you will fall into danger.’ In contrast to the power of xin in Mencius,257 the Analects present xin as a largely passive, pedagogical tool. Its primary work is to discern the Will of Heaven and to decide to submit to it. Wisdom is found in minds conformed to the Will of Heaven. Here lies clarity, morality, peace and a quiet conscience.258 As Confucius tells Zilu: ‘This is wisdom: to recognize what you know as what you know, and to recognize what you do not know as what you do not know’ (A. 2.17).259 We are far from Cartesian confidence. Humility is a mark of Confucian pedagogy. Wisdom is gained by the humble and teachable. Western readers who were (or are) offended, or omit this, distort the Analects. Second, as glimpsed above, allied to xing (human nature) are qing (ᛵ) and haowu (ྭᜑ): together they denote the full range of human affections. Basic instincts and the emotions – subsequently defined as qi qing гᛵ (Lit. seven emotions;260 viz. joy, anger, sorrow, fear, love, hatred and longing) – are encompassed in qing.261 Likes, dislikes, taste and preference are included in On the difference between xin and primitive ideas of ‘soul’, ‘body’ and ‘spirit, Munro, 50. As Slingerland comments on si ᙍ (Lit. thinking): ‘This term might also be rendered as “concentration” and refers to focusing one’s attention on a subject or the attempt to process or reflect upon information that one has learned’ (242). 255 Cf. A. 7.8: ‘I will not open the door for a mind that is not already striving to understand, nor will I provide words to a tongue that is already struggling to speak. If I hold up one corner of the problem, and the student cannot come back to me with the other three, I will not try to instruct him again.’ 256 Cf. A. 15.31: ‘I once engaged in thought for an entire day without eating and an entire night without sleeping, but it did no good. It would have been better for me to have spent the time in learning.’ 257 Cf. Zhang, Key Concepts, 393, for a discussion of Mencius’s elaborated view of the ‘mind’ as ‘the lodging of wisdom’ (Mencius 2.5) and ‘in the place of the prince’ (Mencius 2.1). Cf. also, Mencius 2.8, 11. 258 On wisdom and conscience, below p. 178, 181. On the leading role of ‘mind, ‘inner virtue’, and ‘conscience’, in Guanzi and Xunzi, Zhang, 394f. 259 On wisdom, zhi Ც, as ‘cognitive understanding of the Way’ and ‘an ability to accurately perceive situations and judge the character of others’ (Slingerland, 243); also, A. 5.7, 6.22, 23, 14.14, 28, 15.8, 33. 260 On the concept of ‘seven emotions’ (qi qing гᛵ, viz. xi ௌ [joy], nu ᙂ [anger], ai ૰ [sorrow, pity], ju ᠬ [fear], ai ᝋ [love], wu ᜑ [hatred], and yu Ⅲ [longing]), Zhang, Key Concepts, 383f. Apart from a strong social-constructionist position, these seven ‘emotions’ are broadly comparable to modern notions. Cf. also, Li, Y. Y. and Yang, K. S. (1972), The character of the Chinese; and, on modern theory, Damasio, A. R. (2000), Descartes’ Error; Griffiths, P. (1997), What Emotions Really Are; Lutz, C. (1988), Unnatural Emotions; Rorty, A. O. ed. (1980), Explaining Emotions; Solomon, R. (1976), The Passions. 261 N.B. we probably do not need to go as far as Harbsmeier in speaking of a staged semantic development of the meaning of qing (2004: 71). 253 254

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haowu.262 Talents or gifts are expressed by cai (᡽). All are the affective responses to stimuli that occur within or around an individual’s xing, or basic nature. Hence, in the Analects emotions, preferences, and gifts evoke character and the consequences of life (like Restoration views of porcelain, they have immense revelatory power!). Like xing, the Analects are vague on the moral neutrality of emotions (Zhang [1989] 2002: 383), especially when the junzi’s character is shown by word and deed. He is what he does. He is known by responses and relationships. To Confucius, a disciple’s character and personality are defined functionally and relationally, not experientially. Analects 2.10 states: ‘Look at the means a man employs, observe the basis from which he acts, and discover where it is that he feels at ease. Where can he hide?’ We must be careful not to project later perceptions of human emotion on to the Analects. On the two occasions qing appears, it is less to do with feeling than propriety and sincerity.263 The complex, composite term haowu would seem to confirm this, with Confucius discouraging rancour, ill-feeling and petty backbiting. As he says of Bo Yi and Shu Qi, they ‘did not harbour grudges. For this reason, they aroused little resentment’ (A. 5.23). So, Confucius elevates self-control and makes passion problematic. Little in what he writes of feeling matches Romanticism’s later expansiveness. Individuality is morally and socially contingent. Preferences, like emotions, are accountable to goodness, righteousness and ritual propriety.264 Nature (xing) is to be controlled, lest emotion, or mere preference (qing) dominate. Confucius is quick to complain (twice!): ‘I have yet to meet a man who loves Virtue as much as female beauty’ (A. 15.13, 9.18). He is not devaluing sexuality or beauty: his aim is moral and ritual discrimination (A. 15.28, 4.3, 12.10). It is the capacity for calm, disciplined judgement, not mindless impetuosity, or an emotional state, that sets the junzi apart.265 He thus guards against the vain pursuit of sex, honour and wealth, all of which corrode his mind and will (A. 16.7). Through study of rituals (li ⿞), documents (shu ᴨ), poetry (shi 䂙), and music (yue ′), the junzi’s will and emotions are refined.266 Character, like culture, is both given and grown:267 it is shaped and shown in multiple media.268 It is manufactured by discipline to be as translucent as porcelain. Third, Confucius places great weight on zhi (ᘇ) in the Analects. The character has radicals suggesting ‘heart’ and ‘motion’. Hence, zhi means will, aspiration, intention and commitment: sometimes in classical definitions, ‘where the mind is going’ (Angle 2009: 114). It is no surprise zhi is named in Confucius’s youthful intention (A. 2.4): ‘At fifteen, I set my mind (zhi) upon learning.’269

262 For a detailed analysis of qing and haowu in the Analects, Kim, M-S. (2008), ‘An Inquiry into the Development of the Ethical Theory of Emotions in the Analects and the Mencius’; Eifring, H. (2004), ‘Introdution: Emotions and the Conceptual History of Qing ᛵ’, in H. Eifring (ed.), Love and Emotions, 1–36; Hansen, C. (1995), ‘Qing (Emotions) ᛵ in Pre-Buddhist Chinese Thought’, in J. Marks and R. T. Ames (eds), Emotions in Asian Thought, 183f. 263 Cf. A. 19.19: ‘When you uncover the truth of a criminal case, proceed with sorrow and compassion. Do not be pleased (xing) with yourself.’ And, ‘When a ruler loves rightness, then none among his people will dare not obey. When a ruler loves trustworthiness, then none among his people will dare to not be honest (xing)’ (A. 13.4). 264 Cf. Confucius’s indictment of slander, insincerity, carelessness, and waste (A. 17.24, 4.4, 12.16, 21); also, 20.2: ‘The gentleman is benevolent without being wasteful, imposes labour upon the people without incurring their resentment, desires without being covetous, is grand without being arrogant, and is awe-inspiring without being severe.’ 265 Cf. On the junzi and xiao ren ሿӪ (Lit. small people [sometimes pejorative]), Hsu, C-y. (1965), Ancient China in Transition, 158–161. 266 On training the junzi, Schwartz, B. (1985), World of Thought, 86f.; and, above p. 26, n. 43. 267 For a survey of love, sorrow and fear in the Analects, Kim, M-S. (2008), ‘An Inquiry into the Development of the Ethical Theory of Emotions’, Ch. 3. 268 Cf. above p. 7, 23f., 26f. 269 Cf. on zhi in Analects, Olberding, A. ed., Dao Companion to the Analects, 61f.

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Likewise in 7.20: ‘I am not someone who was born with knowledge. I simply love antiquity, and diligently look (zhi) there for knowledge.’ Zhi has the sense of enduring resolve, not glib hope. Analects 4.4 promises: ‘Merely set your heart sincerely (zhi) upon Goodness and you will be free of bad intentions.’ Analects 4.9 warns, however: ‘A scholar-official who has set his heart (zhi) upon the Way, but who is still ashamed of having shabby clothes or meagre rations, is not worth engaging in discussion.’ Single-mindedness and goodness are to co-inhere. Exchanges suggest that, though Confucius knew the importance of zhi, his disciples had still to learn it, and find direction in life by it.270 The heart-will (zhi) does not naturally know, or want, the best. The eager, but anxious, Zilu admits: ‘I would like to hear the Master’s aspiration (zhi)’ (A. 5.26; also, 11.25). If xin (heart-mind) is central to the anthropology of Analects so are liang xin (㢟ᗳ) and liang zhi (㢟ᘇ; Lit. good heart-mind, conscience, innate knowledge). These categories gain prominence in Mencius, who likens a healthy mind to a healthy tree, a sound conscience to strong branches. The Analects also recognize that right actions (i.e. by a child to a parent or sibling) arise from liang xin or liang zhi; that is, from an intuitive moral sense born of ren (goodness) and li (ritual propriety). As Mencius 7 puts it: ‘Filial affection for parents is the working of benevolence (ren). Respect for elders is the working of respect (ሺ zun). There is no other reason for these feelings: they belong to all under heaven’ (q. Zhang [1989] 2002: 412).271 As registered earlier, care is needed. The innate moralism and confident naturalism that 17th- and early 18th-century philosophes associated with Confucius is clearer in Mencius than the Analects.272 The Analects are not a manual of Spinozist cosmology or of modern psychology. The innate knowledge – or acts of ‘conscience’ – of xin are enacted more than articulated. Interpreters are right to see in Confucius’s questioning about the ‘Great Ancestral Temple’ in Analects 3.15273 a greater emphasis on minds seeking than naturally knowing. It is when he is seventy that Confucius claims to ‘follow his heart’s desires’ (viz. to act rightly and spontaneously) having finally ingested the Will and Way of heaven.274 So, if Will is subsumed in Way in Analects 3.15, elsewhere the power and gift of will (᜿ yi) are stressed. As Analects 4.4 promises: ‘Merely set your heart sincerely (yi) upon Goodness (ren) and you will be free of bad intentions.’275 The will ‘attunes’ or ‘orientates’ the life of an individual and community to ‘the Way of Heaven’. Confucius’s view of the will is, then, in keeping with early-Modern elevation of individual rights. As he says in Analects 9.26: ‘The three armies can have their general taken from them by force, but even a commoner cannot be deprived of his will (yi) in this fashion.’ The will is central to learning, morality and growth in the Way (A. 5.7, 9.9, 11, 14, 17, 19, 20, 21 and 12.1). The ‘industry’ that Westerners noticed, and sometimes praised, in China is born of Confucius’s castigating of those who waste time, energy and opportunity.276 But when the will is harnessed to good ends both the individual and society benefit. In short, the confident, anthropocentric vision we find in the Analects is based on the principle: ‘Human beings can broaden the Way – it is not the Way that broadens human beings’ (A. 15.29). To the conflicted – but increasingly confident – West, E.g. A. 5.26, 11.26. Cf. Exhausting the Mind A, #15. 272 On development in Confucian thought on liang xin and liang zhi, Zhang, 411f. 273 Cf. A. 3.15: ‘When the Master went into the Great Ancestral Temple, he asked questions about everything that took place.’ 274 On internalizing the Way (dao) and Goodness (ren), A. 4.2, 6.7, 11, 20, 7.16, 19. 275 On the power of goodness to overcome evil, below p. 9, 34, 85, 159, 178, 247f., 305, 333, 338, 403, n. 307, 434, 494. 276 Cf. p. 177, n. 264. 270 271

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Confucius offered hope, and confidence, in humanity’s ability to redeem itself and recreate the world. This was neither the message nor the mandate of Jesuit mission and of catholic Christendom (although we find echoes in the so-called ‘Protestant work ethic’ that emerged in the later 17thcentury Northern Reformation). Christian consciences and pan-European cultural ‘Sinophobia’ were stirred. A ‘clash of cultures’ and visions threatened. The Gospels We focus finally on humanity and society in the Gospels. Much could be said. The breadth of behaviour that we have seen in the history and veneration of porcelain is reflected here. Creativity, envy, ambition, greed, lust, gratitude, generosity, vision and development are all part of the story of this other famous craftsman, Jesus. As in the Analects, ideas are stated here in story-form: theory is entwined in practical narrative. The centrality of the biblical story to late 17th- and early 18thcentury Western culture ensured Christian anthropology, as in Paradise Lost, could be assumed with little or no explanation. Biblical allusions, like Greco-Roman statuary, litter contemporary literature. The Gospels are safely quoted, their authority and expository power accepted. To synthesize this material and end this chapter, we focus on five themes, mindful that, as in the Analects, whatever we say of anthropology is inseparable from morality, our theme in the next chapter. First, as in Pope, the Gospels’ treatment of humanity is essentially doxological. The persistence of Aristotelian metaphysical teleology ensured human life was conceived as a glorious ‘idea’ proceeding towards its God-ordained purpose. The amazement expressed in Psalm 8 – ‘What is man that you are mindful of him, the son of man that you care for him? You have made him a little lower than the heavenly beings and crowned him with glory and honour’ (4, 5) – buttresses the sense of humanity’s unique, pre-eminent vocation in creation. God’s action in revelation through the man Jesus Christ is also a cause of wonder. His story, ‘dusted’ in miracle, is not man-made. God takes the initiative. ‘In love’ he sends his Son and heir (Jn 3.16f.), a ‘second Adam’ (Rom. 5.12f.) and perfect ‘pattern man’,277 to save a sinful world and become thereby head of a new, redeemed humanity. That Britain associated this gift with the Orient, George Herbert confirms in the intentional double-entendre of his poem ‘The Sonne’: ‘From the first man in the East to fresh and new/ Western discoveries of posterity’ (1887: 150).278 The Analects’ hesitant metaphysic contrasts starkly with the clear theological ontology of the Gospels: humanity finds itself in God through Christ. The ‘Fall’ pictured in Paradise Lost is repeated in the Gospels: God is spurned, perfection spoiled.279 Though the crown of creation (Gen. 1.26f., 2.4f.), humanity is differentiated in the Gospels (as in the rest of the Bible) from God and the world by being ‘in God’s image’ (Gen. 1.27) and sharing Adam’s predisposition to sin.280 We do not find in the Analects a comparable theological basis for this anthropological confidence, nor a similar spiritual exposition of human failure. As the novelist Dorothy L. Sayers (1893–1957) said so poetically: ‘Beautiful the habitation, limited the

On the definition of humanity in, through and in relation to Jesus, the self-designated and self-emptying (kenosis) ‘Son of Man’, Mt. 7.11, 10.32f., 26.74f., Mk 10.9, Jn 10.33, Ac. 5.29, Phil. 2.7, 1 Tim. 2.5, Jas 1.7. 278 On the poem as nationalistic, von Ende, F. (1972), ‘George Herbert’s “The Sonne”: In Defense of the English Language’. 279 On humanity’s state ‘in sin’, rather than being ‘sinful’, Gal. 3.28, Rom. 10.12, 3.22, 29, Jas 2.1f. 280 In the NT anthropos (man; Heb. adam, ish, or enos) is used of humans, as against God, animals and angels (e.g. in the OT, 1 Sam. 15.29, Gen. 1.26). As in the OT, the term includes women (Gen 2.7f., 18f.), and denotes humanity in its weakness, creatureliness and sin (Gen. 2.24, Ps. 8.5). See further, Art: ‘Man’, in NIDNTT , II. 562f. 277

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guest.’ Vorländer explains technically: ‘Statements about man are always partly theological pronouncements’ (NIDNTT , II. 565). The Gospels’ doxological anthropology is theologically contingent and strikingly realistic. Honesty can readily self-identify with both the light and dark in the Gospels’ account of human nature. Second, as in the Analects, the Gospels differentiate between the heart, soul, mind and strength of humans,281 all of which are claimed in Jesus’s iteration of the ‘Love Command’ (Lk. 10.25f.) and in a life of obedient discipleship (Mk 8.34f.). Like the rest of the New Testament, the Gospels share Judaism’s use of physical imagery to express anthropology, and its sense of humanity’s psychosomatic unity. Jesus weeps (Jn 11.35). His disciples know joy and fear (Lk. 10.17, Mt. 14.26, 17.6). The crowds are hungry and desperate (Mt. 15.32, Mk 8.2). We must again be wary of projecting clarity, consistency or sophistication on early Judeo-Christian anthropology. Distinctions between a person’s mind, body, soul or spirit, are more often poetic, or diagnostic, than anatomical. As J. Stafford Wright says: ‘The New Testament seizes on common-sense descriptive terms to describe centres of emotion, feeling, volition, life-pattern, and comprehension’ (NIDNTT , II. 567). Emotions come from the bowels (of mercy; splangchna),282 or the (less intense) heart/will (kardia), the biblical locus of morality and spirituality.283 Mind (nous) is the source of spiritual light and, with it, insight;284 which is denied to the proud and unbelieving (Jn 9.41, 1 Cor. 1.18–31). This is more than the tool of ‘reason’ that grasps universal Platonic or Cartesian truths.285 The New Testament is less to do with abstract reflection, or theoretical ideals, than the mechanism/s by which God interacts with individuals or communities and ‘fills’ them with his Spirit. It is the whole person who ‘takes up their cross’ (Mk 8.34), just as it is ‘the mind’ that is ‘renewed’ by faith, as the believer gives his/her whole life to God as a ‘living sacrifice’ (Rom. 12.1, 2). Third, as in the Old Testament, the Gospels represent human identity in physical and spiritual terms: there is no reduction of humans to mere f lesh or to mere spirit. Human life is by nature physical and by grace spiritual. In the nature miracles of the Gospels (i.e. Jesus’s turning of water into wine, his feeding of 5,000, his calming of a storm),286 life on earth is seen as subject to God as creator, and to Jesus as saviour or recreator. This is quite different from the Analects, where humanity is cast in functional, relational and moral terms. The impersonalism of the Way of Heaven in the Analects is different from the ‘compassion’ of Jesus’s (i.e. Mt. 14, 14) revelation of the ‘face’ of a Father who knows people by name.287 Jesus, who is the eikon (Heb. 1.3; Lit. exact image) of his Father, speaks of a people ‘born again’ spiritually by an act of sovereign grace (Jn 3.1f., 11.25, 14.15f.; also, Rom. 6.6f., 8.1–17, Eph. 4.22f., Col. 3.9f.). The emphasis is consistently on humanity being transformed and energized by the ‘life-giving’ work of the Spirit. The new ‘life’ Jesus offers confounds comparison: without this life humans are as good as ‘dead’. Humanity ‘cannot conceive’ We find nothing here to compare with the theological exposition of sarx (flesh), s¯oma (body), psyche (soul), nous (mind) in Paul and the rest of the NT. On these categories, Phil. 1.20, 3.21; 1 Cor. 15.44, Rom. 8.1f., 16, 1 Cor. 15.50, 2 Cor. 12.15. 282 Cf. Mt. 14.14, 15.32, 18.27, Mk 1.41, 6.34, 8, Lk. 7.13, 10.30–7, 15.20, 2 Cor. 6.12, 7.15, Phil. 1.8, Phlm. 7.12). 283 Cf. Mt. 5.8, 15.19, Mk 7.21, Lk. 8.15, Acts 16.14, Rom. 1.24, 5.5, 6.17, 8.27, 1 Cor. 2.9, 4.52, 2 Cor. 1.22, 4.6, 9.7, Gal. 4.6f., Eph. 3.17, 4.18, Col. 3.15, Heb. 10.22, 13.9, 1 Tim. 1.5, Jas 3.14, 1 Jn 1.7. 284 Cf. Rom. 7.23f., 2 Thess. 2.12, 3.8, Tit. 1.15. 285 Cf. Rom. 12.2, 1 Cor. 14.19, Phil. 2.1–8. 286 Jn 2.1–11, 6.1–14, Mt. 14.13–21, Mk 6.31–44, Lk. 9.12–17. 287 Cf. Jesus’s identification as ‘Son’ at his baptism (Mt. 3.13f., Mk 1.9f., Lk. 3.21f.) and his knowledge and call of individuals (Mt. 9.9f., Mk 1.14f., Lk. 5.1f., Jn 1.35f.). On Jesus’s ‘transfiguration’ and radiance of face, Mt. 17.1–8, Mk 9.2–8, Lk. 9.28–36, 2 Pet. 1.16f. 281

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the ‘glory’, or eternity, of life with God (1 Cor. 3.7–5.10). In contrast to Deist and rationalist confidence, the Gospels (and rest of the New Testament) present human thought, argument, insight, will, effort, ambition and ‘good works’, as incapable of attaining the life God gives to those who believe; albeit, the wise search for it like ‘hidden treasure’ (Mt. 13.44f.), and the righteous (i.e. Jewish leaders Nicodemus, Joseph of Arimathea and Gamaliel)288 perceive God at work. Humanity is not diminished in the Gospels. To encounter this message is to hear a word of liberating truth, elevating love, life-giving hope. It is the proud who are humbled, not the meek or weak (Lk. 1.46f.). The ethic of ‘The Beatitudes’ (Mt. 5.1–12) defines humanity. Qualities often discounted are here re-accredited as axiomatic of Jesus’s disciples – because they are first true of Jesus. His life is marked by the poverty of spirit, grief at sin, quest for righteousness, mercy, meekness, purity, peace-making and persecution, he wants in disciples. The ‘good news of the kingdom’ he proclaims, and the life he lives, create the contingencies for a new spiritually and ethically distinct community gathered by his word and joined in their common faith (Jn 10.1f., 15.1–17). Individuality is the ground, sociality the product, of Jesus’s ministry and proclamation of the ‘kingdom of God’. Later theologies of the church as the ‘people of God’ (1 Pet. 2.9f.), ‘body of Christ’ (1 Cor. 12–14), or ‘household’ (Gal. 6.10, Eph. 2.19), derive from this. In contrast to Confucius, Jesus is the personal, ontological basis of a community formed by his Spirit, through faith, baptism and ongoing proclamation of the ‘gospel’ (Mt. 28.16f; also, Rom. 5.9f., 6.6f., 1 Cor. 15.21f., 45f., 2 Cor. 5.17, Eph. 4.22f., Col. 3.1–4.6). As we noted before, Jesus remains central to the tradition he inspires. Fourth, again in contrast to the Analects, the Gospels present humanity as indebted to God as their creator and judge. Sharing Adam’s created beauty and sinful ugliness, humanity is declared sinful and called to ‘repent and believe the good news’ (Mk 1.15, Mt. 6.12; also, Mt. 5.45, 9.13, Lk. 15.7). Valued highly, despite their sin (Mt. 6.26b, 10.29f.), men and women are invited into an intimate filial relationship with a loving heavenly Father, and to a life of holiness, obedience and love (Mt. 5.45, 48). The Gospels make clear, however, that humanity prefers prodigal libertinism over the freedom of lawful obedience. Few ‘turn’ and ‘return’ (Mt. 21.33f., Lk. 15.11f., 17.17f.). As in Paul, suneidesis (Lit. conscience) acts as a guide and stimulus to right action (Rom. 2.1f.). Humanity in the Gospels risks deception and spiritual blindness without the Spirit’s guidance into truth about God, life and self.289 We do not see here Confucius’s confidence in self-discipline, cultural formation and ritual propriety to refine – and thence redeem – life from futility to purposefulness. Rather, Jesus’s regular encounters in the Gospels with cynical lawyers, self-righteous religious leaders, would-be followers and contentious disciples, afford ample opportunities for him to reveal a realistic sense of human fallibility and a capacity for patient good will. Humanity is not a lost cause. Fifthly, the Gospels present Jesus’s inclusion of women in ministry and advocacy of mutual respect between the genders. We do not find the demeaning spirit or spite of John Gay’s poem ‘To a Lady on Her Passion for Old China’. A Samaritan woman’s faith is commended; so, too, is the tax-collector Zacchaeus’s repentance and the receptiveness of children to faith (Mt. 15.21f., Lk. 19.1f., 18.15f.). This is consistent with the rest of the New Testament. Age, intellect, marital status, sex and social standing, do not fracture the unity of humanity in sin and in its need of ‘salvation’.290 Cf. Jn 3.1–21, 19.38–40, Mt. 27.57, Mk 15.43–6, Lk. 23.50–6. Cf. e.g. Jn 3.16f., 6.44, 65, 8.12, 41–7, 11.25, 12.32, 16.12f.; also 1 Jn 1.10, 2.22, 5.10, Rev. 2.2. 290 Cf. Mt. 1.19, Lk. 5.8, 23.59, Acts 6.3, 5, 15.7, 13f., 1 Cor. 13.11.2 Cor. 11.2, Gal. 3.28, Jas 1.20, 3.2, Rev. 21.2. 288 289

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Each individual is represented as loved by God and as having a unique identity and function (doxa; lit. glory).291 The love of neighbour Jesus enjoins is to be fulfilled socially and domestically. His love of his friends Lazarus, Martha and Mary, demonstrates a concern for their character, work, health and state of body, mind and spirit (Jn 11.1–44). In contrast to Confucius and the Analects, the Gospels do not discriminate on the basis of status, educational potential, ritual perfection, or moral predisposition: all people are equally – often, it seems, unexpectedly – objects of Jesus’s loving attention, healing power, call to repentance and gift of ‘new life’. As he says to his disciples: ‘I have come to give you life in all its fullness’ (Jn 10.10). It was this truth that inspired Josiah Wedgwood to turn his profits from porcelain into support for the campaign by Wilberforce, Clarkson and others to abolish slavery. It is truth that sits uneasily with absolute claims to power, privilege, insight or achievement. Modernity and post-modernity will, we will see, often choose to ignore or forget Jesus’s word: ‘The truth will set you free’ (Jn 8.32).

CONCLUSION This chapter has set discussion of humanity and society in the Analects and Gospels against the historical background of the evolution of Anglophone and European interpretation of China in the late 17th and early 18th centuries. If we are to read the Analects and Gospels aright, thick perceptual varnish from this period needs to be carefully named and neutralized: only then can we ‘read backwards carefully’, without prejudice, distortion or cultural bias. As we have seen in the last section, commonly assumed anthropological contrasts between, for example, Confucian sociality and Christian individualism, or naïve oriental optimism and grim biblical pessimism, need to be nuanced. We cannot now say, as some do, ‘People come first in China’ (Moore 1967: 5), nor that the Bible is ‘unreliable’. Likewise, projection of ‘Modern’ interpretations on core concepts, such as ‘mind’, ‘heart’, ‘will’ or ‘emotion’, risks misunderstanding and distortion. We find notable points of commonality and contrast in the anthropology of the Analects and Gospels. Both see humanity as worthy of attention and endowed with capacities to improve;292 both interpret individuality in relation to community; both recognize the human condition as susceptible – for good and ill – to ‘higher powers’ over which a person has little or, perhaps, no control. However, while the Analects urge self-mastery, the Gospels command submission to another lord, Jesus Christ. While the Analects teach respect in key relationships, the Gospels command an egalitarian, inclusive love for all. In the rich, cultural matrix of China and the West, the anthropological outlook of the Analects and Gospels offers a shared cultural heritage. Like Wedgwood’s fine, porcelain medallion, it prompts us, perhaps, to ask again of self and another the revolutionary question: ‘Am I – are they – not a person, too?’ Another’s worth is never less than mine: conflict resolution begins in this sense of shared humanity and of the culture-neutral moral obligations this imposes.

On doxa of human roles in relation to Christ, 1 Cor. 11.3f., and Colin Brown’s comment: ‘This qualification of the man . . . no longer indicates preferential status but man’s special task and responsibility, just as the woman has hers’ (NIDNTT , II. 563). 292 N.B. some commentators hear in the silence of A. 5.13 (and 13.27) Confucius’s reserve, esp. in the face of mystery. On this passage and the relation between human nature and the Way of Heaven, Slingerland, Analects, 44. 291

CHAPTER FIVE

Character, Purpose and Morality: China and Enlightenment Habits and Values Madame de la Sablière took her tea with milk, as she told me the other day, because it was to her taste. —Marie de Rabutin-Chantal, marquise de Sévigné (1626–96)1 We turn now to character – the stuff of life and relationship. New tools are acquired here to read personality and culture. We also look at human purpose, and the morality that guides it. In our historical narrative, we come to the point in our story where adolescent Europe meets adult China. They fail to understand one another: the generational, cultural gap is immense. The relationship we are tracking becomes more difficult, the dialogue dangerous for lots of reasons. The story here is dominated by personalities and priorities, principles and failure. The old picture becomes clearer. The background is more complicated, the expression on the faces of Confucius and Jesus is more sharply defined. There are unattractive features in both: a tone of rebuke, a note of disappointment, we try not to register. We look at them and know they are looking back, like Da Vinci’s hauntingly still Mona Lisa. We do not need to ascribe particular authority or genius to Confucius or Jesus. These are ‘paradigmatic’ figures, with literary ‘Classics’ linked to them. We see them through the fire of ‘Revolution’ and passion of cultural and psychological discovery. We need to clean these off carefully. China and the West have known one another for centuries, and now discover the other in new ways, through new terms and languages, new perspectives and ideas. It is an age of ‘consciousness’ and of growing ‘self-consciousness’. But denial in the difficult relationship we are tracking is deep. Europe is growing up. China resists – for a while – then it learns to think and speak the language of the West and is lost in the process. Too much self-consciousness can destroy. The Emperor Qianlong Ү䲶 (1711–96) reigned for more than sixty years (r. 1735–96). The life of his son, the seventh Qing Emperor, Jiaqing హឦ (1760–1820; r. 1796–1820), was conterminous with the equally long reign of the British monarch George III (1738–1820; r. 1760–1820). Did contemporaneity mean similarity? Far from it. Georgian monarchs and Chinese emperors presided over contrasting systems of government, thought, culture and morality. Their lives witness the shift, 1 Marguerite de la Sablière (1640–93; née Hessein) was a Christian ‘saloniste’ and gifted polymath. She was married to the financier-poet Antoine Rambouillet, sieur de la Sablière (1624–79), and a patron and friend to writers such as Jean de la Fontaine (1621–95). On de la Sablière, Conley, J. J. SJ (2002), ‘Madame de la Sablière’, in The Suspicion of Virtue, 75–96.

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alluded to before, between the ‘Age of Respect’ and the ‘Age of Contempt’ in Western attitudes to China (Isaacs 1962: q. Aldridge 1993: 14).2 Sinophilia in Ricci, Kircher, Amiot, Leibniz or Voltaire, gives way to the surly disrespect of George, 1st Earl Macartney (1737–1806), Britain’s first envoy to Qing China, to the crass diplomacy of the ‘Amherst Embassy’ (1816), and to suspicion, cynicism, or rank sinophobia, in a Kant, Rousseau, Montesquieu or Herder. Sino-relations break down. Trust is lost. The background in our picture is complicated. Detail emerges in cleaning that we may not like. We study the related themes of character, purpose and morality in the Analects and Gospels against the background of cultural, political stasis in Qing China, and socio-political, intellectual, economic and commercial ‘Revolution’ in the West. During the life and reign of Emperor Jiaqing and George III, the Enlightenment West grew up, and awoke to the nature, incipient weaknesses and commercial threat of China. At the same time, the pan-European Romantic Movement sinified – and, thus, repossessed – ‘the Orient’,3 inspired by works like Purchas his Pilgrimage (1613), Sir John Mandeville’s (1300–71) Travels (orig. 1357) and Walter Landor’s (1775–1864) Imaginary Conversations of the Emperor of China and Tsing-Ti (1835).4 This is a defining epoch in cultural history. ‘Occidentalism’ and ‘Orientalism’, or simply ‘otherness’, will become metaphors in modern hermeneutics.5 We ‘read backwards carefully’ when the full implications of this era for the way the Analects and Gospels are read today in China and the West are recognized. Suspicion, ignorance, anger or denial create – and perpetuate – inter-cultural tension and interpretative bias. Varnish on what Confucius and Jesus say of character, purpose and morality, is at its thickest: the need to strip away grime, and select and simplify data, is acute. Objections will be immense on every side. As we have seen in passing in Chapters 3 and 4, Confucian ethics are central to early Western fascination with, and respect for, China and ‘Master Kong’.6 In its comprehensive, humanist vision of virtue – as a personal ideal and social obligation, developed and sustained by the wit and will of man – Confucianism was first seen to reaffirm Christian ethical values and only later to contradict the theological basis for them. Between c. 1750 and 1820 ethics assumed a new prominence in Western thought. This was partly a reaction to the uncritical sinophilia of preceding generations and partly reflective of the new ‘Revolutionary’ spirit in the West. The closely related issues of character, purpose and morality come under critical review by Western theorists and socio-political and cultural activists, who engage directly in intellectual, political and commercial ‘Revolutions’. In Part I we review material emerging from, and relating to, these revolutions. In Part II we return to the Analects and Gospels to consider the impact this revolutionary data has on how ethical themes in our texts are read. But, first, we break for tea, an archetypical analogue of how humans ingest Cf. also, Isaacs, H. (1972), Images of Asia. On changing Western attitudes to China in the 18th and 19th centuries, Jones, D. M. (2001), The Image of China, esp. 14–36, 67–98. 3 Contra Said’s Orientalism, there was no one ‘corporate institution for dealing with the Orient’ (1978: 3) in the late 18th century. There were multiple ‘orientalisms’, of which that of the British poet and theologian S. T. Coleridge (1772–1834) is one of the most interesting and influential (p. 166, 205, 206f.). On Romanticism and the Orient, p. 206f. 4 Landor’s work was well-known to Coleridge and other British Romantic authors before the publication of his Imaginary Conversations (Tao 2009: 154f.). 5 For post-colonial analysis of the impact of inadequate understanding of Asian cultures, and its contribution to a perverted ‘Orientalism’, Hung, H-F. (2003), ‘Orientalist Knowledge and Social Theories’. For debate about Chinese identity, Chun, A. (2017), Forget Chineseness. 6 On changing attitudes to the culture and morality of China, Yang, C-m. (2011), Performing China: Virtue, Commerce, and Orientalism in Eighteenth-Century England, 1660–1760. 2

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morality through image, story, rote and ritual. Sometimes light and comfort are shed from an unlikely source.

TEA, TASTE AND TRADITION IN CHINA AND THE WEST Like porcelain, tea is a ‘cultural archetype’ that still binds and defines China and the West: contra Said, this Oriental language is not wilfully ‘inaccurate’, ‘alien’ or ‘only for Europe’ (1978: 71). From Buddhist ‘tea ceremony’ to Georgian ‘tea party’, chic Parisian ‘salons’ to Charles Dickens’s (1812–70) use of the ‘little black tea-pot’ ([1846–8] 2002: 291) as a cipher for British colonial aspiration and social transformation,7 tea symbolizes global coherence as much as commercial conflict. The consumption, trade, social profile, and literary invocation of tea offer an accessible motif to access key features of the evolution of ethical thought in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Chinoiserie takes liquid form in tea: its obverse is the solid antipathy Europeans feel for China by the early 19th century. We track that reversal. Tea was grown and drunk in China for more than a millennium before Confucius.8 In one legend thirsty, mythical Emperor Shen Nong ⾎䗢 (c. 2740 BCE), the ‘father of Chinese agriculture’, or Wugushen ӄば⾎ (Five grains or five cereals god), chances to slake his thirst with hot water infused with a few falling leaves. Tea’s medicinal qualities are shown and celebrated in the definitive Materia Medica or ‘Shennong Bencaojing’ ⾎䗢ᵜ㥹㏃ (The Classic of Herbal Medicine). Tea was viewed and consumed as a physical and intellectual stimulant in ancient China, India and Japan. The pioneering medic Hua Tuo 㨟և (c. 145–208 CE) claimed: ‘To drink bitter tea constantly makes one think better’ (q. Chen, M-L., 2002: 2).9 In a legend, ‘the froth of the liquid jade’ (tea) inspired Laozi to write Tao Te Ching. Lu Yu’s 䲨㗭 (733–804 CE) ‘Cha Jing’ 㥦㏃ (the Classic of Tea, 760– 762) lists medicinal benefits, and rituals to prepare and drink it. The event matters: ‘One finds in the serving of tea the same harmony and order that govern all things’ (SCCS, 1958: 8). Tea infuses life with dignity, order, simplicity, purity and perspective. The poetic civility of Wang Bao’s ⦻㽂 (c. 84–c. 53 BCE) advice on buying and selling Camellia Sinensis (the tea plant) is amplified in elegant Tang ୀ (618–907) and Song ᆻ (960–1279) dynasty rites with fine china and loose leaves, or refined powder cut from blocks of tea. During the ‘great Ming’ dynasty བྷ᰾ (1368–1644) an imperial decree ended elite ceremonial consumption, popularizing tea, and with it the ubiquitous domestic teapot. In the history of tea in China, we trace the birth of a global trade and an ethic of

On Dickens, below p. 281f. On wider use of cultural artefacts to define and refine identity, Lewis-Bill, H. (2013), ‘ “The world was very busy now, in sooth, and had a lot to say”’; Clemm, S. (2010), Dickens, Journalism, and Nationhood; Fiske, S. (2011), ‘Orientalism Reconsidered: China and the Chinese in Nineteenth Century Literature’; John, J. (2010), Dickens and Mass Culture; Plotz, J. (2008), Portable Property: Victorian Culture on the Move; Porter, R. (2000), Enlightenment: Britain and the Creation of the Modern World; Thurin, S. S. (1999), Victorian Travellers and the Opening of China, 1842– 1907; Waters, C. (2008), Commodity Culture in Household Words. 8 On tea and tea drinking in China, Chen, M-L. (2002), ‘Tea and Health – An Overview’, in Zhen, Y-S. (ed.), Tea: Bioactivity and Therapeutic Potential, 1f.; Blofeld, J. (1985), The Chinese Art of Tea; Chow, K. and I. Kramer (1990), All the Tea in China; Heiss, M. L. and R. J. Heiss (2007), The Story of Tea; Martin, L. C. (2007), Tea: The Drink that Changed the World; Saberi, H. (2010), Tea: A Global History; Ulkers, W. (1935), All about Tea; —(1936), The Romance of Tea. And, for Chinese readers, Kong, X., ed. (1990), Cha yu wenhua [Tea and Culture]; Zhuang, W. ed. (1988), Zhongguo cha shi jielun [Some Conclusions of China Tea History]. 9 On this famous medic and pioneer of anaesthesia in China, May, B., T. Tomoda, and M. Wang (2000), ‘The life and medical practice of Hua Tuo’. 7

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ritual practice. As Wang Ling points out, in Chinese Tea Culture: The Origin of Tea Drinking (2002), tea is integral to Chinese culture: it is understood to enliven China’s spirit, aesthetics and values. The tea trade enabled new, ritualized, ethical affinities between China and the West. It also created a bond neither side welcomed. Inter-dependency brought awkward obligations and edgy political posturing. China traded tea with Asian neighbours for centuries. Portuguese merchants speak of drinking tea in China in the 16th century. The first registered cargo of Chinese tea came to Europe, via Java and Amsterdam, in 1606. The British East India Company was founded in 1615, but the Dutch East Indies Company had a monopoly on tea imports until the 1660s. On 27 June 1615, tea is first mentioned by an Englishman. The East India Company’s agent (‘Factor’) in Hirado, Japan (fr. 1613–18), Richard Wickham (d. 1618), writes to his colleague in Macau, William Eaton (n.d.), requesting ‘a pot of the best sort of chaw’ (q. Weinberg and Bealer 2001: 67).10 In September 1658, Thomas Garraway, a coffee-house owner in London, advertised tea in Mercurius Politicus. He wrote: ‘This excellent beverage, recommended by all Chinese doctors, and which the Chinese call “Tcha”, other nations “Tay” or “Tee”, is on sale at Sultaness Mead close to the Royal Exchange in London’ (q. Woolsey 2002: 146). Two years later, Samuel Pepys records in his Diary (25 September 1660) – after a discussion of foreign affairs – ‘And afterwards did send for a Cupp of Tee (a China drink) of which I never drank before’ ([1633–1703] 2000: 1.253). Not all knew what to do with the leaves. It’s said the widow of the unsuccessful insurgent, the 1st Duke of Monmouth (1649–85), sent tea to a relative in Scotland who boiled and served it like spinach. Other savants used butter. Tea divided opinion, but was, and is, loved worldwide, with power to refresh and unite. It took time for tea to match the popularity of coffee and chocolate. Critics claimed it stunted growth, spread gloom and spoiled beauty. Fearing its moral and cultural impact, the Lord Protector during the ‘Commonwealth of England’ (1649–60), Oliver Cromwell (1599–1658), taxed tea heavily (and so inadvertently stimulated contraband). When King Charles II’s Portuguese wife, Catherine of Braganza (1638–1705), bore a chest of tea in her dowry – and requested a cup after her first (stormy) crossing to Britain (13 May 1662) – tea’s path to public prestige was cleared. On the opening of a new base in Macau in 1664, the East India Company sent the King and Queen a silver chest of tea (2lbs., 2oz.) and some cinnamon oil in thanks for royal patronage – and so they wouldn’t feel ‘wholly neglected by the Company’ (q. Weinberg and Bealer, 67). At first a pricey, princely delicacy, tea was soon the preferred tipple of London’s ‘Dandies’. Over time ‘Coffee Houses’ turned to ‘Tea Houses’.11 With porcelain, silk and spices, tea became a lucrative line-item in Britain’s trade with, first, India then China.12 As domestic portraits confirm, Britain’s new passion for chinoiserie ensured tea was brewed and consumed in egg-shell porcelain, or from Wedgwood’s 10 For Wickham and Eaton, and early records of the EIC in Japan and China: http://www.ampltd.co.uk/collections_az/EICFactory-1/description.aspx (accessed 9 March 2018). On Wickham’s adventurous life: http://blogs.bl.uk/untoldlives/2013/09/ pistol-teapot-soap-and-satin-doublet-an-east-india-company-merchants-possessions.html (accessed 9 March 2018). For Eaton, and the EIC’s trade with China, Morse, H. B. (1926), The Chronicles of the East India Company; Corr, W. (1995), Adams The Pilot, 122f. 11 Anthony (à) Wood reports the opening in 1650 of the first ‘Coffee House’ at the ‘Angel’ in the Parish of St. Peter, Oxford, and the ‘Pasqua Rosee’ (run by Jacob, a Lebanese Jew) in Cornhill, London (Wood 1772: I. 65). 12 The history of Britain’s tea trade is complex. Tea and tea drinking were Chinese, but in the 18th century Britain established tea plantations and traded with India, as a more convenient alternative politically and geographically. For a parallel study, Finlay, R. (2010), The Pilgrim Art: Cultures of Porcelain in World History.

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fine bone china. Only later would a ‘cuppa’ become synonymous with plain, domestic, ‘blue and white’.13 And so, tea became a British national past-time – and probably an agent of improved health.14 The essayist Thomas De Quincey (1785–1859) reported he drank tea from eight at night to four in the morning.15 Samuel Johnson, who blew hot and cold on alcohol, described himself in 1757 as ‘a hardened and shameless tea-drinker, who has for twenty years diluted his meals with only tea’ (Boswell [1791] 1799: VI. 21). Boswell (1740–95), his gloomy biographer, admitted: ‘I drink a great deal of tea’ (SCCS, 8). The clerical wit Sydney Smith (1771–1845) still speaks up for the majority: ‘Thank God for tea! What would the world do without tea? How did it exist? I am glad I was not born before tea’ (Smith, S., 1855: I. 383). When the visionary evangelical clergyman, the Rev. Charles Simeon (1759–1836) – for fifty-four years Vicar of Holy Trinity, Cambridge – placed his black-basalt Wedgwood tea-pot beside the Bible in ‘tea parties’ at King’s College (for would-be clergy or missionaries), tea was a sign of faith, fellowship and a spiritual vocation.16 Despite the rise of sinophobia in Britain, Western tea rituals start to mimick Chinese ones. In both cultures, ritual – like habit and taste – defines and refines personality and morality.17 Character is denoted by habit: ethics are formed by discipline. In biblical Britain, divine grace wed cultural law: ‘taste’ was much discussed, and ‘habits’ closely scrutinized.18 We read and assess people by habit and action. We read both wrongly, particularly in cross-cultural dialogue. History records our mistakes. A parallel, but distinctive, passion for tea emerges in Holland, Russia, Germany and France in the 17th century, and with it the so-called ‘French art of tea’.19 Controversy over how, when, and why, to drink tea abounds. Its popularity grows steadily, especially among social elites. In Holland, tea was first dispensed by apothecaries. Leading medics like Jacob Bontius (1592–1631), a naturalist in Batavia, who authored a four-volume work on Indian medicines (1642), and Cornelis Decker (1648–86), aka ‘Dr. Bontekoe’ – a true ‘Camellian fundamentalist’, who advocated more than 200 cups a day (!) – echoed Athanasius Kircher’s view that tea was a good stimulant, and comparable to blood-letting and laxatives.20 Bontius reports in his Historiae Naturalis et Medicae Indiae Orientalis 13 On symbolism in ‘taking tea’, and domestic details in the conversation piece, ‘A Family in an Interior Taking Tea’ (anon, c. 1740), and in other 18th-century images of tea and Chinese porcelain, Lipsedge, K. (2012), Domestic Space in EighteenthCentury British Novels, 42f.; Berg, M. (2005), Luxury and Pleasure in Eighteenth-Century Britain, 46–84; Ellis, M. (2010), Tea and the Tea-Table in Eighteenth-Century England; Merritt, J. T. (2017), The Trouble with Tea, 31–50; Reade, A. (1884), Tea and Tea Drinking. 14 Tea tended to be less expensive in Britain than on the continent: this increased its social impact. ‘Tea houses’ were common in puritanical London in the 1650s. King’s College, Cambridge social anthropologist Alan Macfarlane (b. 1941) claims boiling water for tea in Britain’s burgeoning cities in the 18th century (as in 14th-century Japan) mitigated the effects of widespread diseases such as dysentery, typhoid and cholera. 15 On De Quincey and the cultural symbolism of tea, Jenkins, E. Z. (2016), ‘Tea and the Limits of Orientalism’, in P. J. Kitson and R. Markley (eds), Writing China, 105–31. 16 Cf. Moule, H. C. G. (1892), Charles Simeon, 220f.; Brown, A. W. (1863), Recollections of the Conversation Parties of the Rev. Charles Simeon. On the impact of this, Scotland, N. (1995), The Life and Work of John Bird Sumner, 5. 17 On Hume, ‘taste’, and ‘habit’, and contemporary views on ethics and aesthetics, Berry, C. J. (1982), Hume, Hegel and Human Nature, 20f., 112–125. 18 N.B. three important works on ‘taste’ appeared in Britain c. 1760: the Scottish divine Alexander Gerard’s (1728–95) award-winning Essay on Taste (1755), Hume’s Essay on Taste (1757), and Henry Home, Lord Kames’s (1696–1785) Elements of Criticism (1761). 19 Russia was somewhat late to the tea party, with trade with China only made possible (through Mongolia and Manchuria) after the signing of the Nerchinsk Treaty in 1685. 20 Cf. Ulkers: ‘In Germany, a Dr. Feltman early prescribed tea as a remedy against pestilence, and Dr. Weber expressed the opinion that its use strengthened the stomach, lengthened life, and dissipated unnecessary sleep’ (1935: I. 32).

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(1642): ‘The Chinese regard this drink as almost something sacred . . . and they are not thought to have fulfilled the duties of hospitality until they have served you with it, just like the Mahommedans with their cavech [coffee]’ (q. Ulkers, I. 32). In other words, as we shall see later, tea is more than a drink, or medical cure: it is an agent of grace and an instrument of love. But not all liked the stuff. Martini said it caused ‘dried-up’ Chinese. ‘Down with tea!’ he proclaimed, ‘Send it back to the Garaments and Sauromates!’ (q. Ulkers, 1.33). Another critic called it ‘groats and dishwater, a tasteless and disgusting liquid’ (ibid). Nieuhof ’s account of an Embassy to Peking (1655) also taught the Dutch that, like Madame de la Sablière’s habit, tea could be taken with milk (and salt). These French attitudes to tea are of particular interest. The early import and use of tea in France represent, in historian Thomas Babington Macaulay’s (1800–59) striking expression, ‘a phase of extreme fissionability’ (q. Weinberg and Bealer, 66). The earliest reference is disputed. Ulkers cites the Traité de Police (1705) by Commissioner Nicolas de La Mare (1639–1723), which reports on tea in Paris in 1636. This evidence is refuted by historian and librarian Alfred Franklin (1830–1917), in his essay ‘Le Café, le Thé, et le Chocolat’ (1893). Franklin references a letter of 22 March 1648, by the eminent Parisian doctor Gui Patin (1601–72). Patin proclaims tea ‘the impertinent novelty of the century’. He lambasts Dr. Philibert Morisset’s (1594–1678) far more positive views in Ergo Thea Chinensium Menti Confert (1648, Thus Chinese tea increases mental capacity), where tea is lauded as an intellectual stimulant and a universal ‘panacea’. Members of the faculty of medicine in Paris burned Morisset’s work and made an unexpected counterclaim for sage (!). The tide was soon to turn. In 1657 the scientist Dr. Denis Jonquet (fl. 1660) praised tea as the ‘divine herb’. The pioneer missionary to Vietnam, Alexander de Rhodes, SJ (1591–1660), to whom Louis XIV’s chief minister Cardinal Mazarin (1602–61) looked for spiritual and medical advice, promoted tea’s medicinal qualities, declaring in his Voyages et Missions Apostolique (1653): ‘The Dutch bring tea from China to Paris and sell it at thirty francs a pound, though they have paid but eight or ten sous in that country, and it is old and spoiled into the bargain. People must regard it as a precious medicament: it not only does positively cure nervous headache, but it is a sovereign remedy for gravel and gout’ (q. Ulkers: I. 33). Mazarin started taking tea for his gout; likewise, Chancellor Pierre Séguier (1588–1672) and the king, who drank tea from 1665 hoping it might also help his heart. Patin repented. The king’s ‘chief druggist’ Pierre Pomet (1658–99) remained sceptical. In 1685, the apothecary, banker, and collector, Philippe Sylvestre Dufour (1622–87) published his Traités Nouveaux et Curieux du Café, du Thé et du Chocolat, which promoted dosages of tea for headaches and indigestion. Literary France woke up. The dramatist Jean Racine (1639–99) became an avid tea-drinker at breakfast in later life; likewise, later still, the Royal Governess and literary educator, Stéphanie Félicité, Comtesse (Mme.) de Genlis (1746–1830).21 Trusting to a fickle muse, Pierre Daniel Huet (1630–1721), the Bishop of Avranches, penned his Poemata (1709) with a fiftyeight stanza encomium to tea, ‘Thea, elegia’!22 The French ship Amphitrite23 arrived from China on 3 August 1700, laden with silk, porcelain and tea. Cargos from China would increase exponentially. It is estimated between 1776 and 1794 almost 140m pounds of tea alone were imported into

The Romantic poet, novelist, and dramatist Victor Hugo (1802–85) is said to have drunk a lot of tea – but, like many perhaps, fortified it with rum. 22 Cf. Weinberg and Bealer, 66. This frightful poem is a wordplay on ‘goddess’ (Gk. thea). 23 For another voyage of the Amphitrite, p. 131. 21

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Europe. French aristocrats drank more than their fair share in elegant ‘Tea salons’ and resplendent châteaux.24 Socialite gossip Madame de Sévigné let it be known the Princesse de Tarente (1763– 1814), lady-in-waiting to the (last) French Queen, Marie Antoinette (1755–93), ‘takes 12 cups of tea every day ... which, she says, cures all her ills’. Monsieur de Landgrave ‘drank 40 cups every morning’, and, when ill, tea ‘brought him back to life before our eyes’ (q. Burns 2000). The cost of tea rose. In time, like porcelain, it would become an object of bourgeois loathing. The Queen lost her head for drinking tea as much as telling crowds to ‘eat cake’.25 But tea still exercised power. When Napoléon Bonaparte (1769–1821) led his campaign against Austria and its Italian allies in 1796, he wrote to Joséphine (1763–1814): ‘Not one cup of tea have I taken without cursing the glory and the ambition that keeps me away from the soul of my life’ (q. Dwyer 2007: 195). In the Anglomania that conquered France fifty years later, tea returned. The prestigious tea-importer Mariage Frères was founded.26 Small pastries were added to post-prandial tea – as in England – sometimes also milk, honey and/or cognac. Parisian taste and the ‘French way’ prevailed. The rightwing newspaper was Le Thé. But civility cloaked hatred. Taste bred competition of every kind. Classism and racism became unpleasant associates of tea. Innocent pleasure became noxious obsession. Habits speak. Life, values, morality, taste, sentiment, character, and virtue are richly illustrated in the long history of this other global cultural artefact and archetype, tea.27 It is linked with indolence, violence and oppression. The early Scottish Enlightenment poet Allan Ramsey (1686–1758) depicted vividly tea’s physical, rhetorical, social power: When av’rice, luxury, and ease, A tea-fac’d generation please, Whase pithless limbs in silks o’er-clad, Scarce bear the lady-handed lad – Frae’s looking-glass into the chair, Which bears him to blassum the fair, Wha by their actions come to ken Sic are but in appearance men. —1780: I. 26128 Tea is, for Ramsay, a sign of society’s loss of character, purpose and morality: the ‘tea fac’d generation’ are only ‘in appearance men’. To those 7,000 or so colonial Americans, who on 16 December 1773 defied the ‘Townshend Revenue Act’ of 1767 (which sought to off-set tax losses for

24 Contrasts are drawn between essentially ‘domestic’ tea-drinking in the UK and the ‘Tea Salons’ in France. On the latter, see the picture ‘Le Thé à l’Anglaise’ (Tea served in the English fashion, salons of the Four Mirrors, Paris, 1764). 25 Tea was generally less popular than coffee after 1750, with bavaroise (a mix of tea and maidenhair syrup) consumed by the lower classes (Anderson 2007: 110). On state/police control of bread production as a factor in the French Revolution, Civitello, L. (2008), Cuisine and Culture. 26 Mariage Frères is the oldest tea company in France. It was founded on 1 June 1854. 27 On tea as a global commodity, Ellis, M., R. Coulton and M. Mauger (2015), Empire of Tea: The Asian Leaf that Conquered the World. 28 On Ramsay, tea and revolution, Merritt, J. T. (2017), ‘The rise of a “Tea fac’d Generation” ’, in The Trouble with Tea, 31–50.

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the British EIC by new tax levies on the colonies) and the ‘Tea Act’ of 10 May 1773 (as a violation of the rights of proud English citizens, that there would be ‘No taxation without representation’), and dumped tea from the Dartmouth (and later the Eleanor and Beavor) into Boston Harbour, the commodity of tea had ceased to enhance pleasure and enrich society: it had become a sign and instrument of British colonial oppression.29 Neither justice nor the fundamental ‘rights’ of British citizens were being respected. Further, as in Cromwell’s righteous taxing of tea, contraband was thereby inadvertently fostered. If the story of porcelain is intertwined with anthropology and natural law, the tale of tea is of a piece with morality and justice, international law and economics. If it was a correlate of taste and good order in China, of domestic normality in Britain, of class oppression and chaos in France, it is a beacon of hope and bold symbol of Revolution in colonial America. Mindful of this, we turn to an intellectual revolution that changed how character, purpose and morality are viewed in China and the West. We read the Analects and Gospels through this today.

KANT, CHARACTER AND CHINA: c. 1750–1820 Though small of stature and not predisposed to travel far from his native Königsberg (now Kaliningrad), Prussia, the German philosopher Immanuel Kant (1724–1804) has cast a long shadow over Europe and Asia. We have mentioned him in passing before and look now in more detail at the place his ethical reflection has in East-West cross-cultural understanding, and thence on the way the Analects and Gospels are interpreted in China and the West today. But we must set Kant in context, understand his contemporaries and critics, and process the hermeneutic impact of his thought. We might say much, so again exaggerate the essential. The long-term missionary to the Qing imperial court Jean J. M. Amiot, SJ (1718–93), who was sent to China in 1750, described it as ‘the Peru and Potosi of the republic of letters’; that is, an exotic source of intellectual enrichment. Though later dubbed the ‘Chinaman of Königsberg’ by Friedrich Nietzsche (1844–1900) ([1886] 1998: # 210),30 Kant was no starry-eyed Sinophile; albeit, a Chinese ritual was central to what the lyric poet and literary critic Heinrich Heine (1797– 1856) called Kant’s ‘mechanically ordered, almost abstract, bachelor life’ (1948: 719).31 Inspired by British traders in Königsberg, for fifty years Kant drank tea – lots of it – in ‘the happiest hours’ of his day between rising at 4am and breakfast at 7am (Copleston 1960: 212; Kuehn 2001: 392).32 To the dread of his servants, with sacral precision, his oppressively egocentric life revolved around his morning tea-ritual. He might campaign culturally and intellectually against sinophilia, but he had no truck with tea – nor, indeed with some aspects of classical Confucianism. He stands on the shoulders of Leibniz and Wolff, but he is not an uncritical inheritor of their sinophilia. He symbolizes

For contrasts in European and American attitudes towards China and India in the 18th century, Weir, D. (2011), American Orient. To Weir, late 18th-century European suspicion of China is quite different from America’s colonial experience, in which relationships with Asia became ‘a means of reinforcing the enlightenment values of the West’ (15). 30 Nietzsche may mean no more than Kant’s thought was stilted, and lifestyle regimented. Kant was born in Königsberg to artisan Christian parents. He enrolled at the Albertina University at sixteen and stayed there for the rest of his life. He was made a Professor of Logic and Metaphysics aged forty-five. He lived a simple, structured, skeptical life. On Kant and China, Palmquist, S. (1996), ‘How “Chinese” was Kant?’. 31 On Kant’s regimen, Riskin, J. (2016), The Restless Clock, 191f. 32 On Kant’s tea drinking (and love of coffee), Gulyga, A. ([1981] 1987), Immanuel Kant, 253. 29

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growing selectivity in Western engagement with China in the second half of the 18th and early 19th centuries. He remains a towering figure in China, its philosophy and society.33 The fact his younger, equally influential, contemporary G. W. F. Hegel (1770–1831) believed Kant’s philosophy constituted ‘the basis and point of departure for modern German philosophy’ (q. Thomas 1997: 119) – and much later philosophy and ethics – confirms his pivotal place in cross-cultural analysis of character, purpose and morality in the Analects and Gospels. We might say much about Kant’s centrality to the cultural, political and intellectual Aufklärung (Enlightenment) of the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Five features of his ethics and philosophy that ‘resemble’ (Wittengenstein)34 Confucianism deserve note. First, as many scholars have recognized, Kant, like Confucius, sees anthropology and ethics as interlinked and inseparable. As Katrin Froese puts it: ‘[T]he art of becoming human is synonymous with the unending process of becoming moral’ (2008: Abstract). Rejecting empiricism and rationalism, Kant’s ‘Copernican Revolution’ in philosophy, epistemology, ethics and theology, put an autonomous, knowing ‘self ’ centre-stage.35 ‘Feeling’ (Germ. Das Gefühl), or ‘experience’ (Die Erfahrung), are now both sacrosanct. Kantian ethics involve a metaphysical, rational, universal (perhaps God-given) ‘intuition’ of what is right. The heart of Kant’s thought, like Confucius’s, is a self-aware individual, who seeks to be, and do, the ‘good’ and become a ‘better man’ (sic).36 Character matters. Kant and Confucius are at one in their quest for ‘virtue ethics’,37 and in commending disciplined self-cultivation. But, as we noted earlier, Kant is selective in his admiration for China. He writes: ‘Confucius teaches in his writings nothing outside a moral doctrine designed for princes . . . But a concept of virtue and morality never entered the heads of the Chinese.’ Adding, ‘In order to arrive at an idea . . . of the good, studies would be required, of which [they] know nothing’ (Vos 2010: 772).38 As Rein Vos points out, this is significant both for what it says about Kant’s metaphysical ethics and for its critique (contra Wolff) of Confucian elitism and political authoritarianism (ibid., 769f.). Kant is, as Reiss says, ‘the champion of liberty’ (Reiss [1970] 1991: 257): human autonomy is, for him, a moral imperative. Paradoxically, as the early, German, Neo-Kantian sociologist Georg 33 On Kant and Chinese philosophy, Journal of Chinese Philosophy 33, no. 1 (2006); esp. Muller, M., ‘Aspects of the Chinese Reception of Kant’ (141–57); Reihman, G. M., ‘Categorically Denied: Kant’s Criticism of Chinese Philosophy’ (51–65); and, on Mou Zongsan’s (1909–95) creative Neo-Confucian use of Kant, Chan, W-C., ‘Mou Zongsan’s Transformation of Kant’s Philosophy’ (125–39). Cf. on Mou, p. 195f. 34 The Cambridge linguistic philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein (1889–1951; p. 379, 468f.) uses the term ‘family resemblances’ of comparable ideas. But ‘Comparative Philosophy’ is difficult. Challenges come from: i. the condescension of established traditions; ii. the manipulation of other traditions; iii. the suspension of comparisons or neutralism; iv. the incommensurability of ideas, systems or intentions; and, v. the perennialism (or monolithism) that denies change or diversity in other philosophical systems. N.B. the journal Philosophy Compass (ed. K. Lai) has excellent E-W comparative studies between 2006 and 2015. 35 On the Kantian ‘turn to the self ’ and complexities in the Romantic Movement, Lockridge, L. S. (1989), Ethics of Romanticism, 39–154; Ford, F. M. ([1938] 1994), The March of Literature, 541f. On Kant and his psycho-ethical ‘Copernican Revolution’, Palmquist, S. (1986), ‘The Architectonic Form of Kant’s Copernican Logic’. 36 Cf. Xie, W. (2012), ‘Kant’s Better Man and the Confucian Junzi’. 37 N.B. ‘virtue ethics’ is discussed ‘comparatively’. Cf. e.g. Bretzke, J. T., SJ (1995), ‘The Tao of Confucian Virtue Ethics’; Ivanhoe, P. (2013b), ‘Virtue Ethics and the Chinese Confucian Tradition’, in D. C. Russell (ed.), Cambridge Companion to Virtue Ethics, 49–69; Chen, L. (2010), ‘Virtue Ethics and Confucian Ethics’; Van Norden, B. (2007), Virtue Ethics; Slingerland, E. (2000), ‘Virtue Ethics, the Analects and the problem of commensurability’; Tiwald, J. (2010), ‘Confucianism and virtue ethics’; also, Lee, M-H. (2013), ‘Confucianism, Kant, and Virtue Ethics’, in S. C. Angle and M. Slote (eds), Virtue Ethics and Confucianism, 48f.; Fang, X. ed. (2010), Moral Philosophy and the Confucian Traditions. 38 Cf. also, Vos, R. (2008), ‘Public Use of Reason in Kant’s Philosophy: Deliberative or Reflective?’, in V. Rohden, et al. (eds), Recht und Frieden in der Philosophie Kants, 753–63.

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Simmel (1858–1918) observed, there is an ‘incomparably personal trait’ in Kant’s philosophy, which is its ‘uniquely impersonal nature’ (q. Kuehn 2001: 14). His life is a ‘mind’, his character tragically, perhaps, that of a ‘conceptual cripple’ (ibid.). Second, Kantian ethics are practical; as in Confucius, moral reasoning and practice cannot be sundered. But, if Confucianism is a deontological, daily ethic full of immediacy, intentionality, propriety and responsibility, Kantian ethics are a universal, spiritual intuition of pure ‘practical reason’. To Chung-ying Cheng: ‘There is a basic difference between Kant and Confucius, the difference between conceiving the universality of morality as a condition of morality or as a consequence of morality’ (1991: 290). Put another way: if Confucian ethics are ‘situationist’ and ‘immanentist’,39 Kantian morality is ‘transcendental idealist’.40 In his early, pre-critical phase (1745–70) Kant operates within the framework of Leibniz and Wolff, with his award-winning astronomical project41 culminating in his ground-breaking Allgemeine Naturgeschichte und Theorie des Himmels (1755, A General History of Nature and Theory of the Heavens). Over time, this evolves into a new, practical, ‘closed world’ metaphysic of desacralized phenomena and unknowable higher noumena. Parallels with classical Confucianism are compelling. Kant is drawn to Confucius’s stress on ‘practical reason’ and his subordination of ‘rights’ to ‘duties’. Conversely, as Palmquist recognizes, ‘Both of these tendencies [in Kant] appeal to Chinese philosophers, because . . . they are inherently “Chinese”’, and, as a result, ‘the spring-board for much cross-cultural dialogue, especially from the Chinese side’ (1996: 9, 13). It is little wonder Kant is reckoned the most influential philosopher in China after Confucius. Though ren (benevolence), li (ritual) and de (virtue) exist in a complex, dynamic relationship in the Analects,42 Kant sees ‘duty’ defined by, and determining, ‘rights’. In his socio-political treatise Die Metaphysik der Sitten (1797, Metaphysics of Morality), which expanded the better-known trilogy of the ‘astonishing decade’ (Beck 1969: 433), or ‘critical’ period (1781–91) – Kritik der reinen Vernunft (1781, Critique of Pure Reason), Kritik der praktischen Vernunft (1788, Critique of Practical Reason) and Kritik der Urteilskraft (1790, Critique of Judgement), and Grundlegung zur Metaphysik der Sitten (1785, Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals) – Kant outlines Rechtslehre (Doctrine of Rights) and Tugendlehre (Doctrine of Virtue); that is, ‘rights’ people have or acquire, and ‘virtues’ they ought to acquire ([1797] 1996: Introduction). ‘Duty’, like ritual, plays a central role in Kantian ethics (Murphy 1970: 35f.).43 For him, ‘independently of all experience’,44 ‘practical reason’ identifies one moral ‘Categorical Imperative’ arising from ‘duty’, namely, a practical sense of ‘what ought to be done’ ([1781] 1929), A800–2/B828–30) and a calm, disciplined pursuit of good

On situationism in Confucian ethics, below p. 247f., 250, 256; also, Lai, K. (2007), ‘Understanding Confucian Ethics’; —(2006b), ‘Li in the Analects’; Slingerland, E. (2011), ‘The Situationist Critique and Early Confucian Virtue Ethics’. 40 Kant’s ‘transcendental idealism’ is premised on human beings not experiencing things in themselves, but only as the appearance of things. His theory continues to be iconoclastic and controversial. On the ‘two object’, or ‘two aspect’, debate about Kant’s idealism, Allison, H. E. ([1990] 1995), Kant’s Theory of Freedom, 4f. 41 In 1754 he won the Berlin Academy Prize for work on the earth’s rotation, in which tidal resistance was introduced. It took almost a hundred years for the significance of this to be factored into discussions of energy. 42 On the relation, and potential tension, between ren and li, Tu, W. (1968), ‘The Creative Tension Between Jen and Li’. On ren and li, below p. 246f., 245f. 43 Cf. also, on ‘duty’ as a moral and social responsibility, Stratton-Lake, P. (2000), Kant, Duty and Moral Worth. 44 Cf. Critique of Pure Reason (1st edn), Preface, where Kant indicates his aim is to examine reasoning without reference to experience. Kant’s pupil J. G. Herder (1744–1803) attacked this as a disembodied, non-linguistic view of human reasoning (cf. below p. 229f.). Among many indebted to Kant, French philosopher Michel Foucault (1926–1984; below p. 231, 268, 313, 330, 362, 421, 429, 471, 473f.) wrote a ‘critical history of modernity, rooted in Kant and Nietzsche’ (Czy´zewski 2011: 200). 39

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‘ends’.45 Like Aristotle’s (384–322 BCE) Nicomachean Ethics, Kant’s practical moral ‘synthesis’ has entered the global cultural and intellectual mainstream. His charge to ‘enlightened’ souls to slough Cartesian rationalism, Leibnizian empiricism, and what he calls ‘unmündigkeit’ (immaturity) in conformism, inspired libertine Romanticism and humanist republicanism. His theology-lite ethical ‘idealism’ has horrified biblical moralists. But he has many Chinese admirers. Third, Kantian ethics are intertwined with human nature, and thence with aesthetics. Ethics are for him as much about beauty, taste, mood and feeling, as right and wrong. Kant’s early Beobachtungen über das Gefühl des Schönen und Erhabenen (1764, Observations on the Feeling of the Beautiful and Sublime) follows Longinus and Addison in distinguishing between ‘beauty’ and the ‘sublime’.46 The latter he interprets in various ways as ‘feelings’; particularly of pleasure and dread. Kant accepted Greek medic Galen’s (129–c. 200/216 CE)47 four ‘humours’ or ‘temperaments’ (melancholic, sanguine, choleric and phlegmatic). He subsumed these in an aesthetic view of a personality, which (like Kant himself) bears a striking resemblance to the Confucian junzi.48 He universalized this as ‘a profound feeling for the beauty and dignity of human nature and a firmness and determination of the mind to refer all one’s actions to this as to a universal ground is earnest . . .’. This mood is inconsistent, he says, with ‘changeable gaiety’ and ‘the inconstancy of a frivolous person’ ([1764] 1960: 62f.).49 Instead, a ‘melancholic’ predisposition (Germ. Stimmung) to morality and refinement creates ‘a man of principles’ (ibid., 65),50 and not of ‘passion’, which to Kant is both risky and wrong. Crucially, an aesthetic ground of ‘sublime’ virtue is integral to the ‘Categorical Imperative’ in Kant’s Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals (1785) and Critique of Judgement (1790), and is later integrated methodologically in his ‘post-critical’ works Anthropologie in pragmatischer Hinsicht (1798, Anthropology from a Pragmatic Point of View),51 Der Streit der Fakultäten (1798, The Contest of Faculties), Logik (1800, Logic), and the posthumous Über Pädagogik (1803, On Pedagogy) and Opus Postumum (1804). Kant’s close attention to the ‘conditions of possible experience’ (Westphal 2004: 122f.; Allison, 30f.), on which knowledge and consciousness are based, led him to emphasize the objective nature of experience and of human rationality (which is basic to his defence of philosophy itself). We hear echoes here of Confucius’s view of practical ethics and cultured aesthetics. They might despise Mme. de Sévigné as a gossip but would respect her test of Mme. de la Sablière in terms of (tea and) ‘taste’!52 For, morality, to Kant, is not rule-keeping, it is ‘doing the right thing’ at the right time.

45 On the ‘Categorical Imperative’, ‘duty’, and Heidegger’s view of Kant’s critique of human subjectivity in Critique of Pure Reason (2nd edn.), Tu, W. (1985), Confucian Thought: Selfhood as Creative Transformation, 155f. 46 On Addison, p. 117, 157, 160f. 47 Aelius (or Claudius) Galenus of Pergamum was the foremost medic in the Greco-Roman world, contributing much in the fields of anatomy, physiology, pharmacology, pathology and neurology, as well as philosophy and logic. 48 On the moral and aesthetic formation of the junzi, p. 30, 175, 177. 49 On this, Feld, A. (2011), Melancholy and the Otherness of God, 96f.; also, on Confucius’s dismissal of the ‘frivolous’, above p. 24. For Heidegger’s support for Kant, Feld, 96. 50 Contrary to modern connotations, for Kant ‘melancholy’ is ‘a gentle and noble feeling’ and the ‘awe of the hard-pressed soul’. It is receptor of fine feelings and acute moral distinctions. 51 Kant played a major role in establishing the modern academic discipline of Anthropology. He lectured on the subject for much of his professional life, defining it as both the study of physiology and of humanity’s practical, vocational potential. Among many others, his anthropology impacts the hermeneutics of Martin Heidegger (1889–1976), Paul Ricoeur (1913– 2005), and their interpreter, Jean Greisch (b. 1942); also, below p. 357f., 360f., 419f., 469f., 471f. 52 On ‘taste’ in Kantian ethics, Guyer, P. (1979), Kant and the Claims of Taste; —(1993), Kant and the Experience of Freedom, ad loc.; Wayne, M. (2014), Red Kant. On aesthetics in Confucian morality, Gier, N. (2001), ‘The dancing Ru: A Confucian aesthetics of virtue’; and, p. 23, 26, 45f., 193.

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Fourthly, as we have glimpsed previously, Kant’s ‘transcendental idealism’ contains a Confucianesque caution about ‘spiritual’ matters. He is neither an atheist nor an agnostic. He is a pragmatic realist and ethical ‘idealist’. His religion is ‘within the limits of reason alone’. Christianity is ‘a natural religion’, that is, accessible to human cognition ([1793] 1998: Bk. IV. 1.1).53 His God, like Confucius’s Heaven, does not deny humanity moral responsibility. Jesus is the exemplification of ‘a pure moral disposition of the heart’ that pleases God (Germ. die reinemoralische Herzensgesinnung) (ibid., VI. 159). The residue from this religion of the Gospels is the gold of dignity, freedom, maturity and choice. To many in his day, Kant’s ideas constituted either unorthodox theological reductionism (with God neither knowable or near) or unnecessary epistemological reserve (while rationalism, empiricism and ‘experience’ were so much more flattering and exciting). His capacity to provoke and inspire contemporaries and successors was and is remarkable, his influence on numerous fields of study immense. He still defines for many a ‘Modern’ life and outlook. We track Kant first in the new school of ‘German Idealism’ that emerged in the work of the antinihilist Friedrich Jacobi (1743–1819), Georg von Hardenberg (1722–1801; aka Novalis) and Kant’s Austrian devotee Karl Reinhold (1757–1823). He is also traceable to the writings of Gottlob Schulze (1761–1833) and his better-known, sceptical student, Arthur Schopenhauer (1788–1860); to the studies on ‘self-consciousness’ by Johann Fichte (1762–1814); to the conflation of ‘subjective’ and ‘objective’ and of ‘ideal’ and ‘real’ by the theistic philosopher-poet Friedrich Schelling (1775– 1854); and, to the work of the Lithuanian Jewish scholar Salomon Maimon (1753–1800).54 Kant’s legacy is also evident in the impact he had on his most avid devotee and critic, Hegel, and on the so-called ‘father of nineteenth-century Liberal Protestantism’, Friedrich Schleiermacher (1768– 1834), in whom the intellectual ‘revolution’ of the Enlightenment reached its apotheosis.55 Hegel echoed criticism by those who rejected the abstract, and individualist character of Kantian epistemology and ethics, but he embraced Kant’s endorsement of reason’s quest for freedom beyond itself (something that Nietzsche could never accept). Schleiermacher embodies the Romantic Movement’s caution with respect to Kant’s aesthetics of ‘experience’, although not his readiness to ‘criticize’! To Schleiermacher and fellow-Romantics, Friedrich Schelling (1775–1854), Wilhelm Schlegel (1772–1829), the politician and poet Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (1749–1832),56 and their British counterpart, Samuel Taylor Coleridge (1732–1834), Kant was – like Confucianism a century earlier – a rich resource to break the oppressive hegemony of Christian orthodoxy, and to put the burden of moral responsibility and culture now on ‘enlightened’ individuals. Kant (like

Cf. ibid., xxxvif. for a useful bibliography on Kant and religion. On ‘German Idealism’, Ameriks, K. ed. (2000), Cambridge Companion to German Idealism; Beiser, F. C. (2002), German Idealism; Pinkard, T. (2002), German Philosophy 1760–1860: The Legacy of Idealism; Solomon, R. and K. Higgins, eds (1993), Routledge History of Philosophy, VI: The Age of German Idealism. 55 On Hegel and Schleiermacher, p. 233f., 237f. 56 Like other Romantics, the poet, philosopher, critic, diplomat, and Indo-Europeanist Karl Wilhelm Friedrich (von) Schlegel (1772–1829), an early member of the Jena School, used Kant in the literary-critical, counter movement seen in the journal Athenaeum (1798–1800). Schlegel’s ‘Fragments’ followed Kant’s introspective methodology and impressed Coleridge. As a statesman-poet, Goethe disliked theorists like Kant. Jealous of his intellectual freedom, he admitted Kant’s eminence slowly (Letter to Johann Eckermann [1792–1854], 11 April 1827), and called the Critique of Pure Reason ‘a dungeon which restrains our free and joyous excursions into the field of experience’ ([1827] 1887–1919: 1, 36.313–46). Though he may have denied this, Goethe’s organic ontology, and quest to synthesize thought and action, echoes Kant and Confucius. This is not altogether surprising given his ‘interest in things Chinese’ (Minford and Lau 2000: I. li). Cf. also, Bernier, L. (2005), ‘Christianity and the Other’. On Kant, Swift, S. (2006), Romanticism, Literature and Philosophy, 77f. 53 54

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Coleridge) was mocked by contemporaries. The essayist William Hazlitt (1788–1830) called his ideas ‘an enormous heap of dogmatical and hardened assertions’, and ‘the most wilful and monstrous absurdity that ever was invented’ (1817: 488f.; Jackson, J., 1970: 294f.). Poet Lord Byron portrayed the blinded, Kantian Coleridge as ‘a hawk encumbered with its hood’ ([1824] 1973: Dedication, St. II). De Quincey and Carlyle feared Coleridge was lost in ‘the hazy infinitude of Kantian transcendentalism’ (1851: 73; q. Class 2012: 8). To Hazlitt, he had quit ‘the plain ground of “history and particular facts” for the first butterfly theory, fancy-bred from maggots of his brain’ (ibid., 491). Coleridge was closest to Kant in Britain.57 ‘A figure of overflowing pathos and irony’ (Dorrien 2012: 119), Coleridge’s work on theology, poetry and hermeneutics – like Kant, Confucius, the Orient and his opium habit – opened for later generations unimagined worlds of possibility. We will return to Hegel, Schleiermacher, Coleridge and Romanticism later.58 We register here that by re-rendering ethics (pace Confucius) in terms of anthropology, aesthetics, habit, taste and practice, Kant challenged its historic, teleological orientation and the Bible’s sense of final accountability. The Analects and Gospels are read in China and the West through the accumulative varnish of Kantian philosophy and ethics. In every sense he provides new terms for their discussion. The fifth theme to note in Kant’s ethics is its cultural adaptability. The ‘intellectual intuition’ at the heart of his philosophy enables, and promotes, a profound psychological and cultural engagement with life. Truth is not contingent on history but aesthetic epistemology. Mindful of Kant’s Chinese interests, it is no surprise the influential 20th-century Chinese philosopher Mou Zongsan ⢏ᇇй (1909–95), with an ‘almost obsessive’ (Thoraval 2003: 35)59 blend of ‘admiration and competitiveness’ (Chan. N.S., 2011: 217) – and, no small desire to stop Christianity’s spread – turned to Kant as a foil to ideological error and a fount of inspiration. As Jason Clower writes: ‘If Marx was stimulated by Feuerbach to take Hegel and stand him on his head . . . Mou was stimulated by Heidegger to do the same with Kant’ (2014: 19). Mou used Kant to re-clothe Chinese culture in Western garb, and so to create a bespoke Neo-Confucian ‘moral metaphysics’ (daode xingshangxue). More than Karl Marx (1818–83) – who in later life dissed Kant as ‘the whitewashing spokesman of

On Coleridge’s European readership, Shaffer, E. and E. Zuccato (2007), The Reception of S. T. Coleridge in Europe. Some scholars date the Romantic Movement in Britain to the publication of Coleridge and William Wordsworth’s (1770– 1850) Lyrical Ballads in 1798. Cf. on Coleridge, below p. 205f. Also, on Hegel, p. 253; Schleiermacher, p. 237; Wordsworth, p. 195, n. 58, 210f.; and, British and European Romanticism, p. 196f. 59 Mou was born in Shandong Province and educated at Peking University. After WWII he lived and worked in Hong Kong and Taipei. On Mou’s use and reinterpretation of Kant, Billioud, S. (2006), ‘Mou Zongsan’s Problem with the Heideggerian Interpretation of Kant’; —(2011), Thinking through Confucian Modernity; Bresciani, U. (2001), Reinventing Confucianism: The New Confucian Movement; Bunnin, N. (2008), ‘God’s Knowledge and Ours: Kant and Mou Zongsan on Intellectual Intuition’; Chan, N. S. (2003), ‘What is Confucian and New about the Thought of Mou Zongsan?’, in J. Makeham (ed.), New Confucianism, 131–64; Chan, W-C. (2006), ‘Mou Zongsan’s Transformation of Kant’s Philosophy’; —(2008), ‘On Mou Zongsan’s Idealist Confucianism’, in Shen, Q. and K-l. Shun (eds), Confucian Ethics in Retrospect and Prospects, 171–86; —(2012), ‘Mou Zongsan’s Typology of Neo-Confucianism: Its Hidden Sources’, in Y. Escande, V. Shen and C. Li (eds), Inter-culturality and Philosophic Discourse, 147–62; Guo, Q. (2007), ‘Mou Zongsan’s View of Interpreting Confucianism by “Moral Autonomy” ’; Liu, S-h. (2003), Art. ‘Mou Tsung-san (Mou Zongsan)’, in A. S. Cua (ed.), Encyclopedia of Chinese Philosophy, 480–6; Schmidt, S. (2011), ‘Mou Zongsan, Hegel, and Kant: The Quest for Confucian Modernity’; Tu, W. (1989), Centrality and Commonality, ad loc.; Tu, X. (2007), ‘Dare to Compare: The Comparative Philosophy of Mou Zongsan’; Zheng, J. (2004/5b), ‘Mou Zongsan and the Contemporary Circumstances of the Rujia’; —(2004/5a), ‘Between History and Thought: Mou Zongsan and the New Confucianism’. Cf. for Mou’s idealist critique of Zhu Xi’s realism, Xin ti yu xing ti [The Mind-Substance and the Nature-Substance] (1968). 57 58

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the German burghers’ ([1867] 1965: 209)60 – Mou saw Kant’s ‘revolutionary’ potential.61 As Hegel’s friend, the Romantic lyric poet Friedrich Hölderlin (1770–1843) had written: ‘Kant is our Moses, he has led us from our Egyptian slumbers’ (q. Sheehan 1989: 343).62 To Mou, Kant’s philosophy was unique in the West, comparable with – but still inferior to – Confucianism. His Neo-Confucian (and later New Confucian) reworking sealed Kant’s centrality to post-Maoist China and confirms his cultural adaptability (pace Coleridge). Cultural ‘translation’ is complex: as often, we see here as much of Mou, the translator, as Kant, the translated text. Mou is not unique. The leading aesthetic philosopher in the ‘Chinese Enlightenment’ of the 1980s, Li Zehou ᵾ◔৊ (b. 1930), and the popular novelist, poet and essayist Zhang Xianliang ᕥ䌒Ӟ (1936–2014), have also had a central place in cross-cultural appropriation of Kantian ethics and aesthetics.63 As a post-Maoist Marxist scholar Li helped ignite what some call China’s ‘Kant Fever’ in the 1980s (Liu, K., and Tang, X., 1993: 32f.).64 Likened to Jean-Paul Sartre (1905–80) in 1960s France, Li’s quest for a Marxist basis for subjectivity led him to Kant.65 His Critique of the Critical Philosophy: A Study of Kant ([1979] 1984) – with its tough Kantian style (!) – traces our modern ‘self-reflection’ to Kant’s theory of rationality and his ‘anthropological ontology of subjectivity’.66 Through Chinese and Western sources, Li critiques Kant’s theory from the historicalmaterialist perspective of ‘praxis’, and presents subjectivity as ‘the main conceptual framework with which to examine Chinese culture and history’(Liu and Tang: 32).67 Tool-making and trade – the mighty power-drivers of China’s modernization – are, he maintains, constitutive of subjectivity and of a humanized ‘Nature’. In contrast, Zhang re-imagines Chinese ethics and aesthetics in novelistic form.68 Inspired by Euro-American literature, Zhang’s iconic ‘Prison Wall’ fiction – such as his bleak study of a prisoner, Nanrende yiban shi nuren (Half of man is woman) – recasts Kantian ethics and Marxist ideology from within the Chinese gulag.69 For many Chinese, the Enlightenment via Kant shapes their vision and interpretation of the Analects and Gospels. They are not alone.

CHINA, ROMANTICISM AND REVOLUTION The heavily revised second edition of Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason was published in 1787, the year Wedgwood fired his abolitionist medallion and a young, aspirant composer, Ludwig Van

On the impact of Kant on Marx’s early thought, Kain, P. J. (1986), ‘The Young Marx and Kantian Ethics’; also, —(1988) Marx and Ethics. Kain points to attention focused historically on Aristotle’s influence on Marx more than Kant’s. Cf. also, McCarthy, G. E. ed. (1992), Marx and Aristotle. 61 On the terms of Kant’s support for and opposition to Revolution, Howard, D. ([1985] 1993), From Marx to Kant, 207. 62 For a recent study of Hölderlin, Luchte, J. (2018), Mortal Thought. Cf. also, Hamburger, M. (1970), Reason and Energy: Studies in German Literature, 8. 63 On Li and Kantian aesthetics, Li, Z. and J. Cauvel (2006), Four Essays on Aesthetics: Toward a Global View, 55f.; also, Li, Z. (1994), The Path of Beauty. 64 On the ‘reception’ of Kant in China and information on publications in the last twenty years, Xu, B. (2016), ‘The Reception of Kant in China’, in G. Campagnolo (ed.), Liberalism and Chinese Economic Development, 25–48. 65 On Kant and Marxism, Deleuze, G. (1984), Kant’s Critical Philosophy; Van De Pitte, F. P. (1971), Kant as Philosophical Anthropologist. On Sartre, p. 426f. 66 N.B. Li Zehou interprets ren (benevolence) as an internalization of li (propriety, rite), i.e. external rules governing human behaviour ultimately derive from rules and rituals of ancestor worship (Liu and Tang, 51, n. 29). 67 On Li’s criticism of Western Marxism that ‘severs philosophy of practice from historical materialism’, ibid., 34f. 68 Cf. Callahan, W. A. (1994), ‘Resisting the Norm: Ironic Images of Marx and Confucius’. 69 On Zhang’s novels and significance, Williams, P. F. and Y. Wu (2004), The Great Wall of Confinement, 180f. 60

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Beethoven (1770–1827), travelled to Vienna for the first time. In his youth, Beethoven was no great philosophile. He demurred when his medical, childhood friend Franz Wegeler (1765–1848) invited him to hear Kant lecture in the 1790s, and later complained to him in a letter (29 June 1801): ‘I have often cursed the Creator and my existence; Plutarch has taught me resignation’ (q. Thayer 1991: 1.284). However, a year later – with deafness nearing – his ‘Heiligenstadt Testament’ (6 October 1802) records: ‘Perhaps I shall get better, perhaps not. I am ready. Forced to become a philosopher already in my 28th year; oh, it is not easy, much more difficult for the artist than for anyone’ (ibid., I. 305).70 He does develop a philosophy, then, a very personal and artistic one. Like Confucius and the Romantics, he looks to the past for hope, freedom and inspiration. In a footnote to a letter (29 July 1819) to his new, young Viennese patron and pupil, Archduke Rudolph (1788– 1831), he cites ‘Kunstvereinigung’; a synthesis of old arts with new ideas,71 and of ‘freedom and progress . . . in the world of art as in the whole creation’ (Kinderman 1995: 1). If, as some maintain, Beethoven was always engaged in an ‘ironic play of incongruity’ (ibid., 3), old Vienna was not – Kant offered hope. In his ‘Conversation Book’ for February 1820 (written as he worked on the Missa Solemnis)72 we suddenly read: ‘Das Moralische Gesetz in uns, u. der gestirnte Himmel über uns Kant!!!’ (The moral law within us and the starry heavens above us Kant!!!) (ibid., 238).73 It is as if Kant’s ‘transcendental idealism’ has pierced his silence with revelatory – no, revolutionary – clarity. This is behind his setting of Schiller’s 1803 poem ‘An die Freude’ (Ode to Joy),74 in the finale of his Ninth Symphony (1824) in D minor, Opus 125. Nature will be conquered. Humanist hopes for a ‘bourgeois’ society75 – as in post-revolutionary France and the newly founded United States of America – will be fulfilled.76 Like Kant and his fellow Romantics, Beethoven is drawn to ‘the great and the sublime’,77 through the trials of life that refine his character and vocation. Here’s art and revolutionary ardour fired by his hellish angst. There are two facts to note finally with respect to Beethoven, Kant and the Orient. First, through his grandfather Ludwig (1712–73), Beethoven traced his roots to Mechelen, Holland, the very

On Beethoven’s age here, Solomon, M. (1990), Beethoven Essays, 40. On Kunstvereinigung as ‘artistic unification’ (not artistic understanding, or the relation of music to text), Reynolds, C., L. Lockwood and J. Webster, eds (1992–8), Beethoven Forum, I. 112, n. 4. Michael Spitze sees ‘the neatest musical embodiment’ of this in ‘his most polyglot composition’, the Diabelli Variations (1819–23), a parody on Bach’s Goldberg Variations (1741) set beside a Handelian fugue and a quotation from the second movement, ‘Arietta’, of his last Piano Sonata (1822), No. 32, in C minor, Op. 111 (2006: 198f.). 72 On the Missa, p. 243. 73 Cf. for the original, Kant ([1781] 1956), Critique of Pure Reason, 166. 74 N.B. Schiller first titled it ‘An die Freiheit’ (Ode to Freedom). To his dismay, safety and politics forced the change. Apparently, Beethoven contemplated setting the ‘Ode’ to music as early as 1793 (Rumph 2004: 44). 75 On the history, composition, reception and impact of Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony, Cook, N. (1993), Beethoven: Symphony No. 9. N.B. the Ninth Symphony connects with Beethoven’s hope for a ‘New World Order’ based on universal brotherhood and ‘the joint engagement of East and West’ (Al-Taee 2016: 119f.). 76 N.B. the German philosopher, sociologist and composer Theodore W. Adorno (1903–69) speaks of ‘the din of bourgeois revolution’ that ‘rumbles in Beethoven’ (1976: 211). On Adorno, p. 348, 366, n. 103, 451, n. 253, 477, n. 435, 479. Beethoven’s early enthusiasm for Schiller and exposure to Kant came, perhaps, via the jurist Bartholomäus Fischenich (1768–1831; Rumph, 44f.). Nietzsche admired Beethoven, but saw the Ninth Symphony as a warning of the threat art posed to the non-metaphysical artist: ‘At a certain place in Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony, for example, he might feel that he is floating above the earth in a starry dome, with the dream of immortality in his heart; all the stars seem to glimmer around him, and the earth seems to sink ever deeper downwards’ ([1878–80] 1994: No. 153). On Van Gogh’s ‘starry dome’, p. 2. 77 Fischenich’s view of Beethoven (q. Rumph, 45). 70 71

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Catholic hometown of the pioneer Jesuit missionary Philippe Couplet, SJ,78 and many of his kind. Like Kant, the Orient is in Beethoven’s biography and cultural blood. But, how perceptions of China in his day differ from those of his grandfather’s missionary contemporaries!79 Second, after politicized intellectuals and artists, like Lu Xun 冟䗵 (1881–1936), Feng Zikai 䊀ᆀᝧ (1898–1975), Wang Guangqi ⦻‫( ⽸ݹ‬1892–1936), and other leaders of the ‘anti-imperialist’ ‘May 4th Movement’ (1919), had praised and ‘localized’ Beethoven as a global, cultural ‘hero’, at the historic Yan’an ‘Forum on Literature and Art’ ᔦᆹ᮷㰍ᓗ䃷ᴳ (Yanan Wen Yi Zuotanhui) in 1942, twenty-five years later the Cultural Revolution, boldly proclaimed: ‘Criticize Beethoven! Condemn Confucius!’80 Both were now ‘counter-revolutionary imperialists’. In June 1989 the ‘Ode to Joy’ rang out across Tiananmen Square during the student-led protests, or, the ‘June Fourth Incident’ (‫ޝ‬ഋһԦ). As Kant and Confucius saw, simple, ritualized pleasures – like tea, routine and music – had moral, cultural and socio-political power. The spirit of Kunstvereinigung – to which, surely, Confucius, Bach and T. S. Eliot would give their support81 – is felt in the character, purpose, and morality of pro-democracy protests today. Like tea, art can unite as well as divide. If Beethoven’s life and work cast light on the socio-political revolutions of his day (and ours), what else between c. 1750 and 1820 still impacts the way character, purpose and morality in the Analects and the Gospels are interpreted? What is essential is best gathered, or exaggerated, with a focus first on Britain, then on Europe and America. China, Britain and Changing Cultural Horizons China’s relationship to the West begins to change c. 1750.82 Trade, travel and literature all contribute to this. Ships become safer; journeys more frequent. More Chinese are seen on the streets of Europe. Knowledge fosters tension. The cultural stasis of the Qing court is buffeted by exposure to international trade and cultural re-evaluation. George III’s passion for chinoiserie is undone by social pressure and national politics at home, abroad by the new intellectual and cultural horizons of ‘Euraserie’ and ‘Européisme’.83 In 1803 Samuel Miller (1769–1850) published in New York his historic Brief Retrospect of the Eighteenth Century, with a chapter devoted to ‘Oriental Literature’ (Pt. I. c 14). Writing in 1807, the ‘Lake Poet’ and poet laureate Robert Southey (1774–1813) records: ‘Plates and tea-ware have made us better acquainted with the Chinese than with any other distant people’ ([1807] 1814: II. 46).84 If ‘Restoration Sinophilia’ and early ‘Enlightenment On Couplet, co-editor of Confucius Sinarum Philosophus, p. 34, n. 79. On ‘Orientalism’ in Western music style, including recognition of ‘pentatonicism and parallel fourths’ as the ‘basic signifiers’ for musical chinoiserie, Scott, D. B. (1997), ‘Orientalism and Musical Style’. 80 On Beethoven in China, Cai, J. and S. Melvin (2015), Beethoven in China; —(2004), Rhapsody in Red; Nadel, I. (2015), Cathay: Ezra Pound’s Orient, Ch. 1; Tsang, Y-M. E. (2017), Beethoven in China. At the Yan’an Forum – famed for the ‘cultural rectification’ Mao introduced – Beethoven (pace others) was ‘criticized’ for social elitism and ‘cultural decadence’. In 1982, the CCP said it was an ‘incorrect formulation’ to subordinate literature and art to politics. 81 Whether we should add Jesus to this list is a moot point: his sense of good order, ritual, and the natural beauty of the world, suggest an aesthetic outlook that is too rarely acknowledged. 82 Chen Shouyi argues that it was the publication of Goldsmith’s ‘Chinese Letters’, in his Citizens of the World (1760–1), that ‘not only assured Goldsmith’s literary fame, but also marked the culmination of English interest in Chinese culture and things Chinese’ ([1939] 1998c: 283). On Anson, p. 117, 143, 199. 83 ‘Euraserie’ is used of blended Chinese-European styles; ‘Européisme’ of the gradual cohering of the Western mind (incl. to oppose China) in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. 84 Cf. also, Porter, D. (2001), Ideographia: The Chinese Cipher in Early Modern Europe, 133. On Southey, above p. 166, n. 208; also, 207, n. 133. 78 79

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Orientalism’ made China better known, they also made it more susceptible to comparison and criticism. Sharp contrasts are drawn between The Travels of Peter Mundy ([1673] 1919) and Anson’s Voyage Round the World (1778), dubbed ‘the most cocksure unfavourable opinion of the Chinese character’ (Qian, Z., 1998b: 149f.; Gunn 2003: 149f.). Like a souring familial relationship, hesitancy became distrust, scepticism cynicism, with recrimination erupting in the ‘Opium Wars’ of the 1840s and 1850s. Texts, tea and tradition are loci of conflict. War brews as the Georgian era wanes. The nature, causes and dynamics of changing Western attitudes to China in the late 18th century have attracted increased scholarly attention. In Britain, the British diplomat and traveller Sir George Staunton (who, unusually, knew China and spoke Chinese) wrote to the politician and diarist John Cam Hobhouse, later Lord Broughton (1786–1869), in May 1819: ‘Confucius had formerly been too cried up, and [is] now too much cried down’ (q. Kitson 2013: 193).85 He might have said the same of China – and probably meant as much! The note of realism – if not exasperation – in Staunton’s words expresses the ambivalence many in Britain and its ruling class felt towards China by the end of George III’s reign. Chinoiserie had always been to some, as David Beevers points out, ‘a retreat from reason and taste, and a descent into a morally ambiguous world based on hedonism, sensation and values perceived to be feminine’ (2009: 19). Or, as David Porter calls ‘blue and white’ china, ‘a flimsy fantasy of doll-like lovers, children, monkeys and fishermen lolling about in pleasure gardens graced by eternal spring’ (2001: 135). And, to the architectural authority Robert Morris (1701–54) the ‘Chinese style’ was ‘mere whims and chimera, without rules or order’, which required ‘no fertility of genius to put into execution’ (q. Beevers, 19). The king’s volatility and personal passion for chinoiserie became synonymous with extravagance and despotism. Pagodas and porcelain fell out of fashion.86 Neutrality towards China became difficult. People were, as often, casualties of a dispute not of their making, like international orphans today. The evidence for changing British attitudes towards China in the late 18th and early 19th centuries is complex, at times contradictory. Kitson speaks of a ‘strategic evasion’ of China in popular British discourse (ibid., 181), Porter of an ‘illegitimacy’ and ‘instrumental amnesia’ in its approach to Chinese cultural imagery (2010: 155).87 In popular literature, ‘blue and white’ becomes a trope for imitation (Kitson, 183). As Staunton noticed, though, the 18th-century also contains what Eugenia Jenkins designates ‘sinography’ (2013: 4f.) – a deliberate ‘writing in’ of China and Chinese culture in British literature and convention(s). Domestic ritual and royal protocol reflect a programmatic idealization of Chinese culture. Cosmopolitanism is chic in Georgian Britain.88 The

85 Cf. also, Cranmer-Byng, J. L. (1967), ‘The first British sinologists: Sir George Staunton and the Reverend Robert Morrison’, in F. S. Drake (ed.), Symposium, 247–59. Barrow’s Travels in China (1804), written before Morrison’s arrival in China, describes Staunton as ‘unquestionably the first who opened to Europeans any of the useful treasures of Chinese literature’ (q. Kitson, 99). 86 N.B. the role of the politician and art historian Horace Walpole, 4th Earl of Oxford (1717–97), in converting the architectural patron and ‘founder of Sharawadji in England’, Richard Bateman (1705–73), so ‘every pagoda took the veil’ (Kitson 2016a: 13). On chinoiserie in 18th-century Europe, Ledderose, L. (1991), ‘Chinese Influence on European Art, Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries’, in Lee (ed.), China and Europe, 221–50; Rosenzweig, D. L. (1982), Exotic Kingdoms; Siren, O. (1950), China and Gardens of Europe of the Eighteenth Century; Porter, D. (2010), The Chinese Taste. 87 Also, Porter, D. (1999), ‘Chinoiserie and the Aesthetics of Illegitimacy’. 88 Cf. Ch’ien, C-S. (1941), ‘China in the English Literature of the Eighteenth Century’; Clarke, D. J. (2011), ‘Chitqua: A Chinese artist in Eighteenth-Century London’; —(2010), ‘An Encounter with Chinese Music in Mid-Eighteenth-Century London’.

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American ‘War of Independence’ (1775–83) and violent French Revolution (1789–99) threaten this. National identity is re-rendered as a volatile, negotiable reality or as a romantic ideal creatively captured and jealously guarded. British attitudes to the Orient in the late 18th and early 19th centuries are fluid. There is both continuity and discontinuity with preceding generations.89 Srivinas Aravamudam speaks of a new type of xenophobia emerging (2012: 74). Lach and Van Kley (1993), André Gunder Frank (1998), and Kenneth Pomeranz (2000) connect this to money. Britain is entering a new era of trade wars and economic competition. In time, China and its trade will both be commoditized. Caution, criticism and, if necessary, conflict, are as so often sad correlates of economic ambition. Add to this the bleak national humiliation of the Macartney (1792) and Amherst (1816) Embassies to the Qing court, and sinophilia becomes plain unpatriotic.90 On broad cultural horizons we see the tired dawn of international tension breaking. The Analects and Gospels are read in the gloom of historic animosity, and the moral ambiguity it created. Drilling down into British, European and, now, American attitudes to China between c. 1750 and 1820 reveals subtle differences.91 To pan-European political, intellectual and cultural crossfertilization is added the trans-Atlantic trade and expanded East-West contact. New bi-lateral political and economic relations are generated. The British presence in India from the early 18th century, and the international reach of the EIC, meant China could never leverage ‘exceptional’ treatment. Traditional biblical attitudes to ‘the right and the good’ encounter new cultural norms and the daily pressure of real politik. In Britain, classism and rural decay, urban growth and widespread poverty, Georgian depravity and pervasive death, create the contingencies for cultural tension and colonial expansion. A new world is sought and bought. In Staunton’s realism we glimpse the light and shade in occidental attitudes to China and Chinese culture in his day. There is bright hope to master the language, literature, history and culture of China and to integrate this learning in British, European and American culture. There is gathering gloom about China’s sociocultural and religious ‘otherness’, and growing recognition of the need to confront, convert, or somehow coerce it. Questions of character, purpose and morality are integral to this East-West cultural exchange in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. An introduction to some of the literature of the period helps to explain Staunton’s words and exegete his complex world. Four British publications reveal the explosion in printed material relating to China during this period: i. Fragments of Oriental Literature: With an Outline of a Painting on a Curious China Vase (1807),92 by the cleric, antiquarian and (part-) translator of the ancient ‘Rosetta Stone’,93 Stephen Weston (1747–1830); ii. A Catalogue of the Library belonging to the English Factory in Macao (1815), which Morrison and other Protestant missionaries to China gathered; iii. the Bibliotheca Marsdeniana philologica et orientalis. A Catalogue of Books and Manuscripts (1827), by the Irish colonial civil servant and orientalist William Marsden (1754–1836); and, iv. the London bookseller ‘Orient’ is a fluid term, sometimes being used interchangeably with ‘China’, at other times including everywhere from Egypt and Persia to India, China and the Koreas. 90 On these two events, Bickers, R. A. (1993), Ritual and Diplomacy; Hevia, J. L. (1995), Cherishing Men from Afar; Webster, A. (1998), Gentleman Capitalists. 91 Cf. Elisseeff-Poisle, D. (1991), ‘Chinese Influence in France, Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries’, in Lee (ed.), China and Europe, 129–150; also, Lottes, G. (1991), ‘China in European Political Thought, 1750–1850’, idem, 65–98. 92 N.B. 1807 was the year Wilberforce won his first vote in parliament against the slave trade in British territories and Morrison arrived in Canton. On Wilberforce and Morrison, p. 213, 253. 93 The ‘Rosetta Stone’ (196 BCE) is an inscribed granodiorite stele with an inscription of a decree issued in Memphis, Egypt, by King Ptolemy V Epiphanes (204–181 BCE). 89

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William Lowndes’s (c. 1798–1843) Bibliographer’s Manual of English Literature (1834).94 In addition to works cited already that remain available, we find listed here John Barrow’s (1764– 1848) Travels in China (1804); James Horsburgh’s (1762–1836) Memoirs: comprising the Navigation to and from China (1805); Chrétien-Louis de Guignes, Jr’s. (1749–1845) Voyages à Peking (1808); Julius von Klaproth’s (aka Sinologus Berolinensis) Remarques Philologiques sur les Voyages en Chine de M. de Guignes (1809) and Voyage á Péking, à travers la Mongolie, en 1820 et 1821, par M.G. Timkouski (1827); John McLeod’s (c. 1777–1820) Narrative of a Voyage in H.M’s late ship Alceste to the Yellow Sea (1817); and, British surgeon and naturalist Clarke Abel’s (1789–1826) Narrative of a Journey in the interior of China, and of a Voyage to and from that country, in the years 1816 and 1817 (1818).95 These were the flammable fuel of political fears, economic hopes, Romantic dreams, and religious fervour. We might add – besides Staunton’s own diplomatic records (1797, 1821) – those by Lord Macartney’s valet Æneas Anderson (n.d.; 1795), and one of his escort, SgtMaj. Samuel Holmes (n.d.; 1798); those by Dutch emissary Andreas van Braam Houckgeest (1739– 1801), published in America by the slave-owning French lawyer-bureaucrat Médéric L.E. Moreau de Saint-Méry (1750–1819; 1798); and, those by the diplomat Sir Henry Ellis (1788–1855; 1817), who travelled with Lord Amherst. There is also a host of studies on trade with China, and, on everything from its laws, customs, poetry and novels to its topography and vaccinations.96 Life in China was cast in sharp relief by this new body of material. The opportunity and threat, morality and needs of China became ever-clearer – as did the true expense of new commodities like tea, now deemed ‘essential’ by an adolescent European society.97 Among the works on Chinese language, script, and grammar listed by Marsden are texts by the founders of modern European sinology.98 The temptation to see China behind the bamboo curtain of Chinese became for some irresistible. To works by Abel-Rémusat, Amiot, De Guignes, Klaproth, Marshman, Morrison and Weston,99 are added now those of figures such as Gregory Son of a bookseller, Lowndes’s Bibliographer’s Manual took fourteen years to complete. The first of its kind, Lowndes saw little return on his investment. What the work lacked in accuracy it possessed in originality. Henry Bohn (1796–1884), a publisher-bookseller, employed Lowndes, but he edited and republished his work to his own financial advantage. 95 Through Sir Joseph Banks, Clarke was medic and naturalist for the Amherst Embassy. 96 Cf. Amiot, J. J. M., SJ (1776–1814), Mémoires concernant l’histoire, les sciences, les arts, les moeurs, les usages &c des Chinois; Assey, C. (1819), On the Trade to China, and the Indian Archipelago; Ball, S. (1817), Observations on the expediency of Opening a Second Port in China; Davis, J. F. (1823), Hien-wun-shoo. Chinese Moral Maxims; Abbé Grosier (1788, 1795), Description of China; Montucci, A. ed. (1804), Letters to the Editor of the Universal Magazine, on Chinese Literature; Reaves, J. (1819), Chinese names of Stars and Constellations; Staunton, G. T., Bt. (1805), A Treatise on the practice of Vaccination, in the Chinese language and character; —(1810), Ta-tsing-leu-lee; Being the fundamental Laws, and a Selection from the supplementary Statutes, of the Penal Code of China —(1822), Miscellaneous Notices relating to China. 97 For study of tea alongside China’s history, geography, and poetry, Amiot, J. J. M., SJ (1770), Eloge de la Ville de Moukden. It’s said antipathy to China was fuelled by suggestions saw-dust was added to imported tea! 98 On early European Sinology, Franke, H. (1992), ‘In search of China’, in M. Wilson and J. Cayley (eds), Europe Studies China, 11–25; Honey, D. B. (2001), Incense at the Altar, 1–40. 99 Cf. Abel-Rémusat, J-P. (1814a), Critique sur l’ouvrage intitulé (extract from Moniteur 36); —(1814b), Plan d’un dictionnaire chinois; —(1815), Programme du Cours de Langue et de Littérature Chinoises; —(1822), Éléments de la Grammaire Chinoise; Amiot, J. J. M., SJ (1773), Lettre de Pékin, sure le génie de la langue Chinoise; de Guignes, C-L., Jr. (1810), Réflexions sur la Langue Chinoise; —(1813), Dictionnaire chinois, français et latin; von Klaproth, J. H. [Sinologus Berolinensis] (1809), Remarques Philologiques; —(1822), Verzeichnis der Chinesischen und Mandshuischen Bücher; —(1823), Asia Polyglotta; Marshman, J. (1809), The Works of Confucius; —(1814b), Elements of a Chinese Grammar; Morrison, R. (1815), Translations from the original Chinese; —(1815b), A Grammar of the Chinese language; —(1815–23), A Dictionary of the Chinese language; —(1816), Dialogues and detached sentences in the Chinese language; —(1817), A View of China for Philological Purposes; Weston, S. (1812), Siao çu lin, or a small Collection of Chinese Characters. 94

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Sharpe (1713–1771),100 the German typographer Johann Breitkopf (1719–94), the French linguist and orientalist Antoine Isaac, Baron Silvestre De Sacy (1758–1838), the pan-European lawyerlinguist Antonio Montucci (1762–1829), the pioneering Cambridge Sinologist Thomas Myers (1774–1834), the Portuguese scholar J. A. Gonçalves (1780–1841), and the diplomat-Orientalist and second Governor of Hong Kong (fr. 1844–8), Sir John Davis (1795–1890).101 The trickle we saw in Chapters 3 and 4 is now a torrent of sophisticated material that will over time both define and destroy Sino-Western relations.102 Those seeking to engage, explore or evangelize China possess new sinological equipment.103 If there is, as John Barrow claims, a ‘singular listlessness’ in British attitudes towards China and Sinology at the turn of the nineteenth century, this is not shared by all.104 The ‘contact zones’, as Ulrike Hillemann calls them, of Canton, Macao and Malacca, where trade and mission focus, ‘shaped British knowledge about China and the way the British understood their relationship with the Chinese’ (2009: 14).105 In this changing world, language, law and religion gain new pre-eminence.106 Fired by trans-Atlantic evangelical ‘Revivals’, Morrison and his missionary colleagues brought more than a gospel of peace to China. They poured oil on Sino-Western relations.107 Their spiritual sword pierced China’s cultural heart. Morrison acts with understanding. Though contentiously (to pious peers) paid as the official interpreter for the EIC, Morrison was, and still is – as his long-term ally Sir George Staunton (and, later, J. L. Cranmer-Byng) recognized – ‘the first really professional English sinologist’ (q. Kitson: 80).108 His multi-volume Chinese Dictionary

On Sharpe – esp. his relation to Chinese materials collected by Bodley Librarian Thomas Hyde (above p. 101), DNB 17, 1361f.; Golvers, N. (2003), Ferdinand Verbiest, S.J., 208f. 101 Cf. Sharpe, S. (1767), De Lingua Sinensi aliisque Linguis Orientalibus; Breitkopf, J. G. I. (1789), Exemplum Typographiae Sinicae; Silvestre De Sacy, A. I. (1815), Ouverture des Cours de Sanskrit et de Chinois; Montucci, A. (1801), ‘An Account of an Evangelical Chinese Manuscript in the British Museum’; —(1817), Urh-chih-tsze-tëen-se-yin-pe-keáou; Myers, T. (1825), An essay on the nature and structure of the Chinese language; Gonçalves, J. A. (1829), Arte China; Davis, (Sir) J. F. (1823), Hien-wun-shoo. Chinese Moral Maxims. For a fuller survey of early Western materials on the Chinese language, Lust, J. (1987), Western Books on China published up to 1850; Reed, M. and P. Demattè, eds (2007, 2011), China on Paper. On 19th-century works, and on Davis, p. 203, 205f., 267f. 102 On Chinese Grammars in the 18th and 19th century, Zurndorfer, H. T. (1995), China Bibliography, Ch. 1. On Breitkopf and new technologies to print Chinese characters, Lehner, G. (2004), Der Druck chinesischer Zeichen in Europa, 104–9. 103 On the impact of the new linguistic science of comparative philology on the work of the missionary sinologist and Bible translator Joseph Edkins (1823–1905), Foley, T. S. (2009), Biblical Translation in Chinese and Greek, 79f. 104 N.B. discussion in the Edinburgh Review (1809, 1810), Quarterly Review (1810), and Asiatic Journal (1827), of new techniques for learning Chinese (Classical and colloquial), in Lehner, G. (2010), ‘ “From Enlightenment to Sinology”, in P. F. Williams (ed.), Asian Literary Voices, 71–92. On the history of European and British sinology, Franke, H. (1968), Sinology in German Universities; Gernet, J. (1985), China and the Christian Impact: A Conflict of Cultures; Wilson, M. and J. Cayley, eds (1995), Europe Studies China; Chen, Y-s. and P. S. Y. Hsaio (1967), Sinology in the United Kingdom and Germany. N.B. German academic resistance to oriental languages (Lehner 2010: 82f.). 105 On changing attitudes in the West to China’s political economy, in light of greater knowledge, Millar, A. E. (2017), A singular case: Debating China’s political economy in the European Enlightenment. 106 Cf. Stifler, S. R. (1938), ‘The Language Students of the East India Company’s Canton Factory’; also, Kitson, Forging Romantic China, 81f. 107 On Morrison generally, Hancock, C., Robert Morrison (2008). N.B. Marsden’s catalogue contains few of Morrison’s works and none of his biblical translations. On Morrison’s work as a Bible translator, Hancock, 74f., 104–9, 124f., 130f. For criticism of Morrison’s work by Abel-Rémusat and Klaproth, and praise for it by Davis and Staunton, Hancock, 211–14. On the controversy between Morrison and Marshman on the timing and relationship between their works, also Foley, Biblical Translation, 74f., n. 61, 62, 64, 65. 108 Cf. Cranmer-Byng, J. L. (1967), ‘The first British sinologists: Sir George Staunton and the Reverend Robert Morrison’, in F. S. Drake (ed.), Symposium on Historical Archaeological and Linguistic Studies on South China, 247–59. 100

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remains a remarkable feat.109 Sir John Davis called it, ‘that colossal labour of utility’ and ‘an honour at once to himself and to his country’ (1829: I. xix). When James Legge began Chinese in England, like other missionaries he was pointed to Morrison’s Dictionary by his teacher Samuel Kidd (1799– 1843);110 for radicals, characters and their use, to Morrison’s Chinese New Testament and Confucius’s Analects (Lehner 2010: 82). As Timothy Barrett says: ‘[T]he years following Morrison’s arrival in Canton in 1807 can be said to mark the first true flowering of British sinology’ (1989: 63).111 China’s language/s, texts, and traditions are studied more carefully:112 Confucian morality is scrutinized, compared and by some condemned. China must have felt increasingly ‘invaded’. Short ‘Tracts’ and other concise works – like the 13th-century Sanzijing (йᆇ㏃), or ‘Three Character Classic’ (often linked to the Song Dynasty scholars Wang Yinglin ⦻៹哏 [1223–96] and Ou Shizi ॰䚙ᆀ [1234– 1324]), that for generations had taught children Confucian values – are employed in Christian apologetics.113 As Marshman’s Clavis Sinica (1814a), Morrison’s Grammar of the Chinese Language (1815), and Davis’s Hien-wun-shoo (1823) also illustrate, Chinese texts become tools for languagelearning as much as evangelism. Earlier Catholic scholarship is supplemented by that of European academics and Protestant missionaries.114 Sinology gains a new intellectual and spiritual caché. Rivalries sprout as international tension grows.115 Alongside Morrison, Marshman publishes The Works of Confucius (1809, with Analects 1–10) and Collie The Four Books (1828).116 Thus it is comparative Confucian-Christian ethics emerges as a discrete field of enquiry: literature, story and poetry will all play a central role. Morrison’s Chinese Miscellany gives us an insight into his view of Confucius and Confucian ethics. The Four Books are, he states, ‘miserably defective’ (q. Kitson, 93). He indicts Confucianism for its atheism, materialism, spiritual optimism (it lacks a doctrine of original sin), cultural oppression, messianism and later (Neo-Confucian) pantheism. So, ‘The sanctions of the Eternal and Almighty God, arrayed with every natural and moral perfection; wise and good, and just and For criticism of Morrison’s Dictionary, Montucci, A. (1817), Urh-chih-tsze-teen-se-yin-pe-keaou. On Ezra Pound’s later use of Morrison’s Dictionary, Cheadle, M. P. (1997), Ezra Pound’s Confucian Translations, 61f. On Pound, below p. 383f. 110 Kidd is also important for British sinology. After training at the LMS college at Gosport, he was sent (via Madras) to Malacca, where he continued his Chinese studies and learned Hokkien with David Collie (p. 244). Appointed Professor of Chinese at the Anglo-Chinese College in Malacca in 1826, Kidd published tracts in China before being invalided back to Britain in 1832. After a brief ministry in Manningtree, Essex, in 1837 Kidd was appointed (for initially five years) as the first Professor of Chinese at University College, London. He died suddenly in June 1843. 111 For a sympathetic assessment by Samuel Kidd of Morrison’s Chinese publications (Morrison 1839: II, ‘Appendix’). 112 On debate about text-based Sinology v. inter-disciplinary Chinese Studies, Brødsgaard, K. E. (2008), ‘China Studies in Europe’, in D. Shambaugh, E. Sandschneider and Z. Hong (eds), China-Europe Relations, 35–64 (esp 56f., n. 1 and 2). 113 On missionary ‘Tracts’ in China, Lai, J. T-P. (2005), ‘The Enterprise of Translating Christian Tracts by Protestant Missionaries in Nineteenth Century China’; Barnett, S. and J. K. Fairbank, eds (1985), Christianity in China, ad loc. Also, on the missionary Walter Medhurst’s (1796–1857) educational use of the Sanzijing, Rawski, E. S. (1985), ‘Elementary Education in the Mission Enterprise’, in Barnett and Fairbank, 135–51. 114 On early Catholic translations of Confucian materials, Lundbaek, K. (1979), ‘The first translation from a Confucian Classic in Europe’; Mungello, D. E. (1981), ‘The Jesuits’ Use of Chang Chü-cheng’s Commentary’; —(1988), ‘The Seventeenth-Century Jesuit Translation Project’, in C. E. Ronan, SJ, and B. B. C. Oh (eds), East Meets West, 252–72; —(1985a), ‘The First Complete Translation of the Confucian Four Books’. 115 On the dispute in 1815 between Morrison and Marshman over mutual plagiarizing of each other’s Chinese Grammars, Foley, Biblical Translation, 76, n. 65; Zetzsche, Bible in China, 51. In 1811 Morrison sent his Grammar to Serampore for review pre-publication. 116 Marshman’s work was to be one of 5 vols. On its reception in America, Weir, D. (2011), American Orient, 74f.; Takanashi, Y. (2014), Emerson and Neo-Confucianism, 1f. Cf. also, Collie, D. (1828), The Classical Chinese Work commonly called The Four Books, which Kitson dismisses as a ‘philistine and unsympathetic translation’ (2013: 92). 109

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merciful; and the fears and hopes of immortality; and the grace of a saviour; are wholly wanting in the ancient Chinese works’ (1825: 34).117 ‘Magnificent sounding’ Confucian morality is, he says, ‘founded upon gratuitous data’ (ibid.). However, though lacking divine sanction, the ‘Confucian School’ does incorporate ‘a system of fitness, suitableness, propriety, or decorum . . . by which to attain honour, offices, and emoluments in that country’ (ibid., 42). To a dour, frequently isolated Calvinist tea-totaller there was much to admire in Confucius’s altruistic virtue and disciplined life. It is not ‘merely intellectual knowledge’, that he sees. He acknowledges ‘a clear discernment of illustrious virtue’ and ‘an accurate perception of nature’s light, connected with a sincere application of this knowledge to the moral improvement of the individual’ (ibid.). The value Confucius set on virtue per se was music to Morrison’s ears. So, commenting on the Liji (Book of Rites), he underlines its emphasis on ‘self-respect and respect for others’, its ‘seriousness of mind, of manner, of speech, at the foundation of the whole’ (ibid.). Both he and his protégé William Milne (1785–1822) quote the Analects on the title-page of their Chinese-language newspaper, Cha shisu meiyue tongji chuan (A General Monthly Record, containing opinions and practices of society), published in Malacca between 1815 and 1821: ‘The Master said, “Listen to many things, distinguish the good and follow it” ’ (q. Wagner 2007: 21).118 This invocation of the Classics (yinjing) reflects missionary concern for kouqi ਓ≓ (correct mode of speech) and Protestant enquiry into comparative Confucian-Christian ethics. In time, Morrison reckons ‘word’ and ‘deed’ to be as integral to persuasive apologetics as character and action are to effective government. The Shujing has, he holds, ‘principles of the heart, from which the good government of Rulers must flow’ (1825: 38); that is (like the mythic Yao and Yu), ‘Virtue, Benevolence, Gravity, Sincerity’.119 The Four Books teach an individual ‘the doctrine of a comparative disregard of riches’ (ibid., 43). ‘The merely rich man’, with no ‘power, or learning, or virtue’ is ‘despicable’ (ibid.). In summary, Morrison is as keen to commend Confucius’s socioethical practice as to condemn his ideas as un-Christian. Both know the power of pithy saying, parable and story. As Kidd précised Morrison’s ‘Literary Labours’ (in the Memoirs) and his view of Confucian morality (quoting the Dictionary): A family is the prototype of his nation, or empire, and he lays at the foundation of his system, not the visionary notions which have no existence in nature, of independence and equality, but the principles of dependence and subordination, as of children to parents, the younger to the elder, and so on. These principles are . . . inculcated in the Confucian writings, and . . . embodied in solemn ceremonials, and in apparently trivial forms of etiquette. And it is probably this feature of Confucius’s ethics which has made him such a favourite with all the governments of China for many centuries past, and at this day . . . his doctrines are what Europeans call common-place truisms; justice, benevolence and social order . . . nearly comprehend the whole of what he

Chinese Miscellany was published while Morrison was on furlough in Britain (Hancock, 174–197). The 51pp. work gives a reliable insight into Morrison’s mature perspective on China, Confucianism and Sinology. 118 Medhurst and Gützlaff also quote the Analects on the front of publications. 119 To Morrison, the ‘happy sway’ of government in antiquity derived from the ruler seeking ‘a virtuous heart’; for, ‘it was in vain for modern Rulers to expect good government can flow from vicious hearts’. This is echoed in his exposition of Confucian virtues and vices; namely, ‘kung’ (public good), ‘sze’ (selfish good/vice), ‘jin’ (benevolence) and ‘le’ (loving for selfish ends). He adds with characteristic vigour: ‘[T]he cant in Mercantile China, is that Europeans and Americans are a gain-seeking tribe of daring adventurers; the proof of which accusation is derived chiefly from the manifest sacrifices, in respect to domestic comfort, for gain’s sake, which their foreign visitors make’ (1825: 43). 117

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taught. They contain two of the three duties inculcated by a heaven-taught writer of the west, ‘Do justly, love mercy, and walk humbly with thy God’. —II. ‘Appendix’ We should not underestimate the invasive power of this informed analysis: nuance, fear and values enter cross-cultural studies in new ways. Hybridity is a legacy of emergent globality. Modern morality is conceived through intercourse with Chinese culture. The problem of translating key Confucian terms is found here, too;120 but new options are now on the table. Poetry, literature and theatre have occupied a unique place over the centuries in Sino-Western cultural exchange. We have seen this before and return to it in Chapters 6 and 7. Texts, their translation and performance, have unique cultural power. Worlds expand and contract when texts are shared. The process of cultural adaptation and intellectual infusion that we have seen in Coleridge (p. 195) gathers pace as Chinese literature becomes better known. A pioneer in this field is the enterprising ballad-collector and sinophile Bishop of Dromore, Thomas Percy (1729–1811). In 1761 Percy published his first translation of the classic late 17th-century Caizi jiaren ᡽ᆀ֣Ӫ (i.e. trad. romance between a poor scholar and a beautiful girl)121 by Mingjiao Zhongren ਽ᮉѝӪ (lit., Man of the Teaching of Names: [n.d.]),122 Haoqiu zhuan ྭ䙁ۣ. Percy’s new work – Hao Kiou Choan, or The Pleasing History – improves an earlier version by the EIC trader James Wilkinson (d. 1736). On the title-page Du Halde is quoted: ‘There is no better means of instruction on China than letting China speak for herself ’ (Minford and Lau 2000: xliii).123 Percy’s aims are cultural, literary and, clearly, moral: for, love and humanity are seen and prized around the world. A year later, he publishes his two-volume Miscellaneous Pieces Relating to the Chinese. Mutual cultural understanding is again his priority. China and Chinese are to be known through literature. Christian virtues can be clarified and confirmed by comparison and translation. Percy’s Reliques of Ancient English Poetry (1765) is also important. Beloved of literary friends Samuel Johnson, and his biographer Boswell, Joseph and Samuel Warton (1722–1800, 1728–90), the English Romantics and the Scottish poet Robert Burns (1759–96), Percy sets English and Chinese literature on a level cultural playing-field. Character, purpose and morality are now illuminated globally. Story is a medium for cross-cultural moralizing; but, as here, moral tales remain just stories unless their point is grasped and their message lived. Cf. Jürgensmeyer and Darrow: ‘There are always difficulties in translating key terms from one language to another, and the problem is particularly difficult here because each Chinese character may have several meanings, or rather, may indicate a range of meanings. Therefore, translators continue to disagree on translations for basic terms in Confucian ethics’ (1991: 197). 121 Usually dated 1683. N.B. Percy was much-translated in the late 18th and 19th centuries. 122 On humanity in the Haoqiu zhuan, Lee, China and Europe, 184; Starr, C. F. (2007), Red-Light Novels of the Late Qing, 40. 123 Fr. ‘Il n’y a pas de meilleur moyen de s’instruire de la Chine, que par la Chine même.’ On Percy and issues of translation, St. André, J. (2000), ‘Modern translation theory and past translation practice: European translations of the Hao qiu zhuan’; Chen, S. (1998d), ‘Thomas Percy and His Chinese Studies’, in Hsia (ed.), Vision of China, 301–24.; Fan, T. C. (1946), ‘Percy’s Hao Kiou Choaan’, 117–25; Watt, J. (2007), ‘Thomas Percy, China, and the Gothic’; also, for recent Chinese interest in Percy, Li, Z. (2018), 㤡഻ᰙᵏ╒ᆨᇦ⒟⪚ᯟg⧰㾯Ⲵ╒䃎⹄ウ [Early English sinologist Thomas Percy’s understanding of and comments on the Chinese language]. N.B. Watt interpreted Dodsley’s issuing of Percy’s Hau kiou choaan as important for two reasons: i. Dodsley had previously published The Oeconomy of Human Life (1750), an influential, non-denominational work on ‘Duties that relate to Man, considered as an individual’; and, ii. Percy’s work offered a way to satisfy society’s craving for chinoiserie and for an exotic, a-religious (Eastern) morality. 120

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After Percy, Morrison’s A View of China deployed two novels, or ሿ䃚 (xiaoshuo), Haoqiu zhuan124 (The Pleasing History; or, The Pleasant Union) and the mid-18th century ‘classic’ by Cao Xueqin ᴩ䴚㣩 (1715/24–63/4), ㌵⁃དྷ Honglu Meng (The Dream of the Red Chamber),125 to catechize in colloquial Chinese.126 Weston translated and published Ly Tang, an Imperial Poem, in Chinese (1809), Fan-hy-cheu: A Tale in Chinese and English (1814), The Conquest of the Miao-tse, an Imperial Poem by Kien-Lung (1815), and A Specimen of Picturesque Poetry in Chinese (1816); while Davis published San-yu-low; or, ‘The Three Dedicated Rooms’ (1815), Laou-seng-urh; or, ‘an Heir in his old age’ (1817), Chinese Novels translated from the originals (1822), and the novels Han Koong Tsew or The Sorrows of Han (1829) and, again, The Fortunate Union: A Romance (2 vols, 1829).127 The way is open for character, purpose and morality to be re-considered in close dialogue with Chinese literature and tradition, and Confucian culture and morality. All kinds of scientific, artistic and intellectual activity follow,128 as old China births the mind and morality of modernity. In time, these off-spring turn against the parent and destroy China’s ancient, familial heritage. Three other marks of changing Western – particularly here, British – attitudes towards China deserve mention for their immediate and lasting impact on our theme. First, we return to Coleridge and Romanticism. To many, Coleridge’s Lyrical Ballads (1798, 2nd edn, 1800) signals the start of the Romantic Movement in the Anglo-phone world.129 As the literary critic and poet Leigh Hunt (1784–1859) wrote glowingly in October 1821: ‘Every lover of books, scholar or not, who knows what it is to have his quarto open against a loaf at his tea . . . ought to be in possession of Mr. Coleridge’s poems, if it is only for Christabel, Kubla Khan, and the Ancient Mariner’ (1821: 666).130

N.B. also transliterated Hao Kiou Choan. On the semi-autobiographical Dream of the Red Mansions (also The Story of the Stone), its reception and interpretation, Hawkes, D. (1973), The Story of the Stone, I. 15–9; Hsia, C. T. (1968), The Classic Chinese Novel, 245–97; Liu, Z. and Y. Shu (2008), Reflections on Dream of the Red Chamber; Plaks, A. H. (1976), Archetype and Allegory in the ‘Dream of the Red Chamber’; Wu, S-C. (1961), On the Red Chamber Dream; Yu, A. (1994), ‘Dream of the Red Chamber’, in B. S. Miller (ed.), Masterworks of Asian Culture, 285–99. 126 To teach different ‘tiers’ in Chinese language, Morrison takes the student from colloquial Chinese and the Shengyu guangxun zhu 㚆䄝ᔓ䁃 (Explanation of the amplified instructions on the Sacred Edict, 1724) through to Classical Chinese (wenyan ᮷䀰) in the Sishu hejiang ഋᴨਸ䅋 (Combined commentary on the Four Books) and the older Qinding wujing chuanshuo Ⅽᇊӄ㏃ۣ䃚 (The Imperial Tradition [or Commentary] on the Five Classics) (1817: 120f.; cf. also, Lehner 2010: 71–92, esp. 80). 127 Davis published his translation of the Haoqiu Zhuan (1829) while working for the EIC in Canton. Tutored in Chinese by Morrison, Davis became President of the Factory in 1832 and Chief Superintendent of Trade with China (fr. 1834–5), before being appointed Governor of Hong Kong in 1844. He resigned as Governor in 1848 after protracted conflict with traders in the colony. Cf. Davis’s translation of the Haoqiu Zhuan and role in ‘Romantic Sinology’ (Kitson 2013: 117f.). On Davis’s evolving perception of China and its relation to early- and mid-Victorian popular and political opinion, Wagner, T. S. (2007), ‘Sketching China and the Self-Portrait of a Post-Romantic Traveller’, in D. Kerr and J. Kuehn (eds), A Century of Travels in China, 13–26. 128 On the impact and use (in 1836) of Marshman’s translation of the Lunyu by American essayist and Transcendentalist, Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803–82), Richardson, R. D., Jr. (1995), Emerson: The Mind on Fire, 218f.; Dolan, N. and L. J. Wey (2015), ‘Emerson and China’, in D. LaRocca and R. Miguel-Alfonso (eds), A Power to Translate the World, 236–48. On China and early 20th-century ‘Modernism’, Chapter 7, passim. 129 On the ‘very complicated origins’ of the Romantic Movement and its character, see the classic discussion in Ford, F. M. ([1938] 1994), The March of Literature, 541f. 130 N.B. Kubla Khan is here, ‘a voice and a vision, an everlasting tune in our mouths, a dream fit for Cambuscan and all his poets, a dance of pictures such as Giotto and Cimabue, revived and re-inspirited, would have made for a Storie of Old Tartarie’. 124 125

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Coleridge’s warm orientalism evokes ‘Regency Sinology’.131 However defined, ‘Romanticism’ plays a key role in Sino-Western cultural exchange. China is creatively re-imagined in Romantic writing, with the Romantics ever-after esteemed in China for their cultural iconoclasm, creative aestheticism, and embrace of ‘Nature’ (albeit in its wild grandeur more than the bridled order of Oriental sharawadgi).132 If we see some differences between Barrow’s ‘exogenous’ (personal) account and Staunton’s ‘endogenous’ (official) report of the ‘Macartney Embassy’, contrasts also exist between well-informed (endogenous) reports on China by missionaries and its imaginative (exogenous) re-construal by the Romantics. Location and now motivation shape perception. Four features of Coleridge’s work illustrate his distinctive views on China and on Christianity. First, amid various Romantic ‘Orientalisms’,133 Coleridge’s is the most potent. In his opiuminduced ‘dream poem’ about Marco Polo in Xanadu, Kubla-Khan – which Coleridge wrote in the year the ‘Macartney Embassy’ failed (1797) and published in 1816134 – we see again Staunton’s weary realism. The 13th-century Mongol becomes a trope for China’s cultural decay (Vallins, Oishi and Perry, 135f.). To Bloom, echoing Barrow’s ‘woeful change of sentiment’ (q. Kitson, 128), in the shadowed romance of Kubla Khan Milton’s ‘paradise’ is demonized and antiquated China’s pitiful malaise depicted (1986: Introduction). Missionary sentiment ran counter to – and skilfully coopted – socio-cultural and political negativity towards China. What secular minds sought to renew, saintly hearts longed to redeem. ‘Nature’ (qua the natural world) – more than sin – is central to Coleridgean Romanticism. The binary reality that he sets out in ‘the soothing love-kindling effect of rural Nature’ and ‘the bad passions of human societies’ ([1794–1804] 1957: I, §1376; q. Class 2012: 117) reflects his respect for the German poet Schiller and his Confucianesque view of natural, moral ‘harmony’ as conformity to heaven’s will.135 To Coleridge, ethics and salvation are derived from lived experience and submission to God. As Andrea Timár (2015) argues, Coleridge reflects a post-Kantian emphasis on ‘free will’, as the power to cultivate good ‘habits’; albeit, in Coleridge’s

Elinor Shaffer believes Coleridge the most profoundly ‘orientalist’ author in his day (1975: 17–143). For translation and reception of Coleridge in China in the 1920s by Malay man of letters Gu Hongming 䗌卫䣈 (1857–1928), poet-critic Zhu Xiang ᵡ⒈ (1904–33), ‘China’s Keats’, and poet-translator Bian Zhiling ঎ѻ⩣ (1910–2000), and, by many other scholars since the 1980s, Guo, F. (2016), ‘A Literature Review of S.T. Coleridge in China and (at) Abroad’. 132 On contrasting views of ‘Nature’, p. 1, 5, 36, 65f., 105, n. 77, 122, 129, 141f., 147f., 153, 161f., 167, 171, 182, n. 292, 196f., 204, 207, 210f., 215, 222, 226, 236. Also, on Western views of Chinese gardens, Rinaldi, B. M. ed. (2016), Ideas of Chinese Gardens: Western Accounts, 1300–1860. 133 Cf. on the various ‘Orientalisms’ of poets and essayists Southey, Shelley, de Quincey and Sir Walter Scott, Leask, N. (1992), British Romantic Writers and the East; Tao, Z. (2009), Drawing the Dragon, 148f.; Vallins, D., K. Oishi and S. Perry, eds (2013), Coleridge, Romanticism and the Orient, 3, 135f. 134 On Coleridge and Kubla Khan, Ashton, R. (1997), The Life of Samuel Taylor Coleridge; Beer, J. (1962), Coleridge the Visionary; Bloom, H. ed. (1986), Samuel Taylor Coleridge; —(1993), The Visionary Company; Burke, K. (1986), ‘ “Kubla Khan”: Proto-Surrealist Poem’, in Bloom (ed.), Coleridge, 33–52; Holmes, R. (1989), Coleridge: Early Visions, 1772–1804; —(1998), Coleridge: Darker Reflections, 1804–1834; Leask, M. (2006), ‘Kubla Khan and orientalism: the road to Xanadu revisited’, in M. O’Neill and M. Sandy (eds), Romanticism: II. 179–98; Milne, F. (1986), ‘Coleridge’s “Kubla Khan”; Perkins, D. (1990), ‘The Imaginative Vision of “Kubla Khan” ’, in J. R. Barth and J. L. Mahoney (eds), Coleridge, Keats, and the Imagination, 97–108; Watson, G. (1966), Coleridge the Poet; Wheeler, K. (1981), The Creative Mind in Coleridge’s Poetry; Yarlott, G. (1967), Coleridge and the Abyssinian Maid. 135 On ‘harmony’ in Schiller and Coleridge, cf. Class, Coleridge and Kantian Ideas, 117. Also, Gordon, T. W. ed. (1994), C. K. Ogden and Linguistics, I. 194f.; and, extending discussion to Hegel, Hamilton, P. (2007), Coleridge and German Philosophy, 62. 131

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case, this became a freedom for addiction to opium.136 In contrast to Marco Polo in Kubla Khan, ‘will’ and ‘desire’ are subject to ‘Nature’.137 But things Chinese are not without merit. In a bittersweet, youthful riposte to a grim poem on the suicide of the seventeen-year-old poet Thomas Chatterton (1752–70; ‘Monody on the Death of Chatterton’), ‘Monody on a Tea-Kettle’, Coleridge praises the muse of ‘Delightful Tea’ and allows her to exegete deep themes of life and death.138 As here, China is a foil for Coleridge’s attitude to character, purpose and morality. Occidental ethics are exegeted by – if not exaggerated through – personal taste and oriental type. Coleridge’s reinvention of China remains a potent cross-cultural cipher (Tao 2009: 148f., 154f.). His life and work, ‘habits’ and ethic, still colour Sino-Western interpretation. We ‘read backwards carefully’ mindful of his poetry and vision. Second, as Kubla Khan indicates, Coleridgean Romanticism celebrates imagination. Contra the rational Utilitarianism of Jeremy Bentham (1748–1832) and the ‘irreligion’ of William Paley’s (1743–1805) ‘Evidentialism’, Coleridge’s poetry, politics, and theology are shot through with creative passion and dynamic symbolism. He knows and nuances Kantian ‘transcendental idealism’, preferring Schelling’s theory of ‘mimesis’139 and poetic theology, and the philosopher-dramatist Gotthold Lessing’s (1729–81) evisceration of ‘history’ (that ‘ugly great ditch’)140 to defend ‘faith’. Texts and ‘symbols’141 become for Coleridge more than ‘objective correlatives’: to the observant, they act like art to reveal truth and morality in evocative, transformative ways. To the consternation of biblical Britain, he recommends the Bible be read ‘as any other book’. When allied to ‘will’, imitation and imagination become in Coleridge’s Aids to Reflection allies of conscience, sources of faith, and conducive of ‘the laws of the whole considered as the one’ (i.e. ethics).142 As he states: ‘Christianity is not a theory, or a speculation; but a life – not a philosophy of life, but a life and a living process’ (Aphorism 7; ibid., I. 233). Dogmatic missionary piety found this disturbing, but it

Coleridge played down the perils of opium, writing on one occasion: ‘[I]t is incomparably better in every respect than beer, wine, spirits, or any fermented liquor, nay, far less pernicious than even tea.’ Adding, on the consumption of tea by his oldest son (David) Hartley (1796–1849) and third child Derwent (1800–83): ‘It is my particular wish that Hartley and Derwent should have as little tea as possible, and always very weak, with more than half milk’ (1956a: 884). Coleridge’s biographer Samuel Levy Bensusan (1872–1958) reckoned Coleridge’s ‘second worst habit’ was his weedling financial dependency on others! 137 N.B. Coleridge’s comment: ‘The will is in an especial and preeminent sense the spiritual part of our humanity’ (1825: 136). Cf. also, Edwards, P. (2009), ‘Coleridge on Politics and Religion’, in F. Burwick (ed.), Oxford Handbook of Samuel Taylor Coleridge, 244f. 138 On this poem, Sandy, S. (2016), Romanticism, Memory, and Mourning, 48. For another playful link between Coleridge and tea, see the 35-scene play by Frederick L. Morey, Tea & Ecstasy: The Life Drama of Samuel Taylor Coleridge: STC (1991). 139 Cf. Burwick, F. (1990), ‘Coleridge and Schelling on Mimesis’, in R. Gravil and M. Lefebure (eds), The Coleridge Connection, 178–99. On Schelling, above p. 194; also, p. 233. 140 Lessing published German orientalist Hermann S. Reimarus’s (1694–1768) famous Wolfenbüttel Fragments, which describe the ‘ugly great ditch’ between history and faith so that, ‘Contingent truths of history can never be proof of the necessary truths of reason’ (Lessing 1875: VI. 241). 141 On Coleridge and symbols, McKusick, J. C. (2002), ‘Symbol’, in L. Newlyn (ed.), Cambridge Companion to Coleridge, 217–30. 142 Cf. The Friend, in Complete Works, 2.144. On Coleridge’s use of Chinese philosophy and ‘New Criticism’ (esp. in I. A. Richards’ [1893–1979] ‘subject/object coalescence’ of ‘Human Nature’ [xing] and the natural world), Reagles, S. L. (2016), ‘The Equivocal Tao of “Nature” ’, in A. E. Hacker Daniels (ed.), Communication and the Global Landscape of Faith, 27–48 (esp. 40f.). 136

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rang true to oriental spiritualities that elevated ‘experience’ over ‘reason’.143 A way to the ‘Christ of faith and morality’ is open.144 Third, if Coleridge ‘reinvented’ China and repositioned ethics, he revisited classical claims for the Bible’s inspiration and authority. Funded by the Wedgwoods for prolonged study in Germany (1797–1800), he read widely in philosophy, theology, philology, ethics and hermeneutics.145 Critical of 18th-century ‘Rationalism’ and circumspect towards Kantian ‘Idealism’, he studied the Scriptures amid new thinking on philology and hermeneutics in Germany and the Anglophone world.146 His ‘Letters on the Inspiration of the Scriptures’ criticize (what Lessing dubs) ‘bibliolatry’ and the new school of German ‘Higher Criticism’. In his Notebooks and Aids to Reflection, he is orthodox and open-minded.147 He compares the Bible with other ancient texts. He studies the role of ‘myth’ and ‘ritual’ in society. He sees the power of ‘story’ in morality. He accepts divine and human ‘inspiration’. He promotes ‘spiritual’ readings of Scripture. Of the scholars he reads,148 he rejects Herder’s claim for the pre-eminence of historical truth;149 he repudiates J. G. Eichhorn’s (1753–1827) reductionism, but accepts his ‘two source’ theory of Genesis and the priority in Israel of ritual and myth;150 he defends the Gospel writers’ integrity against impugning by H. E. G. Paulus (1761–1851) and Schleiermacher;151 and he doubts W. M. L. De Wette’s (1780–1849) denial of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch and its ‘fragmentary’ form. In short, to Coleridge, a reader of the Bible or other ‘Classic’ needs ‘imagination enough to live with his (sic) forefathers’ and a will to reject ‘a work meant for immediate effect on one age with the notions and feelings of another’ (1856: CM II. 969; q. Harding 2009: 464). As in the Analects, Coleridge’s ethics are anthropocentric: humanity is a self-aware moral agent capable of reading reality aright. Aids to Reflection calls for ‘mirroring’ of a ‘manly’ Christ-like character.152 If to pious peers this smacked of Pelagianism, to Coleridge it exemplified mature, Romantic individualism of a kind the Bible commended, and Christian integrity demanded. There is thick varnish here on later readings of the Analects and Gospels: Coleridge’s abiding influence is great. The Kantian and Romantic ‘turn to the self ’ evident in Coleridge bears fruit in his lasting contribution to the new science of ‘hermeneutics’. Careful reading, like responsible living, matters

On the sources and nature of Coleridge’s theology, Harding, A. (2009), ‘Coleridge: Biblical and Classical Literature’, in Burwick, Oxford Handbook of Samuel Taylor Coleridge, 455–72; —(2009), Review: ‘Jeffrey W. Barbeau, Coleridge, The Bible and Religion (2008)’. On Coleridge, imagination and Romanticism, Barth, J. R. (1977), The Symbolic Imagination. 144 Cf. on this late 19th-century ‘Liberal Protestant’ view of Jesus, p. 59, n. 50, 462f. 145 N.B. Leigh Hunt’s comment: ‘In 1798, the late public-spirited “Etrurians”, Josiah and Thomas Wedgewood, enabled Coleridge to finish his studies of men and books in Germany, where he met Wordsworth. . .’ (The Examiner [1821], 665). On the freedom the annuity gave Coleridge for study, and the inter-relationship of Romanticism and business, Fang, K. (2010), Romantic Writing and the Empire of Signs, 55f. 146 On Coleridge and ‘Higher Criticism’, Shaffer, ‘Kubla Khan’, passim. 147 On Coleridge’s biblical hermeneutics, Jasper, D. (2004), Introduction to Hermeneutics, 81–3. 148 Cf. Coleridge’s theological eclecticism evident in the early influence on him of the Non-Conformist Moses Lowman (1680–1752), author of Dissertation on the Civil Government of the Hebrews (1740), the Unitarian Gilbert Wakefield (1756–1801) and the Scottish Catholic Alexander Geddes (1737–1802). 149 On Herder, p. 228f. 150 On Coleridge and Eichhorn (esp. on John’s Gospel), Edwards, P. (2009), ‘Coleridge on Politics and Religion’, 246. 151 On Coleridge and Schleiermacher, Shaffer, E. (1990), ‘The Hermeneutic Community: Coleridge and Schleiermacher’, in Gravil and Lefebure (eds), Coleridge Connection, 200–9. 152 Coleridge claims arete¯ (Gk. virtue) denotes manly qualities (1825: 72, ‘Aphorism XII’). On ‘Cambridge Platonist’ Ralph Cudworth’s (cf. p. 107) influence on Coleridge here, Hedley, D. (2004), Coleridge, Philosophy and Religion, 186f. 143

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to him. However, in his posthumous letters, published by his nephew Henry Nelson Coleridge (1798–1843), The Confessions of an Enquiring Spirit (1840), we find the poet admitting a ‘deep sense of infirmity and manifold imperfection’ and ‘the necessity, of religious support’ (Letter 1, 3; q. Jasper 2004: 82). Through study of the Bible he knows of the God of existential comfort, forgiveness, light and life, who effects in him ‘a consequent reverence for that Light – the image of Himself – which He has kindled in every one of His rational creatures’ (ibid., Advertisement). In other words, to Coleridge, ethics, faith and hermeneutics are inseparable.153 The Bible has an interrogative power: ‘[I]n the Bible there is more that finds me than I have experienced in all other books together’. And again: ‘[T]he words of the Bible find me at greater depths of my being; and whatever finds me brings with it an irresistible evidence of its having proceeded from the Holy Spirit’ (1856: 5.582). Coleridge is at the forefront of existential Biblical hermeneutics, where meaning becomes inseparable from what I read and what I need. Coleridge’s disciples have been myriad: consciously and unconsciously the Analects and Gospels have been read in China and the West in the spirit of his Romantic creativity and ‘Modern’ hermeneutics. Introducing The Global Eighteenth Century (2003), Felicity Nussbaum describes the essays as resituating exposition in ‘a spatially and conceptually expanded paradigm’ (1).154 Coleridge’s use of China fits this model. Likewise, intensification of ‘otherness’ in Western perception and representation of China in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, as corollary to a heightened Enlightenment sense of a public (national) and private (psycho-spiritual) ‘Self ’. Self-differentiation characteristic of adolescence emerges. We can also see this dynamic in Coleridge’s poetic contemporary, William Wordsworth (1770–1850). Three things emerge in Wordsworth’s view of character, purpose and morality that impact our cross-cultural study. First, in contrast to Coleridge, there is a visceral quality to Wordsworth’s orientalism. To heighten intensity, in his posthumous autobiographical magnum opus ‘Poem to Coleridge’ – better known by the title his wife Mary (née Hutchinson, 1802–55) gave it, ‘The Prelude’ – the vicissitudes of the poet’s life are tracked in blank verse. With the self-control of a junzi, the poem is, he emphasizes, ‘the spontaneous overflow of powerful feelings’ (1798: I. xiv). China’s ancient civility and mastery of nature are noted, then disputed, and finally rejected. It is not a society he chooses to ‘inhabit’. We understand the depth of Wordsworth’s feelings towards China when we find his sea-trader brother John drowned when his ship The Earl of Abergavenny sank off ‘The Shambles’ near Portland Bill, Dorset, on 5 February 1805. The ship carried cargo to and from Canton. Wordsworth was heart-broken, his hope of financial security also lost at sea. China, materialism and the EIC are blamed.155 We see now why he described ‘The Prelude’ to his sister Dorothy (1771–1885) as ‘the poem on the growth of my mind’ (q. Abrams 2006: 210). As elsewhere in Romantic poetry, creativity and reason voice feeling, subjective realities assume objective form. Character is etched in texts like lines on a world-weary face. The ‘experimental’ language and incarnational rhetoric of ‘The Prelude’ (and ‘The Excursion’, 1814) provide symbols to convey On this relationship, Haney, D. (2001), The Challenge of Coleridge, passim. N.B. Fulford, T. (2013), The Late Poetry of the Lake Poets, for their sense of ‘place’. 155 On Wordsworth’s perspective on China, in light of his brother’s death, Kitson, P. (2012), ‘The Wordsworths, Opium and China’. Cf. also, the psychological and practical study (and vivid lithograph) of the loss of the Abergavenny in Matlak, R. E. (2003), Deep Distresses: William Wordsworth, John Wordsworth, Sir George Beaumont 1800–1808, 106f. (‘Portrayed on a Tea-tray’). On serving tea, in Wordsworth, as an image of blessed domestic propriety and uncritical imprisonment (e.g. The Triad [1832]), Page, J. W. (2003), ‘Gender and Domesticity’, in S. C. Gill (ed.), Cambridge Companion to Wordsworth, 136f. 153 154

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(and thus control) complexity and mystery in life experience.156 But the well-known can, as with tea here, be lost in mystery. Second, there is an oriental quality to Wordsworth’s depiction of his poetic vocation. His aim to ‘recollect[s] in tranquillity’ (1798: Preface) assumes a neo-Buddhistic aura in his poem ‘Tintern Abbey’ (1798). He writes in a ‘serene and blessed mood’ (line 41), with ‘an eye made quiet by the power/ Of harmony, and the deep power of joy,/ We see into the life of things’ (lines 47–9). This is the way to be, and see into the heart of human existence: the breath of this corporeal frame And even the motion of our human blood Almost suspended, we are laid asleep In body, and become a living soul. —ll. 43–6 With potential to be ‘masters of their universe’, humans are caught betwixt joy and freedom, and what Wordsworth calls ‘The still sad Music of humanity’ (line 91). Though ‘the Child is father of the man’, the dark, evolving mystery of life is caught in the aspic of Wordsworth’s nine line poem ‘My Heart Leaps Up’ (26 March 1802), which was published in 1807 as an epigraph to his ‘Ode: “Intimations of Immortality from Recollections of Early Childhood” ’: ‘Heaven lies about us in our infancy/ shades of the prison house begin to close/ upon the growing boy’ (1807: II. ll. 67–9). As he knew first-hand, life is wrapped in shrouds of sin, death and despair. The simplest of natural signs offer comfort: ‘To me the meanest flower that blows can give/ Thoughts that do often lie too deep for tears’ (ibid., ll. 206–7).157 Depth and purpose in life are hidden gems. Mortality, like maturity, transforms perception. This ‘philosophic mind’ is for him the key to morality (Trilling [1962] 1975: 166). Wordsworth’s intentionality echoes Confucius’s single-minded ethic and sense of vocation. His view of the Irish statesman and political theorist Edmund Burke (1729–97) reflects this. Though critical early in his life, Wordsworth’s Two Addresses to the Freeholders of Westmoreland (1818) now names Burke ‘the most sagacious Politician of his age’, whose prophetic insight ‘time has verified’ (q. Lock 1985: 173). Morality has a public face. Egotism and subjectivism are checked by duty. Integrity, like mortality, has for Wordsworth revelatory moral power. Last, like all the ‘Lake Poet’ Romantics, Wordsworth – the first great Western ‘poet of place’ – engages the natural world. His art is formed in dialogue with his inner self and his physical environment. In tree and stream, rock and mountain, he discerns ‘awesome’ symbols with ‘spiritual’ meaning.158 Paradoxically, perhaps, this pantheistic world is inspired as much by Boyle’s account of ‘the mechanical affections of the parts of matter’ and the operations of vast cosmic ‘laws’ (1772: IV. 98f.),159 as by any 156 On this, Haney, D. P. (1993), William Wordsworth and the Hermeneutics of Incarnation, 143f.; also, Bewell, A. (1989), Wordsworth and the Enlightenment; Chandler, J. (1998), England in 1819, esp. 140–6 (‘Translating Cultures’). 157 On these lines, Blank, G. K. (1995), Wordsworth and Feeling: The Poetry of an Adult Child, 213f. N.B. Wordsworth voices the language of personal and cultural maturation. 158 In 1814 he explicitly denied dependency on Spinoza, and in the 1850 edition of ‘The Prelude’ revised pantheist passages. On Wordsworth’s philosophy and naturalist poetry, Abercrombie, L. (1952), The Art of Wordsworth; Bate, W. J. (1946), From Classic to Romantic; Beach, W. J. (1936), The Concept of Nature in Nineteenth Century English Poetry. 159 Cf. on this, Durrant, G. (1970), Wordsworth and the Great System, esp. 104–6, on the relation between Wordsworth, spirituality and empiricism.

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explicit dependency on oriental philosophy. But it is hard not to associate his poetry with a Confucian – or, perhaps rather more, Neo-Confucian – anthropo-cosmic spirituality.160 Here’s ‘Tintern Abbey’: And I have felt A presence that disturbs me with the joy Of elevated thoughts; a sense sublime Of something for more deeply interfused, Whose dwelling is the light of setting suns, And the round ocean and the living air, And the blue sky and the mind of Man A motion and a spirit, that impels All thinking things, all objects of all thoughts And rolls through all things. —ll. 94–103 As in Berkeley, Wordsworth’s ‘senses’ are freed from ‘innate ideas’ and the constraints of tradition to perceive and engage life in new ways. But, as in Confucius, character, purpose and morality are assayed by conformity to a heavenly presence ‘that disturbs me with joy’.161 Likewise, as Wordsworth’s late admiration for Burke illustrates, sense, vision, aspiration and success are realized, as in the Analects, not in lonely abstraction but in decisive moral action. Wordsworth’s work has had a global impact, not least in 20th-century China.162 Two of his poems were translated by the influential linguist and psychologist Lu Zhiwei 䲨ᘇ䷻ (C. W. Luh, 1894–1970) in 1914. His poem ‘The Solitary Reaper’ appears in the poet Yu Dafu’s 䛱䚄ཛ (1896– 1945) short story Chenlun ⊹␚ (‘Sinking’).163 Leaders of the ‘May 4th Movement’ find in his work inspiration for their ‘New Culture’.164 As Debbie Adams has shown, Wordsworth has had a role in all of China’s 20th-century ‘cultural revolutions’. We read the Analects and Gospels in China and the West through the cultural varnish of his iconoclastic work. Like tea, Wordsworth’s poetry is a unitive, global ‘cultural archetype’. Cf. on Wordsworth and Chinese philosophy, Wyman, M. (1949), ‘Chinese Mysticism and Wordsworth’; Babbitt, I. (1949), Rousseau and Romanticism, 305; Bynner, W. and Kiang, K-h. trans. (1929), T’ang shih san pai shou, The Jade Mountain, xvii; Binyon, L. (1931), Landscape in English Art and Poetry, 145. For a parallel study of Wordsworth’s reception and impact in the East, Ishikura, W. (2006), ‘The Reception and Translation of Wordsworth in Japan’. 161 In contrast to Pope, for whom ‘Anima mundi’ (the spirit of the world) operates in a perfected reality, Wordsworth interprets this natural force as active, invasive, dominant and progressive (Wyman 1949: 517, n. 3). 162 On Wordsworth and China’s environmentalism, Adams, D. (2014), ‘Revolutionary Poets of Place: Wordsworth’s Footprint in Chinese Soil’; Ge, G. L. (1999a), ‘Wordsworth’s reception in China after the founding of PRC’; —(1999b), ‘Wenxue fanyi zhong de wenhua chuancheng – huazihuasi ba shou yishi lunxi’ [Cultural inheritance in literary translation – a critical analysis of eight poems by Wordsworth]; Din, E. (2011), ‘Repositioning William Wordsworth in contemporary China’. Cf. also, Chan, L. T-h. (2010), Readers, Reading and Reception of Translated Fiction in Chinese; Chang, K-i. S. and S. Owen, eds (2010), The Cambridge History of Chinese Literature: II, From 1375, ad loc.; Fan, S (1999), ‘Translation of English Fiction and Drama in Modern China’. 163 On this iconic work, Yu, D. (2007), ‘Sinking’, in J. S. M. Lau and H. Goldblatt (eds), Columbia Anthology of Modern Chinese Literature, 31–55; Denton, K. A. (1992), ‘The Distant Shore: Nationalism in Yu Dafu’s “Sinking” ’. 164 Cf. esp. Wordsworth’s translation and reception by the poet Xu Zhimo ᗀᘇ᪙ (1897–1931), the author, poet, historian, archaeologist and bureaucrat Guo Moruo 䜝⋛㤕 (1892–1978), the popular translator Wu Guangjian Խ‫( ڕݹ‬1860–1943), Zhu Weizhi ᵡ㏝ѻ (1905–99), who wrote on Christianity and literature, and the poet and critic of Western literature (esp. ‘New Criticism’) Yuan Kejia 㺱ਟహ (1921–2008). 160

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Before turning to Enlightenment interpretation of character, purpose and morality in Europe and America, we turn once again to the parliamentarian, social reformer and Christian campaigner, William Wilberforce.165 Two years after Wordsworth’s brother died, Parliament was cajoled by Wilberforce and the abolitionist lobby to approve ‘An Act for the Abolition of the Slave Trade’ (25 March 1807). In September of that year, Morrison landed in Canton. Wilberforce had partfunded Morrison’s Chinese language studies in London. The men kept in touch. They shared a common vision of humanity: all people, of whatever race, creed or colour, were made ‘in the image of God’ (imago Dei), and equally loved by their ‘heavenly Father’. The uniquely Christian concept of agape love – an unconditional divine gift shared by Christians – is not found in Confucianism, but it inspired Morrison and Wilberforce in their mission to save souls and transform societies.166 Before he campaigned against slavery, Wilberforce took on Georgian morality. In 1797, he published his socio-spiritual manifesto, A Practical View of the Prevailing Religious System of Professed Christians in the Higher and Middle Classes in this Country, Contrasted with Real Christianity. The title of the work speaks for itself. It called for spiritual renewal as the key to social transformation. A decade earlier, Wilberforce had persuaded George III to sponsor a ‘Royal Proclamation’ to bolster a parallel initiative by ‘Clapham Sect’ friends, ‘The Proclamation Society’ (1787). Like its 17th-century precursor, the ‘Society for the Reformation of Manners’ (1692), the Society’s aim was to restore honour among aristocrats and engender integrity among the new ‘middle classes’ – and, crucially, thus thwart ‘subversive ideas’ from the French Revolution (Briggs [1959] 2000: 62). Here was ‘Victorianism before Victoria’. Here political, intellectual and cultural revolution faced off against spiritual, moral and social reform. Wilberforce’s work illustrates how effectively popular Biblical religion and homely Victorian piety – expressed in spiritual renewal and social reform – served as a counterpoint to Enlightenment progress and religio-philosophical syncretism. The 19th century is wrongly represented as only an age of progress and revolution. Conservative Christianity was throughout alive and well, reignited by ‘Evangelical Revivals’ and multiple forms of socially plausible philanthropy. Mission societies expressed a new, religiously differentiated sinophilia. In love, Christian mission both united and divided the world. The Analects and Gospels are read in China and the West today in light of the global theology and religious ‘worldview’ (Weltanschauung) – and the Sino-Western coherence and bifurcation these created – of Wilberforce and his pious peers. If Britain’s view of China in the late 18th and early 19th centuries is complex, so, too, is that of aggressively secular Europe and religiously plural America. To these we turn.

CHINA AND THE WEST IN AN AGE OF REVOLUTIONARIES As we saw in Chapter 4, seeds of French and American ‘Revolutions’ are sown in the socio-political and intellectual fervour of the early Enlightenment. Oriental ideas and practices help to water these. By the mid-18th century, better knowledge had raised new doubts about the politics, philosophy and culture of the Qing court. Cynicism has displaced idealism in the minds of Continental philosophes. As in Kant, the original myth of China’s moral perfection is exposed to

On Wilberforce, above p. 134, 182, 200; also, p. 216, 219, 253, 258. On Morrison’s shock at the lack of neighbourliness shown during the great fire of Canton in 1820, Hancock, Morrison, 161–4. On agape and ren, below p. 244f., 248, 252f., 254f. The universality of humanity is a major theme in the sermons Morrison preached on furlough (1823–6); see, A Parting Memorial (1826). On missionary perspectives on China, Kitson, Chapter 3.

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the troubling truth of her cultural ‘otherness’ and political awkwardness. Hopes of a universal, rational ethic are dashed on the rocks of respectful sinology (that appreciates China’s distinctiveness) and restless imperialism (that denies cultural alternatives). As Simon Kow shows, even the ‘subtle engagements’ with China of a Bayle and Montesquieu are shot through with colonial prejudice (2014: 347–58). Old habits die hard. Kant’s irascible servant Wasianski records his master’s fiftyyear, morning tea-ritual out-lasted his ability to read and write: ‘The force of habit was still strong in him’, he says, adding – perhaps from his bitter experience (!) – that in this dawn ritual, Kant ‘could not tolerate anyone’s presence without a mighty upheaval’ (Gulyga 1987: 253). In the ‘clash of cultures’ of China and the West in the late 18th and early 19th centuries – as Kant’s life illustrates – habit and personality are now as decisive as ideas and philosophy. Like economics and diplomacy, Enlightenment ethics are just as much about culture and psychology as faith and facts. Sino-Western comparative ethics highlight this. We see this expressed by Kant’s precursors, contemporaries and heirs. As we study them, we again exaggerate to cut through intellectual and cultural varnish that colours, and discolours, interpretation of the Analects and Gospels. Our primary focus is continental Europe, but we begin with three figures whose British roots were not bound intellectually or geographically. Ideas and impacts are, as we know well, no respecter of human boundaries, their postal address is constantly changing. Reid, Burke and Paine We saw earlier (see above p. 140f.) that the leaders of the early European Enlightenment – Spinoza, Voltaire, Wolff, Leibniz (and his mentor Thomasius), Vico, Le Comte, Diderot, Bayle and Montesquieu – are to different degrees impacted by China and Chinese thought. Taken together, they assist the uncoupling of ethics from revealed religion (Christianity) and the progressive joining of (Revolutionary) thought about human identity with the nature of government, faith and society. Kantian methodology and morality are an intensification of this ‘secularizing’ and ‘socializing’ process. If, as we have seen, Reimarus (aka Lessing) projects this process on a bifurcation of ‘faith’ (subjectivity) and ‘history’ (objective fact), a theologically trained heir to Adam Smith at Glasgow University, Thomas Reid (1710–96), buttresses faith with an appeal (like the more politically inspired Roman historian Cicero [106–43 BCE]) to the sensus communis – that is, contra Hume and Berkeley, to the common-sensical existence of a knowable external world, and thus the moral obligation for a knowing subject to do good. As Founder of the ‘Scottish School of Common Sense’, and a leader of the ‘Scottish Enlightenment’, Reid promotes a ‘realist’ epistemology, placing ‘pragmatic’ emphasis (like Confucius) on personal, socio-moral responsibility.167 Sensible a priorism doesn’t doubt the reality of people or predictable natural processes, nor, as Reid urges, that ‘before men can reason together, they must agree in first principles’ (1822a: I. 358).168 As in Confucius, morality and mutuality co-inhere now in Reid’s measured, practical, moralism: humanity is both

As Covell notes, many early Protestant missionaries to China, who were born and educated in Scotland, drew on Reid’s philosophy and methodology in their Christian-Confucian apologetics (1986: 97f.). On Hegel’s criticism of Confucian moral theory, precisely because it was simply ‘common-sense’, Lee, T. H. C. (2000), Education in Traditional China, 361, n. 519. 168 On Reid’s method, thought, ethics and legacy, Cuneo, T. and R. van Woudenberg, eds. (2004), The Cambridge Companion to Thomas Reid; Davis, W. C. (2006), Thomas Reid’s Ethics; Lehrer, K. (1989), Thomas Reid; Rowe, W. (1991), Thomas Reid on Freedom and Morality; Wolterstorff, N. (2001), Thomas Reid and the Story of Epistemology. 167

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free and accountable in this so-called ‘incompatibilist’ libertarianism.169 Many of the pioneer Protestant missionaries from Scotland exported Reid’s ideas to China. We should not assume this was intentionally aggressive or necessarily unwelcome on arrival. Dubbed Hume’s ‘earliest and fiercest critic’ (Bartholomew and Goheen 2013: 138), Reid published his Inquiry into the Human Mind on the Principles of Common Sense in 1764, his Essays on the Intellectual Powers of Man in 1785, and his Essays on the Active Powers of Man in the year Kant issued his Critique of Practical Reason, 1788. Twelve years his junior (and without reading him!), Kant refuted Reid’s ‘common-sense’ theory, with its distinction between (intuitive, childlike) ‘sensation’ and (more developed, adult) ‘perception’. To Reid, through recovery (as in art) of the innate ‘language of nature’ – and not, as in Locke, through ‘sense’ perception – humanity is able to link ‘sign’ and ‘signified’, and thus establish a secure epistemological foundation for natural philosophy, science and human communication. Kant and J. S. Mill’s (1806–73) criticisms compromised Reid’s standing among his peers. But he was lauded by others, including ‘eclectic’ French educationalist Victor Cousin (1792–1867), ‘pessimistic’ metaphysician Arthur Schopenhauer (1788–1860),170 the ‘pragmatist’ Charles Sanders Peirce (1839–1914), the ‘analytic’ philosopher G. E. Moore (1873–1958), and, later, by American Anglican and Reformed philosophers – such as William Alston (1921–2009), Alvin Plantinga (b. 1932) and Nicholas Wolterstorff (b. 1932) – who invoke Reid to defend the ‘theistic premise’ against the need for exterior validation.171 As we will see in Chapter 7, in his critique of Locke’s understanding of memory in self-consciousness Reid’s metaphysic of ‘human identity’ anticipates Modernist thought. But it is Reid’s common-sense, linguistic view of character, purpose and morality, we note here, for its place in British and American moral theory, and, as we will see, for its resonance with Confucian thought.172 Like Reid, the intellectual reach of the Irish statesman, ‘Old Whig’ MP (1766–94), and political theorist, Edmund Burke (1729–97), extends beyond Britain.173 Burke was clubbable. In London, he associated with leading artists and intellectuals, including Samuel Johnson and Oliver Goldsmith, the painter Joshua Reynolds (1723–92) and the actor David Garrick. Burke was praised as often by political foes as friends. Liberal politician-historian Thomas Macaulay called him, ‘the greatest man since Milton’ (1877: II. 377). Almost a century after his death, the long-serving Liberal Prime Minister, William Gladstone (1809–98), admitted he quarried his works as ‘a magazine of wisdom

Though this is disputed, Reid seems to offer an important alternative in British moral philosophy to the ‘sentimentalism’ of Anthony Ashley-Cooper, 3rd Earl of Shaftesbury (1671–1713), Francis Hutcheson (1694–1746) and Hume, and to the ‘rationalism’ of Clarke, Richard Price (1723–91) and William Wollaston (1766–1828). In England, his legacy was perpetuated by Henry Sidgwick (1838–1900) and his pupil G. E. Moore (1873–1958). 170 N.B. Schopenhauer’s comment: ‘Thomas Reid’s excellent book, Inquiry into the Human Mind . . ., as a corroboration of the Kantian truth in the negative way, affords us a thorough conviction of the inadequacy of the senses for producing the objective perception of things’ ([1819] 1958: II. 20). On Schopenhauer, p. 223, n. 217, 304f. 171 Cf. the new edition of Reid’s ‘Lectures on Natural Theology’ (intro. Wolterstorff), Foster, J. J. S. (2017), Thomas Reid on Religion. On Platinga’s use of Reid’s notion of ‘sympathy’ (and Calvin’s sensus divinitatis) to justify a theistic premise in a Chinese context, Wang, R. R. ed. (2004), Chinese Philosophy in an Era of Globalization, 190. Also, for a Chinese assessment and comparison of Reid’s critique of Adam Smith’s view of ‘sympathy’ and the ‘passions’ with the Analects, Zhang, W-B. (2000), On Adam Smith and Confucius, 71f. 172 N.B. his Confucianesque balancing of ‘Nature’ and reason in education ([1819] 1872: I. 201f.). Also, the justification Scottish ‘realist philosophy’ afforded mid-19th and early 20th-century missionary apologists in China (Covell 1986: 97f.). 173 N.B. in contrast to the ‘New Whig’ Party, led by the larger-than-life figure, Charles James Fox, MP (1749–1806). ‘New Whigs’ supported the political radicalism – if not the anarchic brutality – of the French Revolution. On Burke and the ‘Old Whigs’, Raeder, L. C. (2006), ‘Edmund Burke: Old Whig’. 169

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on Ireland and America’ (Morley 1903: III. 280). In his own day, though opposed to his sociopolitical conservatism, Hazlitt admitted that he tested ‘the sense and candour of anyone belonging to the opposite party’, by ‘whether he allowed Burke to be a great man’ (Lock: 175). Burke’s humanity and insight were lauded as loudly and often as his principled passion, political acuity and literary skill. Though initially hesitant, Coleridge and Wordsworth both came to respect Burke, the former praising him for holding ‘habitually to principles’ and, as such, being ‘a scientific statesman’ and ‘a seer’ (ibid., 174). The ‘New Whig’ Lord Chancellor, Lord Brougham (1778–1868), and the Tory Prime Minister, George Canning (1770–1827), also glimpsed Burke’s foresight. Perhaps grudgingly, Canning sees Reflections on the French Revolution (1790) ‘justified by the course of subsequent events’ (q. Claeys 2000: 50).174 Burke was politically conservative and religiously a ‘High Church’ Anglican. In him, the spirit of Christus Regnans co-habits comfortably with a Confucius redivivus. In ‘Reform Era’ China (late 1980s and 1990s), Burke became the doyen of ‘New Conservatism’ (ᯠ‫؍‬ᆸѫ㗙),175 for legitimating evolutionary reform, but not Tiananmenstyle revolution. His generous magnanimity attracted many. Three things in Burke that relate to this chapter’s theme warrant brief comment. First, though the historian and parliamentarian Edward Gibbon called Burke ‘the most eloquent and rational madman that I ever knew’ (Prothero 1896: 251), he admitted, ‘I adore his chivalry’ (Lock: II. 300). In Burke, as in Wilberforce, private (religious and moral) ‘habits’ inspire public action: in both, ancient tradition and inherited ‘manners’ matter. In the famous split between Burke and his longstanding Whig colleague Fox, over Burke’s critical Reflections on the French Revolution (1790), Fox said Burke’s denial of the metaphysical ‘Rights of Men’ – associated historically with the ‘Glorious Revolution’ of 1688, and more recently with a sermon delivered to the new London ‘Revolution Society’ (founded in 1788), ‘A Discourse on the love of our country’ (4 November 1789), by the Non-Conformist moral philosopher Dr. Richard Price (1723–91)176 – was ‘in very bad taste’ (q. Mitchell [1971] 1997: 113).177 For his part, Burke grounded defence of the ‘divine right of kings’, and his confidence in ‘the general bank and capital of nations, and of ages’, not in private judgement ([1790] 2001: 251f.), but on what he calls ‘prejudice’ – that is, pre-determined opinion. He explains: ‘Prejudice is of ready application in the emergency; it previously engages the mind in a steady course of wisdom and virtue and does not leave the man hesitating in the moment of decision, skeptical, puzzled, and unresolved’ (ibid.). He adds, invoking moral ‘habits’: ‘Prejudice renders a man’s virtue his habit’ (ibid.). Classical Confucianism concurs. But we also hear Confucius in Burke’s invocation of ‘our antient indisputable laws and liberties’, and ‘antient constitution of government which is our only security for law and liberty’ (ibid.).178 This is the basis for his rejection of Hobbes’s ‘social contract’, which had gained considerable traction in revolutionary France. In its place Burke proposed ‘a partnership not only between those who are living, but between those who 174 N.B. Burke’s Observations on a Late State of the Nation – a response to Whig MP (later Prime Minister) George Grenville’s (1712–70) The Present State of the Nation (1769) – had earlier predicted ‘some extraordinary convulsion’ in France because of its ‘whole (economic) system’ (Lock: I. 262). 175 Translated sometimes ‘Neoconservatism’. Cf. Fewsmith, J. (1995), ‘Neoconservatism and the End of the Dengist Era’. 176 The sermon was the firing gun for the pamphlet-based ‘Revolution Controversy’ in Britain (between proponents and opponents of the French Revolution). 177 On Burke and Price, Faulkner, J. (1997), ‘Burke’s Perception of Richard Price’, in L. P. Crafton (ed.), The French Revolution Debate in English Literature and Culture, 1–25. 178 On the theme, and problem, of Burke’s notion of the ‘antient constitution’, Pocock, J. G. A. (1960), ‘Burke and the Ancient Constitution–A Problem in the History of Ideas’.

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are living, those who are dead, and those who are to be born’ (ibid., 261). We hear echoes, too, of concentric spheres of Confucian obligation in Burke’s imagery of society as a ‘platoon’: ‘To be attached to the subdivision, to love the little platoon we belong to in society is the first principle (the germ as it were) of public affections. It is the first link in the series by which we proceed toward a love to our country and to mankind’ (ibid., 202).179 As in Chapter 4, if a ‘contempt’ for China’s desiccated despotism drove some to the French revolutionaries’ call for ‘égalité’, Burke turned Confucian morality and order against Parisian barbarity and anarchy. To him, good order is to be preserved at all costs. Confucian ‘balance’ enters the life-blood of trans-Atlantic political and social conservatism through Burke (Heywood [1992] 2003: 74).180 The Analects and Gospels are read in light refracted by Burke’s view of the socio-political power of virtuous ‘habit’, time-honoured tradition and relational obligations. Second, as we saw previously (and will revert to shortly), Confucius perceived what Burke practised, namely, the critical role ‘character’ plays in life, leadership and government. Burke’s legacy derives from his humanity as much as his political theory. Though indicting the ‘excesses of an irrational, unprincipled . . . ferocious, bloody and tyrannical democracy’ in atheistic, revolutionary France (Lock, 66f.), Burke’s Speech to the Electors at Bristol (1774) is a humane defence of ‘representative’ government, when diligent officers discharge their divine ‘trust’ with integrity and (first-hand) knowledge. Hence, Britain’s war-time Prime Minister Winston Churchill (1874–1965) saw Burke as ‘a foremost apostle of Liberty’ and ‘the redoubtable champion of Authority’ ([1932] 1990: 24). In his quest for a just and free society, Burke promoted Irish interests and campaigned for ‘Catholic Emancipation’ (from legal inequalities). He took on the EIC and, in 1786, pursued the (finally unsuccessful)181 impeachment of Warren Hastings (1732–1818), first Governor-General of Bengal,182 for ‘High Crimes and Misdemeanours’. The charge was wanton abuse of India’s people and resources. This stood in stark contrast to what he calls, in his speech ‘The Nabob of Arcot’s Debts’ (28 February) – echoing Confucius – ‘the ambition of an insatiable benevolence’ (q. McCue 1997: 155) in the careful water-management of the native rulers of the South Indian Carnatic region.183 In other words, Burke was contentiously a conditional nationalist. He was pro-Irish and pro-Indian, and, even more provocatively, pro-appeasement with the American colonies, whose complaints he accepted. In a speech ‘On American Taxation’ (19 April 1774), during a debate on duty on tea, he rejected metaphysical argument in favour of ancient practice, saying, simply, American ‘slavery’ weakened British sovereignty. ‘Again and again’, he cried, ‘revert

On this, Stanlis, P. ([1958] 2017), Edmund Burke and the Natural Law, 100f.; Botting, E. H. (2006), Family Feuds, 70f. On Burke’s organic, and aesthetic, sense of ‘civil society’ (‘art is man’s nature’), Corlett, W. (1989), Community Without Unity, 128. 180 Burke gained a new American following through Russell Kirk’s (often republished), The Conservative Mind: From Burke to Santayana (1953). On American ambivalence to Burke, Spencer, M. G. (2017), ‘The Paradoxes of Edmund Burke’s Reception in America, 1757–1790’, in M. Fitzpatrick and P. Jones (eds), The Reception of Edmund Burke in Europe, 39–54. For a recent study of Burke and conservatism, Jones, E. (2017), Edmund Burke and the Invention of Modern Conservatism, 1830–1914. 181 The Impeachment trial began on 13 February 1788. It was as much a social event as legal dispute. Though the House of Commons found Hastings guilty, the House of Lords reversed the decision on 23 April 1795. 182 On the EIC and trial of Warren Hastings, effectively the first British Governor of India, Lawson, P. (2014), The East India Company: A History; Marshall, P. J. (1965), The Impeachment of Warren Hastings. 183 The S. Indian Carnatic region was in the Madras Presidency. It lies in the modern states of Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, northeastern Kerala and southern Andhra Pradesh. 179

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to your old principles – seek peace and ensue it; leave America, if she has taxable matter in her, to tax herself ’ (q. Prior [1826] 1854: 142).184 This humanity and utilitarian ‘naturalism’ are evident from Burke’s first treatise, A Vindication of Natural Society (1756), through his Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs (3 August 1791), to his last Letters on a Regicide Peace (October 1796).185 Of ‘American Independence’, he simply said: ‘I do not know how to wish success to those whose Victory is to separate from us a large and noble part of our Empire. Still less do I wish success to injustice, oppression and absurdity’ (Lock: I. 399). Armitage is right, though: whether Burke is ‘a realist or an idealist, Rationalist or a Revolutionist’ is unclear (2000: 619).186 That he contributed to, and was critical of, the revolutionary spirit of his age, is self-evident. As in Confucius, ‘duty’, habit, propriety and conformity of life to ‘natural processes’ are, for Burke, priorities. His ideas have entered the DNA of trans-Atlantic culture. We read the Analects and Gospels ‘on the far side’ of Burke’s principled, political conservatism and humane perspective on life. Third, as noted in passing, Burke’s thought is conditioned by religion and aesthetics. His views on politics, philosophy, faith, and society, are determined as much by taste as truth. He rejects atheism and Deism because (unlike Christianity) they are inconsistent with what the French diplomat, historian and social theorist, Alexis de Tocqueville (1805–59) later calls Britain’s ‘habits of heart and mind’ (Letter to de Courcelle, 17 September 1853; q. Hawkins 2015: 1). In essays written between 1750 and 1754 – ‘Religion of No Efficacy Considered as a State Engine’ and ‘Religion’ – and in his early treatise A Vindication of Natural Society (1756), Burke rejects rationalist atheism and deistic reductionism, but commends Christianity with its authoritative divine revelation (to which citizens are accountable) and fair and natural expression of reason and emotion (which produces joy and freedom).187 So, targeting the sinophile Deist Bolingbroke, he says:188 ‘The writers against religion, whilst they oppose every system, are wisely careful never to set up any of their own’ ([1756] 1860: I. xii.).189 Burke was always more interested in religion’s civilizing effects than demystifying its doctrines. He is, as Ian Harris argues, an advocate for ‘the social benefits of Christianity, rather than its truth’ (2012: 103). In pragmatic terms (echoed by the PRC government in the 1980s and 1990s) religion per se assists ‘the cohesion and improvement of society’ and is a moral means of socio-political harmony (ibid.). The practical, aesthetic categories Burke adduces are again reminiscent of Confucius. In his teenage work, A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful

Burke’s use of the phrase ‘seek peace and ensue/pursue it’ is a classic example of British biblicism at the time. He could assume members of the House of Commons would hear the echoing of Ps. 34.14 and 1 Pet. 3.11. 185 N.B. Burke’s argument in his ‘Second Letter’ against appeasement with France in 1796: ‘Individuality is left out of their scheme of government. The State is all in all.’ This has been seen as the first visualization of a ‘totalitarian’ regime. 186 Cf. also, Bourke, B. (2015), Empire and Revolution: The Political Life of Edmund Burke. 187 On Burke’s ‘High Church’ Anglican Christianity and fear of the destructive atheism in France, Aston, N. (1997), ‘A “lay divine”: Burke, Christianity, and the Preservation of the British State’, in N. Aston (ed.), John McManners: Man and Historian, 185–211; Dreyer, F. (1976), ‘Burke’s Religion’; Lambert, E. (1994), ‘Edmund Burke’s Religion’. 188 On Bolingbroke, above p. 164, 168, 171. 189 N.B. Burke’s Vindication of Natural Society says this about China: ‘A Man is allowed sufficient freedom of thought, provided he knows how to chuse (sic) his subject properly. You may criticize freely upon the Chinese constitution and observe with as much severity as you please upon the absurd tricks, or destructive bigotry of the bonzees. But the scene is changed as you come homeward, and atheism or treason may be the names given in Britain, to what would be reason and truth if asserted of China’ ([1756] 1869–72: I. 36). 184

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(1757), which introduced Diderot and Kant to Burke, he developed his ideas on ‘sublimity’.190 This is his only extended work of philosophy. His use and interpretation of the ‘sublime’ is much-criticized later, but the aesthetic nature of his political theory, and moral practice, is consistent.191 He enfranchises the ‘sublime’ socio-politically. Like Confucius, he configures responsible individualism as (moral) ‘beauty’, political harmony and social ‘propriety’.192 Here too, happiness is through conformity to Heaven. Like Wilberforce, Burke pre-empts what the historian Henry Hallam (1777–1859) calls ‘the most beautiful phenomenon’, Victorian Britain (1818: II. 255), an opinion today more controversial – not least for its colonial confidence – than when penned. Burke took issue with another of Kant’s contemporaries, the English-born American revolutionary Thomas Paine (1737–1809). Paine’s pamphlets The American Crisis (1776–83) and Common Sense (1776) played an incendiary role in igniting the American revolution. To some, indeed, Paine is the ‘Father of the American Revolution’.193 As first Vice-President (1789–97) and second US President (1797–1801), John Adams (1735–1826), said of the latter: ‘Without the pen of the author of Common Sense, the sword of Washington would have been raised in vain’ (Butterfield 1951: I. 78; q. Finkelman and Lesh 2008: I. 121). Since he also described Common Sense in a letter to Jefferson (22 June 1819) as ‘malicious, short-sighted and crapulous’, we may surmise he was not Paine’s keenest fan (Adams 1811–25: 10.380)! Paine was based in France through much of the 1790s. His Rights of Man (1791) repudiates Burke’s account of events, with its denunciation of violence and disorder, and conservative opinion of humanity’s moral ‘habits’, societal debts, and duty to honour the ‘rights’ of kings and an ‘antient constitution’. Paine bases his case, as in The Age of Reason (1793–4), on an Enlightenment appeal to humanity’s innate, rational capacity to adjudicate morality, and to build a society on equality and universal ‘Human Rights’. In his Agrarian Justice (1796), he radicalizes Locke (and Rousseau),194 and indicts economic and class exploitation as social evils a Revolution justly condemns. Political theory recognizes in Paine a radical voice that changed his world, and ours.195 Like Confucius, he saw morality and the creation of a vital community as a human responsibility – but he did not lift his eyes to Heaven for help. We cannot linger on Paine’s indictment by Burke for seditious libel (1792), nor on the details of The Age of Reason, with its free spirit and fiery denial of religious institutions, that led future (5th) President James Munroe (1758–1831) to procure Paine’s release and secure his passage back to the

On Burke and the ‘sublime’, Doran, R. (2015), ‘Burke: Sublime Individualism’, in The Theory of the Sublime, 141–70. On the ‘sublime’ and ‘sublimity’, above p. 101, 157, 160f., 193, 197, 212. 191 Cf. Carson, C. (2017), The Aesthetics of Democracy: Eighteenth-Century Literature and Political Economy, 47f.; Gibbons, L. (2003), Edmund Burke and Ireland: Aesthetics, Politics and the Colonial Sublime; White, S. K. ([1994] 2002), Edmund Burke: Modernity, Politics and Aesthetics. N.B. this recent connection with Chinese thought, Zheng, Y. (2010), From Burke and Wordsworth to the Modern Sublime in Chinese Literature, 16f. 192 On Burke’s intellectual development, Bromwich, D. (2014), The Intellectual Life of Edmund Burke: From the Sublime and Beautiful to American Independence. 193 On Paine, Braff, D. (2009), ‘Forgotten Founding Father: The Impact of Thomas Paine’, in J. Chumbley and L. Zonneveld (eds), Thomas Paine: In Search of the Common Good, 39–43; Kostyal, K. M. (2014), Founding Fathers, Ch. 2. N.B. for the first time, Paine’s Common Sense distinguishes between ‘government’ (to curb evil) and ‘society’ (to nurture happiness). 194 On Rousseau, p. 221f. 195 On Paine’s affirmation of human (N.B. not divine) ‘authorities’ to make political and moral decisions, Davidson, E. H. and W. J. Scheick (1994), Paine, Scripture, and Authority. 190

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United States in 1802.196 We must emphasize, though, Paine’s place in Western social and political consciousness. The Modern ideal of ‘Human Rights’ – based on ‘natural law’ and human justice (i.e. without reference to Christian faith and tradition) – is traceable to his ideas.197 He contributes much to discussion of nationhood. Unsurprisingly, Paine put Confucius and Confucian morality on a par with Jesus and Greek philosophy.198 He states: ‘As a book of morals there are several parts of the New Testament that are good, but they are no other than what had been preached in the Eastern world a hundred years before Christ was born’ (Foner 1944–5: II.805). And, again: the Chinese are ‘a people of mild manners and of good morals’ (ibid., II. 737). Paine is not alone in his enthusiasm for Confucius and Chinese culture.199 The ‘Founding Fathers’ of the United States of America Benjamin Franklin (1706–90), Thomas Jefferson (1743–1826),200 John Adams (1735–1826), and Benjamin Rush (1746–1813), all know and congratulate Confucian morality and Chinese culture publicly.201 To Benjamin Franklin: ‘The Chinese are an enlightened people, the most antiently civilized of any existing, and their arts are antient, a presumption in their favour’ ([1785]; q. Wang, D., 2010). He lauds John Wesley’s colleague George Whitefield (1714–70), the Anglican chaplain and evangelist to the American colonies, for imitating Confucius, who, ‘when he saw his country sunk in vice, and wickedness of all kinds triumphant’ opted to go ‘first to the grandees . . . won them to the cause of virtue’ and ‘the commons followed in multitudes’.202 In this ‘New World’, tea and porcelain from China are found to be as popular as in ‘Old World’ Europe. Tea is an ‘established custom’.203 One Swedish traveller records ‘. . . hardly a farmer’s wife or a poor woman . . . does not drink tea in the morning’ (q. Wang, D., 2018: 4). So, Payne and his fiery anti-colonialists took a beloved beverage and turned it into that revolutionary symbol in Boston Harbour.204 Knowingly or 196 On Paine, his peers, and his role in the Revolutions in America and France, Aldridge, O. A. (1959), Man of Reason: The Life of Thomas Paine; —(1984), Thomas Paine’s American Ideology; Bailyn, B. ed. (1990), Faces of Revolution; Butler, B. ed. (1984), Burke, Paine and Godwin and the Revolution Controversy; Claeys, G. ([1989] 2017), Thomas Paine, Social and Political Thought; Clemit, P. ed. (2013), The Cambridge Companion to British Literature of the French Revolution in the 1790s; Conway, M. D. (1892), The Life of Thomas Paine; Foner, E. (1976), Tom Paine and Revolutionary America; —ed. (1944–5), The Complete Writings of Thomas Paine; Hawke, D. F. (1974), Paine; Hitchens, C. (2007), Thomas Paine’s ‘Rights of Man’; Kates, G. (1989), ‘From Liberalism to Radicalism: Tom Paine’s Rights of Man’; Keane, J. (1995), Tom Paine: A Political Life; Larkin, E. (2005), Thomas Paine and the Literature of Revolution; Levin, Y. (2013), The Great Debate: Edmund Burke, Thomas Paine, and the Birth of Right and Left; Nelson, C. (2006), Thomas Paine: Enlightenment, Revolution, and the Birth of Modern Nations; Solinger, J. D. (2010), ‘Thomas Paine’s Continental Mind’; Vincent, B. (2005), The Transatlantic Republican: Thomas Paine and the age of revolutions; Whatmore, R. (2000), ‘“A gigantic manliness”: Thomas Paine’s Republicanism in the 1790s’, in S. Collini, R. Whatmore and B. Young (eds), Economy, Polity and Society: British Intellectual History, 1750–1950, 135–57. 197 For a defence of Paine as not politically light-weight, Lamb, R. (2015), Thomas Paine and the Idea of Human Rights. N.B. Lamb maintains Paine developed ‘a liberal theory of Human Rights’, that is ‘historically and philosophically distinct and should be regarded as theoretical progenitor of our most familiar understanding of the idea’ (3). 198 On Paine, Confucius and the American ‘Founding Fathers’, Wang, D. (2014), ‘Confucius in the American Founding’; Chang, G. H. (2015), Fateful Ties, ad loc.; Zhang, W. (2018), China Through American Eyes, xxiif. 199 On China in the American Enlightenment, Aldridge, A. O. (1993), The Dragon and the Eagle; Isaacs, H. R. (1958), Scratches on Our Minds: American Images of China and India. 200 N.B. the impact of Confucius on Jefferson (Creel 1951: 275). 201 Jefferson cites him in his 1801 Inaugural Address (Whitman 1884: 65–7). Cf. also, Wang, D. (2009), ‘Benjamin Franklin, George Washington, Thomas Jefferson and Chinese Civilization’; —(2005), ‘Benjamin Franklin and China’; Franklin, B. (1738), ‘From the Morals of Confucius’, Pennsylvania Gazette (28 February to 7 March). 202 Cf. Letter from Benjamin Franklin to George Whitefield, Philadelphia (6 July 1749); repr. from The Evangelical Magazine XI (1803), 27f. 203 Porcelain was in Albany by 1662 (Howard 1984: 61). 204 On the history of US-China trading relations, May, E. R. and J. K. Fairbank, eds (1986), America’s China Trade in Historical Perspective. Also, on this incident, Durant, W. and A. Durant ([1963] 2011), The Story of Civilization, X. 674.

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unknowingly, character, purpose and morality in the Analects and Gospels are read today through the lens of Paine’s revolutionary ideas and the new role they gave to tea.205 Rousseau, Herder, Hegel and Schleiermacher Four of Kant’s European contemporaries warrant study before we turn to what the Analects and Gospels say of character, purpose and morality. In these four – and the socio-political and intellectual world they inhabit – we again find hermeneutic hues that continue to colour Sino-Western interpretation of our ‘Classic’ texts. The material is complex. Care is needed. We are watching Europe learn a new language, acquire new categories to interpret life, and develop a new capacity for cultural self-differentiation that projects a new ‘otherness’ onto old China. What Europe learned it sent back to China with profound ramifications there. First, we return to the story of French Enlightenment ethics, and its relation to China and Confucianism, in the work of Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712–78), ‘Citizen of Geneva’.206 If Montesquieu and the ‘Hero of Two Worlds’ (Gilbert du Motier, Marquis de), Lafayette (1757– 1834), famously impacted the French and the American Revolutions,207 Rousseau’s thought is also foundational for both. We might say much of this sad, complex, mobile, conflicted life, and the many individuals and intellectual issues connected to it. Rousseau was, as his biographer Leo Damrosch says, a ‘restless genius’,208 the spider who weaves a revolutionary web that entraps hearts and minds in Europe and the Americas in the late 18th and early 19th century. Like Kant, Rousseau’s impact on Enlightenment ethics is immense; the range and style of his writing again attracting praise and blame in equal measure. China interests him from a young age. His major works are coterminous with, and contribute to, Europe’s shift from ‘Sinophilia’ to ‘Sinophobia’. We review his work here chronologically to register his cumulative impact on Sino-Western reading of the Analects and Gospels.209 First, the timing and content of Rousseau’s First and Second Discourse, On the Moral Effects of the Arts and Sciences (1750) and his On the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men (1755), are both significant. As George Havens argues, Rousseau was familiar with the ‘philosophic’ penchant for China in the first half of the eighteenth century (1978: 194 n. 122, 124–5).210 The troubled childhood Rousseau records in his posthumous Confessions (1769, 1782) was followed by an intentional programme of self-education.211 Torn continually, it seems, between tragedy, love,

For Chinese reception of Paine, e.g. Zhu, X. (2003), ‘For a Chinese Liberalism’, in Wang, C. (ed.), One China, Many Paths, 90f. 206 In his books, Rousseau habitually styled himself, ‘Citizen of Geneva’. He was (at times provocatively) proud of his family’s centuries-old Genevan roots. As Protestants, his family had fled to Geneva to escape persecution in mid-16th century Catholic France. 207 On trans-Atlantic affinities, Lutz, D. (1984), ‘The Relative Influence of European Writers on Late Eighteenth-Century American Political Thought’; Spurlin, P. M. (1941), Montesquieu in America; Gottschalk, L. (1950), Lafayette: Between the American and the French Revolution; Kramer, L. (1996), Lafayette in Two Worlds; Loveland, A. (1971), Emblem of Liberty: The Image of Lafayette in the American Mind; Payan, G. (2002), Marquis de Lafayette: French Hero of the American Revolution. 208 Cf. Damrosch, L. (2005), Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Restless Genius. On his relationships, Kelly, C. and E. Grace, eds (2009), Rousseau on Women, Love, and Family. 209 For introductions, Riley, P. (2001), ‘Life and Works of Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712–1778), in P. Riley (ed.), Cambridge Companion to Rousseau, 1–7; Kelly, G. A. (2001), ‘A General Overview’, idem., 8–56. 210 Cf. Cook, G. A. (2002), ‘China in the Philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau’. 211 On Rousseau’s reading and exposure to information on China, Kelly, C. (2003), Rousseau as Author, 144f. 205

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fantasy and fear, in his twenties Rousseau wrote a ‘Universal Chronology’, based on the eminent French Jesuit theologian Denis Pétau’s, SJ (1583–1652), Abrégé chronologique de l’histoire universelle sacrée et profane (1682).212 Petau offers an early Jesuit view of China. In the 1730s, Rousseau read Bayle, Leibniz, Malebranche and Locke assiduously, in all of whom China and Confucian thought play a pivotal role. In the 1740s, when tutoring the teenage son of the wealthy Dupin family (owners of the beautiful Château Chenonceaux), Rousseau took a chemistry course and read more history on China.213 Music (as always) occupied much time. Drawn to China, Rousseau helped the Dupins write three refutations of Montesquieu and his Spirit of the Laws (1748) – with its many references to, and criticisms of, Chinese culture and society214 – that served to refine Rousseau’s social, political, cultural and religious ideas (Kelly, C., 2013: 21f.). We do not know or understand Rousseau apart from China. In this, as in many things, he swam against strong tidal norms. Rousseau’s First Discourse was written against the backcloth of burgeoning, mid-century, deistic sinophilia. His inherited Genevan Calvinism is challenged. He follows his deistic patroness (and lover) Mme. Françoise-Louise de Warens (née de la Tour du Pil: 1699–1762) into the Church of Rome. Moving to Paris, he is befriended by Diderot, D’Alembert and other associates of the Encyclopedia. He is always in need of money. He rejects (pro tem) his pessimistic Genevan Calvinist perspective on humanity as ‘miserable sinners, born in corruption, inclined to evil, (and) incapable [of ourselves] of doing good’ (q. Damrosch, 121), in favour of a generous Catholic, Confucian, and deistic view of humanity’s innate goodness. The Discourse – entered for an essay competition organized by the Académie de Dijon – absolved humanity and indicted the arts and sciences for societal evil. The Second Discourse (another competition essay for the Académie de Dijon) expands on the character, purpose and morality of human life. Written back in Geneva, after he had broken with Mme. De Warens (and with Diderot) and returned to the Calvinist fold, the work considers the causes of, and justification for, ‘inequality’. In four-parts, the Second Discourse examines humanity in a so-called ‘state of nature’. In this aboriginal state, man is, to Rousseau, an isolated, self-interested ‘savage’, fixated on ‘food, a female, and sleep’ ([1755] 1992: 55). ‘Physical’ inequalities infect this natural state, but a noble ‘savage’ still feels sympathy215 for suffering, learns by observation (‘perfectibility’) and (with ‘freedom’) conquers desire and the fear of death. Unlike Hobbes – who effectively conflates ‘civil society’ and the ‘state of nature’ – Rousseau presents ‘civil society’ alive with ‘moral’ inequality caused by ‘property’ and perverted self-interest. As he says: ‘The first person who, having enclosed a plot of land, took it into his head to say this is mine and found people simple enough to believe him, was the true founder of civil society’ (ibid., 44). Property and taxation – especially by wealthy aristocrats – were becoming sensitive issues. If Like Herder, Hegel, the English composer Charles Burney (1726–1814), the German musicologist and composer Johann Forkel (1749–1818), and the music critic Adolf Marx (1795–1866), Rousseau developed theories of Chinese soundscapes (associated with language, literature, music and ritual) to defend the notion of ‘universal history’. As noted in relation to Beethoven (above p. 197), music (like porcelain and tea) creates global ‘cultural archetypes’ that support a ‘One World’ cultural and historical meta-narrative. Cf. on Sino-Western musicology: https://www.southampton.ac.uk/music/research/ projects/listening-to-china-sound-and-the-sino-western-encounter 1770 – 1839 (accessed 9 May 2018). 213 A seemingly despairing Rousseau described the 13-year-old Jacques-Armand Dupin on one occasion as ‘one of the worst pupils one could possibly find’ (Damrosch 2005: 166)! 214 On Montesquieu, p. 138, n. 34. 215 On ‘sympathy’ in 18th- and 19th-century Britain and Europe, Fairclough, M. (2013), The Romantic Crowd: Sympathy, Controversy and Print Culture, esp. 21–124. 212

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Rousseau’s First Discourse brought fame, the Second – combined with his own angularity – brought notoriety. We feel Rousseau’s angst. Life is still read through the prism of his pain. The Confucianesque character of his rhetoric conditions much social commentary and moral discourse in China and the West. The fracturing of Rousseau’s relationship with Diderot and the Encyclopedists freed him from his youthful dependency on the past and aroused a new independence of thought.216 His contribution to nascent Romanticism and contemporary ‘Revolutions’ becomes clearer. The three works Rousseau produced in the early 1760s warrant particular attention. Julie, ou la nouvelle Héloïse (1761), Émile, ou De L’Éducation (1762a), and Du Contract Social (1762b) enrich our study of character, purpose and morality in a number of important ways. Rousseau’s 800-page Bildungsroman, Julie, is an epistolary novel based on the tragic love-affair of Parisian philosopher, theologian and logician Peter Abelard (1079–1142) and his gifted student Héloïse d’Argenteuil (c. 1090/1100–64), the ward of a tough uncle, Fulbert, a secular canon. The original (true) story – full of secrecy, fame, pregnancy, forced marriage, castration, and the starcrossed lovers’ flight into ‘religious’ communities – captivated medieval minds. Rousseau’s work was a best-seller.217 Set against the backcloth of Alpine beauty, Julie played a key role in encouraging the ‘sentimentalism’ and naturalism of later Romanticism;218 the first edition being evocatively entitled, Lettres de deux amants, habitants d’une petite ville au pied des Alpes (Letters from two lovers living in a small town at the foot of the Alps). The intense spiritual realism in the hero SaintPreux’s purgation in ‘pure and subtle’ mountain air, and the explicit link made between the body and ‘sensitive soul’ of his beloved Julie (d’Etange), entranced Enlightenment Europe.219 Women and men swooned at Julie’s bitter suicide.220 One emotional reader wrote: ‘I dare not tell you the effect it made on me. . . . A sharp pain convulsed me. My heart was crushed. Julie dying was no longer an unknown person. I believed I was her sister, her friend, her Claire’ (q. Darnton 1984: 242). Here is more than pre-Romantic sentimentalism. Rousseau’s work effectively reconfigures ‘character’ and ‘morality’ through dialogue between physicality and sentiment. The book’s innate iconoclasm resonated with now openly secular (and atheistic) elements in Western culture. Wolmar221 (whom Julie ultimately marries) is a virtuous, attractive atheist. With its implicit (autobiographical) appeal to authenticity and individuality in love, faith, morality and sacrifice, Julie liberated enlightened, sexually frustrated, Francophone society. The Roman Catholic Church ‘prohibited’ the book. Rousseau became more famous – and more notorious. In so far as Julie pre-empts Modern existential literature – in which feeling, choice, and private morality displace cold reason and institutional authority – it has lastingly impacted the way character, purpose and morality are interpreted 216 On Rousseau, Diderot and freedom, Hobson, M. (2010), ‘Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Diderot in the late 1740s’, in C. McDonald and S. Hoffmann (eds), Rousseau and Freedom, 58–76. 217 Apparently seventy editions were printed pre-1800 (Darnton 1984: 242). Schopenhauer listed Julie with Cervantes’ (1547–1616) Don Quixote (1605, 1615), Laurence Sterne’s (1713–68) Tristram Shandy (fr. 1759), and Goethe’s (1749– 1832) Wilhelm Meisters Lehrjahre (1795–6, Wilhelm Meister’s apprenticeship), saying: ‘[T]hese four are the best of all existing novels’ for their emphasis on the ‘inner’ (1902: 322). On Schopenhauer, p. 304f. 218 On Rousseau and British Romanticism, Goulbourne, R. and D. Higgins, eds (2017), Jean-Jacques Rousseau and British Romanticism, esp. Stark, H., ‘ “Rousseau’s Ground”: Locating a Refuge for the Libertarian Man of Feeling in Julie’, 33–50. 219 On this, McAlpin, M. (2007), ‘Julie’s Breasts, Julie’s Scars’. 220 Cf. Julie as a commentary on suicide, Faubert, M. (2015), ‘Romantic Suicide, Contagion, and Rousseau’s Julie’, in A. Esterhammer, D. Piccitto and P. Vincent (eds), Romanticism, Rousseau, Switzerland, 38–53. 221 N.B. some say modelled on Rousseau’s ally d’Holbach (above p. 152f., 155; also, p. 448, n. 240).

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in China and the West.222 Life and behaviour are objectified and psychologized here in fresh, seductive ways. Émile, ou De L’Éducation (1762) – to Rousseau, his ‘best and most important’ work ([1782–9] 1953: 529)223 – studies the interface of education and anthropology. Its primary tenet is made clear at the outset: ‘Everything is good as it leaves the hands of the Author of things; everything degenerates in the hands of man’ (1979: 37).224 Rousseau’s revolutionary conclusion (that echoes Confucius and many after him)225 is that education both enables and empowers socio-political and moral transformation. In novelistic form, Émile is a pioneering contribution to educational philosophy and parenting.226 As in the Analects, the ideal citizen is nurtured by sound instruction and healthy habits. This requires a ‘de-naturing’ of a person from the ‘state of nature’ – or ‘absolute existence’ of ‘all for self ’ – into ‘a relative one’; that is, to ‘transport the I into the common unity’ (ibid., 40).227 Émile attracted much attention. A section in Book IV (of V), ‘Profession of Faith of the Savoyard Vicar’, caused the strongest reaction.228 Though intended as an ‘indifferentist’ defence of religion, this section led to the work’s wide-spread condemnation and public burning in Paris and Geneva.229 Protestants took offence at Emile’s tutoring by a simple (Socinian)230 Catholic priest; Catholics at what they saw as Rousseau’s deliberate catechetical reserve and high regard for ‘natural religion’. Though generally critical, Voltaire offered sanctuary.231 Hume was candid: Rousseau ‘could not wonder that all the zealots were in arms against him’ for he had not veiled his sentiments (q. Mossner 1954: 508).232 In the agony and adultery of Émile’s unfinished, much-discussed sequel, Émile et Sophie, ou les Solitaires,233 Rousseau sets morality in the context of a bitter struggle between natural goodness in women and men, and its perversion by society. Like Confucius, Rousseau sees character, purpose and morality as socially determined as much as privately chosen. But, the adolescent turns against the parent. What Confucius commends as ‘propriety’, Rousseau condemns

On existentialism, p. 311f., and Chapter 8, passim. Cf. generally, Parry, G. (2001), ‘Émile: Learning to be Men, Women and Citizens’, in P. Riley (ed.), Cambridge Companion, 247–71; and, Shell, S. M., Émile: Nature and the Education of Sophia’, idem., 272–301. 224 N.B. as a comment on humanity and nature (Cooper 1999: 59f.). 225 On Marx and the power of public education to shape perception of ‘truth’ and compromise political ‘truthfulness’, p. 308f., 323f. 226 Cf. modern educationalist reception of Émile, Boyd, W. (1963), The educational theory of Jean Jacques Rousseau. 227 On sin and the ‘state of nature’ in Rousseau, Evrigenis, I. D. (2010), ‘Freeing man from sin’, in C. McDonald and S. Hoffmann (eds), Rousseau and Freedom, 9–23. 228 N.B. Voltaire was impressed by Rousseau’s critique of revealed religion in ‘Profession of Faith of the Savoyard Vicar’. Cf. Howells, R. (1995), ‘Rousseau and Voltaire: A Literary Comparison of Two “Professions de Foi” ’. 229 On Émile in France and the French Revolution, Bloch, J. (1995), Rousseauism and Education in Eighteenth-century France, ad loc. 230 ‘Socinianism’ means here an anti-Trinitarian denial of ‘original sin’ and human depravity. Traced to Siennese scholar Lelio Sozzini (1525–62) and his nephew Fausto (1539–1604), Socinianism attracted 18th-century Deists, and was the basis of US and UK Unitarianism. 231 N.B. Voltaire’s reply: ‘I shall always love the author of the “Vicaire savoyard” whatever he has done, and whatever he may do . . . Let him come here [to Ferney]! He must come! I shall receive him with open arms. He shall be master here more than I. I shall treat him like my own son’ (q. Durant and Durant: X. 190f.). Rousseau later regretted rejecting Voltaire’s invitation. 232 In search of safety, Rousseau went to London (1766–7). Hume met him and records he was ‘gentle, modest, affectionate, disinterested, of extreme sensitivity’ (q. ibid., X. 209). 233 Cf. Emilius and Sophia; or, The Solitaries (ET 1783). For the text (and its place in modern feminism), Jensen, P. G. ed. (1996), Finding a New Feminism, Appendix, 193–236. 222 223

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as ‘bondage’. Habitual subjugation is akin to imprisonment. Confucianism is turned against itself in Rousseau’s passionate quest for human liberation.234 If Julie is a ‘Classic’ novel, Du Contract Social (1762) has become a ‘Classic’ of political theory.235 Like all ‘Classics’, we see life – and other ‘Classics’, like the Analects and Gospels – differently because of it.236 As the French literary critic Charles Augustin Sainte-Beuve (1804–69) wrote (quoting Goethe) in his seminal essay (when the notion of ‘Classics’ was attracting attention): ‘Ancient works are classical not because they are old, but because they are powerful, fresh, and healthy’ (1868: 38–55).237 The details of Rousseau’s work, with its critique of monarchical ‘rights’ and socio-economic inequality, cannot detain us.238 Three things are relevant to this chapter. First, Rousseau redefined the nature of the polis, and, thereby, fuelled the fires of Revolution in France and America. As the title implies, The Social Contract sees life and power in society as set in a natural, mutual, ‘contractual’ relationship between every citizen. This innate bond both precedes and subordinates every other. Kings, courts, nobles and laws have no superior ‘Rights’.239 ‘Force does not create right’, he argues; and, ‘we are obliged to obey only legitimate powers’ ([1762c] 1968: 52f.). ‘Government’ serves the ‘sovereign’ and ‘General Will’ (Fr. volonté générale) of the people. Character, purpose and morality can be formed and assayed by conformity to this fundamental ‘social contract’. This social ontology echoes Confucian corporatism: here, once again, power, life and individuality are accountable to a higher system of obligation. Rousseau shocked many contemporaries but confirmed his place among multiple – and rival – masterminds of ‘Revolutions’ in Asia and the West. His empowerment of ‘the people’ cuts both ways. It has inspired ‘democracy’ in America (where power resides in ‘We, the people . . .’): it has legitimated ‘totalitarian democracies’240 (with ‘mutual obligation’ justifying oppression). Both trajectories appear in the aftermath of the book’s publication. Rousseau’s work sowed to a political whirlwind, his thought devastating historic districts of power and privilege.241 Finding morality in the rubble has been difficult.

On Rousseau’s ‘bitterness’ towards China, Guy, B. (1963), The French Image of China before and after Voltaire, 340. The Social Contract was translated into classical Chinese by the Meiji-era Japanese journalist, political theorist, and statesman Nakae Chomin ѝ⊏‫( ≁ݶ‬1847–1901), the so-called ‘Rousseau of the East’. In 1882, at a critical juncture in Japanese political life, Chomin serialized his translation in Political and Moral Science Review (which he founded). A parttranslation was published in Shanghai (1899). Other translations and works on it followed; notably, by Yan Fu ೤㼷 (1854– 1921), Zou Rong 䝂ᇩ (1885–1905), Liang Qichao ằஏ䎵 (1873–1929), Zhang Shizhao ㄐ༛䠇 (1881–1973) and other leaders of the ‘May 4th Movement’. For the context of Chomin’s translation, Ida, S. (1989), ‘Chomin: the Rousseau of the East’. 236 On the dynamics of a ‘Classic’, p. 107, n. 88; and, on T. S. Eliot and Ezra Pound’s view, see n. 237 below. 237 Cf. also, Eliot, T. S. ([1944] 1975), ‘What is a Classic?’, in F. Kermode (ed.), The Selected Prose of T. S. Eliot, 115–31. Also, Pound, E. ([1910] 2005), ‘Make it new’, The Spirit of Romance, 6; and, p. 387 below. 238 N.B. Bertram, C. (2004), Routledge Guidebook to Rousseau and The Social Contract. 239 Rousseau admits a sliding scale of centralized power, depending on a country’s size and bureaucracy. Larger countries need stronger (benign) rulers. Whether this extends to the Qing emperor’s despotic control of the vast landmass and population of China, is unclear. 240 Cf. Berlin, I. ([2002] 2014), Freedom and its Betrayal, 28–52; also, Talmon, J. (1960), The Origins of Totalitarian Democracy. 241 On the work’s paradoxes and different interpretations, Scott, J. T. (2012), The major political writings of Jean-Jacques Rousseau; —ed. (2006), Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Also, on the nature of Enlightenment modernity, religion and secularity in Rousseau, Bloom, A. (1990), Giants and Dwarfs, 210f.; Becker, C. (1932), The Heavenly City of the Eighteenth-Century Philosophers; Gay, P. (1966), The Enlightenment, Vol. I: The Rise of Paganism. 234 235

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Second, The Social Contract is a treatise on freedom and law. Every citizen has a duty to honour the law that safeguards his own, and his neighbour’s, freedom from tyranny. If ‘government’ is accountable to, and responsible for upholding, society’s ‘rule of law’, its ‘sovereign’, the people, are subject to laws they ultimately sanction. If Julie endorses ethical libertarianism, The Social Contract opposes political libertinism. Rousseau is committed to political order, not social anarchy; to legitimate authority, not a barbarous, illegal plebiscite. Much evil has been justified in Rousseau’s name. For all his putative antinomianism, his primary concern is that the freedom enjoyed by humanity in the ‘state of nature’ is not lost to lawlessness in a ‘civil society’. Hence, the manifesto’s iconic opening: ‘Man is born free; and everywhere he is in chains’, with its key rider, ‘One man thinks himself the master of others, but remains more of a slave than they are’ (1968: 49). Rousseau intensifies discussion of the origin, nature and ends of human freedom,242 and the place and ‘rule of law’ within it. This has formed a heavy gloss on how human vocations, behavior, and moral formation are viewed in China and the West. Plainly put, we cannot un-remember Rousseau’s ‘Classic’. Third, expanding this last point, The Social Contract’s ‘reception’, and its place in socio-ethical reflection, past and present, in China and the West, has had the multi-facetted impact anticipated of a timeless ‘Classic’. Burke – like the Swiss-French political activist Benjamin Constant (1767– 1830), the French critic and historian Hippolyte Taine (1828–93), the social theorists and historians Alexis De Tocqueville (1805–59) and, later, Lord Acton (1834–1902) – made a direct connection between Rousseau’s ‘Enlightened’ thought and the French Revolution. Kant called Rousseau the ‘Newton of the moral world’, who had shifted focus from nature and the universe (in general) to humanity and the individual (in particular). As such, Rousseau is integral to the Enlightenment’s ‘Turn to the Self ’ and the Romantics’ love of ‘subjectivity’. As crucially, Honoré Mirabeau (1749– 91), Maximilien Robespierre (1758–94), and other leaders of the French Revolution’s first (1789– 92) and second phases (1792–99), didn’t appeal to Locke’s view of the ‘rights’ of man to life, liberty and property, but to Montesquieu and (even more) Rousseau, to justify imposition of public ownership and submission to the ‘General Will’. Ironically, the two – often seen as ‘rival’ architects of the Enlightenment and enemies of religion – fell out in 1760, not over ‘reason’ and ‘emotion’243 but over Voltaire’s support for a new theatre in Geneva! Rousseau – soured by Voltaire’s criticisms – said it degraded public morals.244 He wrote acerbically to the so-called ‘Ferney recluse’, Voltaire (17 June 1760): ‘I dislike you. You have caused me offenses, to which I was especially sensitive – I, your disciple and admirer. Geneva gave you refuge, and you have ruined it for this. You made my compatriots alien to me, in return for praises that I lavished on you’ (q. Zlatopolskaya, et al.: 2018: n.p.).245 As this sad exchange suggests, the ‘Revolutionary’ era through which Rousseau lived – and

242 N.B. the key distinction (in Émile and The Social Contract) between ‘moral freedom’ (to make informed decisions and educated moral choices) and ‘natural freedom’ (to think, move and act freely) (cf. Williams, D., 2007: 147f.). 243 For a critical review of Voltaire as upholding ‘reason’ and Rousseau ‘emotion’, Tate, R. S., Jr. (1969), ‘Rousseau and Voltaire as Deists: A Comparison’. 244 On Montesquieu and Rousseau’s mockery of Voltaire’s ‘Sinophilia’, Gunn, G. C. (2003), First Globalization, 149. For all his famed love of exotic plants, Rousseau was opposed to 18th-century attempts to profit from botanical transplants (i.e. tea from China to India, sugar and breadfruit into Caribbean slave plantations, the potato to Britain from S. America). Plants, like people, flourish in the original ‘state of nature’ (Rousseau 1994–2009: 8.130–63). 245 It seems matters only got worse. The following year Voltaire dismissed Rousseau’s Emile as ‘silly, philistine, shameless and boring’.

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in no small measure inspired – has left its mark, not only on national institutions and international affairs, but on how humans engage with one another. If Kant lived like a self-disciplined junzi, Rousseau (and the Revolutions and Romantics he inspired) did not.246 Rousseau’s reception in China requires a final comment. For he not only served to catalyse critical reflection on Qing governance in the early years of the 20th century,247 he has continued as an icon of ‘enlightened’ Chinese philosophy and political theory.248 As Els van Dongen and Yuan Chang argue, reviewing Zhu Xueqin’s (b. 1952) monograph The Demise of the Republic of Virtue: From Rousseau to Robespierre (1994)249 – which examines modern Chinese Rousseau studies (and proposes a deductive and inductive approach to his thought) – Rousseau (and the French Revolution) served as a foil to philosophy, ethics and political theory in China for more than a century. His advocacy for, and harsh criticism of, Enlightenment views of China energized numerous 20thcentury Chinese intellectuals in their engagement with both ‘modernity’ and ‘modernization’.250 Metzger and Huang speak of a ‘natural fit’ between Rousseau’s utopianism and confident Confucian anthropology and epistemology (Van Dongen and Chang, 3).251 In the late 19th and 20th centuries – especially post-Tiananmen – Rousseau gave China resources to reflect on the character, causes and lasting effects of its failed, corporate, moral idealism.252 Zhu Xueqin is not alone in pointing to often disturbing parallels between the French Revolution and Cultural Revolution.253 As the quantity of secondary literature on Rousseau and China confirms, his ideas directly and indirectly

246 Symptomatically, Rousseau linked ‘tea’ with play: ‘When this meal was over, most of us engaged in an important occupation until evening: we went a little way out of town to play two or three games of mall for our afternoon tea’ ([1782–9] 1953: 267). Despite Mme. Warens’s encouragement of his botanical interests, he remained skeptical of tea’s medicinal benefits (van den Broek 2012: 29). 247 Reformists like Liang Qichao ằஏ䎵, Yan Fu೤㼷, Zhang Xirou ᕥྊ㤕 (1889–1973), Wang Yuanhua ⦻‫( ॆݳ‬1920– 2008), and the founders of the Canton ‘Society of Popular Intelligence’ (fr. 1903) that popularized Western literature, Zhu Zhixin ᵡวؑ (1885–1920), Hu Hanmin 㜑╒≁ (1879–1936) and Wang Jinwei ⊚㋮㺋 (1883–1944), took and used the cachet of Rousseau’s ideas and made them their own, or turned Rousseau into a wax nose shaped to their thinking. On this, Bastid-Bruguière, M. (1990), ‘Influence of Jean-Jacques Rousseau on Chinese Political Thought before the 1911 Revolution’, in Zhang, Z. (ed.), China and the French Revolution, 29–36; Gao, X. (2017), ‘An Analysis of Chinese Constitutionalists’ Interpretations of Jean-Jacques Rousseau from 1899 to 1910’; Peng, W. (2017), ‘Rousseau and His Chinese “Apprentices” ’; Tao, W. (2012), ‘The Chinese reception of Rousseau’s political philosophy in the 20th century’; Van Dongen, E. and Y. Chang (2017), ‘After Revolution: Reading Rousseau in 1990s China’. 248 On parallels between Rousseau and Mao (in their connection of politics and ethics), Schwartz, B. (1996), ‘The Reign of Virtue: Leader and Party in the Cultural Revolution’, in China and Other Matters, 169–186. 249 Cf. Zhu, X. (2017), ‘The Demise of the Republic of Virtue – From Rousseau to Robespierre’; Fan, Y. (2013), ‘Jean-Jacques Rousseau as “an Approach” ’. 250 On Chinese and Western Romanticism, to both forms of which Rousseau is (directly and indirectly) linked, Rabut, I. (2014), ‘Chinese Romanticism’, in Peng, H-y. and I. Rabut (eds), Modern China and the West, 201–23. 251 Cf. also, Metzger, T. (2005), A Cloud across the Pacific; Huang, M. K-w. (2016), ‘On the Translation of Democracy during the Transitional Period of Modern China’. 252 On this debated topic, Li, Z. and Liu, Z. (1995), Gaobie Geming: Huiwang Ershishiji Zhongguo [Farewell to Revolution: Looking Back upon China of the Twentieth Century]; and, on Gaobie Geming [Farewell to Revolution], He, H. Y. (2001), Dictionary of the Political Thought of the People’s Republic of China, 136f.; Yu, H. (2009), Media and Cultural Transformation, 47f. N.B. Chinese have views on French (rationalistic) and British (non-coercive) attitudes to freedom (Van Dongen and Chang 2017: 5). 253 Cf. Zhang, Z. ed. (1990), China and the French Revolution; also, Gao, Y. (1997), ‘French Revolutionary Studies in China Today’; —(1998), ‘French Revolutionary Studies in China’, in J. Germani and R. Swales (eds), Symbols, Myths and Images of the French Revolution, 321–30; —(2016), ‘Revolutionary violence of the French type and its influence on the Chinese Revolution’, in A. Forrest and M. Middell (eds), The Routledge Companion to the French Revolution, 299–320; King, D. (2017), ‘Translating Revolution in Twentieth-Century China and France’.

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shape cross-cultural interpretation of the Analects and Gospels. China, too, cannot ‘un-remember’ Rousseau: he is integral to modern China’s confidence, consciousness and morality. Confucianism is reimported into China reconfigured in Rousseauan radicalism. The last three successors of Kant, who are products of, and contributors to, the shape and spirit of this ‘Revolutionary’ era, and contemporary Sino-European moral hermeneutics, we introduce here and revert to in Chapter 6. Each deserves his own chapter. Selection and exaggeration are again essential. Their value lies in focusing issues mentioned in passing before and in framing the discussion of ‘Truth and Truthfulness’ we look at next. First, the influential poet, philosopher, theologian, and literary critic Johann Gottfried Herder (1744–1803). We have mentioned Herder before.254 He deserves more time than space permits. From his humble origins, education at the feet of Kant and Hamann255 in the University of Königsberg (1762–4), clerical and educational ministry in Riga (1764–9), residence in Strasbourg (1770–6) where he met the young Goethe,256 and in Weimar (1776–1803) as General Superintendent of the Lutheran clergy (a post Goethe facilitated), Herder wrote prolifically. His ideas – always evolving, sometimes unresolved – addressed, adjusted, or initiated, numerous fields of scholarship. For reasons we will study, he becomes China’s historical and cultural nemesis, mocking its culture as embalmed ‘like a mummy in silk’,257 and its populace as a pitiful ‘corner people’ on the edge of history, their sad life, in thrall to Confucianism, one of apathy (Leere), passivity (ohne Tätigkeit), stupidity (ohne Intelligenz), mindlessness (Geistlösigkeit), and the loss of all individuality and personality (Vernichtung der Persönlichkeit).258 The critic constructs nevertheless a matrix in which China and the West can understand one another, and interpret the world and texts around them. For this, Herder is a central figure in the way character, purpose and morality are viewed today. He provides tools to undo life, language, culture and, in time, through his intellectual heirs, China. Three features of Herder’s thought, which feed into his view of China, warrant notice. They illuminate his contribution to the ethics and ethos of the Enlightenment. They still act to shape contemporary opinion. First, in his early life and formative works – Über den Fleiss in mehreren gelehrten Sprachen (1764, On diligence in several scholarly languages), Wie die Philosophie zum Besten des Volks Allgemeiner und Nützlicher Werden Kann (1765, How philosophy can become more universal and useful for the benefit of the people),259 the brief fragments Über die neuere

254 Above p. 184, 209. For German editions of Herder, Arnold, G., U. Gaier, et al., eds (1985-), Werke. Cf. also, Taylor, C. (1995a/b), ‘The Importance of Herder’, in Philosophical Arguments, 79–99; Adler, H. and W. Koepke, eds. (2009), A Companion to the Works of Johann Gottfried Herder; Clark, R. T., Jr. (1955), Herder: His Life and Thought; Forster, M. N. (2018), Herder’s Philosophy; Gillies, A. (1945), Herder; Sauder, G. (1987), Johann Gottfried Herder, 1744–1803. 255 Often over-looked, Johann Georg Hamann (1730–88) inspired many in his day. Goethe, Herder, Hegel, and the architects of ‘Sturm und Drang’ all looked to him. 256 Herder’s meeting with Goethe is often linked to the start of the proto-Romantic ‘Sturm und Drang’ (storm and stress/ drive) movement (named after a play by the Prussian dramatist and General, Friedrich [von] Klinger [1752–83]). Sturm und Drang, in art and literature, stood for an intense, emotional repudiation of cold rationalism. 257 On this harsh, but striking, metaphor, Goebel, R. J. (1995), ‘China as an Embalmed Mummy: Herder’s Orientalist Poetics’. 258 On Herder’s view of China, Lee, China and Europe, 91f.; Zhang, C., ‘From Sinophilia to Sinophobia’, 98f. Herder had followers in the ‘May 4th Movement’ and Communist era in China, who (for different reasons) agreed with his basic diagnosis. On use of Montesquieu and Herder’s critique of China – and, similar interest in translations into Chinese of Thomas Henry Huxley’s (1825–95) evolutionary theories – by late 19th-century Chinese reformists Kang Youwei ᓧᴹ⛪ (1858–1927), Yan Fu ೤ᗙ and Tang Sitong 䆊ఓ਼ (1865–98), He, P. (2002), China’s Search for Modernity, 25f. On Huxley, p. 271, 274, 286, 289, 296, n. 153, 316, 324, n. 294, 347, 448, n. 241. 259 Cf. Forster, M. N., trans. and ed. (2002), J. G. Herder: Philosophical Writings, 3–30.

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deutsche Literatur (1767–8, On recent German literature),260 his study of aesthetics Kritische Wälder: oder Betrachtungen die Wissenschaft und Kunst des Schönen (1769, Critical Forests, or Reflections on the science and art of the Beautiful),261 and his Journal meiner reise im jahr 1769 (Journal of my voyage in the year 1769)262 – language, literature, ethics, culture, philosophy and aesthetics are (pace Confucius) the instruments of Herder’s trade. But the tools Confucius used to construct Chinese society, Herder employs to destroy it. Confucianism made China ‘infantile’ (Knabenalter): culture and geography keep it a ‘slave’.263 At every turn, China, Chinese, and Confucian culture are found wanting.264 Second, the seeds sown in Herder’s early works bear fruit later.265 His On Diligence and Fragments anticipate his later work on language theory Abhandlung über den Ursprung der Sprache (1772, Treatise on the origin of language).266 He still claims here a common origin of language per se, and its use as the ‘seed’ of culture, but he now denies it is a divine gift or spontaneous process. It is instead for Herder derivative of reason and thought, which (contra ancient and modern opinion) is mediated in and through language. Behind this lies Besonnenheit, humanity’s ability to remember and reflect, and thence communicate. In the midst of ongoing debate,267 Herder claimed Chinese was neither the aboriginal language, nor even an exceptional language: it is just a(nother) stage in humanity’s linguistic evolution.268 Despite his negativity to China’s language (and, elsewhere, its culture), Herder’s early views on philosophy and ethics are strikingly Confucianesque. In his prize essay (for a society in Bern), ‘(ET) How Philosophy Can Become More Universal’ (1765), his debt to ‘pre-critical’ Kant is clear.269 Here metaphysics is suspect, empiricism lauded and (pace Hume) ethics involve ‘sentiment’. If Kant moved on, Herder did not. His philosophy of history, ‘mind’, culture and ethics – Popularphilosophie – continues to unite a pragmatic, utilitarian approach, with a call for ‘healthy understanding’ and flexibility. Contra Rationalist ‘cognition’, he sees ethics as cultivated ‘moral sentiments’. There is often much here for Confucius to admire;270 for neither he, nor Herder, likes impractical theory, nor life without every

Cf. ibid., 33–64. On history, ibid., 257–67. 262 Cf. Barnard, F. M. (1969), J. G. Herder on Social and Political Culture, 63–116. 263 Climate also played its part. Herder was not alone in seeing in Europe ‘well-formed men molded by temperate climes’ (Stocking 1984: 20). 264 Zhang Chunjie quotes Herder’s recognition of China’s development of ‘porcelain, silk, gunpowder, printing and bridgeand ship-building’ (2008: 104), and conviction that China’s language and culture were not conducive to progress, nor to the development of European-standard science. In his Philosophie de l’histoire (1765), Herder repudiates Voltaire’s confidence in Chinese ‘perfection’ (ibid. 103f.). On Herder and ‘comparative’ literature, Mayo, R. S. (1969), Herder and the Beginnings of Comparative Literature. 265 N.B. Goethe recognized this (Morton 1989: 8f.). 266 Cf. Herder, Social and Political Culture, 117–78. 267 Cf. above p. 110f. 268 To set Herder’s anthropological insights in context, Niekerk, C. (2016), ‘The Problem of China: Asia and Enlightenment Anthropology’, in B. Brandt and D. L. Purdy (eds), China in the German Enlightenment, 97–117. 269 On Herder and Kant, Hsia, A. (2001), ‘The far east as the philosophers’ “other” ’. Herder’s later Metakritik zur Kritik der reinen Vernunft (1799, A metacritique on the Critique of Pure Reason) and Kalligone (1800) refute Kant’s ‘critical’ method in philosophy and aesthetics. 270 Herder’s moral philosophy combines a clear Christian Bildung (viz. an articulation by a person of a plurality of classic Christian qualities, such as love, justice, honesty, forgiveness and sympathy) with conscious rejection of methodological, moral monism, as claimed, for example, by Kant’s ‘moral imperative’ or J. S. Mill’s ‘Utilitarianism’. Herder is respectful of human (cultural, psychological, moral) diversity and its historical expression/s. 260 261

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type of integrity.271 Life as a unity needs moral metaphors and embodied examples.272 But, as Herder’s response to the French Revolution, Letters for the Advancement of Humanity (1793–7), indicates, his modern, Enlightenment mind might conceive of a revolution in thought, but not in deed.273 That did not mean his ideas did not have revolutionary potency when exported worldwide. Third, Herder’s mature reflection on history, language, ethics and aesthetics impacts our historical study of Sino-Western cross-cultural relations. Despite continuities, Herder’s thought still develops. His philosophy of history – notably in his Auch eine Philosophie der Geschichte zur Bildung der Menschheit (1774, This too a philosophy of history for the formation of humanity)274 and Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte der Menschheit (1784–91, Ideas for the philosophy of the history of humanity)275 – became formative for modern German (and European) historiography.276 In contrast to histories of ‘the great and the good’, he proposes an organic, moral, cultural, psychological and teleological approach. As he says: ‘[O]ne must go into the age, into the region, into the whole history, and feel one’s way into everything’ (q. Adler and Menze 1997: 36). He seeks the ‘innerness’ of history, its ‘genetic’ structure, its ‘mental’, local, cultural, linguistic distinctives. He blends rigorous historicism with devout classicism and passionate nationalism.277 Romantics turned to Herder to justify Sehnsucht nach Vergegenheit (longing for the past). In the face of vain cosmopolitanism, Herder celebrated das Volk, the original, organic, local, familial, geographic group (Adler and Koepke 2009: 170f.).278 A ‘genetic’ approach279 enhances, he contends, selfunderstanding (through cultural comparison). It requires careful moral, aesthetic study of cultural evolution from the primitive Orient and classical antiquity to attain to the maturity of Europe. There is, he holds, no Universalgeschichte (Universal history), only ‘value-filled diversity’, and ‘every human perfection is national’ (Iggers [1962] 1983: 30; q. Saranpa 2002: 33).280 When, or if, a people lose patriotism, they ‘lose themselves and the whole world about them’ [ET, ed.] (1877– 1913: 18.337).281 ‘Compare England with Germany’, he says elsewhere, ‘the English are Germans,

On Herder’s philosophy in context, Beiser, F. C. (1987), The Fate of Reason, ad loc. Like the Analects, Herder places emphasis on how philosophy can nurture exemplars, laws and literature. 273 Herder’s (socially ‘particularist’ and ‘anti-Imperialist’) support for the French Revolution was controversial, and, in the event, short-lived. On the ‘continual state of fever’ the French Revolution generated among German intellectuals, Hoffmeister, G. ed. (1990), European Romanticism, Preface (14); —ed. (1989), The French Revolution and the Age of Goethe. On Herder and German political thought, Beiser, F. C. (1992), Enlightenment, Revolution, and Romanticism. 274 Cf. Social and Political Culture, 179–224. 275 Ibid., 253–326. Outlines of a Philosophy of the History of Man was translated into English by T. Churchill in 1800. On Herder and early 19th-century debate about the link between historical truth and theology, Macintyre, S., J. Maiguaschca and A. Pók, eds (2011), The Oxford History of Historical Writing, IV. 24f.; Barnard, F. M. (2003), Herder on Nationality, Humanity, and History; Howard, T. A. (2000), Religion and the Rise of Historicism, ad loc. 276 Pattberg goes too far, claiming Herder’s Ideen gave Germans ‘more greatness, pride, and nostalgia than an actual, geopolitical empire could to the British’, and ‘Hegel’s Die Orientalische Welt (1837) and Lectures on the History of Philosophy (1805) were Germany’s retreat and substitute for real colonies’ (2011: 40). On Herder and German historicism, Beiser, F. C. (2003), The German Historicist Tradition, ad loc. 277 Cf. for a comparison of Herder and Vico (esp. on language, history and culture), Berlin, I. (1976), Vico and Herder. 278 On language, for Herder, in the cultural formation of das Volk, Fox, R. A. (2003), ‘J. G. Herder on Language and the Metaphysics of National Community’. 279 On Herder’s ‘genetic’ approach to history and Hegel, Nietzsche and Foucault, p. 235, 268, n. 17, 323f., 330, 362f. 280 On Herder and culture/s, Sikka, S. (2011), Herder on Humanity and Cultural Difference. 281 Cf. ‘Ein Mensch der sein väterlandisches Gemüt verlor, hat sich selbst und die Welt um sich verloren’ (ibid.). On Herder’s anthropology, Waldow, A. (2015), ‘The Artifice of Human Nature: Rousseau and Herder’; Zammito, J. H. (2002), Kant, Herder, and the Birth of Modern Anthropology. 271 272

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and even in the latest times have led the way for the English in the greatest things’ ([1800] 1803: II. 120).282 Quarrying Germany’s history, culture and folk literature, Herder reimagined German ‘nationalism’.283 He believed Germany’s language and Gothic heritage under-valued, compared to Hebrew, Greek and Nordic myths. He panned historical streams for nuggets that outshone antiquity. He found much to praise, more in China (and elsewhere) to condemn. Sinology served his intellectual purpose. Germany and Christendom were compared to advantage with China.284 Though Herder spawned ‘culture studies’, he ‘unbound’ patriotic demons that possessed – and at times convulsed – Britain, Europe and China for 200 years.285 Character, purpose, and morality are redefined in Herder’s relativist ethical historicism, social relativism and profound cultural chauvinism. He inspires cultural ‘otherness’ and thence Said’s ‘Orientalism’. He pushes China away. If Herder’s nationalism has discoloured modern political economics, his views on language, literature, and textual interpretation are no less significant. As we have noted, he sees language as integral to thought and culture. His holistic view of history and nationality honours linguistic diversity. His interest in language/s attracts him to the new discipline of linguistics.286 But his ‘philosophy of mind’ – especially the (third version of his) essay Vom Erkennen und Emfinden der menschlichen Seele (1778, On the Cognition and Sensation of the Human Soul) – transforms this. He places ‘sensation’ before ‘causation’. As his (rather less than satisfactory) work on aesthetics, Plastik: Einige Wahrnehmungen über Form und Gestalt aus Pygmalions bildendem Traume (1778, Sculpture: Some Observations on Shape and Form from Pygmalion’s Creative Dream) states, feeling is ‘the first, most profound, and almost the only human sense’ (1877–1913: 8.104). If integral to thought, language is also therefore subordinate to feeling. This core principle determines Herder’s view of poetry and his place in the development of the new ‘science of textual interpretation’, hermeneutics.287 Poetry is the matrix for Herder’s ‘psychological’ approach to interpretation. It shapes his view of the poet as ‘creator of the nation around him’ (ibid., 8.433),288 and of poetry as the tool of ‘truth’. The poet gives his nation, he says, ‘a world to see’ and ‘has their souls in his hand to lead them to that world’ (ibid.).289 Linguistic variety, and the genre, history, and evolution of N.B. the context of this remark and Herder’s view of Ossian, Shakespeare and Britain’s German identity (Kontje 2004: 68). On ‘nationalism’, p. 234; also, Patten, A. (2010), ‘ “The most natural state”: Herder and Nationalism’; Schmidt, R. J. (1956), ‘Cultural Nationalism in Herder’. N.B. Herder’s teleological view of history (evident in his early On the Changes in the Tastes of Nations through the Ages [1766]) – as the progressive advance of reason, culture and humanity – stands in marked contrast to the retrospective idealism of Voltaire and sinophile philosophes, and to the deliberate integralism of Hume and all who saw few, if any, major differences between cultures and their moral values. It was an approach that left its mark on the Schlegel brothers, Schleiermacher, Hegel, Nietzsche and Wilhelm Dilthey (1833–1911). Cf. Ergang, R. R. (1931), Herder and the Foundations of German Nationalism; also, p. 230, n. 278, 233. 284 On the Enlightenment’s image of China, Berger, W. R. (1990), China-Bild und China-Mode im Europa der Aufklärung; Tautz, B. (2016), ‘Localizing China: Of Knowledge, Genres, and German Literary Historiography’, in Brandt and Purdy, 118–41. 285 On Herder’s role in Western rhetoric of control and subjugation in relation to China, Zhang, C. (2008), ‘From Sinophilia to Sinophobia’, 107f. For the adoption of Herder’s ideas by Hegel and Marx, below p. 233f., 308f., 323f.; also, generally, Tautz, B. (2007), Reading and Seeing Ethnic Differences in the Enlightenment; Wheeler, R. (2000), The Complexion of Race. 286 On the context for Herder’s interest in language, Forster, M. N. (2010), After Herder. 287 On Herder and hermeneutics, Gjesdal, K. (2017), Herder’s Hermeneutics: History, Poetry, Enlightenment. 288 N.B. the joint manifesto Herder, Goethe and other leading intellectuals signed: Auszug aus einem Briefwechsel über Ossian und die Lieder alter Völker (Extract from a correspondence about Ossian and the Songs of Ancient Peoples) (1877– 1913: 5.159–207). On this, Nisbet, H. B. ed. (1985), Extract from a correspondence about Ossian, 153–161. On Herder and Shakespeare, Gjesdal, K. (2004), ‘Reading Shakespeare–Reading Modernity’; and below p. 233. 289 N.B. Herder’s view of poets and poetry (Sauder 2009: 305–30). 282

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texts, also matter to him. Meaning is elusive without knowing a text’s linguistic and cultural origin. It must then be read as a whole, with ‘divination’ of the ‘sensations’ and intentions of the author.290 As in Coleridge, Herder’s empiricist marriage of linguistics and philosophy denies privileging religious texts (including the Bible) or ‘spiritual’ readings of any kind. The Bible is to be read ‘as any other book’ – albeit, aware of its ethos, culture and character. In this context, translation also impacts Herder’s thought and legacy. There is to be ‘accommodation’ to the original, a readiness to ‘bend’ words to meaning, and an ear to rhythms, or ‘musical’ forms, of the source-text. For all of this, Herder’s high profile in the history of hermeneutics is assured. His core principles have entered the mainstream of the discipline. We will return to them when we look at Schleiermacher (below p. 237f.) and at ‘Truth and Truthfulness’ in Chapter 6. Directly and indirectly, Herder still conditions the ways character, purpose and morality are read and interpreted in the Analects and Gospels. We must also register the paradox at the heart of Herder’s thought: while respecting cultural ‘otherness’, he rejoices in German superiority and biblical authority.291 Comparison is often Herder’s path to criticism. Others have exploited the weakness and weaponry of his work. Herder’s mature perspective on ethics and aesthetics also shape contemporary cross-cultural interpretation of the Analects and Gospels. As we have glimpsed in his approach to history, language and culture, moral philosophy is ever-present.292 If personal ethics are an expression of ‘moral sentiments’, they are for Herder also (contra contemporary theories of final judgement) accounted by, and accountable to, a naturalist, this-worldly time-referent. They are also more than mere ‘sentiments’: they are cognitively articulate, historically and culturally differentiated, socially adapted, and progressively refined, with Christian faith and European Enlightenment morality the apogee of development. Herder’s relativism is clear: ‘Each nation has its centre of happiness in itself, like every sphere its centre of gravity!’ (ibid. 5.502; q. Barnard 2003: 135). But Herder is no sentimentalist. He is passionate about moral pedagogy. He fears Western societies embrace hollow replicas of moral virtues, such as love, freedom, justice, sympathy, courage, equality, forgiveness, integrity and Humanität (which is, in Herder, akin to the Confucian ren).293 Ideals are to be honoured in, and learned from, saints, art, literature and poetry. Echoing Leibniz (and, thence, Confucius), behind life and morality lies an ‘harmonious whole’ (q. Noyes 2015: 110).294 We have spoken of Herder’s aestheticism before. There are two final things to stress. Like his work as a whole, Herder’s approach to aesthetics is consciously and unconsciously unsystematic.295 His thought is often undisciplined, his method deliberately empirical. Even his defence of poetry’s aesthetic pre-eminence (over music and sculpture) – with its unique combination of sense,

290 N.B. his discussion of textual interpretation in On Thomas Abbt’s Writings (1768) and On the Cognition and Sensation (1778), where Herder (pace Schleiermacher) proposes psychology to understand and recover the creative spirit and mind of an author/text. See further p. 241. 291 Herder combines his thinking on culture, poetry and theology in his seminal study On the Spirit of Hebrew Poetry (1782–3). Cf. for his theology, Christian Writings (1794–8). 292 On Herder’s moral philosophy, Crowe, B. D. (2012), ‘Herder’s Moral Philosophy: Perfectionism, Sentimentalism, and Theism’. 293 N.B. the connection to Mencius, Lenk, H. (2008), ‘Mencius pro Humanitate Concreta: Mengzi and Schweitzer on Practical Ethics of Humanity’, in C-C. Huang, G. Paul and H. Roetz (eds), The Book of Mencius and Its Reception in China and Beyond, 174–88. 294 On Spinoza’s impact on German thought, Bell, D. (1984), Spinoza in Germany. 295 On Herder’s aesthetics in context, Norton, R. E. (1991), Herder’s Aesthetics and the European Enlightenment; Noyes, J. K. (2015a), Herder: Aesthetics against Imperialism.

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imagination and accepted ‘signs’ – is partial and provisional. So, too, his restricted ‘expressivism’ develops erratically; albeit with his commitment to thought-as-language anchoring his exegesis of ‘non-linguistic’ art. Secondly, as we see in his work on Shakespeare and attitude to beauty, his approach is consistently historicist. That is, aesthetic standards evolve. Culture matures. Tastes change. Indeed, as he writes in On the Change of Taste (1766), they can invert previous priorities. Furthermore, in so far as art and culture, like moral habits and political opinions, are value-laden, they educate and communicate. In Herder and his disciples, character, purpose, and morality belong to an interrelated nexus of human behaviours that are equally expressed in ‘sentiment’, ‘taste’, ‘habit’, ‘art’ and text.296 We end this section looking briefly at two of Kant’s most eminent successors, Georg W. F. Hegel (1770–1831) and Friedrich D. E. Schleiermacher (1768–1834). We have noted their work before and will return to it again in Chapter 6. In 1820, Hegel was lecturing on the philosophy of history at the University of Berlin. The notes of his lectures (Vorlesungen über die Philosophie der Weltgeschichte) were published posthumously: first, in 1837, by his pupil and colleague Eduard Gans (1797–1839), and then again in 1840 by his son Karl (1813–1901), a well-known historian in his own right. Meanwhile, Schleiermacher was preparing his doctrinal magnum opus, Die Christliche Glaube (The Christian Faith), which appeared first in 1821–2, and again in 1831. As colleagues in Berlin, the two men did not get on.297 Against the backdrop of the American and French Revolutions, Napoleon’s war with Britain, his army’s occupation of much of Europe, and the fall of the old German Empire in 1806, like their colleagues and fellow-citizens, Hegel and Schleiermacher were asking fundamental questions about ‘world history’ and the purpose of life for individuals, nations and das Volk. Though they drew different conclusions, both men owe much to Kant. In two specific areas they are rather more indebted to Herder. We focus on these here as we begin to resolve the preceding discussion and anticipate what follows in Chapter 6. First, Hegel draws much from Herder for his view of history and perception of China. Hegel and Herder wrote in light of burgeoning (especially German) interest in ‘world history’ in the 18th century. Behind them lay the historical narratives of providential theodicy in Augustine and Thomas Aquinas (1225–74), and, more recently, in French bishop Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet’s (1627–1704) Discours de l’Histoire Universelle (1691, Discourse on Universal History) and Leibniz’s concept Théodicée. These held that, contrary to human perception or opinion, there is a ‘sufficient’, specific, divine reason for events. In the 18th century, philosophies of history begin to change.298 Systematization appears in Spinoza, Wolff, Fichte and Schelling. Vico’s New Science (1725)

296 On Herder and the concept of Bildung, Gjesdal, K. (2013), ‘ “A Not Yet Invented Logic”: Herder on Bildung, Anthropology, and the Future of Philosophy’, in K. Vieweg and M. N. Forster (eds), Die Bildung der Moderne, 53–69. For extension of his aesthetics into politics, Noyes (2015b), ‘The Aesthetics of Revolution and the Critique of Imperialism’, in Herder, 246–96. 297 On the reason for their poor relationship, Merklinger, P. M. (1993), Philosophy, Theology, and Hegel’s Berlin Philosophy of Religion, 48f.; and fuller treatment in, Jensen, K. E. (2012), ‘The Hegel-Schleiermacher Conflict’, 89–96. As Pinkard explains, Karl Rosenkranz’s (1805–79) eulogistic Hegels Leben (1844) romanticizes Hegel’s unusual ‘habits’ in his youth, and as a celebrity (Pinkard 2000: 371). On the importance of ‘habits’ (at times ‘mechanical’) for Hegel, in enabling the transition from ‘nature’ to ‘spirit’, Novakovic, A. (2017), ‘Hegel’s Anthropology’, in D. Moyar (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Hegel, 417. 298 For an overview, Iggers, G. G. (2011), ‘The Intellectual Foundations of Nineteenth-Century “Scientific” History’, in S. Macintyre, J. Maiguashca and A. Pók (eds), Oxford History of Historical Writing, I. 41–58. Also, on the development of the idea, and form, of ‘world histories’, Hughes-Warrington, M. ed. (2005), Palgrave Advances in World Histories, 46f.; Iggers, G. G., Q. E. Wang and S. Mukherjee ([2008] 2017), A Global History of Modern Historiography, esp. 18–25, 53–63.

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universalizes human nature and thus creates a new rationale for writing a ‘universal history’. Rousseau’s Emile (1762) praises the power of education. Kant’s Idee zu einer allgemeinen Geschichte (1782, Idea for a universal history) and Beantwortung der Frage: Was ist Aufklärung? (1784, What is Enlightenment?) both pursue the hidden truth in ‘universal history’ – namely, the progressive unveiling of humanity’s freedom and rationality. The early political scientist, historian, and philosopher Nicolas (Marquis) de Condorcet (1743–94) commends libertarian economics and egalitarian politics, while his radical, influential counterpart, Henri (Comte) de Saint-Simon (1760– 1825), projects his Utopian vision of ‘progress’ onto a new, socialist meritocracy. Alongside this systematization we find a countervailing, anti-Kantian strain of empiricism and historicism in Europe. Herder’s teacher Hamann reflects this, but it is found in other forms elsewhere. We see it in the primitive ‘polygenist’ anthropology of Göttingen philosopher Christoph Meiners (1747– 1810) and in the ‘fideistic’ individualism of Friedrich Jacobi (1743–1819). It inspires the polymathic literary and political labours of Goethe and the ‘Weimar Classicists’, and the Indo-European, comparative linguistic studies of (younger) Jena Romantic Friedrich Schlegel (1772–1829). We glimpse it also in the philology of the patriotic historian Barthold Georg Niebuhr (1776–1831), in the economic historiography of Adam Smith, in the ‘positivism’ of the French philosopher and pioneering social scientist, Auguste Comte (1798–1857), and in the different conclusions a century and later of a Kierkegaard, Nietzsche and Wittgenstein. Hegel’s view of history is only intelligible against this complex background.299 Of course, some would always follow the architectonic labours (and scepticism) of Edward Gibbon’s six-volume History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (1776–89). While others seek to emulate the ‘source-based’ style of Leopold Von Ranke’s (1795–1886) multi-volume work on Latin and Teutonic nations (1824), Southern Europe in the 16th and 17th centuries (1827), Serbia (1829), the Popes (1834–36), the House of Brandenburg and Prussia (1847–8), the French monarchy (1852–61), Germany (1871–2), England (1875), the Revolutionary Wars of 1791 and 1792 (1875), Hardenberg and Prussia (1877) and ‘World History’ (1886).300 But Hegel’s new method of ‘dialectical’ historiography quickly established itself. It continues to shape the way character, purpose and morality are interpreted in the Analects and Gospels. We ‘read backwards carefully’ through Hegel’s intense, processive, philosophy of history.301 Hegel’s Phänomenologie des Geistes (1807, Phenomenology of Spirit) and Lectures on the Philosophy of History (delivered in 1822, 1828 and 1830) serve to synthesize earlier thinking. If he draws on Herder’s nationalism and Fichte’s universalism, he is also indebted to Kantian idealism for his vision of history as revealing the evolution of humanity’s rational capacity (and quest for ‘freedom’); while ‘the cunning of reason’ veils a providential ‘hidden hand’ ordering life (qua universal history) to its final, pre-determined end (Carney 2000: 16). Seeing France disordered by Revolution and recovered by Napoleon and the Empire, Hegel expands the tri-partite dialectic of

299 On Hegel’s view of history, and esp. his attitude to ‘Revolution’, Losurdo, D. (2004), ‘Hegel and the Liberal Tradition: Two Opposing Interpretations of History’, in Hegel and the Freedom of Moderns, 96–123. 300 On Ranke, Boldt, A. D. (2015), The Life and Work of the German Historian Leopold von Ranke; Iggers, G. G. (1962), ‘The Image of Ranke in American and German Historical Thought’; Iggers, G. G. and J. M. Powell, eds (1990), Leopold von Ranke and the Shaping of the Historical Discipline; Schevill, F. (1952), ‘Ranke: Rise, Decline, and Persistence of a Reputation’; Stern, F. ed. ([1956] 1973), The Varieties of History. 301 N.B. on the unitive power of tea and divisive quality of ideas, Goethe’s conversation partner Johann Eckermann (1792– 1854) tells us that on 18 October 1827 Goethe gave a tea party in honour of Hegel. Conversation was stilted because of their differences in manner, temperament and philosophy. Hamann, who they both admired, was, it seems, a safe topic!

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the Spirit (thesis: antithesis: synthesis) in Phenomenology of the Spirit into the full-bodied teleological schemata of the Lectures on the Philosophy of History. Events, purposes, and the ‘end’ of history are now manifestations of an overarching plan. As he says: ‘The question at issue is therefore the ultimate end of mankind, the end which the spirit sets itself in the world’ (1857: 63). ‘Absolute idealism’ unites the ‘objective’ facticity of events with a philosophical historian’s discernment of their ‘subjective’, spiritual meaning. Reason is basic to this blending of philosophy and empiricism: ‘To comprehend what is, this is the task of philosophy, because what is, is reason’ ([1821] 1992: 7.11).302 Hegel’s interest in ‘world-historical’ events (like the French Revolution, and Indian and Chinese culture) fits his synthetic method and dialectical theory. The legacy of his work in existentialism, Marxism, fascism, nihilism, and the ‘death of God’ movement is immense. Character and morality are restated – and exported – in Hegel’s historically processive, and morally purposive, view of the nature and action of Geist (Spirit). Hegel’s dependence on Herder for his view of China is also clear; although at no point does he quite descend to his opinion that the Chinese ‘were, and will remain’ a people ‘endowed by nature with small eyes, a short nose, a flat forehead, little beard, large ears, and a protuberant belly’; and sense that, ‘what their organization could produce, it has produced’ (1800: 293).303 Nor, the spirit of Herder’s coruscating comment on the tea trade: ‘Swelling with tartarian [Tartar] pride, she [China] despises the [European] merchant, who leaves his own country, and barters what she deems the most solid merchandise for things of trifling value; she takes her silver, and gives him in return millions of pounds of enervating tea to the corruption of all Europe’ (ibid., 298). But Hegel does articulate Herder’s ‘non-universalist’ view of human nature and culture, and ‘particularist’ explanation of Chinese civilization as a primitive stage in humanity’s cultural and political evolution.304 Europe’s love of tea did not, sadly – and provocatively, of course – elevate perception of its source(s)! To Hegel, ‘World history . . . represents the development of the spirit’s consciousness of its own freedom and of the consequent realization of this freedom’ (1975: 138). If tested by this, by Kant’s view of ‘freedom’ and Herder’s ‘genetic’, organic sense of history, China is deficient. In an extended section of Philosophy of History, he records his wonder (like other Europeans) at the size, structure, architectural achievements (i.e. the ‘Great Wall’), organization, and self-origination of the Chinese Empire, as ‘the oldest, as far as history gives us any information’, with practices of history and tradition that ‘ascend to 3000 years before Christ’ ([1857] 1956: 121). But, ‘Early do we see China advancing to the condition in which it is found at this day’ (ibid.), with change excluded by the contrast it embodies of ‘objective existence and subjective freedom’. Like India, China is ‘outside the World’s History’. It is awaiting an enlightened capacity for self-reflection and ‘subjectivity’ On this, Taylor, C. ([1975] 1999), Hegel, 423. Hegel extends this to ‘taste’, which is defined irrespective of sense and sensibility. As such, taste belongs to Hegel’s theory of materiality in general and to the particular predisposition of an individual. 303 On Herder’s views as a historical expression of ‘sinologism’, Gu, M. D. (2013), ‘Sinologism: a historical critique’, 72f. Cf. on Herder and race, Hannaford, I. (1996), Race: The History of an Idea in The West, 230f. 304 On Hegel’s view of ‘nation’, ‘history’, and his primary contribution to 19th-century discourse on evolutionism (later ‘social Darwinism’), modern analysis of China and post-colonialism, Duara, P. (1995), Rescuing History from the Nation, 20f.; Tibebu, T. (2011), Hegel and the Third World, 235–96. On his critique of the character and possibility of Chinese ‘philosophy’, Kim, Y. K. (1978), ‘Hegel’s Criticism of Chinese Philosophy’; and, his low regard for the abstract and ideographic quality of Chinese script (and Derrida’s view of this as Western ‘logocentrism’), Connery, C. L. (1998), The Empire of the Text, 37f. 302

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(ibid., 209). Until then, ‘The Substantial (ed. positive) in its moral aspect’ will rule, ‘not as the moral disposition of the Subject, but as the despotism of the Sovereign’ (ibid., 122). Though the Chinese have a keen sense of family, they are ‘children of the State’, with no freedom and ‘little independent personality’ (ibid., 126), their country ‘an empire, administration, and social code, which is at the same time moral and thoroughly prosaic’ (ibid., 129). Though this socio-political system is the product of ‘understanding’, it lacks ‘free Reason and Imagination’ (ibid.). Its highly trained Emperor may act with dignity, simplicity and humility, but he claims for himself ‘the deepest reverence’ (ibid.) and absolute obedience: as a result, his people view themselves as ‘born only to drag the car of Imperial Power’ (ibid., 145). There may, says Hegel, be ‘no distinction conferred by birth’ in China, so ‘everyone can attain the highest dignity’ (ibid.) in its social and educational system, but ‘the worth of the inner man’ is denied, and ‘a servile consciousness’ incapable of ‘distinctions’ is created (ibid.). Hegel tests China’s cultural soil and reckons it infertile.305 His is a harsh, historicist, cultural assessment. He continues. Despite its antiquity, erudition and type of social equality, China has no Constitution in the traditional sense. Until such time – or absent a dramatic disruption of the status quo – China will remain, a sad, imperial despotism locked in socio-cultural stasis and the effective ‘enslavement’ of its people. Individual freedom, property, law, punishment and religion will continue to be viewed perversely, and morality suffer. He states: As no honour exists, and no one has an individual right in respect of others, the consciousness of debasement predominates, and this easily passes into that of utter abandonment. With this abandonment is connected the great immorality of the Chinese. They are notorious for deceiving wherever they can. Friend deceives friend, and no one resents the attempt at deception on the part of another. —ibid., 137 With a religion (Buddhism) that ‘regards as the Highest and Absolute – as God – pure Nothing . . . contempt for individuality, for personal existence, (is). . . the highest perfection’ (ibid.). But the ‘truly theoretical occupation of the mind’, required for the ‘free ground of subjectivity’ and proper ‘scientific interest’, is also absent (ibid., 141). Though he esteems Chinese art – especially its capacity for imitation – Hegel nevertheless concludes: ‘This is the character of the Chinese people . . . Its distinguishing feature is that everything which belongs to Spirit – unconstrained morality, in practice and theory, Heart, inward Religion, Science and Art properly so called – is alien to it’ (ibid., 144). We track Hegelianism in Marxism, communism and 20th-century Maoism, but Hegel himself has little positive to say of China and Chinese culture.306 He takes sinophobia in a new direction, setting it on a new, critical, philosophical foundation.307 China has never been seen – or, indeed, seen On China as an aesthetic category for Hegel, Saussy, H. (1993), ‘Hegel’s Chinese Imagination’, 151–84. On Hegel and Western reception of Chinese ethics in general, Roetz, H. (1993), Confucian Ethics of the Axial Age, 7–22. 306 For 20th-century Chinese engagement with Hegel, Wang, R. R. (2014), ‘Zhang Shiying and Chinese Appreciation of Hegelian Philosophy’; Button, P. (2007), ‘Negativity and Dialectical Materialism: Zhang Shiying’s Reading of Hegel’s Dialectical Logic’. 307 N.B. the historical extrapolation from changing Enlightenment perspectives on China and Hegel’s view in Roetz, H. (2010), ‘On Nature and Culture in Zhou Culture’, in H. U. Vogel and G. Dux (eds), Concepts of Nature, 198–219. On Hegel’s political philosophy, Brooks, T. ([2007] 2013), Hegel’s Political Philosophy. 305

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itself – in the same way again. Adult, ancient China is undone by traditions it inspired that it reimported at first unconsciously and then deliberately. China’s reception of Hegel has been highly selective. His dialecticism has had more impact than his criticisms.308 As with Kant, we cannot ‘unremember’ Hegel when we study human character, purpose and morality in the Analects and Gospels: the socio-political, philosophical lacquer of Hegel and Hegelianism is very thick. Finally, we turn to Friedrich Schleiermacher, the so-called ‘Father of Modern Liberal Protestantism’; a figure as often misunderstood as intentionally misrepresented, who takes discussion of human character, purpose, and morality in important new directions. Ethics are pivotal (Schleiermacher [1812/13] 2002: if.). He disputes what he sees as dualism in Kant’s anthropology and ethics, and idealism in his fusing virtue and happiness. As Crouter states: ‘[T]he phenomenal and noumenal selves must be conceived together if we are to consider a person a moral agent’ (Schleiermacher [1988] 1996: xxi). Character is formed ‘by a long process of training and self-scrutiny and an approximation of happiness’ (ibid.). There is a Confucianesque quality to Schleiermacher’s moral pedagogy here. But it does not extend to more general interest in Herder’s sinology: Schleiermacher’s focus is his hermeneutics.309 There is much we might say of Schleiermacher’s intellect and pastoring, his creativity and scepticism, his sensitivity and his legacy. He was habitually sociable. As a professor, he would invite selected students round on Friday nights for tea (sic) – and leave them talking when he went to bed (at 2am) (Thielicke 1990: 177). As a student at the University of Halle (1787–90), he imbibed the rationalist spirit of Christian Wolff and the early proponent of biblical ‘Higher Criticism’, Johann Semler (1725–91). He sat at the feet of the ‘popular philosopher’ Johann Eberhard (1739–1809) to study Plato and Aristotle: he would return to their philosophy often. He turned his back on orthodox Christianity, telling his father: ‘I cannot believe that he who called himself the Son of Man was the true, eternal God; I cannot believe that his death was a vicarious atonement’ (q. Gerrish, 25). Before taking professorial chairs in theology at the universities of Halle (1804–7) and Berlin (1810–34), he doubled-up as a pastor, preacher, scholar and writer. In Landberg (1794– 6), Berlin (1796–1802), and (exiled in) Stolpe (1802–4),310 he developed his ‘Liberal’ views on institutional religion and European (specifically German) culture, Christian theology and moral philosophy. He is a friend to the Schlegel brothers and other leaders of the Romantic Movement. He is active in local politics, provocatively giving his support to the French Revolution. He is a bright new star of the Enlightenment, who has over the centuries enlightened many on Christian theology and communication theory. His internationalism and acute inter-disciplinarity exemplify the revolutionary ethos and ‘Romantic’ spirit of the age. He forms a natural bookend for the period c. 1750 to 1820. As an attractive, provocative, enigmatic individual, he warrants the study his

308 For analysis and bibliography on Chinese ‘reception’ of Hegel, Müller, M. (2004 and 2005), ‘Chinas Hegel und Hegels China’; —(2002), Die chinesischsprachige Hegel-Rezeption von 1902 bis 2000. 309 On Schleiermacher, Mariña, J. ed. (2005), Cambridge Companion to Schleiermacher; Blackwell, A. (1982), Schleiermacher’s Early Philosophy of Life; Crouter, R. (2005), Friedrich Schleiermacher: Between Enlightenment and Romanticism; Dilthey, W. (1870), Das Leben Schleiermachers; Gerrish, B. (1984), A Prince of the Church; Lamm, J. A. (1996), The Living God: Schleiermacher’s Theological Appropriation of Spinoza; Kelsey, C. L. (2003), Thinking about Christ with Schleiermacher; Niebuhr, R. R. (1964), Schleiermacher on Christ and Religion; also, Forster, M. N. (2008), ‘Friedrich Daniel Ernst Schleiermacher’. 310 Schleiermacher fled to Stople (in Pomerania) to escape the scandal of his relationship with Eleonore Grunow, the wife of a Berlin clergyman.

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hermeneutics enjoin. He enables – no exhorts – us to ‘read backwards carefully’ to find ourselves in the Analects and Gospels,311 and to see light on the faces in our old canvas. We focus on four aspects of Schleiermacher’s hermeneutics. They continue to impact the way ‘Classic’ texts like the Analects are Gospels are read – particularly in a philosophical, theological, ethical, and cross-cultural context. First, Schleiermacher’s hermeneutics draw on Herder and on his own evolving ideas about ethics.312 He lectured on hermeneutics first in 1805 and engaged the subject until 1833. His early indebtedness to Herder is clear, especially with regard to the cultural origin, mental character, and social and psychological milieu for understanding language and authors, and for interpreting and translating texts. But, as elsewhere, Schleiermacher takes and develops his mentor’s ideas. In contrast to Herder, he stresses inner non-linguistic thought-forms, and the inseparability of ideas and word-use. He follows Herder’s view of the deep linguistic, conceptual, and cultural differences that exist throughout history, but then warms to Kant’s connection of sensuous images and empirical concepts, and warns that the ‘particularity’ of words and meanings makes interpretation inherently difficult. To counter this, like Herder, he locates meaning holistically in semantics, conceptual ‘systems’ and grammatical usage. But, as we will see, Schleiermacher’s work on linguistic communication uses other material, and here lies his significance for us. His work is not only foundational for modern textual hermeneutics, it also helps to frame intertextual interpretation of the Analects and Gospels. We read in light of his lasting contribution to cross-cultural, and interreligious dialogue. If Herder shapes Schleiermacher’s hermeneutics, his thought is also conditioned by contemporary debates about Spinoza and Kantian ethics, and by his relation to Romanticism. Spinoza – and with him, of course, Confucian categories – came to the German Academy’s attention again with the publication in 1785 of Friedrich Jacobi’s provocative work, On the Doctrine of Spinoza, in Letters to Mr. Moses Mendelssohn.313 Mendelssohn (1729–86), a leading advocate of ‘Haskalah’, the Jewish Enlightenment of the 18th and 19th centuries, had gained public recognition with his Phaedo or On the Immortality of Souls (1767). Jacobi and Mendelssohn had engaged in sustained literary dialogue on the philosophies of (in particular) Kant, Lessing and Spinoza, and of Goethe’s dark, misotheistic, Prometheus (1789). When Jacobi decided (pre-emptively) to publish their letters – with his own barbed commentary! – his collocutor took umbrage. Jacobi’s work turned Lessing’s (self-confessed) Spinozism into a defence of faith against Mendelssohn’s (anticipated) anti-Spinozist attack on him. Though no devotee, Jacobi claimed Spinoza to be a truer expression of ‘Enlightenment’ individuality and rationality than the sham ‘nihilism’314 manifested by many of its adherents. Rationalists mocked N.B. Schleiermacher’s urging of careful study (viz. to be wissenschaftlich) (1860: I. 269). Both Herder and Schleiermacher owe much to the German Rationalist theologian and biblical scholar, J. A. Ernesti (1707–81), whose Institutio Interpretis Novi Testamenti (1761, Principles of New Testament Interpretation) not only drew a distinction between the way OT and NT should be studied, but also launched the ‘grammatico-historical’ school of exegesis. Ernesti’s historical, classical and philological interests led him to seek commonalities in the Bible and ancient literature, and to suspect intellectually unaccountable ‘spiritual’ reading/s. 313 On later application of Spinoza’s theology, cosmology and anthropology, e.g. Dufrenne, M. (1966), ‘Dieu et l’homme dans La Philosophie de Spinoza’, in Jalons, 28–69; and, ‘La Connaissance de Dieu dans la Philosophie spinoziste’ (ibid., 112–26). 314 ‘Nihilism’ (Germ. Nihilismus) was first coined by the mystical Swiss hermit Jacob Obereit (1725–98) in 1787. A friend of Fichte, Goethe and Schelling, Obereit applied the term to Kant’s reduction of knowledge to ‘appearance’. Jacobi popularized the term, using it as a convenient peg to hang criticism of his ‘atheistic’ and/or ‘rationalistic’ contemporaries. 311 312

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Jacobi as a ‘fideist’. Soon afterwards, Schleiermacher wrote two essays on Spinoza, Spinozisme (1793) and Kurze Darstellung des Spinozistischen Systems (1793–4, A short account of the Spinozistic System). Mindful of its useful anti-Kantian tone, Schleiermacher extracted from the Jacobi-Mendelssohn controversy sympathy for Spinoza’s (Confucian) monism, in which everything (including God) is reduced to the ‘intuition’ of one ‘substance’ – or ‘force’, which was Schleiermacher and Herder’s preferred term. Like Herder’s Gott: Einige Gespräche (1787, God: some conversations), Schleiermacher’s major work on the philosophy of religion, Über die Religion: Reden an die Gebildeten unter ihren Verächtern (1799a, On Religion: Speeches to its cultured despisers), contains not only a neo-Spinozist (qua Confucianesque) anthropo-cosmology, and a caustic attack on dogma and institutional religion,315 but also a clear statement of humanity’s universal religious ‘intuition’ or ‘feeling’ (das Gefühl) for God. The inter-religious potential of Schleiermacher’s work has often been recognized, not least, his account of humanity’s sense of ‘absolute dependence’ on God.316 His hermeneutics view religious texts as giving literary expression to humanity’s universal ‘spiritual’ sense and aspiration. Their interpretation is, for him, necessarily subjective and difficult. He warns: ‘[M]isunderstanding occurs as a matter of course, and so understanding must be willed and sought at every point’ ([1805–33] 1977: 110).317 Christians have, he says confidently and provocatively, no privileged access to biblical meaning and truth. Schleiermacher’s interest in Spinoza is coterminous with his early work on ethics, and there are clear connections between them. He wrote three (unpublished) essays on ethics at the height of the French Revolution – Über das höchste Gut (1789, On the highest good),318 Über den Wert des Lebens (1792–3, On what gives value to life) and Über die Freiheit (1790–3, On freedom). His tone is critical: Kant and Fichte come in for particular stick. He starts translating Plato’s Dialogues with Friedrich Schlegel. 1799 sees publication of his critical review of Kant’s Anthropology. He follows this with other works on ethics that are more constructive in tone. In his ‘New Year’ manifesto Monologen (1800, 1810, Soliloquies) we see his characteristic emphases on Freiheit (freedom) and the freedom of Geist (spirit), the relation of cognition to sensation, and his ideal vision of life for an individual and society. In his Grundlinien einer Kritik der bisherigen Sittenlehre (1803, Draft of a critique of previous ethical theory), he introduces the priority of Güterlehre (good ends attained by moral action). This is developed in his tri-partite lecture series (draft 1812/13) on ‘Goods’, ‘Virtues’ and ‘Duties’ (in descending order of merit). His emphasis is always towards an ontological ‘is’ rather than a prescriptive ‘ought’, and on the exercise of moral ‘cognition’ (reason) rather than ‘sentiment’. He draws much on Kant, though has reservations about his pragmatism and transcendental view of freedom. He also presses hard against the pillars of Kantian ethics: the N.B. Schleiermacher’s focus on religious ‘experience’ and transcendental ‘subjectivity’ led him to posit (controversially) an anthropocentric ‘religion within the limits of experience alone’, i.e. unshackled by dogma, prejudice and pietistic reductionism. This approach has inspired generations of ‘Liberal’ theologians. It is the antithesis of Barth’s mid-20th century Word-centred, ‘dialectical theology’ and ecclesial Church Dogmatics. On Barth, p. 85, 239, n. 315, 270, 307, 312, n. 222, 329, 420, n. 47, 446, 450, n. 246, 453, n. 271, 457, 461f., 464. 316 We should not overstate the unmediated nature of religious experience in Schleiermacher. Like Herder, he was attentive to the cultural and historical realities that condition life. 317 N.B. the importance of on this (Forster 2010: 332). The outline of his 1819 ‘Lectures on Hermeneutics’, draws a distinction between ‘qualitative’ misunderstanding of the content of a text (i.e. ‘the confusion of the meaning of a word for another’) and ‘quantitative’ misunderstanding (that is, failing to grasp nuances from the ‘sphere’, or circle, the author inhabits) ([1819] 1978). 318 N.B. on this text, its place in Schleiermacher’s ethics, and its relation to Spinoza (Dilthey 1870: I. 135f.). Also, Murray, C. J. ed. (2004), Encyclopedia of the Romantic Era, 2.1014f. 315

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‘highest good’ (Summum bonum) (as the basis of ‘happiness’ and ground of judgement), and the ‘Categorical Imperative’ (with its correlate of the necessary ‘universalizability’ of moral principles and practices). In their place, he advocates (pace Herder, Goethe, Schiller and other Romantics) personal responsibility and local custom. He sees his quest to balance ‘distinctive’ (eigentümlich) local norms and ‘universal’ practice (such as an intuited sense of ‘humanity’) will create ‘tension’, but it will, he believes, still prove constructive. In short, Schleiermacher lets ethics define true religion ‘as the transformative power over the self ’ (Mariña 2008: 3) and determine the ‘end’ of religious hermeneutics, namely, enlightenment. We also find in later lectures on ethics at the University of Berlin (1812–30; when Hegel was in residence) and six Akademieabhandlungen at the Academy of Sciences (1819–30), that, like others we have studied, he admits the priority of habit and ritual in the socialization of moral formation. With Coleridge (whose thought is strikingly similar), Schleiermacher levels the ‘spiritual’ playing field.319 Character, purpose and morality may now be deduced from the Bible and from secular texts, ancient traditions and local practice. The Analects and Gospels are read in China and the West ‘on the far side’ of Schleiermacher’s textual-religious relativism, institutional scepticism, transcendental subjectivism and his moral activism.320 Though Schleiermacher is self-consciously independent, his life and work flourish in their interdependence with the politics, people, cultural practices and piety of his day. His hermeneutics reflect his interaction with human psychology and everyday life, with German and pan-European art, history, poetry, music, culture, science and politics. The multi-facetted phenomenon of the Romantic Movement impacts his life and thought at every turn. We are not surprised to find him calling hermeneutics ‘the art of understanding’ ([1819] 1978: 1). As we have seen, Schleiermacher knew Schlegel in Berlin, and, though not a resident of Jena, knew Goethe, as well as Fichte and the poet-polymath Schiller (1759–1805) and Prussian philosopher, linguist and bureaucrat Wilhelm von Humboldt (1767–1835). With his fellow Romantics, he apes Kant’s privileging of ‘experience’ as the context and content of knowing. But he rejects Kant’s limitation on knowing a ‘thing-initself ’ (Ding-an-sich), or noumenon. For him, ‘experience’ enables true knowledge of a ‘thing’, or, as he calls it ‘being’ (Sein) – as exegeted in scientific distinction between ‘thing’ as a concept (Begriff), and its distinguishing features (Urteil: judgement, or original parts). The knowing ‘self ’ – understood in terms of its universal origins and Fichte’s dialogical ‘Ego’ and ‘Non-Ego’ – is for Schleiermacher, the Romantic, known not (as in classical Christianity) in relation to God, but in and through the natural world and lived reality (as in humanist Romanticism). In his post-Enlightenment and postKantian Romantic metaphysics, ‘self ’, ‘self-consciousness’, and ‘self-determination’ (freedom) shape his redefinition of religion as awe-inspired reverence for a sacral universe, and what he calls ‘that unsatisfied longing which addresses a great object of whose infinite nature we are aware’ ([1799b] 1969: 313). It is here, for him, and not in God, that the true purpose of life, human character, and morality are defined and disclosed. Sound moral habit, character trait, and vocational purpose reflect the rhythm and patterns of nature. Resonances with the Analects are all too clear in Schleiermacher’s occidental form of cosmogenic ethics.

Cf. Shaffer, E. (1990), ‘The Hermeneutic Community: Coleridge and Schleiermacher’, in R. Gravil and M. Lefebure (eds), The Coleridge Connection, 220–9. 320 His progressive ideals and political activism led to his being indicted – along with the nationalist historian and poet Ernst Moritz Arndt (1769–1860) – for ‘demagogic agitation’ in the aftermath of Napoleon’s overthrow. 319

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Finally, Schleiermacher uses, but again develops, Herder’s hermeneutics in his appeal to psychology and aesthetics in the interpretation of texts and linguistic communication. The Bible, though of interest to him, is again not privileged in his treatment. His broad approach to hermeneutics and quest for understanding ‘in the highest sense’ ([1811/12] 1998: 228) prompt reflection on ‘inner thoughts’ of an author prior to, and during, the creative process. Without these, he concludes, we cannot ‘understand’ a text. The author’s ‘inner thoughts’ are revealed by grammar and a judicious appeal to human psychology. The language an author uses is also critical. In a text’s original setting it both expressed and illuminated local minds. The interpreter seeks to understand the cultural, personal, and literary context that produced and received a text. The public response and author’s other works illuminate this. But in an author’s word-selection we find the key to unlock ‘inner thoughts’: through these, a reader can know the author ‘better than they know themselves’. Hermeneutic ‘understanding’ is for Schleiermacher about artistically recreating an author’s psyche, to grasp the original creative process and intention. History, grammar, and words play their part, but this ‘understanding’ is only ‘intuited’. So, hermeneutics is, for Schleiermacher, an ‘imprecise’ art form ([1819] 1978: 14).321 In this, for Schleiermacher, and for later existentialist hermeneutics,322 because author and audience both share ‘life experience’, time evaporates, cultural difference fades, ‘character types’ emerge, ‘purpose’ is discussed, sympathy communicated, and the search for ‘truth in life’ enriched. When the Analects or Gospels speak, therefore, of joy and pain – and dialogue with other texts about such things – we ‘know’, we ‘understand’, what they mean. Schleiermacher gave this enrichment to interpretation. Today, intercultural hermeneutics and literary criticism spend the intellectual legacy he bequeathed the world. As we have glimpsed, Schleiermacher also uses aesthetics to dissect hermeneutics. On Religion and Soliloquies suggest he was initially intimidated by the Schlegel brothers in this field, but he finally lectured on aesthetics in 1819 (and again in 1825, and 1832–3). He owes much again to Herder. And yet his own theory of knowledge shapes his later thinking. Aesthetics is, for him, a ‘passive’ form of thought – like religion, but unlike science – that processes experientially both ‘concept’ (Begriff) and ‘judgement’ (Urteil) in its engagement with beauty, colour, shape, shock and harmony. When hermeneutics is seen as an ‘art’, the interpreter is in possession of ‘all the conditions of understanding’ (1998: 227) and can begin the complex process of translation.323 However, Schleiermacher admits that – like thought, language and culture – personality affects artistic perception and interpretative conclusions. Unity in ‘experience’ is not conformity of ‘taste’. Though universalized, Schleiermacher’s aesthetics are also, like ethics, relativized. Aesthetics is for him about ‘understanding’ the ‘inner (non-linguistic) thought’ of an artist and their work. And, after study and reflection – and not a little struggle and inconsistency – Schleiermacher finally concludes that works of art do convey ‘meaning’ (N.B. how ‘meaning’ relates to words remains a moot point!). Here, as elsewhere, his approach opens new vistas for public and private interpretation. He still challenges readers, ‘Have you asked enough questions?’ Consciously or unconsciously, the Analects and Gospels are read in China and the West in light of Schleiermacher’s creative insight and potent rhetoric. Even homely Bible studies ask, ‘What does this say to me?’ Or are reassured to discover, ‘The writer knows how I feel’. Text and art acquire a global reach.

Cf. also on Schleiermacher’s hermeneutics, Torrance, T. F. (2009), ‘Hermeneutics according to F. D. E. Schleiermacher’. See below p. 463f., 465f., 468f. 323 On Schleiermacher’s lasting philosophical, theological, and cross-cultural contribution to ‘translation studies’, Cercel, L. and A. Serban, eds (2015), Friedrich Schleiermacher and the Question of Translation. 321 322

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Before leaving the historical referent of this chapter, c. 1750 to 1820, we return to an event that, like tea, has acquired its own archetypal quality: the ‘Macartney Embassy’ of 1793 to the Qing imperial court, when the ‘reign of terror’ in revolutionary Paris was at its height. The Emperor Qianlong’s response to George III’s request for a permanent official presence in Peking is a reminder of the widening cultural and political gulf between China and the West. It also helps to explain why ‘Sinophilia’ withered (through exposure to more of China) and ‘Sinophobia’ flourished (triumphing in China’s humiliation in the two ‘Opium Wars’): We, by the Grace of Heaven, Emperor, instruct the King of England to take note of our charge. Although your country, O King, lies in the far oceans, yet inclining your heart towards civilization you have specially sent an envoy respectfully to present a state message, and sailing the seas he has come to our Court to kotow and to present congratulations for the Imperial birthday, and also to present local products, thereby showing your sincerity. [. . .] As to what you have requested in your message, O King, namely to be allowed to send one of your subjects to reside in the Celestial Empire to look after your country’s trade, this does not conform to the Celestial Empire’s ceremonial system, and definitely cannot be done. —q. Macartney [1797] 1963: 337f. Macartney also writes of the Embassy’s rationale: ‘The East India Company had been unable to sell sufficient goods to finance its large purchases of tea, and as a result had been forced to send great quantities of silver dollars to China to pay for its yearly purchases’ (ibid., 14). The ‘cultural archetype’ of tea united China and the West and divided them. The tea-trade – like culture, language and religion – was a two-edged sword. Blunted by use, it cut uncleanly. Tea exemplifies decline in SinoWestern relations at the turn of the 19th century.324 It also reminds us that character, purpose and morality are more often revealed in a clash of cultural ‘habits’ and silly disputes about ‘taste’. Morality may address great issues – frequently not. Though often quoted in discussion of aesthetics during the Enlightenment, the Latin tag de gustibus non disputandum est (In matters of taste there can be no disputes) was rarely true. The connection contemporaries made between ethics and aesthetics was erratically applied.325 At times, too – as in the story of tea – issues of moment emerge in simple acts. As Hegel wrote of the ‘Boston Tea Party’: ‘The duties which the English Parliament imposed on tea imported into America were extremely light; but what caused the American Revolution was the feeling of the Americans that with this totally insignificant sum, which the duties would have cost them, they would have lost their most important rights’ (q. Dallmayr 2002: 29).326 Though Hegel’s aesthetics would not permit him to extrapolate from the ‘taste’ of tea to its universal significance, as a visual commodity it symbolized a universal right to ‘freedom’.327 To some, after Kant, freedom and morality were, like tea, really matters of health and habit: to others,

For an interesting extrapolation from the commoditization of tea to Marxist political economy, Boveiri, K. (2016), ‘On the Absence of Ideal Definitions of Terms in Marx’s Works on Political Economy’, in E. Chaput and A. Theurillat-Cloutier (eds), Hegel, Marx and the Contemporary World, 146–69. 325 On Hegel’s aesthetics in the context of 18th-century discussions of ‘taste’, Berry, C. (1982), Hume, Hegel and Human Nature, 20f. 326 To set this comment in context, Avineri, S. (1972), Hegel’s Theory of the Modern State. 327 Cf. on ‘taste’ in Hegel ([1805–6] 1978: II. 172f.). 324

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like Mme. De la Sablière, they were about taste and culture, economics and power. We glimpse in the haunted eyes of Joseph Karl Stieler’s (1781–1858) portrait of an ageing, deaf, Beethoven,328 the volatile, ambiguous gift freedom represented to many in his violent ‘Revolutionary Age’. The portrait was finished in 1820, the year Beethoven failed to finish his Missa Solemnis for the enthronement of Archduke Rudolph of Austria (1788–1831) as Archbishop of Olmütz. In aesthetics, as in ethics, best intentions are not always realized. The difficult relationship between ancient China and modern Europe was about to break.

CHARACTER, PURPOSE AND MORALITY IN THE ANALECTS AND GOSPELS While Beethoven’s Missa Solemnis remained incomplete, on 25 November 1819 Morrison wrote from Macau to the London Missionary Society in London: ‘By the mercy of God, an entire version of the books of the Old and New Testaments, into the Chinese language, was this day brought to a conclusion’ (1839: II. 2).329 Morrison had translated thirty-nine books, his younger colleague, William Milne, Job and the historical books of the Old Testament. Revisions and printing would take another four years. Debate about the style, accuracy and integrity of the text, rumbles on for ages.330 Supporters were thrilled. The American Bible Society recorded its ‘esteem’ and ‘high approbation’ of Morrison’s ‘eminent services’ (ibid., II. 116). Writing on 15 April 1821, Staunton told Morrison ‘the Chinese Dictionary, and other valuable works’, secured his literary standing ‘with all those whose good opinion is worth possessing’ (ibid., II. 131). He also thanked him for ‘the official documents on the accession of the new Emperor’, adding ‘the change cannot possibly be for the worse’ (ibid.). His hopes were soon to be dashed. The 1821–2 trading-season saw SinoWestern relations plumb new depths, when an American sailor, Terranova (n.d.), inadvertently killed a Chinese woman.331 The death penalty was demanded by the Chinese. In his report to authorities in Britain, Morrison expresses regret at the whole affair. Though he knows accidents happen, Westerners must see ‘the Chinese will admit of no national reciprocity’ and treat foreigners ‘as if they were enemies’ (II. 140).332 The cultural and political gulf between China and the West is widening. In Chapter 6, war will soon ensue. To Morrison – who read the Chinese and their language more acutely than they or the British enjoyed – the moral divide between China and the West was exemplified in the great fire of Canton on 1 November 1822 (Hancock 2008: 161f.). He wrote later, reflecting on the incident: ‘The Chinese character, as formed by paganism and despotism, exhibited on this occasion, was the opposite of generous and disinterested’ (II. Appendix, 39); so that, during the fire ‘a spirit of selfishness prevented those united efforts, and personal

The work was commissioned by Beethoven’s friends Franz Brentano (1765–1844) and his wife Antonie (1780–1869), who was probably the composer’s ‘Eternally Beloved’. 329 N.B. this occurred in 1819, not 1818 (Zetzsche 1999: 43, n. 95). Cf. also, Rubinstein, A. M. (1996), The Origin of the Anglo-American Missionary Enterprise in China, 133. 330 On the nature and reception of Morrison’s Chinese Bible, Hancock, Morrison, 130f., 145f. 331 Terranova accidentally dropped an earthenware jar over the side of his ship, Emily, killing a Chinese woman. After tense negotiations, with Morrison acting as interpreter, Terranova was surrendered to the Chinese and summarily executed. 332 Cf. ‘Remarks on Homicides Committed by Europeans on the Persons of Natives at Canton’ (1822) (Memoirs, II. 139–45); also, ‘Narrative of an affair between a watering party of seaman . . . and the Chinese inhabitants of Lin-tin Island’ (ibid., II, Appendix, 10f.). 328

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sacrifices, which humanly speaking, would have mitigated the evil’ (ibid.). China’s Buddhistic popular religion and its Confucianized culture did not, to Morrison, inculcate God-inspired, Christlike, self-sacrificing, agape love for the unknown, undeserving neighbour. As his honest Review of the First Fifteen Years of the Mission (22 November 1822) records: ‘True charity, is accompanied by personal inconvenience and care, which money cannot buy’ (II. 185). If agape love had been shown in Canton, it would have suffered less: that is his point. But, is Morrison right to contrast Christianity and Confucianism in this way? In this last part we examine character, purpose and morality in the text of the Analects and Gospels. We ‘read backwards (more) carefully’ now through the late 18th- and early 19th-century ‘Age of (cultural, intellectual and political) Revolution’. We also read the Analects and Gospels mindful they possess, what Tu Weiming calls, ‘the intentionality of a Classic’ (1976: 138; q. Girardot 2002: 691 n. 70); that is, echoing Zhuangzi’s famous parable of a net and fish, they are about more than words. They are live fish, not dead nets. They are written not to be read at leisure for pleasure but lived. They have ‘experiential’ intentions, making an authoritative appeal to the reader to eschew alternatives and pursue their vision of character, a distinctive ‘way of life’, and its accompanying virtues. The nascent ‘existentialism’ in Romanticism, and new ‘art’ of hermeneutics Schleiermacher, Coleridge and others enjoined, accentuate the moral ‘intention’ of these ‘Classic’ texts.333 After Herder and Schleiermacher, comparative exegesis will urge – no, oblige – attention to the ‘intention’ of authors and reception of their original audience. As Chapter 1 noted, the Analects emerged from a political and aesthetic culture that was alive to both threat and to beauty, so too late 18th- and early 19th-century Britain, Europe and America. It is no wonder Western translations began with the Analects. In the text’s brevity, biographical nature, and explicit moral tone, it resembled the Gospels.334 Here was safe, accessible material. Contrasts could be drawn, comparisons made. However, as we saw in criticism of David Collie (p. 203, n. 116), translation – never an easy thing – was (as ever) susceptible to wilful, or accidental, distortion.335 Nineteenth-century translations of the Analects are plagued by this. Controversies circle vulture-like over fleshy terms at the heart of Confucian morality336 – and, as Giles emphasizes, ‘in such terms, unfortunately, . . . the very essence and inner significance of the Confucian teaching are contained’ ([1907] 1998: 12f.).337 Much is at stake. We examine character, purpose and morality in the Analects and Gospels through the ethical terms they employ, mindful that every decision taken here in their selection, exaggeration and interpretation risks further controversy and confusion. For an ‘existential’ reading of Analects, Yan, A. Z. (2011), An Existential Reading of the Confucian Analects. For the Analects in E-W comparative moral philosophy, Angle, S. C. (2014), ‘The Analects and Moral Theory’, in A. Olberding (ed.), Dao Companion to the Analects, 225–58. 334 N.B. on Legge’s translation: ‘His version is accompanied by the Chinese text, followed by detailed, erudite notes, including minute explications of Chinese characters. While keeping the pithy and laconic nature of the original text, Legge produced fluent prose that reads well in English. Confucius’s standing among the Chinese, very much like that of Jesus Christ among Christians, seemed to make Legge believe that Confucius was not only the Chinese sage but also a god. With this preconception in mind, Legge made his translation into a bible of the Chinese’ (Classe 2000: I. 304). 335 Despite work done to unite (esp. Protestant) Chinese Christians in the Chinese Union Version, or CUV (઼ਸᵜ), of 1919 (revised 2012), and to provide an intelligible version of the Bible, I am often told by Chinese that extant translations are still often incomprehensible. 336 N.B. Encyclopaedia Britannica (14th edn, 1933) says of the wen-yan (classical, formal) Chinese of the Analects, that it is marked by ‘such extreme brevity and compactness that every character must be weighed to discern the meaning’. And, ‘Single characters are also capable of conveying such a wide variety in their interpretations of a given text’ (1105). 337 To illustrate the ripping of academic flesh that has at times accompanied debates about terms, Giles says of Legge’s translation of li as ‘ritual propriety’: ‘The whole tenor of the Master’s teaching cries aloud against such wilful and outrageous distortion’ (1907: 21). On Legge and Giles, p. 13, 33, n. 75, 244, 245f., 253, 386. 333

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The Analects Much has been and could be said about Confucian ethics. As we have seen, early Western encounters with China were drawn to, and then distracted – if not disturbed – by them. We focus here on five terms at the heart of Confucius’s moral teaching on human character, life’s purpose, and public and private behaviour. Through li ⿞, ren ӱ, junzi ੋᆀ, zhong ѝ (or zhong yong ѝᓨ) and cheng 䃐, we exaggerate themes within the moral tradition Confucius inherited and sought to repristinate. But just as we cannot study Confucian ethics apart from historic commentarial debate and related second-order virtues, so Jesus’s moral teaching in the Gospels helps us identify Confucian distinctives. We start study of ethics here but continue it in Chapter 6 on ‘Truth and Truthfulness’. i. Li ⿞. We have mentioned li before.338 No-one questions the term’s centrality to ruist tradition and Confucian ethics. It appears seventy-one times in the Analects. Three of the Thirteen Classics are dedicated to it. The Rites of Zhou ઘ⿞ (Zhouli; orig. Officers of Zhou, ઘᇈ [Zhouguan]), the Book of Rites, or Etiquette Ԛ⿞ (Yili), and the Book, or Record, of Rites ⿞䁈 (Liji) confirm the pivotal place li occupies in the tradition Confucius inherited and sought to ‘transmit’. Debates about the origin and meaning of the term have been fierce, as Giles’s attack on Legge shows. Li functions within a nexus of other terms; especially, ren (benevolence, humanity) and yi ܰ (etiquette or righteousness), but their precise relationship is much debated. Care is needed. Problems surrounding li’s interpretation and use pre-date the Analects. As we saw in Chapter 1,339 the Analects do not inaugurate, but perpetuate ru tradition. As such, the meaning and use of li in the Analects are historically – and culturally – conditioned. We see something of the historic valency, and cultural potency, of the term in the diplomatic incident (and the offence) caused by Macartney’s refusal to ‘kow-tow’ to the Qianlong Emperor. More was clearly at stake in 1793 than oriental ritualism or diplomatic bloody-mindedness. The Qing Emperor, like his forebears, saw himself as presiding over an orchestrated world where routinized habits and ritualized virtues were performed. Li was the temporal, public face of the heavenly Way (dao 䚃). Thus, Macartney did more than ruffle imperial feathers: he disrupted Heaven’s Will and Way. Li is connected to daily life and to ‘harmonious’ deeds: ‘When it comes to the practice of ritual, it is harmonious ease (he ઼) that is to be valued. It is precisely such harmony that makes the Way (dao 䚃) of the Former Kings so beautiful’ (A. 1.12). Ritual and knowledge by themselves are insufficient. Li is ritualized conformity of life on earth now to Heaven’s Will and to ancient wisdom. Though li ⿞ is similar to yi ܰ (etiquette; sometimes righteousness),340 it contains radicals associated with spiritual things (⽪) and ceremonial vessels (䉺). Hence, it is used to denote rituals that matter, behaviour that is fitting. It represents a more secure, predictable basis for government and society than brute force or law.341 The extent to which li designates outer ritual and/or the inner, moral content of private and public acts, is much Cf. p. 38, 175. Cf. p. 23f., 31, 43, 402. On li, p. 253. 340 Slingerland comments on yi ܰ: ‘This term generally refers to a kind of cultivated sense of what is right and morally proper (4.10, 4.16, 5.16, 15.18, 17.23, 19.1), although at times it has the more specific sense of “rightful duty” in a political context, as in 18.7’ (241). 341 We see a classic statement of this in A. 2.3: ‘If you try to guide the common people with coercive regulations (zheng ᭯) and keep them in line with punishments, the common people will become evasive and will have no sense of shame. If, however, you guide them with Virtue, and keep them in line by means of ritual, the people will have a sense of shame and will rectify themselves.’ On the value of Legge’s translation of li as ‘ritual propriety’ in this passage (contra Lin Yutang’s ‘ceremony’ and D. C. Lau’s ‘rite’), Zhu, F. (2009), ‘A Study on James Legge’s English Translation of Lun Yu’. 338 339

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disputed.342 Some scholars (like Giles) reject the definition ‘ritual propriety’ as a fudge. What is clear is that li is applied in the Analects to pedagogical instruction (about doing the right thing at the right time) and to moral conformity (of outward habits to inward virtues). Hence, as we saw earlier in this chapter, Confucianism instils an ethics of ‘habit’ and a strong dose of ‘duty’. Li is linked to everything from filial piety343 to courtly ritual, funeral rites to diplomatic protocols. Virtue is rooted in rules and in honoured ‘habits’: Kant derived his morning tea ritual from it, others an ethic of disciplined, but circumscribed, love.344 There is no agape love for ‘outsiders’ here: there is principled sympathy and respect for life’s pre-assigned ‘insiders’.345 Contrary to its philosophical co-option by religiously reductionist Deism, li is in classical Confucianism religiously suggestive, when, like Christian orthodoxy, it seeks the moral conformity of life on earth to Heaven’s Will. Li enshrines Confucius’s exultation of temporal, ritualized ethics that actualize Heaven’s power and ‘blessing’.346 We will return to ‘ritual’ in Chapter 7. We note here the priority the Analects accord moral ‘habit’ over personal ‘taste’ or preference. Modern morality may find this one of the less attractive features of Confucius’s old face. ii. Ren ӱ. We have again spoken of ren before.347 It appears 109 times in the Analects, to communicate the humaneness of character and benevolence towards others that are for many the moral kernel of Confucian ‘virtue’ (de ᗧ).348 Ren is an ancient, relational term.349 The character ren unites the ideographs for ‘human being’ and for ‘two’; but it is still an allusive term in the Analects. It is interpreted by conduct more than theory and is as much to do with self-mastery as selflessness.350 Analects 6.30 still urges, though: ‘[O]ne who is Good (ren) helps others to take their stand; wanting to realize himself, he helps others to realize themselves’ (A. 6.30). Ren is taught in story but learned autobiographically. It unfolds in (a) character. Li and ren are therefore interrelated. As Confucius asks: ‘A man who is not Good (ren) – what has he to do with ritual (li)?’ (A. 3.3). Some scholars identify inconsistency, or ambiguity in this; specifically questioning whether li is the cause, context, or consequence of ren. To others, form and ritual habitually vitiate virtue; while to others, if li denotes a ritual form and a moral disposition, ren is the holistic content of a virtuous life.351 However N.B. Fingarette warns against imposing Cartesian mind-body dualism on Confucian ethics and behaviour; arguing there is no radical distinction between an ‘inner’ and ‘outer’ self, nor a clearly differentiated public and private identity in Confucianism. Seen thus, Confucian morality assumes a primarily social (if not also cosmic) character. 343 On filial piety, Chan, A. K. L. and S-H. Tan, eds (2004), Filial Piety in Chinese Thought and History. 344 For a comparative study of li and (Michel Eyquem de) Montaigne’s (1533–92) view of the French principle ‘coustume’, Wee, C. (2008), ‘Confucius on li and Montaigne on Coustume’, in Q. V. Shen and K-l., Shun (eds), Confucian Ethics in Retrospect and Prospect, 277–90. 345 On classical Confucianism’s concentric circles of familial and socio-political obligation, p. 31, 32, 184, 247, 255, 485. 346 On the character, history, meaning, evolution and use of li in the Confucian Classics, Li, C. (2014), ‘Harmony with Ritual Propriety Li’, in Li, C., The Confucian Philosophy of Harmony, 57–70. Legge translates ren ‘perfect virtue’. This suggests he wanted to commend Confucian moral effort while criticizing confidence in its salvific power (N.B. to a Scottish Augustinian this would smack of Pelagian ‘works righteousness’). 347 Cf. p. 18, n. 7, 175f. 348 On de ᗧ (virtue) as a moral quality, heavenly gift, and earthly moral power in a ruler or junzi (who lives in harmony with the Way) to inspire others to live well and act aright, A. 2.1, 4.25, 7.23, 12.19, 14.42, 15.5. 349 On the term’s antiquity and pre-dating of Confucius, Zuo Commentary 10: ‘Zhong Ni (Confucius) said, “It is contained in an ancient book that to subdue self and return to propriety is benevolence. True is the saying and excellent” ’ (q. Zhang, D., 2002: 286). 350 N.B. in relation to ‘individualism’, Brindley, E. F. (2010), Individualism in Early China. 351 Cf. Li, C. (2014), Confucian Philosophy of Harmony, 59f., where he studies A. 10.5, 3.26, and 4.13, and concludes Fingarette was wrong to say: ‘Confucius had no concept of the importance of the “inner life” beyond behaviour’ (60; cf. Fingarette 1972: 45). 342

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interpreted, ren is more than sentiment, or a nice form of humane feelings:352 it is – as Reid, Burke, Wedgwood and Wilberforce in their own way show – an ethics of deed and practice of benevolence.353 The Analects apply ren, then, to the theory of moral excellence and the practice of the highest ‘good’.354 Ren is the fountain-head of all other virtues.355 It pours out through Analects 17. 6 in five other virtues eagerly sought by the junzi:356 gong ᚝ (reverence, respectfulness), kuan ሜ (magnanimity, generosity, open-mindedness), xin ؑ (truthfulness, trustworthiness), min ᭿ (agility, adroitness), and hui ᜐ (kindness, favour, beneficence). In addition, we find other specific ren- dependent virtues, namely, ai ᝋ (love, affection, concern),357 wen ⓛ (warm-heartedness; A. 1.10) and ci ᝸ (lovingkindness; A. 2.20). So, ren is presented and sustained in the Analects alongside li, in action (xing 㹼)358 that reflects zhong ᘐ (loyalty, and regard for others),359 yong ࣷ (courage, boldness),360 rang 䇃 (deference, refusal to yield),361 jing ᮜ (reverence),362 xiao ᆍ (filial conduct)363 – as the supreme manifestation of social harmony and familial respect – and, of course, by keji ‫ݻ‬ᐡ (self-discipline).364

N.B. the contrast between theoretical universalism in Kantian ethics (above p. 191f.) and the pragmatic immediacy of Confucian moral individualism, as evident in ren and li. 353 In A. 12.22, ren is defined by Confucius as ‘Care for others’. 354 Waley (1938) and Slingerland (2003) translate ren as ‘good’ or ‘goodness’. 355 N.B. the useful discussion in, Shen and Shun, eds (2008), Confucian Ethics, 16f. 356 On ren as the quality that embodies, or harmonizes, other virtues: A. 13.19, 27, 14.4. 357 This is a complex term in the Analects, with contrasting usage, e.g. A. 1.5, 3.17, 12.10, 17.21. Cf. Kim, M-K. (2008), ‘An Inquiry into the Development of the Ethical Theory of Emotions in the Analects and the Mencius’, 86f. 358 Slingerland extends xing 㹼 in A. 15.6 to ‘getting by in the world’ (176). 359 N.B. A. 15.6 where zhong ᘐ (dutiful) and xin ؑ (trustworthy) are linked; also, on this A. 1.8, 9, 9.21, 15.19. On zhong ᘐ, as ‘regard for others’, A. 4.15. 360 Cf. A. 2.24, 5.7, 7.11, 8.2, 10, 11.13, 14.4, 15.6, 17.8, 23, 24; and, in contrast, A. 6.15, 9.29, 14.28. There is debate about yong ࣷ as a virtue in its own right, or as a dependent motivation that sustains other virtues; while all the while being threatened by fear (2.24) or uncontrolled yong (viz. luan Ҳ [unruliness]). Cf. Van Norden, B. (1997), ‘Mencius on Courage’; Cua, A. S. (2014), ‘Early Confucian Virtue Ethics’, in V. Shen (ed.), Dao Companion to Classical Confucian Philosophy, 309f. N.B. Slingerland’s comment on yong: ‘A virtue inherited from the Zhou martial ideal of the gentleman, but subordinated in the Confucian context to more important virtues such as wisdom or rightness . . . In its proper place, . . . an important quality of the gentleman, allowing him to pursue the moral Way without fear (9.29, 14.28)’ (237). 361 Like yong, rang 䇃 is a difficult word in the Analects. It can mean principled courtesy (A. 14.13) and the right to stand up for oneself (i.e. Legge’s ‘to steal on occasion’) when, for example, a sheep wanders onto your land and can be appropriated (A. 13.18). Rang is in A. 13.18 also implicated in the complex relationship between goodness, law, filial duty and excessive trustworthiness (A. 1.2, 13, 2.3, 5.27, 12.13, 17–19, 13.6, 18, 20, 17.8). 362 Jing ᮜ (reverence, respect) is a foundational quality in the formation of a junzi (A. 12.5), and in social interaction generally (A. 14.42, 15.5). It is applied to propriety and ritual (A. 3.26, 5.17), sacrificial rites and ceremonies (A. 6.22, 19.1), and relations to parents (A. 1.7, 2.7). It is also to be promoted by a ruler (A. 2.20) and seen in his discharge of official duties (A. 1.5, 5.16, 13.19, 15.38, 16.10). For a comparison with Greco-Roman cultural practice, Yeo, Musing with Confucius and Paul, 372. 363 On xiao ᆍ (viz. lifelong parental affection, filial piety and model family relations) as a foundation for ren, an expression of the relational character of Confucian ethics, and for its particular association with Confucius’s disciple Zengzi ᴮᆀ, cf. Xiao Jing ᆍ㏃ [Classic of Filial Piety] and A. 1.2, 9, 11, 2.7, 8, 4.18, 12.11, 17.21, 19.17, 18. On xiao also, Ames, R. T. and H. Rosemont, Jr. (2014), ‘Family Reverence (xiao ᆍ) in the Analects’, in A. Olberding (ed.), Dao Companion to the Analects, 117–136. Unlike the cold Kantian ethic of ‘duty for duty’s sake’, xiao is an aretaic, relational term denoting respect (jing) for parents, ancestors and family. In the Analects, xiao ᆍ is not a matter of mindless devotion or uncritical subservience: it is proactive in honouring and guiding relationships (incl. between a child and her parent). 364 Cf. A. 12.1 where keji ‫ݻ‬ᐡ (self-control) sustains li and thus serves ren. Cf. also, on keji connoting xiushen ‫؞‬䓛 (selfcultivation), Tu, W. (1976), Neo-Confucian Thought in Action, 30; Lai, K. (2014), ‘Ren ӱ: An Exemplary Life’, in A. Olberding (ed.), Dao Companion to the Analects, 87f.; Cua, A. (2014), ‘Early Confucian Virtue Ethics’, in Shen, Dao Companion, 309f.; and, cf. Zhu, F. (2009), ‘A Study on James Legge’s English Translation of Lun Yu’, 36, for analysis and praise of Legge’s translation of ji (in keji) as the ‘selfish self ’. 352

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When early translators saw an inversion of the ancient ‘Golden Rule’ in the Analects (‘Do not do to others what you would not wish them to do to you’ [A. 12.2]),365 their hearts leaped. Here were grounds for direct comparison with a biblical priority, agape love. Some would always find the principles and practices of Confucianism wanting. There is little Romantic subjectivity, or raw ‘sentiment’ here. This form of the ‘Golden Rule’ is to be interpreted positively: ‘Be ren, act right and do not do what you would not wish done to you.’ On this much-debated ‘single thread’ (A. 15.3) hangs the harmonizing in Confucian morality. This is summarized in Analects 4.15 as ‘nothing more than dutifulness (zhong ᘐ) tempered by understanding (shu ᚅ)’.366 This, then, is ren: to do consciously (shu) the right thing (li) at the right time (yi) in the right way (zhong). Here is tough, situational, relational morality that shaped ancient China and the old culture Westerners encountered there. As we have noted before,367 the Enlightenment found in this (as others since), a compelling ideal to challenge the hegemony of Christian orthodoxy – albeit, little is said of individual freedom, even less of the legitimacy of revolution or the possibility of socio-economic progress. iii. Junzi ੋᆀ. In the ideal figure of the junzi (Lit. son of a lord) in the Analects,368 the exemplary story form of Confucian ethics finds visual, personal and social enfleshment. Though the Analects is realistic about humanity’s physical and moral frailty, Confucius’s hope for personal and social redemption is concentrated in what he projects on to the junzi, who is, as we saw in Chapter 1,369 an exemplary ‘gentleman’ and an effective government official. Though the term junzi has been variously translated – ‘superior man’ (Legge), ‘gentleman’ (Slingerland), ‘profound person’ (Tu Weiming), ‘princely man’ (Giles) – the junzi epitomizes Confucius’s visionary ethical ideals. In the teleological aspirations of this moral aristocrat, ren is lived, li honoured, and the dao of Heaven’s Will and Way recovered. There are four things to add to what we saw of the junzi in Chapter 1. First, considerable clarity attends the Analects’ holistic template for the ideal junzi. To summarize De Bary’s list of the junzi’s ‘qualities or capacities’ (1991: 20): i. virtues that benefit the community (A. 15.34, 20.2);370 ii. a respected, reverential style (A. 6.30); iii. a cultivated ‘riteness’ (De Bary) in honouring people and ritual (A. 1.9, 12.2, 13.14, 14.44); iv. a kind, generous and patient manner (A. 18.2, 11.24); v. a calm confidence and trusting spirit (A. 12.7, 13.4, 15.25); vi. a knack of making reasonable and timely demands (A. 19.10); and, vii. an eagerness to teach and to learn (A. 6.20, 13.4, 29). In other words, the junzi is to demonstrate nobility of character in refined manners. Cultured 18th-century Europeans were spell-bound by this practical, social, political ideal. To Slingerland translates this: ‘Do not impose upon others what you yourself do not desire’ (126). In A. 15.24, this reserve is connected to another key concept, shu ᚅ (understanding). On shu ᚅ in relation to zhong, Cua, ‘Early Confucian Virtue Ethics’, 14f. Following A. 12.1 (‘The key to achieving Goodness lies within yourself – how could it come from others?’), the Confucian ‘Golden Rule’ places private judgement and the action of the individual at the centre of moral discernment. In contrast to other forms of Asian philosophy, moral progress and ethical decision-making are seen not in (passive) selflessness but in (active) self-nurture. On the complex issue of the ‘self ’ in the Analects, Chong K-c., S-h. Tan and C.L. Ten, eds (2003), The Moral Circle and the Self, xxii–iv, 249–94; also, cf. Allinson, R. E. (1985), ‘The Confucian Golden Rule: A Negative Formulation’. 366 Cf. Slingerland’s comment on the essentially practical ‘golden thread’ Confucius teaches (174). Cf. also, Van Norden, B. W. (2002b), ‘Unweaving the “One Thread” of Analects 4.15’, 216–36. On the ‘altruism’ of shu, viz. ‘to put oneself in the position of another and to look at the world from that perspective’ (W. T. Chan; q. Zhang, D., 2002: 285). 367 Cf. p. 102f., 110, 114, 118, 127, 129, 141f., 143f., 150f. 368 Junzi appears 107x in the Analects. 369 Cf. p. 26, n. 43. 370 De Bary finds fifty-two references to min ≁ (ordinary people, the masses) in the Analects, in which ‘the great majority of references . . . involve their relationship to the ruler’ (ibid., 19). 365

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Confucius, though the junzi may not acquire official recognition, he can – and will – still exercise moral authority and social influence.371 For he is, after all, the living embodiment of the mythic Emperor Yao’s moral vision, and a means of socio-political stability and renewal.372 The ideal could become real. Second, broad expectations accompany the junzi in the Analects. Unlike the unique vocation of a ruler, sage or woman, the Analects present the junzi as an ideal for all; although, realistically, few will pursue or attain it. In Confucius’s self-deprecating humility we see an honest recognition that his vision for the junzi is demanding (A. 7.26, 29, 33). Every aspect of life is to be subsumed in the quest for self-control, and service of family and society.373 Inspired by sagely words, heavenly imperatives and great people (A. 16.8), the junzi is set apart from lesser folk (xiao ren; Lit. little people) by the breadth of his mind, the depth of his character, and the consistency of his morality and single-minded pursuit of self-mastery374 and ‘propriety’. By education and self-discipline, the junzi walks the Way (dao), and, in the process, guards himself against wilful deviance and disrespect.375 Life is comprehensively reconfigured in and through the sacrificial life and labours of Confucius’s ideal gentleman-official. But effort is required; as Analects 8.13 urges: ‘Be sincerely trustworthy (xin ؑ) and love learning (xue ᆨ), and hold fast to the good Way until death.’376 The claims of ren and li on the junzi are comprehensive. As Analects 4.5 states: ‘The gentleman (junzi) does not go against Goodness even for the amount of time required to finish a meal. Even in times of urgency or distress, he necessarily accords with it.’ The story form of the Analects’ ethical vision finds a socio-psychological counterpart in rules and sacrifices the junzi exemplifies. Third, in light of this, we are not surprised to discover an expression of frustration in Confucius, the man, and mentor of the junzi. As Analects 4.7 reveals: ‘People are true to type with regard to what sort of mistakes they make. Observe closely the sort of mistakes a person makes – then you will know his character.’ Confucius battles to model the life and work of a junzi. Knowing his own struggle,377 he is tough on others, complaining in Analects 4.5: ‘I have yet to meet a person who truly loved Goodness (ren) or hated a lack of Goodness . . . I have never met anyone whose strength was insufficient for this task. Perhaps such a person exists, but I have yet to meet him.’ As a student 371 Cf. A. 4.14 for Confucius’s emphasis on persona over position: ‘Do not be concerned that you lack an official position, but rather concern yourself with the means by which you might become established. Do not be concerned that no one has heard of you, but rather strive to become a person worthy of being known.’ On the competitive claims of self and society, A. 14.24, 15.21. 372 Cf. p. 33 for the famous quotation from the ‘Canon of Yao’. The clarity here should not be seen to deny evolution in the idea of the junzi nor declension in attainment. 373 Cf. A. 14.42 on self-cultivation, Confucius’s breadth of expectations and their practical implications. Also, Zuo Commentary 11: ‘The Odes (Ode 260, Zheng Min) say, “He neither devours the mild, not violently rejects the strong. He does not insult the poor not the widow; nor does he fear the violent or powerful.” Only the person of benevolence is able to do so’ (q. Zhang, D., 2002: 286). 374 N.B. A 12.1, in answer to Yan Hui’s question about Goodness (ren): ‘The Master said, “Restraining yourself and returning to the rites (keji fuli ‫ݻ‬ᐡᗙ⿞) constitutes Goodness. If for one day you managed to restrain yourself and return to the rites, in this way you could lead the entire world back to Goodness. The key to achieving Goodness lies within yourself – how could it come from others?” ’ (N.B. Slingerland notes debate about interpretation of keji here). On rites as restraining influences, A. 1.2, 5.21, 6.27, 8.2, 9.11 and 12.15. 375 Threats to the junzi’s morality and integrity in the Analects are multiple; e.g. in A. 4.5 financial: ‘Wealth and social eminence are things that people desire, and yet unless they are acquired in the proper way, I will not abide them.’ 376 On xue, below p. 250. 377 N.B. A. 7.33: ‘There is no one who is my equal when it comes to cultural refinement, but as for actually becoming a gentleman (junzi) in practice, this is something that I have not yet been able to achieve.’

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of humanity and nurturer of morality, Confucius stresses the importance of teaching and vents his frustration on slow learners. Of himself he says: ‘When walking with two other people, I will always find a teacher among them. I focus on those who are good and seek to emulate them, and focus on those who are bad in order to be reminded of what needs to be changed in myself ’ (A. 7.22). Life, like literature, teaches: xue ᆨ (learning) is central to both (A. 2.4, 11, 5.27, 7.1, 20, 27, 11.20, 15.35, 39, 16.9, 19.7).378 Confucian ethics are consciously caught and taught. The junzi models this. As Confucius says of himself deprecatingly in Analects 7.28: ‘I listen widely, and then pick out that which is excellent in order to follow it; I see many things, and then remember them. This constitutes a second-best sort of knowledge.’379 But, better this than the folly of those who will not learn or pride of those who know they have (A. 2.17, 5.19). In all things the junzi is to be a model student, a preserver of culture380 and a moral exemplar. To Confucius, his is a way fraught with frustration, disappointment, opposition and danger. As Analects 8.7 famously records: ‘Master Zeng said, “A scholar-official must be strong and resolute, for his burden is heavy and his way (dao 䚃) is long. He takes up Goodness (ren) as his own personal burden – is it not heavy? His way ends only in death – is it not long?” ’381 Fourth, the vision Confucius had of a junzi is associated with social transformation and cultural evolution. We are not dealing with static categories. Confucius’s vision for the bureaucratic junzi is the social and political antithesis of the revolutionary Parisian sans-culottes. That said, Confucian ethics are sensitive to need and situational in focus, as are li and the work of the junzi. We will return to this again in the next chapter. For now, we note that the corporate ethic inspiring the Analects’ vision for the junzi seeks personal and societal transformation amid the daily realities of sociocultural and political imperfection. If culture is to be restored, and tasks rightly fulfilled, effort and adaptability will be required.382 Like a Dickens character, we meet a real person in the junzi, who inhabits a real – often rather sordid – world.383 The gifted junzi adapts to succeed, is reserved when criticized, always seeks ‘to make the best of it’, and is inspired by incremental progress. This is the place and power of yi ܰ in service of ren and li, for the junzi is slow to surrender the ideal of Heaven’s Way. In terms characteristic of later deontological ethics,384 Analects 4.16 contrasts the junzi (who does what is ‘right’ [yi ܰ]) and the ‘petty person’, or xiao ren (who is focused on ‘profit’ [li ࡙]). Whereas the xiao ren is self-serving, the junzi’s tastes are refined, judgement sound, and style tough but flexible, as he reconciles ideals with reality (A. 4.16, 7.16, 14.12, 16.10). iv. Zhong ѝ – and zhongyong ѝᓨ (the doctrine of ‘the mean’) – anchors Confucian ethics. The junzi neither goes beyond, nor falls short, in action and observation.385 He seeks and serves the

On xue ᆨ above p. 31, 249. N.B. here Confucius’s view of the relative merits of (impressive) innovation and (useful) ancient learning. Cf. also A. 14.24 where he contrasts the ‘invested’ moral education of the past with the ‘disinterested’, amoral intellectualism of the present. 380 On the rich concept wen ᮷ (culture), A. 1.6, 3.8, 6.18, 27, 7.6, 9.5, 12.8. 381 On self-development as a lifelong journey, A 8.3, 9.11. 382 N.B. the Analects only use the big Confucian concept zhengming ↓਽ (rectification of names) once (13.3). However, the restoration of all things to their rightful place is a central theme of the book (e.g. A. 12.11). 383 On the English novelist Charles Dickens’s (1812–70) characters, p. 257, 282f. 384 Cf. p. 30f. 385 N.B. A. 11.16 where Confucius responds to Zigong’s question about the relative merits of Zizhang, who ‘overshoots the mark’, and Zixia who ‘falls short of it’: ‘Overshooting the mark is just as bad as falling short of it’. On Zhong ѝ, A. 1.12, 6.18, 29, 13.21, 20.1. 378 379

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balanced ‘mean’. In the ‘mean’ lie perfect virtues. We see something of this balance in Confucius’s character. As Analects 7.38 says: ‘The Master was affable yet firm, awe-inspiring without being severe, simultaneously respectful and relaxed.’ In this sense ‘the mean’ is effortless, unselfconscious ease, in ‘harmony’ with Heaven’s Way. Analects 7.4 states: ‘In his leisure moments, the Master was composed and fully at ease.’386 Effort is balanced by ease in realization of Confucian virtue. Harmony is given not grasped. At the heart of ‘the mean’ is a ‘letting be’ (wu wei ❑⛪) that does not strive, and a disavowal of easy compromise. As Confucius says in Analects 17.13: ‘The village worthy is the thief of virtue.’387 Goody-goodies emasculate principle. The higher standard in zhong is a ‘harmony’ (he ઼) that welcomes diversity (like a troop of musicians) but rejects mindless accord (tong ਼). Analects 13.23 states: ‘The gentleman harmonizes (he ઼), and does not merely agree (tong ਼). The petty person agrees, but does not harmonize.’388 ‘The mean’, as we see here, is a positive, pragmatic, ethical ideal in the Analects. In a volatile, revolutionary age, deistic diplomats and Utilitarian politicos found much here to envy and seek to emulate. v. Cheng (䃐), and its correlate xin (ؑ), connote an essential sincerity, or fidelity.389 Hence, in Analects 12.11 cheng is used in a limited sense of fulfilling a vocation faithfully (i.e. as a lord, minister, or son). It stands for straightforwardness in action and is a practical expression of zhengming ↓਽ (‘rectification of names’), in which the right person says or does the right thing. The seeds of a substantially expanded (practical and theoretical) interpretation of cheng are sown here. We cannot pursue this now; suffice it to say, in the Da Xue (Great Learning) cheng is used of a sound and sincere will. In the Zhongyong (Doctrine of the Mean) it acquires a mystical meaning, allied to cosmic unity and moral harmony.390 In Neo-Confucianism, it is the beginning and end of human identity and morality, the principle through which self-cultivation and moral perfection are realized.391 Xin, on the other hand, is more prominent in the Analects.392 It is used to describe and commend truthful speech and trustworthy behaviour. Hence, in Analects 1.13 we read: ‘Trustworthiness comes close 386 On Zhong ѝ, Yu, K. (2017), ‘Zhong and the Language of Clustered Meanings’, in Yao, X. (ed.), Reconceptualizing Confucian Philosophy in the 21st Century, 177–90. 387 N.B. criticism of Legge’s translation of xiangyuan (in A. 17.13) as ‘good, careful people’ (Zhu, F., 2009: 40). We can imagine Legge’s Victorian principles struggling to accept Confucius’s position here; except, perhaps, in the context of his opposition to humanistic moralism per se. 388 N.B. Slingerland’s reference ad loc to Zuo Commentary’s explanation of the ideal of he ઼ enshrined in zhong ѝ. Cf. also, criticism of Legge’s culturally inept translation of A. 13.23 (‘The superior man is affable, but not adulatory; the mean man is adulatory, but not affable’; q. Zhu, F., 2009: 41). Note also, the limit to autonomy implied in ‘harmonization’. Classical Confucian ethics did not sanction a person’s absolute ‘rights’ to self-determination. Personal fulfilment is attained in relation not in radical individualism. As the scholar-journalist Liang Qichao’s reformist manifesto New People (ᯠ≁䃚) stated: ‘Freedom means Freedom for the Group, not Freedom for the Individual . . . Men must not be slaves to other men, but they must be slaves to their group. For, if they are not slaves to their own group, they will assuredly become slaves to some other.’ On the complex issue of the transference of Western ideas on individual autonomy into Chinese contexts, Fan, R. (2010), Reconstructionist Confucianism, esp. 3–67; Angle, S. C. and M. Svensson, eds (2001), The Chinese Human Rights Reader. 389 Legge translates xin in A. 1.4, 2.22 as ‘sincerity’ (also possibly in 5.24). 390 For cheng 䃐 in the Zhongyong and comparison with Heideggerian social norms, Li, C. (1999), The Tao Encounters the West, 49f. On the cosmic significance of cheng, Roetz, H. (1993), Confucian Ethics of the Axial Age, 229f. 391 For a contrast between cheng, as Neo-Confucianism’s ‘highest virtue’ and ‘highest good’, and the bifurcation of contemplation and practical virtue in Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics, Yu, J. (2007), The Ethics of Confucius and Aristotle, 185f. Also, on cheng in the thought of the father of Neo-Confucianism, Zhou Dunyi ઘᮖ乔 (1017–73), Huang, S-c. (1999), Essentials of Neo-Confucianism, 27f. 392 The term is used 20x or so times in the Analects (e.g. A. 1.5, 6, 7, 8, 13, 2.22, 5.26, 12.7). On this, Wee, C. (2011), ‘Xin, Trust, and Confucius Ethics’, where good questions are asked about assuming (as today) an isomorphic relationship between xin and trust.

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to rightness, in that your word can be counted upon.’393 The junzi is to be (like Burke) zhong ᘐ (dutiful) and xin ؑ (trustworthy):394 his words are to be as careful as a ruler’s actions are to be consistent.395 Cheng and xin together represent the essential ideal unity of word and deed, attitude and action. It is not surprising that in Analects 2.22, Confucius compares xin to the small, but invaluable, ‘linchpin’ that binds an ox to a cart. Small deeds have large impacts. As Ames and Rosemont say: ‘[L]ike the carriage pins, making good on one’s word (xin ؑ) is the link between saying and doing’ (q. Slingerland, 15). This is the root of a Confucian view of truth and truthfulness. It becomes, we will see, a crux interpretum in East-West dialogue. The Gospels The ethics of the Gospels provide important points of contrast and comparison with the Analects. Attention has often focused on the relationship of ren and agape, and the two forms of the ‘Golden Rule’ that we find in classical Confucianism and biblical Christianity. We look at these issues here, and at light the Gospels shed on li, junzi, zhong and cheng.396 Evidence from c. 1750 to 1820 would suggest that to ‘read (the Gospels) backwards carefully’ requires we not only engage in comparative, Confucian-Christian dialogue, but consider the threat to Christian identity, to biblical authority and interpretation, and to creedal orthodoxy, the Enlightenment, Romanticism, and the ‘Age of Revolutions’ really posed. If, as noted previously, we should avoid over-stating the intellectual, socio-political and cultural impact of this epoch on the biblical religion of the majority of Western Christians, we should also not under-estimate the gradual erosion of traditional beliefs Enlightenment rationalism, Kantian idealism, experiential Romanticism and globalized trade and travel, now engendered. Christian ethics had to compete in new markets with other systems of life, faith and thought. If ‘Sinophilia’ built on the novelty, plausible similarity and harmless compatibility of Chinese culture and classical Confucianism with orthodox Christianity, ‘Sinophobia’ was, as noted, a cocktail of concerns ranging from tricky Chinese traders to China’s rationalist philosophy. In later chapters we will see how Sinology in the 19th and early 20th centuries handled Chinese data more confidently, and tended to interpret China’s cultural, religious and philosophical ‘otherness’ more equably, if not, once again, incredibly enthusiastically. That said, though early Protestant missionary endeavour tended to over-state the spiritual and physical plight of the Chinese, and the lack of ‘light’ in China’s ancient Confucian culture – in part, at least, to raise funds, inspire recruits and prompt prayer – it was also pro-active in describing Chinese culture, mores and traditions. Unlike European critics who never visited, missionaries lived and worked there. They engaged China from within, and sought to know, value, and capture it with Christian love, Herderian clarity and early anthropological zeal. Like the Jesuits and others in the early ‘China Mission’, the first Protestants acted as cross-cultural commentators, as eager to tell China the Christian gospel, as the West of a China they knew and for the sake of Christ, loved. Even when their reports are spiritual and critical, they are often more useful (and On the nuanced relationship between ‘trustworthiness’ and ‘rightness’ in the Analects and elsewhere in the Confucian Classics, see below p. 336f.; also, 28, 177, n. 263, 247, n. 361. 394 Cf. A. 5.1: ‘. . . be respectful in your handling of affairs and display trustworthiness’. 395 For a comparative study, Xie, W. (2017), ‘Sincerity and the Impasse of the Exemplary Person’, in Yao, X., Reconceptualizing Confucian Philosophy, 257–72. 396 On lexical issues in 19th-century Sino-Western exchange, see the essays in Lackner, M., I. Amelung and J. Kurtz, eds (2001), New Terms for New Ideas. 393

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truthful) than the cynical distortions of Western detractors and secular diplomats. Thus, missionary material is still a gold-mine for cross-cultural studies. When Robert Morrison, and other early translators of the Bible and Chinese Classics, encountered terms like li, it is not surprising they admitted (superficial) similarities between the Analects’ and Gospels’ view of moral formation. In the ‘paradigmatic figures’ of Jesus and Confucius, we find a comparable readiness to follow, and teach, ancient moral ‘habits’ and inherited ritual practices that help to create a character whose ‘yes is yes’ and ‘no, no’. Jesus is a regular synagogue worshipper and teaches about frequent prayer, fasting and almsgiving. Though he preaches a radical ‘love ethic’, he is not a moral, or religious, iconoclast. The discipleship he wants involves ‘repentance’ of sin, a will to learn and a disciplined life. Though Jesus is vigorous in his demand for personal allegiance, it is not at the expense of the Old Testament charge to ‘love God and neighbour’. But, as we will see further in Chapter 7 (on ‘Memory, Rite and Tradition’), Jesus’s prioritizing of an ‘inward’, spiritual response of the ‘heart’ to God, over a legalistic dependence on ‘ritual’ and the ‘traditions of the fathers’, sets him at odds with the religious authorities of his day and with classical Confucianism’s confidence in the transformative moral power of li. Even though Jesus charges his disciples, neighbours, and religious authorities, with failing to ‘keep God’s law’, it is in the name, and for the sake of a God whom he and his followers can call and approach as a ‘Father’; that is, one who is known through trust, obedience and prayer, not terrified obeisance or silent dread. Legge probably did go too far – as Giles passionately insisted ([1907] 1998: 13) – when he later claimed li was ‘a great stumbling block in the way of Confucius’ (1861: I. 111), and the morality he inspired: ‘. . . the result of the balancings of his intellect, fettered by the decisions of the men of old’ (ibid.). In contrast, that is, to dynamic ethics in the Gospels, which are ‘the gushings of a loving heart, responsive to the promptings of Heaven, and in sympathy with erring and feeble humanity’ (ibid.). But, to late 18th- and early 19th-century Christian pietists Confucian discipline was neither unknown nor unattractive. Victorian religion is the fruit of Christian encounters with China: if Wilberforce funded Morrison’s Chinese language study, Simeon (above p. 187) in Cambridge had Morrison for tea (sic) when he was in Britain on furlough (1825–6). Mutual admiration abounded! Love and discipline united. The process of cross-fertilization is beginning to be, as here, ‘from everywhere to everywhere’. While Simeon hosted would-be ordinands, ‘keen’ undergraduates, and Morrison, to tea in his room in King’s College, Cambridge, 5,000 miles away, as Jessie Lutz has pointed out, two of the first converts to Protestant Christianity in China, Liang [A] Fa ằ>䱯@Ⲭ (1789–1855) and Che Jinguang (Ch’ëa Kam-kwong) 䓺䠁‫( ݹ‬c. 1800–61) used ‘tea houses’ and ‘tea stalls’ in their gospel evangelism of neighbours.397 This is more than mere coincidence, or the unitive power of the mighty ‘cultural archetype’, tea. This is a deliberate, enculturated, practical, form of agape love, shown in training, evangelizing and hospitality. Though Charles Simeon – like Morrison, Wilberforce, and most of their Western Protestant contemporaries – believed in the ‘revealed truth’, ‘plain reading’, and spiritual or salvific ‘sufficiency’ of the Bible as God’s word to His world, he (like Wilberforce and the ‘Clapham Sect’) had come to see the need to interpret the Bible and Christian ‘good news’ to a critical age and its hostile culture(s) through philanthropy and practical

Cf. Lutz, J. (2001), ‘A Profile of Chinese Protestant Evangelists in the Mid-Nineteenth Century’, in Ku, W-y. and K. De Ridder (eds), Authentic Chinese Christianity, 72.

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service;398 just as much as its Enlightenment and Romantic readers sought to supplement and defend it to new intellectual communities through philology, ‘Higher Criticism’ and textual comparison. In this, they were imitating and obeying Jesus’s ethic of ‘neighbour love’. Christian character – like the ‘Good Samaritan’ in Jesus’s parable (Lk. 10.25–37) – cannot hold back, ignore need, or just ‘feel sympathy’: it must help, heal, give and try to save. Seen in this light, the ‘China Mission’ – Catholic and Protestant – was a practical exercise in biblical exposition, Christian love and spiritual obedience. Time and again in the Gospels, Jesus teaches an ethic of self-sacrificing love, ‘going the extra mile’, sharing with those in need, ‘turning the other cheek’, and ‘taking up a (his) cross’ (Mt. 5.41, 42, 38f., 16.24f., Lk. 9.23); indeed, ‘the closest possible following of Jesus’ (von Balthasar, above p. 47) is expressed in Christ-like self-sacrifice and service (Mt. 20.26, Mk 10.43, 45). We ‘read backwards carefully’ when we allow the Christian mission to China in the early 19th century to polish our perception of the ‘love ethic’ Jesus preached and lived.399 It is different from ren in the Analects:400 for, it is universal in its scope and salvific in its purposes. It is also theocentric, and so projected onto a larger scale than either rationalist ‘goodness’, deistic ‘duty’, Kantian ‘charity’ or Romantic ‘sentimentalism’. It is the ‘end’ of human life and work, and apogee of Christlike ethics.401 Hence, Jesus tough invitation: ‘[W]hoever wants to save his life will lose it, and whoever loses his life for me will save it’ (Lk. 9.24).402 This Way is not easy. If Kant legitimated moral ‘feeling’, the Romantics reimagined visceral ‘love’. Both continue to condition Christian interpretation of agape and its cognates in the Gospels. As important is the ‘Golden Rule’ both Christianity and Confucianism uphold. In contrast to the negative terminology – but arguably more inclusive sense – of the Analects, Jesus exhorts his disciples: ‘So in everything, do to others what you would have them do to you, for this sums up the Law and the Prophets’ (Mt. 7.12). As Roman Catholic scholar Hans Küng comments: ‘In both Confucianism and Christianity, the ethic of humanity culminates in the love of the fellow human being’ (Küng and Ching 1989: 118).403 The New Testament’s use of agape is different from other terms used for love; namely, eros (sexual love), philadelphia (friendship) and storge¯ (familiarity). Agape in the Gospels is ultimately to be distinguished from ren by: i. its heavenly origin, God, the Father (Jn 3.16f.; also, Rom. 5.8); ii. its exemplary persona, Jesus, the Son (Jn 10.11f., 11.35, Mt. 15.32, 20.34, Mk 8.2, 9.22, Lk. 7.13, 10.33, 15.20); and, iii. by its spiritual energy, the Holy Spirit (Jn 14.15–17.16, Rom. 5.5, Gal. 5.5). To Paul, it is the gift that ‘abides’, when faith, hope and virtuous deeds fail (1 Cor. 13.13). ‘Transcendence’ is a feature of both ren and agape. Yao Xinzhong identifies, though, ‘a fundamental divergence’ in how Christianity and Confucianism interpret ‘transcendence’ (Yao and Yao 1996: 103). To most Confucians, he explains, ‘to transcend is to develop one’s humanity’, and this is ‘one’s own responsibility’ (ibid.). For Christians, ‘to transcend is to live in God’s grace, for which only God On Morrison’s expansion of his missionary strategy from translation, Bible teaching, evangelism, education and languagelearning, to practical Christian service of orphans and the sick, Hancock, Morrison, 161–97, 200–6. 399 For a Christian-Neo-Confucian comparative study of Christ’s saving work, Huang, P. (2009), Confronting Confucian Understandings of the Christian Doctrine of Salvation. 400 N.B. the comparative study of agape and ren – using Neo-Confucian scholars Cheng Hao 〻井 (1032–85) and his younger brother Cheng Yi 〻乔 (1033–1107) – Huang, Y. (2005), ‘Confucian Love and Global Ethics’. 401 On the pre-eminence of agape in Christianity, Nygren, A. (1969), Eros & Agape. For a summary contrast of ren and agape, Huang, Y., ‘Confucian Love and Global Ethics’, n. 12. 402 On silent, Christ-like sacrifice, Mt. 26.47f., 63f., Mk 15.5, Lk. 23.8f., Jn 19.8f.; also 1 Pet. 2.21f. 403 Cf. also, Allinson, R. E. (1992), ‘The Golden Rule as the Core Value in Confucianism and Christianity’. On religions and ‘the Golden Rule’, Gensler, H. J. (2013), Ethics and the Golden Rule. 398

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is accountable’ (ibid.). Furthermore, if the ‘Golden Rule’ is manifest in the Analects through texts, nurture and self-discipline, in the Gospels it is fulfilled by divine inspiration and obedient imitation (of Jesus). In contrast to preferential obligations in li and ren (A. 1.2, 6, 14.34, 20.5; also, Mencius 4. A. 19, 7. A. 15), as well, agape is universal, inclusive and unconditional.404 In conformity to his Father’s word and example, Jesus teaches: ‘Love your enemies, do good to those who hate you, bless those who curse you, pray for those who ill-treat you’ (Lk. 6.27f.).405 No-one is to be excluded. In Kantian terms, agape is not just a ‘categorical imperative’, or an inspiring ideal, it is truth incarnate in Jesus that is to be re-cast in life through obedience, imitation and the gift of the Spirit.406 So, agape is not like zhi ⴤ (uprightness)407 – a derivative of ren in the Analects (A. 13.18, 5.23) – nor a matter of kindness, emotion, or ‘good habits’. Its character and quality derive from God’s word and eternal nature. It is embodied in Jesus and his followers by their self-sacrificial obedience and selfless lives. If ren is more than love for family, neighbour and the natural world, so too is agape. It is living eternally and creatively in a love for God and neighbour that derives from God and is, like God’s will, to be done ‘on earth as it is in heaven’ (Mt. 6.10).408 The cosmic, eternal parameters of agape have suggested to some a ‘universal’ reach in divine love and Christian salvation; indeed, we read the Analects and Gospels ‘on the far side’ of a late 18th- and early 19th-century revolution in ‘experiential’ hermeneutics, which replaced Christ’s propitiatory, vicarious sacrifice with an ‘exemplarist’ atonement and an ‘inclusivist’ view of God’s salvific love. This theory has been contentious. However, let’s be very clear, for all its perceived, or assumed, ‘exclusivism’, early Protestant mission to China proclaimed spiritual and social ‘freedom’ for all, like socio-political radicals in the West. They also taught Jesus’s ‘good news’ was an offer of life for all, and not God’s imposition of redemption on all, or service and love for some.409 Clarity on this is important. Thirdly, as noted above, in contrast to the Analects, Christian ethical imperatives in the Gospels derive from theological indicatives. Specifically, the gift of the promised Holy Spirit empowers 404 On universal love worked out through family relationships in Confucianism, Allinson, R. E. (1990), ‘The ethics of Confucianism and Christianity: The delicate balance’. 405 N.B. Küng’s comment: ‘For the Christian, God’s love for every human being is the basis for every human being’s love for every other human being. . . In the same way, God’s own love for the enemy is the basis for people to love their enemies’ (1979: 120). 406 Küng rightly points out that Christian love is ‘a love, not of man in general, of someone remote, with whom we are not personally involved, but quite concretely of one’s immediate neighbours’ (1979: 152). Hence, the incarnation requires an imitative preoccupation with the well-being of fellow humans and the physical world. 407 On the meaning and importance of the virtue zhi ⴤ (uprightness, straightness), for which ‘people are born’ or ‘survive’ (A. 6.19), Ni, Understanding the Analects, 69f.; A. Olberding, ed. Dao Companion to the Analects, 161f. 408 R. C. Neville finds similarity between Christianity and Confucianism: ‘[L]ove lends itself finally to the root metaphoric work for ontology, in the Christian notion that the divine act of creation of the world is pure love, that love is creativity, and in the Confucian notion, spelled out in Zhuxi’s Treatise on Jen (ren), that love is the empowering principle of coming to be, developing, flourishing, and having consequences’ (1999: 200). 409 Cf. for a well-known, mid-19th-century ‘Liberal Anglican’ expression of ‘universalism’ (pace Kant and Schleiermacher), as a counter to Reformed doctrines of Christ’s ‘limited atonement’ and a defence of the limitless love of God, cf. Maurice, F. D. [1805–72] (1853), Theological Essays, 442f.; Young, D. (1992), F. D. Maurice and Unitarianism, 247f. But Legge’s later comparisons between Confucianism and Christianity caused his conservative Christian friends to question his orthodoxy. His Religions of China (1880), work with the German-born philologist, orientalist and anthropologist, Max Müller (1823– 1900), and later editions of the Chinese Classics, were seen to confirm he no longer made ‘exclusive’ claims for Christianity and for Christ’s saving work. Echoing Herder and Hegel, in his Religions of China Legge affirms China’s need for Christianity, ‘now that the wall that separated China from other nations has been thrown down’. For, he says: ‘I believe it is only their adoption of Christianity that will enable the people to hold their own, and lift them up in the social scale’ (1880: 308f.). As we will see (below p. 275, n. 56, 284f., 287, n. 115, 324, 327, 332, 347, 364, 384, 418; also, 198, 212, 225, 228, n. 258), many ‘modernizing’ Chinese in the late 19th and early 20th centuries would have disputed this diagnosis.

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Christians to keep God’s law and live ‘holy’ lives.410 Ethical conformity to God’s purposes results from a fusion of the disciple’s active will and the sovereign gift of the Spirit. This conjunction of God’s pneumatic gift with a person’s character and will shapes Christian morality and discipleship. However, as in Herder, local cultures, languages and personalities are not lost. They are enhanced by the presence and activity of a divine creator. Christian ethics witness the consummation of humanity in its conformity to Christ’s character and purpose. His life, death and resurrection enable the ‘justification’ and ‘sanctification’ of sinners. Seen in this light, the shape of what the Analects say of the junzi becomes clearer. Confucius commends an example:411 Jesus commands faith and obedience. As he declares: ‘If you love me, you will obey what I command’ (Jn 14.15). In the ‘Sermon on the Mount’, as we saw in Chapter 2, he claims to fulfil the Old Testament law, prophets and covenants. He issues a new ethic and commandment on the personal premise, ‘. . . but I say to you’ (Mt. 5.21, 27, 31, 33, etc.).412 In line with this, in the Gospels (and rest of the New Testament) there is an inseparability of faith and obedience, discipleship and ethics. This is a ‘way’ for all when called by Jesus to ‘follow’. It is not just for appointed leaders or a self-selecting, would-be junzi. In contrast to the inner discipline and immediate obligations of Confucian morality, classical Christianity looks above and beyond an individual to a divine command and revealed will.413 Though theologically and theoretically Christian obedience and the work of the Holy Spirit are central to late 18th- and early 19th-century biblical morality, in practice, it bears close comparison with Confucius’s nurture of the junzi. Human character and purpose are revealed in, accountable to, and defined by an authoritative Bible ‘plainly taught’. This is the ground of rule-based Victorian culture and missionary piety. But we read the Analects and Gospels today ‘on the far side’ of an enculturated Christianity that too often sought ‘justification’ by works and ‘sanctification’ by personal piety and family prayer. That said, biblical Christianity and classical Confucianism do share a sense of ‘law’ as the basis of ‘freedom’, that rules kept, and rituals observed, liberate. As Jesus states: ‘If the Son sets you free, you will be free indeed’ (Jn 8.36). In contrast to situational immediacy in Confucian morality and ‘universalizability’ in Kant, there is what James Legge’s brother George (1801–61) – also a China missionary – would later call a ‘postmillennial’414 (i.e. eschatological or teleological) quality to (most) late 18th- and early 19th-century Western morality. Human character and purpose face a final ‘Judgement Day’, when faith and obedience will be tested and Jesus’s Lordship

Cf. Joel 2.28f., Ezek. 11.2, 19, 36.26f., Is. 44.3, Mt. 3.11, Mk 1.8, Lk. 3.16, Jn 14.15f., 16.7–15, 39, Ac. 2.4–33, Rom. 8.2f., 2 Cor. 3.3f., Gal 3.14, Eph. 1.13f., Heb. 8.10f. 411 Cf. the sages, sheng 㚆, are too distant to operate as effective examples for Confucius, albeit their example, reflected in the junzi, is one all should aspire to emulate. 412 Cf. Jesus’s provocative claim to ‘fulfil’ the Law and the Prophets (Mt. 5.17), to interpret God’s will and work with a unique authority (Mt. 5.18f.) and to revise in a revolutionary way traditional Jewish teaching on murder, tithing, adultery, divorce, oaths, retributive justice, and God’s character and acts (Mt. 5.21–48; also, e.g. Lk. 4.14f.). 413 N.B. Jacques Gernet’s view of the difference between Confucian and Christian morality: ‘The analogy between Chinese and Christian precepts can be no more than a deceptive appearance, for in Chinese morality there is no such thing as aspiration towards a God external to this world. On the contrary, it hinges upon the idea that one must find within oneself, and there develop, the innate sense of good, which is there a reflection of “the principle of heavenly order” ’ ([1982] 1985: 160f.). Some accuse Gernet of ‘over-generalizing’ China’s fixed, cultural characteristics (cf. Cohen 1987: 674–83). 414 On the Legge brothers’ idiosyncratic, imperialist ‘postmillennialism’, that inspired their confidence in China being ‘civilized’ and ‘converted’ by Spirit-empowered missionaries in the course of a thousand years, Doyle, G. W. ed. (2015), Builders of the Chinese Church, 70; Pfister, L. (2004), Striving for ‘The Whole Duty of Man’, I. 106–8, 242–5. 410

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vindicated.415 Ethics in the Gospels are set in the context of earth and heaven, time and eternity, death, judgement and final resurrection.416 Though the Analects construe virtue in supra-historical categories (as willing conformity to the Way of Heaven), the Gospels emphasize eschatological ‘hope’ and Christ’s return, when ‘sheep and goats’ (Mt. 25.31f.) will be separated and life consummated in a ‘new heaven and earth’ (Rev. 21.1). Anticipating the next chapter: Dickens expresses this in the sentencing of Magwitch in Great Expectations (1861) when ‘a broad shaft of light’ reminds the judge and the court that ‘both were passing on, with absolute equality, to the greater Judgment that knoweth all things and cannot err’ (1861: III. 286).417 Dickens’s character David Copperfield similarly exhorts Martha: ‘In the name of the great Judge . . . before whom you all must stand at His dread time, dismiss the terrible idea! We can all do some good, if we will’ ([1849–50] 1895: 543).418 The junzi in the Analects is not judged like this. This is a distinctive correlate of traditional Christian moral teaching (Mt. 24.36f., and Mk 13.1f., 32f.), with the eschatological moral exhortation ‘Be prepared. Live as if this day were your last and heaven or hell awaited.’ There is urgency in Confucius, but not this spirited eschatology or vivid apocalyptic.419 While Hegelian teleology collapsed judgement into historical process and personal choice, and Schleiermacher’s anti-dogmatic theology, apologetics and hermeneutics made light of ultimate accountability except to ‘self ’, traditional biblical ethics between c. 1750 and 1820 continued to build around the character and teaching of Jesus, as the one who has, as the harassed disciples saw, ‘the words of Eternal Life’ (Jn 6.68, 20.31). Personality, not philosophy, shapes Christian and Confucian ethics; and, as we have seen, pedagogy spoken and modelled is at the disciplined heart of both.420 Like zhong in the Analects, the Gospels commend self-control and moderation, but personal motives are also now cross-examined and a ‘higher’, inner, righteousness sought (Mt. 5.20). Immorality – like anger, greed and mean-spiritedness – is to be tested by intention as much as action. If zhong ѝ in classical Confucianism is a philosophical state, or balanced, moderate ‘mean’, ‘discipline’ in the Gospels can lead to ‘foolish’ extremes for Jesus’s sake to fulfil his ‘new commandment’ of love and obedience. The person who builds on t/his word is secure in the face of howling winds and rising tides (Mt. 7.24f., Lk. 6.46f.). Like God’s word in the Old Testament, Jesus is a source of light, guidance, life and hope (Ps. 119.105, Mt. 28.20, Jn 8.12, 10.10, 14.6). It is the ‘fool’ who lets wealth, success, status, and religious externals, disturb child-like trust in the truth of Jesus’s teaching and the fact of his Father’s provision (Mt. 6.25/Lk. 12.22f., 18.1f., 19.13f., Mk 8.14f., 10.17f., 35f., Lk. 9.1f., 10.1f., 12.1f., 35f., 14.1f., etc.). As we will see in Chapter 6, Jesus’s words are, like Old Testament prophecy, a ‘plumb-line’ for morality and truth (Amos 7.7f., Is. 28.17, Zech. 4.10). He promises his Spirit will ‘lead’ his disciples into that truth and remind them N.B. Girardot sets the shift in Legge – viz. from seeing Confucianism as ‘unreligious’ in his 1861 1st edn of the Analects to his more moderate tone in the revised Intro. of the 1893 2nd edn – against the background of Confucianism’s waning profile in Britain (2002: 60). 416 On the foundational nature of Christ’s resurrection for Christian ethics, O’Donovan, O. (1994), Resurrection and Moral Order. 417 On the link between this and Dickens’s initial position on capital punishment, Colledge, G. L. (2009), Dickens, Christianity and ‘The Life of Our Lord’, 72. 418 On this, Colledge, G. L. (2012), God and Charles Dickens, 73. For the connection with Dickens’s view of the ‘social gospel’ as an antidote to evil that ‘turns in on itself ’, Walder, D. (2007), Dickens and Religion, 153. 419 On death and the ‘afterlife’ in the Analects and Gospels, Chapter 8, p. 482f. 420 N.B. ‘Discipline’ (Lat. disciplina) is traditionally associated with ‘mental’ and ‘moral’ formation, with some learning acquired by accident or adversity. 415

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of it (Jn 16.13f.); as such, the Spirit is a holy gift that ‘convicts the world of sin, righteousness and judgment’ (Jn 16.8–11). The ‘peace’ this Spirit gives is not the ‘comfortable ease’ (wu wei ❑⛪) Confucius offers and models (A. 7.4), nor a skilful harmonizing (he ઼) of virtues, it is a sword that pierces folly and penetrates the depths of a person (Jn 15.26f., Eph. 6.17, Heb. 4.12). In a ‘Revolutionary Age’, like Jesus, Burke and Wilberforce reveal the paradoxical power of conservative biblical ethics to subvert the socio-cultural and political status quo. They do not seek a moderate ‘mean’, but the principled ‘extreme’; or, as Simeon put it – perhaps more intelligibly now, in light of Britain’s exposure to Confucian philosophy – ‘The truth is not in the middle, and not in the extreme, but in both extremes’ (Carus 1847: 600). In later chapters we will see existentialist hermeneutics reposition the biblical text and reader so the ‘mean’ (zhong) of the Analects appear anaemic and ‘extremes’ of Jesus’s life and death – surprisingly, perhaps – attractive. Lastly, the Gospels commend integrity of character and clarity of purpose. Jesus’s disciples are neither to swear or lie, deceive, doubt or destroy (Mt. 5.34, Jas 5.12). Like cheng 䃐 and xin ؑ in the Analects, the Gospels teach a correspondence between word and deed, motive and manner, mind and heart. Christian integrity is rooted in obedience to the Levitical command Jesus echoes: ‘Be holy, because I am holy’. Or, as Matthew 5.48 says: ‘Be perfect (Gk. teleioi), therefore, as your heavenly Father is perfect.’ Here teleios has the connotation not only of perfection, but fulfilment and completion in body and character. It is the root term behind dynamic, teleo-logical ethics. It is the moral ‘end’ for Christians. This divine standard admits no deceit, guile, corruption or perversion. Integrity is to reflect the consistency and faithfulness of the heavenly Father. Though Christian pietism led some in the late 18th and early 19th century to withdraw from ‘the world’ (1 Jn 2.15f.; cf. also, Mk 4.15f., Eph. 2.1f.), others, as we have seen, sought to engage it in evangelism, service and socio-political action. This was their understanding of Jesus’s call to disciples to be ‘salt’ and ‘light’ (Mt. 5.14f., Eph. 5.8). ‘Holiness’ could be found through missionary service and the liberation of slaves, as much – if not more – than through regular prayer and private devotion. Heeding Law’s Serious Call to a Devout and Holy Life (1729) could take many forms. If, as we have seen, sinophobia led some to prepare for a military conflict with China, sinophilia now captured the hearts and minds of academics and missionaries. Integrity required truth be sought ‘no matter what’, the gospel preached ‘no matter where’.421 Either way, the ‘purity of heart’ Jesus envisions is a tough ideal, only perfected in heaven. Unlike cheng 䃐 and xin ؑ, Jesus’s vision for, and promise of ‘new life’ is never realized on earth. That does not mean life is without hope. The fraudster Zacchaeus, the doubter Thomas, the prostitute Mary, the depressed paralytic, the betrayer Peter, and the society they inhabit, hear from Jesus grounds for hope (Lk. 19.1f., Jn 5.1f., 20.24f., Mt. 26.6f., Lk. 22.54f.). When the Victorian era – inspired in no small part by the novels of George Eliot (1819–80)422 – gave ‘sympathy’ new priority over legalism, judgementalism and biblical literalism, it recognized ‘the creature of circumstances’. The Bible is the thesaurus now of spiritual formation and social action. As Harriet Carker said of the Bible to the dying Alice Marwood in Dickens’s Dombey and Son, it is ‘the eternal book for all the weary, and the heavy-laden; for all the wretched, fallen and neglected of this earth’ (2009: II. 58, 845). Romanticism is kept alive – if not reborn – in the

N.B. the German American theologian Reinhold Niebuhr’s (1892–1971) claim that the unconditional nature of perfect Christian love as a ‘religious ideal in its purest form has nothing to do with social justice’, because ‘it submits to any demands however unjust and yields to any claims, however inordinate’ (1960: 263f.). 422 On Eliot, below p. 273f., 302f. 421

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biblical and social realism of 19th-century literature. We read the Gospels ‘on the far side’ of its novelistic description of ‘character’ and its portrayal of humanity’s existential quest for purpose amid life’s trials. Tea and civility are refined and reconfigured amid ugly reality. China is another Victorian nightmare, while Britain and Europe are, to China, surely worse.

CONCLUSION Stories have been woven into the backcloth of this chapter on morality. They are a medium common to Confucian and Christian pedagogy. We will return to novels in the next chapter. For now, we end connecting the ‘cultural archetype’ of tea once again with Charles Dickens.423 Hannah Lewis-Bill concludes her article on Dombey and Son (1848) suggesting Dickens uses china as a metaphor for Britain’s ‘role in transnational spaces’, and as an aid to reflection on ‘cultural changeability’ and ‘interdependence’. ‘By including multiple instances in the novel in which cultural boundaries are crossed and cultural identities re-defined, Dombey and Son invites the reader to question how the increasingly interdependent relationship between Britain and its foreign trading partners can be managed’ (2013: 41). Stories and artefacts provide space for cross-cultural reflection and commentary. As we have seen, they are an important element in East-West exchange in the 18th century. Later missionaries to China use stories to translate the gospel into an intelligible, respected cultural form.424 In what some critics reckon Dickens’s finest novel, Bleak House (1852),425 the intelligent, but complex, heroine, Esther Summerson, marries a rather stilted, orthodox Christian, Dr. Alan Woodcourt, a ship’s surgeon, who near the novel’s end returns from ‘a voyage to China’.426 Woodcourt’s journey encapsulates expansion and contraction in Esther’s life and in Western views of China at this time. Conservatism prevails pro tem. But, as we will see in Chapter 6, tea and conservatism face the rising tides of trade-wars, colonial expansion and enlightened ‘liberalism’, that threaten inherited values. The stormy relationship we have been tracking plunges into military conflict, and into the protracted recrimination that, like a sad divorce, neither side has really begun to deal with psychologically. Inter-cultural diplomacy can be, it seems, immune to rigorous ethical principles. Claims for the social impact of Confucianism and Christianity in China and Christendom must be carefully nuanced. Ambiguity abounds.

Cf. p. 185, 250. Also, Lee, K. H. Y. (2013), ‘Cross-Cultural encounters: the early reception of Charles Dickens in China, 1895–1915’. It is worth noting Dickens’s abiding popularity in China. 2012 witnessed celebration of the 200th anniversary of his birth. To mark the event, Zhejiang University published the first Complete Works of Dickens in Chinese. 424 On this phenomenon, Hanan, P. (2004), ‘Missionary Novels of Nineteenth Century China’, in Chinese Fiction of the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries, 58f. Hanan begins with a quotation from Alexander Wylie on two of Karl Gützlaff ’s works (pubd. 1834), which are ‘in the form of a novel’ and ‘after the style of a Chinese novel’ (Wylie 1867: 56). 425 N.B. the Catholic literary critic and Christian apologist G. K. Chesterton (1874–1936) said Bleak House was ‘not certainly Dickens’s best book; but perhaps it is his best novel . . . the highest point of his intellectual maturity’ (1989: XV. 342). Harold Bloom likewise sees Bleak House as Dickens’s ‘central work’ (1994: 311); cf. also, Bloom, H. (1987), Charles Dickens’s Bleak House. On the theology of Dickens’s novels, Lewis, L. M. (2011), Dickens, His Parables, and His Reader. On Dickens and Victorian novels, below p. 273f., 302f. 426 On Woodcourt’s persona, Pamboukian, S. A. (2012), Doctoring the Novel, 73. For a further example of Dickens’s use of China as a foil to Western culture and conservative Christianity; specifically, on the complex religious, relational and ‘business purposes’ of Arthur Clennam (in China for twenty years) in Little Dorrit (Suchoff 1994: 69). For Dickens’s use of China as the locus for Clennam’s suspicious business interests (? opium), Anderson, A. (2001), The Powers of Distance, 72 n. 20. 423

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PART III The three chapters in Part III are again associated with major themes that arise in comparative analysis of Christianity and Confucianism – specifically here, of the Analects and Gospels. We set the study once again within a progressive historical matrix. There is an inevitable subjectivity and necessary selectivity in this approach. We are drilling bore holes to test the claim that East-West cross-cultural inter-action has impacted and should be acknowledged to impact how the Analects and Gospels have been, and are, read in China and the West. The book as a whole is an exercise in historical hermeneutics, a celebration of comparative, historical, textual interpretation of two of the world’s literary ‘Classics’. We read the world as ‘One World’ in light of their historic existence and cultural co-existence. That is, they interpret our world as ‘One’ individually and together. To suggest otherwise is, I would argue, culturally myopic, psychologically suspect, and/or at the very least historically inaccurate. Part III examines three related themes that assume particular prominence for different reasons between c. 1820 and the end of the Cultural Revolution in China in 1976. In just over 150 years, China’s relationship with the West changed many times; indeed, China’s relationship to itself, and the West’s own self-understanding, also changed many times over in this relatively short time-period. Chapters 6, 7 and 8 are set against the backcloth of two violent ‘Opium Wars’ and the birth of the Chinese Republic, two ‘World Wars’ and the founding of the ‘Peoples’ Republic of China’ (PRC). In this complex, violent, expansive, world-transforming time-frame, three issues of lasting significance emerge, which shaped, and still shape, how this epoch in East-West relations was, and is, viewed: i. Truth – its source, and public and private manifestation in truthfulness: ii. Memory – its nature, structure, power and consequences; and, iii. Death – and the conditions that create it, shape perception of it, and challenge it through faith, hope, ritual practice and love. In so far as the Analects and Gospels have functioned as ‘Classic’ thesauri in China and the West, we should not be surprised to find debates about ‘truth’, ‘memory’ and ‘death’ played out in their interpretation and inter-action. Given what we have seen of East-West cultural cross-fertilization prior to 1820, we ‘read backwards carefully’ ready to be surprised – if not shocked – again by the degree to which the Analects and Gospels have been and, are read, in China and the West in similar ways. ‘Cultural archetypes’ provide hand-rails to scale the heights of complex matters and remind us ‘Orient’ and ‘Occident’ are words imposed on our old, majestic, profoundly interconnected world.

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Truth and Truthfulness: The 19th-Century Crisis in China and the West While yet the western half was still cold and sad, Shivering beneath the whisper of the stars. So Asia was the earliest home of light: The little seeds first germinated there . . . —George Eliot, ‘Ex Oriente Lux’, q. Newlin 2006: I. 7261 It is easier to understand a Wagner opera . . . than it is to enjoy a Chinese opera, except one which comes from his (sic) own native region. —Liang, M., 1985: 233 This chapter addresses the heart of historic Sino-Western relations. Its theme is truth, and its associate truthfulness. Trust is fed by truthfulness. Suspicion flourishes when truth per se is compromised. Like theology, philosophy and diplomacy, cross-cultural communication recognizes the interrelated problems truth and truthfulness pose. The words we use build or destroy relationships: even when good will is intended, speech has little power over what is heard. Meaning can be – and is – deliberately distorted. History relates a catalogue of chronic failures in SinoWestern communication. What is heard and/or meant has bred suspicion on both sides. Linguistic distance has played its part; as often, mis-hearing and mis-communicating have been deliberate. Politics and personality, power and perception, have conspired to distort meaning and justify animosity. Philosophy and theology, hermeneutics and ideology, are partly to blame. In this chapter we track the breakdown not only of Sino-Western relations but of easy human communication. We also engage authors whose ideas buck the trend towards a fragmented, fragmenting world, and offer the raw materials to forge ‘One World’. Through them we see fragmentation not as a fact, but as a bad, unnecessary choice. A century after Emperor Qianlong began his reign (1760), the second ‘Opium War’, or ‘AngloChinese (“Arrow”) War’ ㅜҼ⅑匹⡷ᡠ⡝ (1856–60), was nearing its end. Like World War I and II,

1 On Eliot’s poetry and unpublished poems, Williams, W. S. (2014), George Eliot, Poetess; Paris, B. J. (1959), ‘George Eliot’s Unpublished Poetry’.

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the Opium Wars were detonated by quite similar economic, cultural and political fuses.2 We have moved on from ‘Sinophobia’: now the pressing issues are money, power and empire. As we saw in Macartney’s 1793 report, Britain was trading disadvantageously in China. The ‘Canton System’, or аਓ䙊୶ Yikou tongshang (Single [port] trading relations), from 1757,3 that governed – and, in many ways exemplified – Sino-Western relations, limited the trading season to the summer and spring in Canton, and placed punitive tariffs on popular exports like tea, porcelain and silk. To reduce its trade deficit, the EIC decided to market Indian opium to Asian (including Chinese) traders. This strengthened Britain’s stake in Asia but signalled a supercilious disregard for China’s wholesale ban (fr. 1729) on selling and smoking opium – to say nothing of contributing to evils of increased addiction.4 China reacted. In 1839 it seized imported opium without reparation. Britain sent in gunboats against little more than fishing smacks. The ‘unequal’5 Treaty of Nanking (1842), that ended the first Opium War (1839–42), indemnified Britain, ceded it Hong Kong, and opened five ports to Western traders (‘extraterritoriality’). Terms of peace were poor. Tension persisted. Britain wanted more: the legalization of opium and expansion of the opium industry, free access to Chinese markets (and the removal of transit duties on imports), and unlimited use of ‘coolies’ 㤖࣋ (indentured workers) to service it all. History tells such sad stories of violence, greed and oppression. If modern Chinese history is launched by the first Opium War (Janin 1999: 207), the end of the second signified the nadir of 19th-century Sino-Western relations. Political and cultural communication fails. The Qing Empire that wilfully humiliated Macartney and his overlords is now shamed by imperious Britain. While war raged in China, in Britain Charles Dickens serialized two more stories (A Tale of Two Cities [1859] and Great Expectations [1860]) and George Eliot (1819– 80) published her first four novels (Scenes of Clerical Life [1858], Adam Bede [1859], The Mill on the Floss [1860] and Silas Marner [1861]). History, life and literature are often interconnected. At precisely the same time, the Romantic German composer Richard Wagner (1813–83) – in political and marital exile in Paris and Venice – was drafting his new operatic Handlung (drama) Tristan and Isolde.6 Meanwhile, as we saw in Chapter 4 (above p. 134, 274), on 29 November 1859 the gifted English biologist Charles Darwin (1809–82) shocked biblical Britain – perhaps unwittingly – with publication of his evolutionary treatise On the Origin of Species. The same year, the philosopher of

2 On the history, causes, consequences and perception of the Opium Wars inside and outside China, Chang, H-P. (1964), Commissioner Lin and the Opium War; Fairbank, J. K. (1953), Trade and Diplomacy on the China Coast; Fay, P. W. (1975), The Opium War, 1840–1842; Greenberg, M. (1951), British Trade and the Opening of China, 1800–42; Lovell, J. (2011), The Opium War; Mao, H. (2016), The Qing Empire and the Opium War; Miron, J. A. and C. Feige (2008), ‘The Opium Wars: Opium Legalization and Opium Consumption in China’; Polachek, J. M. (1992), The Inner Opium War; Waley, A. (1958), The Opium War Through Chinese Eyes. 3 On the Canton System, Mui, H-c. and H. L. Mui (1984), The Management of Monopoly; Schottenhammer, A. (2010), Trading networks in early modern East Asia; Van Dyke, P. A. (2005), The Canton Trade; Zhuang, G. (1993), Tea, Silver, Opium and War. 4 On opium and the opium trade in China, Dikötter, F., L. Laamann and Zhou, X. (2004), A History of Drugs in China; Zheng, Y. (2005), The Social Life of Opium in China; —(2003), ‘The Social Life of Opium in China 1483–1999’. 5 On the system of ‘unequal treaties’, Fairbank, J. K. (1978a/b), ‘The Creation of the Treaty System’, in The Cambridge History of China, X. 213–63. 6 Wagner’s flight was connected to revelation of his affair with Mathilde Wesendonk (1828–1902), the beautiful young wife of a wealthy silk merchant. The affair ended his 20-year marriage to (Christine Wilhelmine) ‘Minna’ Planer (1809–66). Tristan und Isolde was premiered in Munich’s Königsliches Hof- und Nationaltheater on 10 June 1865, under the direction of a young Hans von Bülow (1830–94; see p. 299, n. 168).

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‘Utilitarianism’, J. S. Mill (1806–73) penned his diatribe against China in On Liberty (1859).7 It is an age of conflict and creativity. We cannot imagine life without it. East and West were – and are – impregnated by ideas it spawned and the breakdown in relations it caused. A year after the end of the second Opium War, James Legge (1815–97), as a missionary to China, issued the first part of his Chinese Classics (1861), including the Analects. This chapter spans Legge’s life. We appreciate his achievement, when, like literature, we study it in its cultural, historical and intellectual setting. He lived in an increasingly interconnected world. Ideas crossed not just the Channel or Atlantic, but the globe. Issues of truth and truthfulness harass Opium War historiography. As we will see, they haunt and humble Dickens, Eliot, Wagner and Legge, the material they read and the people they admire. Where in this fluid state was substantive, reliable truth to be found? In days of colonial ‘light’ that shed dark imperial oppression, from 1820 to c. 1890, the quest for verifiable truth – let alone what St. John calls ‘the light that gives light to every person’ (Jn 1.9) – was intense. The aftershocks of the 18th-century ‘Age of Revolution’ shake the foundation of the Western world. This wreaks havoc on traditional attitudes to God, truth, reality, power, reading and religion. Truth – and, with it, truthfulness – whether it be an attainable standard, an absolute Platonic ideal, a rational Cartesian reality, an empirical Kantian fact, or the gem of aesthetic Romanticism, is compromised. John Keats’s (1795–1821) profound, but enigmatic, poem, ‘Ode to a Grecian Urn’ (1820) captures the spirit and limitations of the latter:8 beauty is truth, truth beauty, – that is all Ye know on earth, and all ye need to know. Orthodox Christianity and classical Confucianism are pierced by an intensity of focus on new grounds for truth, credibility and morality.9 We must walk circumspectly. It is tempting to project present ‘certainties’ back on to what were earlier questionings. The ground for analysis is shaky, intellectual debris, and risks of further falls, persist. A key feature of this intellectual turmoil was Britain and Europe’s ongoing exchange with China. As Elizabeth Chang points out in Britain’s Chinese Eye, the ‘subtleties of China’s contrapuntal influence’ (2010: 22) were everywhere. The ‘Era of Sinophilia’ may be long past, but Western philosophy, art, literature, politics, religion, music and aesthetics, all bear witness to ongoing, increasingly complex, Sino-Western relations. The nature of truth, and the obligation of truthfulness, are both implicated. We read life and texts in

7 Cf. Mill, J. S. ([1859] 1863), ‘On Individuality, as one of the elements of well-being’, in On Liberty, 99–133. N.B. ‘The worth of the State, in the long run, is the worth of the individuals comprising it’ (ibid., 161). On Mill and China, Ling, G. F. (2008), China Developing, 36. 8 The aesthetic and oriental quality of the poem are striking. It was completed in May 1819 and published with ‘Ode to a Nightingale’ in the magazine Annals of Fine Art (January 1820). On the background, publication and early reception of what is now reckoned one of the greatest ‘Odes’ (Motion 1999: 390f.); Abrams, M. H. (1968), ‘Ode on a Grecian Urn’, in J. Stillinger (ed.), Twentieth Century Interpretations of Keats’s Odes, 110f.; Wassermann, E. (1964), ‘The Ode on a Grecian Urn’, in W. J. Bate (ed.), Keats, 138f.; Sharp, R. (1979), Keats, Skepticism, and the Religion of Beauty; Sikka, S. (1998), ‘On the Truth of Beauty: Nietzsche, Heidegger, Keats’; Watkins, D. (1989), Keats’s Poetry and the Politics of the Imagination. 9 On the Victorian ‘crisis of faith’, Larsen, T. (2006), Crisis of Doubt, 1–17. As noted above (p. 213; cf. also, 118, 124, 179, 187, 208): ‘When Queen Victoria died in 1901 the majority of her subjects were religious – many intensely so’ (Roberts, C., et al., 2002: II. 636). On the 19th-century Western ‘mind’, Chadwick, O. (1975), The Secularization of the European Mind; Helmstadter, R. J. and B. Lightman, eds (1990), Victorian Faith in Crisis; Jay, E. (1986), Faith and Doubt in Victorian Britain.

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China and the West today in the grey light of this tempestuous epoch. Though a time of acute questioning, it offers us a disproportionate number of answers.

STORY, TRUTH, SHAKESPEARE AND LIN ZEXU ᷇ࡷᗀ Like a character in a Shakespeare play, truth and truthfulness take us to the heart of the 19th century and help explicate stormy Sino-Western relations today. Personality and story are useful heuristics. In the introduction to Shakespeare: The Invention of the Human (‘Shakespeare’s Universalism’), the American scholar Harold Bloom (b. 1930) states: ‘[T]he idea of Western character, of the self as a moral agent, has many sources’ (i.e. Homer, Plato, Aristotle, Sophocles, the Bible, Augustine, Dante and Kant, etc.), but ‘personality, in our sense, is a Shakespearean invention’ (1999: 4). In this lie ‘not only Shakespeare’s greatest originality’, he says, but ‘the authentic cause of his perpetual pervasiveness’ (ibid.). Through ‘story’ he gifts us all ‘personality’. Shakespeare’s ‘superior intellect’ (Carlyle; q. Bloom, 1) also creates Hamlet, a figure who is more than a ‘character’. Like Buddha, Jesus, and Mohammed, he exegetes life, says Bloom, and does so, exceptionally, or ‘classically’ (‘paradigmatically’ to Karl Jaspers).10 He also reveals paradoxically; that is, in Hamlet life is seen in its raw beauty and as realistic ‘nothingness’ (ibid., 14). It is ’vanity of vanities’. Aware of a postmodern proclivity to contextualize ‘the Bard’ and co-opt him to ‘serious’ agendas, Bloom reads Shakespeare as intending to ‘enlarge us not as citizens or as Christians but as consciousness’, and on the way he ‘out did all his preceptors as an entertainer’ (10). So, his ‘great spirits in chains’ are not bound by petty politics: ‘They return us to universalism, to Hamlet above all, greatest of all spirits, thinking his way to the truth of which he perishes’ (ibid.). ‘The ultimate use of Shakespeare is’, then ‘to let him teach you to think too well, to whatever truth you can sustain without perishing’ (ibid.). In other words, Shakespeare’s stories and personalities afford us access to a truth that matters, and like a good preacher, he teaches ‘truth through personality’. This is important. It reminds us truth is seen, spoken and known in different ways. Story was Shakespeare’s métier; a skill and art he uniquely owned. The genre of story is a natural ‘cultural archetype’ for this chapter. We have alluded to the role of stories in East-West dialogue already (p. 205f.). They play a vital role in discussion of faith, doubt and discovery in Sino-Western relations between 1820 and c. 1890.11 We read truth and truthfulness in the Analects and Gospels through stories written at this time. They shape a global narrative with paradigmatic power. They help create ‘One World’. They tell us who we are. Before we turn back to George Eliot and Charles Dickens, three introductory insights into storied truth to facilitate later discussion. These are drawn from history, literature, philosophy, theology and hermeneutics – and, crucially, the ‘reception’ of Shakespeare in China. Together they confirm the dynamic in texts and translation to synthesize thought and encapsulate culture. They also caution against the assumption translation is ‘neutral’, perception balanced, and practised truth, veracity, is reliable. First, in light of the ‘dance of images’ (Wordsworth [1850] 1994: 700, ll. 141) China stirred in Romantic minds – as noted above, through works like The Travels of Sir John Mandeville On Jaspers, p. 364, n. 93, 424f. On novels as loci for religious confession and speculation, Wolff, R. L. (1977), Gains and Losses: Novels of Faith and Doubt in Victorian England. On stories and novels generally, p. 172, 196, 201f., 276, 282, 283f., 285, 312f., 314, 318, 324, 418. 10 11

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([1357–71] 1725), Purchas his Pilgrimage ([1613] 1625–6), Sir John Barrow’s (1764–1848) Travels in China (1804), and Walter Landor’s (1775–1864) Imaginary Conversations of the Emperor of China and Tsing-Ti (1835) – the impact of two Opium Wars on Britain’s oriental consciousness can be illustrated from the work of the pioneering novelist Jane Austen (1775–1817), the diplomat Sir John Francis Davis, Bt. (1795–1890), and the philosopher J. S. Mill. In Austen’s third novel Mansfield Park, published in 1814, China is a trope for mystery and spiritual ‘composure’. Like other authors, Austen uses a travelogue – in this case Macartney’s long ‘Embassy’ narrative12 – to suggest an enlightened outlook, a cultured mind, unselfconscious colonialism, and an emotional, curative withdrawal. At a critical juncture in the story, Edmund, the suitor, teases the heroine Fanny: ‘You in the meanwhile will be taking a trip to China, I suppose. How does Lord Macartney go on?’ Austen then adds tellingly, ‘. . . there was no reading, no China, no composure for Fanny. He had told her the most extraordinary, the most inconceivable, the most unwelcome news’ ([1814] 2016: 483).13 China serves to locate and displace Austen’s characters.14 Mrs. Price takes an atmospheric, old-fashioned ‘dish of tea’ (Ch. 38).15 While Mrs. Dashwood, in Sense and Sensibility, is deeply concerned her ‘breakfast china’ is inferior (1813: I. 225). Note the contrast between Austen’s careful ‘sinography’ and the regressive opinions of sinologist J. F. Davis. As a young operative in Hong Kong, Davis was attached to the ill-conceived ‘Amherst Embassy’ (1816). He wrote an account of his experiences. Though (fairly) objective, his report reflects a wide-eyed ‘Romantic Sinophilia’. Davis studied Chinese with Morrison and helped with his Translations from the Original Chinese (1815a). He shared his mentor’s sympathy for all things Chinese. We see this in Davis’s early works on China’s language, literature and culture: Chinese Novels (1822); Hien Wun Shoo: Chinese Moral Maxims (1823); A Commercial Vocabulary containing Chinese Words and Phrases Peculiar to Canton and Macao (1824); ‘Eugraphia Sinensis, or, The Art of Writing the Chinese Character with Correctness’ (1827); ‘Poeseos Sinensis Commentarii: On the Poetry of the Chinese’ (1829); and his translation of the novel Haoqiu Zhuan: The Fortunate Union (1829).16 But Davis’s views change when he is the (second) Governor of Hong Kong (1844–8) and a respected, establishment sinologist. We track the change through his The Chinese: A General Description of the Empire of China and Its Inhabitants (2 vols, 1836), Sketches of China, Partly During an Inland Journey of Four Months between Peking, Nanking, and Canton (2 vols, 1841), and China, during the War and since the Peace (1852). His account of the ‘Amherst Embassy’ is reissued in the first Opium War in Sketches of China (1841). Subtitled ‘Notices and Observations relative to the Present War’, the work refers to ‘the deep and growing interest which the present crisis in our relations with China has excited’. Though he was once keen to respect China, Davis is now gripped by criticism; although, as Tamara Wagner points out, he may be merely a cipher for officialdom, and creating a China ‘fit’ for Britain’s hostile purposes (2007: 13–26). On Macartney, p. 184, 200, 207, 242, 245, 264, 267. Cf. references to the Macartney and Amherst Embassies in Austen’s letters, and her brother Francis William’s (1774–1865) refusal to kowtow to the Qing Viceroy of Canton (in terms reminiscent of Macartney) when on a diplomatic mission there in 1810 (Knox-Shaw 2004: 186f.); also, Knox-Shaw, P. (1996), ‘Fanny Price refuses to Kowtow’. To prove the importance of insubordination in promising young officers, Austen’s brother was later Admiral of the Fleet! 14 On Austen’s ‘world’, Roberts, W. (2005), ‘Nationalism and Empire’, in J. Todd (ed.), Jane Austen in Context, 327–36. 15 N.B. in the same novel, Sir Thomas Bartram indicts himself as a colonial capitalist. He returns from his West Indian plantations and says he ‘would rather have nothing but tea’; at the time, a ‘blood-stained’ beverage ‘decried’ by 18th-century abolitionists (Boyce and Fitzpatrick 2017: 175). 16 Cf. above p. 205f. 12 13

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What is clear is that China, once the locus amoenus of Romantic fantasy, is now the butt of British ridicule and an object of its obloquy.17 In his China: A General Description of that Empire and its Inhabitants (1857), Davis sweats with the infectious mid-century Chinomanie. Except in some pious missionary circles, exoticism and ambition give way to anger, fear and a condescending, cultural ennui. Veracity and generosity are, as ever perhaps, elusive here. Though China shared with ‘the Orient’ a century earlier intellectual and moral kudos as the ‘earliest home of light’, the post-Enlightenment, Utilitarian philosopher J. S. Mill now sees China as a ‘warning example’ of ‘paternal despotism’. As he says in Chapter III of On Liberty, it manifests all the marks of arrested social development and a ‘stationary’ culture. The basic principles of freedom, diversity and individuality that were fought for by 18th-century revolutionaries are entirely absent here.18 Only free speech and thought can, he says, expose error and disclose truth as a basis for genuine socio-economic progress (Hampsher-Monk 1992: 370). His ‘Preliminary Remarks’ to Principles of Political Economy – which pre-empts On Liberty – casts ‘Oriental society’ as a despotic power, with public works, state-owned land (that charges tax and rent), and a lax, sedentary, agricultural system ([1848] 1963–91: II). In On Liberty, he declares: ‘A Chinese mandarin is as much the tool and creature of despotism as the humblest cultivator’ (1963–91: XVIII. 308).19 Echoing the negativity of Rousseau, Herder, Hegel and Paine, he cites Humboldt’s20 The Sphere and Duties of Government (The Limits of State Action) of 1792 on the fly page of On Liberty: ‘The grand, leading principle, towards which every argument unfolded in these pages directly converges, is the absolute and essential importance of human development in its richest diversity.’21 The ‘subtleties of China’s contrapuntal influence’ on Britain in the 19th century are clear in Austen, Davis and Mill. Rhythms change when military bands from Opium Wars beat a dirge (or retreat?) for Sino-Western relations. Secondly, from theology and hermeneutics. If we glimpse the place of ‘story’ in Austen’s novels, Davis’s regress, and the Utilitarianism of J. S. Mill, the Chinese scholar Yang Huilin (b. 1954) from Renmin University, Beijing, has profiled in recent years the role literature plays as a ‘dialogue partner’ with religion. His work draws on the full range of modern hermeneutic studies. In his article ‘Historical context of the inter-relationship between Literature and Religion in China’, Yang studies the history, use, and composition of the Liu yi ‫ޝ‬㰍 (Six Arts) – the foundation for education in ancient China (much like the ‘Trivium’ and ‘Quadrivium’ in the Western Academy). This, he says, is the ground of ‘a close tie between literature and religion (in China) since ancient times’ (2011: 85). With the coming of Christianity this ancient cultural disposition towards comparative literature and inter-disciplinary studies is intensified by, among other things, exposure to the ‘quintessential’ interdisciplinary studies of religion and literature by scholars such as the Orientalist and philologist Max Müller (1823–1900) – Legge’s associate in Oxford – and, more recently, by Spanish Roman Catholic On changing perceptions of China in Britain – evident in art, literature, horticulture, and artefacts – Chang, E. (2010), Britain’s Chinese Eye, passim; Leask, N. (2004), British Romantic Writers and the East: Anxieties of Empire. N.B. Chang (ibid., 20f.) and Leask (ibid., 54, 67) connect Michel Foucault’s (1926–84) The Order of Things (1966) with Said’s ‘internalized codes’ that work to generate the Oriental ‘other’. On Davis, p. 201f., 205f., 206, n. 127, 267; Foucault, p. 192, 231, 268, n. 17, 313, 330, 362, 421, 429, 471, 473f.; and, Said, p. 9, n. 19. 18 On Mill, Friedman, R. B. (1966), ‘A New Exploration of Mill’s Essay on Liberty’; Gibbins, J. (1990), ‘J. S. Mill, liberalism, and progress’, in R. Bellamy (ed.), Victorian Liberalism, 91–109; Harris, A. L. (1956), ‘John Stuart Mill’s Theory of Progress’. 19 On Mill’s view of China, Tao, Z., Drawing the Dragon, 108f. 20 On the Prussian philosopher, linguist bureaucrat and diplomat Wilhelm von Humboldt (1767–1835), above p. 240. 21 On Mill in China, Howland, D. (2005), Personal Liberty and Public Good, ad loc. 17

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scholar-priest Raimon Pannikar (1918–2010) and the Chicago theologian Fr. David Tracy (b. 1939). Yang also cites ‘Scriptural Reasoning’ (a contemporary way of comparing ‘Classic’ religious texts), which provides ‘better understanding of the other’ and ‘potentially . . . better understanding of our own scriptures and tradition’ (para. 5). For Yang, texts and stories come alive cross-culturally; so too, as we will see here, truth and truthfulness in the Analects and Gospels. Eliot’s light from the East (Ex Oriente Lux) is not outshone by Western ideas: it is enhanced by it. Yang’s focus is Legge’s The Chinese Classics (1861). These are, he contends, ‘an exemplary model, even for comparative studies in our time’.22 He quotes Legge: He who would understand the Chinese nation . . . must know its classical literature . . . He should not be able to consider himself qualified for the duties of his position until he has mastered the Classical Books of the Chinese . . . Let no one think any labour too great to make himself familiar with the Confucian books; . . . the more they avoid driving their carriages rudely over the Master’s grave, the more likely are they soon to see Jesus enthroned in His room in the hearts of the people. —1861: Preface23 In other words, like Morrison, Legge sees himself as exegeting Confucianism in the West as much as interpreting Christianity to China.24 To Yang, Legge’s deliberate inter-cultural translation is on occasion ‘even more solid than the versions of some modern Chinese translators’ (para. 11). Why? Because to Yang, Legge brings to his work informed biblical ‘pre-understanding’ – not Derrida’s ‘pre-assurance’25 – and cross-cultural knowledge. The hermeneutics of this kind of wisdom is unpatriotic. Yang illustrates from Legge’s view of Tao in the Tao Te Ching, with its dual meaning of a temporal ‘way’ (‘that can be trodden’) and an ‘eternal name’ (hardly nameable). He also sees depth in Legge’s translation of the (oft-used modern diplomatic) phrase Taoguang yanghui 丌‫ݹ‬伺 Ზ26 and Taoguang 丌‫ ݹ‬in the Chinese Classics (Lit. with no personal aims, ends are realized; or, to Legge – echoing kenosis – ‘one’s best good is realized by not thinking of it or seeking for it’ [Legge 1879–85: Pt. I. 52; para. 24]). This is translation of the highest order for Yang; that is, reliable interpretation, made possible only because of Legge’s grasp of Chinese philosophy and Christian theology (cf. Mk 10.43f., 1 Cor. 13.3, Mt. 5.3 and Phil. 2.7). It exemplifies to him the power of comparative analysis and confirms Müller’s claim (following Goethe): ‘He who knows one (religion) knows none’ (q. Yang, para. 4).27 Truth transcends culture and tradition. As a result: ‘[W]hen the different but shared scriptures are comparatively read alongside one another, we may find ourselves being confronted with a boundary-crossing “liturgy” in which the presence of Truth might be identified in varied ways’ (para. 6). ‘There is a large space between China and the West’: however, 22 N.B. contra Dawson, who calls Legge ‘the great interpreter of Confucianism’ but saw it as ‘an evil which had to be swept away’ (1964: 25). 23 Cf. also, Wang, H. (2008), Translating Chinese Classics in a Colonial Context, 40f.; Zhu, F. (2009), ‘A Study on James Legge’s English Translation of Lun Yu’. 24 In support of this, Yang (para # 8) cites Lindsay Ride, ‘Biographical notes’ in The Chinese Classics, 3rd edn, 10. 25 On Derrida, p. 235, n. 304, 270, 319, 330, 360, 361f., 382f., 390, 420, 470, 473f., 475f. 26 In diplomacy this may mean strategically, ‘Hide assets, bide time’! 27 Cf. Yang: ‘This approach is typically embodied in the studies by Chinese scholars as they are deconstructing “the projected others”, going beyond the “unitary subject”, and returning to the original context in comparative studies’ (para # 4).

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Yang says, ‘[W]ith the multi-lingual concern of James Legge and T. S. Eliot, with Socrates’ “I know my own ignorance” and the distinction of “the words and the Word” by Karl Barth, both Daoism and Christianity can come to be better understood in the Chinese context’ (para. 17). The value of Yang’s work is its summary account of the power of inter-cultural literary analysis as the matrix for enhanced understanding. East-West readings of stories between 1820 and c. 1890 have transformed the way we interpret the Analects and Gospels. In fact, we probably all read cross-culturally today. Thirdly, Bloom’s review of Shakespeare’s discovery and use of personality helps to highlight important principles from his reception in China. This helps frame discussion and clarifies expectations for later. Three things in ‘the Bard’s’ reception in China deserve notice. First, though there is some dispute about the precise date of Shakespeare’s first admission to Chinese culture28 – and early Western missionaries surely spoke of him and/or carried his works – he was (unlike Milton before him)29 introduced by a Chinese to China at the outbreak of the first Opium War (1839–42). Shakespeare’s name – transliterated then Shashibia30 – was first used by Lin Zexu ᷇ࡷ ᗀ (1785–1850), the Governor of Hu-Guang province (cf. Meng, X., 2002: 116).31 Lin was a warhero. He was appointed by the Emperor Daoguang 䚃‫( ݹ‬1782–1850; r. 1820–50) to impose China’s ban on Britain’s opium trade in Hunan and Guangdong provinces. At the start of the first Opium War, Lin registered China’s need to ‘know its enemy’ – whom, by the way, he characterizes as ‘greedy, tough, alcoholic [and] yet skilful in handicrafts’! (q. Dickson 2016: 354). He began a translation project of a wide range of materials, including history, geography, politics and literature. In a heavily edited version of Hugh Murray’s (1789–1845) An Encyclopedia of Geography (1834), Si Zhou Zhi ഋ⍢ᘇ (1839, Annals of Four Continents), Shakespeare is only a ‘prolific’ Elizabethan poet.32 This was just the beginning. The advent of a new brand of British, European and American missionaries after the second Opium War led to Shakespeare being better-known in China – especially through Christian educational institutions – as a great poet and dramatist (Li, R., 1991: 1). News and reviews of ‘the Bard’ spread. The first Chinese Ambassador to Britain, Guo Songtao 䜝᎙☔ (1818–91), said: ‘His stature is comparable to the Greek poet Homer’ (ibid.).33 In 1882 an American China missionary describes him as ‘a poet known for plays that articulate man’s (sic) joys and sorrows with unparalleled eloquence’ (q. Dickson, 354). After more than 175 years, Professor

N.B. Prof. Ruru Li, formerly of the University of Leeds, claims: ‘[T]he first person to bring Shakespeare to China’s notice was the British missionary William Muirhead (Chinese name Mu Weilian), who, in 1856, with the help of a Chinese native speaker, published a modified translation of Thomas Milner’s The History of England: From the Invasions of Julius Caesar to the Year A.D. 1852 into the Chinese Da ying guo zhi (An Account of the Great British Empire). Milner’s brief reference to Shakespeare (transliterated as Shekesibi), in his discussion of Elizabethan England, introduced the playwright’s name to the Chinese reading public’ (1991: 1). Cf. also, Li, R. (2003), ‘Shakespeare in China: Between His First “Arrival” and the Cultural Revolution’, in Shashibiya; also, —(2010), The Soul of Beijing Opera. 29 On Gützlaff ’s earlier introduction of Milton to China, above p. 160. 30 Cf. other transliterations of Shakespeare have been, Shekesibi 㠼‫ݻ‬ᯟ⮒ (William Muirhead [1822–1900]), Shaisibier (Joseph Edkins [1823–1905]) and Shasipier ⋉ᯟⳞ㙣 (Fr. Devello Z. Sheffield [1841–1913]). Established use of Shashibiya 㦾༛∄ӎ is traceable to On Poetry, by Liang Qichao ằஏ䎵 (1873–1929), in the New Citizens’ Journal (1902; cf. Meng, X., 1996: 6). 31 Cf. Meng, X., ‘The Reception of Shakespeare in China’, in K-k. Tam, A. Parkin and T. S-h. Yip (eds), Shakespeare Global/ Local (2002), 116. 32 To Murray, Shakespeare is ‘unrivalled among ancient and modern poets, by his profound and extensive knowledge of mankind, his boundless range of observation throughout all nature’ (1834: III. 378). 33 On 19th-century references, Zhang, X. (1996), Shakespeare in China, 99f. 28

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Kwok-kan Tam, Dean of the School of Humanities and Social Science at Hang Seng University, HK, encapsulates well China’s established view of Shakespeare: In the history of English literature, Shakespeare’s significance lies not only in his insights into humanity and in his unsurpassed achievements as a literary genius in revolutionizing the form of poetry and drama, but more importantly also in his position that provides, firstly, a transition from medieval to modern literature and, secondly, a milestone in the formation of English literature as a national literature. —2002: 2 This is important. If fear of anachronism has bred silence before, it is right we now take cognizance of Shakespeare’s significance for China and this exercise in cross-cultural historical hermeneutics. We inhabit a ‘post-Shakespearean’ global reality. ‘The Bard’ illumines life, truth, truthfulness and personality worldwide. The full range of human emotions and aspirations in China and the West come under his sway. We ‘read backwards carefully’ when we factor Shakespeare – ‘the most recognized and reputed foreign writer in China’ (Levith 1998: 37)34 – into this chapter’s theme. Second, Shakespeare’s reception in China is like that of Confucius and Jesus: it is patchy, politicized, partial and unpredictable. His work is a wax nose for political ideology, cultural prejudice, intellectual hubris and, recently, romance. We cannot – and do not need to – study this reception history in detail. Briefly put, it has five key phases: i. 1839 to 1903, when ignorance, suspicion and criticism prevailed; ii. 1903 to 1920, when Shakespeare is translated and co-opted to justify China’s ‘modernization’; iii. 1921 to 1949, the purple patch for Chinese Shakespeare scholarship when there were few restraints on appreciation; iv. 1949 to 1978, when Shakespeare was subject to Communist re-evaluation and intense ideological ‘criticism’; and, v. from the end of the Cultural Revolution to the early 21st century when China’s oft-acknowledged ‘Love Affair’ with ‘the Bard’ blossoms – except, that is, when subject to the wilting of ‘chill (political) winds’ following the Tiananmen protests (Levith 2004: 80).35 In the first phase, from 1839 to c. 1903 – part-covered by this chapter – Shakespeare was ‘an agent of Western cultural imperialism’,36 studied not as art or literature, but, as we have seen, as part of China’s intentional ‘learning the advanced techniques of foreign countries in order to resist them’, as the Qing scholar Wei Yuan(da) 兿䚐䚄 (1794–1856) famously said (q. Tu, M., 1989: 41).37 He became a useful ‘barbarian’ resource to meet China’s political needs and satisfy its deep cultural prejudice. So, Western-educated scholar and literary luminary, Yan Fu ೤ᗙ (1853–1921), could write in 1894 of Julius Caesar (1599) – when introducing his own translation of the British biologist and comparative anatomist Thomas Huxley’s (1825–95) Evolution and Ethics and Other Essays (1893): Shakespeare wrote a play recounting the murder of Caesar. When Antony delivers a speech to the citizens while showing the body of Caesar to the public, he uses logic to stir up the citizens 34 On Chinese interpretation and reception of Shakespeare, Levith, M. J. (2004), Shakespeare in China; He, Q. (1986), ‘China’s Shakespeare’. 35 Cf. also, Brockbank, J. P. (1988), ‘Shakespeare Renaissance in China’; Chang, C-H. (1953), ‘Shakespeare in China’, in A. Nicoll (ed.), Shakespeare Survey 6, 112–16. 36 On Shakespeare’s early reception and later interpretation in China also, Fujita, M. and L. Pronko, eds (1996), Shakespeare East and West. 37 Cf. also, Sun, Y. (2008), ‘Shakespeare in China’, 15 (esp. the Chinese and English bibliog.).

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cleverly because Brutus warned him that he would not be allowed to redress a grievance for Caesar and blame the murderers. The citizens are greatly agitated by the speech and their resentment against Brutus and his comrades is running high. We should attribute Antony’s success to the function of logic! —q. Zhang, X., 1996: 100 More representative of China’s broad embrace of Shakespeare is Fudan Professor Lu Gusun’s ‘comprehensive’ essay ‘Reflections After the Curtain Fall’, written after the first Shakespeare Festival in China (1986).38 Lu admits problems in the ‘style’, but sees immense potential in the ‘themes’ Shakespeare addresses, which are, he argues, useful for ‘social construction’ – notably, his emphasis on ‘truth, beauty, kindness and human feeling, and criticism of feudalism, superstition and religion’ (1986: 18–42; q. Levith 2004: 78).39 Using Chinese and ‘Beijing Opera’ as enculturated media for its performances of Shakespeare40 – especially, pace Bloom, Hamlet, Macbeth, Othello and King Lear41 – we see in China’s embrace of ‘the Bard’ both the potential and the complexity of accessing global categories of truth and truthfulness. Shakespeare is now an accepted icon of China’s quest for global and national identity and cultural renewal. Historically, if China gave the Enlightenment Confucianism, the Opium Wars gave China Shakespeare. Inter-culturalism is not tidy, predictable or controllable. Thirdly, following on from the last point, Shakespeare’s reception in China has involved his adaptation to China. Trans-cultural analysis, literary criticism, post-colonialism, political ideology, and translation converge to re-render Shakespeare’s language, ideas, characters, intention, context and themes.42 All we have studied in Chapter 5 about the early theory and practice of the new science of ‘hermeneutics’ plays into this process. The ‘truth’ of Shakespeare, we might say, resides here in the individual or cultural ‘receptor’ as much – if not more – than in words Shakespeare uses or ideas behind them.43 Such cross-cultural ‘adaptation’ is not only inevitable (so Shakespeare is intelligible and relevant), it is also hermeneutically legitimate (we make a text our own to inhabit it). We can go further, in light of Yang Huilin’s work, and say that this cross-cultural reception is essential if we are to read, or hear, aright. We have glimpsed this in Legge, and in Yan Fu’s description of Julius Caesar. We catch it in countless 20th- and early 21st-century Chinese productions of Shakespeare. The issue that remains – philosophically expressed – is whether there is a conceptual, or ideational, ‘that’ (Germ. Das) in Shakespeare to which ‘adaptations’ can, may, or should, conform.

On this festival and China’s embrace of Shakespeare, Li, R. (2005), ‘Negotiating intercultural spaces’, in S. Massai (ed.), World-Wide Shakespeares, 40–6. 39 Cf. also, Lu, G. (1987), ‘Reflections After the Curtainfall’, in Shakespeare Association of China (ed.), Shakespeare in China. On the translation, socio-political reception and cultural adaptation of Shakespeare also, Meng, H. (2012), ‘Shakespeare Studies in China’. 40 On this, Fei, C. and Sun, H. Z. (2010), ‘Shakespeare and Beijing Opera’, in D. Kennedy and L. L. Yong (eds), Shakespeare in Asia, 57–72; Lei, B-Q. B. (2008), ‘Macbeth in Chinese Opera’, in N. Moschovakis (ed.), Macbeth, 276–99; Li, R. (1988), ‘Chinese Traditional Theatre and Shakespeare’; Zha, P. and Tian, J. (1988), ‘Shakespeare in Traditional Chinese Operas’, which has examples of ‘retellings’. 41 Cf. Lu, G. (1983), ‘Hamlet Across Space and Time’. 42 On problems ‘translating’ Shakespeare into Chinese, Chau, S. S. C. (1978), ‘The Nature and Limitations of Shakespeare Translation’; Chu, R. J. (1970), ‘Shakespeare in China: Translations and Translators’; Ewbank, I-S. (1995), ‘Shakespeare Translation as Cultural Exchange’; Hoenselaars, T. ed. (2014), Shakespeare and the Language of Translation; Li, R. (1991), ‘Shakespeare Translation in China’. 43 Cf. on this, the essays in Meng, X. ed. (1991), Shakespeare Criticism in China. 38

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In other words, are there limits to ‘adaptation’? Does Shakespeare say or mean something that can be lost in ‘adaptation’ (or translation)? Is it enough to say, he means what China, or the West, or any other culture, want, or intend to hear? If the latter is the case – as some postmodern forms of literary ‘deconstruction’ imply – the ‘truth’ in, through and about Shakespeare, is non-existent, or is present in an infinite number of global settings. The ‘cultural archetype’ ‘story’ – as Shakespeare’s reception in China illustrates – reveals the extent to which China and the world are ‘One’ in their questioning, confusion and creativity about truth and truthfulness in general, and in relation to ‘Classic’ texts like the Analects and Gospels. But what is ‘true’ and who is ‘truthful’ remain acute problems. Few today in China or the West share the Prince’s confidence in Shakespeare’s Richard III: But say, my lord, it were not regist’red, Methinks the truth should live from age to age, As ‘twere retailed to all posterity, Even to the general all-ending day. —Ac. 3, Sc. 344 Or, indeed, Isabella’s perspective in Measure for Measure: ‘Truth is truth to the end of reckoning’ (Ac. 5, Sc. 1). If this reflects a pre-modern biblicism (when truth was ‘revealed’ and attainable), modern and postmodern skepticism (that views truth as ‘relative’ at best, or, more likely, a mirage) creates a different milieu for interpreting life and texts. For some, removing the varnish off our old canvas leaves nothing but fallible opinions, human effort, or . . . nothing at all.45 The residue of cross-cultural studies may not be ‘truth’ but ‘cross-culturalism’, an ideological myth in which texts are lost in context and significant cultural meaning surrendered to global pressures. Between 1820 and c. 1895 questions we presently take for granted were conceived. In this swirling sea, SinoWestern relations struck the rock of corrupt communication.

GEORGE ELIOT, CHARLES DICKENS AND ‘TRUTH’ IN STORY FORM The next four sections in the first part of this chapter look at ‘Truth and Truthfulness’ between 1820 and c. 1890 in light of major contributors to literature, hermeneutics, philosophy and comparative religion. Our difficulty is how to tease apart authors and ideas that are deliberately interwoven: themes here, like Victorian needlework, are finely interlaced. A passion for ‘truth’ and quest for ‘truthfulness’ binds them together. The interconnectedness of the age is arguably no more clearly seen than in the life and work of the British author Mary Ann Evans; better-known by her nom de plume George Eliot (1819–80). Born when Schleiermacher started to teach aesthetics and Hegel to lecture on the philosophy of history at the University of Berlin – and, as we will see, acutely aware of their work – Eliot’s life spans British, European and global culture.46 To the historian Basil Willey (1897–1978), ‘No English

N.B. the context and significance of these words (Shakespeare 2000: 57). On the problem of self-knowledge and biography as illustrated by Shakespeare himself, Ellis, D. (2012), The Truth About William Shakespeare. 46 For a recent, biography, Henry, N. (2012), The Life of George Eliot; also, the essays in Anderson, A. and H. E. Shaw, eds (2013), A Companion to George Eliot. 44 45

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writer of the time . . . more fully epitomizes her century’ (1945: 204f.): her intellectual development is ‘a paradigm’ and its biography ‘a graph of its most decided trend’ (ibid.). Here faith and doubt, realism and imagination, convention and rebellion, love and loneliness, blend. Truth and truthfulness are paramount preoccupations. Six months after Geraldine Jewsbury’s (1812–80) favourable review of Eliot’s first novel, Adam Bede, in The Athenaeum (#1635 [26 February 1859], 284),47 Darwin published On the Origin of Species.48 As if to confirm Eliot’s broad interests and her progressive mind, the work did not shock her, nor her controversial life-partner George Henry Lewes (1817–78). They knew Hegel and new European ideas about history. From their first meeting in 1852, they debated ‘The Development Hypothesis’ put forward by Sir Charles Lyell (1797– 1875),49 Karl Ernst von Baer (1792–1876)50 and Herbert Spencer (1820–1903).51 On 6 December 1859 Eliot wrote to her friend Barbara Bodichon (1827–91), a landscape-painter, feminist and confidante: We have been reading Darwin’s book on the ‘Origin of Species’ just now: it makes an epoch, as the expression of his thorough adhesion, after long years of study, to the Doctrine of Development – and not the adhesion of anonym like the author of Vestiges,52 but of a longcelebrated naturalist. The book is sadly wanting in illustrative facts . . . This will prevent the work from becoming popular . . . but it will have a great effect on the scientific world, causing a thorough and open discussion of a question about which people have hitherto felt timid. —q. Cross 1885: 2.164f.53 Forty years later, as we have seen, Yan Fu translated Darwinism to China in a series of Western texts beginning with ‘bulldog’ Thomas Huxley’s Evolution and Ethics.54 With a mixed reception in

Jewsbury, a leading reviewer for The Athenaeum at the time, writes (anonymously) of the ‘deep impression’ the work left; adding, ‘The duty of a critic is in the present instance almost superseded by the reader. Adam Bede is a book to be accepted, not criticized.’ On the Victorian protocol of ‘close reading’ and lengthy citation (as in this review), Ablow, R. (2011), The Feeling of Reading, 12f. Cf. also, Bradley, M. and J. John, eds (2015), Reading and the Victorians. 48 On Darwin, p. 134, 264. 49 Lyell, also a lawyer, was the foremost geologist of his day. His Principles of Geology, 3 vols (1830–33) argued methodologically for ‘uniformitarianism’ (viz. consistency in physical processes) and geologically for an earth that was more than 6,000 years old. Darwin was a devotee. 50 Karl Ernst Ritter von Baer – aka Edler von Huthorn (Russ. Karl Maksimovich Baer) – was a distinguished Estonian explorer and naturalist, and 1st President of the Russian Entomological Society. 51 Spencer was an influential polymath, who – as a philosopher, sociologist and progressive political theorist – reflects the European tradition (above p. 228f.; also, 279, 316, 320, 327) that extends ‘evolutionary’ ideas to society and culture. Early romantic ties to Eliot did not hinder their later close relationship, nor with Lewes. Eliot and Lewes encouraged Spencer’s Principles of Psychology (1855). His Principles of Biology (1864) coined the phrase ‘the survival of the fittest’. Eliot and Lewes were, like others in the British intelligentsia, fascinated by the new science of psychology. 52 Cf. Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation (1844) by the Scottish journalist Robert Chambers (1802–71). The work (initially anonymous) examined cosmic development and the transmutation of species in an accessible way. Initially, wellreceived (Prince Albert read it aloud to Queen Victoria), the work attracted increased criticism for its radicalism and amateurism. Darwin believed it prepared the way for On the Origin of the Species. Chamber’s authorship appeared in 1884 (12th edn). 53 On Eliot and science, Levine, G. ed. (2001), Cambridge Companion to George Eliot, 107f. 54 With a gentry-medical background, training in Western science at the Fujian Arsenal Academy ⾿ᐎ㡩᭯ᆨา (fr. 1867) in his native Fujian Province, and his international exposure in the navy, Yan Fu sought a government job, but he failed the Imperial Civil Service Examination. Despite a mid-life opium habit, he was well-known after the first Sino-Japanese War (1894–5) for translating Huxley’s Evolution and Ethics (1893: Tianyan lun ཙ╄䄆 [On Evolution], 1896–98), Smith’s Wealth of Nations (1776: Yuan fu ৏ᇼ [On Wealth], 1901), Mill’s On Liberty (1859: Qunji quanjie lun 㗔ᐡ℺⭼䄆 [On the Boundary between 47

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FIGURE 10: Mary Anne Evans (aka George Eliot) (22 November 1819–22 December 1880).

priggish Victorian Britain,55 it was not until 1932 that Eliot first appeared in Chinese, when the author, critic, and lexicographer, Liang Shiqui ằሖ⿻ (1903–87), translated Silas Marner.56 Her work has subsequently flourished there.57 Though slow to be translated into Chinese, Eliot was sensitive to China and its cultural heritage. There is a Confucianesque quality to her stress on ‘sympathy’, practical wisdom and ‘balanced’ truth. She consistently denounces Britain’s opium the Self and the Group], 1903), Spencer’s Study of Sociology (1873: Qunxue yiyan 㗔ᆨ㚴䀰 [A Study of Sociology], 1903), and Montesquieu’s The Spirit of the Laws (1748: Fayi ⌅᜿ [The Meaning of the Laws], 1904–9). His translations sought ‘faithfulness, expressiveness and elegance’ 䆟һй䴓˖ؑ䚄䳵. Active in royalist politics and popular journalism in the early 20th century, Fu was criticized for his conservative ideas and methods. He was first Principal (fr. 1912) of what became Peking University, but died of asthma in Fuzhou in 1921. On Fu, Schwartz, B. I. (1964), In Search of Wealth and Power; Wang, F. (2009), ‘The Relationship between Chinese Learning and Western Learning according to Yan Fu (1845–1921)’. 55 On Eliot’s reception, Armitt, L. (2000), George Eliot; Shaffer, E. and C. Brown, eds (2016), The Reception of George Eliot in Europe. 56 Liang Shiqiu was educated at Tsinghua, Peking, Columbia and Harvard universities (where, like T. S. Eliot, he imbibed Babbitt’s ‘New Humanism’). He then taught at Tsinghua, Peking and Jinan Universities, and, from 1949, at Taiwan National University, until his death in 1966. Liang was editor of the Crescent Moon Monthly (1928–32). He opposed using literature for propaganda, seeing it rather as a means to study life. This set him at odds with the ‘May 4th Movement’, and progressives in the 1930s, who admired Rousseau and the Romantics. Liang also translated Eliot’s Mr. Gilfil’s Love Story (1858), J. M. Barrie’s [1860–1937] Peter Pan (1904) and Emily Brontë’s [1818–48] Wuthering Heights (1847). On Liang and Lu, Chan, T-h. L. (2004), Twentieth-Century Chinese Translation Theory, 198; Denton, K. A. ed. (1996), Modern Chinese Literary Thought, 49f.; Sze, A. ed. (2010), Chinese Writers on Writing, ad loc; and, below p. 287, n. 114; also, 68, n. 85, 205f., 293, n. 142, 297, n. 159, 314, n. 233, 326, 384, n. 210, 418, n. 36. For a Chinese theological study of Silas Marner, Zhang, L. and L. Zeng (2013), ‘A Moral World without God’. 57 For a post-Tiananmen Chinese student’s self-identification with Eliot, Holmes, M. (2008), Students and Teachers of the New China, 94.

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trade.58 The orientalist nostalgia of ‘Ex Oriente Lux’ is echoed in Scenes of Clerical Life (1858). Mrs. Jerome is said to be ‘like her china, handsome and old-fashioned’ (q. Newlin 2006: I. 57). Her feelings intensify in the profound social commentary Middlemarch (1871). ‘Willow pattern’ china, once the doyen of popular chinoiserie, now denotes domestic drab (Chang, E., 2010: 17). Four aspects of Eliot’s approach to truth and truthfulness deserve attention. First, Eliot’s mind and method are inclusive. Her interests are eclectic, her outlook cosmopolitan. Her quest for ‘intelligent truth’ is passionate and principled, but also generous. She reads widely in science, philosophy, religion and history. Here is the breadth of a ‘Renaissance’ woman and the intellect of an Enlightenment philosophe. We study her to understand a progressive Victorian intellectual, and to identify the sources and characteristics of new ideas her works disseminate and popularize. We also study her to see the intellectual ‘varnish’ that covers later reading of the Analects and Gospels. Ulrich Knoepflmacher rightly urged we fail to do ‘full justice’ to Eliot’s work if we do not see in her a novelist and a philosopher.59 Eliot knew stories reach where philosophy fails. Novels are mechanisms to transpose philosophy and theology into a practical, accessible key.60 As the thirtyyear-old author’s first articles in the Westminster Review61 – and later translations of biblical scholar and theologian D. F. Strauss’s (1808–74) Das Leben Jesu (1835: The Life of Jesus critically examined, 1846), philosopher Ludwig Feuerbach’s (1804–72) Das Wesen des Christenthum (1841: The Essence of Christianity, 1854), and Spinoza’s Ethik (1677: Ethics, 1856)62 – confirm, Eliot buys German ‘Higher Criticism’ and ‘Modern’ ideas and resells them for popular consumption. The muchstudied ‘Holy Wars’ (Levine 2001: 6)63 that she fights with her family in the 1840s are about the Bible as history and religion as mere values. Novels are greenhouses to seed and splice her variety of critical naturalism. Mindful of Confucius’s previous profile – and Eliot’s interest in Spinoza64 – we might expect to see the sage’s footprints. None are seen. He is for Eliot – and the majority of mid-Victorians – an object of mild interest or benign neglect. Indeed, because she was suspicious of all purveyors of ‘truth as tradition’ (like Confucius), Eliot may have been warier than many. In Middlemarch (1871–2), heroine Dorothea’s ‘epic’ devotion to her obscurantist, antiquarian

58 This persists through to her last work Impressions of Theophrastus Such (1879). On Eliot’s cosmopolitanism, Robbins, B. (2013), ‘The Cosmopolitan Eliot’, in A. Anderson and H. E. Shaw (eds), Companion to George Eliot, 400–12 (esp. 403). 59 Cf. Knoepflmacher, U. C. (1964), ‘George Eliot, Feuerbach, and the Question of Criticism’. On Knoepflmacher, Rignall, J. ed. (2000), Oxford Reader’s Companion to George Eliot, 6f. 60 On theology in Eliot’s novels, Hodgson, P. C. (2001), Theology in the Fiction of George Eliot. 61 Eliot began writing for the Westminster Review as Marian (Mary Ann) Evans when she was thirty. Her contributions included articles, book reviews, social commentary and studies of European philosophy. Cf. Dillane, F. (2013), Before George Eliot. 62 The first two translations were published by Eliot and Lewes’s long-term friend, John Chapman (1821–94). Eliot began translating Spinoza’s Tractatus Theologico-Philosophicus in 1843, returning to it in earnest in 1849. Lewes’s plan to have it (and the Ethics) published by Bohn faltered. The work remained unpublished until 1981 when the MS, held at Yale University, was edited by Thomas Deegan and published by the Institute für Anglistik und Amerikanistik at the University of Salzburg. Of the mark Spinoza – that ‘pious, virtuous, God-intoxicated man’ – left on Eliot’s religious and philosophical development we should be in no doubt. Cf. Brett, R. L. (1997), ‘The Crisis of Faith’, in Faith and Doubt, 84–125 (esp. 96). 63 Eliot’s break with her family’s evangelical faith in 1842 is often linked to reading An Inquiry into the Origins of Christianity (1841) by Charles Hennell (1809–50), the brother of her friend and fellow novelist, Sara Hennell (1812–99) (Haight 1968: 38). 64 On Eliot and Spinoza, Armstrong, I. (2013), ‘George Eliot, Spinoza and the Emotions’, in Anderson and Shaw, Companion to George Eliot, 294–308.

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husband Casaubon is implictly dismissed as naïve: ‘To construct a past world, doubtless with a view to the highest purposes of truth – what a work to be in any way present at, to assist in, though only as a lamp-holder’ (1873: 9). Not so this Eliot. Italy, European philosophy,65 Asian spirituality, yes.66 A quest for wisdom, truth and balance, certainly.67 But classical Confucian tradition and ritual? – to say nothing of its incipient patriarchalism. Eliot’s cosmopolitanism distances her from the religious prejudice and myopic patriotism of contemporaries.68 She writes to the American abolitionist and novelist Harriet Beecher Stowe (1811–96), the author of Uncle Tom’s Cabin (1852), in reply to comments on her last novel, Daniel Deronda (1876): ‘[N]ot only towards the Jews, but towards all Oriental peoples with whom we English come into contact, a spirit of arrogance and contemptuous dictatorialness is observable which has become a national disgrace to us’ (Haight 1956: 6.301). Eliot’s cultural sensitivity and her generosity of spirit are clear.69 To some, her life and work exemplify iconoclastic modern ‘secularism’. She also embodies integrity, sympathy and an inclusive spirituality. Hers is a generous quest for truth, and a truthfulness – to self and others – that is intellectually rigorous and raspingly honest. This perspective is perpetuated in her literary legacy. Lazy flannellers beware! Second, Eliot shares with Rousseau a passion for music. Born on St. Cecilia’s Day, she is a friend to Wagner and devotee of Franz Liszt (1811–86). After hearing Liszt play one of his own compositions in Weimar, she wrote (August 1854): ‘Genius, benevolence, and tenderness beam from his whole countenance, and his manners were in perfect harmony with it’ (q. Correa 2003: 113). Music is not a hobby for Eliot: it is a tool of her trade and weapon in her intellectual armoury. It is used as a metaphor for domesticity in her novels and for immortality in her poems. It shapes Daniel Deronda (1876) and explains Alcherisi and others. It feminizes Maggie Tulliver in The Mill on the Floss and Caterina Sarti’s gifts in ‘Mr. Gilfil’s Love Story’ (ibid., 8).70 It helps to explain scientific claims – ‘There is not the least dissonance between God’s written book and the most mature discoveries of geological science’ (1887: IX. 124) – and to support Spencer’s ‘evolutionism’ in ‘The Origins and

65 Like some other intellectuals, Eliot was attracted to Europe rather more than Asia. Cf. Smalley, B. (1974), George Eliot and Flaubert; Vitaglione, D. (1993), George Eliot and George Sand; Rignall, J. ed. (1997), George Eliot and Europe; Thompson, A. (1998), George Eliot and Italy. Lesa Scholl says of ‘Recollections of Italy’ (1860): ‘Eliot’s travels to Italy gave her a broader cultural, intellectual and experiential basis from which to draw her fictional representations of society’ (2011: 159). As we have seen in Austen (p. 267), travelogues were aids to literature and cross-culturalism. 66 Some scholars find in the self-abnegation of Eliot’s poem, ‘O May I join the Choir Invisible’, in the innocent love of Adam Bede (‘the sunlight of long-past mornings wrought up in the soft mellowness of the apricot’ [Ch. 20]), and in the consistent interplay of ‘universal compassion’ with Judaism in Daniel Deronda, indications of an interest (shared with others) in Theravada and Mahayana Buddhism. 67 Eliot despised the American publication The Wit and Wisdom of George Eliot (1873), but her ‘wisdom’, ‘realism’ and ‘balanced’ quest for truth, are often praised. On this, Haight, G. S. and R. T. VanArsdel, eds (1988), George Eliot, 111; Levine, Cambridge Companion, Introductioin (1–19). On Middlemarch specifically, Miller, D. A. (1991), ‘George Eliot: “The Wisdom of Balancing Claims” ’, in K. M. Newton (ed.), George Eliot, 187–97. 68 For a cultural and political perspective on Eliot, Semmell, B. (1994), George Eliot and the Politics of National Inheritance. 69 On confederacy among British and European intellectuals in the mid-19th century, Seeber, H. U. (1997), ‘Cultural Synthesis in George Eliot’s Middlemarch’, in J. Rignall (ed.), George Eliot and Europe, 22f. On Eliot’s often missed intellectual and cultural cosmopolitanism, Rothblatt, S. (1986), ‘George Eliot as a Type of European Intellectual’; McKay, B. (2003), George Eliot and Victorian Attitudes. 70 Correa connects Eliot’s interest in music to the evolutionism of Spencer’s essay ‘The Origin and Function of Music’ (1857) and contemporary debates about musical aesthetics. On Eliot’s view of music’s psychological impact, Correa, D. Da S. (2000), ‘ “The Music Vibrating in Her Still” ’; also, generally, Losseff, N. and S. Fuller, eds (2004), The Idea of Music in Victorian Fiction.

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Function of Music’ (1857).71 Music is an analogue for corrupt and corroded religion in ‘Janet’s Repentance’; where ‘people are in danger of crying out that the melody itself is detestable’ ([1858] 1973: 319). We hear Eliot, then, in Maggie’s joy in ‘the supreme excitement of music’ in The Mill on the Floss: ‘I think I should have no other mortal wants, if I could always have plenty of music . . . It seems to infuse strength into my limbs and ideas into my brain. Life seems to go on without effort, when I am filled with music’ ([1860] 1867: II. 356). Sullivan is right: ‘If Eliot’s religion was “the religion of humanity”, music was that religion’s most efficacious sacrament’ (1990: 103; q. Solie 2004: 153). As her poem ‘The Legend of Jubal’ says, music is ‘the language of the soul’,72 a medium shared with intimates to speak love, truth, mystery, meaning and revelation (Cross: I. 347). When Lewes’s son, Charles, sought praise for a ‘step-mother’ he adored, he turned to music: ‘Your writing, like great music, is always revealing fresh thoughts. One ought constantly to be reading over again instead of impotently longing for more’ (q. Bodenheimer 1994: 212). We do not understand Bach without God: so, too, we do not know Eliot apart from music. It is revelation, mystery, life, love, meaning and joy to her. It speaks truth truthfully in and through her pain, creativity and relationships. In one specific area Eliot’s love of music enriches her work: it transforms her view of texts and time. Readers and texts are, for her, finite, time-bound entities. But a novel or a personality – like meaning and truth – are infinite and timeless realities. Here’s her Adam Bede: ‘No story is the same to us after a lapse of time – or rather, we who read it are no longer the same interpreters’ (1867: I. 461). Music is, like a body, limited by physical notes and interspersed silence. It also has, like literature, a unique capacity for interpretative ‘freedom’ and fluidity. This heuristic justifies and explains the aim Eliot expressed to her publisher John Blackwood (1818–79) of ‘seeing truly and feeling justly’ (Cross: II. 362; q. Raphael 2001: 58).73 Music shapes and inspires her literary art. In its serene provisionality it energizes all of Eliot’s ‘experiments in life’ (Haight: VI. 216).74 We ‘read backwards carefully’ to truth and truthfulness in the Analects and Gospels sensitive to the lasting impact of her musical hermeneutic. To her eyes and ears texts sing. She creates a model for interpretation others copy. Thirdly, if Eliot’s approach to truth has an inclusive and aesthetic dimension, philosophy and theology also shape her thought. Her mind is restless, her ideas fluid. Like Coleridge, she devours quantities of European biblical ‘Higher Criticism’. She shares with Wagner an insatiable desire to learn, create and experiment. In part, this explains her rejection of Christian orthodoxy. Her essay ‘Evangelical Teaching: Dr. Cumming’ dismisses her childhood faith as ‘distortions that pass in the culture for truth and justice’ (Levine, 6) and that reside in ‘the wretched giant’s bed of dogmas’ (Haight, I. 162).75 In ‘Janet’s Repentance’ music helps explain this: ‘Religious ideas have the fate of melodies, which . . . are taken up by all sorts of instruments, some of them woefully coarse, feeble, or out of tune’ ([1857] 1973: 319f.). As John Cross described Eliot – quoting Scottish Romantic author Sir Walter Scott (1771–1832) – ‘Everything depends on accuracy’ (Cross, I. vii). Eliot calls Edward Dannreuther (1844–1905) acutely commented at the time that musical ‘evolutionism’ meant that in the future music ‘that is ugly to us, may possibly sound all right to our grandchildren’ (1873: 18)! 72 Cf. Byerly, A. (1989), ‘ “The Language of the Soul”: George Eliot and Music’. 73 N.B. we also see here Eliot’s view of interpretative freedom: ‘I undertake to exhibit nothing as it should be; I only try to exhibit some things as they have been or are, seen through such a medium as my own nature gives me’ (ibid.). 74 On Eliot’s moral development, Paris, B. J. (1965), Experiments in Life. 75 Cf. also, Paxton, N. L. (1991), George Eliot and Herbert Spencer, 20. 71

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this seeing, and saying, ‘things as they are’ (q. Haight and VanArsdel 1988: 111). The ‘finite and unheroic’ reality Eliot represents is, to Knoepflmacher (1968: 27), like Amos Barton, the ‘dear, old, brown, crumbling, picturesque inefficiency’ (1887: VII. 4) of a world perceived through – but not confined to – Kantian ‘phenomena’. Truth is, to Eliot, more than human eye or ear can conceive. But her novelistic ‘accuracy’ is visceral, moral and ‘spiritual’, as much as physical, historical, contextual, philological and linguistic. As she writes: ‘The moral effects of the stories . . . depend on my power of seeing truly and feeling justly . . . I am not conscious of looking at things through the medium of cynicism, or irreverence, I can’t help hoping that there is no tendency in what I write to produce those miserable mental states’ (Cross, II. 362). Skepticism, she stresses in Middlemarch, ‘can never be thoroughly applied, else life would come to a standstill’ (85).76 But, it has its place: for, ‘[D]oubt may be the stamp of a truth-loving mind’ (1887: IX. 120). In short, Eliot was as suspicious of ‘certainty’ (of any kind) as she was of cynicism. She knew better than to say that her work was ‘theological’ in a creedal sense. Hers was a literary quest for intellectual integrity. If, over time, her passion for realism wilted in the noon-day sun, much in Eliot matches Confucius’s hopes for the junzi and Jesus’s expectations of disciples. We read the Analects and Gospels today in light of Eliot’s theological curiosity, selective piety and rigorous honesty. Or perhaps we should! Fourthly, Eliot’s work admits physical, intellectual and – like Shakespeare – psychological development. In a memorable phrase from Middlemarch, she says the complex, existential truth about human thought and life requires we listen for, ‘That roar which lies on the other side of silence’ (1873: I. 70).77 With another musical analogy to hand, she writes: ‘We are but in the “morning of times” and must learn to think of ourselves as tadpoles unprescient of the future frog’ (1992/2000: 87). And, as a tadpole is ‘limited to tadpole pleasures . . . so, in our state of development, we are swayed by melody’ (ibid.).78 European ‘evolutionism’ (pace Chapter 5) is imported here into mainstream British culture. So, truth is to Eliot – like ‘Biblical Revelation’ to progressive peers – not a static dogma, or given reality, but an unfolding discovery. This ‘evolutionary’ dimension to her thought is important. In time, it helps to bolster late 19th-century scientific ‘relativism’ and 20thcentury ‘deconstruction’,79 in which truth is partial, fluid, or evanescent. For now, we note four aspects of this in Eliot: i. in relation to the priority Eliot accords the popular, Confucianesque virtue of ‘sympathy’ (as per Chapter 5). To Eliot, ‘sympathy’ is the pivotal, human quality. Autobiographically, it is her conscious counter to heartless religious dogmatism.80 The prejudiced rejection she and Lewes faced as an unmarried couple was, to Eliot, symptomatic of a lack of societal ‘sympathy’. Hence, this in Middlemarch: ‘There is no general doctrine which is not capable of eating out our morality if unchecked by the deep-seated habit of direct fellow-feeling with individual fellow-men’ (1873: III. 353). The only thing Eliot believed could, and should, supersede music was what she calls in her On complexity in Eliot’s skeptical realism, Raphael, Narrative Scepticism, 58f. For analysis of this phrase, Stone, D. (2015), ‘ “That roar which lies on the other side of silence”: Comparing Hong lou meng, Middlemarch, and other Masterpieces of Western Narrative’, in S. Qian (ed.), Cross-Cultural Studies, 194–208. 78 This is consistent with Eliot’s organic model of form as found in her ‘Notes on Form in Art’ (1868). There, her scientific sense of organic complexity conditions her thought – and, we sense, her view of truth – ‘The highest Form, then, is the highest organism, that is to say, the most varied group of relations bound together in a wholeness which again has the most varied relations with all the other phenomena’ (ibid., 356). On this, Henry, Cambridge Introduction to George Eliot, 27. 79 Cf. p. 273, 279, 330f., 438, n. 192, 475f, 490, n. 496. 80 On Eliot and ‘sympathy’, Irwin, T. H. (2013), ‘Sympathy and the Basis of Morality’, in Anderson and Shaw, Companion to George Eliot, 279–99. 76 77

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poem ‘Armgart’, a ‘power of affectionate service’ (q. Cooke 2010: 374). Not that morality and music are competitors to Eliot. Music is not moralistic; rather, it unites ‘in one emotion of heroic courage or resignation’, she says in Adam Bede, ‘all the hard-learnt lessons of self-renouncing sympathy’, to blend past and present joys and sorrows ([1859] 1900: IV. 359). Schleiermacher’s ‘hermeneutic of sympathy’81 becomes Eliot’s quest for ‘the truth of feeling’ (ibid.). But – and this is the point – the ‘development’ impacts her thinking about ‘sympathy’. As noted, science matters to Eliot, but Spinoza taught her to interpret knowledge as progressing from partial to general, from intuitive to mystical (Carroll 1992: 17).82 ‘Sympathy’ is a ‘developed’ higher expression of knowledge. In her essay ‘The Future of German Philosophy’, Kant, Coleridge, Carlyle, and Comtean positivism, are all closely studied.83 ‘Facts’ and ‘feelings’ vie for her hand. She cherishes empirical knowledge but admits its limitations. Like a Romantic, she recognizes revelatory power in ‘feelings’; as she says in Scenes of Clerical Life: ‘[T]he only true knowledge of our fellow-man is that which enables us to feel with him’ (229, Ch. 10; q. Auger 2005: 95).84 To Eliot, ‘sympathy’ is a type of understanding. It is revelatory of truth truthfully and carefully voiced. ii. as an extension of this, Eliot’s epistemology is also ‘evolutionist’. As we have seen, like Confucius, Eliot seeks a ‘balanced mean’; in her case, to honour the demands of subjectivity, personality and objectivity. Imagination and information are both integral to her quest for truth and truthfulness. Like Herder and Schleiermacher, finding meaning in life involves for Eliot both cognition and ‘affection’. As a result of this epistemological methodology, interpretative possibilities are – like personality, texts and music – ultimately infinite. Art and science join in Eliot’s search for what she admits is ‘shadowy’, elusive ‘truth’ (Levine, 84).85 As she says: ‘Every analytic judgment has previously been synthetic’ (q. ibid., 85).86 Eliot does not conceive – as Hamlet’s Shakespeare and others later will – of a world of ‘nothingness’, and of an infinite array of interpretative possibilities. No, truth, the fruit of ‘facts’ and ‘feeling’, can be found and should be celebrated. Levine is right – contra much recent literary-critical, post-structuralist reductionism – Eliot has in the end ‘a roughly traditional view of truth and knowledge in which true beliefs are those that capture the facts as they truly are, and a person’s knowledge consists of those of her beliefs that are supported by adequate grounds’ (ibid., 83). When society and Christian orthodoxy question(ed) Eliot’s integrity, she is confident: ‘So long as a belief in propositions is regarded as indispensable to salvation, the pursuit of truth as such is not possible’ (1887: IX. 120). This is, for her, like someone ‘swimming for his life’ who makes ‘meteorological observations on the storm which threatens to overwhelm him’ (ibid.).

On this, Anger, S. (2005), Victorian Interpretation, 95f.; Williams, W. S. (2016), George Eliot, Poetess, 44f. N.B. Eliot’s letter (28 June 1857) to Sara Hennell that praises Spencer’s essay ‘Progress: Its Law and Cause’ (1857) but is cautious with respect to ‘Development Theory’: ‘I feel every day a greater disinclination for theories and arguments about the origin of things in the presence of all this mystery and beauty and pain and ugliness, that floods one with conflicting emotions’ ([1887] 1898: 22.348). 83 Comte read in history a three-stage development of the human mind: viz. theological–metaphysical–positivist. On Eliot and Comte, Carroll, D. (1992), George Eliot and the Conflict of Interpretations, 17; Wright, T. R. (1986), The Religion of Humanity, ad loc. On Comte, p. 143, 234, 280, 430. 84 Cf. also, Levine, Cambridge Companion, 83. 85 On truth and shadow in Eliot’s novels, Sharma, S. (2003), George Eliot’s Novels, 102f. N.B. on mimetic artistry in Eliot and truth (viz. truth as truth to or towards – rather than about – experience), Paris, B. J. (2003), Rereading George Eliot, 211f. 86 Cf. also, Pinney, T. ed. (1963), Essays of George Eliot, 52. 81 82

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iii. as a consequence of Eliot’s view of life, faith and knowledge, hermeneutics involves for her a complex, evolutionary process of personal discovery. Silly novels and simple answers will not do.87 Depth is needed. Hermeneutics is not ‘endless’ (Schleiermacher [1819] 1977: 95),88 but the complexity of reality, and the quantity of knowledge this creates – to say nothing of literary creativity or the particular power ‘spiritual’ texts – requires a person admit ignorance, be ready to learn, and continue processing ‘experience’. Eliot’s novels are, then, like her theology and view of life, a synthetic search for satisfactory ‘truth’ and a balanced exercise in ‘truth-telling’. Her writing is a powerful application of early 19th-century hermeneutics in novel form. iv. Eliot sees reality, like life, as a progressive development. She has read the influential art critic John Ruskin (1819–1900) on ‘realism’. She writes in a review of his Modern Painters, Volume III (1856): ‘The truth of infinite value that he teaches is realism – the doctrine that all truth and beauty are to be attained by a humble and faithful study of nature, and not by substituting vague forms, bred by imagination, on the mists of feeling, in place of definite, substantial reality’ (1990: 368f.). Likewise, to Eliot, thought and language do not create reality, they synthesize and process data. Reality is known by action and reflection, by honest ignorance and lived experience.89 This self-aware, developing embrace of ‘life’ is germane to Eliot’s literary legacy. As Levine and others have seen, there is in Eliot a timeless, trans-national ‘wisdom’ best comprehended (pace Yang) cross-culturally.90 With her sophisticated secularism and critical, empathetic, realism, Eliot is a feisty interlocutor with readers of the Analects and Gospels in China and the West. Though she did not derive her view of truth and commitment to truthfulness from Confucius, he was, as we have seen, instrumental in encouraging the Enlightenment individualism and modernist humanism she espoused. Like Eliot, he is for her, and many readers of the Analects and Gospels, an influential, invisible presence. As with Hamlet and other ‘Classics’, we read life through Eliot. We cannot give as much time to Eliot’s older contemporary, Charles Dickens (1812–70), as he deserves. Like Shakespeare and Eliot, he is a thick filter on reading of life, personality, truth and truthfulness, in the Analects and Gospels today. Cross-cultural hermeneutics again creates conscious, and sub-conscious, commonalities that deserve greater personal, cultural, academic and diplomatic, recognition. If we heed Yang Huilin, we are sub-standard ‘translators’ of our world today if we deny, dismiss or distort, a cross-cultural dimension to Sino-Western dialogue and literary analysis. What Stephen Hay calls ‘the synthesis of East and West in Chinese thought’ (1970: 136) is of immense, contemporary geo-political and cultural significance. Relational problems persist amid deafness, deceit and denial. We (should) strain to hear another. Hacking through tough undergrowth in ‘Dickens studies’ and a ‘Dickensian world’, we find three glades of light that transect this chapter’s path; in one of these, as we will see, Dickens is being translated into Chinese long before George Eliot. 87 Cf. Eliot’s acerbic (anon.) essay, ‘Silly Novels by Lady Novelists’ (Westminster Review, 1856). The essay is as much an apologia for female intellect as an attack on the ‘mind-and-millinery’ novels of (some of) her contemporaries. 88 On the use of Schleiermacher and early hermeneutics in music theory, Chantler, A. (2002), ‘Revisiting E. T. A. Hoffmann’s Musical Hermeneutics’. 89 On the difference between Shelley’s subjectivist truth as ‘that which presented itself to him’ (i.e. not as an objective fact or eternal ‘given’) and Eliot and Lewes’s more realist, empirical viewpoint, Henry, Life of George Eliot, 78f. 90 On the breadth of Eliot’s ‘reception’, Adams, G. E. (2013), ‘The Reception of George Eliot’, in Anderson and Shaw, Companion to George Eliot, 219–32.

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First, though, Dickens’s use of ‘story’ and creation of his literary ‘characters’. Like Eliot, Dickens wrote from his life and world. Two years after Eliot’s exhausting translation of Strauss’s Life of Jesus was finished (15 June 1846),91 and the Calcutta-born, Anglo-Indian novelist William Makepeace Thackeray (1811–63) had released his cryptic, social satire Vanity Fair (1848), an obscure German journalist, economist and would-be political theorist based in London, distributed (anonymously at first) through the Workers’ Educational Association, a short, blunt pamphlet, Manifesto of the Communist Party (February 1848, Manifest der Kommunistischen Partei; later, The Communist Manifesto). Karl Marx (1818–83), the author, set a fuse to his world and ours. At the time, Europe en masse was ablaze with local revolutions.92 These were hard times. A year later Dickens began serialization of his seventh novel David Copperfield (1849). As Dombey and Son (1846) reveals, Dickens wrote against the backcloth of London’s growing ‘Chinatown’ at Limehouse on the River Thames.93 He uses tea – now less controversial than opium94 – and other select oriental artefacts to commoditize Britain’s trading relations and global standing.95 The shine is gone from chinoiserie. Without ceremony, Miss Nipper in Dombey and Son merely unties her bonnet, and ‘after looking vacantly for some moments into a little black tea-pot . . . set forth with the usual homely service, on the table, shook her head and a tin canister and began unasked to make the tea’ ([1846] 2002: 291). Times have changed. In the prologue to the semi-autobiographical David Copperfield we find the hopes and fears of Dickens and many others: ‘Whether I shall turn out to be the hero of my own life, or whether that station will be held by anybody else, these pages must show’ ([1869] 1996: 11).96 It is an age of British confidence and vulnerability, violence and change. Dickens is its mirror, prophet and conscience. Like Shakespeare, his stories look to exegete truth about Victorian life, society and character. As his literary-critic friend and biographer John Forster (1812–76) – who loved the piquant humour of Pickwick Papers (1836), Nicholas Nickleby (1838) and Martin Chuzzlewit (1842) – comments on Dickens’s dialogue: it has ‘that power of making his characters real existences, not by describing them but by letting them describe themselves’ (1928: 723).97 Or, as the Oxford Reader’s Companion to Dickens says dully: ‘his prose is highly auditory, and his stories offer strong narrative, emotional, and comic opportunities’ ([1872] 1999: 482). If Chapter 5 saw the energy of ‘narrative ethics’, Eliot and Dickens register the power of ‘narrative truth’, with veracity the art of evoking reality and creating mood. Few have been so adept or influential as Dickens. In his 985 characters – with the delightfully evocative Sweedlepipe and Scrooge, Honeythunder and Bumble, Pumblechook, Pecksniff and M’Choakumchild (some On the strain and impact this translation had on Eliot, p. 299f., 302f. On the pan-European uprisings from February 1848 to early 1849, Dowe, D. ed. (2000), Europe in 1848; Langer, W. L. (1971), The Revolutions of 1848; Rapport, M. (2009), 1848: Year of Revolution; Sperber, J. (1994), The European Revolutions. 93 The name ‘Chinatown’ was coined by the journalist George R. Sims (1847–1922) in The Strand magazine (July 1905). Thomas Burke’s (1886–1945) Limehouse Nights, Tales of Chinatown (1916) gave the name ‘Limehouse’ a new exotic aura, capitalized on by later authors. The repeal of the Navigation Act in 1850, and the removal of a 25% bar on non-British sailors on ships, opened the door to a flood of Chinese men coming to London, where they married English women. On Chinese in London (and Liverpool), Witchard, A. (2008), ‘Limehouse, Bloomsbury and Piccadilly’, in P. Rastogi and J. F. Stitt (eds), Before Windrush, 141–78 (N.B. also the bibliography). 94 On Dickens and opium, Tambling, J. (2004), ‘Opium, Wholesale, Resale, and for Export’. 95 Cf. above p. 172, 200, 259. 96 N.B. the full title: ‘David Copperfield: The Personal History, Adventures, Experience and Observation of David Copperfield the Younger of Blunderstone Rookery (Which He Never Meant to Publish on Any Account). 97 On Dickens, Paroissien, D. ed. (2008), A Companion to Charles Dickens. 91 92

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dangerously close to their life and ours!)98 – we see a Shakespearean capacity to craft ‘personality’ and a primitive psychological exploration of truth in motivation, relation, anger, grief, envy and guile. In these ‘Literary Classics’, we find ourselves truly – painfully – portrayed. This is tough, lived truth – not Platonic idealism or Cartesian rationalism – written in pen and ink and London dirt. We cannot rebuild relationships without such honesty. Second, Dickens uses stories not only to describe, but – like Thackeray and Eliot – to comment. He passes principled judgements on individuals, situations and society at large. Justice and ‘discipline’ (rightly and wrongly used) are prominent in his novels.99 In light of the first Opium War, Britain’s relationship to China is not only alluded to in Dombey and Son, it is evaluated. As Hannah Lewis-Bill writes: By including multiple instances in the novel in which cultural boundaries are crossed and cultural identities re-defined, Dombey and Son invites the reader to question how the increasingly interdependent relationship between Britain and its foreign trading partners can be managed. —2013: 41 As in the Analects and Gospels, ‘story’ becomes a moral yardstick and catechetical resource. Moral truths are intended to be taught and caught through Dickens’s stories. Confirming his respect for Jesus and the ‘parabolic’ form, in the year Dickens began to serialize David Copperfield he copied Strauss with his own The Life of our Lord (1849).100 It is too much to call Dickens ‘that great Christian writer’ – as two of his great Russian admirers, Leo Tolstoy (1828–1910) and Fyodor Dostoyevsky (1821–81), did – or that his novels are ‘specimens of earnest Christianity’ as Rev. David Macrae said in 1861 (Dickens 1982–: 9.556).101 His antipathy to pietistic evangelicalism and institutional Christianity grows. But the sincerity of Dickens’s spirituality,102 and his desire to ‘imitate’ Jesus’s servanthood (e.g. in ‘Urania Cottage’, a shelter for ‘fallen women’) and to encourage Christian philanthropy, are impressive.103 Furthermore, he not only wrote effective ‘moral tales’, he inspired others to do the same. In the year he began the serialization of Bleak House (1852), James Legge ⨶䳵 ਴ also published a novel in Chinese, ㌴⪏㌰⮗ (A brief history of [the life of] Joseph).104 As we have

98 More than eye-brows were raised when it was realized Harold Skimpole in Bleak House was Leigh Hunt, Wilkins Micawber and William Dorritt were Dickens’s father and Mrs. Nickleby his mother; while Miss Mowcher, in David Copperfield, was said to be the spitting-image of his wife’s diminutive chiropodist! 99 On marital ‘discipline’ in Dickens (e.g. Annie to Dr. Strong in David Copperfield; and, poorly applied in Bleak House and for correction in Oliver Twist), Hager, K. (2010), Dickens and the Rise of Divorce; —(1996), ‘Estranging David Copperfield: Reading the Novel of Divorce’; also, Miller, D. A. ([2008] 2009), ‘Discipline in Different Voices’, in H. Bloom (ed.), Charles Dickens, 123–58. 100 The intended audience was probably his family. On Dickens’s changing – later controversial – views on Christianity, and religion generally, Colledge, G. (2012), God and Charles Dickens, esp. 24f., 87f.; —(2009), Dickens, Christianity and ‘The Life of Our Lord’; Walder, D. (2007), Dickens and Religion. On Dickens’s ‘parabolic’ style, Lewis, L. M. (2011), Dickens, His Parables, and His Reader, 1–21. 101 For Dickens’s response, Colledge, God and Charles Dickens, 3. 102 On this, Wilson, A. N. and A. E. Dyson (1976), ‘Dickens’, in C. T. Watts (ed.), The English Novel, 53–75. 103 On Dickens’s philanthropy and collaboration with the banking heiress Angela Burdett-Coutts (1814–1906), Ackroyd, P. (1990), Dickens, 249, 530–8, 549f., 575. 104 On Legge’s use of story to ‘translate’ the Bible cross-culturally, Lai, J. T. P. (2013), ‘Literary Transformation of the Bible into Chinese’; —(2014), ‘Fictional Representation of the Bible: Chinese Christian Novels of the Late-19th Century’. On Sino-Western literary exchange generally, Yu, A. C. (2009), Comparative Journeys (N.B. incl. chapters on Dante and Milton).

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seen, this is neither his only, nor exclusive, undertaking. Not for the first time, Jesus entered China disguised in ‘novel’ form; his humble truth wrapped in the towels of simple tales. Later translations of Dickens testify to an old practice – but, as we will see a new genre – of turning occidental materials into oriental forms. We may, like Yang Huilin, accept the value of cross-cultural hermeneutics, but it is unlikely early Protestant missionaries to China foresaw the extent to which literary translation could, and would, erode Christian orthodoxy and the claims of biblical authority which they held so dear. As Ricci’s critics feared centuries earlier, re-clothing Christian truth and ‘truth claims’ in alien garb threatened its original creedal shape. Now a new ‘crisis of faith’ ensues. Neither Eliot or Dickens would grieve a role in divesting Christianity’s threadbare intellectual rags, as long as there was, for Eliot, sympathy for ‘the creature of circumstances’, and, for Dickens, preservation of respect for the Bible, ‘the eternal book for all the weary, and heavy-laden, for all the wretched, fallen and neglected of this earth’ ([1846] 1895: 662).105 This was the true story Dickens wanted to live, and effectively re-tell in his gritty Victorian novels. Hard times and tough truths, indeed. Thirdly, issues of truth and truthfulness are illumined by the translation and ‘reception’ of Dickens in China. Central to this, from the very start, was the Chinese ‘man of letters’ Lin Shu ᷇㍃ (1852–1924; courtesy name Qinnan ⩤ই), of whom quantities of books, articles, and theses, have been written. Critical comparisons have been drawn with contemporaries like Yan Fu and leaders of the ‘May 4th Movement’. There is much we might say about the monolingual Lin, who

FIGURE 11: Lin Shu ᷇㍃ (8 November 1852–9 October 1924).

Cf. p. 258; also, Larson, J. L. (1985), Dickens and the Broken Scripture, 70f.

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was encouraged to start translating in 1897 (after the death of his wife), and subsequently produced more than 185 Western titles in Chinese – including most of Dickens’s major works. In this, he was helped by his gifted, multi-lingual, colleagues Wang Shouchang ⦻༭᰼ (1864–1926) and, for ten years, the younger Wei Yi 兿᱃ (1880–1933).106 Through Lin, Wang and Wei, Dickens becomes Chinese, his work part of its cultural heritage. The sinologist Arthur Waley (1889–1966) provides a plausible view of Lin’s work: To put Dickens into classical Chinese would . . . seem to be a grotesque undertaking. But the results are not at all grotesque. Dickens, inevitably, becomes a rather different and to my mind a better writer. All the over-elaboration, the over-statement and uncurbed garrulity disappear. The humour . . . is transmuted by a precise, economical style; every point that Dickens spoils by uncontrolled exuberance, Lin Shu makes quietly and efficiently. —1963: 109 Lin’s method, philosophy, and achievement provide important cross-cultural literary insights into truth and truthfulness, and on their interpretation from the Analects and Gospels in China and the West today. In Lin (as in Eliot and Dickens) ‘story’ affords an intellectual push-back to assumptions that truth is always empirically verifiable and truthfulness always self-evident. Through Lin, Dickens’s reception in China becomes an analogue for claims of modernity and case study for translation theory. If Dickens used tea as a cipher for Britain’s colonial power, Lin reversed the process. He adapts Dickens to China’s culture and, through him, puts the case for its socio-political and moral renewal.107 As such, Lin is a creative precursor of the ‘May 4th Movement’. Lin’s approach has attracted considerable comment – and not a little criticism. From his earliest works, Lin’s method was what is called technically ‘orality’. He explains the process in the ‘Preface’ to Dickens’s The Old Curiosity Shop (1840–1; ᆍྣ㙀‫[ ۣނ‬Biography of the Filial Daughter and Patient Son], 1907):108 ‘I listened with my ears and followed with my hand. When the voice stopped, so did my brush.’ He adds: ‘Working a mere four hours a day, we could get 6000 words done’ (1; q. Qian, Z., 2014: 156). In other words, his work is to transpose a(nother) native speaker’s translation. As he explains on another occasion: ‘I am conversant with no Western language and 106 The first work Lin translated – perhaps because Wang had French (indicative of China’s late Qing cosmopolitanism) – was Alexandre Dumas’s (1802–70) popular, semi-autobiographical, love tragedy La Dame aux Camélias (1852, ᐤ哾㥦㣡ྣ䚪 һ [Past Stories of the Camellia-woman of Paris], 1897); often known as simply Camille. 107 On Lin Shu and Dickens translations, Chan, S-w. and D. E. Pollard, eds (1995), An Encyclopaedia of Translation; Compton, R. (1971), ‘A Study of the Translation of Lin Shu, 1852–1924’; Gao, W. (2009), Recasting Lin Shu; —(2018), ‘Lin Shu’s Choice and Response in Translation from a Cultural Perspective’; Franey, L. E. (2018), Review: ‘China and the Victorian Imagination: Empires Entwined [R. G. Forman], and Charles Dickens and China, 1895–1915 [K. H. Y. Lee]’; Geng, Y. (2015), An Introductory Study on China’s Cultural Transformation; Hill, M. G. (2013), Lin Shu, Inc.; Lee, K. H. Y. (2013), Cross-Cultural encounters: the early reception of Charles Dickens in China, 1895–1915; —(2016), Charles Dickens and China, 1895–1915; Li, K. (2006), ‘Dickens and China’, in S. Friedman, et al. (eds), 117–36; Li, L. (2007), ‘Translation and Nation: Negotiating “China” in the Translations of Lin Shu, Yan Fu, Liang Qichao’; Lung, R. (2004), ‘The Oral Translator’s “Visibility”: The Chinese Translation of David Copperfield’; Luo, X. and Y. He, eds (2009), Translating China; Toury, G. (1995), In Descriptive Translation Study and Beyond; Wong, L. (1998), ‘Lin Shu’s Story-retelling as Shown in His Chinese Translation of La Dame aux camellias’; Zheng, Z. (1957), ‘Mr Lin Qinnan’; also, Wang, H. (2000), Fanyi yu chuangzuo. . . [Translation and Creation . . .]; Feng, Q. ed. (1998), Lin Shu pingzhuan ji zuopin xuan [A Critical Biography of Lin Shu]. 108 It’s said (perhaps hagiographically) the serialization of The Old Curiosity Shop was so popular that the boat carrying the next instalment to New York was besieged on arrival.

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have only the ability to express myself; if I make any mistakes, then I do so unknowingly’ (1908: Preface; q. ibid.).109 ‘Orality’ had been employed by Neo-Confucian Qing illuminati like Fang Bao ᯩ㤎 (1668–1749), Liu Dakui ࢹབྷ⃶ (1698–1779), Yao Nai ည啀 (1731–1815) and Yuan Mei 㺱᷊ (1716–1798), and by the so-called Tongcheng Ẁ෾ school of literary Chinese.110 Yan Fu refined the process. His aim was, he explains, when he is translating Huxley, ‘faithfulness, elegance and precision’. ‘Orality’ was (and is) used by Morrison and later missionaries. To critics, it creates an impressionistic, manipulated translation.111 Laurence Wong says Lin is ‘more concerned about spinning his own yarn than acting as a faithful intermediary between the Western writer and his Chinese readers’; and so, ‘Retelling the story in his own way, he often took liberties with the original, making changes and adaptations here and there to suit his purpose’ (Wong, L., 1998: 208f.). As we will see, Lin is – at least partly – guilty as charged: but to translation theorists today his quirky method exemplifies adaptation of the ‘source text’ to a ‘target culture’. The popularity and lingering impact of his work in China is a mark of his achievement. Qian Zhongshu 䥒䦮ᴨ (1910–98) – perhaps China’s foremost modern ‘man of letters’ – calls Lin (echoing Goethe) a geschäftige Kuppler (a matchmaker) (2014: 144). That is, he is someone who, like Shakespeare, uniquely connects art to life and society. Writing in 1963, Qian spoke for countless millions: ‘It was not until I came into contact with Lin Shu’s translations that I realized how captivating Western fiction could be’; and, when returned to, he ‘found most of them worth reading’ (q. Gimpel 2001: 208). Eva Hung claims the Dickens-Lin legacy ‘influenced the literary sensibility of a later generation’ and ‘governed their conscious or unconscious preferences’ (1996: 29f.).112 It creates a thick filter through which Chinese read their culture and society, their ‘Classics’ and any other texts (like the Gospels) that speak of truth and truthfulness. Lin’s philosophy of life, evident in his Dickens translations, also conditions the way truth and truthfulness were subsequently understood and applied in China. Lin ‘adapts’ Dickens’s characters to fit China’s ‘receptor’ culture. Minor themes are inflated, personalities adjusted, morality highlighted, and stories made to ‘fit’ Lin’s socio-political, moral agenda. In David Copperfield he alters Dickens’s description of Miss Trotwood – ‘one of the most tender-hearted and excellent of women’ ([1849] 1996: 767) – so she fulfils the Confucian ideal ‘ӱ ⇵ ⛸ྣ’ (kind, persevering and strong) (Lin, S., [1908] 1960–2: 1084). Miss Trotwood’s praise of Agnes Wickfield as ‘good, beautiful, earnest and disinterested’ ([1849] 1996: 769]) becomes ‘ᗧ䀰ᇩᐕ’ (virtuous, pretty and graceful) (ibid., 1085). As Kirk Denton explains Lin’s work: ‘Dickens took pains to select some long-standing defects of society present among the lower classes and dramatize them in novels, so

109 Lin, Shu, trans. 俜᭟ᆏᗧ㾯࡙ӎ䜑ѫ࡛ۣ䀰ᛵሿ䃚 Xiliya jun zhu bie zhuan: yan qing xiao shuo [Arthur Marchmont (1852–1923), For Love or Crown, a romance, 1908]; q. Qian, Z (ed.), Patchwork, 156. 110 Cf. Named after a county in Anhui Province, the Tongcheng School followed the Ming dynasty scholar Gui Youguang ↨ ᴹ‫( ݹ‬1506–71) in its emphasis on yifa 㗙⌅ (a central idea/substance and a literary form), a style marked by brevity and natural simplicity. On this, and the quality of Lin’s Chinese (when checked by Wei Yi), Li, L. (2007), ‘Translation and Nation’, 48. 111 On translation, ‘orality’ and empire, Cronin, M. (2002), ‘The Empire Talks Back’, in M. Tymoczko and E. Gentzler (eds), Translation and Power, 45–62; Tymoczko, M. (1990), ‘Translation in Oral Tradition’, in S. Bassnett and A. Lefevere (eds), Translation, History and Culture, 46–55. 112 Cf. also, Hung, E. (2005), ‘Cultural Borderlands in China’s translation history’, in E. Hung (ed.), Translation and Cultural Change, 43–64. For statistics on China’s love of Dickens (prior to 1960), Bauer, W. (1964), Western Literature and Translation Work in Communist China, 25.

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that his government would find them out and put them right’ (1996: 82). Hence, his Preface to David Copperfield states:113 Dickens’s David Copperfield depicts lower-class society in various ways . . . The malpractices among the common folk during the time when England was half-civilized are clearly exposed to the readers’ eyes. When reading this novel, we Chinese should realize that society could be improved if a system of education is rigorously instituted. There is no need for us to be so enamoured with the West as to assume that all Europeans seem to be endowed with a sense of propriety, and a potential for talent, and are superior to Asians. If readers of my translation reach a similar conclusion, I will not have translated this novel in vain. —q. Denton, 86114 Dickens’s stories are to reinforce Confucian truths or correct the want of character, risk, adventure and ambition in China. Here’s the Preface to Daniel Defoe’s (1660–1731) Robinson Crusoe (1719: 冟䌃䚌┲⍱䁈 Lubinxun piaoliu ji [The Life and Strange Surprising Adventures of Robinson Crusoe], 1905): The English man Robinson, because he is not willing to accept the golden mean as a doctrine for his conduct, travels overseas alone by boat. As a result, he is wrecked in a storm, and was caught in a hopeless situation on a desert island . . . His father originally wished for him to behave according to the doctrine of the golden mean, but Robinson goes against his will, and in consequence, becomes an outstanding pioneer. Thereupon, adventurous people in the world, who are nearly devoured by sharks and crocodiles, are all inspired by Robinson. —Lin, S., [1905–6] 1934: I. 1 Lin is here a ‘transmitter’ of a new culture, using stories to shape society; and – to the horror of the ‘New Culture Movement’115 – using Tongcheng style to do so.116 As in Eliot and Dickens, bitter On problems with this title, Tsai, F. (1998), ‘On translation of book titles’, in R. K. Seymour and C. C. Liu (eds), Translation and Interpreting, 118–124 (esp. 120). 114 On Lin, and Chinese literature and translation generally, Hanan, P. (2004), Chinese Fiction of the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries. 115 The ‘New Culture Movement’ ᯠ᮷ॆ䘀अ (Xin wenhua yundong) was an intellectual and political protest in the early decades of the 20th century. It indicted the Chinese Republic (1912–19) for failing to redress China’s endemic socioeconomic problems. Key figures, such as Lu Xun, Hu Shih 㜑䚙 (1891–1962), Li Dazhao ᵾབྷ䠇 (1888–1927), Chen Duxiu 䲣⦘⿰ (1879–1942), Zhou Zuoren ઘ֌Ӫ (1885–1967) and Cai Yuanpei 㭑‫ݳ‬ษ (1868–1940) criticize classical Chinese traditions (incl. Confucianism), which, they said, engendered dependency and abuse under the guise of Western literature and democracy, science and values. Protest erupted on 4 May 1919 when students in Beijing took to the streets to oppose the decision of the Paris Peace Conference to cede rights over Shandong to Japan. On the ‘May 4th Movement’, Chen, J. T. (1971), The May Fourth Movement in Shanghai; Chen, W. P. ([1936] 2007), ‘The New Culture Movement in China’; Furth, C. (1983), ‘Intellectual change: from the Reform movement to the May Fourth movement’, in J. K. Fairbank (ed.), Republican China 1912–1949, 322–405; Grieder, J. B. (1970), Hu Shih and the Chinese Renaissance; Hummel, A. W. (1930), ‘The New-Culture Movement in China’; Mackerras, C. (2013), China in Transformation: 1900–1949, 41f.; Mitter, R. (2004), A Bitter Revolution; Schoppa, R. K. (2006), Revolution and Its Past. Also, on the ‘May 4th Movement’ p. 19, n. 12, 198, 212, 225, 229, 275, 284, 324f., 327, 332, 347, 364, 384, n. 212, 418. 116 On the Tongcheng style, Wang, D. (2010), ‘Chinese Literature from 1841–1937’, in K-I. S. Chang and S. Owen (eds), Cambridge History of Chinese Literature from 1375, 426f. N.B. Joseph Blotner says of the political novel: ‘As an art form and analytical instrument, the political novel, now as never before, offers the reader a means for understanding important aspects of the complex society in which he lives, as well as a record of how it evolves’ (1955: 1). 113

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truths, truthfully told, are sweetened and ingested in stories. Contemporary politics, as Lin discovered, did not always appreciate truthful speech, or the use of Western materials to correct China’s character flaws and cultural errors. Two other aspects of Lin’s achievement should be noticed for their relevance to this chapter – and the book as a whole. First, though outside the time-frame of this chapter, Lin’s place in the habituation of China to Western categories and values acts as an important aide to the creation and acceptance of the Chinese Union Version of the Bible in 1919.117 Cultural ‘receptivity’ to alien norms and forms is often enabled by the use of intermediate data. In this instance, Lin’s translations served to prepare early and mid-20th-century China for its exposure to Christianity. If metaphorically (and really) the Opium Wars, ‘Boxer Rebellion’ (1899–1901),118 and ‘New Culture Movement’ slammed the front door on Western ‘imperialist’ ideals and missionary activity, Lin (and others) opened the back-door to new ideas (including the Christian ‘Gospel’) via the translation of texts. Lin may have filtered religion from the values he espoused, but he encouraged open-mindedness to other cultures.119 Second, if Lin is critical of Western values, he is tougher on ill-considered Confucian principles. Cross-cultural exchange is, for him, to be about mutual, moral enrichment.120 As Yang Huilin sees in Legge, so here: understanding is enhanced by translation.121 Like Schleiermacher, Lin saw lived experience as the basis of gongli ‫ ;⨶ޜ‬a unitive ‘universal principle’, or condition (enabled by translation), in which a ‘transmigration of the soul’ across history, time, culture and truth, is possible. In his ‘Postscript’ to H. Rider Haggard’s (1856–1925) Colonal Quaritch VC: A Tale of Country Life (1888: ⍚㖅ྣ䛾ۣ, Hong han nülang zhuan [NB. The biography of Lady Quaritch], 1908) Lin connects the (now interestingly gender-neutral) story to Chinese history: ‘There are foreshadowing lines in Haggard’s work. The usage is the same as one in Records of the Grand Historian’ (q. Ying., A., 1960: 252).122 Again, in the ‘Preface’ to his 1904 translation of Sir Walter Scott’s Ivanhoe (1820), Lin makes a connection with Ban Gu’s ⨝പ (32–92 CE) prototypical Han shu ╒ᴨ (Book of Han), using the plight of Europe’s Jews as a caution for China’s domestic economy and diplomacy. So too, in the ‘Preface’ to Dickens’s The Old Curiosity Shop (1841–2: ᆍ ྣ㙀‫ ۣނ‬Xiao nü nai er zhuan [Biography of the Filial Daughter Nell], 1908) he stresses a commonality in Chinese and foreign literature that arises from shared human experience. This is,

On the 1919 Chinese Union Bible, Zetzsche, O. (1999), The Bible in China; also, p. 140, n. 47, 203, n. 115. Against the background of disadvantageous trade agreements and poor harvests, the ‘Boxer Uprising’, ‘Boxer Rebellion’ ᤣҲ or ‘Yihetuan Movement’ 㗙઼ൈ䙻अ (‘Boxer’ is the Western name for the militants; Yihetuan means ‘Militia United in Righteousness’) was a composite, proto-nationalist uprising that repudiated Western intervention and Christian mission in China. The rebellion was vehemently crushed, and its leaders executed when Beijing was re-captured by an eight-nation allied force in August 1900. Western brutality has soured Chinese memories. On the background, causes, course, and consequences of the Boxer Uprising, Bickers, R. A. and R. G. Tiedemann, eds (2007), The Boxers, China, and the World; Bickers, R. A. (2011), The Scramble for China; Cohen, P. A. (1997), History in Three Keys; Silbey, D. (2012), The Boxer Rebellion and the Great Game in China. 119 N.B. Lin removes – or significantly recasts – Christian references in his translation of Shakespeare’s The Merchant of Venice; thereby preparing China for a Chinese Shakespeare. Cf. Wong, J. (2017), ‘Lin Shu’s Translation of Shakespeare’s Religious Motifs in Twentieth-Century China’. 120 On Lin’s view of culture, Chen, W. (2014), ‘An Analysis of Lin Shu’s Translation Activity from the Cultural Perspective’. 121 On enhancing themes in translation, Toury, G. (1995), Descriptive Translation, 12. On translational difficulties, Wong, W-c. (1999), ‘An Act of Violence: Translation of Western fiction in the late Qing and early Republican period’, in M. Hockx (ed.), The Literary Field of Twentieth-Century China, 21–39. 122 Lin translated twenty-five of H. Rider Haggard’s books. 117 118

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he writes, ‘an eternal truth, no matter who they are, the Chinese or foreigners, cannot overstep it’ (q. Feng, Q., 1998: 185).123 Globalism in Fu and Huxley’s ‘evolutionism’ is matched by Lin’s intercultural, existential hermeneutic, where truth is not culture-specific or truthfulness a cultural option. Like Dickens, Lin unites the world – albeit, unwittingly perhaps – thereby complexifying truth, to become a trans-cultural, if not a transcendent, reality above and beyond specific historical, textual and cultural loci. The Analects and Gospels are read ‘on the far side’ of this globalizing LinDickens line.

LEGGE, WAGNER AND THE DRAMA OF XIQU ᡢᴢ THEATRE We return now to the missionary-scholar James Legge and the Romantic composer Richard Wagner. We also draw in traditional Chinese xiqu theatre. Taken together, they afford a powerful, composite commentary on the cultural and existential nature of truth and its moral manifestation, truthfulness. If this seems an odd combination, as before – and so often, I suggest – (cultural) contrast enriches our understanding. We begin with Legge, first Professor of Chinese at Oxford University (1876–97). As we have seen in Yang Huilin’s work (above p. 269), Legge has a committed international following. Few have had a comparable impact on East-West scholarship and cultural relations. We can only scratch the surface of his life and work here. This is not easy. Legge is slippery, by accident and design. His views change. He plays his cards close to his chest. He doesn’t always show us his workings. He has critics in Asia and the West, who take issue with his faith, method and conclusions. He also has devotees in China. He is central to this chapter, indeed, to the book. Legge is a fair counsellor for soured Sino-Western relations. Only a fool would ignore him. We illustrate the challenge and potential of studying Legge from a footnote to his 1861 edition of Mencius. He quotes a letter from Charles Lamb to S. T. Coleridge (14 November 1796): ‘Oh, my friend, cultivate the filial feelings; and let no-one think himself relieved from the kind of charities of relationship: these shall give him peace at the last; these are the best foundation for every species of benevolence’ (Lamb 1838: I. 34; q. Legge 1861: 2.72, n. 4).124 The content, use, and origin of the letter are noteworthy. Lamb, who was a major catalyst in the Shakespearean revival in the nineteenth century,125 savours ‘sentiment’ as a Romantic and ‘sympathy’ (pace Eliot and Dickens fifty years later) as a broad-minded, Georgian Christian. Legge invokes Lamb to justify a consonance he hears in Christian ‘sympathy’ and the Confucian ren. He thinks ‘outside the box’ of the Reformed Scottish faith and tradition that brought him to China to explain his thinking. He On Lin’s ‘humanism’, Guarde-Paz, C. (2017), ‘Lin Shu as a Liberal Humanist’, in Modern Chinese Literature, 73–88. On the letter, Johnston, R. F. ([1933–4] 2014), Confucianism and Modern China, 46. 125 N.B. while China was learning about Shakespeare after the first Opium War, the Anglophone world was re-reading him as a commentator on people and life. The oft-reissued prose summaries of Shakespeare’s plays, Tales from Shakespeare (1807), that Lamb and his sister Mary (1764–1847) produced, helped reignite interest (N.B. in other works, they promote study of his contemporaries). Lamb criticized tawdry stage performances, claiming the way to quarry ‘the Bard’s’ insights is reading the text. Italian Shakespeare scholar Fabio Liberto explains: ‘Shakespeare’s dramas are for Lamb the object of a complex cognitive process that does not require sensible data, but only imaginative elements that are suggestively elicited by words. In the altered state of consciousness that the dreamlike experience of reading stands for, Lamb can see Shakespeare’s own conceptions mentally materialized. Richard’s intellect, or Hamlet’s “transactions between himself and his moral sense” can only find visual realization in the inward eye of imagination that can see a corporeal image of the hero, as well as his inner reflections’ (2008: 156). 123 124

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says it was his friend, the mid-China Bishop, George Evans Moule (1828–1912), located in Hangzhou,126 who drew Lamb’s letter to his attention. Far from being narrow-minded, Legge and his missionary colleagues were – like Morrison, whom they revered – intellectually alert and culturally attentive. It was an age that studied cultures like butterflies, monkeys, hedgerows and bacteria. Victorian travellers were as often botanists as Bible scholars and/or linguists. Legge belonged to this inquiring world. His citation of Lamb shows his readiness to deploy European culture to aid his translation and interpretation of China to the West. The relational, literary, and cultural dynamics here are important. They exemplify the globalizing of culture that occurs between 1820 and c. 1890. Though the Opium Wars dislocated Sino-Western relations, they did not destroy them. Engagement deepened. China sought to ‘know its enemy’; the West to explain China’s ‘attitude’. Some, like Legge, sought to enfranchise China spiritually and intellectually, others to coopt it commercially. In this, Legge asked (and asks) questions of lasting value. To lay the blame for poor Sino-Western relations at his or his missionary colleagues’ feet is perverse. Missionary love and learning put the brakes on Sino-Western hostility. So, what should be said of Legge? Yale historian of China Jonathan Spence (b. 1936) calls him ‘the formidable Scottish missionary-scholar’, who produced ‘the archetype of all later scholarly editions of the Analects’ and first ‘coined the title “Analects” ’ (1997: 8). Reflecting on his legacy, the long-serving China missionary-scholar Joseph Edkins (1823–1905) said of Legge’s Chinese Classics at his funeral, that they ‘marked an epoch in the history of sinology’ (q. Legge 1960: 20). Here is none of what Harvard historian J. K. Fairbank (1907–1991) called the ‘distinguished amateurism’ of early American sinology (1969: 861f.). Legge and his rather angular sinological counterpart at the prestigious Collège de France, Stanislas Aignan Julien (1797–1873),127 effected a sea-change in Western sinology. Their legacy lies in their own work128 and in that of their students. Later translations of the Analects by W. E. Soothill (1910), Lionel Giles (1910), Arthur Waley (1938), Y. T. Lin (1941) and D. C. Lau (1979), all heed the Scottish China missionary John Chalmers’s (1825–99) advice (in an 1886 review of Legge’s Chinese Classics): no Western scholar ‘should not sit at his feet as a translator of Confucian Classics’ (q. Girardot 2002: 381, n. 118). Wang Hui is surely correct: Legge wrote the ‘standard reference works for students of classical Chinese literature’ (2008: 1). Sinologists and diplomats praise the likes of Morrison and Legge: they are not to blame if others have used and abused their work. Drilling down into Legge’s legacy and labour we find him – unlike Lin Shu – reckoned ‘conscientious’ to a fault. Some call him ‘wooden’ for the way he re-checks terms, considers variants, voices hesitancy, and articulates what his biographer Lauren Pfister calls ‘distancing doubts’ on Moule arrived in China in 1858 and was Bishop of mid-China from 1880 to 1911. His younger brother, Handley Moule (1841–1920) was Bishop of Durham (1901–20); his son, Arthur C. Moule (1873–1957), Professor of Chinese in Cambridge (1933–8). On the Moule family, Austin, A. (2007), China’s Millions, 126f. 127 Julien was born in Orléans. Despite his humble origins, he became a pupil of Abel-Rémusat, and succeeded him as Chair of Chinese in the Collège de France (1832–73). Julien never visited China, fell out with his colleagues, and was seen to be the leading Continental sinologist of his day. His translation of Mencius (1824–9) secured his standing as a scholar and linguist. Thereafter, besides vernacular studies (e.g. on Chinese silkworms [1837] and porcelain [1869]), Julien produced grammars (1841, 1842, 1869), Daoist translations (1835, 1842) and Chinese Buddhist literature (1859, 1861). These enhanced Western understanding of oriental culture, philosophy and religion. Legge’s long-term colleague Wang Tao ⦻丌 (1828–97) visited Julien in 1867, as did other sinologists. 128 On Legge’s contribution to translation, Pfister, L. (1995), ‘James Legge’, in S-W. Chan and D. E. Pollard (eds), An Encyclopaedia of Translation, 401–22. 126

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interpretations (q. Wang, H., ibid., 54). It is hard not to respect Legge’s sensitivity to the fluidity and variety in form and expression of ruist hermeneutics (Pfister 2000: 379f.).129 The style, scope, meaning and intention of a text are all factored in. Paraphrasing for the sake of smoothness is rejected (Nivison 1980: 93–122).130 A ‘continuous struggle . . . to see and understand the Chinese from their own point of view’ is acknowledged (Girardot, 687, n. 53). Though a lifelong Christian, this missionary-scholar respects ‘the ancient religion of China’ and ‘the views of the great philosopher himself ’ (Legge 1880: 4). As Yang Huilin (citing H-G. Gadamer) sees,131 far from compromising his sinological insight, Legge’s Christian ‘pre-understanding’ supports it. His intellectual ‘bias’ becomes a way of projecting – and protecting – textual ‘alterity’ (Pfister 2000: 372; Gadamer 1994: 269), and thus of strengthening his grasp of Confucian categories and concepts. But he did not trust his own insights: like Morrison, he leaned heavily on Chinese assistants. Without Wang Tao ⦻丌 (1828–97),132 Hong Rengan ⍚ӱ⧅ (1822–64),133 He Jinshan օ䙢ழ (1817–71; or Ho Tsun-sheen օ䙢ழ)134 and the less well-known Luo Zhongfan 㖵Ԣ㰙 (d. 1850),135 Legge’s work would have been the poorer. Native Chinese guided his sense of a text Cf. also, Chow, K-w., O-c. Ng and J. Henderson, eds (1999), Imagining Boundaries, ad loc. On Legge’s readiness to take a view on interpretative issues, Honey, D. B. (2001), Incense at the Altar, 218f. (q. Wang, H., 2008: 55). 131 On German philosopher Hans-Georg Gadamer (1900–2002), below p. 330, 332, n. 324, 360, 375, 470f., 495. 132 Wang Tao ⦻丌 (orig. Wang Libin ⦻࡙䌃) changed his name when he fled to Hong Kong in 1862 after endorsing the Taiping movement. To Lin Yutang, Wang is the ‘Father of the Chinese Newspaper’, who worked as a translator with the LMS in Hong Kong (fr. 1848). He assisted Legge when he was Principal of the Anglo-Chinese College, HK (1843–67), and worked with him on significant parts of the Chinese Classics (esp. the Analects, Great Learning, Doctrine of the Mean, Works of Mencius, Lao Tse, Book of Change, Book of History, Classic of Filial Piety and Legge’s The Sacred Books of China [Confucianism]). Legge relied on Wang’s commentaries on the Book of Changes and Record of Rites. At Legge’s invitation, Wang travelled to Britain in 1867 and lectured in Chinese at Oxford University on cultural exchange between China and the West, as part of the Confucian vision of ‘great unity’ (datong བྷ਼). Returning to Hong Kong (1870) and then Shanghai (1884), he played a key role in developing newspapers and political journalism. In 1877, Legge invited Wang back to Britain, but Wang declined, having committed himself to his new career. Many scholars see Wang as a major force behind Western ‘Modernism’ in the Republican era in China. On Legge and Wang’s collaboration, Girardot, Victorian Translation, 691 n. 69; Cohen, P. A. (1974), Between Tradition and Modernity, 60f. 133 Hong Rengan ⍚ӱ⧅ was the influential second-in-command, or ‘Prime Minister’ (Prince Gan ᒢ⦻), to his cousin Hong Xiuquan ⍚⿰‫( ޘ‬1814–64: family name, Houxiu ⚛⿰), leader of the violent, politico-spiritual ‘Taiping Rebellion’ (1850– 64) against the Manchu-dominated Qing dynasty. For some of the early rebellion, Hong was in HK: there, he became a Christian, assisted the Swedish missionary Theodore Hamberg (1819–54), and worked with Legge as translator. He returned to Nanjing at his cousin Hong Xiuquan’s request, to reorder Taiping administration. He brought a Western, Protestant flavour to the work. When Nanking fell in 1864, Hong Xiuquan was executed in Tianjing: his cousin was captured, tried and executed in Nanchang (23 November 1864). Unlike others, Hong Rengan did not renege on support for the Taiping Rebellion. On his life and work, So, K-w., E. P. Boardman and C. P’ing (1957), ‘Hung Jen-kan, Taiping Prime Minister, 1859–1864’. 134 He Jinshan օ䙢ழ (1817–71; He Futang, or in missionary circles Ho Tsun-sheen օ䙢ழ) was one of the first Chinese Protestants and arguably Legge’s most important assistant. He worked with Legge first at the Anglo-Chinese College in Malacca, and then helped him in HK with translations and commentaries on biblical materials (esp. tracts, and advice on Confucian terms to translate biblical themes). He Jinshan was ordained in 1846. On He, Pfister, Striving for “The Whole Duty of Man”, ad loc.; —(1993), ‘Reconfirming the Way: Perspectives on the Writings of Ho Tsun-sheen’. On He Jinshan and Liang Fa (1789–1855), Tiedemann, R. G. (2008a), ‘Indigenous Agency, Religious Protectorates, and Chinese Interests’, in D. L. Robert (ed.), Converting Colonialism, 206–41 (esp. 222f.). On He’s role in preparation of Legge’s Chinese Classics, Girardot, Victorian Translation, 40. 135 Luo Zhongfan was probably a minor official in Huilai district, Guangdong, who Legge met in the 1840s. Through meeting Luo (and others), Legge concluded there was ‘an original Ruist monotheism’ in Confucianism denominated by the title ‘Lord on High’ (Shangdi) (Pfister 2004: II. 23). N.B. in his 2008 review of Pfister’s Striving for the “Whole Duty of Man, Tiedemann questions Luo Zhongfan’s seniority. 129 130

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and its author’s original intention. Wang Tao said Legge’s approach involved ‘judicious eclecticism’ (Cohen 1974: 59);136 that is, the inter-textual use of old commentaries to uncover new meanings, be it of the (neo-Victorian) moralizing of the Analects and Shujing, or another of the Wujing (Five Classics).137 Legge’s ‘cast of mind’ is crucial. His faith is refined by natural reticence, Neo-Aristotelian logic, and the ‘Common Sense’ philosophy of Reid and Dugald Stewart (1753–1828). His approach is epitomized in the quotation from Mencius that heads every volume of his Chinese Classics: ‘Do not insist on one term so as to do violence to a sentence, nor on a sentence so as to do violence to the general scope. Use your thoughts to meet that scope, and then you will apprehend it’ (Mencius 5A: 4; q. Pfister 2000: 373).138 This scholar eschews extremes. A deep sense of the cultural privilege, spiritual potential, and textual complexity of translation and interpretation – let alone a passion for truth and will to honour the biblical mandate of truthfulness139 – guide his mind and hand. Before considering Legge’s critics, two further points warrant emphasis. First, his thought develops. Cognizance is often taken of differences between Legge’s two versions of the Zhongyong (1861 and 1885) in which (potential) evangelical eisegesis gives way to technical, scholarly exegesis. The China missionary becomes an Oxford scholar. Not that Legge saw these vocations as mutually exclusive. Girardot tell us Legge’s last introductory class on Chinese (26 November 1897) included in practice sentences two characters (ye 㙦 and su こ) used by missionaries to translate ‘Jesus’. Faith had a place in Legge’s teaching to the end. Some interpret his development as a sign of spiritual declension and theological drift. To others, it testifies to his integrity and passion for truth. Pfister is right to call Legge’s development a ‘complex issue’. His self-perception as a missionary-scholar, growth in understanding of ru tradition, and work with the orientalist and comparative religionist Max Müller, editor of the multi-volume Sacred Books of the East (1879–1910),140 are stimuli for Legge’s lifelong quest (pace van Gogh and George Eliot) to bring oriental light into occidental life and knowledge. He had no doubt riches lay beyond British shores. Second, Legge is a product of his age. Hui Wang’s study of Legge’s two versions of the Zhongyong asks whether post-colonial censure is warranted. Wang cites Pfister’s ‘fifteen principles’ that guide Legge as a translator. Wang concludes that Legge’s approach to those ‘authoritative Chinese texts’ was with ‘the same kind of rigor and thoroughness – a principled submission to their claims even in spite of his ignorance and doubts – as he assumed for the Bible’ (ibid., 11f.; Pfister 2004: II. 12). Legge’s critics reject Wang’s representation of his work. To them, Western assumptions and Christian presumption compromise his cross-cultural understanding. Legge was certainly a product of his age and heir of a distinct faith tradition. But, to pre-judge where cultural and intellectual ‘power’ lay in the exchange between a mere handful of Christian missionaries and millions of Chinese is risky. If Legge reflects the will and Christian worldview of an aspirant imperial regime, the ancient culture and political regime he faced in China, though dented by the Opium Wars, was more concerned than ever about ‘barbarian’ invasion (witness the later anti-colonial ‘Boxer Uprising’ ᤣҲ) (Girardot, 688, n. 57). The respect shown to Legge in China today suggests he fulfilled his aim to know China ‘on its own terms’. He died in 1897, a century after Coleridge’s Kubla Khan and Kant’s Metaphysik der Sitten (Metaphysics of Morality). In the same year, Lin Shu published his first work, Cf. also, Girardot, Victorian Translation, 688, n. 61. On Zhu Xi, Legge, J. ([1861] 1893), Chinese Classics, I. x-xi. 138 Pfister acknowledges here the influence of Reid and Stewart on Legge. 139 Cf. below p. 338f. 140 Cf. Pfister, L. F. (1992), ‘Some New Dimensions in the Study of the Works of James Legge (1815–1897): Part II’. 136 137

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Min zhong xin yuefu 䯙ѝᯠ′ᓌ (New Music Bureau Poems from Min County). To Michael Hill, ‘like many reformist writings, these poems decried China’s weakness in foreign affairs and called for the establishment of schools for girls, promotion of new industries, and other changes in Chinese society’ (2013: 4). Legge was not immune to imperialist sentiment but his sinology in no way created the socio-political conflict and cultural uncertainty in China in the aftermath of the Opium Wars. China’s own intelligentsia followed Yan Fu, Lin Shu and many others, in using ‘story’ to turn occidental values into oriental remedies. Sino-Western cross-cultural exchange was a two-way street. Not all accept Lindsay Ride’s view: ‘Legge’s translation with its Prolegomena and notes of the Chinese Classics will remain forever a pattern for all Sinologues to come’ (Legge 1960: I. 24). To Legge’s critics, his is a ‘Christocentric, Eurocentric perspective’; his Confucius ‘a false prophet’ and/ or ‘Messiah manqué’ (Eoyang 1993: 108; also, 170f.). Paradoxically, then, he is accused of being luke-warm in his faith and overly Christian in his sinology! (cf. Wang, ibid., 55f.; Girardot, 330, 339). The American sinologist and philosopher, H. G. Creel, directs criticism at Legge’s calling Confucius ‘unreligious’ (1932: 55–99),141 while the French Durkheimian sinologist Marcel Granet (1884–1940) censures his ‘too-industrious scholarship’ with ‘no rule to guide it’ ([1919] 1932: 15f.; q. Girardot 9). More recently, Prof. Eugene Eoyang has promoted a post-colonial critique of Legge.142 Legge is, to Eoyang, a ‘maladjusted messenger’ (1993: 169f.). The Chinese Classics are, he maintains, ‘masterly but misguided’ in failing to see China and Chinese ‘on their own terms’ (ibid., 177).143 Like Creel, Eoyang condemns Legge for finding ‘religion’ in a Confucius, who is, he says, ‘secular and this-worldly’ (ibid., 172). As he states: ‘It is not Legge’s own bias, but the bias inherent in a fundamentally Christian outlook which he could not escape, nor see objectively, that infuses his intemperate and inconsistent critiques of the Confucian canon’ (idem). What’s more, to him: ‘The Victorian period was, arguably, the worst era in which to introduce Chinese literature into English: its ornate and verbose style, its weighty and portentous tone, its lumbering, often inverted syntax – nothing could be further from the quicksilver, mercurial, and allusive nature of much traditional Chinese literature’ (ibid., 106f.).144 Others concur with some aspects of Eoyang’s critique. Dawson also says Legge’s work is ‘heavily Victorian in tone’ (1981: 92) but acknowledges its abiding value – despite seeing Confucianism as ‘an evil which had to be swept away’ (1964: 25). Girardot challenges Eoyang’s account of Legge’s ‘Victorianism’, as a convenient caricature that fails to see the ‘sending culture’ was only as complex, domineering and fluid as the ‘receptor culture’ (ibid., 688, n. 57). Pfister accepts Eoyang’s ‘critiques’ and ‘derisions’ as stimuli for closer study, while Nivison sees Legge’s ‘awkwardness’ as ‘actually a virtue’, that reveals ‘extraordinary conscientiousness’ and

N.B. Legge’s comment: ‘Not once throughout the Analects does he use the personal name (God). I would say that he was unreligious rather than irreligious; yet by the coldness of his temperament and intellect in this matter, his influence is unfavourable to the development of ardent religious feeling among the Chinese people generally’ (1879–85: I. 99). Cf. the response by Creel, ‘Was Confucius Agnostic?’ (1932). 142 On cultural stereotypes and the marginalization of Chinese literature, Eoyang, E. (2013), ‘The Persistence of “Cathay” in World Literature’. 143 N.B. Girardot: ‘The arguable problem here is that Eoyang’s understanding of Victorianism is too much of a caricature that misses much of the complex, allusive and changing nature of both the period and a man like Legge’ (ibid., 688, n. 57). 144 Precedent for Eoyang’s criticism is found in Legge’s Malaysian Chinese contemporary, Ku Hung-ming/Gu Hongming 䗌卫䣈 (1857–1928). Ku was a gifted linguist and influential (albeit eccentric) interpreter of China to the West and vice versa, who also translated the Analects (1898) and Zhongming (1906) into English. He dismissed Legge as a ‘pundit with a very learned but dead knowledge of Chinese books’ (1898: vii; q. Wang, H., 2008: 55). Cf. also, Xu, X. (2014a), ‘The Analysis of Different Translations of The Analects’. 141

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independence of mind (1980: 93–122; q. Wang, H., 55). Post-colonial criticism does not – indeed, perhaps cannot – see any value in Legge. To Eoyang, his view of China and the Chinese is, tinted (if not tainted) by his failure to see them on their own terms; this short-coming was especially evident in his definite and influential rendering of the Confucian canon, which emerged from his translation as a highly civilized but fatally secular version of Christian dogma . . . The rhetoric of Victorian language aside, the gospel of colonization, blending peculiarly Western notions of material progress with Christian meliorism, could not be more inhospitable to a clear and unobstructed view of certain Chinese ways of thinking. —ibid., 107 We read this in the context of post-colonial sensitivity to the abuse of Western power and its projection of values and interpretations on China. Few now question the fact of cultural imperialism (past and present) and impact of intellectual abuse. To Novo: ‘The greatest colonization is the colonization of the mind’ (Novo 2008; q. Wang, H., 12). Further, in post-structuralist, Marxist, post-colonial terms, native voices ‘cannot represent themselves’ and ‘must be represented’.145 Whether Legge was a dangerous imperial operative is a moot point. The new discipline of ‘Sinological Orientalism’, found in recent American scholarship, sees Legge as both the cause and the corrector of much perception of China in the 19th and 20th centuries. As noted, to Yang Huilin his is an exemplary inter-cultural voice. Exegesis, culture studies, historiography, hermeneutics, translation theory and missiology, all impact an assessment of Legge. In him we see disciplined care not to understand an ‘enemy’ (pace Yan Fu), but those who are, in Christian terms, global ‘neighbours’. The character and quality of truth and truthfulness in the Analects and Gospels are still illuminated – no, energized – by James Legge. Through him China and the West can still understand each other better. If Legge casts light on cross-cultural understanding, Wagner and his operas are, arguably, both the musical epitome and the epitaph of European Romanticism. We study Wagner as an interpreter – and, like Eliot, a popularizer – of views on the nature and content of truth and truthfulness that still impact much popular perception. To synthesize Wagner’s contribution, we exaggerate four key themes. First, Wagner contributed to the evisceration of intellectual confidence in the possibility, and reliability, of truth and truthfulness in 19th-century Europe. Like his progressive, intellectual, co-conspirator George Eliot, Wagner engaged in a sustained, sophisticated dialogue with life, philosophy, music and mysteries, that shape reality. Like Eliot, Wagner makes art – in his case opera – a foot-soldier in his campaign to capture cultural strongholds and repopulate them with new ideas. With the power of ‘Classic’ texts, we see life differently through Wagner’s Lohengrin (28 August 1850) and Tristan and Isolde (10 June 1865), Die Meistersingers (21 June 1868) and epic ‘Ring Cycle’, Der Ring des Nibelungen (13 August 1876), Parsifal (26 July 1882) and the Bayreuth Festival (fr. 1876). This can be – and, indeed, was – very disturbing. As Wagner wrote – with habitual vigour – in April 1859 to his lover Mathilde: ‘Child! This Tristan is turning into something terrible. This final act!!! – I fear the opera will be banned . . . only mediocre performances can save 145 Cf. the fundamental principle on the relation between class, class-consciousness, and class-representation: ‘Sie können sich nicht vertreten, sie müssen vertreten wärden’ (Marx [1851–2] 1984), 131). N.B. Said quotes this on the fly-leaf of Orientalism (as the inspiration for much post-colonial criticism). On Marxism and post-colonialism, Bartolovich, C. and N. Lazarus, eds (1985), Marxism, Modernity and Post-Colonial Studies; Ashcroft, B., G. Griffiths and H. Tiffin, eds (1995), The Post-colonial Studies Reader.

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FIGURE 12: Richard Wagner (22 May 1813–13 February 1883).

me! Perfectly good ones will be bound to drive people mad’ (q. Grey 2008: 116). Truth is, for Wagner, what German theologian Rudolf Otto (1869–1937) would later term, in his Das Heilige (1917, The Holy), ‘mysterium tremendum et fascinans’ – the ‘numinous’ that both terrifies and fascinates. In Wagnerian terms, only the hero will risk its searching gaze or confront its daemonic power. As an early devotee, playwright and economist George Bernard Shaw (1856–1950) said of the ‘Ring Cycle’: ‘Only those of wider consciousness can follow it breathlessly, seeing in it the whole tragedy of human history and the whole horror of the dilemmas from which the world is shrinking today’ ([1898] 2012: 35). If Eliot (like Dickens) expounds life at depth, Wagner celebrates cosmic drama. In their quest for complex, existential truth both claim the ground guarded hitherto by Confucius and Christ. China and the West have both faced (and, indeed, still face) the tough questions Wagner’s compositions celebrate. The impact of his creative labours are felt now worldwide. He raises a new, disconcerting curtain on reality and truth. Second – again like Eliot – Wagner ascribes to music compelling hermeneutic power. It has ‘philosophic clearness’, he says, and speaks ‘a language immediately intelligible by everyone’ (1895–9: V. 72, 65).146 It offers (as Beethoven believed) ‘a higher revelation than all wisdom and philosophy’, and is ‘a second – or indeed the only – religion’ (Furness 1982: 3).147 But, when Eliot’s essay on musical aesthetics, ‘Liszt, Wagner and Weimar’ (1855), is uncertain about ‘new music’ (including that of Beethoven and Rossini!) Wagner is confident in his reconfiguration of operatic Cf. also, Kropfinger, K. (1991), Wagner and Beethoven. On Beethoven, p. 197f., 243, 296, n. 148, 298, 318, 365, 372.

146 147

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form. It is, he holds from 1849, ‘Gesamtkunstwerk’ – a disruptive synthesis of life and art.148 Music, theatre, philosophy, poetry and dance are to be integrated in creative portrayal of the cosmic drama of life. Emotion adapts here to form, feelings to musical motifs. To Shaw, those unable to follow Wagner’s ideas or grasp ‘the dilemma of Wotan’, ‘There is not a single bar of “classical music” in the Ring . . . that has any other point than . . . giving musical expression to the drama’ (ibid., 12, 15).149 Truth is heard, seen and felt in the creative violence of Wagner’s mixed media. As Eliot understood (and welcomed), Wagner viewed opera as ‘an organic whole, which grows up like a palm’ ([1992] 2000: 86).150 That said, though Tannhäuser created in Eliot ‘a great desire to hear it again’ (1998: 233f.), hearing three of his ‘most celebrated’ (‘monotonous’) operas in Weimar caused her to say that they lacked one ‘grand . . . requisite of art’ – ‘contrast’ (ibid.)! To others, Wagner offered new ways to access truth in life through creative expression of existential realities and flung open the windows on life to the winds of change. If science queried the accuracy and authority of the Bible through Darwin, Wagner challenged its philosophical and religious exclusivity. Truth is an object of pluriform human enquiry in and through Wagner’s artistic, musical dramas. Third, Wagner is – again like Eliot – a mid-19th-century figure. He is nearly sixty when the second Opium War ends. For all his polemical passion, he belongs to what William Laurence Burn described as the ‘Age of Equipoise’ (1964). It is an age of ‘synthesis’ (Bradbury 1994: 7)151 and, qua Eliot, Confucianesque ‘balance’. The result was, as Walter Houghton observes, that while Victorians ‘might be, and often were, uncertain about what theory to accept or what faculty of mind to rely on, . . . it never occurred to them to doubt their capacity to arrive at truth . . . [D]oubt never reached the point of positive or terminal scepticism. It never involved a denial of the mind as a valid instrument of truth’ (1957: 13f.).152 To Eliot, Spencer, Mill, Wagner, et al., as John Lester states, it was axiomatic that ‘somewhere within or beyond the world of observable experience there was an eternal and credible truth . . . accordant with, or at least consonant with, the human spirit and its aspirations’ (1968: 21; q. Schnauder 2009: 49), for humans still ‘possessed a faculty capable of at least dimly perceiving that truth’ (ibid.). But it would not remain so for long. To Houghton: ‘Victorianism was dying, and a new frame of mind was emerging: a late Victorian frame of mind which pointed forward to the post-war temper of the 1920s’ (ibid., xv.). Pessimism displaces confidence.153 Whenever the shift occurred, to Newsome ‘by 1880 there were sufficient indications

Though driven by contrasting views of history and tradition, parallels may be drawn between Wagner’s Gesamtkunstwerk and Beethoven’s Kunstvereinigung. Both make comprehensive claims and see in the synthesis of artistic forms power to change society. Totalitarianism fears (and seeks to suppress) the disruptive power of art. 149 Musicologically, as Robert Anderson points out, Shaw sees a shift in the final scene of Siegfried from Musikdrama back to opera (1980: 17.232f.). 150 This is consistent with Eliot’s own organic model of form as found in her ‘Notes on Form in Art’ (1868); in which a scientific sense of innate complexity conditions her thinking, and, as we have seen, her view of truth per se. As she says: ‘The highest Form, then, is the highest organism, that is to say, the most varied group of relations bound together in a wholeness which again has the most varied relations with all the other phenomena’ ([1992] 2000: 356). Cf. Henry, Life, 27. 151 The expression ‘synthesis’ is applied to a range of disciplines during the Victorian era. Bradbury ad loc applies it to literature. 152 On the mid-Victorian mindset, Buckley, J. (1951), The Victorian Temper; Hopper, K. T. ed. (1998), The Mid-Victorian Generation; Taylor, M. and M. Wolf, eds (2004), The Victorians Since 1901. 153 Cf. Goodale, R. (1932), ‘Schopenhauer and Pessimism in Nineteenth-Century English Literature’. N.B. on the growth of ‘pessimism’ in philosophy and literature, in Honoré de Balzac, Carlyle, Ruskin, Schopenhauer, Darwin, Huxley, Henrik Ibsen (1828–1906), Guy de Maupassant (1850–93), Dostoyevsky, Tolstoi, Nietzsche, William James (1842–1910) and D. H. Lawrence (1885–1930), et al., Montgomery, R. E. (1994), The Visionary D. H. Lawrence, 47f. 148

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that the Victorian age was moving into its “flash Edwardian epilogue” ’ (1997: 7). This is important: it frames Wagner and Eliot and explains the philosophical and cultural assumptions that condition their thought. Their kind of ‘Liberalism’ is parasitic on Christian orthodoxy in a way late 19th- and early 20th-century secularism and atheism were not. This reflects the impact on them of two midcentury German philosophers, Arthur Schopenhauer (1788–1860) and Ludwig Feuerbach (1804– 72), whom we introduce here and return to later. Wagner and Eliot both owe much to the wealthy, little, misogynistic German philosopher Arthur Schopenhauer.154 A one volume, four-book (on Epistemology, Ontology, Aesthetics and Ethics) version of his major work Die Welt als Wille und Vorstellung (The World as Will and Idea/ Representation) appeared in December 1818, eleven months before Eliot’s birth. A revised twovolume edition followed in 1844155 – that is, between the staging of Wagner’s operas Der fliegende Holländer (1843) and Tannhäuser (1845). In 1859, the year of Eliot’s first novel, Adam Bede, Schopenhauer published an expanded edition. By then his reputation as a creative, provocative thinker was established. As we will see later, Schopenhauer is an ardent critic of the ‘clumsy charlatan’ Hegel ([1813] 1903: 1) and of Kant’s ‘un-knowable’ noumena.156 He is also a student of the Orient and passionate in his quest for ‘truth’. To his training in Platonic idealism and European philosophy he added an interest in Buddhism and the Hindu Upanishads, classical Confucianism and the work of the Song dynasty Neo-Confucian scholar Zhu Xi. He befriended German sinologist Abel-Rémusat in Weimar,157 studied Morrison’s Chinese-English Dictionary, and read the Journal Asiatique and Asiatik Researches.158 The Orient is at the heart of what Urs App calls Schopenhauer’s ‘religion of truth’ (2010b),159 in which ‘the human will’ is the context where the greater ‘Will’ (a noumenal Ding an Sich, or ‘Thing in itself ’) is confronted and transcended. Eliot read Schopenhauer and helped to popularize him in England through editing her friend John Oxenford’s (1812–77) Schopenhauer was born (22 February 1788) into a wealthy mercantile family in Danzig, Poland (Prussia fr. 1793). Growing up in Hamburg and Weimar (after the death [? suicide] of his father, Heinrich in 1805), Schopenhauer attended Göttingen University (fr. 1809) and studied in Berlin (1811–12) with Fichte and Schleiermacher. After failing to compete successfully with Hegel (fr. 1820), he gave up his academic career to devote himself to writing philosophy – lots of it. His life was blighted by affairs and lawsuits related to them. He died on 21 September 1860 in Frankfurt (where had lived fr. 1833) angry and alone – apart from his beloved cat. 155 N.B. German novelist, social critic and philanthropist Thomas Mann (1875–1955) published an edited and abridged version in 1948. 156 N.B. Schopenhauer’s ‘Critique of Kantian Philosophy’, which appeared first as an appendix to The World as Will and Representation. 157 The journal Asiatik Researches was a major source for the dissemination of literature and articles on China, including works by the early Jesuit missionaries and De Guignes, Klaproth and Abel-Rémusat. Founded in January 1784 by Sir William Jones (1746–94) and chaired by Sir Robert Chambers (1737–1803), then Chief Justice of the Supreme Court in Calcutta, the Society and its publication (Asiatik researches or transactions of the Society instituted in Bengal; for inquiring into the history and antiquities, the arts, sciences and literature, of Asia) flourished, changing its name over time until its final form, the Asiatic Society (fr. 1951). The Journal Asiatique (founded in 1822) was the organ of the Société Asiatique de Paris, with a focus and language medium that have broadened over the years. Both publications increased knowledge of China and of Asian philosophy, spirituality and culture. To an amateur sinologist like Schopenhauer, journals were invaluable; although, as App has shown, the information provided could be unreliable. 158 On cosmopolitan Weimar in the 1820s, Purdy, D. (2014), ‘Goethe, Rémusat, and the Chinese Novel’, in T. O. Beebee (ed.), German Literature as World Literature, 43–61. 159 Cf. App, U. (2010), ‘Arthur Schopenhauer and China: A Sino-Platonic Love Affair’, in V. H. Mair (ed.), Sino-Platonic Papers 200. App explores Schopenhauer’s fascination with Chinese literature, which found expression in the three editions of his ‘Sinology Essay’. App has 8 appendices to present chronologically ‘source material that is helpful for the study of Schopenhauer’s relationship with China’ (ibid., 65). 154

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anonymous essay in the Westminster Review (April 1855), ‘Iconoclasm in German Philosophy’.160 Herr Klesmer in Daniel Deronda suggests Eliot followed Schopenhauer in seeing truth and power in music. Wagner’s debt is clearer. He was introduced to Schopenhauer’s Die Welt als Wille und Vorstellung by the politically radical poet Georg Herwegh (1817–75) in September 1854, when they were both living in Zürich. Wagner was working on Die Walküre (26 June 1870), the second of the ‘Ring Cycle’.161 The discovery of Schopenhauer – his wife says he read the work four times and gave copies to friends – catalysed the ‘third phase’ in Wagner’s musical development.162 In a letter to Liszt (16 December 1854) he declares Schopenhauer ‘the greatest philosopher since Kant’, who took his ideas ‘through to their logical conclusion’, and entered his ‘lonely life like a gift from heaven’ (1987: 323; q. Bell 2013: 29). To Wagner, Schopenhauer is (like Beethoven) an attractive lonely genius in search of truth. As Braunschweig says: ‘Sacrificing worldly pleasure for the opportunity to express immortal truth, Wagner’s Schopenhauer and his Beethoven fought to achieve the ideal state of disinterested thought’ (2013: 293). Like Eliot, Wagner discovered in Schopenhauer a philosophy to justify an aesthetic perspective on existential truth – albeit one harshly realistic and pessimistic in tone. But all three were pilgrims in search of that ‘coy beauty’, truth.163 This is Schopenhauer’s ‘guiding star’ ([1819] 1958: xxi). As he wrote: ‘Life is short, and truth works far and lives long: let us speak the truth’ (ibid., xvii). Schopenhauer helps to explain Wagner and Eliot. Furthermore, we distort 19th-century European philosophy if we ignore the impact of Schopenhauer’s orientalism – mediated through Eliot and Wagner – on contemporary views on the problem of truth and truthfulness. The intellectual globalizing of the mid-19th century still shapes our world. Denial of (this) cultural interconnectedness is at worst ignorant, at best perverse. The work of the German philosopher and anthropologist Ludwig Feuerbach was no less important for Eliot and Wagner. Eliot followed her long, stress-filled work translating D. F. Strauss’s Das Leben Jesu (1835: The Life of Christ Critically Examined, 1847) with Feuerbach’s Das Wesen des Christentums (1841: The Essence of Christianity, 1854). She wrote to fellow-author Sara Hennell (1812–99) when she finished her translation: ‘With the ideas of Feuerbach I everywhere agree’ (Haight, II. 153). It was a joyful time in her life. The translation was published in July 1854, a few days before Eliot and Lewes left for Germany, in ‘the free bond of love’, for their ‘honeymoon’ (Himmelfarb 2009: 57).164 In his ‘Foreword’ to Eliot’s work, American theologian H. Richard Niebuhr (1894–1962) says of her: ‘Like Feuerbach and many of her contemporaries . . . (she)

Eliot’s editing of the poet, Times drama critic, and translator John Oxenford’s essay raised Schopenhauer’s profile in Britain and America. At first, the philosopher was viewed as an ‘ultra-pessimist’ and arch-critic of Hegel, whose more optimistic philosophy helped to inspire (and explain) Wagner and his work (Argyle 2002: 132f.; Hurth 2007: 175). The translation and publication of Oxenford’s essay in Vossische Zeitung (May 1853) raised the philosopher’s profile in Germany. Schopenhauer’s response to Oxenford’s essay was (mostly) positive – despite being described as ‘this misanthropic sage of Frankfurt’ (Cartwright 2010: 528f.)! Reading Oxenford, Wagner agreed with Schopenhauer’s critique of the ‘utter incomprehensibility’ of Hegel and much contemporary German philosophy (Bell 2013: 30f.). On the complex artistic ‘influence’ of Schopenhauer on Wagner, Newman, E. (1933), The Life of Richard Wagner, II. 431. On Schopenhauer, Magee, B. ([1983] 1997), The Philosophy of Schopenhauer. 161 The work was performed as part of the complete ‘Ring Cycle’ on 14 August 1876. 162 For a more cautious assessment of Schopenhauer’s impact on Wagner, Pinzani, A. (2012, ‘How much Schopenhauer is there really in Wagner?’ 163 On pessimism in Schopenhauer, Copleston, F. (1946), Arthur Schopenhauer: Philosopher of Pessimism. 164 Himmelfarb sets the scene for this trip and Eliot’s engagement with Judaism. 160

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sought to retain the ethos of Christianity without its faith, its humanism without its theism, its hope for man without its hope for the sovereignty of God’ (1957: ix). If captivated by Spinoza’s comprehensive, pantheist metaphysic in early life,165 now Feuerbach’s Das Wesen des Christentums entrances her, with its tough, realist humanism in which ‘god’ is a projection of humanity’s deepest need, and sacrificial love morally preeminent.166 This inspired Eliot’s humanist narrative realism. As she wrote to Harriet Beecher Stowe in October 1876, aware the Jewish themes in Daniel Deronda might increase popular antipathy: ‘[T]here is nothing I should care more to do, if it were possible, than to rouse the imagination of men and women to a vision of human claims in those races of their fellow-men who most differ from them in customs and beliefs’ (Haight, VI. 301). Feuerbach was more than the ‘transitional figure’ between Hegel and Marx some see. He offered Eliot a plausible critique of the objectified God of Christian orthodoxy and a compelling theology of philosophy per se.167 His aim to see ‘the triumph of truth and virtue’ ([1841/1854] 1957: xxxiv) rang true to her. As Knoepflmacher shows, Eliot’s novels are full of Feuerbach (1965: 53f.): conversely, she popularized his religious reductionism. If, as 20th-century theologian John Hick (1922–2012) says, Feuerbach’s focus on an anti-realist ‘God’ and ‘the true anthropological essence of Christianity’ constituted a clear turn away from the distorted realism of classical Christianity (q. Hillberg 2009: 59), Eliot had an important role in dethroning ‘truth’ as God’s right, in rendering veracity situational, and in privileging ‘sympathy’ over dogma. She and Feuerbach remind us ideas are viruses. The Analects and Gospels are read in China and the West after the outbreak of mid-19th-century ‘modernity’ that Eliot, Wagner, Feuerbach and others contracted and communicated. The spores of that era lie dormant in some, active in others, and affect – or infect – the way truth and truthfulness are interpreted today. Detoxification is impossible: even conservatives are, to some degree, contaminated. Wagner’s relationship to Feuerbach is more complex. He and his wife Cosima (1837–1930)168 met Eliot and Lewes in London in May 1877. They read Parzifal and spoke of Feuerbach.169 Wagner had been given Feuerbach’s (incendiary) publication Gedanken über Tod und Immortalität (1830, Thoughts on Death and Immortality) in Zurich, in August 1849, by musical friend Wilhelm

Feuerbach is alert to Spinoza. In Thoughts on Death and Immortality (1830), he quotes Goethe’s pantheist Prometheus fragment (that Lessing had popularized), and calls Spinoza, the radical Italian Dominican philosopher and cosmologist Giordano Bruno (1548–1600) and the German mystic Jacob Boehme (1575–1624), ‘pious God-inspired sages’ who ‘laid the ground for the feast of reconciliation (between nature and spirit)’ which it is ‘the task of the modern age (to celebrate)’ (1988: 48). 166 On ‘love’ in Feuerbach, Eliot and Christianity, Semmel, B. (1994), George Eliot and the Politics of National Inheritance, 36f. 167 The major works in which Feuerbach develops his thought are: i. Zur Kritik der Hegelschen Philosophie (1839, Critique of Hegelian Philosophy), which rejects Hegel’s abstract idealism (based on the world as mind and presumption of ‘Absolute Idea’) in favour of a materialist anthropology; and, ii. Grundsätze der Philosophie der Zukunft (1843, Principles of the Philosophy of the Future), in which he criticized the pantheist cosmologies of Spinoza and Leibniz for perverted, anthropocentric atheism. On Feuerbach and Hegel, Hartmann, K. (1976), ‘Hegel: A Non-Metaphysical View’, in A. MacIntyre (ed.), 101–24; Houlgate, S. (2006), The Opening of Hegel’s Logic, 55f. On the impact this has on reading Hegel in terms of ‘metaphysics’ or ‘ontology’, Shanks, A. (2011), Hegel and Religious Faith, 26f.; Stern, R. (2009), Hegelian Metaphysics, 119 (incl. n. 5 for a useful bibliog.). 168 Cosima, the composer’s second wife, was the illegitimate daughter of Liszt and the French Romantic writer Marie Catherine Sophie, Comtesse d’Agoult (1805–76). Wagner and Cosima married in August 1870 (after a long affair) when Cosima had divorced the composer’s compliant devotee Hans von Bülow (cf. p. 264). 169 Eliot referred to meeting ‘Mad, Wagner!’ in a number of letters at the time (Solie 2004): 164f.; DiGaetani 2014: 78). Cosima records her delight at meeting the famous novelist (Gregor-Dellin and Mack, I. 962, 963, 964–6). 165

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Baumgartner (1820–67) ([1880] 1911: I. 521).170 Europe was still volatile. The work brought little peace. It indicted Christianity – and academic theology – as hypocritical, harsh and egoistical, claiming it pedalled platitudes about personal immortality, and devalued daily life. We catch echoes of the work in the dark, anti-Jewish motifs of Wagner’s play Jesus of Nazareth (written 1848–9).171 In mid-life Wagner saw Feuerbach as ‘the only real philosopher of modern times and the representative of the radical and categorical liberation of the individual’ (ibid., I. 521; q. de Lubac [1944/1949] 1995: 43, n. 77). Later, he claimed he had ‘always regarded Feuerbach as the ideal exponent of the radical release of the individual from the thraldom of accepted ideas’ (ibid., I. 522). He owned Feuerbach’s denial of all (Hegelian) ‘absolutes’ in mind, music or morality ([1843] 1986: 37).172 Grundsätze der Philosophie der Zukunft (1843, Basic Principles of the Philosophy of the Future) undergirded his essay ‘Das Kunstwerk der Zukunft’ (1849, The Artwork of the Future), which was dedicated to the philosopher. Wagner records that he found Feuerbach’s ‘healthy sensuality’, revolutionary energy, and iconoclastic ‘philosophy of positive religion or revelation’ ([1841] 1967–76: V. 3), compelling.173 But he was also drawn to the philosopher’s ‘anthropo-theist’ (NB. not atheist) view of ‘god’, as an ‘alienated’ product, or ‘projection’ of the human speciesessence (i.e. of mind, will and emotion). Feuerbach’s rejection of all traditional religion as ‘merely a kind of insurance company’ ([1830] 1980: 197), with its ‘god’ the ‘projected’ end of human hope, was also alluring. As Wagner wrote, with a mixture of sobriety and spite: ‘The more empty life is, the more concrete is God . . . Only the poor man has a rich God’ ([1841] 1957: 73).174 In short, Wagner imbibed Feuerbach’s philosophical cocktail in which religion reveals truth about humanity. He rebottled this in vast operas where humans fight nature and power beyond their world and control.175 However, as we will see in due course, Feuerbach’s mind is also on this world; likewise, Wagner’s. Levenson links Feuerbach’s ‘humanist agnosticism’ to a ‘strain in Confucius’ that he lauded, ‘when he marked the advance of capitalism on European feudalism, reflected in the attrition of religion’ ([1965] 2005: 67f.). Or, put another way, Confucian China inspired Feuerbach’s vision for a secular Europe. Wagner almost certainly did not go that far, but in both their fantasy and philosophy this world matters to both men. On the revolutionary context and content of this work, Rose, P. L. (1992), Wagner: Race and Revolution, 58f. Wagner read Strauss’s Life of Jesus in the early 1840s. Though he respected aspects of the work (N.B. Wagner’s Jesus of Nazareth actually omits the resurrection), they had an increasingly tetchy relationship after Strauss accused Wagner of playing a part in the dismissal of the Court composer Franz Lachmann (b. 1804). On Strauss and Wagner, Bell, R. H. (2013), Wagner’s Parsifal, 234f. 172 Cf. also the discussion of Wagner and Feuerbach’s ‘Theory of the Future’, in Rabaté, J-M. (2014), Crimes of the Future, ad loc. N.B. the artistic character, literary style, ‘appealing circumstantiality’, and effective annihilation of philosophy (through ‘absorbing questions’), that drew Wagner to Feuerbach (Chafe 2005: 301, n. 51). On the discussion of musical ‘Absolutes’ at the time, Chua, D. K. L. (2011), ‘Music as the Mouthpiece of Theology’, in J. S. Begbie and S. R. Guthrie (eds), Resonant Witness, 137–161; —(1999), Absolute Music and the Construction of Meaning. 173 On this and the relation between Feuerbach and the ‘young Hegelians’, Forster, M. N. and K. Gjesdal, eds (2015), Oxford Handbook of German Philosophy, 833f. 174 Cf. the discussion of this and its relation to the Christian doctrine of God, in Harvey, V. A. (1995), Feuerbach and the Interpretation of Religion, 75f. 175 Drawing correlations between Wagner’s reading of Romantic and philosophical literature and operatic scores, is notoriously hard; as Wagner scholar Stewart Spencer points out, it is often difficult ‘to disentangle the strands of literary, political and philosophical influence’ (1992: 149). But retrospective connections are important. At times, Wagner projected ideas back onto material he had read earlier. As Magee says, Wagner wrote the Ring, read Schopenhauer and then expressed his debt to the philosopher (2000: 180). On Wagner’s philosophical and literary interests, DiGaetani, J. L. ed. (2009), Wagner Outside the Ring, 55f. 170 171

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We will return to Feuerbach, and to the late 19th-century philosopher Wagner is most often associated with, Friedrich Nietzsche. Before that, Wagner’s operas have also, lastly, an oriental history, both in their character and reception. Here we revert to traditional xiqu ᡢᴢ drama.176 Scholars recognize Wagner’s vision for opera – as Gesamtkunstwerk – is based on principles similar to traditional Chinese ‘opera’, xiqu. American journalist-author Will Irwin (1873–1948) noted: ‘Chinese artists anticipated Wagner by centuries in Wagner’s central idea, his great innovation in Occidental opera – adaptation of the emotion to the motif ’ (q. Tian 2012: 63). Xiqu (Lit. theatre of sung verse) is not opera in a Western sense. To the Chinese literary giant Wang Guowei ⦻഻㏝ (1877–1927), it is rather ‘stories . . . imparted by singing and dancing’ (1993: 233); to others, ‘a complex multi-facetted conception’ (Wichmann-Walczak and Hay 2007: 2.853),177 with ‘theatrical integration of multiple art forms and choreographed gesture’ (Huang, A., 2009: 254). As in a Wagner opera, though, music, drama and motif coinhere here in their appeal to the mind, heart and senses (ibid.). The English-educated poet Xu Zhimo ᗀᘇ᪙ (1897–1931) grasped this, writing in 1923: Is it the power of gods or magic That whips up thunder and lightning Storms and wails Waves of desperate sea? Emotions, rage, generosity and melancholia Are stirred up by strings and brass Into a music drama inimitable By Wagner, a pioneer in the sound and the heart. —q. Zhou, R., 2013 Though little was known of Wagner in China prior to the 1990s – except, that is, by a few mid20th-century Nietzsche scholars – since then, reflecting their consonance with xiqu theatre-style and the existential realism of 20th-century Chinese popular fiction, his operas have been frequently performed.178 Two complete ‘Ring Cycles’ were staged in the Shanghai Grand Theatre in 2010. Traditional xiqu drama is not a Wagner opera: but, like Lu’s translations of Dickens, in style and form – and through Wagner’s popularization of much-favoured Nietzschean atheism – xiqu was a cultural, hermeneutic praeparatio for Wagner’s profile in latter-day ‘Reform Era’ China, with his views on truth and truthfulness also now performed (and celebrated) worldwide.

N.B. two contemporary Western associations of Wagner’s music with China: i. the American John Adams’s (b. 1947) quotation of the Eb-major triad in Wagner’s Das Rheingold in his three-act opera Nixon in China (prem. 22 October 1987); and, ii. the English composer (and Master of the Queen’s Music) Judith Weir’s (b. 1954) echo of Wagner’s Siegfried (1876) in the final act of her A Night at the Chinese Opera (prem. 8 July 1987). 177 N.B. xiqu includes Yuan-dynasty zaju 䴌ࢷ (although the music for this has been lost), the ‘elite’, regional chuanqi ۣཷ (Lit. ‘marvel tales’), the revived modern forms of Jingju Ӝࢷ (Peking Opera, or guoju ഭࢗ, national theatre) – in no small measure due to the actor Mei Lanfang ẵ㱝㣣 (1894–1961) – and more ‘popular’ Kunqu ᰶᴢ. Contra modern spoken Chinese theatre, music is a key feature of xiqu. 178 Though the ‘Bridal Chorus’ (Germ. Treulich geführt) from Wagner’s Lohengrin was used in Chinese weddings from the early 20th century, the first opera performed was The Flying Dutchman. It was staged in Shanghai’s Grand Theatre in 1999 under the baton of the German-trained conductor Muhai Tang ⒟⋀⎧ (b. 1949). 176

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Legge, Wagner and xiqu drama illustrate for us the way historic cross-cultural engagement impacts current perception. We ‘read backwards carefully’ when this is recognized. As stated at the outset, the ‘subtleties of China’s contrapuntal influence’ on Western philosophy, art, literature, politics, religion, music and aesthetics in the 19th century continue to impact how the Analects and Gospels are read today. Failure to admit this distorts meaning – and perpetuates poor inter-cultural communication.

TRUTH, MEANING AND POWER: THE COMING OF A 19TH-CENTURY CRISIS Before looking at Wagner’s stormy relationship to Nietzsche, and the socio-political ramifications of the philosopher’s thought in China and the West in the second-half of the 19th century, four mid-19th-century theological, moral, hermeneutical and cross-cultural loose ends need to be tiedoff that affect how truth and truthfulness were – and are – seen and interpreted. Truth and meaning are implicated here in power as much as prejudice, in principled living as much as philosophy. The shared heritage of China and the West is arguably no more clearly seen than in writing from this period. Eliot, Strauss and 19th-Century ‘Lives of Jesus’ At twenty-two Eliot took on ‘the soul-stupefying task’ (Deakin 1913: 57) of Strauss’s Das Leben Jesu. The previously commissioned translator of the work Elizabeth – or ‘Rufa’ (d. 1843) – Brabant,179 the gifted daughter of the progressive – but eccentric – scholar-surgeon (and physician to Coleridge) Dr. Robert Brabant (c. 1781–1866),180 stepped down on her marriage to Charles Hennell.181 The ‘Introduction’ reveals that Strauss’s provocative, Hegelian account of the life, miracles, death and resurrection of Jesus, was inspired by the ‘mythical point of view’ found in Deism and Rationalism. Strauss was acquainted with the ‘Higher Criticism’ of Schelling, Ernesti, Michaelis, Eichhorn, DeWette and Gabler, and Wilhelm Vatke (1806–82), Georg L. Bauer (1755– 1806), Ernst W. Hengstenberg (1802–69) and F. C. Baur (1792–1866),182 with their quest to both According to Barbara Hardy, the source of this ‘glamorous nickname’ was Coleridge (2006: 74). Eliot’s relationship to Brabant, Sr. (as with other older married men) was complex (Hughes 2001: 66f.). Eighteen months after her ‘Holy Wars’ with her demanding, evangelical father, Eliot (one of Rufa’s bridesmaids) was invited to live with the Brabants in Devizes—much to Mrs. B’s dismay (Levine 2001: 27). 181 Brabant introduced Strauss to Hennell’s Inquiry concerning the Origin of Christianity (1841). The liberal journalist and parliamentarian J. M. Robertson, MP (1856–1933) pointedly described the work as ‘the first systematic analysis, in English, without animus, of the gospels as historical documents’ (q. McCloy 1933: 343). 182 Cf. Ernesti, J. A., Institutio interpres Novi Testamenti (1761); Michaelis, J. D., Einleitung in die göttlichen Schriften des Neuen Bundes (1850); —Entwurf der typischen Gottesgelahrtheit (1763); —Spicilegium geographiae hebraeorum exterae post Bochartum (1769–80); —Orientalische und exegetische Bibliothek (1775–85); —Neue Orientalische und exegetische Bibliothek (1786–91); —Mosaisches Recht, 6 vols (1770–1); —Grammatica Syrica (1784); —Supplementa ad Lexica Hebraica (1784–92); —Litterarischer Briefwechsel (1794–6); Eichhorn, J. G., Einleitung in das Alte Testament, 3 vols (1780–3); —Einleitung in das Neue Testament, 5 vols (1804–27); DeWette, W. M. L., Beiträge zur Einleitung in das Alte Testament, 2 vols (1806–7); Gabler, J. P., ‘Von der richtigen Unterscheidung der biblischen und der dogmatischen Theologie und der rechten Bestimmung ihrer beider Ziele (1787)’, in O. Merk (ed.), Biblische Theologie des Neuen Testaments in ihrer Anfangszeit (1972); Vatke, W., Die Religion des Alten Testamentes nach den kanonischen Buchern entwickelt (1835); —Die biblische Theologie wissenschaftlich dargestellt (1835); Bauer, G. L., Theologie des Alten Testament (1796); Hengstenberg, E. W., Christologie des Alten Testaments (1829–35); —Commentar über die Psalmen (1842–7); and, by the founder of the 179 180

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explain and defend theological truth by rooting it in the ‘myths’, ‘types’, rituals and symbols of sacred history.183 To date, scholarship had focused on the Old Testament: Strauss turned his caustic gaze on the more contentious texts of the New Testament. He set a series of charges under orthodox Christology that detonated for decades. He claimed in the New Testament a primitive community turned shards of history into popular ‘myths’, or ‘unconscious poetry’, with ‘motifs’ supplied ‘partly by the religious ideas which inspired the age and nation (particularly the Messianic idea)’, and ‘partly by the tremendous impression which the Founder of Christianity . . . made on his disciples’ (Deakin 1913: 57). The result was a Jesus who was not divine, his ‘resurrection’ a case of traumainduced mistaken identity, his persona the creative construct of spiritually hungry, nationalist, 1st-century Palestinian Jews. Prolonged orthodox protest vilified poor Strauss. He had opened the flood-gate to a torrent of reductionist ‘Lives of Jesus’ that is yet to run dry; albeit, Schweitzer’s Quest of the Historical Jesus (1906) bravely sought to staunch the mighty flood.184 Effects of Strauss’s work on Eliot and subsequent scholarship deserve notice. Eliot presents Strauss as her ‘closest companion’ from January 1844 to April 1846 (Deakin, ibid.). Translation was hard graft. She calls Strauss ‘leathery’ and her brain a ‘butterfly’ (Cross, I. 133). Writing to Sara Hennell (6 April 1845) she notes: ‘Glad I am that someone can enjoy Strauss! The million certainly will not, and I have ceased to sit down to him with any relish’ (Haight, I. 185). When the work was done, she wrote again (20 May 1846): ‘I do really like reading our Strauss – he is so klar und ideenvoll (clear and full of ideas)’, adding, ‘I do not know one person who is likely to read the book . . . do you?’ (Haight, I. 217f.). It was Strauss’s belligerent disrespect that captured Eliot. It catalysed her ability to criticize. Hence this: ‘I am never pained when I think Strauss right, but in many cases I think him wrong, as every man must be in working out into detail an idea which has general truth but is only one element in a perfect theory – not a perfect theory in itself ’ (ibid., I. 203). However, Strauss did not satisfy Eliot’s quest for truthful, balanced, accuracy; although he wrote her ‘a nice letter’, we find, describing her work as ‘et accurata et perspicua’ (accurate and clear). The review in The Prospective Review called it ‘a faithful, elegant and scholar-like translation’ (1846: 479; q. Deakin, 58). In the end, Eliot’s passion for truth, integrity and sympathy, led her to grieve the spirit-less nature of Strauss’s scholarship and its lack of ‘sympathy’. Author Cara Bray (née Hennell) (1814–1905) reports: ‘She said she was Strauss-sick; it made her ill dissecting the beautiful story of the crucifixion, and only the sight of her Christ-image and picture made her endure it’ (Haight: I. 206; q. Fleishman 36). Eliot was a young woman and wordsmith finding her

‘Tübingen School’, F. C. Baur, who did ground-breaking work on ‘myth’, the Bible, and theology as a ‘science’ (Wissenschaft) in his Symbolik und Mythologie oder die Naturreligion des Altertums (1824–5); —Das manichäische Religionssystem (1831); —Apollonius von Tyana (1832); —Gegensatz des Katholicismus und Protestantismus nach den Prinzipien und Hauptdogmen der beiden Lehrbegriffe (1834); —Über die sogenannten Pastoralbriefe (1835); —Die christliche Gnosis (1835); —Über das Christliche im Platonismus oder Socrates und Christus (1837); —Die christliche Lehre von der Versöhnung in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung bis auf die neueste Zeit (1838); —Kritische Untersuchungen über die kanonischen Evangelien, ihr Verhältniss zu einander, ihren Charakter und Ursprung (1847); —Die christliche Lehre von der Dreieinigkeit und Menschwerdung Gottes in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung, 3 vols (1841–3), and Lehrbuch der christlichen Dogmengeschichte (1847). For context, Smart, N., et al, eds (1985), Nineteenth-Century Religious Thought in the West. 183 On development of a ‘mythical’ and ‘typological’ reading of the Bible, Fleishman, A. (2010), George Eliot’s Intellectual Life, 37f.; Thiselton, A. C. (2009), Hermeneutics, 143f.; Kümmel, W. G. (1973), The New Testament, ad loc. 184 Cf. on Schweitzer’s review of 19th-century ‘Lives of Jesus’, in his Geschichte der Leben-Jesu-Forschung (1906: The Quest for the Historical Jesus, 1910), p. 54f., 56, 72, 84f., 145, n. 77, 370, n. 127, 428, n. 106, 463. The German title (Lit. History of Life-of-Jesus Research) evokes the new ‘scientific’ approach to NT scholarship in the 19th century.

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vocation.185 Strauss’s exposé of biblical literalism and uncritical Christian orthodoxy clarified her mind and exposed her indirectly to venom vented on a quest for truth.186 It ensured in later life she made sure (as many have) exegesis remain accountable to ethics, and the example of Jesus’s love be a living ideal. Mid-century textuality and philology will give way to philosophy and ethics. Eliot popularized Christian truth as a ‘good way of life’. This challenged the historic authority and creedal rationale of propositional Christian orthodoxy. We read ‘on the far side’ of the quiet revolution in theological ethics and hermeneutics that Eliot with passion and precision helped to incite. Schopenhauer, China and ‘Oriental’ Religions We have seen Eliot and Wagner’s indebtedness to Schopenhauer already, and noted his pessimistic philosophy of ‘Will’ and passionate quest for truth. His attitude to truth per se, and his pioneering orientalism, deserve further mention: in both, we find an explanation for Eliot and Wagner’s perception – and, thus, the popularization in mid-19th-century Britain and Europe – of truth as both evanescent and elusive. With respect to truth, Schopenhauer is often (probably wrongly) said to have proposed the ‘three stages of truth’, which German embryologist Karl Ernst von Baer (1792–1876) gave expression to in 1866: ‘First, people say it is not true; then, that it is against religion; and in the third stage, that it was long known.’187 The ‘Preface’ to The World as Will and Representation (1st edn) portrays a rather different scenario: ‘Truth is only allowed a brief celebration of victory between two long periods when it is condemned as paradoxical, or disparaged as trivial’ (xvii).188 Truth is hard won and short-lived. As Schopenhauer claims: ‘[T]he pursuit of truth alone is a pursuit far too lofty and eccentric for us to expect that all or many, or indeed even a mere few, will sincerely take part in it’ (ibid., xviii). Again, ‘Truth is no harlot who throws her arms round the neck of him who does not desire her’; on the contrary, ‘[S]he is so coy a beauty that even the man who sacrifices everything to her can still not be certain of her favours’ (ibid., xix). Clarifying his hope for seekers of truth, he concludes: My guiding star in all seriousness has been truth. Following it, I could first aspire only to my own approval, entirely averted from an age that has sunk low as regards all higher intellectual efforts, and from a national literature demoralised but for the exceptions, a literature in which the art of combining lofty words with low sentiments has reached its zenith. —ibid., xxi Truth, as an emergent issue in mid- to late 19th-century discourse, owes a great deal to Schopenhauer. His pessimism fuelled public doubt and scholarly skepticism about the veracity of history, texts, meaning and interpretation. The varnish is dark here. Eliot began writing her first novel, Adam Bede, towards the end of 1856. Eliot’s 1846 translation of Strauss’s Das Leben Jesu was famously denounced by the Evangelical Reformer, Lord Ashley (1801–85; fr. 1851, 7th Earl of Shaftesbury), as ‘the most pestilential book ever vomited out of the jaws of hell’! 187 On the idea of ‘three stages of truth’, Shallit, J. (2005), ‘Science, Pseudoscience, and The Three Stages of Truth’. 188 N.B. the German: ‘Der Wahrheit ist allerzeit nur ein kurzes Siegesfest beschieden, zwischen den beiden langen Zeiträumen, wo sie als Paradox verdammt und als Trivial gering geschätzt wird.’ 185 186

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Schopenhauer’s role in interpreting and promoting oriental philosophy in the West is wellestablished, not least through Nietzsche’s enthusiastic endorsement. In recent years, the character and uniqueness of his opinions have been re-evaluated.189 Some still see Schopenhauer’s preoccupation with issues of truth and truthfulness as conditioning his quest to engage Eastern thought, but his use and interpretation of oriental material is much debated. To be sure, his view of ‘Will’, as the noumenal ‘given’ that drives life – unless dulled by moral constraint and mystic contemplation – bears a striking resemblance to Buddhist thought, and, perhaps, to a Confucian (or metaphysical Daoist) tian. As Wicks says, Schopenhauer ‘appreciated the relatively close correspondence between his metaphysics of the Will and certain doctrines of Hinduism, Buddhism and Christianity’ (2014: IV. 92). There are clear Buddhist and Confucian echoes in his claim that a person who overcomes ‘Will’ enters a timeless state of ‘Will-less knowing’ and deeper compassion. This is a form of ‘being’ and ‘knowing’ comparable with wu wei (❑⛪) in Confucianism and transcendence of speech and thought in oriental spirituality (and in Eliot and Wagner’s view of music).190 Besides studying Buddhism – including the Four Noble Truths of Buddhism – Schopenhauer was fascinated by Tibet, Hinduism and Lao Zi.191 His interests reflect the expansion of mid-19thcentury minds and the backcloth of worlds they inhabit. Urs App provides a helpful summary of Schopenhauer’s oriental ‘religion of truth’. It is, he records, ‘[I]dealistic (“the world as a mere phenomenon”), pessimistic (“existence as an evil”), atheistic (“the avatar as master of the way”, “not theistic in the proper sense”), and mystic (“total resignation as the way”)’ (2010b: 34). He adds: ‘The original home of this ideal type is India, and two of its major expressions are the religion of the Vedas (which for Schopenhauer then signified the religion of the Latin Upanishads) and Buddhism’ (ibid., 35). As one of the world’s religions, Christianity is ‘an Indian offshoot whose pessimistic essence is foreign to Judaism: a religion whose world is a sea of sin and whose avatar shows the way through compassionate self-sacrifice’ (ibid.). Schopenhauer is in the vanguard of Western interest in Asian spirituality: he is attuned to the historical and theological primacy of ‘world religions’. Truth is, for him, neither a Western product nor its unique possession. He discolours – irreversibly, for some – the canvas of our study. PostSchopenhauer claims for Christian ‘exclusivity’ are, to many scholars, both implausible and untenable. China and the Confucian Classics are central to Schopenhauer’s orientalism. As App records: In the 1820s, Asia-related journals proliferated and the volume of information about Asia’s religions was exploding. Schopenhauer was an avid reader of such publications and learned . . . On debate about Schopenhauer’s ‘Orientalism’, Nicholls, M. (1999), ‘Influences of Eastern Thought’, in C. Janaway (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Schopenhauer, 189–213; also, Magee, B. ([1983] 1997), Philosophy of Schopenhauer; Vandenabeel, B. ed. (2012), Companion to Schopenhauer. On Schopenhauer and Buddhism, Abelsen, P. (1993), ‘Schopenhauer and Buddhism’; Cowan, R. (2010), The Indo-German Identification, ad loc.; Dauer, D. W. (1969), Schopenhauer as Transmitter of Buddhist Ideas; Droit, R. P. (1988), ‘Schopenhauer et la Boudhisme’, in E. Von der Luft (ed.), Schopenhauer, 123–38; Dumoulin, H. (1981), ‘Buddhism and Nineteenth Century German Philosophy’; Kishan, B. V. (1980), ‘Schopenhauer and Buddhism’, in M. Fox (ed.), Schopenhauer: His Philosophical Achievement, 255–61; Nanajivako, B. (1970), Schopenhauer and Buddhism. For a post-colonial view, Barua, A. ed. (2008), Schopenhauer and Indian Philosophy, 115, n. 6 and 8. 190 On wu wei, p. 42, 251, 258, 334, 406, 407. 191 App points out the oversight of Daoism in the 1st edn of Schopenhauer’s ‘Sinology Essay’, which was hurriedly corrected in the 2nd and later edns. 189

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to identify the cardinal virtues of the Chinese . . . In Volume 22 (1826) of the Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register for British India and its Dependencies . . . he found an unsigned article entitled ‘Chinese theory of the Creation’ . . . he made two excerpts in his 1828 notebook. —ibid. Schopenhauer found in Buddhism’s holistic metaphysic grounds to criticize ‘the wisdom of Confucius’. Like many in his day, he damned Confucianism with faint praise, as having ‘special attractions for Chinese savants and statesmen’ ([1836] 1891: 361). And, he adds: ‘[J]udging from translations, it is a rambling, commonplace, predominantly political, moral philosophy, without any metaphysical support, which has something peculiarly insipid and tiresome about it’ (ibid.). Schopenhauer is, as here, prepared to ‘take a view’ on oriental thought. He studies it on its own terms, not as some failed expression of Western monotheism. Confucianism is an enculturated socio-political morality, and not, pace Legge and Western missionaries, a providential praeparatio evangelium. Oriental sources provide Schopenhauer resources to critique the allegorical ‘absurdities’ of Western monotheism and Christian dogmatism, with their destructive regulation – and imposition – of religious truth ([1851] 1893/2007: 37).192 As one of a new breed of card-carrying atheists, Schopenhauer condemned institutional religion: ‘The bad thing about all religions is that, instead of being able to confess their allegorical nature, they have to conceal it . . . They parade their doctrines in all seriousness as true sensu proprio, and as absurdities form an essential part of these doctrines, we have the great mischief of a continual fraud’ (ibid., 69). This bitter iconoclasm inspired others – not just an Eliot or Wagner, but we will see, a Nietzsche and Karl Marx. Here is ethics uncoupled from God, truth unaccountable to the Bible and temporal joy untrammelled by divine law. Schopenhauer saw no ‘immortality’. ‘Final judgement’ depended on private actions not divine decrees. In terms echoed by Nietzsche, God is an ‘evil’, individual freedom a moral mandate to fight ‘Will’ with compassion. To Eliot and Wagner this was all hugely attractive: the story of human love finds its beloved in Schopenhauer. His legacy lingers in the study of religions, life and culture. It reflects a passion Eliot admired and an open-mindedness Wagner sought: their intellectual progress, Christ-less religion and doubts about Confucius, are now more explicable.193 Schopenhauer’s brutal – albeit sometimes also subtle – impact on the way the Analects and Gospels were, and are read, is immense. Feuerbach, China and the ‘Hermeneutics of Suspicion’ We have looked at Eliot and Wagner’s indebtedness to Feuerbach before. We cast the net wider now to study the philosopher among his peers, and in relation to ‘religion’, China, and the growth of the so-called ‘hermeneutics of suspicion’. Feuerbach said his aim was ‘the triumph of truth and virtue’ ([1841] 1957: xxxiv). His contemporaries were not convinced. To Feuerbach – like Eliot – true knowledge required Cf. Schopenhauer: ‘Monotheistic religions alone furnish the spectacle of religious wars, religious persecutions, heretical tribunals, that breaking of idols and destruction of images of the gods, that razing of Indian temples and Egyptian colossi, which had looked on the sun 3,000 years: just because a jealous god had said, “Thou shalt make no graven image” ’ ([1851] 2007: 37). 193 On Wagner’s dependency on Schopenhauer for his interest in, and use of Buddhism, App, U. (2011), Richard Wagner and Buddhism, 51. 192

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truthfulness. It derived from personal and intellectual integrity. He followed Hegel in criticism of the illogic and inconsistency in Schleiermacher’s ‘theological prejudices’ and reduction of Christianity’s dogmatic ‘truths’ to matters of ‘feeling’, arguing: ‘[I]f feeling is subjectively what religion is chiefly about, then God is objectively nothing but the essence of feeling’ (1839–46: 9. II. 230).194 In time, Feuerbach’s ‘projectionist’ view of God and religion was used to validate Marxist atheism195 and various forms of subjective, religious reductionism.196 The French Catholic philosopher, theologian and Middle Eastern expert Ernest Renan (1823–92) called Feuerbach’s view of religion as mere ‘illusion’ and ‘superstition’, ‘the most advanced, if not the most serious expression of the antipathy’ of the ‘new German school’ to Christianity (1863: 407, 417; q. Hebert 2015: 33). Others follow Sidney Hook, claiming methodologically Feuerbach ‘remains the most comprehensive and persuasive hypothesis available for the study of comparative religion’ (1950: 221).197 After Feuerbach, it’s argued, no religion or culture can claim privileges: all are to be studied phenomenologically, as equally valid ‘projections’ of humanity’s (spiritual) ‘consciousness’ and its quest for self-understanding, security, truth and morality. But Johannes Ronge (1813–87), leader of a progressive, mid-19th-century ‘New Catholic’ movement in Germany, saw things differently. To him Feuerbach single-handedly did ‘more for the humanity of the century than all of the theologians and professors of our age put together’ ([1848] 1978; q. Williamson 2004: 354, n. 63). In Feuerbach, as Eliot and Wagner appreciated, religion is reduced to, and tested by, ‘compassion’, or the cardinal Confucian (and Victorian) virtue, ‘sympathy’. ‘Dialectical theologian’ Karl Barth unsurprisingly, perhaps, lumped Confucius, Feuerbach, and Buber together as ‘quite similar’ humanist thinkers, their ‘anthropotheist’ thought further justifying his theocentric critique of human ‘religion’ and inspiring his aim to ‘begin theology with God’ (1960: III. 2.333f.).198 The Evangelical theologian Zhao Zichen 䏉㍛ᇨ (T. C. Chao, 1888–1979) was also clear: Feuerbach, Schleiermacher and Bauer are ‘not worthy of being called theologians’ (q. Chen, Y., 2015: 174). It remains a moot point among Confucian cognoscenti whether (or not) to claim common cause with Feuerbach’s comparative, materialist, view of ‘religion’.199 In this, they reflect the ambiguity evident from the outset in popular perception and reception of Feuerbach’s ideas, his ‘projectionist’ critique of ‘religion’ paradoxically serving to stimulate an authentic quest for faith, truth and truthfulness, as much as side-lining it. Perspective and presuppositions are again decisive here.

On context, Forster and Gjesdal, Oxford Handbook of German Philosophy, 833f. Esp. through Marx’s influential eleven ‘Theses on Feuerbach’ (1845), published in an appendix to Friedrich Engels’s [1820–95], Ludwig Feuerbach und der Ausgang der klassischen deutschen Philosophie (1888). Cf. further, p. 309. 196 On Feuerbach, and on Marx’s critical embrace of his view of religion, Wartofsky, M. W. (1977), Feuerbach; Weckwerth, C. (2003), Ludwig Feuerbach zur Einfuhrung; Breckman, W. (1999), Marx, the Young Hegelians and the Origins of Radical Social Theory; Harvey, V. A. (1985), ‘Ludwig Feuerbach and Karl Marx’, in Smart, et al. (eds), Nineteenth Century Religious Thought, I. 291–328. 197 Cf. Harvey, V. A. (1995), Feuerbach and the Interpretation of Religion, 21f. 198 N.B. Barth sees ‘theological anthropology resolutely going on its own way’, despite similar definitions of humanitas arising from ‘quite different quarters’ (viz. ‘the pagan Confucius, the atheist L. Feuerbach, the Jew M. Buber’). Buber responded firmly ([1947] 2002: 264). Cf. Chung, P. S. (2008), Karl Barth, 268f.; Kraemer, H. ([1956] 2002), Religion and the Christian Faith, 195; Fergusson, D. (2004), Community, Liberalism and Christian Ethics, 31. On Barth’s evolving view of Feuerbach, Glasse, J. (1968), ‘Barth zu Feuerbach’. On Feuerbach, ‘death of God’ and a ‘hermeneutics of suspicion’, Green, G. (2004), Theology, Hermeneutics, and Imagination, 107f. 199 On whether Feuerbach and Tu Weiming disagree about ‘heaven’, Smith, S. G. (1998), ‘Kinds of best world’. On conceptual parallels between Wagner, Feuerbach and the Confucian ‘heaven’ (tian) – perhaps inspired by Spinozan pantheism – Seung, T. K. (2006), Goethe, Nietzsche, and Wagner, Preface. 194 195

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Wagner’s attitude to Feuerbach is also ambiguous, particularly as his famously complex relationship with Nietzsche develops.200 Initially, he rejoices in Feuerbach’s exaltation of love and the ‘tear of divine compassion’ (Germ. Mittlied) ([1841] 1957: 50)201 in the story of Jesus’s Incarnation and death, where love and sympathy are the gold to be extracted from the dross of Church dogma. Love that overturns convention is the central theme of his early opera Das Liebesverbot (1836, The Ban on Love), while later operas include incest and adultery in the broad scope of love’s embrace. Musicologists track Wagner’s philosophical and relational progress in his excision of the so-called ‘Feuerbach ending’ of Götterdammerung202 in Brünnhilde’s peroration at the opera’s climactic conclusion: Though the race of gods passed away like a breath, though I leave behind me a world without rulers, I now bequeath to that world My most sacred wisdom’s hoard – blessed in joy and sorrow love alone can be.203 The story of love is, in Wagner’s relationship with Feuerbach, a dominant ideal and a flawed reality. Existentialism would later celebrate such a blurring of biography, art and philosophy, with truth and truthfulness devastated in a maelstrom of emotion. Feuerbach’s relationship to Marx, China, and the so-called ‘hermeneutics of suspicion’ is no less problematic. In these interrelated issues, we begin to see how Feuerbach’s significance for our story lies as much in his later reception in China as in his early impact on Eliot and Wagner. In three key areas, his thought shapes how the Analects and Gospels are read today. We ‘read backwards carefully’ in light of them. First, though we return to Marx and Nietzsche in the next section, we register here the origin in Feuerbach of key Marxist – and, later, Maoist – categories. Like the West, China has derived much since the early 20th century from Feuerbach’s critique of Hegelian idealism mediated through Marx. The nature and possibilities of ‘human consciousness’ and truth are both implicated in this. They deserve careful attention. With individuality, morality, society and truth in view, Feuerbach claimed Hegelian philosophy lacked ‘immediate unity, immediate certainty, immediate truth’ ([1842] 1950: 5–26; q. Breckman 1999: 216f.).204 It had ‘estranged (Germ. entfremdet) the human

Wagner was victim to his success and to his combination of a widely perceived anti-Semitism, extreme nationalism, ‘counterfeit’ emotionalism and heroic idealism. He is, for some, the dark that shows up Nietzschean gold; cf. Scruton, R. (2014), ‘Nietzsche and Wagner’, in D. Came (ed.), Nietzsche on Art and Life, 236–52. 201 Cf. Forster and Gjesdal, Oxford Handbook, 834; Wartowsky, Feuerbach, 288f. 202 N.B. this, in contrast to the later ‘Schopenhauer ending’, where redemption is (pace Feuerbach) not through death but love. On the three endings Wagner considered, Berry, M. (2006), Treacherous Bonds and Laughing Fire, 255f. N.B. the difficulty of disentangling ‘the strands of literary, political and philosophical influence’ in Wagner (Spencer 1992: 149). 203 On various versions of this ending, Spencer, S. and B. Millington, eds (1993), Wagner’s ‘Ring of the Nibelung’, 348–51, 360–3. 204 On the context and after-effects of Feuerbach’s theory of ‘alienation’, Skepton, S. (2010), Alienation after Derrida, ad loc. 200

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being from its very self ’ (ibid.). The great ‘I-Thou’ that Martin Buber (1878–1965)205 and his existentialist devotees would later theologize, is, in Feuerbach, first perceived as the fragmentation of a psyche, with ‘god’ the greater, terrifying, other ‘self ’, onto which this experience of ‘selfalienation’ is transferred. The ‘alienation’ Feuerbach sees is first psychological and epistemological. ‘True, objective thought, the true and objective philosophy, is generated only from thinking’s negation, from being determined by an object’, while, he maintains, ‘[I]ntuition yields simply the essence immediately identical with existence’ (1842: 157; q. Stepelevich 1983: 164). ‘Objective truth’ is, then, faithfulness to an idea (Feuerbach [1830] 1980: xxvi). Marx and Engels – and later Mao – latched on to Feuerbach’s theory of ‘alienation’, but they repudiated its abstract, naturalist, individualist style in favour of their practical, politicized, social philosophy, that was rooted in dialectical materialism, economics and the laws of production.206 As Marx’s ‘Second Thesis’ on Feuerbach states: ‘The question whether objective truth can be attributed to human thinking is not a question of theory but is a practical question. Man (sic) must prove the truth . . . in practice’ ([1845] 1969: I. 13).207 We trace, then, to Feuerbach this highly influential, view of truth as an immediate, non-theoretical, transformative action; specifically, direct confrontation with regimes that oppress and disempower. According to such criteria classical Confucianism and orthodox Christianity are culpable.208 They perpetuate ‘alienation’ in literature and ritual, and structures that reinforce intellectual and social hierarchies.209 As texts seen to perpetuate this socio-political and cultural ‘alienation’, Maoist ideology ‘criticized’ the Analects and Gospels, and those who revered them.210 Truth is to be tested now not by appeal to ‘Classic’ texts and old authorities, but by overturning corrupt societies and the liberating of oppressed lives. Second, Feuerbach’s view of religion as imaginative ‘projection’ undergirds the atheistic scientism of Maoist-Leninism and its militant denial of religion as mere ‘superstition’. To Marx – as Engels’s issuing of Marx’s ‘Theses on Feuerbach’ makes clear – Feuerbach provided the definitive, irrefutable,

205 Cf. Buber, M. (1923), Ich und Du (ET, I and Thou, 1937). A prolific author and activist, Buber wrote across a wide range, from social philosophy to religion (incl. Judaism and mysticism), education, art and politics. His post-Cartesian ‘philosophy of dialogue’ is still central to religious studies, psychology and education theory. 206 In addition to his ‘Thesen über Feuerbach’ (1845, Theses on Feuerbach), Marx’s ideological connection to Feuerbach (and Hegel) is seen in Die Deutsche Ideologie (1846, German Ideology) and Kritik der Politischen Ökonomie (1859, Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy), as well as in Engel’s pamphlet in Die Neue Zeit (1886, The New Time), ‘Ludwig Feuerbach und der Ausgang der klassischen deutschen Philosophie’ (Ludwig Feuerbach and the Outcome of Classical German Philosophy), to which the ‘Theses on Feuerbach’ are appended. 207 On truth, language and consciousness in Feuerbach, Wartofsky, Feuerbach, 180f.; also, for Feuerbach’s criticism of Hegel on ‘objective truth’ (ibid., 192). 208 Iconoclastic criticism of Confucianism and Christianity (as a Western religion) is found in Chen Duxiu 䲣⦘⿰ (1879– 1942) and the ‘New Culture Movement’ (1915–19), whose publication New Youth proposed the ‘total destruction of the traditions and values of the past’. In a special issue, ‘The Problem of Existence’, Chen debunked Confucianism, Buddhism and Christianity. Cf. Schwarcz, V. (1986), The Chinese Enlightenment, 98f. Mao was deeply influenced by the ‘New Culture Movement’ and published first in New Youth. 209 For history and texts relating to Mao and Christianity, Koschorke, K. (2007), F. Ludwig and M. Delgado, eds (2007), A History of Christianity in Asia, 119f. 210 N.B. the ideological attack on Premier Zhou Enlai ઘᚙֶ (1898–1976; Pr. 1949–59), and Mao’s ‘Criticize Lin (Biao) and Criticize Confucius’ (Pi-Lin pi-Kong) in the summer of 1973, that became ‘Criticize Confucianism and Appraise Legalism’ during the Cultural Revolution. On this, MacFarquhar, R. and M. Schoenhals (2006), Mao’s Last Revolution, 366f. On Mao’s denunciation of America’s ‘imperialistic’ use of Christianity as a tool of ‘spiritual aggression’, Standaert and Tiedemann (eds), Handbook, 2.713f. Peter Hebblethwaite presents a counter-interpretation of Mao as ‘a Chinese sage’ (Ruokanen and Huang 2010: 203f.).

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rationale for atheist humanism: ‘God’ was simply a function of societal need and religion a toxic, popular narcotic.211 Though Nietzsche shaped Marxist and later Maoist political atheism, the roots of this anti-religious system are traceable to Feuerbach. Marx certainly turned to Feuerbach for inspiration of his anti-religious outlook; and Mao was reading Marxist texts in the 1920s, and Feuerbach (again) in 1936–7.212 Mao cites Feuerbach in his ‘Talks at the Yanan Forum on Literature and Art’ (1942). This helped to confirm the philosopher’s standing as the justifier of (Chinese) atheism and the enemy of (Chinese) Christians. The blessing – or the opposite – Feuerbach bestowed on China was an official view, and popular impression, of religion as psychologized ‘superstition’.213 Paradoxically, in contrast to its criticism of Christianity, this is a Western gift China has accepted. The consequences are clear. The New Testament Gospels – and, as we will see, the Analects – are still read by many Chinese through doubts generated by Feuerbach. Following on from this, thirdly, the way to truth was, for Feuerbach, down the dark path of ‘suspicion’: ‘truthfulness’ with integrity demanded open-minded caution. The full impact of Feuerbach’s ‘hermeneutic of suspicion’ on the natural and social sciences is only now being recognized. As Garrett Green has argued, in Theology, Hermeneutics, and Imagination (2004), Feuerbach is ‘father of the hermeneutics of suspicion’ (2004: 84f.);214 although the ‘school of suspicion’ was actually named by the French philosopher-phenomenologist Paul Ricoeur (1913– 2005), referring to those he deemed ‘masters of suspicion’ – namely, Nietzsche, Marx and Austrian neurologist and founder of ‘psychoanalysis’, Sigmund Freud (1856–1939).215 As we will see in Chapter 8, to Ricoeur – after Nietzsche, Marx and Freud – ‘suspicion’ was a readiness to ‘demystify’ reality and to confront ‘the lies and illusions of consciousness’ (1964: 40); and, as such, to ‘read’ people, texts and situations from unexpected – including unwelcome – perspectives.216 A key difference between Feuerbach and this ‘school of suspicion’ is that, whereas his post-Romantic mind bifurcated (empirical) ‘reality’ and (speculative) ‘imagination’, much 20th-century hermeneutics and epistemology – particularly after Thomas Kuhn’s (1922–96) pioneering work on Feuerbach’s Essence of Christianity was published in 1841: Engels’s rejection of Christianity and embrace of atheism occurred two years earlier. It is not entirely clear why Engels stresses the impact of Feuerbach’s work on him. On this, Marsh, C. (2011), Religion and the State in Russia and China, 28; where Marsh reviews Marxist and Maoist criticism of the ‘materialist’ anthropology of Feuerbach. Cf. also, Liu, F. (2004), China’s Contemporary Philosophical Journey, 106f. 212 On sources – other than Soviet materials – Mao and other Chinese intellectuals were reading (esp. on ‘dialectical materialism’), and on Mao’s interest in translation of these sources, Knight, N. ed. (1990), Mao Zedong on Dialectical Materialism, 54f.; —(1998), ‘Marxist Philosophy and Social Theory’, in Li Da and Marxist Philosophy in China, Ch. 2; —(2005), Marxist Philosophy in China; Schram, S. and N. J. Hodes, eds (2015), Mao’s Road to Power, VI. 680f. 213 On religion as ‘superstition’ in China, Nedostup, R. (2009), Superstitious Regimes: Religion and the Politics of Chinese Modernity. 214 Cf. also, Green, G. (2005), ‘Feuerbach and the Hermeneutics of Suspicion’, in C. Helmer [with T. G. Petrey] (ed.), Biblical Interpretation, 155–64. 215 Freud’s life is a reminder of the cultural and intellectual effects of longevity. He was born in the year Eliot wrote one of her last Westminster Review essays (‘Silly Novels by Lady Novelists’, 1856) and died on 23 September 1939, a few days after the outbreak of World War II. 216 Cf. on this, Scott-Baumann, A. (2009), Ricoeur and the Hermeneutics of Suspicion; Felski, R. (2015), The Limits of Critique; —(2012), ‘Critique and the Hermeneutics of Suspicion’; Ihde, D. (1971), Hermeneutic Phenomenology; Josselson, R. (2004), ‘The Hermeneutics of Faith and the Hermeneutics of Suspicion’; Ricoeur, P. ([1970] 2008), Freud and Philosophy; —(1981), Hermeneutics and the Human Sciences; —(1986), From Text into Action: Essays in Hermeneutics; Robinson, G. D. (1995), ‘Paul Ricoeur and the Hermeneutics of Suspicion: A Brief Overview’; Williams, R. (1988), ‘The Suspicion of Suspicion: Wittgenstein and Bonhoeffer’, in R. H. Bell (ed.), The Grammar of the Heart, 36–53. 211

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‘paradigm shifts’217 – has admitted the role of creativity and imagination in scientific endeavour. But, as Green says, Feuerbach instrumentalizes ‘that fateful sea change in our understanding of authoritative texts’ (2005: 160). He opens a door to ‘ideologies of ontology’ that determine the way ‘Classic’ texts like the Analects and Gospels must – according to political, social, sexual and cultural ‘interest groups’ – be interpreted. We will return to the ‘hermeneutics of suspicion’ later. For now, we note Feuerbach’s exceptional impact on the way not only ‘Classic’ texts, but life itself, are read worldwide today. The same is also true of Nietzsche and Marx, to whom we turn next. But first a word on the Danish ‘existentialist’ philosopher-theologian, Søren Kierkegaard (1813–55). Kierkegaard, Truth and the Origins of 20th-Century Existentialism Because Danish was not widely read outside his homeland in the early 19th century, Kierkegaard’s work – to say nothing of his edgy personality – was little known (even outside Scandinavia) until after his death.218 His writings were, and are, significant, both for parallels we see in contemporaries, and for their subsequent global reception. But Kierkegaard’s approach to faith, life and philosophy is sui generis, his thought characterized by a biographic preoccupation with ‘the single individual’.219 As such, he rejects hegemonic Hegelian idealism in favour of moral choice, emotional angst, and an individual’s right – and fight, if needed – to ‘believe’. His focus is ‘essential truth’, authenticity and spiritual identity. His interest in (religious) ‘feelings’ create parallels with iconoclastic Romanticism – and he is a famous critic of the Danish state church and institutional ‘dogma’ – but he honours historic Christian moral norms and the pious practices of north European Protestantism.220 He is, in short, ‘the father of modern existentialism’. His complex, conflicted life – seeking spiritual and emotional solace in isolation, creativity, ‘melancholy’ and philosophy, theology, social criticism and poetry – provides the raw material for his reflection. He is important in what he said, how he said it, and for the millions worldwide – including in China – whose faith, patience, creativity, spirituality and authenticity he inspired. We will return to his existentialism in Chapter 8. For now,

The American physicist Thomas Kuhn’s (1922–1996) book The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (1962) introduced the idea of ‘paradigm shifts’ in scientific knowledge; that is, ‘shifts’ linked to use of ‘evidence’ usually discounted, or ignored, by science. 218 The Norwegian playwright Henrik Ibsen (1828–1906) and the prolific Swedish playwright, poet and novelist August Strinberg (1849–1912) are among many others professing their debt to Kierkegaard. Though some of his works were translated into German after 1861, the leading Liberal Protestant theologian Otto Pfleiderer’s (1839–1908) The Philosophy of Religion (1887) voices the suspicion many contemporaries felt towards Kierkegaard’s angst-ridden, iconoclastic, ascetic, anti-rational approach to the Christian faith. On Kierkegaard’s European reception, Stewart, J. B. ed. (2009), Kierkegaard’s International Reception, Vol. 8. One of the first advocates of Kierkegaard was the German-writing Danish scholar Georg Brandes (1842–1927). Brandes’s Søren Kierkegaard, ein literarisches Charakterbild. Autorisirte deutsche Ausg (1879), Hovedströmninger i det 19 de aarhundredes litteratur (6 vols, 1871–90), and Hauptströmungen der Literatur des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts (1894–6: Main Currents in Nineteenth Century Literature, 1901–5), draw parallels between Kierkegaard’s solipsistic method and aesthetic priorities, and Shakespeare’s work. 219 N.B. in part this reflects Kierkegaard’s eagerness to rescue faith from the ‘crowd’ mentality of Christianity. It is also consonant with the impact of Asian thought (esp. Zen Buddhism) on him. For an early study of the Asian character of Kierkegaard’s ideas, Hoffding, H. [1843–1931] ([1901] 1906), The Philosophy of Religion, 116–18. On Kierkegaard and Japanese scholarship, p. 314, n. 234. 220 On Kierkegaard and ‘Higher Criticism’, Barrett, L. C. (2015), ‘Kierkegaard and Biblical Studies’, in J. B. Stewart (ed.), Companion to Kierkegaard, 143–54. 217

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three ways he impacts truth and truthfulness and the ‘cultural archetype’ ‘story’ between 1820 and c. 1890.221 First, for Kierkegaard, as in his Afsluttende uvidenskabelig Efterskrift til de philosophiske Smuler (1846: Concluding Unscientific Postscript to Philosophical Fragments, 1941), ‘subjectivity is truth’ and ‘truth is subjectivity’ (1967–78: IV. 712f.). This extends into a focused, practical, Christocentric interpretation of ‘truth’ in Indøvelse i Christendom (1850: The Practice of Christianity, 2000). So, ‘Christ is the truth in the sense that to be the truth is the only true explanation of what truth is . . . Look at him, learn from him, he was the truth . . . not a definition etc., but a life’ (q. Hong and Hong 2000: 205). As he explains this: ‘The being of truth is not the direct redoubling of being in relation to thinking, . . . (but) truth within yourself, within me, within him, that your life, my life, his life is approximately the being of the truth in the striving for it, just as the truth was in Christ a life . . . Christianly understood, truth is obviously not to know the truth but to be the truth’ (ibid.).222 In his early work, Kierkegaard has Hegel’s Wissenschaft der Logik (1812–16, The Science of Logic) in his sights.223 Hegel interpreted reality (Germ. Sein; Being) – including subject, object, thought and ‘God’ – as a unity infused with rationality and logic. The form and content of knowledge or ‘consciousness’ (Germ. Begriff; Concept, or Notion) are not separated, but constitute a unified dialectical progression. In his Phänomenologie des Geistes (1807; Phenomenology of the Spirit): ‘Absolute Knowing is the truth of every mode of consciousness’ (1998: 49).224 And, in The Science of Logic (1812–16): ‘[I]t is only in absolute knowing that the separation of the object from the certainty of itself is completely eliminated’ (2010: § 49). In other words, ‘(T)ruth is now equated with certainty and certainty with truth’ (ibid.). Since there is no duality here between thought and object, truth and rationality are self-referential, and ‘God’ is the supreme manifestation of this ideal Begriff. Kierkegaard denied this, arguing instead for a traditional dialectic of ‘subjective’ and ‘objective’ truths. Christianity is, then, a subjective, ‘dread’-filled affirmation a God of ‘love’ exists (as revealed in Jesus’s life, teaching, death and resurrection)225 and that there is (pace his Journal, 20 November 1847) an ‘infinite qualitative distinction’, or ‘difference’ (Dan. den uendelige kvalitative forskel; Germ. unendliche qualitative Unterschied), between the ‘wholly Other’ God and sinful On Kierkegaard, cf. esp. Bergmann, S. H. (1991), Dialogical philosophy from Kierkegaard to Buber; Connell, G. B. (2016), Kierkegaard and the Paradox of Religious Diversity; Duncan, E. H. (1976), Søren Kierkegaard; Gardiner, P. (1988), Kierkegaard; Garff, J. ([2004] 2005), Søren Kierkegaard: A Biography; Hannay, A. ([2001] 2003), Kierkegaard: A Biography; Houe, P. and G. Marino (2003), Søren Kierkegaard and the Word(s); Kosch, M. (1996), Freedom and Reason in Kant, Schelling, and Kierkegaard; Lippitt, J. (2003), Routledge Philosophy Guidebook to Kierkegaard; Lowrie, W. (1942), Short Life of Kierkegaard; —(1968), Kierkegaard’s Attack Upon Christendom; Marino, G. and A. Hannay, eds (1997), The Cambridge Companion to Kierkegaard; Pattison, G. (2002), Kierkegaard’s Upbuilding Discourses; —(2005), The Philosophy of Kierkegaard; Watkin, J. (2000), Kierkegaard; Westfall, J. (2007), The Kierkegaardian Author; Weston, M. (1994), Kierkegaard and Modern Continental Philosophy; Westphal, M. (1996), Becoming a Self. 222 N.B. Kierkegaard’s work is entitled Training in Christianity in Walter Lowrie’s 1941 translation. On the theological and terminological impact of Kierkegaard’s The Practice of Christianity on Barth’s early thought (incl. his Römerbrief), Woo, B. H. (2014), ‘Kierkegaard’s Influence on Karl Barth’s Early Theology’. 223 Cf. Vol. 1 (1812: The Objective Logic), Vol. 2 (1816: The Subjective Logic), The Science of Logic, 2nd edn ([1816] 1832 posth., 1929). 224 On the significance of this Preface, Schacht, R. (1972), ‘A Commentary on the Preface to Hegel’s “Phenomenology of Spirit” ’. 225 On the prominence of love and the life of Jesus in Kierkegaard, as definitive of an individual’s existence and relationships, see esp. his Kjerlighedens Gjerninger (1847, Works of Love); also, Ferreira, M. J. (2001), Love’s Grateful Striving; Hall, A. L. (2002), Kierkegaard and the Treachery of Love; Krishek, S. (2009), Kierkegaard on Faith and Love; Strawser, M. (2015), Kierkegaard and the Philosophy of Love. 221

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humanity and its partial knowledge ([1850] 1941: 139).226 Polarities in Hegelian and Kierkegaardian ideas persist in late 19th- and 20th-century schools of thought that view the relation of God, truth, life, love and the world very differently. The stories they tell – and narrative is vital here – offer alternatives. A decision, as Kierkegaard saw, is needed. Truth involves a very personal choice. Second, as we will see in Chapter 8, existentialist philosophy attends to the fundamental categories in which humanity understands and finds ‘authenticity’.227 In the subjectivism of Kierkegaard’s seminal studies Frygt og Bæven (1843: Fear and Trembling, 1919) and Concluding Unscientific Postscript, we find proleptic emphasis not only on the plight of ‘the single individual’, but also on how she can lift herself above life’s complexity and angst – and, scientific rationality – to the liberating, but paradoxically ‘uncertain’, universals of faith, morality and subjectivity, which are, for Kierkegaard, the essence of meaningful existence.228 In his fine study of (God-less) ‘despair’, Sygdommen til Døden (1849: The Sickness Unto Death, 1941) – based on Jesus’s words when raising his friend Lazarus from the dead (Jn 11.4) – the fear of death prompts the individual to see ‘self ’ as ‘finite and infinite’,229 and so to seek a life of God-like love.230 Awareness of mortality – mixed with a morbid melancholy – awakens a person to moral integrity and authentic spirituality.231 As Kierkegaard says elsewhere, suffering ‘turns the person inward’ so he or she becomes ‘an individual’ ([1843–4] 1993: XV. 256f.). We see parallels here with George Eliot: in both writers, spiritual ‘interiority’, pain and integrity, honest ‘confession’ and storied imagination, are combined as stimuli to an over-arching, higher quest for love, sympathy, truth and truthfulness. To quote Marilyn Orr on Eliot, in both we see ‘a virtual epistemology, if not theology, of interiority’ (2009: 470); or, to parody the French philosopher Michel Foucault (1926–84), in both writers we see the ‘coming into being of the notion of “author” that constitutes the privileged movement of individualisation’ (1998b: 205). For, if Shakespeare (pace Bloom) creates ‘personality’, the parallel philosophical and literary labours of Kierkegaard and Eliot profile in new ways an author’s ‘persona’. This impacts the reading and reception of texts today, with an author’s life, context and persona the footings for a bridge of mutual understanding that spans text, time and cultural tradition(s).232 Cf. also, Kierkegaard, S. ([1846] 1941), Concluding Unscientific Postscript, 313. N.B. use of the expression in Karl Barth’s Römerbrief ([1933] 1968), 10. 227 On Kierkegaard’s view of ‘authenticity’ – in which ‘the single individual’ is not ‘alienated’ from God nor ‘abstracted’ by money or ‘anxiety’, but lives a life that balances ‘the infinite and the finite’ and engages (pace Descartes and Fichte) in creative ‘doubt’ – Golomb, J. (1995), In Search of Authenticity; Aylat-Yaguri, T. and J. B. Stewart, eds (2013), The Authenticity of Faith in Kierkegaard’s Philosophy. For an invocation of ‘existentialism’ in relation to classical Chinese thought, Ivanhoe, P. J. (1996), ‘Existentialism in the School of Wang Yangming’, in P. J. Ivanhoe (ed.), Chinese Language, Thought, and Culture, 250–67. 228 On existentialism and Kierkegaard’s international reception, Stewart, J. B. (2009), ‘France: Kierkegaard as a Forerunner of Existentialism and Poststructuralism’, in J. B. Stewart (ed.), Kierkegaard’s International Reception, VIII. 421–74; —ed. (2011), Kierkegaard and Existentialism, KRSRR 9; —ed. (2012), Kierkegaard’s Influence on Theology, Tomes I and III ; —ed. (2015), A Companion to Kierkegaard. 229 N.B. the echoes in German philosopher Martin Heidegger’s (1889–1976) ontology of ‘facticity’ and French existentialist philosopher J-P. Sartre’s (1905–80) atheistic ‘self-transcendence’. Cf. Sartre’s Being and Nothingness ([1943b] 1956), and below p. 416, n. 23. 230 On the social orientation of Kierkegaard’s thought, Dupré, L. (2004), ‘The Sickness unto Death’, in C. B. Guignon (ed.), The Existentialists, 33–52. 231 On Kierkegaard and ‘prophetic’ criticism, Hubben, W. (1962), Dostoevsky, Kierkegaard, Nietzsche, and Kafka: Four Prophets of Our Destiny. 232 Cf. further p. 329; also, 426f., 456f., 468f. 226

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To illustrate the complexity of Kierkegaard’s comprehensive hermeneutic of ‘person’, we note his early reception in China. Wang Qi – probably the foremost Chinese Kierkegaard scholar – says Lu Xun first refers to Kierkegaard,233 calling him, in a 1908 essay, simply an eminent Danish moralist.234 It wasn’t until Lu had read a part-translation (from Danish) of Kierkegaard’s first work (pseud.) Enten–Eller (2 vols, 1843: Either/Or, 1944), by the Japanese researcher Koichiro Miyahara (1882–1945), entitled Philosophy of Melancholy (1930),235 that he first quotes Kierkegaard. In his essay (ET) ‘Ways of Being Idle Hacks’ (1933) Lu calls Kierkegaard ‘a Danish melancholiac’ absorbed by ‘grief and indignation’ (2009: 103). Ironically, he then quotes the acerbic humour of the ‘Clown in the Theatre’, from the poetry, epigrams and essays of Kierkegaard’s ‘Diapsalmata’ (Either/Or, Sect. 1): In a theatre, it happened that a fire started off-stage. The clown came out to tell the audience. They thought it was a joke and applauded. He told them again, and they became still more hilarious. This is the way, I suppose, that the world will be destroyed – amid the universal hilarity of wits and wags who think it is all a joke. —q. ibid., n. 3236 The fact, timing and content of Lu Xun’s quotation are noteworthy. He appreciates in his own day and context what Shakespeare, the Jesuit and Protestant mission to China, Eliot, Dickens, Wagner and Kierkegaard, also grasped; namely, the power of story – be it novel, xiqu theatre, play or Western opera – to address the deepest existential and spiritual ‘truths’ truthfully. Shakespeare’s famous speech, ‘All the world’s a stage’237 resonates with the revelatory existential power of narrative Kierkegaard and Lu Xun recognized. We read the Analects and Gospels in China and the West today in light of the unifying impact of the ‘cultural archetype’ of existential narrative and ‘story’ – of which genre, as we will see, Confucius and Jesus are both acknowledged ‘Masters’. Thirdly, though Kierkegaard’s reception in China was a 20th-century reality, the impact of his writing began to be felt in late 19th- and early 20th-century Europe. By the time Legge died (1897), Kierkegaard’s work was becoming known outside Scandinavia. A key figure in the process of absorbing and utilizing Kierkegaard’s ideas was the German philosopher, historian, sociologist, and major contributor to the new science of hermeneutics, Wilhelm Dilthey (1833–1911) – although Dilthey only mentions Kierkegaard once. A student at Heidelberg and Berlin universities, Dilthey was taught by two pupils of Schleiermacher and wrote his doctorate on their mentor’s ethics. After teaching at the University of Basel (fr. 1867), Dilthey had the prominent Chair of Philosophy at the

Cf. Wang, Q. (2009), ‘China: The Chinese Reception of Kierkegaard’, in J. B. Stewart (ed.), Kierkegaard’s International Reception, Tome III , 103–23. As in other essays, Wang provides here a valuable review of Chinese literature on Kierkegaard since the 1980s. Cf. (the sympathetic), Liu, X. (1997), A Kierkegaard Anthology (ET), I. 1f.; Zhao, D. ([2001] 2011), Essentials of Western Contemporary Philosophy (ET), 22–7. Wang also names Kierkegaard’s profile as an ‘internet celebrity’ in China and the current 10-volume translation project of his works. 234 Kierkegaard’s work was better-known in Japan, where the moral philosopher and cultural-intellectual historian Tetsuro Watsuji (Jap.) н⭘オṬ (1889–1960) wrote an introduction to Kierkegaard’s thought (1915). On Kierkegaard’s Japanese reception, Mortensen, F. H. (1996), Kierkegaard Made in Japan. 235 Cf. Kierkegaard, S. (1930), ឲᜱȃଢ⨶ [Either/Or, Selections]. 236 On Kierkegaard’s humour, Oden, T. C. (2004), The Humor of Kierkegaard. 237 Jaques to Duke Senior, As You Like It (1599; publ. 1623), Ac. II, Sc. VII. 233

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University of Berlin (fr. 1882) previously held by Hegel. We will return to Dilthey. For now, we note his rich elaboration of Schleiermacher’s ‘aesthetic’ hermeneutic, and Kierkegaard’s protoexistentialist philosophy, into an influential theory of textual interpretation. His aim was, as he said of Kierkegaard (in lectures on the history of philosophy at the University of Berlin), ‘understanding and assessing life from the standpoint of life itself ’.238 Or, as Andrea Fontana describes Dilthey’s approach: ‘[O]ne must immerse oneself in everyday reality – feel it, touch it, hear it and see it – in order to understand it’ (Kotarba and Fontana 1987: 6). For, to Dilthey – who has Kierkegaard’s capacity to criticize predecessors! – ‘No real blood flows in the veins of the knowing subject constructed by Locke, Hume, and Kant, but rather the diluted extract of reason as a mere activity of thought’ ([1883] 1989: I. 50). ‘In the real-life process’, he explains, ‘willing, feeling, and thinking are only different aspects’ (ibid.).239 Despite the minimal explicit reference to Kierkegaard in Dilthey, clear parallels exist. In both, understanding and interpreting (Germ. Verstehen) ‘life’ – as a psychological, temporal, and sensual phenomenon – are basics for hermeneutics and for the newly crafted ‘art’ of Geisteswissenschaften (human sciences),240 which play a central role in the development of 20th-century philosophy and hermeneutics. As Ilse Bulhof says of Dilthey: ‘Instead of a search for “the truth”, his philosophizing is the critical empirical review of the life of the past and of his own time’ (1980: 90). Paradoxically, then, we see Kierkegaard’s proto-existentialism reflected in Dilthey’s skilful midwifery of modern ‘relativism’. Filters on what can and cannot be known of ‘truth’ and spoken of ‘truthfully’ affect everyone who reads the Analects and Gospels in China and the West. We ‘read backwards carefully’ conscientized to Kierkegaard’s role, mediated through Dilthey, in determining the ethos of this modern hermeneutic. Nietzsche, Marx, Truth and Lies Before looking at truth and truthfulness in the text of the Analects and Gospels, we turn in this final part to the brooding early ‘Modernism’ of the German philosopher, cultural critic, Professor of Classical Philology at the University of Basel (fr. 1869), independent scholar, and, later, sad invalid, Friedrich Nietzsche (1844–1900).241 We might say much of him, of his impact on Western thought, and of his subsequent role in China, but must again follow van Gogh’s counsel and exaggerate the essentials. As we have seen, a major shift in intellectual consciousness occurs c. 1870. Nietzsche is twentysix and newly appointed to a Chair in Basel. He became besotted with Schopenhauer’s The World as Will and Representation five years earlier (1865), and first met Wagner three years later (1868). On the relation between Kierkegaard and Dilthey, Basso, E. (2012), ‘Wilhelm Dilthey: Kierkegaard’s Influence on Dilthey’s Work’, in J. B. Stewart (ed.), Kierkegaard’s Influence on Philosophy, Tome 1, 85–104. 239 Cf. p. 8f. for Dilthey’s approach to ‘human experience’; also, Chung, P. S. (2012), The Hermeneutical Self, 38f. On Dilthey and hermeneutics generally, Palmer, R. E. (1969), Hermeneutics, 98–124. 240 N.B. contra rational, empirical, Naturwissenschaften (natural sciences). On this, Palmer, Hermeneutics, 98f.; Ermath, M. (1978), Wilhelm Dilthey: The Critique of Historical Reason; Rickman, H. P. (1979), Wilhelm Dilthey, Pioneer of the Human Studies. 241 On Nietzsche and ‘anticipations of Modernism’, Rignall, J. (2011), George Eliot, European Novelist, Ch. 10. On the origins of Modernism, Everdell, W. (1998), The First Moderns, and Chapter 7 below. On Nietzsche, Bishop, P. ed. (2004), Nietzsche and Antiquity; Deleuze, G. (2006), Nietzsche and Philosophy; Green, M. S. (2002), Nietzsche and the Transcendental Tradition; Hayman, R. (1980), Nietzsche: A Critical Life; Hollingdale, R. J. (1999), Nietzsche: The Man and his Philosophy; Köhler, J. (1998), Nietzsche & Wagner: A Lesson in Subjugation; —(2002), Zarathustra’s Secret; Löwith, K. (1964), From Hegel To Nietzsche; Safranski, R. ([2000] 2003), Nietzsche; Van Tongeren, P. J. M. (2000), Reinterpreting Modern Culture. 238

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His major life’s work still lies ahead. It is often observed that between the late 19th and mid-20th century three major types of Western thought are woven into China’s emergent Marxist-Maoist national psyche by leading intellectuals: i. the socio-political radicalism of Rousseau, Montesquieu and the French Enlightenment; ii. the scientific evolutionism of Darwin and Huxley, and the ‘social Darwinism’ it spawned; and, iii. the anarchism of individuals, such as the pioneer Russian activist Mikhail Bakunin (1814–76) and the German intellectual Max Stirner (1806–56), whose influential Der Einzige und sein Eigentum (1846, The Individual and Their Own) and other works are acknowledged harbingers of later existentialism, nihilism, personal anarchism, psycho-analysis and postmodernism. With each of these three strands Nietzsche is inseparably connected. More than that, his life and work are indelibly etched on global culture and literature. We study him here, first, in relation to Eliot and Wagner – with whom his life and work are linked; then, in light of his own intellectual development; and, finally, in relation to Engels, Marx and 20th-century China. The story of Nietzsche is, like Jesus and Confucius, a heuristic ‘Classic’. We visit Jesus and Confucius today with the sense that Nietzsche has been there before and left dirty footprints, like old varnish, that are hard to clear. Dying before many of Nietzsche’s works were available,242 Eliot had no time, or right of reply to his censure of ‘little bluestockings’ and claim that she was – along with other cultural and biological failings – intellectually ‘inconsistent’. As one of his last major works, Götzendämmerung (1889, Twilight of the Idols), states: G. Eliot. They are rid of the Christian God and now believe all the more firmly that they must cling to Christian morality. That is an English consistency; we do not wish to hold it against little moralistic females à la Eliot. In England one must rehabilitate oneself after every little emancipation from theology by showing in a veritably awe-inspiring manner what a moral fanatic one is. That is the penance they pay there. —[1889] 1976: 515f.243 Nietzsche’s sexism is as reprehensible as his failure to see Eliot’s intellectual acuity, and identification of issues he, too, addresses. As Eliot’s biographer Frederick Karl notes, though different in style and culture, Eliot and Nietzsche ask similar questions; and, ‘while her answers are wildly distinct from his’, she was ‘the voice of England in the nineteenth century as much as he expressed the inner, potentially explosive voice of Germany’ (1995: xiii). This allusion to nationalism suggests Nietzsche’s view of China; for, though China came to love Nietzsche, he did not choose to reciprocate.

Cf. most of Nietzsche’s works prior to Eliot’s death in 1880 address classical philosophical or philological themes – viz. (ETs) The Greek Music Drama (1870), The Greek State (1871), The Birth of Tragedy (1872), On Truth and Lies in a Nonmoral Sense (1873), Philosophy in the Tragic Age of the Greeks (1873), We Philologists (1874, posth.), Untimely Meditations (1876), Human, All Too Human (1878). In terms Eliot would probably have welcomed, Nietzsche’s Unzeitgemässe Betrachtungen (1876, Untimely Meditations) questions the adequacy of empirical knowledge, while his aphoristic Menschliches, Allzumenschliches: Ein Buch für freie Geister (1878: Human, All Too Human, 1908) – on the centenary of Voltaire’s death and at the end of his friendship with Wagner – evokes later themes (including his rejection of orthodox Christian morality). N.B. ‘perspectivism’ and ‘Will to Power’ are also here, as a heuristic to critique religion, philosophy and morality. 243 On debates about ‘god’ and morality in the mid-19th century, Himmelfarb, G. (2007), The Spirit of the Age, 17f. 242

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Eliot might have taken comfort from knowing she was not uniquely targeted. Nietzsche loved writing poison-pen diatribes to discredit popular shibboleths. China, generally, is less prominent in his writings than India and Buddhism;244 but, following Herder and Hegel, in confessedly his ‘most personal’ work, Die fröhliche Wissenschaft ([1882] 1887 2nd edn: The Gay Science, 1974), he denounces it as a country ‘where large-scale discontentment and the capacity for change became extinct centuries ago’ (2001: I. 24. [49]). The Confucian code, which its leaders promote, has destroyed, he says, individuality and joy. In the Twilight of the Idols he is slightly more positive. Confucius is the ‘law-giver’, and an ‘improver of humanity’, comparable with Manu, Plato, Moses, Jesus and Mohammed ([1889] 2008: vii, 5). In a later unpublished note, he is one of the ‘great artists of government’ (Regierungskünstler), who, like Roman Emperors, Popes and Napoleon, wielded mendacious, unethical power that proscribed dissent. Nietzsche writes: ‘Expressed in a formula, one might say: all the means by which one has so far attempted to make mankind moral were through and through immoral’ (ibid.).245 In these ‘great artists of government’, he maintains, ‘[s]piritual enlightenment is an infallible means for making humans unsure, weaker in will’. That is, ‘for developing the herd animal in humans’. He is clear: ‘The self-deception of the masses concerning this point, e.g. in every democracy, is extremely valuable: making humans smaller and more governable is desired as “progress”!’ ([1901] 1968: 129). Seeing passivity as endemic to Europe, Nietzsche warns that this could ‘easily establish’ there ‘Chinese conditions and a Chinese “happiness” ’ ([1882/1887] 2001: I. 24 [49]). Unlike Eliot, in his Ecce Homo (1895) Nietzsche indicts altruism and a culture of ‘sacrifice’, that ‘deprive existence of its great character’, and ‘castrate men and reduce them to the level of desiccated Chinese stagnation’ ([1908] 1967: IV. 4). Though Eliot also disliked China’s threadbare traditionalism, we can imagine her dismissing (as others have) Nietzsche’s conflation of Confucius and Christianity, particularly at the expense of her beloved ‘sympathy’.246 But like Eliot, Nietzsche saw truth and truthfulness as rare, endangered species. In both, we see a passion for truth per se and an impassioned quest to speak truthfully about it. Both warrant ongoing attention: their attentiveness to words and meaning enrich communication. Like Eliot, Wagner was a popularizer of contemporary European philosophy. His relationship to Nietzsche was direct, intense and, finally, embittered.247 Both men suffer as their mutual admiration sours. Antipathy displaces bitter jealousy sometime between 1876 and 1878.248 Nietzsche’s The Case of Wagner: A Musician’s Problem (1888) and Nietzsche contra Wagner: Documents of a Psychologist (1895) try hard to psychologize the breakdown. Wagner is praised for making music of emotion. But, if once revered as an Aeschylus redivivus come to recover German culture, in the N.B. Nietzsche brackets China with Germany and the Jews as ‘priestly peoples’ possessed of ‘similar talents’, in which an immoral exercise of spiritual and moral power prevails ([1887] 1967: I. 16). 245 On Nietzsche and Christianity, Salaquarda, J. (1996), ‘Nietzsche and the Judaeo-Christian tradition’, in B. Magnus and K. M. Higgins (eds), Cambridge Companion to Nietzsche, 91–118. 246 Cf. on this theme the comparative study, Nelson, E. S. (2013), ‘The Question of Resentment in Nietzsche and Confucian Ethics’. 247 Wagner was more than thirty years older than Nietzsche. On their relationship, Köhler, J. (1998), Nietzsche & Wagner; —(2002), Zarathustra’s Secret, ad loc. 248 N.B. Elizabeth Foerster-Nietzsche [1846–1935]: ‘[B]oth through the periods of friendship and apostasy, he (Nietzsche) never succeeded in escaping entirely from Wagner’s influence and his writings are full of allusions, criticisms, comparisons without number’ (1918: 466); also, —The Nietzsche-Wagner Correspondence (1949), which covers the years 1876 to 1878, when the friendship ended. On Nietzsche’s early dissent, Jaspers, K. (1997), Nietzsche, 65f. 244

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end he is likened by Nietzsche to a Minotaur who loves to devour. Once ready to share his ideas and home, Wagner is angered when he and his music are castigated for their sensationalism, insincerity, decadence, pessimism, sensuality and arcane religiosity. Gone is Nietzsche’s sharing of a draft for his lecture ‘Sokrates und der Tragödie’ (February 1870) and the Wagners’ joy in his Die Geburt der Tragödie aus dem Geiste der Musik (1872 [reissued 1886], The Birth of Tragedy from the Spirit of Music), that critics see informing Götterdammerung (Act III). The rupture anticipates – symbolizes, even – the crises that overtake Europe and Nietzsche in the last quarter of the century, to which religion was central. Nietzsche had read Strauss’s Das Leben Jesu when studying in Bonn (1864–5). The book stirred atheist ideas, but he began to see Strauss as slick and silly. The first Unzeitgemässe Betrachtung (1873, Untimely Meditations) attacks Strauss’s Der alte und der neue Glaube: Ein Bekenntnis (1872, The Old and New Faith: A Confession), while his humorous essay ‘David Strauss as Confessor and Writer’ – written in haste to impress the Wagners (April and May 1873) – ridicules Strauss as a ‘Bildungsphilister’ (Lit. cultivated philistine) and careless ‘free thinker’. Religion is also part cause of the breakdown in Nietzsche and Wagner’s relationship. Nietzsche saw his friend’s mid-life conversion to Christianity as insincere, or plain ‘weak’. To Nietzsche, Wagner had been seduced by an old, dangerous and morally inferior philosophy. To him, as we see in a ‘Dionysian Dithyramb’, based on his Thus Spake Zarathustra,249 the privacy, integrity and silent suffering of Dionysian Greeks form a better basis for life, truth, joy and morality than the antiSemitic and joyless ‘myths’ (pace Strauss)250 of the Church’s historic faith and ritual.251 Story is central to Nietzsche’s passionate art. If Wagner sharpened Nietzsche’s anti-Christian pen, he also gave operatic expression to his anti-Christian prose. Though it is fanciful to link Wagner’s essay ‘Beethoven’ (1870) with Christmas conversations in 1869, or to claim Nietzsche imbibed Schopenhauer from Wagner,252 their fraught relationship catalysed ideas, and created a brand of cultural and intellectual material that shape our world. Many readers of the Analects and Gospels in China and the West do so today through the veneer of Wagner and Nietzsche’s sustained study of ‘truth’ and problematizing of ‘truthfulness’. We ‘read backwards carefully’ in light of this: failure to do so distorts. Though Nietzsche’s ideas are fluid, fragmented and elusive, in five key areas he impacts the way we interpret truth and truthfulness in the Analects and Gospels in China and the West today. We look at these in turn before returning to our texts. First, Nietzsche challenged the notion of ‘Absolute Truth’ and the false beliefs based on it. There are, he claimed, ‘no facts, just interpretation’. But truth mattered to Nietzsche. He brought to discussion of it an unwavering ‘perspectivism’ (viz. truth depends on viewpoint)253 and loathing for

249 Cf. Also sprach Zarathustra: Ein Buch für Alle und Keinen ([1883–5] 1883–91: Thus Spoke Zarathustra: A Book for All and None, 1896) is a four-part novel. The work is notable for its parable on the ‘death of God’ and prophecy of the Übermensch (Super/-ior Man), themes which Nietzsche had begun to develop in The Gay Science. 250 N.B. Nietzsche’s view of Strauss is much-debated: cf. Large, D. (2012), ‘Untimely Meditations’, in P. Bishop (ed.), Companion to Friedrich Nietzsche, 86–109; Kaufmann, W. A. (1950), Nietzsche, 111–17; Harris, H. (1973), David Friedrich Strauss and his Theology, 254f.; Pletsch, C. (1991), Young Nietzsche, 166f. For the ‘new perspective’ on the relation between Nietzsche and Strauss, Cooper, I. (2008), ‘Reading beyond Community: D. F. Strauss’s Das Leben Jesu and Nietzsche’s Also sprach Zarathustra’. 251 On Nietzsche, the Jews, and the legacy of his views, Santaniello, W. (1994), Nietzsche, God, and the Jews. 252 On Schopenhauer, Wagner and Nietzsche, Hollinrake, R. (2010), Nietzsche, Wagner and the Philosophy of Pessimism, 49f. 253 N.B. Nietzsche’s ‘perspectivism’ and ‘debunking critique of morality’ (Magnus and Higgins 1996: 32f.).

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prejudice. He abhorred cant and admired consistency.254 His ideas emerge in unpublished essays; notably, ‘Über Wahrheit und Lüge im außermoralischen Sinn’ (1873, On Truth and Lies in a Nonmoral Sense) and ‘Philosophie im tragischen Zeitalter der Griechen’ (fr. 1873, Philosophy in the Tragic Age of the Greeks),255 which he wrote before an Easter visit to the Wagners (1873).256 In ‘On Truth and Lies’ Nietzsche rejects the popular ‘correspondence’ theory of truth (viz. x = y) and the confident conviction that ‘facts’ can be known. In their place, he presents truth as ‘illusion’, or the product of verbal habits and accepted metaphors: What then is truth? A moveable host of metaphors, metonymies, and anthropomorphisms: in short, a sum of human relations which have been poetically and rhetorically intensified, transferred, and embellished, and which, after long usage, seem to a people to be fixed, canonical, and binding. Truths are illusions that have become worn out and have been drained of sensuous force, coins which have lost their embossing and are now considered as metal and no longer as coins. —[1873] 1978: 84 This relativist reduction of truth to social practice and ‘illusion’ laid a foundation for a revision of textual meaning and religious life: both are devalued – if not dismissed – as ‘fraudulent’. The impact of this on the status and interpretation of the Analects and Gospels has been immense. What is said and meant are now problematized in a way, and to a degree, even progressives would have believed untenable a century earlier.257 But, as we see in his essay ‘Philosophy in the Tragic Age of the Greeks’, Nietzsche looked to the pre-Socratics Thales of Miletus (c. 624–c. 546 BCE), Anaximander (c. 610–c. 546 BCE), Heraclitus (c. 535–c. 475 BCE), Parmenides (fl. late 6th or early 5th century BCE) and Anaxagoras (c. 510–428 BCE), for a pre-Christian view of life and morality, not based on a Platonic sense of ‘ideal forms’, pure ideas, or the ‘highest good’ as ‘correspondence with truth’. Instead, he praised the ‘human, all too human’ truth found in the fluid reality and nihilistic pessimism of Greek tragedy; where death is not conquered by ‘hope’ (pace Christianity) but embraced (as in the tragic heroism of Apollo) in the ‘ever-living fire’, and ebb and flow of life (as with Heraclitus and Dionysus).258 If, to Plato, flux meant flawed, to Nietzsche change aroused humanity’s aesthetic moral consciousness. To him, truth is not ‘given’ but created in the life-process.

Nietzsche accused Eliot, Feuerbach and Mill of inconsistency in their ‘determinist’ worldview, claiming their putative ‘scientific’ outlook contradicted their continuing adherence to the ‘essence’ and morality of Christianity. But he was equally critical of empiricism per se, damning contemporary confidence in nature’s predictability and in humanity’s perfectibility (Schnauder 2009: 53). 255 N.B. the value of these works and their place in Nietzsche’s corpus is debated. To Heidegger and modern literary theorists, they provide perspectives on truth through ‘metaphor’ and ‘rhetoric’ (Magnus and Higgins 1990: 30). To Nietzsche scholar Maudemarie Clark, however, they are Nietzsche ‘juvenilia’ that illuminate his early life (1990: 65). Both perspectives have merit. N.B. to Clark, Nietzsche’s rejection of ‘truth’ per se is revisited in later life. ‘Epistemological leftists’, ‘radicals’, and ‘non-traditionalists’ (viz. Derrida, Paul de Man [1919–83] and Sarah Kofman [1934–94]) are, Clark argues, wrong to see Nietzsche as just anti ‘truth’ and pro ‘indeterminacy’, or utilizing ‘mere’ language games and metaphor. 256 N.B. he left the MS when Wagner commended Strauss (Magnus and Higgins, 30). 257 On Nietzsche, in the dusk of the Enlightenment and dawn of postmodernism, Green, G. (2004), Theology, Hermeneutics, and Imagination, 136f. 258 On Nietzsche’s opposing of Dionysus and ‘the Crucified one’ as instruments and interpreters of ‘life’, Irwin, J. T. (2011), ‘Nietzsche and the Return of the Old Gods’, in Hart Crane’s Poetry, §16. 254

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There is much of Schopenhauer’s ‘Will’ and Wagner’s mythic ‘drama’ here, and the sense he shared with Nietzsche (and Eliot) of music’s unique ability to comprehend meaning. To Nietzsche, the rediscovery of the mystery of life’s ‘eternal recurrence’, in the Dionysian myth of the Apollonian ‘self ’ overcome by death, finally countered Christianity’s febrile claim to ‘Absolute Truth’ in Jesus.259 Second, Nietzsche interprets truth morally and aesthetically through ‘will’ and ‘power’.260 In The Birth of Tragedy from the Spirit of Music ([1872] 1886) he denies truth is limited to ‘theoretical man’ and language is a transparent medium. Instead, he advances a non-instrumental, nonreferential, view of truth and language. Truth is to be known through aesthetic ‘figures’ and the deceptive mechanism of ‘power’. It is located, as in Kierkegaard, in a maelstrom of subjectivity, and in rhetoric, politics and power, where a plurality of perspectives is both plausible and just. Nietzsche read Schopenhauer in 1865. He then imbibed German philosopher-sociologist, Friedrich Lange’s (1828–75) Geschichte der Materialismus (1865, History of Materialism), and Ragusan theologian,261 and proto- ‘atomic’ physicist-astronomer Roger Boscovich’s (1711–87) Theoria Philosophia Naturalis (1758, A Theory of Natural Philosophy). These helped to fashion Nietzsche’s ‘Will to Power’ (Germ. der Wille zur Macht). Contra later politically and ideologically motivated readings of Nietzsche – as we see from the first references to ‘Will to Power’ in Part III of Allzumenschliches: Ein Buch für freie Geister (1878, Human, All Too Human: A Book for Free Spirits), and ‘Der Wanderer und sein Schatten’ (1880, The Wanderer and his Shadow) – Nietzsche sees ‘Macht’ as the drive to fight life, self, or any ‘force’ opposing self-fulfilment.262 In what some view as the ‘social Darwinism’ of his Morgenröte – Gedanken über die moralischen Vorurteile (1881, Daybreak – Thoughts on the Prejudices of Morality), The Gay Science (fr. 1882), Thus Spake Zarathustra (1883), and Jenseits von Gut und Böse: Vorspiel einer Philosophie der Zukunft (1886, Beyond Good and Evil: Prelude to a Philosophy of the Future) – ‘truth’ is strong opinion, or action of a violent will. In Über Wahrheit und Lüge im aussermoralischen Sinne ([1873] 1896, On Truth and Lies in a Nonmoral Sense), the ‘rational man’ (qua scientist) is subject to ‘terrible powers’ that ‘oppose scientific “truth” with completely different kinds of “truths” (Germ. ganz anders geartete ‘Wahreiten’) which bear on their shields the most varied sort of emblems’ (17, 35; q. Clemente and Cocchiara 2018: 38).263 In contrast, the ‘intuitive man’ – described as artistic, aesthetic, unsystematic and sceptical – is free to feel and question. Hence: ‘I mistrust all systematic thinkers and avoid them. The will to a system is a lack of integrity’ ([1889] 1976: I. 26). And, again: ‘Considered as an unconditional duty, truth stands in a hostile and destructive relationship to the world . . . There can be neither society nor culture without untruth. Everything which is good and beautiful depends upon illusion: truth kills – it even kills itself (insofar as it realizes that error is its foundation)’ ([1873] 1896: KSA 7.623). Contra van Gogh’s aesthetic quest for constructive self-understanding, Nietzsche pursued truth through deliberately destructive self-criticism.264 As

On Nietzsche’s critique of Christianity and his respect for Jesus, below p. 322. For an overview, Michels, S. (2004), ‘Nietzsche on Truth and the Will’. 261 Ragusa = modern Croatia. 262 For a comparative study of Nietzsche and classical Chinese philosophy, Ames, R. T. (1991), ‘Nietzsche’s “Will to Power” and Chinese “Virtuality” (de)’, in G. Parkes (ed.), Nietzsche and Asian Thought, 130–50. 263 On this reinterpretation of ‘truth’ (N.B. not its rejection), Klein, W. (1997), Nietzsche and the Promise of Philosophy, 79f. 264 On Nietzsche and van Gogh (both of whom succumb to madness), Hans, J. S. (1992), Contextual Authority and Aesthetic Truth, 124f. For a link between van Gogh’s ‘Starry Night’ and Nietzsche’s ‘ever-living fire’, Kaplama, E. (2013), Cosmological Aesthetics through the Kantian Sublime and Nietzschean Dionysian. 259 260

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such, he subverts the twin pillars of the modern episteme: ‘foundational truth’ and ‘the priority of the rational subject’.265 The ‘Will to Power’ is active in an ongoing ‘revaluation of all values’ (viz. an ‘eternal recurrence’). This is the metaphysical core of his nihilist philosophy. As we will see, later disciples have owned and applied this to society, texts, politics and religion. The effects on Confucianism and Christianity have been immense: truth is judged now on its will to exercise power – and, conversely, on its perceived failure to do so. In this, morality becomes a matter of efficacy not of integrity. Thirdly, in light of this, Nietzsche rejected the normative claims for truth and morality in Christianity and Confucianism. He is consumed by the question, ‘What really is it in us that wants “the truth”?’ In the self-critical (retitled) third edition of The Birth of Tragedy, or Hellenism or Pessimism (1886) he rejects Schopenhauer’s sympathetic, but pessimistic moralism, and says ‘crosscentred’ Christianity means ‘a hatred for the “world”, a curse on the affective urges, a fear of beauty and sensuality, and a yearning for extinction’ (Preface, 11; [1908] 2004: 49f.).266 It is, ‘a sign of profound sickness, moroseness, exhaustion, biological etiolation’ ([1887a] 1956: 11). In two works from 1888 (that is, prior to his mental collapse) – Der Antichrist (1895, The Antichrist or The Anti-Christian) and Ecce Homo: Wie man wird, was man ist (1908a, Ecce Homo: How One Becomes What One Is)267 – he attacks Christianity’s sublation of truth to power. In particular, he denounces its ‘weak’ commendation of charity and sympathy, and wilful devaluing of the strong and powerful, including the idealized Übermensch. Here, as in Thus Spake Zarathustra, where he first describes an Übermensch (who dominates and embodies earthly existence), Nietzsche inverts a traditional view of ‘good’ and ‘evil’ and confronts what he sees as the other-worldly ‘escapism’ of Christian theism. That value-system and its ‘God’ are ‘dead’ to him. His optimistic alternative to nihilistic amorality is the Dionysian Übermensch, who offers new, joyful, ‘worldly’ values.268 Nietzsche claims that this agent, truth and world – not the Christian God – can re-order life. This alternative faith-claim has attracted many followers in China and the West. Like Eliot, it still asks searching existential, moral, theological and psychological questions. We can take this further. In The Antichrist, Nietzsche encourages questioning. Christianity is for him the ‘Antichrist’ of Western culture, for nurturing a spiritual and moral ‘slave mentality’.269 It is also morally ‘decadent’ in teaching a fictional ‘god’ – ‘the low-water mark in the descending development of divine types’ – who contends ‘against life, against nature, against the will to live’, and who is, a ‘formula for every slander against “this world”, for every lie about the “beyond”!’ ([1895] 1954: 585f., A. 18).270 To Nietzsche, ‘pure spirit is pure lie’ (ibid., 575, A. 8) in not facing ‘life’. Priests and theologians turn ‘truth on its head’, teaching irrational ‘nothingness and negation’. Cf. also, Ward, S. C. (1996), Reconfiguring Truth, 18f. On Nietzsche’s affirmation of power, aesthetics and play as preferable to the ‘poisonous effects of ethics on modern mentality’, Spariosu, M. (1989), Dionysus Reborn, 81f. On the relation between Nietzsche’s inversion of ethics and rejection of Christianity, Wood, R. E. (1999), Placing Aesthetics, 206f. 267 On the epistemology and morality of The Antichrist, as they relate to Nietzsche’s view of the ‘strong’, ‘weak’, and ‘truth’, Glenn, P. E. (2004), ‘The Politics of Truth: Power in Nietzsche’s Epistemology’. 268 On Nietzsche’s Dionysian vision of humanity’s primal ‘dissolution’ as the paradoxical path to self-individuation, Dollimore, J. (1998), Death, Desire, and Loss in Western Culture, 236f. 269 On Nietzsche’s view of the ‘slave mentality’, Deleuze, Nietzsche and Philosophy, x; Hunt, L. H. (2005), Nietzsche and the Origin of Virtue, 12f. 270 On Bonhoeffer’s response to this repudiation of Christianity as a source of ‘life’, Frick, P. ed. (2008), Bonhoeffer’s Intellectual Formation, 191f. 265 266

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They invent ‘sin’, to empower the sacerdotium and to eviscerate science (ibid.).271 The Church embodies ‘morbid barbarism’ – a ‘form of mortal hostility to all integrity, to all loftiness of soul, to all discipline of spirit, to all open-hearted and benevolent humanity’ (ibid., 589, A. 37). In the face of what Nietzsche describes as the ‘ghastly absurdity of existence’ ([1887b] 1967: 51.107), Confucianism is also proscribed as a ‘religion of priests’ that imposes truth and morality through lies. But Nietzsche sees Jesus – definitely not Paul or the Church and its ‘great lie of personal immortality’ ([1895] 1954: 618, A. 43) – as the one ‘true’ Christian, the exemplary Redeemer, whose inner being is pure and free of resentment, his life full of integrity, courage and strength. Comparing Christianity with Judaism, Islam, Buddhism and Hinduism, Nietzsche concludes: ‘In Christianity, as the art of holy lying, the whole of Judaism . . . attains its ultimate perfection’ (ibid., 618f., A. 44). Nazism saw Nietzsche as a nationalistic anti-Semite.272 His professed innocence, consistency and humility (!) balance an unself-conscious criticism of other races and religions. In Ecce Homo, the last book he wrote before going mad, we find, as Kaufmann claims, Nietzsche’s own perspective on ‘his development, his works, and his significance’ ([1908b] 1967: 201). Throughout, the tone is predictably sardonic, the style hyperbolic. The last chapter, ‘Why I Am A Destiny’ repeats criticisms of Christianity in The Antichrist, but he now signs off, ‘Dionysius versus the Crucified’. To Nietzsche, right to the end, truth and truthfulness are defined by finite humans not an infinite God, or his earthly stooges. We read the Analects and Gospels today ‘on the far side’ of his proud, bitter, inherently violent claims. Fourth, Nietzsche takes and applies Marx and Engels’s political philosophies. To understand this, a few initial remarks on Marx. We have mentioned Marx before. His relationship to Kant is key. This has attracted considerable scholarly attention.273 As Philip Kain has shown,274 the young Marx draws on Kant’s view of ‘autonomy’ and ‘freedom’ in his Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844.275 He shares Kant’s ‘revolutionary’ predisposition (Howard [1985] 1993: 207) and honouring of humanity as an ‘end’ in itself. In time, Marx ‘collectivises’ and ‘historicizes’ Kant.276 He accepts humans have an ability to act ‘in accordance with the standard of every species’ and know ‘how to apply everywhere the inherent standard’ to phenomena (Marx and Engels 1975–2004: III. 276f.). But, if Kant is pessimistic about attaining ‘our own perfection’, in later life Marx is optimistic and political.277 Perfection is achievable Sittlichkeit (here and now).278 Humanity’s ‘final aim and end’ is

On the epistemological digression in The Antichrist, where Nietzsche claims the (politically and socially) ‘strong’ and ‘weak’ interpret ‘truth’ differently, Glenn, P. E. (2004), ‘The Politics of Truth’. 272 On these two themes, and a discussion of Nietzsche’s view of the ‘Master race’, Kaufmann, Nietzsche, 297f. 273 Cf. Wayne, M. (2014), Red Kant; also, on Marx and Kant, Cohen, M. (1994), The Wager of Lucien Goldmann; Thomas, K. ed. (1997), German Philosophers, 119f.; Kouvelakis, S. (2003), Philosophy and Revolution, ad loc. 274 Cf. Kain, P. J. (1986), ‘The Young Marx and Kantian Ethics’; —(1988), Marx and Ethics. Kain cross-examines attention focused historically less on Kant’s influence on Marx than on Aristotle’s (e.g. McCarthy, G. E. ed. [1992], Marx and Aristotle). 275 N.B. Marx’s link (via Feuerbach’s concept of ‘essence’) with the universality of Kant’s ‘categorical imperative’ (Churchich 1994: 130). Engels also voiced a debt to Kant: ‘We German socialists are proud that we trace our descent not only from Saint Simon, Fourier, and Owen, but also from Kant, Fichte, and Hegel’ (q. Riazanov 1927: 45). 276 On Kantian ethics and Hegelian dialectic, Howard, D. ([1985] 1993), From Marx to Kant; Van der Linden, H. (1988), Kantian Ethics and Socialism; Booth, W. J. (1986), Interpreting the World; Yovel, Y. (1980), Kant and the Philosophy of History. 277 Marx agreed with Schiller that human fallibility was only temporary. On Schiller, p. 197, 198, n. 74, 207, 240, 382. 278 On this Hegelian term – rooted in the ‘is’ of human habit not ‘ought’ of divine or human law – Kain, Marx and Ethics, 186. 271

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not, then, individual Kantian ‘happiness’,279 but corporate freedom and self-realization through societal change ([1844] 2007: 126).280 Marx – and so, too, later Nietzsche – follows Hegel’s critique of Kantian ‘idealist’ abstraction and historical ‘dialectic’ in a socio-political theory of ‘collective consciousness’ (Kain 1986: 277). As Marx maintained, ‘idealism’ does not know ‘real, historical and sensuous activity’ (q. Churchich 1994: 132).281 ‘Practical reason’ needs active ‘duty’ not illusory dreams. If the institutional and psychological caste of Kant’s Foundations of the Metaphysics of Morals (1785) and Critique of Practical Reason (1788) attracted the young Marx (Kain, ibid.), he would later reject these in the Communist Manifesto (1848), where material forces are now seen to hinder human maturation and to exploit the proletariat (Churchich, ibid., 127, 130f.). New mechanisms of wealth, power, and production are needed. From Hegel’s ‘dialectic’ and Fichte’s call to ‘action’,282 Marx forged his weapons for ‘class warfare’. As Engels saw, Marx follows Hegel in framing a socio-political imperative in which culture and mores run in ‘parallel with the evolution of human history’.283 Crucially, Marx created what the Austrian Marxist, jurist, politician and philosopher Max Adler (1873–1937) called a ‘system of sociological knowledge’ (1925: 136), in which ‘the product of causality is at the same time justified from an ethical point of view’ (ibid.).284 So ethics are – like truth in Nietzsche – proven in praxis.285 In later Marxism facts and values are demarcated and morality transmogrified into ideology or critical social theory. As the Soviet politician Andrey Andreyev (1895–1971) observed: ‘[T]he struggle against everything which hinders the cause of communist construction is moral and humane’ (q. Sleeper 1983: 175). It is in this light Lenin co-opted Marx’s description of religion as ‘the opiate of the people’.286 This inductive, humanistic, potentially violent, view of human identity and morality is pre-empted in Nietzsche’s endorsement of Marx’s revisionist ideology and attack on any institution that abuses people and power. To some, the truth and truthfulness of ‘Classic’ texts are (pace Nietzsche) to be judged by their conformity to this sociopolitical ideology. For others, like the sociologist, philosopher, and critical theorist Jürgen Habermas (b. 1929), Marx and Nietzsche create a dynamic, existential hermeneutic that re-envisions reality and reconstructs relations between words and meanings, readers and texts.287 On humanity and society in Marx, Wallimann, I. (1981), Estrangement. Marx’s Conception of Human Nature and the Division of Labor. 280 On the extension of this in the existentialism of Heidegger and Gadamer, p. 330, 357f., 415f., 419f., 470f. 281 Marx is as critical of Hegel as he is of Kantian idealism for seeing the alienation of ‘corporeal man’ (sic) transcended ‘in the thought of morality’ (Churchich, 132). On ‘alienation’, p. 65, 157, 308f., 419, 430, 438, 448, 453, 459, 465f., 490; and, Churchich, N. (1990), Marx and Alienation. 282 Once seen as merely an obtuse, intermediary position between Kant and Hegel, Fichte’s Grundlage der gesammten Wissenschaftslehre (1794, Foundations of the Science of Knowledge) and Grundlagen des Naturrechts nach Prinzipien der Wissenschaftslehre (1797, Foundations of Natural Right) are now accredited with contributing much to contemporary discussion of ‘consciousness’ and subjectivity. 283 N.B. on this argument from Engels’s review of Marx’s (1844b), ‘A Contribution to the Critique of Political economy’ (Das Volk 14 and 16 [6 and 20 August 1859]), Churchich, Marxism and Morality, 132. 284 Cf. also, Cohen, The Wager of Lucien Goldmann, 126f. 285 We should not miss the criticism of ethics here. As Howard Selsam states: ‘It must be constantly borne in mind that Marx and Engels denied that moral ideals, moral considerations, are central in human life and social evolution’ (Lenin 1982: 31.291). 286 The expression appears in the introduction to an unfinished book on philosophical criticism Marx wrote in 1843. The statement gained notoriety when the Soviet leader Vladimir Lenin (1870–1924) used it to justify communist atheism. Marx’s view on religion is unclear. In context, his words are poetic and not unsympathetic in tone: ‘Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world and the soul of soulless conditions. It is the opium of the people’ (1844b: Introduction). 287 On Habermas, p. 479f. 279

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As the last point suggests, Nietzsche’s ‘reception’ has been both extensive and diverse.288 To some, he is a post-religious prophet, to others an agent provocateur. Since his death on 25 August 1900 – just under three years after Legge – Nietzsche has been (justly and unjustly) linked to anarchism, fascism, Zionism, anti-Semitism, eugenics, psychology and hermeneutics. To Heidegger in the 1930s, everyone was either ‘for’ or ‘against’ Nietzsche.289 So, too, in 1937, one of his leading interpreters, the French socialist intellectual Georges Bataille (1897–1962), denied Nietzsche’s writings had had a consistent ideological impact.290 In Germany, through both World Wars, some venerated his Übermensch, others vilified his socially subversive atheism. In France and America, anarchists and academics read Nietzsche as readily, it seems, as Presidents (e.g. Roosevelt, De Gaulle and Nixon). The Italian fascist leader Benito Mussolini (1883–1945) was a devotee, while Buber called him a ‘creator’, ‘thought poet’, and ‘emissary of life’ (q. Walters 2003: 25; Golomb 1997: 234f.). However he is finally assessed, Nietzsche holds a central place in the 20th century’s move towards postmodernity, in which ‘truth’ is (at most) a fragmented, personal, relative reality (or, just an illusion) and ‘redemption’ is a matter of self-actualization. A Nietzschean ‘hermeneutic of suspicion’ now hangs over the Analects and Gospels: so, text, truth, reader, meaning, truthfulness and intention, are all now rendered suspect. We read in the shadow of Nietzsche’s dark stories and bitter invective against traditional beliefs. What then, finally, of Nietzsche’s ‘reception’ in China? Much has been said of late about Nietzsche and Asian thought.291 Leaders of the May 4th ‘New Culture Movement’ – especially Lu Xun 冟䗵 (1881–1936) and Li Shicen ᵾ⸣዁ (1892–1934) – identified with Nietzsche’s radical ideas and rebellious iconoclasm.292 They warrant attention. In different ways, they purchase, repackage, and import Nietzsche into China. In both, storied, practical, philosophical truth occupies a central place. We have seen Lu’s role in popularizing Kierkegaard. He is one of China’s leading literary figures. ¯ e (b. 1935) describes him as, ‘The greatest writer Asia produced in the Nobel Laureate Kenzaburo ¯O twentieth century.’ Lu’s writings first appeared in English in 1926.293 Scion of a family of Confucian officials, his life and work were filled with his grandfather’s disgrace, abject poverty, political corruption, Western literature294 and China’s social decay. Uneasy with the political optimism and the social pessimism of peers, like Dickens Lu wrote realist stories that ‘tell the truth’ about China

On Nietzsche’s legacy, Woodward, A. (2011), Interpreting Nietzsche. Aware of Heidegger’s remark, Alan Schrift notes wryly: ‘[T]he gesture of setting up “Nietzsche” as a battlefield on which to take one’s stand against or to enter into competition with the ideas of one’s intellectual predecessors or rivals has happened quite frequently in the twentieth century’ (2000: 184f.). 290 Cf. Bataille, G. ([1945] 2004), On Nietzsche; also, Richardson, M. (1994), Georges Bataille, 35f. 291 In light of extensive Western interpretation and reception of Nietzsche, Graham Parkes’s anthology of essays Nietzsche and Asian Thought (1991) was as ‘an initial contribution towards redressing [the] imbalance’ (6). An edition of The Journal of Nietzsche Studies (2004) provides a critical addition to Parkes’s work. For informed E-W cultural and philosophical dialogue, e.g. Shao, L. (1999), Nietzsche in China. 292 On these, and Chinese interest in Nietzsche, Kelly, D. A. (1991), ‘The Highest Chinadom: Nietzsche and the Chinese Mind, 1907–1989’, in G. Parkes (ed.), Nietzsche and Asian Thought, 151–76. N.B. in Japan, early advocates of Nietzsche’s ideas had generally not had a classical Confucian education (Parkes, 199. n. 37). 293 Cf. Lu, X. (1926), The True Story of Ah Q; also, the anthology (with seven of Lu’s stories and a biography), Snow, E. and N. Wales, eds (1936), Living China. On Lu, translation and Shanghai publications, Shen, S. (2009), Cosmopolitan Publics, 107f. 294 In his youth, Lu read Huxley, Mill, Scott’s Ivanhoe (1819), Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin (1852; above p. 277), and French author Jules Verne’s (1828–1905) Twenty Thousand Leagues under the Sea ([1870] 1872) and From the Earth to the Moon ([1865] 1877). 288 289

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FIGURE 13: Lu Xun 冟䗵 [the pen name of Zhou Shuren ઘ⁩Ӫ] (25 September 1881–19 October 1936).

and embody his clear vision for its comprehensive renewal.295 The Confucian Classics are central to his critique of China’s failure to ‘modernize’. His last novel, ‘Divorce’ (1925), ignited a political firestorm.296 Lu hid from public view. The remainder of his life he engaged in shadowy ‘pen warfare’ for ‘Leftist’ causes. His final message to his son’s guardians conveys his terminal anguish: ‘On no account let him become a good-for-nothing writer or artist’ ([adap.] 1985: IV. 314). Truth had cost Lu much – perhaps, it seems, too much. Lu’s view of Nietzsche is fascinating: his resultant view of truth is important. Lu idolized Nietzsche – some say he never ‘recovered’ from seeing Japan’s devotion when he studied there (1902–6) – and felt ‘chosen’ to bring him to China. His views were in other respects idiosyncratic. To Leonardo Arena, he is drawn to Nietzschean philosophy but repelled by its ‘excess’ in style and content (2012). He fashions his own ‘Gentle’ Chinese Nietzsche (Zhang, Z., 2001)297 – ‘sans Nachlass’, Kaufmann says – without the strident ‘Will to Power’ of his sister’s edition of his works.

On this, Xu, J. (1999), ‘The Will to the Transaesthetic: The Truth Content of Lu Xun’s Fiction’. N.B. Lu’s stories ‘Diary of a Madman’ (1918, ET) – inspired by Russian novelist Nicolai Gogol (1809–52) – and ‘Leaving the Pass’ (1935, ET) criticize Confucius’s tetchy personality and feudalist philosophy. 296 On Lu Xun’s writing, Lee, L. O-F. (1983), ‘Literary Trends I: the quest for modernity, 1895–1927’, in J. K. Fairbank and D. C. Twitchett (eds), Cambridge History of China: Vol. 12, Part I. 483f. For material in English on the ‘May 4th Movement’ and the context of Lu’s writing, Brière, O. (1956), Fifty Years of Chinese Philosophy; Chow, T-t. (1960), The May Fourth movement; Furth, C. ed. (1976), The Limits of Change; Lin, Y-s. (1963), The Crisis of Chinese Consciousness. 297 Cf. also, Von Kowallis, J. E. (2005), Review: ‘Zhaoyi Zhang/ Chiu-yee Cheung, Lu Xun: the Chinese “Gentle” Nietzsche’. 295

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Lu quotes Nietzsche first in 1907 (and directly and indirectly throughout his life),298 and then translated the ‘Prologue’ (June 1920) and text of Thus Spake Zarathustra [ሏ᣹െᯟᘂ᣹Ⲵᒿ䀰 Chalatusitela de xuyan (September 1920)].299 His short stories are full of Nietzschean themes. With Byronic zeal and creativity, Lu connects truth with self-knowledge: this is, for him, the way to know others and change society. Some in the CCP criticized his individualism. Mao praised him as a ‘saint of modern China’ and the ‘commander of China’s cultural revolution’.300 Lu’s early death in 1936, and Mao’s good opinion, secured Lu’s legacy. Though a ‘forbidden area’ in the 1980s – according to the Nobel Laureate Gao Xingjian (b. 1940) for reflecting Nietzsche’s ‘bloated’ self301 – China’s youth and intellectuals embraced Nietzschean talk of ‘re-evaluating values’, a ‘slave’ and ‘master mentality’, the Übermensch and ‘death’ of God. Lu skilfully transformed Nietzsche into the axe that felled the old Confucian tree (blamed by many for stunting China’s growth to ‘modernity’).302 As scholars have registered, Lu promotes Nietzsche’s attitude to hope (Weigelin-Schwiedzik), individualism (Krebsová), revolution (Gálik) and the role of ‘common perspectives’ (Semanov), the Übermensch (Pozdneeva) and a form of ‘social/spiritual Darwinism’ (Chinnery), which have inspired China’s socio-political and cultural renaissance.303 His impact on the way Chinese interpret issues of truth and truthfulness is clear. This affects how these themes are read and evaluated in the Analects and Gospels. There is one further point to make about the Chinese reception of Nietzsche. Irene Eber cites Lu’s work on Nietzsche as an instance of literature afforded new life through ‘global reception’.304 We saw above Yang Huilin’s praise for Legge. Eber, likewise, sees in Lu’s relation to Nietzsche – in whom, note, the ‘foreign’ is pivotal for ‘perspectivism’ (Parkes 1991: 9)305 – a fine case of translation enhancing meaning and social relevance. To Froese (echoing Karl Jaspers), a dynamic process of cultural exchange lies ‘at the heart of the development of philosophical tradition itself ’ (2006: 1). In other words, we understand Nietzsche and Lu not in isolation but in relation: we know them

298 Wang Guowei ⦻഻㏝ (1877–1927), who had written on Schopenhauer, wrote (?) 4 articles on Nietzsche, making the first reference to him in China in 1904. Thereafter, between 1915 and 1929 his philosophy is addressed in thirty-nine other articles. This was in addition to translations (from Germ.) of Thus Spake Zarathustra, and (from Eng.) of ‘Of the New Idol’ (Xin ouxiang) and ‘Of the Flies of the Market Place’ (Shichang zhi ying) by Shen Dehong ⊸ᗧ卫 (1896–1981) – better known as Mao Dun 㤵⴮ – in Jiefang yu gaizao (Liberation and Reconstruction) during 1919. 299 Cf. this was published in (ET) New Tide 2, no. 5. 300 On Lu’s ‘reception’ and use of Nietzsche in China, Lee, M. (2002), ‘On Nietzsche and Modern Chinese Literature’; Findeisen, R. F. (1997), ‘The burden of culture: glimpses at the literary reception of Nietzsche in China’. N.B. Shao, L. (1999), Nietzsche in China, which contrasts the response of the reformists Liang Qichao and Wang Guowei’s to Nietzsche. To Liang, he reflects a ‘social Darwinist’ tradition; to Wang, like Buddha and Schopenhauer, Nietzsche interpreted truth in life through suffering. 301 N.B. Gao Xingjian’s (b. 1940) condemnation of Nietzsche in ‘Literature as Testimony: The Search for Truth’ (Wenxue de jianzhcng: Zhenshi de zuiqiu) presented at the Nobel Centenary Symposium in 2001. To Gao, it was a tragedy that ‘the writer Lu Xun was crushed to death by the politician Lu Xun’. 302 At the height of ‘Nietzsche Fever’ (c. 1980–92), an estimated 250+ works (and c. 50 translations of his work) appeared in Chinese. Contra use of Nietzsche to ‘criticize Confucius’, scholars note affinities between Nietzsche and Daoism, e.g. Froese, K. (2006), Nietzsche, Heidegger, and Daoist Thought. 303 On these authors and Western reception of Lu, Eber, I. (1985), ‘The Reception of Lu Xun in Europe and America’, in L. Lee (ed.), Lu Xun and His Legacy, 242–74. On Lu’s ‘evolution’ (1929 to 1979), Pusey, J. R. (1998), Lu Xun & Evolution, esp. 167f., 197f. 304 On this and Eber’s wider contribution, Findeisen, R. D., et al., eds (2009), At Home in Many Worlds, esp. ixf. 305 Cf. on inter-cultural hermeneutics, Scheiffele, E. (1991), ‘Questioning one’s “own” from the perspective of the “foreign” ’, in Parkes, Nietzsche and Asian Thought, 31–47.

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better through the other. They demonstrate the possibility and power of cultural exchange. They impact together how the Classics and Gospels are read globally today. Inter-textual and crosscultural reading are not just helpful, they are essential if the truth of these texts and their formative contexts are to be known. To Yang Huilin, this is part of Legge’s academic achievement and enduring legacy. Li Shicen’s role in mediating and interpreting Nietzsche to China is different, but no less important; indeed, David A. Kelly calls him the ‘most explicit of Chinese “Nietzscheans” ’ (1991: 155f.). Li (also, Li Bangfan ᵾ䛖㰙) rose to prominence as editor of the progressive ‘May 4th’ journals ≁䩨 Min Duo (The People’s Tocsin) and ѝ഻ᮉ㛢䴌䂼 Zhongguo Jiaoyu Zazhi (The Chinese Educational Review). Like Lu, Li was drawn to Western thought and, through Min Duo, introduced thinkers such as Nietzsche, French philosopher Henri-Louis Bergson (1859–1941),306 and Freiberg economist Walter Eucken (1846–1926), to a Chinese readership. Li’s monograph Ӫ⭏ ଢᆨ Rensheng Zhexue (Philosophies of Human Life) and other studies of Western philosophy are still used today. Truth is a central theme in Li’s thought. He sees it as located, in a holistic (Leibnizian) way, not only in the natural and social sciences, but also in spiritual reality, all of which belong to 䙢 ॆ Jinhua (that is, the ‘evolution’, or ‘progressive transformation’, of the cosmos).307 Even Nietzsche’s ‘Superman’ is seen as a symbol, or passing signpost, of human evolution, and not its ultimate end. To Li – whose thought is a philosophical enrichment of Lu Xun’s – access to truth involved (pace Nietzsche) intentional self-realization through confronting the ‘decadence’ of China’s uncritical, cultural conformism. He writes vividly: ‘[F]rom rising to resting, sleeping or eating, all the way to speaking or thinking, only knowing how to follow ancient precedent or established convention, passing the time in vulgar mediocrity, never knowing one has a self until death. This then is invisible decadence’ (1931: 92; q. Parkes 1991: 158). Apart from what David Kelly calls ‘a truth revealing art’ (ibid.) China is, to Li, trapped in lies and will never fulfil its cultural and personal potential. In Nietzschean style Li states: ‘[T]he ineptitude, impotence and pitiable complacency of the Chinese is beyond remedy . . . [They] can only intoxicate themselves with the conceptual illusions of Apollo, not realizing there is the other world of drunken Dionysian joy . . . or that within the world of Dionysius an Apollonian world is again born forth.’ The Chinese must, he says, have ‘an artistic moulding also’ (ibid., 93f.; q. Parkes, ibid.). What is striking here is Li’s endorsement of Nietzsche’s philosophy of life, and the Byronic spirit in which he states ‘primary’ truth as ‘subjective’ truths, accessed by artistic, or aesthetic, experience. Li’s later shift to Marxist ‘materialist dialectics’ compromised his standing as an exponent of cultural renewal through self-realization. Despite this, he and Lu were still invoked to justify Reform Era China’s post-Maoist, neo-Nietzschean, atheistic critique of ‘Absolute Truth’. Christian ‘truth claims’, veracious morality, and ‘correspondence’ theories of ‘truth’ have all suffered collateral damage from Lu and Li’s endorsement of Nietzsche. In this, China and the West are similar. Cross-cultural confusion is part casualty of the terminological doubt and deafening tinnitus of prolonged, post-Nietzschean, philosophical dissonance. Before turning to the texts of the Analects and Gospels, to see how what we have presented from the period 1820 to c. 1890 plays out in what we read today, I want to point-up four intellectual movements in the late 19th century that develop in the 20th century and continue to influence global perception today. In each of them, the categories, character and consequences of truth and On Bergson, p. 331, n. 324, 348, 352, 359f., 361, n. 75, 374, n. 149, 385, n. 226, 394, n. 287, 427, 435, 437. On the difficulty of translating ‘Jinhua’, Tian, C. (2005), Chinese Dialectics: From Yijing to Marxism, 77f.

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truthfulness are re-examined, in some instances, comprehensively re-configured. We ‘read backwards carefully’ in light of the potent impact these four movements have had on our ‘One World’. First, building on the earlier work of philologists, historians, orientalists, and biblical scholars we have noted already, the late 19th and early 20th centuries witness growth and development of textualism, in which words are seen – no, revered – as the referential embodiment of meaning and truth. The close reading of texts, and study of historical and cultural ‘sources’ (Germ. Quellen)308 – and the historic ‘forms’, units, or ‘types’ (viz. poetry, prose, history, legend, myth), within their form and formation (Germ. Formgeschichte)309 – transform sinology and study of the Bible. In China, building on 18th-century studies, early 19th-century philological interpretation of the Confucian Classics (㘳䅹ᆨ kao zheng xue) was revived in the so-called ‘Qian-Jia School’ (Үహᆨ⍮, Qian jia xuepai), or ‘Han School of Studies’ (Hanxue ╒ᆨ).310 This prioritized ‘old text’ sources.311 Most late 19th- and early 20th-century Western sinology is essentially textualist, producing many new translations and commentaries on the text of the Four and Five Books and other Confucian Classics.312 In Germany, the early work of Morrison, Legge, Abel-Rémusat, Kidd, Julien, and Antoine-PierreLouis Bazin (1799–1863) is developed by Wilhelm Schott (1807–89), H. G. C. von der Gabelentz (1840–93), Wilhelm Grube (1855–1908), August Conrady (1864–1925), the German-American Friedrich Hirth (1845–1927), missionary-scholar Richard Wilhelm (1873–1930), Ernest Simon (1893–1981), Walter Liebenthal (1886–1982) and Hellmut Wilhelm (1905–90). In France, Parisian sinology led the way to the end of World War II. To the work of Hervey de Saint-Denys (1823–92) is now added that of Albert de Lacouperie (1844–94), Séraphin Couvreur (1835–1919), Henri Cordier (1849–1925), Édouard Chavannes (1865–1918), Léon Wieger (1856–1933), Marcel Granet (1884–1940), Henri Maspero (1883–1945), Paul Pelliot (1878–1945) and Léopold de Saussure (1866–1925). A similar tradition of ‘textualism’ is evident in biblical studies, where, particularly in Germany, ‘Source Criticism’ and ‘Form Criticism’ are progressively viewed as prerequisites of exegesis and finding (God’s) ‘truth’ in the Bible. The ‘Liberal Protestantism’ that later gestated divergent

308 The German historian Leopold von Ranke (1795–1886; p. 234) played a key role in applying ‘source criticism’ (Germ. Quellenkritik) to historiography. Geschichte der romanischen und germanischen Völker von 1494–1514 (1824, History of the Latin and Teutonic Nations from 1494 to 1514) and Zur Kritik neuerer Geschichtsschreiber (1824, On the Critical Methods of Recent Historians) stressed critical examination of ‘sources’ as the basis for reliable history. Cf. on von Ranke, p. 234. 309 Linked initially to Hermann Gunkel’s (1862–1932) work on ‘types’ of OT Pss. and Wilhelm Wrede’s (1859–1906) exposition of the dogmatic and apologetic intensions of Mk (found in materials used), ‘form criticism’ (and, later, ‘redaction criticism’) rendered the meaning of the Biblical text subordinate to its structure and authors’ intentions. On the history of biblical studies in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Bruce, F. F. ([1977] 1979), ‘The History of New Testament Study’, in I. H. Marshall (ed.), New Testament Interpretation, 21–59; Neill, S. C. and N. T. Wright ([1964] 1988), The Interpretation of the New Testament, 1861–1986; Rogerson, J. (1984), Old Testament Criticism in the Nineteenth Century; Turner, C. H. ([1883] 1926), The Study of the New Testament. 310 Named for reigns when it thrived (and censorship was strong) – viz. the Emperors Qianlong Ү䲶 (1736–96) and Jiaqing హឦ (1796–1820) – the Qian-Jia School (Үహᆨ⍮ Qian-Jia xuepai) focused on ‘old texts’ and traditional interpretation of the Confucian Classics. Rejecting the ‘abstract metaphysical speculation’ (㏃ᆨণ⨶ᆨ Jingxue ji lixue) of the earlier ‘School of Song Teaching’ (ᆻᆨ Songxue), leaders and precursors of the Qian-Jia School – e.g. Huang Zongxi 哳ᇇ㗢 (1610–95), brothers Wan Sida 㩜ᯟབྷ (1633–83) and Wan Sitong 㩜ᯟ਼ (1638–1702), and Yan Ruoqu 䯫㤕⫙ (1636–1704), Hu Wei 㜑⑝ (1633–1714), Mao Qiling ∋ཷ喑 (1623–1716), and esp. Gu Yanwu 亗⚾↖ (1613–82) – held the ‘universal principle’ was accessible not to ‘vain talk’ but ‘plain learning’ (⁨ᆨ puxue). 311 Cf. p. 37, n. 98, 39. 312 N.B. other early and later 20th-century translations of the Analects: Giles, L., The Sayings of Confucius (1907); Lyall, L. A., The Sayings of Confucius (1909); Soothill, W. E., The Analects of Confucius ([1910] 1937); Couvreur, S., Entretiens de Confucius ([1895] 1930); Waley, A., The Analects (1938); Lau, D. C., The Analects (1979). Cf. also, above p. 200f.

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‘dialectical theologies’ in Karl Barth (1886–1968), Emil Brunner (1889–1966), Rudolf Bultmann (1884–1976) and Dietrich Bonhoeffer (1906–45), likewise pursued careful exegesis of the biblical text to secure the ‘true’, sovereign, ‘Word of God’.313 But, as we have seen previously, texts were also buffeted by Romanticism, and behoven in later existentialism to the new priorities of identity and ideology. In time, semantics would become a pillar of truth that is pilloried by linguistic philosophy. Second, alongside textualism, the late 19th century witnesses the growth of various forms of cultural and historical contextualism. Here – as in the hermeneutics of Herder and Schleiermacher – the importance and impact of the original setting and formative culture on a text’s meaning, and thence on interpretation, are prioritized. Claims for the truth and truthfulness of texts – even ‘Classics’ like the Analects and Gospels – are now subject to contextual examination and re-evaluation. Late 18th-century interest in the historicity of texts becomes in the 19th-century wissenschaftlich analysis of a text’s original sitz im leben (Lit. setting in life). In the late 19th and 20th centuries, this quest hardens into a conviction that ‘setting determines meaning’:314 in other words, that interest in a text’s ‘background’ involves an ideological commitment to the personal, cultural, and sociopolitical ‘foreground’ that affect what the text is heard to mean. In contrast to textualism (where words carry meaning), contextualism sees ‘meaning’ lying in authors, settings and readers. It is projected into, or extracted from, texts by individuals and varied communal contexts. It becomes personal, fluid, ambiguous, negotiable, and subject to ideological abuse, or plain personal preference. The contestability of ‘context’ conforms to 19th-century questioning of truth per se and accords with perceptions of truthfulness as questionable in the new ‘hermeneutic of suspicion’.315 ‘Contextualism’ also resonates with the subjectivity of 19th-century literary studies and the growth of various forms of mid-20th-century ‘existentialism’. As we have seen earlier, a reader or writer’s ‘feelings’ (gefühl) or ‘lived experience’ are essential for the ‘Lake Poets’, the ‘Liberal Protestantism’ of Schleiermacher, and the ‘dialectical pessimism’ of Kierkegaard. We will see this again in the radical ecclesiology of Bonhoeffer, in the ‘demythologizing’ existentialism of Bultmann, and in the new semantic pluralism and ‘language games’ of Ludwig Wittgenstein (1889–1951).316 The ‘critical realism’ and ‘epistemological reserve’ we see in nuce in Eliot – and to a degree Wagner – develops into a mid20th-century mindset that assesses texts – including ‘Classic’ texts like the Analects and Gospels – not according to their form or structure, but by the proven truthfulness of their storied expression of life. Privileging a cultural or religious text becomes conditional on its existential adequacy. Thirdly, as noted already, the late 19th century also witnesses an increase in the translation and comparison of cultural and religious sources and resources. In this compulsion to compare we see the seeds of the new science of ‘inter-textualism’ and, more recently, comparativism.317 Historical studies On Barth’s exegesis, by a long-term advocate, Childs, B. S. (1969), ‘Karl Barth as Interpreter of Scripture’, in D. L. Dickerman (ed.), Karl Barth and the Future of Theology, 30–9. Cf. also on Barth, p. 85, n. 157, 239, n. 315, 270, 307, 312, n. 222, 313, n. 226, 329, 420, n. 47, 445, 450, n. 246, 452, n. 271, 453, 457, 461f., 465, n. 334, 466. 314 Cf. Dretske, F. (2000), Perception, Knowledge and Belief; Grice, H. P. (1989), Studies in the Way of Words; Preyer, G. and G. Peter, eds (2005), Contextualism in Philosophy. 315 Cf. p. 310, 324, 349, 471. 316 N.B. Wittgenstein, L. (1953), Philosophical Investigations; —(1969), On Certainty. On the ‘Lake Poets’, p. 210f.; Schleiermacher, p. 194, 209, 233, 237f., 257, 273, 280f., 289, 307, 314f., 357, 463; Kierkegaard, p. 234, 311f., 348, 357, 380, 415f., 419, 422, n. 59, 423, 427, 435, 442, n. 208, 449, 457, n. 282, 458f., 465; Bonhoeffer, p. 56, n. 37, 321, 329, 445, 450, 452f., 461, 465; Bultmann, p. 60, 79, n. 135, 80, n. 141, 329, 461f., 467, n. 352, 472, n. 393; and, Wittgenstein, p. 191, n. 37, 321, 329, 445, 450, 452f., 461, 465. 317 N.B. on the relation between ‘comparativism’ and translation studies, Spavak, G. C. (2009), ‘Rethinking Comparativism’. 313

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inspired the quest to understand religions not in isolation but in relation to other religious traditions. Early study of ‘comparative religion’ is associated with the towering achievement of Max Müller and the Dutch theologian Cornelis P. Tiele (1830–1902), as well as the ‘pragmatist’ thought of the American philosopher and psychologist William James (1842–1910), whose 1902 Gifford lectures, The Varieties of Religious Experience: A Study in Human Nature (1902), represent a milestone in inter-religious dialogue. Pioneering studies of ‘world religions’, prepared the way for the early 20th-century ‘History of Religions’ school of Ernst Troeltsch (1865–1923), the ‘phenomenology’ of Edmund Husserl (1859–1938), the ‘sociology of religion’ of the social-psychologist Émile Durkheim (1858–1917) and political theorist-economist Max Weber (1864–1920).318 Exclusive truth-claims for Christianity and for a biblical view of truthfulness are now subject to critical review in light of competing religious and ‘secular’ traditions. The epistemological reserve and religious relativism of Eliot and Wagner, and their pan-European intellectual coterie, are consummated in Christianity’s 20th-century demise (in the West) and in the rise of Asian (and other) cultural and spiritual alternatives. In ‘comparativism’, the Analects and Gospels are accountable to, and illumined by, texts from other cultural, philosophical, spiritual traditions. Old ‘apologetic’ mechanisms to justify Christian ‘particularity’, and its spiritual and cultural pre-eminence, are now blocked by bold counterclaims. Pilate’s question, ‘What is truth?’ rings loud and long in sceptical, multi-cultural modernity where cultures and ‘Classics’ are equals. Lastly, it is a short step from existential, formal and comparative analysis of texts to their thematic and epistemological deconstruction. The seeds of 20th-century ‘deconstructionism’ are sown in late 19th-century philosophy. The quest for textual meaning ends in denial. Feeling, context and comparison give way to a hermeneutic that privileges doubt, perspective, suspicion and power. Nietzsche’s inversion of ‘good’ and ‘bad’ eviscerated both and rendered ‘relativism’ meaningless. Life and texts, and what’s said of them, become merely provisional, power-based intimations without rational substance or empirical proof (Green 2004: 136f.). Meaning, truth and veracity are now vanishing horizons, or instruments of warfare.319 ‘My truth’ reigns. Through the influential labours of the phenomenologist Edmund Husserl,320 the Swiss linguistic theorist Ferdinand de Saussure (1857–1913), and the American logician C. S. Peirce (1839–1914), words become complex ‘signs’ rich in sound and thought. As we will see, this – alongside Nietzsche’s abiding impact – bears fruit in the work of the German philosopher Martin Heidegger (1889–1976),321 the French ‘structuralist’ Michel Foucault (1926–84) – for whom the study of truth and history are inseparable – Hans-Georg Gadamer (1900–2002), author of the influential study of hermeneutics Wahrheit und Methode (1960, Truth and Method), and of the French philosophical critic of Western ‘logocentrism’, Jacques Derrida (1930–2004), whose postmodern ‘deconstruction’ challenges the possibility of truth and truthfulness.322 Neither the Analects nor the Gospels are immune from ‘critical theory’ in Cf. p. 363, n. 88, 392, 402, n. 309, 457, n. 283. On this, Ward, S. C. (1996), Reconfiguring Truth, esp. 18f. 320 On Husserl, p. 330, 349, n. 6, 352, n. 26, 354f., 373f., 378f., 394, 396, 398, 400, 404, 408, 415f., 421f., 427, 429, n. 126, 435, 438, n. 188, 465f., 467, 478f., 481, n. 459. 321 On Heidegger and Nietzsche, Schrift, A. D. (1990), Nietzsche and the Question of Interpretation, 53f. 322 Cf. below p. 235, n. 304, 269, 319, n. 255, 330, 350, 361f., 382f., 390, n. 261, 420, 439, n. 195, 471f., 475f.; also, Derrida, J. (1988), Éperons: Les Styles de Nietzsche; Mahon, M. (1992), Foucault’s Nietzschean Genealogy; Megill, A. (1985), Prophets of Extremity: Nietzsche, Heidegger, Foucault, Derrida; Michelfelder, D. P. and R. E. Palmer, eds (1989), Dialogue and Deconstruction; Owen, D. ([1994] 1998), Maturity and Modernity; Shapiro, G. (2003), Archaeologies of Vision; Silverman, H. J. ed. (1993), Derrida and Deconstruction; Silverman, H. J. and D. Welton, eds (1988), Postmodernism and Continental Philosophy; Wood, D. ed. (1992), Derrida: A Critical Reader. 318 319

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the social sciences.323 Truth is now scrutinized by Nietzschean perspectivism and truthfulness essayed by existential authenticity. This would have been a bridge too far for Eliot and Wagner – let alone Legge or Dickens, Lin Shu or Lu Xun – for whom words – however poetic, evocative and/ or imprecise – can, and do, tell true stories. But a cross-fertilizing of ideas from ‘deconstructed’ experience creates ‘One World’. We return to these four streams of thought in Chapters 7 and 8. For now, we revert to truth and truthfulness in the texts of the Analects and Gospels. We have re-examined Sino-Western cultural and intellectual relations between 1820 and c. 1900 through the ‘cultural archetype’ of ‘story’. This material illuminates the hermeneutic similarity of China and West. Legge’s crosscultural legacy charges us to own this. Similarity habitually breeds tension. To deny this SinoWestern cultural compatibility risks compromising our intellectual integrity and perpetuating global disharmony.

‘TRUTH’ AND ‘TRUTHFULNESS’ IN THE ANALECTS AND GOSPELS To ‘read backwards carefully’ on the related themes of ‘truth’ and ‘truthfulness’ in the Analects and the Gospels requires we remain sensitive to the intellectual, literary, cultural and political legacy of 19th-century Sino-Western exchange. Legge, Eliot, Dickens, Wagner, Lin Shu and Lu Xun are key exemplars of the cross-cultural interaction and interdisciplinarity of their age. Through them, intellectual traditions they admired were synergized and popularized. Mindful of their abiding legacy, we turn now to close study of the Analects and Gospels. As before, we might say much but exaggerate essentials for the sake of brevity and clarity. The Analects ‘Truth’ as a thing in itself is largely absent from the Analects – as it is, indeed, from the Confucian Classics as a whole. How ‘truth’ and ‘truthfulness’ are presented here does not sit comfortably with Western categories. As Lin Yutang warns: ‘China’s peculiar contribution to philosophy is . . . the distrust of systematic philosophy, which is the hallmark of Western philosophy’ (1978: 13). We must take care here not to project Western expectations on Chinese sources. German linguistic philosopher Hans-Georg Gadamer offers a helpful reminder, though, in Truth and Method – echoing Eliot and Wagner’s epistemology and hermeneutics – that in the ‘human sciences’ (e.g. philosophy, art, games and history)324 we may encounter ‘modes of experience’ where truth ‘cannot be verified by the methodological means proper to science’ ([1960] 1965: xi). What truth is, and does, is different in different contexts. This prepares us to interpret, and evaluate, truth in the Analects not by the criteria of Cartesian empiricism, Kantian idealism, or Western ‘referentialism’ (where x and y correspond), but as a matter of moral practice, or a social or ritual disposition. Hence, in the ‘Rites of Zhou’ (ઘ⿞ Zhouli) truth and truthfulness are not defined in abstracto but

On the neo-Marxist ‘critical theory’ of the 1930s ‘Frankfurt School’, p. 348, 420, 430, n. 130, 445, 450, 453, n. 258, 456, 479. 324 N.B. Gadamer rejects a Cartesian and Enlightenment view of truth as theoretical and rational. Instead, he applies Aristotle and Vico’s concept of phronesis (practical wisdom), Reid’s ‘common sense’, Shaftesbury’s ‘wit’, and Bergson’s ‘creative intuition’, to develop his holistic view of truth. In doing this, he echoes Eliot: ‘The experience of art acknowledges that it cannot present the perfect truth of what it experiences in terms of final knowledge’ ([1960] 1989: 89). 323

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are known and adjudged by action.325 If Gadamer reminds us Western thought can help exegete Chinese philosophy and culture, ‘May 4th Movement’ intellectuals turned Western philosophy against Confucian tradition. As the journalist philosopher Liang Qichao ằஏ䎵 (1873–1929) stated: ‘I love Confucius, but I love truth more’ (q. Yao, X., 2000: 251). Echoing criticism of China’s intellectual, cultural and political stagnation we have seen in Herder, Hegel and Nietzsche, Liang and other ‘May 4th Movement’ writers criticized the Confucian Classics for reinforcing the bifurcation of traditional China and the modern (Western) world. To them, intellectual integration demanded cultural and political adaptation. Political and intellectual debate still rages about the ‘truth/s’ China should, or might, embrace. Much care is needed to address this complex, contested, and now once again contemporary topic. Study of Nietzsche cautions us: politics and power can be oppressive heuristics and so suppress the truth. As we saw in Chapter 1, Confucius is a master in the field of pithy sayings and memorable anecdotes; such, indeed, are the Analects. Story is integral to Confucian moral discourse.326 In the Analects truth is taught by pungent words and exemplary deeds not abstruse philosophy or clever argument. As Nylan indicates, this is the nature of a ‘Classic’ (jing). It arouses in the reader ‘the strong desire to emulate the ethical exemplars of the past’ (2001: 12). Hence, Italo Calvino says of a ‘Classic’ book, it ‘has never finished saying what it has to say’, and ‘every reading is in fact a re-reading’ (2011: Sect. 2.1).327 The brief, parabolic anecdotes of the Analects – when Confucius berates a disciple, indicts an official, describes a ‘fool’, relates an incident, unpacks his mental processes, or any number of other settings – help to make ‘the Master’s’ meaning clear, his message memorable. As in a Shakespeare play, the process both projects and inspires personality and experience, feeling and memory. The ‘cultural archetype’ of ‘story’ also renders the Analects as a global text. We grasp it – or, better, are grasped by it – for its literary power and its intellectual content. Such is the universal, universalizing power of ‘story’. It is not surprising stories feature prominently in Christian-Confucian dialogue:328 they are integral to Confucian and Christian identity, textuality and narrative morality. Stories are also susceptible to interpretation. Modern hermeneutics challenges the old art of reading. Focusing again on terms used in the Analects, in this instance associated with truth and truthfulness, the character xin ؑ is of central importance. It is composed of the radicals for ‘person’, ren Ӫ and for ‘speech’, yan 䀰. This reminds us that truth is semantically linked to words and people: it is, we might say, about being truthful and speaking truthfully. But more can be seen and said of xin in the Analects. It is linked to the life, work and moral motivation, of the junzi. As Analects 15.32 maintains, the junzi ‘devotes his thoughts to attaining the Way (dao), not to obtaining food’:329 he is ‘concerned about the Way . . . not about poverty’ (ibid.). As we have seen, the junzi’s life is orientated to finding and walking the Way, dao. So, his study, love of wisdom, quest for

325 On historical, factual truth in Confucius, in dialogue with contemporary linguistic philosophy, Allinson, R. E. (2009), ‘Rorty Meets Confucius’, in Huang, Y. (ed.), Rorty, Pragmatism, and Confucianism, 129–60. 326 Cf. Olberding, A. (2012), Moral Exemplars in the Analects. 327 Cf. also, Calvino, I. ([1990] 1999), Why Read the ‘Classics’?, 3–10. 328 Cf. p. 200f. 329 M. M. Dawson translates dao as ‘truth’ in A. 15.31/32: ‘The object of the superior man is truth . . . The superior man is anxious lest he should not get truth; he is not anxious lest poverty come upon him.’ (1915: ad loc.) This translation underlines the polarizing character of dao in Confucianism; while at the same time conforming its priorities to Western categories.

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knowledge, and ‘rectification of names’ (zhengming) – in which reality is rightly read and ‘named’ (A. 12.11, 17, 13.3, 14) – are all part of this.330 Seen in this light, xin is a moral and intellectual disposition to connect, interpret and speak about data rightly. Through xin, dao is perceived, engaged and practised. Without purity of mind, the knowing and doing of what is right and true is impossible.331 As Huston Smith has noted, there is ‘a kind of performative’ in Confucian views of truth (1980: 430).332 Truth is done. Or, as Hall and Ames say, truth is ‘speech and deed that effects an intended consequence’ (1987: 57). Truth in classical Confucianism is not, then, as in Western philosophy, a fixed, logical, coherent, ideal, or ‘correspondence’ with fact, reality or value: it is an immanent, personal, social, evolving experience of what is genuine and appropriate. Life is (as in Eliot) a textbook that teaches the art of truth. As we will see, there are similarities here with a holistic, biblical account of truth; but, the relational, temporal, and less metaphysical, character of xin sets it apart from biblical doctrines of divine, transcendent truth and a disciple’s ethical mandate of truthfulness.333 If there is a transcendental aspect to xin, it lies in power to access, and inspire the junzi to pursue, the dao, and so comprehend the Will, and secure the blessing (or Mandate) of Heaven.334 The Analects do not allow truth to be lost in clouds of speculative philosophy and/or argument. Secondly, the Analects connects the practice xin with the pivotal Confucian virtue cheng 䃐, with its connotations of honesty, sincerity, consistency, faithfulness and, possibly, creativity.335 This is a fundamental Confucian category; indeed, Xie Wenyu says: ‘Without an appreciation of cheng Chinese philosophy will always be alien to a Western mind’ (2008: 211). As he explains: ‘Within the framework of Western philosophy, it is almost impossible to perceive the significance of cheng 䃐 as conceived in Chinese minds, and to feel its fundamental power driving Chinese thinking in history’ (ibid.).336 The ‘righteous’ are designated cheng. And, cheng is the active moral goodness that connects ‘Heaven’ and earth, thought and act, reason and emotion, humility and veracity.337 Cheng (qua sincerity) serves to instrumentalize morality and universalize integrity.338 Through the

330 Cf. A. 13.3. for the classic statement of ‘right naming’ for social flourishing: ‘If names are not rectified, speech will not accord with reality . . . The gentleman simply guards against arbitrariness in his speech. That is all there is to it.’ 331 Cf. Daxue 6.2: ‘The superior man must be watchful over himself when alone.’ 332 N.B. on Smith’s article, Ames, R. T. (1988), ‘Confucius and the Ontology of Knowing’, in G. J. Larson and E. Deutsch (eds), Interpreting across Boundaries, 277f. 333 On the modern debate between so-called ‘political Confucianism’ (practical ethics) and ‘mind Confucianism’ (philosophy), Qing, J. (2011), ‘From Mind Confucianism to Political Confucianism’, in R. Fan (ed.), The Renaissance of Confucianism in Contemporary China, 17–35. 334 To look for the ‘truth-claims’ of Confucianism, in a traditional Western sense, is inappropriate. Confucianism does not claim to be a verifiable account of cosmic reality, so much as a practical ethic for a cohesive society and moral life. However, on Christianity and Confucianism as ‘truth-claiming’ systems, Fällman, F. ([2004] 2008), Salvation and Modernity, 67f. 335 N.B. Daxue 6.4: ‘The superior man must make his thoughts sincere’; and, ‘Is it not absolute sincerity which distinguishes a superior man?’ (Zhongyong 13.4). On cheng in the Doctrine of the Mean, Dietz, A. (2010), Original Confucianism, 57f.; Huang, S-c. (1999), Essentials of Neo-Confucianism, 27f. 336 Xie provides a useful survey of the cheng’s changing meaning. On recent use, Fan, R. (2010), Reconstructionist Confucianism, 77f. 337 N.B. the political interpolation of cheng; including, as a feature of the American moral and political philosopher John Rawls’s (1921–2002) encouragement of an ideal of ‘public reason’ as a standard of free inquiry and ‘a moral duty of the democratic citizen’. On this important theme, Tao, J. (2005), ‘Beyond Proceduralism: A Chinese Perspective on Cheng (Sincerity) as a Political Virtue’. 338 On cheng, also, Sim, L. J., SJ, and J. T. Bretzke, SJ (1994), ‘The Notion of Sincerity (cheng) in the Confucian Classics’; An, Y. (2004), ‘Western “sincerity” and Confucian “Cheng” ’.

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dynamic interaction of de (virtue) and xin, it enables truthfulness.339 In light of this holistic moral agent, it is no surprise post-Enlightenment, secular moralism found Confucianism compelling. As we have seen above, here was a philosophy that elevated moral sentiment without appeal to a transcendent God. Like the Russian dissident novelist Alexandr Solzhenitsyn (1918–2008) in the mid-20th century, Confucius urged moral courage. The junzi is to be cheng, and to demonstrate this in courage (yong ࣷ) and diligence (yong gong ⭘࣏). He is to trust his virtuous life will over time transform society. Like Solzhenitsyn, Confucius believed moral truth had incomparable power. If words fail, truthfulness (xin) could and would act in silent, humble, passive witness (wu wei ❑⛪). The opposite is also true. Without cheng, moral compromise and corruption destroy institutions and individuals.340 There are parallels to be found here with the Gospels, even if Confucianism reflects a more consistent confidence in humanity’s ability to learn, discern and practice, what is good, right and true.341 In both traditions, truth creates, and falsehood corrodes, life for all. Thirdly, as noted above, truth is in the Analects, and in the Confucian Classics generally, associated with words. Confucius gives new socio-political power and an educational prominence to speech (yan 䀰). As Lu Xing states in Rhetoric in Ancient China: ‘The conceptualization of yan is Confucius’s invention and creation, and his Analects is the first treatise in Chinese on speech and communication’ (1998: 163).342 Speech is, Lu points out, variously categorized: so, it is virtuous (deyan ᗧ䀰) and trustworthy (xinyan ؑ䀰), upright (weiyan ড䀰) and cautious (shenyan ᝾䀰), and plain correct (yayan 䳵䀰). Veracity is inherent in both zhi 䍘 (character, nature) and zhí ᘇ (will, integrity, uprightness), both deemed essential themes in the education and cultivation of the junzi.343 As Analects 13.3 states: ‘If names are not rectified, speech will not accord with reality, things will not be successfully accomplished . . . That is why the gentleman only applies names that can be properly spoken and assures that what he says can be properly put into action. The gentleman simply guards against arbitrariness in his speech. That is all there is to it.’ Confucius is suspicious of glibness (ning ᬠ) and petty cleverness (xiao zhi ሿᤷ). He mocks these as empty speech, counterfeit goodness and a wanton disregard for detail. The junzi is to be ‘incapable’ of such (A. 15.34). Verbal restraint is of a piece with his criticism of show and commendation of a correspondence between words and realities, rites and duties. He warns: ‘The Lord should not lightly utter his words’ (Ode 338; also, A. 13.3, 21.11, 12.17, 13.14). Words are part of the junzi’s ‘rectification of reality’, his quest for ‘the mean’ (A. 6.29; also, 1.12, 6.18, 13.21, 17.8, 20.1), his diligent acts and pursuit of propriety (li).344 Right words matter. But virtue is also articulate. In Analects 5.10, having observed his eloquent disciple Zai Wo, Confucius says: ‘At first, when evaluating people, I would listen to

An Yanming traces cheng to the fusion of xin ؑ and shi ሖ; so, cheng – as the virtue ‘trustfulness’ (xin ؑ) – combines with ‘cosmic reality’ (shi ሖ) to produce the universal category cheng. Cf. also, An, Y. (2008), The Idea of Cheng. 340 On contrasts in Chinese thought, Western Enlightenment tradition, and modern Anglo-American thinking on motivation, moral weakness (akrasia) and ‘internalism’ or ‘prescriptivism’ (pace Hume), Van Norden, B. ed. (1996a), Ways of Confucianism, 2f., 79f., 91f. On moral weakness in Confucianism and Christianity, Yeo, Musing with Confucius and Paul, 333f. 341 On Confucian confidence in human nature and the problem of moral failure, Yao, X. (2006), Wisdom in Early Confucian and Israelite Traditions, 97f. On Confucian morality in 20th-century China, Lee, F. (1983), Chen Duxiu, Founder of the Chinese Communist Party, 44f.; also, on the political morality of Chinese intellectuals, Tu, W. (1993), Way, Learning and Politics; —(1996), Confucian Traditions in East Asian Modernity. 342 Yan 䀰 is used 116x in the Analects (cf. Yeo 2008: 61f.). 343 On zhí [chih] ᘇ, Taylor and Choy (2005), Encyclopedia of Confucianism, I. 73f. 344 Jesuit exposition of A. 17.6 linked trustworthiness and veracity (Meynard 2015: 510f.). 339

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their words and then simply trust that the corresponding conduct would follow. Now when I evaluate people I listen to their words but then observe closely their conduct.’345 Words and deeds either confirm or contradict each other. In contrast to Eliot and Wagner, who see words as conveyors of feelings and impressions, Confucius is closer to the ‘referential’, and reverential, view of truth and truthfulness in the Bible. Works may convey character, but words are good tools to be used with skill.346 Mindful of 19th-century hermeneutics and the word-centredness of 20th-century philosophy,347 Confucius’s statement at the end of Analects 20.3 is prescient: ‘One who does not understand words lacks the means to evaluate others.’348 Words are both enlightening and empowering in the Analects. Fourthly, Confucius’s views on truth and truthfulness are part of his belief in the power of virtue – understood as both de xing ᗧ㹼 (Lit. virtuous conduct) and de xing ᗧᙗ (Lit. virtuous character)349 – to transform individuals, relationships and, thence, society. As we have seen, de is not only of value to society, it is integral to being fully human (ren) and living a fulfilled life.350 Without virtue, individuals and societies struggle, suffer and die. Sincerity and truth bring life and freedom.351 The Confucian Classics contain repeated exhortations to honest self-examination, selfcontrol, self-interest and self-improvement. As Lee Dian Rainey explains, honesty here ‘means there should be no distance between what we think, what we say, and what we do’ (2010: 30). Analects 2.17 is very clear: ‘This is wisdom: to recognize what you know as what you know, and recognize (viz. admit) what you do not know as what you do not know.’ Only truthful selfunderstanding, self-control, and critical self-awareness lead to life, health, joy, growth and fulfilment. Virtue is a spontaneous response to knowledge, will and truthfulness. As Confucius says in Analects 2.4, ‘at seventy, I could follow my heart’s (xin ᗳ) desire (yu Ⅲ; Lit. will, passion, desire) without overstepping the bounds of propriety’.352 This captures Confucius’s view of freedom: it is disciplined spontaneity not lawless passion.353 Egocentrism is pitiable: it frustrates knowledge of the liberating power of honesty, truth and virtue. Apart from self-understanding and a will, virtuous thoughts and good deeds are impossible. As Analects 6.30 says: ‘Desiring to take a stand, one who is Good helps others to take their stand; wanting to realize himself, he helps others to realize themselves. Being able to take what is near at hand . . . could perhaps be called the method of Goodness.’ Confucius’s

On speech and morality, Olberding, ed. Dao Companion to the Analects, 138f. For a fuller statement of the nature and function of words and verbal techniques in the Analects and early Confucianism, Lu, X. (1998), Rhetoric in Ancient China, 164f. On Confucius’s view of speech at work in society, Oliver, R. (1971), Communication and Culture in Ancient India and China, 136f. 347 Cf. p. 468f.; also, 235, 330, 363, n. 88, 364, 476. 348 Commenting on A. 20.3, Slingerland quotes the 19th-century scholar Liu Baonan ࢹሣᾐ (1791–1855), author of the first commentarial collection on the Analects: ‘Words are the voice of the heart. Words can either be right or wrong, and therefore if one is able to listen and distinguish between the two types of words, one will also be able to know the rightness or the wrongness of the speaker’ (234). 349 On de xing ᗧᙗ, Angle and Slote, Virtue Ethics and Confucianism, 15f. 350 Cf. p. 175, 192, 247, n. 348, 246f., 333f., 335, 338. 351 N.B. the link between truth and freedom in Confucianism (esp. in The Doctrine of the Mean) and Heidegger’s Dasein, in his statement ‘the essence of truth is the essence of freedom’ (Li, C., 1999: 55f.). For Liang Qichao’s creative, critical, political appeal to Confucius’s view of freedom, Pusey, J. R. (1983), China and Charles Darwin, 221f. 352 The free exercise of the ‘will’ contrasts with Augustinian and Lutheran Christian traditions in which the ‘bondage’ of the will is a consequence of loss of perfection in ‘The Fall’ (Gen. 3.1–24). On Confucius and the freedom of the will, Shun, K-L. and D. B. Wong, eds (2004), Confucian Ethics, 135f. 353 Cf. Shen, V., Dao Companion to Classical Confucian Philosophy, 72f. 345 346

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view of the altruistic, liberating power of virtue and truth envisioned here is akin to Jesus’s call to obedient discipleship (Mk 1.17) and clear promise, ‘The truth shall set you free’ (Jn 8.32). In contrast to the New Testament, Confucianism places the burden of freedom on a pro-active individual not a vicarious liberating saviour. That is, I am free to find myself: I am not found by another. In this, Eliot and Wagner are closer to Confucius. For them, as we have seen, truth is hard won. As Eliot says in Middlemarch – and Confucius would have agreed: ‘Falsehood is so easy, truth so difficult . . . Examine your words well, and you will find that even when you have no motive to be false, it is a very hard thing to say the exact truth, even about your own immediate feelings – much harder than to say something fine about them which is not the exact truth’ (27.176).354 Fifthly, truth is closely connected, through xin ؑ, with trustworthiness.355 Xin has an unusual profile in the Confucian Classics. Slingerland calls it ‘a minor, but nonetheless useful, virtue’ (242) in the Analects, that can, like purity and uprightness, ‘easily be taken too far’ (ibid.). Other commentators, and later use, tend to be more positive (Cf. A. 2.22, 16.4).356 Crucially, Confucius circumscribes trustworthiness as a professional, and personal, virtue. He is against behaviour that expresses mindless loyalty or familial disloyalty.357 The trustworthiness he wants to see in a junzi involves sincerity, consistency of character, reliability and intentionality. It is also shown in ritual propriety (li), a respect for the elders’ tradition (xue), commitment to seek the ‘mandate of heaven’ (zhengming) and a passion for family honour. Though loyalty (zhong) and trustworthiness (xin) are linked in the Analects as a guide to life (A. 1.4, 8, 5.28, 7.25, 9.25, 12.10, 15.6),358 they involve different – at times contradictory – moral obligations. Trustworthiness does not include mindless loyalty to an aberrant ruler, nor the keeping of a careless promise (A. 14.7, 22). But neither does it always exclude deception or preclude protection of the family’s honour. Practical reasoning imparts provisionality to xin in the Analects. It does not involve a blanket obligation to speak the truth plainly or keep a promise uncritically: it is conditional on what is situationally appropriate. Christian traditions have been divided over the morality of ‘absolute veracity’.359 Confucian culture is, in this instance, morally conditional. It should by now be evident that Confucius’s view of truth and truthfulness is quite different from empiricist ‘referentialism’, or a ‘correspondence theory’ of truth. It is closer to Western ideas of truth as ‘coherence’ (Leibniz, Spinoza, Hegel and F. H. Bradley), ‘practice’ (C. S. Pierce, William James and John Dewey) and ‘performance’ (J. L. Austin, P. F. Strawson).360 Positively expressed, xin is the ‘lynch-pin’ of a well-regulated society where li (right ritual) and qing (righteous behaviour) prevail:

Cf. on truth as an imperfect ‘mirror’ in Eliot, G., Adam Bede, Ch. 17 (‘In which the Story Pauses a Little’). On the origin and later interpretation of xin ؑ, Svarverud, R. (1998), Methods of the Way, 225f.; also, Hall and Ames, Thinking through Confucius, 56–62. 356 N.B. Ames and Rosemont: ‘[L]ike the carriage pins, making good on one’s word (xìn ؑ) is the link between saying and doing’ (1998: 234). On this, above p. 252. 357 For less positive views of xin, A. 13.18, 20, 14.17, 15.37 and 17.8. Commenting on 1.13, Slingerland quotes Liu Baonan on Mencius 4. B. 11: ‘The great person is not always necessarily true to his word (xin), because he is concerned with rightness . . . trustworthiness must always be practiced with an eye toward what is right’ (6). On xin and filial piety, Huang, Y. (2017), ‘Why an Upright Son Does Not Disclose His Father Stealing a Sheep’. 358 Cf. Shun, K-l. (2003), Art. ‘Zhong (Chung) and Xin (Hsin): Loyalty and Trustworthiness’, in A. S. Cua (ed.), Encyclopedia of Chinese Philosophy, 885f. 359 N.B. the classic discussion in Newman, J. H. (1864), Apologia Pro Vita Sua ([1864] 1875), Appendix (Note G): ‘Lying and Equivocation’ (348f.). 360 For an overview of Western thought on ‘truth’, Thiselton, A. C., ‘Truth’, NIDNTT , 3: 894–902. 354 355

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there the ‘truthful’ and ‘trustworthy’ know their place and live for others (zhong) (A. 1.4, 4.15, 5.19, 8.14, 12.23, 13.15, 19, 23, 14.7, 21, 26), and create the conditionalities in which virtue, authority, and society, flourish. As Analects 13.4 explains: When a ruler loves ritual propriety, then none of among his people will dare to be disrespectful. When a ruler loves rightness, then none among his people will dare not to obey. When a ruler loves trustworthiness, then none of his people will dare to be dishonest. The mere existence of such a ruler would cause the common people throughout the world to bundle their children on their backs and seek him out.361 In its most positive form, xin is a deliberate, creative act that well-ordered Victorian societies would have warmed to. Analects 2.22 states unequivocally: The Master said, ‘I cannot see how a person devoid of trustworthiness could possibly get along in the world. Imagine a large ox-drawn cart without a linchpin for its yolk, or a small horse drawn cart without a linchpin for its collar: how could they possibly be driven?’362 With Dickensian perspicacity, Confucius teaches that befriending the trustworthy and true is also, and always, wise. As he says: ‘Beneficial types of friendship number three, as do harmful types of friendship. Befriending the upright, those who are true to their word (liang),363 or those of broad learning – these are the beneficial types of friendship. Befriending clever flatterers, skilful dissemblers, or the smoothly glib – these are the harmful types of friendship’ (A. 16.4).364 As this suggests, being true to one’s word and to another person, liang, is integral to the character and actions of the best.365 The trustworthy speak truth, teach wisely, instruct carefully, and challenge friends; but, crucially – and controversially – they are not ‘rigidly’ or ‘mindlessly trustworthy (liang)’ (A. 15.37). Xin is subordinate to yi (rightness) and zhong (what is fitting) (A. 1.13; 20, 17.8).366 Analects 13.18 makes this clear: The Duke of She said to Confucius, ‘Among my people there is one who we call “Upright Gong”. When his father stole a sheep, he reported him to the authorities.’ Confucius replied, ‘Among my people, those we consider ‘upright’ are different from this: fathers cover up for their sons, and sons cover up for their fathers. “Uprightness” is found in this.’367 Seen in this light, trustworthiness and truthfulness are aspects of ren: they are part of what is of pre-eminent, necessary and morally worthy. As Analects 15.35 states: ‘The Master said, “Goodness N.B. Slingerland ad loc on the use of this passage in the ‘primitivist’ movement that sought to reduce distinctions between the junzi and rural labourers. 362 Slingerland ad loc quotes Qing scholar Dai Zhen ᡤ䴷 (1724–77): ‘[A]mong people, trustworthiness is the linchpin of social relations and mutual support.’ 363 N.B. liang’s positive use here, contra pejorative connotations in A. 1.13, 13.18, 20, 14.17, 15.37, 17.8a. 364 Cf. on having good friends, A. 1.8, 9.25, 30, 12.24, 15.10, 16.5. 365 Cf. A. 13.20 for Confucius’s sour view of over-rigid trustworthiness and speech. 366 On moral, social and political flexibility, A. 19.11. 367 In this important passage, Confucius (controversially to later Mohist legalists) indicates he sets family relations above political and other social responsibilities. The ‘goodness’ in a father-son relationship (A. 1.2) is foundational for a stable society (A. 2.3, 12.13, 17–19, 13.6). The dutiful son is willing to interpose himself between his father and state sanctions. 361

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is even more vital to the common people than water or fire. I have seen people perish from walking through fire and water, but have never seen anyone perish by walking the path of Goodness”.’368 To surrender goodness – even for a respected teacher or ruler – is foolish. It is to lose the Way (dao) and compromise virtue (de). What’s more, as a feature of goodness (ren), trustworthiness is part of empathy (xu ᚅ ) and benevolence (hui ᜐ).369 In its discussion of the ‘six virtuous words’ Analects 17.8 urges the interrelatedness of Confucian virtues and the priority of goodness. It locates truth (xin) within proportion, learning, and will: Loving goodness without balancing it with a love for learning will result in the vice of foolishness. Loving wisdom without balancing it with a love for learning will result in the vice of deviance. Loving trustworthiness without balancing it with a love for learning will result in the vice of harmful rigidity. Loving uprightness without balancing it with a love for learning will result in the vice of intolerance. Loving courage without balancing it with a love for learning will result in the vice of unruliness. Loving resoluteness without balancing it with a love for learning will result in the vice of wilfulness.370 Behind Confucius’s view of trustworthiness is a complex prioritizing of virtue, duty and situation. Read in light of Eliot and Wagner, and of ideas they espoused and inspired, Confucian morality is rightly seen as pragmatic, integrated and dynamic. It is also conditional and situational. Indeed, it is more akin to postmodern ‘situational ethics’ than the normative absolutism of traditional biblical ethics. There is much in Confucius that pre-empts Kierkegaard: ‘Truth becomes untruth in this or that person’s mouth’ ([1846] 1941: 181). Xin stands in marked contrast to the absolutizing of the biblical ideal of trustworthiness, rooted, as we will see, in the consistency and truth of God’s nature, word and act. To see this, we turn finally to the Gospels. The Gospels The material on ‘truth’ and ‘truthfulness’ in the Gospels (and the Bible generally) is more extensive than the Analects. We focus on the Gospels here to enhance inter-textuality. The link between truth, truthfulness, trust and trustworthiness, is again clearly stated. Though biblical perspectives on the origin, nature, source, and application of truth and truthfulness were cross-examined by sundry expressions of rationalism, empiricism, idealism, existentialism, philology, comparative religion, and historicism, from the mid-19th to early 20th century, belief in God and the duty of truthfulness held strong. Agnosticism attracted some, but atheism was still a minority interest.371 If Descartes, Berkeley and Leibniz linked truth and reliable reason to the nature and existence of God, Enlightenment traditions in Kant, Schopenhauer, Feuerbach, Kierkegaard and Nietzsche took a more jaundiced view of objective knowledge of God and/or reality: they were, as we have seen, more confident ‘human consciousness’ and ‘subjectivity’ reliably conditioned truth and perception.

In keeping with the priority Confucius accords virtuous conduct, and the quest for a virtuous character, material considerations are clearly secondary here to an ideal, single-minded, pursuit of ‘goodness’ (also A. 4.5, 12.7). 369 On ‘Goodness’ and ‘Good’, Slingerland, 238. 370 On the ‘mean’, also A. 6.29, 13.21, 20.1. 371 On the growth of atheism among Britain’s 19th-century working-class, Chadwick, O. ([1975] 2000), The Secularization of the European Mind, 88f. 368

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Loss of confidence in God and a coherent ‘Absolute’ truth led in time to a devaluing of the necessity – if not the possibility – of ‘truth claims’, verifiability and veracity.372 Truth and truthfulness became – as we saw beginning in Eliot and Wagner – both more important and more problematic. Power, hermeneutics, politics and convenience all complexify truth and veracity.373 By the end of the 19th century truth has turned for many people from rock-like objectivity to sandy subjectivity. Reviewing this process Thiselton states mildly: ‘Discussions about truth in modern philosophy are extremely complex’ (ibid., 894.). Summary is hard. To gather up the threads of this chapter, and evidence from the Gospels, I focus on three key themes. In these we find clues to the crisis of Victorian faith and some of the problems of contemporary Sino-Western communication. First, contra the ambivalent transcendentalism of the Confucian Classics, the Gospels establish an unequivocal connection between God and truth. Using a range of Greek terms – with al¯etheia (Lit. truth, truthfulness, dependability, uprightness, reality) and its cognates preeminent – the Gospels (John, in particular)374 follow the OT in presenting God as true, pure, trustworthy and truthful.375 He is faithful (Gk. pistos) and his will, words, works, covenant love, and eternal plan, are trustworthy, reliable and consistent; as Jepsen concludes: ‘Yahweh is . . . the God in whose word and work one can place complete confidence’ (Jepsen 1970–78: I. 313; q. Thiselton, 877). As a consequence, God, his word and works, confront false gods, deception, unreality and vanity, that test, trick and tempt humankind.376 The Hebrew notion of truth as practical, moral behaviour is united here with a Hellenic view of truth as a changeless reality and abstract ideal.377 Humanity is to respond in faith, obedience, love and trust to the truth revealed in and through the will and word of God, and, definitively, in his Son, Jesus Christ. In this truth, humanity finds identity, purpose, forgiveness health, hope and fulfilment. The correlate of God as true and truthful is both the intellectual possibility and moral responsibility of humans finding truth and speaking truthfully. Thiselton writes: ‘(M)en (sic) express their respect for truth not in abstract theory, but in their daily witness to their neighbour and their verbal and commercial transactions’ (881). As in Confucius, the performative nature of biblical truth is clear. God’s truth is done in word and deed, and in the exercise of faith.

Thiselton claims that, by cross-examining words and meaning, the mid-20th-century linguistic philosophers F. P. Ramsey (1903–30), A. J. Ayer (1910–89) and (logician) Alfred Tarski (1901–83) eviscerated confidence in humanity’s ability to know and speak about ‘truth’ (NIDNTT , 3: 897). 373 For an overview of NT use of al¯e theia and its cognates, Thiselton, ‘Truth’, passim. On truth and truthfulness in contemporary Anglicanism, Hancock, C. D. (1998), ‘Reverencing Truth’, in P. Bradshaw (ed.), Grace and Truth, 194–216. 374 N.B. Thiselton: ‘Nearly half of the 109 occurrences of al¯e theia appear in the Johannine writings (25 times in the Gospel and 20 times in the Johannine Epistles)’ (ibid., 889). 375 Cf. e.g. on God, his word and works, in OT as truth, true and steadfast (emet; Gen. 24.49, Exod. 34.6f., 1 Kgs 17.24, Pss. 19.9, 25.10, 85.10, Prov. 3.3, Is. 16.5, Jer. 4.2, 10.1), faithful (emûnâh; Deut. 32.4, Pss. 33.4, 100.5, 119.30, 86, Prov. 12.22) and reliable (‘¯aman; Deut. 7.9, Is. 49.7). Cf. also, in NT on God, Father, Son and Spirit, as truth (al¯e theia and al¯ethos; Lk. 4.25, 9.27, 12.44, 21.3, Jn 1.14, 17, 4.18, 8.32, 46, 10.41, 14.6, Rom. 1.18, 2.2, 1 Jn 4.6, 2 Jn 1, 2, 4), true (al¯eth¯es; Mt. 22.16, Mk 12.14, Jn 3.33, 5.31f., 7.18, Rom. 3.4), sincere (al¯e thinos; Lk. 16.11, Jn 1.9, 7.28, 17.3). N.B. Heb. impacts NT views of ‘truth’ (Thiselton, 884). 376 On the opposite of truth, its corrosive effects, and the need to test behaviour in the OT, e.g. Gen. 3.4, 5, 18.21, Deut. 13.14, 17.4, 1 Kgs. 17.24, Prov. 8.7, 12.19, Pss. 43.3, 45.4, 51.6, Is. 43.9, Jer. 9.5, Dan. 8.12, 9.13. N.B. also in NT, Jn 4.2, 16.7, Rom. 1.25, 3.4, 9.1, 1 Cor. 13.6, 2 Cor. 4.2, 6.4f., Eph. 4.15, 24f., 1 Tim. 2.4, 6.5, 2 Tim. 3.7, Jas 5.19, 1 Jn 1.8, 8.44f. 377 N.B. Thiselton’s warning against over-stressing a contrast between Gk. and Heb. concepts of truth: ‘These traditional claims of nineteenth- and twentieth-century biblical scholarship are valid up to a point but can be misleading unless they are carefully qualified’ (874). 372

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Secondly, biblical ‘truth’ has a practical, moral, existential, spiritual character. It is not easily confined to modern categories. As Thiselton states, it ‘confronts the pseudo-cynicism of our own age which tries to “unmask” everything’ (901) in the name of an honest pursuit of truth and diligent practice of truthfulness.378 Hence, in the Gospels, the God of truth is the source of four new realities: i. true speech. In ‘revelations’, in Jesus’s life and death, and in all who by the Spirit’s inspiration bear ‘true witness’ (in word and deed) to the gospel, God speaks his ‘truth’. The church’s faith derives from this ‘truth’. It is built on the ‘true gospel’ of Jesus’s unique, saving life, death, resurrection, ascension and return (cf. Jn 1.1, 14–18, 4.23, 8.44, 14.6, 17.17, 18.37). It trusts Jesus when he says, ‘I tell you the truth’ (Gk. ep’ al¯etheias, or al¯eetho ¯s; Lk. 4.24, 9.27, 12.44, 21.3).379 When proclaimed with God’s power, this truth contradicts all deceit and idolatry (Mt. 23.2, 3, 23, 24, Lk. 11.46, Jn 4.18, 5.31, 8.17, 18, 10.41, 1 Jn 2.4, 2.21, 27). ii. True life. In Jesus, word and deed correspond as truth.380 Believers live out this truth when, like the Father, Son and Spirit, they show unity in word and deed, character and will, action and intention (Jn 3.21; also, Thiselton, 891).381 Truth in Christ is genuine, real, authentic, abundant and eternally significant. It is, then, the opposite of, and contradiction to, hypocrisy, guile, dishonesty, insincerity and doubt. Jesus is uniquely in John’s Gospel, ‘the way, the truth and the life’ (14.6).382 Because of this, disciples are to ‘walk in the light’ (1 Jn 1.7), ‘speak the truth in love’ (Eph. 4.15), ‘rejoice in the truth’ (1 Cor. 13.6), put on ‘the belt of truth’ (Eph. 6.14) and ‘hold fast to that which is true’ (1 Thess. 5.21) in the face of sin, failure, lies, opposition and death itself. iii. aletheia is linked to the new mind and outlook of a disciple (Jn 17.17, 15.26, 16.13, 1 Jn 4.6, 5.6, Rom. 12.1, 2). Truth revealed by God in the Bible, Jesus, and the work of the Spirit, can be known, reasoned and defended. John’s declaration, ‘Thy word is truth’ (Jn 17.17), is the basis of the church’s bold proclamation of the gospel and contradiction of error, for it does not speak on its own authority, but God’s. This truth enlightens minds, refines judgement, exposes error and guides a person into new life. Luke’s history, Paul’s arguments, Peter’s exhortations, and John’s diatribes against heresy, are all forms of this existential and intellectual view of truth. iv. this truth creates a basis for unity. Without this truth there is no ground for unity in the church; just as, without truthfulness there is no possibility of fellowship or trust. Jesus’s praise of Nathaniel, as a ‘true (i.e. genuine, guileless, truthful) Israelite’ (Jn 1.47), creates a clear standard for the whole community. To protect and project this, leaders must be vigilant, teach truth carefully, correct patiently, expose lies, and care for the weak (Ac. 20.28f., 1 Thess. 5.4f., 2 Thess. 2.3f., 1 Tim. 1.3f., 4.1f., 2 Tim. 1.13f., 2.1f., 3.1f.); always aware the devil (Gk. diabolos; Lit. deceiver) or ‘Satan’ (Gk. satanas; Lit. accuser) is on the prowl (1 Pet. 5.8). In these four ways, the truth creates – or, better, recreates – reality according to God’s kingdom design. Through truth God’s kingdom comes ‘on earth, as it is in heaven’ (Mt. 6.10). God’s ‘strange Thiselton challenges the necessity of scientism, relativism, and a fragmented, postmodern perception of reality and knowledge (900f.). In support, he cites German Protestant theologian Wolfhart Pannenberg’s (1928–2014) eschatological view of truth (1971: II. 1–27) and the Catholic theologian Karl Rahner’s (1904–84) exposé of culture, advertising and politics in the erosion of public respect for truth per se (1971: VII. 230–3). 379 To NT scholar Joachim Jeremias (1900–9), these words echo the trad. Jewish ‘Amen’ and the ipsissima verba of Jesus (1971: I. 35f.; q. Thiselton, 883). 380 N.B. because of this correspondence, Jesus draws out truth and falsehood in those around him (cf. Mt. 5.33, 22.15, Mk 6.55, 12.14). 381 Cf. on the connection between divine truth and human action in Paul, e.g. Rom. 1.18, 20, 25, 2.8, 20, 3.4, 1 Cor. 5.8, 13.6, 2 Cor. 4.2, 6.7, Gal. 2.5, 4.15f., Eph. 4.21f., 1 Thess. 2.10. Also, 1 Pet. 1.22, 2 Pet. 2.2, 22, Jas 1.18, 5.19, Heb. 10.26. 382 On the meaning of this crux interpretum, Thiselton, 891. 378

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wisdom’ (1 Cor. 1.18f.), that is seen in the life and death of Jesus, scandalizes proud ‘Greek’ intellectualism and confident ‘Jewish’ legalism, and is the pattern of God’s mind in and for his ‘body’, the Church. By it, his people are reassured his truth prevails. Meanwhile, in the ‘time between the times’ before the end of history, God ‘desires truth in the inner parts’ (Ps. 51.6) of disciples. He wants a ‘true’ people of faith, hope, love, trust, obedience, humility, courage and perseverance, who show genuine faith by their will to endure,383 and so contradict the hypocrisy in the church George Eliot despised. Anger, doubt, and denial of Jesus and truth are mysterious; as the ‘Hymn to Love’ in 1 Corinthians 13 states, ‘now we see but a poor reflection as in a mirror’ (v. 2). Like Jesus himself, God’s truth does not condone violence or coercion, as Nietzsche believed. Rather, the ‘great lie’ Nietzsche named is, in the Gospels, denial of the truth of God in Jesus. The unlikely appeal of Jesus’s life and sacrifice (as even Nietzsche recognized) lies in his perfect truth, and, as Eliot and her peers witness, in the power of his sympathy. Thirdly, truth is closely linked semantically, theologically and ethically to trust and trustworthiness. In contrast to the Analects, in the Bible a theological basis for truth is essential. God who is true is also ‘trustworthy’ (Gk. pistis), and commands, inspires and inculcates trustworthiness in his people. Furthermore, God’s law, Son, promises, power, protection, help and will to answer prayer, are both true and reliable. God’s people are those who ‘trust in him’, ‘believe his promises’, ‘keep his word’, and are faithful to God and man (Ps. 119.1–40, Prov. 3.5, Jn 14.1, 15f., 15.10, 2 Cor. 1.20). ‘Trustworthiness’ is theologically rooted and constantly invoked as a pastoral, social and evangelical virtue for life inside and outside the church; although the Bible sees that in a ‘fallen’ world frail faith creates flawed trust and unreliability – as Peter’s ‘denials’ (Mt. 26.33f., Mk 14.29f., Lk. 22.33f., Jn 13.36f.), the disciples’ ‘betrayals’ (Mt. 26.56, Mk 14.50), and the machinations of Hymenaeus, Alexander and Philetus show (1 Tim. 1.20, 2 Tim. 2.17). These relational realities Confucius recognized, and Eliot vilified, are not covered over here. It is also worth noting the absolutism of biblical trust and trustworthiness, in contrast to the provisionality and situationalism of the Analects (above p. 336, 338). Pistis (Heb.’¯aman) and pistos (Heb. emûnâh) are linked with binding legal contracts. They reflect God’s steadfast love (Heb. Hesed; cf. Pss. 20.7, 26.1, 37.3, 56.4, Prov. 3.5) and covenant promise to Abraham and his heirs in faith (cf. Gen. 15.6, Deut. 7.9, 1 Kgs 8.26, 1 Chron. 17.23f., Hab. 2.3f., Rom. 4.3, 9, 22f., 2 Cor. 3.6, Gal. 3.6, 23f., 4.21f., Jas 2.23). Baptism seals God’s promise and the believer’s trust and their disciplined life of faith (Rom. 6.4, 2 Cor. 5.17; also, Dan. 3.28, Rom. 8.24, 1 Cor. 13.13, 2 Cor. 3.6, 5.7, Gal. 3.23f., 4.21–31). Lack of trust in a ‘true’ God is folly (Is. 7.9, Prov. 11.28, 28.26), and fails to keep God’s ‘law’ (Heb. torah and d¯ab¯ar; Pss. 117.7, 119.66) and the ‘law of love’ in Jesus, whereas godly trust seeks to ‘glorify’, love, obey and serve God and others. New Testament trust has, then, a theological, psychological and ethical character. Those who believe (Heb. ’¯aman) and trust (Heb. b¯aṭaḥ) in God (Mt. 8.10, Mk 2.5, 5.34f., 10.52, 11.22, Lk. 17.5, Jn 1.12, 3.18, Gal. 2.16, 1 Thess. 4.14, Rom. 10.9, Heb. 6.1), and live ‘by faith’ (ek or dia pisteo ¯s) and trust in Jesus (NB. not in righteous deeds or keeping the OT law), are ‘saved’ from judgement and given ‘new’, ‘eternal’, life. This is ‘the faith’ (h¯e pistis) in the NT (cf. Rom. 1.8, 1 Cor. 2.5, 15.3, 14, 17). Like the Patriarchs of old, those who are faithful (pistis) and trustworthy (pistos) share the blessing and work of God. As Otto Michel says: ‘Man’s

Rom. 5.4f. On exemplary ‘endurance’ (Gk. hupom¯en¯e) in Jesus, Heb. 12.2, Mt. 10.22, 24.13, Mk 13.13, 1 Cor. 13.7, 2 Tim. 2.10.

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trust presents the possibility for God to do his work’ (1986: I. 601).384 Trust turns sentiment to substance:385 ‘by faith’ anything is possible (cf. Mt. 17.20, Lk. 17.6, Rom. 9.33). As Michel writes of the prominence of faith in Jesus’s ministry: ‘The preaching of Jesus cannot be understood apart from the many-sided aspects of faith (Heb. emûnâh) and trust (Heb. biṭt¯ạ ḥ¯on). The faith of Jesus was directed towards reality. It was deeply involved in the act of living, and was on a completely different plane from hypothetical abstractions’ (ibid.). In contrast to Confucian cultural wisdom and Hellenic mystery religions, there is no vagueness or conditionality in the Bible’s teaching on trust and trustworthiness: they are God’s gift, an absolute spiritual reality, and a moral priority. A few final points should be noted about ‘trust’ in the Bible. First, it takes verbal, literary and promissory forms; as Michel again points out: ‘In Heb(rew) the root ’¯aman (Gk. pistos) in the niph(il) (ed. passive form) means to be true, reliable, faithful’ (595). As the basis of biblical doctrines of creation, providence, salvation, and the church, God’s word is true and reliable, and proven to be so (1 Kgs 8.26, 1 Chron. 17.23f., Ps. 119.42, Is. 25.9, Rom. 3.4, Tit. 1.2, 1 Jn 1.10, 5.10); likewise, the ‘true’ sayings of Jesus (Mt. 5.17f., 22, 28, 34, 39, 44, Lk. 9.27, 12.44, 21.3, Jn 20.30), the apostles (2 Cor. 1.18, 1 Tim. 3.1, 4.9), and all who bear faithful witness to God and the gospel by word or deed (Rev. 1.5, 2.10, 31, 1 Jn 1.9, 20.27). Hence, ‘trustworthy sayings’, and ‘signs’ that validate them, are foundational to the Church’s faith, tradition and behaviour (Jn 1.7, 6.69, 17.8, 18.37, Ac. 5.14, 16.34, 18.8, 24.14, 26.27, Rom. 9.1, 2 Cor. 11.31, Gal. 1.20, 1 Jn 4.6, Rev. 2.2, 19, 3.7, 14, 21.5, 22.6). Truthful speech is consistently urged (2 Thess. 2.11, 1 Tim. 1.5, 10, 4.2, Tit. 1.13, 2.2, Jas 3.1–9); while lies perpetuate the chaos of Babel (Gen. 11.1f.) and abuse the divine gifts of language, love, trust and truth (Ac. 5.3f., Eph. 4.15, Col. 3.9, 2 Pet. 2.2, 1 Jn 1.6, 8.). Veracity safeguards the integrity of the gospel: it images God’s trustworthy word and eternal character. Disciples are praised or censured on the basis of their sincerity, faith, faithfulness and trustworthiness (Mt. 8.5f., Mt. 25.14f., Jn 1.47f.; also, 1 Cor. 5.8, 2 Cor. 1.12, 2.17, 8.8, Phil. 1.16, Eph. 6.24, Tit. 2.7, 1 Pet. 2.2). But, ultimately, trust pleases and honours God (Jn 14.1, Heb. 12.2, 2 Cor. 5.7). As in the Old Testament, God looks for ‘people of faithfulness’ (Heb. ’anšê ’a m¯anâh). As the apostle Paul writes to his subaltern Timothy: ‘The aim of our charge is love, that issues from a pure heart and a good conscience and sincere faith’ (1 Tim. 1.5, Tit. 1.13, 2.2) and claims his preaching is without ‘beguiling speech’ (Gk. pithanologia, Col. 2.4), ‘persuasive arguments’ (Gk. en peithois, 1 Cor. 2.4), or impressive ‘human wisdom’ (1 Cor. 1.20f., 2 Cor. 1.15, 3.4, 8.22, 10.2, Eph. 3.12). Christians put their hope in God’s ‘trustworthiness’, trusting that one day the church’s faith, life, and work will be vindicated (2 Cor. 1.15, 3.4, 8.22, 10.2, Eph. 3.12). This trust is secure, being built on the rock-like foundation of God’s word, creation and covenants (e.g. Is. 28.16, 2 Sam. 23.5, Prov. 11.18), of the sure word and saving work of his Son, Jesus Christ,386 and of the work of the Spirit and ‘faithful witness’ of the Apostles.387

N.B. ‘Faith’ is characteristic of the Patriarchs (esp. Abraham, Isaac and Jacob) and Prophets in the OT (Rom. 4.9, Gal. 3.17f.), and the prophets, servants, messengers, apostles, church leaders and ‘believers’ (Gk. hoi pisteuontes, Rom. 1.16, 3.22, 4.11, 1 Cor. 1.21), Jew and Gentile (Rom. 4.17f., Gal. 3.26–29), in the NT. 385 N.B. Michel on mûnâh (trustworthiness) in Hab. 2.3f. (Heb. 10.37f.): ‘The idea is that of unwavering hold of the word of God against all contrary appearances’ (597). 386 N.B. Jesus is also called the ‘head’ (Eph. 1.22), ‘cornerstone’ (Eph. 2.19–22) and ‘bridegroom’ (Mt. 9.14f., Mk 2.18f., Jn 3.29, Rev. 22.17) of the church, while the Spirit’s steadfast assurance (Gk. bebaios) of God’s grace, salvation and gift of ‘new life’ (2 Cor. 5.17f., Eph. 4.24) is for all who are ‘settled’ (Gk. stereo ¯s) in the faith. 387 Eph. 2.20. On the theme of ‘faithful witness’, see 1 Thess. 2.1–8, Rev. 1.5. 384

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In light of this brief overview of truth and truthfulness in the Gospels, and Bible generally, it is clear veracity is as vital as theories of truth. The priority and possibility of truth are confirmed in the believer’s practice of truth-speaking. This basic biblical position shaped the mind, faith and morality of Christendom for 1,500 years. As we have seen in the course of this chapter, between 1820 and c. 1890 the bedrock of Christian theology and church life was shifting. Classic texts and old, trusted truths are subject to a catalogue of new criticisms. We read the Analects and Gospels ‘on the far side’ of the questions Eliot, Wagner and their contemporaries raised. However, as Eliot in particular saw, not every question asked of the Bible can expect a comprehensive answer and not all reasons are rational. The holistic nature of truth in the Bible recasts it existentially and spiritually; then this truth is found, as we saw Eliot held, not in abstraction and idealism, but in creaturely reality and in lived experience. As Thiselton concludes his overview of ‘truth’ in the New Testament: It is in the attitude which combines joyful confidence that truth can be found, with a humble submission to truth whenever and wherever it emerges. Such openness to truth is required of those who worship the God of truth; whilst a due reverence for truth ensures honesty in a man’s (sic) dealings with his neighbour, both in word and deed. This is the attitude, we have seen, to which both the OT and the NT bear witness. —ibid., 901

CONCLUSION This chapter has studied the related themes of ‘truth’ and ‘truthfulness’ in light of the ‘cultural archetype’ of ‘story’, and evolution of thought between 1820 and c. 1890. In James Legge, George Eliot, Richard Wagner, xiqu opera, and a host of cultural and intellectual traditions associated with them, we have again found grounds to claim remarkable commonality in Sino-Western crosscultural understanding. The extent and impact of this cultural interaction has been underappreciated: the consequence of this is distorted reading of primary sources and an impoverishment of understanding. As Legge’s work illustrates, in nuanced translation we find enhanced meaning. The ‘subtleties of China’s contrapuntal influence’ on the West are all too clear: so too, are the ‘contrapuntal influences’ of Western culture on China, to which the next chapter bears testimony. Classical Confucianism and orthodox Christianity are very different. What we have come to see is that their ‘Classic’ texts are read, in China and the West, through remarkably similar cultural filters. Healing in relationships begins in honesty.

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Memory, Rite and Tradition: The Chinese Origin of a Western Movement When wasteful war shall statues overturn And broils root out the work of masonry, Nor Mars his sword nor war’s quick fire shall burn The living record of your memory. —William Shakespeare, Sonnet LV There is a sensation both of arrival and of prospect, so that one does indeed seem to ‘recover a past and prefigure a future’, and thereby to complete the circle of one’s being. —Seamus Heaney, ‘The Redress of Poetry’, [1989] 1990: 12 It is wisely said: ‘We most often disagree with those we are most like.’ Dissimilarity is often easier to manage than irritating similarity. Tensions in cultural relations are wrongly assumed to be based on ‘otherness’ or ‘distance’. The historic evolution of ‘One World’ has had the effect of breeding cultural cousins with marked family likenesses. In this chapter we track the source of much contemporary East-West tension. The cause is, I argue, not so much ancient cultural difference but accumulative cultural likeness. What we habitually dislike or struggle with in another may also be true of us: in this instance, a shared confidence in, but readiness to critique, the story we tell about who and what we are. Self-awareness about the roots of conflict can help create an atmosphere, if not of peace, then of tolerant humility that we may also be culpable. We have dipped our toes into the 20th century before. In the last two chapters we plunge into its roaring seas, as imperial power, economic development, industrial progress, and cultural chaos batter the strongholds of the 19th-century legacy in China and the West. In this chapter we study the interrelated themes of ‘memory’, ‘rite’ and ‘tradition’ that assume a new prominence in critical reflection on, and creative engagement with, the spirit and ethos of the new century. We set analysis of these themes in the Analects and Gospels here in the period from c. 1895 until the outbreak of World War II in September 1939. Material on memory, rite and tradition within this timeframe is for a host of reasons distinctive and immense. We ‘read backwards carefully’ through the cultural, political and intellectual turmoil engulfing China and the West in this era. Memory, rite and tradition were – perhaps, as never before – fiercely challenged and defended. Consciously, or, more often unconsciously, readers of the Analects and Gospels do so through the lingering legacy of the intense 345

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inter-cultural exchange of this period. The early decades of the 20th century confirm the principle that we know ourselves (and not just texts) better through dialogue with another. Self-understanding is deceptive. We need others to tell us truths we do not, cannot, or will not see. Conflict resolution begins in listening and admitting potential fault – nowhere else. Jesus and Confucianism both make clear the ‘wilfully blind’ will never see.1 Texts are never read in isolation. Harold Bloom is right: ‘Reading a text is necessarily the reading of a whole system of texts, and meaning is always wandering around between texts’ ([1975] 2005: 56; also, 1973: 107f.). In previous chapters we have seen how systems of global exchange, or ‘cultural archetypes’, create potent, hermeneutic matrices for textual interpretation. We think we are reading one text in our world and discover we are actually reading many texts in one world. The effect of 19th-century philosophy, hermeneutics, and travel was intensification of inter-cultural exposure. Comparison, criticism, and mutual illumination reached new heights. Shakespeare’s Sonnet LV registers the role memory plays in buttressing love and life against the destabilizing effects of ‘change and decay’. Many in China and the West pressed forward with confidence into the new century, others dragged their feet. Memory, ritual and tradition became battlegrounds on which old and new fought for ascendancy. It is a conflict we know well in our tense, postmodern, early 21st-century multi-cultural world. But personality also shapes memory. Some find it easy to forget, some never can. Most of us remember what we choose to forget and forget what we try to remember. Stormy Sino-Western relations are born of distinct – sometimes disturbing – psychologicalcultural characteristics as much as power, principle or politics. In this chapter we enter the complex world of the individual, and corporate psyche. The age that began to map the mind, and to develop the new skill of psychiatry, offers fresh resources and insights into cultural responses. The ‘affective revolution’ in modern International Relations admits the role individual and corporate memory and personality play in analysis of human motivation and behaviour. We cannot engage SinoWestern relations without introducing this complex data.

MODERNISM AND THE MODERN WORLD On 10 July 1913, temperatures soared to a record breaking 134°F (56.7°C) in Death Valley’s Furnace Creek, California. On the same day, the radical Southern Party in China declared an equally fiery ‘Second Revolution’ against then President Yuan Shih K’ai 㺱цࠡ (1859–1916). Lacking the discipline and resources of Northern Divisions, this revolutionary blaze was shortlived, leaving more of the country scorched by the North than in 1912. The event cannot detain us, despite its iconic status as a political and military symbol of nationalist consciousness. As we have seen, China was divided over Western ideas. President Yuan’s unilateral decision to take a capital loan from British, French, American, Russian and Japanese investors, was interpreted by the Southern Party as tantamount to treason. Self-determination was central to a new vision of China’s identity, future and freedom. ‘Barbarians’ who brought conflict and chaos in previous decades must not be allowed – let alone invited – to do so again. In the same year, on the other side of the world, the ground-breaking ‘Armory Show’ of ‘Modernist’ art opened in New

Cf. Jn 9.41: ‘[N]ow that you claim you can see, your guilt remains’; Shujing (Book of History) 4.4: ‘Absorb the weak and punish the willfully blind.’

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York.2 This historic exhibition spawned another kind of revolution: structure, form, image, identity, history, freedom, and self-consciousness are important to it, too. New seeds of life, culture, politics and art are sown here. Postmodernism descends from this new Modernist movement. By the early 20th century China’s relationship to the West had become very complicated. The anti-Western imperialism and anti-missionary violence of the prolonged ‘Boxer Rebellion’ ᤣҲ, or ‘Yihetuan Movement’ 㗙઼ൈ䙻अ (from 2 November 1899 to 7 September 1901), and the protectionism evident in 1913, are only one part of the story. As we have seen, translation of Western texts, missionary education, and the modernizing ambitions of the ‘May 4th Movement’ progressives, countered conservative agendas. To Fredric Jameson, China was simply not ready for modernizing in the early 20th century: that would come later – and then with a Chinese face.3 As this chapter shows, while classical Confucian views on memory, rite and tradition buttressed Qing sensibilities, they catalysed the Modernist movement in the West. Recent scholarship has recognized the essential interaction of China and Western Modernism in the early 20th century. This provides the chapter’s unitive, global, ‘cultural archetype’. Memory, rite and tradition in the Analects and Gospels were – and are – interpreted in China and the West in light of Modernism. We read ‘on the far side’ of this remarkable manifestation of creative cultural inter-dependency. We may not see – or choose to admit – this cross-cultural perspective. To deny, downplay, or suppress it is, I suggest, to risk inhabiting a fractured global reality or a myopic cultural bubble – and, to read life and ‘Classic’ texts plain wrongly. Faults occur, yes: folly perpetuates them. We have cited Modernism before.4 To commentators, it reached its high point in 1939, its energies thereafter deflected and diffused by the cataclysmic events of World War II. The origin of this multi-facetted movement, and its complex characteristics, are elusive. To some scholars, Nietzsche’s preoccupation with ‘Will to Power’ justifies his place as a precursor of the existential angst and conflicted consciousness of Modernist literature and art. But other figures, forces and ideas are at work. Some see a prickly type of ‘proto-Modernism’ taking root in the stony soil of 19th-century industrialization and urbanization. More plausibly, we perhaps see a Modernist mindset in Eliot, Lewes, Huxley and Wagner, and others of their intellectual coterie, who looked to science and art for a philosophy fit for their expanding universe. Romanticism’s disavowal of bourgeois values, Enlightenment confidence in Kantian idealism, Marxist criticism of capitalist oppression, and various expressions of Darwinian evolutionism, all create a proto-Modernist confidence in humanity’s creative endeavour and power to overcome. We glimpse this in the dramatization of colour, light, and texture by the British artist J. M. W. Turner (1775–1851), and in the progressive outlook of art critic John Ruskin (above p. 281). It is there in the neo-Imperial 2 ‘Armory Show’ designates the Association of American Painters and Sculptors’ International Exhibition of Modern Art. It was the first large-scale exhibition of its kind in the USA, exposing visitors to European avant-gardism, and the full range of Fauvist, Cubist and Futurist styles. Housed first in New York’s 69th Regiment Armory (from 17 February to 15 March), over the next three months the exhibition moved to the Art Institute in Chicago and The Copley Society of Art in Boston. The exhibition’s impact on American art – and, in time, taste and cultural values – was dramatic. Cf. Catalogue of International Exhibition of Modern Art (1913); Brown, M. W. ([1963] 1988), The Story of the Armory Show; Kuhn, W. (1938), The Story of the Armory Show. 3 For Marxist analysis of Modernism, Jameson, F. (1993), Postmodernism, or, the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism; Roberts, A. (2000), Fredric Jameson; Peng, F. (2014), ‘Modernism in China: Too Early and Too Late’. 4 On T. S. Eliot p. 24f., 28, 45, 52f., 64, 198, 270, 275, n. 56, 349f., 360, 368, n. 112, 370f., 375, n. 157, 383f., 392, 408, 411, 413, 466, 472, 484. Cf. also, on Van Gogh p. 1f., 11, n. 35, 17, 20, 26, 28, 39, 74, 80, 84, 90, 108, 145, 292, 315, 320, 348f., 364, n. 94, 376, n. 167, 418, 443; Cézanne p. 4, 348; Hepworth p. 66f., 74, 84; and, Whitman p. 157f., 220, n. 201, 348, 350, n. 14.

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architecture of London’s new Crystal Palace (for the Great Exhibition in 1851), in New York’s iconic Brooklyn Bridge (1883), and in the soaring pinnacle of the Eiffel Tower in Paris (1889). It is rumored in Pre-Raphaelite intimations of ‘Impressionism’. As the American art critic Clement Greenberg (1909–94) wrote: ‘[T]he proto-Modernists were, of all people, the pre-Raphaelites . . . [who] foreshadowed Manet (1832–83), with whom Modernist painting most definitely begins’ ([1979] 1980). For, he observes, there was ‘a dissatisfaction with painting as practiced in their time, holding that its realism wasn’t truthful enough’ (ibid.). Notice this: it underscores Modernism’s mind to criticize rules and principles of every kind – be they religious, methodological, practical, or moral. Modernism doesn’t ‘hold back’ in form, style or content. Paradoxically, as we will see, memory is often its preferred path to rediscovery of creativity. For we create, it recognized, not ab abstracto or ex nihilo, but when we really begin to remember. If these are the roots and nature of proto-Modernism, Modernism per se is to scholars more probably, and dramatically, anticipated in the severe existentialism of Kierkegaard and in the horny pessimism of Schopenhauer. It is also found, it is argued, in the French author Charles Baudelaire’s (1821–67) evocative poems Les Fleurs du Mal (1857, The Flowers of Evil), in the realist novel Madame Bovary (1857) by his compatriot Gustave Flaubert (1821–80), in Fyodor Dostoyevsky’s novels Crime and Punishment (1866) and The Brothers Karamazov (1879), and in the American Walt Whitman’s (1819–92) poem Leaves of Grass (1855–91). It is, to some, also seen in the antirealism of French ‘Symbolism’ and the Impressionism of van Gogh and Cézanne. This, it is claimed, affords the style and context for Sigmund Freud’s (1856–1939) Studies on Hysteria (1895) and work on dreams. It is the matrix for Irish author James Joyce’s (1882–1941) Ulysses (1922) and the ‘stream of consciousness’ writing of the English novelist and critic Virginia Woolf (1882–1941). But Modernism is also evident, it is said, in the dark introspection and playful creativity of ‘Expressionism’, ‘Fauvism’, ‘Cubism’ and ‘Surrealism’; as seen in the works of Edvard Munch (1863–1944), Wassily Kandinsky (1866–1944), Henri Matisse (1869–1954), Piet Mondrian (1872–1944), Paul Klee (1879–1940), Pablo Picasso (1881–1973), Georges Braque (1882–1963), and their students and devotees. Modernism also moves through the strident atonality and striking provocativeness of the progressive composers Arnold Schoenberg (1874–1951) and Igor Stravinsky (1882–1971), and in the deconstructed buildings of the American Frank Lloyd Wright (1867–1959) and Charles-Édouard Jeanneret-Gris (1887–1965; aka Le Corbusier). In short, when Modernism reached its apogee in 1939, no form or tradition remained untouched, no process or principle to construct reality was put ‘out of bounds’. As the French philosopher Henri Bergson (1859–1941) described élan vital (Lit. life force), Modernism involves ‘the creative evolution of everything’ (q. Collinson and Plant [1991] 2006: 132). Here methods and materials are self-consciously prioritized, with the result, as a leading light in the Frankfurt School, social philosopher (and composer) Theodor Adorno (1903–69) said in the 1940s, ‘suspicion’ surrounds the coherence of Enlightenment rationality. Modernism feeds off disquiet bred by this alert ‘hermeneutic of suspicion’:5 absent certainty, possibilities appear. Tradition is challenged, and shibboleths mocked, in this vibrant, quizzical Modernist culture. 1914 is justly, and hauntingly, famous. 1913 was a monumental year for Modernism. Like an Arc de Triomphe, broad avenues fan out from it into memory, rite and tradition that create new N.B. Ricoeur’s description of Marx, Nietzsche and Freud as ‘masters of suspicion’ (Fr. Maîtres du soupçon), who established a ‘school of suspicion’ (Fr. École du soupçon) ([1965] 1970: 32). Cf. also, Waite, G. (1996), Nietzsche’s Corpse, 106. For a positive account of this, Leiter, B. (2004), ‘The Hermeneutics of Suspicion: Recovering Marx, Nietzsche, and Freud’, in The Future for Philosophy, 74–105. On the ‘hermeneutics of suspicion’, p. 307f., 324, 329f., 348, n. 5, 471f. 5

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perspectives on the Analects and Gospels. In addition to the Armory Show and Second Revolution in China, the year saw publication of pioneering ‘phenomenologist’ Edmund Husserl’s (1859–1938) Ideen,6 the first, explosive performance of Stravinsky’s The Rite of Spring and Mikhail Matyushin’s (1861–1934) avant-garde opera Победа над Солнцем (Pobeda nad Solntsem; Victory Over the Sun), the first volume of the French novelist Marcel Proust’s (1871–1922) seven-part À la Recherche du Temps Perdu (1913–22, In Search of Lost Time), the Nobel prize-winning Danish physicist Niels Bohr’s (1885–1962) early work on the quantized atom, and the expatriate American poet Ezra Pound’s (1885–1972) development of ‘Imagism’ (NB. already anticipated in his Riposte [1912]), in which oriental poetry inspires his verbal economy. In each of these time, tradition, creativity and imagination re-work reality. Nineteenth-century questions produce new, early 20th-century answers. We read the Analects and the Gospels today ‘on the far side’ of 1913 as much as World War I. The full effects of this are seen when the Modernist earthquake creates a delayed after-shock back in China.7 Cultural connections consolidated in the 19th century now traverse and change the world. How the Analects and Gospels were, and are, read is implicated in this rich, gyrating, inter-cultural process. We began the Introduction with van Gogh, Chapter 1 with T. S. Eliot. We return to them now to create a cohesive narrative. They shed important light on tensions inherent in early 20th-century Modernism. In both, memory and tradition play a central – but contestable – role. As Grant observes, to van Gogh memory had both positive and negative connotations (2014: 154f.). Positively, it is adjunct of skills ‘ingrained as a result of repeated study of actual objects’ (ibid.). It is a handmaid of the skilful spontaneity van Gogh sought, by which the ‘essence’ of a person, an object, or scene is swiftly captured by ‘exaggeration’. In this act of perceiving and creating the artist draws on a subconscious well of memory; as Grant says, ‘the familiar is thus made new and radiant with fresh significance’ (ibid., 155). In van Gogh’s search for spontaneity and the ‘power of expression’,8 he was aware of the constraining effects of inherited impression, and of a pupil’s predisposition to avoid ‘the difficult apprenticeship through which an artist learns to draw from actual models and by direct contact with nature’ (ibid., 154). If memory might constrict it could also, for him, liberate. The realism van Gogh sought came through intense concentration, not indisciplined abstraction. As here, Modernism sits at the feet of tradition, memorizes skills, and explores new techniques, ideas and combinations of colours and perspectives. In van Gogh the text and texture of life are studied, deconstructed, and swiftly re-imagined in vivid colour. Van Gogh’s November 1888 painting ‘Memory of the Garden at Etten’ (Ladies of Arles) illustrates his approach to memory and modernity. He intended the picture decorate his bedroom in the ‘Yellow House’. The artist’s father, Theodorus (1822–85), was a pastor in Etten. It was here, from 1881, van Gogh’s ten most productive years as an artist began. He learned his trade at the feet of the gifted, socially alert, painter Anthon van Rappard (1858–92) and his cousin-in-law Anton Mauve (1838–88), a key figure in the ‘Hague School’. He also studied the rigorous – and highly influential – Cours de dessin (Lit. Drawing course) by Charles Bargues (1826/7–83) and Jean-Léon

6 Cf. Husserl, E. (1913), Ideen zu einer reinen Phänomenologie und phänomenologischen Philosophie. Erstes Buch: Allgemeine Einführungin die reine Phänomenologie 1 (Ideas pertaining to a pure phenomenology and to a phenomenological philosophy, first book: general introduction to a pure phenomenology). On Husserl, below p. 354f., 373, 415, 421f., 427, 465f., 478f. 7 On the role the Orient played in Modernism’s evolving cultural narrative, p. 2f., 365, n. 90, 377, 385, 386, 421. 8 N.B. the value van Gogh placed on ‘power of expression’ in his writing and painting (Grant, 155f.).

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Gérôme (1824–1904).9 Van Gogh’s new skills, life experiences, and creative use of memory, combine in his ‘Memory of the Garden at Etten’. The work bears some similarities to the contemporaneous Arlésiennes (Mistral) by his co-resident in Arles, Paul Gauguin.10 Here is van Gogh’s oft-painted mother Anna (1819–1907), ‘the dark violet violently blotched with the lemon yellow of the dahlias’ evoking her personality.11 Here is his much-loved, youngest sister Wil[helmein] (1862–1941), an almost Dickensian figure ‘in the Scottish plaid with the orange and green checks standing out against the dark green of the cypress’ (ibid.). Here, too, perhaps anxiously (Tralbaut 1962: 16f.; 1969: 80f.), was his recently widowed cousin, Kee Vos-Stricker (1819–1907), with whom the artist became infatuated – and unsuccessfully proposed marriage.12 Recollection of the joys and pains of the past finds imaginative expression in a mythic ‘garden’, painted, van Gogh writes, ‘as if seen in a dream, in character and yet at the same time stranger than the reality’ (ibid.). Here poetry is spoken ‘just by arranging colours well, just as one can say comforting things in music’ (ibid.). The American Marshall McLuhan’s (1911–80) popular epigram – ‘The medium is the message’ – is true of Modernist art. Private memories, selected materials, and intentional techniques now converge. Technically, van Gogh subverts tradition: psychologically, he both needs and unnerves memory, distilling recollection in vivid images and the use of suggestive colours. We find something of the same use and ambivalence towards memory in T. S. Eliot, although the pull of tradition is stronger in him.13 As he wrote in his famous essay, ‘Tradition and the Individual Talent’ (1919)14 – in which tradition is a ‘simultaneous order’ where past and present fuse, and the (‘impersonal’)15 poet engages in a ‘continual surrender of himself ’ (sic) to the organic, historical ‘mind of Europe’ (1921: 46) – ‘[W]e shall often find . . . not only the best, but the most individual parts of [a poet’s] work, . . . those in which the dead poets, his ancestors, assert their immortality

9 The course, published by Goupil & Cie (1866–1871), was based around 197 lithographs of plaster casts, masterpieces and models that students had to copy. Beneficiaries included many leading artists from van Gogh (who copied all or part of the lithographs in 1880/1 and 1890) to Picasso. The artistic relation between Bargues and Gérôme is unclear. Bargues drew much from Gérôme’s oriental and historical material, but in the end Gérôme completed Bargues’s last work. 10 Van Gogh consciously followed Gauguin’s style here. He reverted to realism soon afterwards. Both artists deploy memory deliberately and imaginatively, but do so to different ends. As van Gogh says of his work: ‘I’ve been working on two canvases. A reminiscence of our garden at Etten with cabbages, cypresses, dahlias and figures. Then a Woman reading a novel in a library like the Lecture Française. A completely green woman. Gauguin gives me courage to imagine, and the things of the imagination do indeed take on a more mysterious character’ (Letter 719, to Theo, 11/12 November 1888, in Vincent van Gogh: The Letters). Cf. also, de la Faille, J-B. (1970), The Works of Vincent van Gogh, 221. 11 For van Gogh’s explanation of the painting, Letter 720 to Wilhelina van Gogh, c. 16 November 1888 (ibid.). 12 ‘Nooit, neen, nimmer!’ (‘No, at no time, never!’) was her discouraging response (q. Hulsker, 1980: 22). 13 Cf. above p. 24f., 360, 369. 14 ‘Tradition and the Individual Talent’ (1919) was Eliot’s first work to be translated into Chinese. It resonated with mid20th-century Chinese struggling to reconcile tradition with socio-political disruption. The first Chinese translation of The Waste Land was by eminent Peking University professor and poet Zhao Luorui 䏉㱯㮔 (1912–98; p. 25), who also translated Whitman’s Leaves of Grass. The translation of The Waste Land appeared a few days before the outbreak of the SinoJapanese War. As we saw above (p. 25), Prof. Lihui Liu comments tellingly: ‘The terrible situation of the 1930s moved some young Chinese poets to identify Eliot as virtually their spokesman’ (2007: 154–79). 15 On the ‘impersonality’, or siphon-like invisibility, of the poet, Eliot, T. S. (1948), Notes towards the Definition of Culture; —(1957), On Poetry and Poets. Cf. in support of Eliot’s position, Kenner, H. (1959), The Invisible Poet: T. S. Eliot; Lucy, S. (1960), T. S. Eliot and the Idea of Tradition. For a critique of Eliot, Leavis, F. R. ([1957] 1967), ‘T. S. Eliot as Critic’, in Anna Karenina and Other Essays, 177–96.

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most vigorously’ (ibid., 43).16 Tradition is not to be slavishly copied: like van Gogh, Eliot calls for it to be consciously studied, and subconsciously mediated in new synthesized ways.17 In T. S. Eliot’s hermeneutics, philosophy, creativity, tradition and (in time) faith, synergize. The ‘living whole’ of Western culture becomes a dynamic, imminent, modern ‘myth’.18 We will return to Eliot’s hermeneutics.19 His poetry, prose, and literary criticism anticipate later approaches to reading in light of guiding ‘myths’ and other texts and traditions: these have transformed expectations of what the Analects and Gospels can and cannot mean. To Eliot, memory is implicated in the complex processes of time, tradition, culture and, crucially, desire.20 It is, to him, in the ‘affective’ realm that spirituality and aesthetics conjoin to inspire art and literature. As his poem ‘Little Gidding’ makes clear, it is in the deliberate ‘use’ of memory – understood as both control and reliance on it – that Eliot binds himself consciously to the poetry, culture, history and religion of Christendom.21 Memory liberates in recreation of a cultural context and ever-new set of literary, artistic, emotional and religious resources. This is the use of memory: For liberation – not less of love but expanding Of love beyond desire, and so liberation From the future as well as the past. —‘Little Gidding’, Four Quartets, 1942 In Eliot’s poems ‘The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock’, The Waste Land (1922),22 and the Four Quartets, memory enables the transcending, or non-linear folding-in, of time and the creation of a permanent, timeless ‘now’. As ‘Burnt Norton’ in Four Quartets states: Time present and time past Are both perhaps present in time future And time future contained in time past . . . What might have been and what has been Point to one end, which is always present. Cf. also, Rainey, L. ed. (2005), Modernism: An Anthology, 152f. For a survey of research on Eliot interpretation (particularly The Waste Land), McDougal, S. Y. (1990), ‘T. S. Eliot’, in J. R. Bryer (ed.), Sixteen Modern American Authors: II , 154–209. 17 On Eliot and tradition, Cianci, G. and J. Harding, eds (2007), T. S. Eliot and the Concept of Tradition; Ellis, P. (1972), ‘The Development of T. S. Eliot’s Historical Sense’; Longenbach, J. (1987), Modernist Poetics of History; Mayer, J. T. (1989), T. S. Eliot’s Silent Voices; Reeves, G. (2006), ‘T. S. Eliot and the Idea of Tradition’, in P. Waugh (ed.), Literary Theory and Criticism, 107–18. 18 On Eliot’s hermeneutics, Davidson, H. (1985), T. S. Eliot and Hermeneutics. On his ‘mythical method’, Cianci and Harding, T. S. Eliot and the Concept of Tradition, 147f. 19 Cf. p. 352f., 360, 368f. 20 On Eliot and memory, Smith, G. S. (1996), T. S. Eliot and the Use of Memory, esp. 104f.; Hall, A. L. (1984), ‘To Redeem the Time: The Function of Memory in T. S. Eliot’s Poetry’. Also, on Eliot and Seamus Heaney’s view of memory, Cuda, A. J. (2005), ‘The Use of Memory: Seamus Heaney, T. S. Eliot, and the Unpublished Epigraph to “North” ’. 21 On Eliot, memory and Modernism, Brooker, J. S. (1994), Mastery and Escape: T. S. Eliot and the Dialectic of Modernism; Gray, P. (1982), T. S. Eliot’s Intellectual and Poetic Development 1909–1922; Menand, L. (1987), Discovering Modernism: T. S. Eliot and His Context. 22 On the personal, imaginative, role of memory in The Waste Land, Ward, D. (1973), T. S. Eliot Between Two Worlds, esp. Ch. 4 (‘ “Between Two Lives”, The Waste Land’). 16

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Footfalls echo in the memory Down the passage which we did not take Towards the door we never opened Into the rose-garden . . . . . . the end precedes the beginning And the end and the beginning were always there Before the beginning and after the end. And all is always now. Literature, psychology, morality and spirituality converge in Eliot’s use of memory to expound and experience the ‘still point’ of eternity. But his poem ‘Rhapsody on a Windy Night’ – written in Paris in March 1911 – also presents memory as engaged in an existential – if not yet for Eliot spiritual – battle with sense, time and history: Twelve o’clock. Along the reaches of the street Held in a lunar synthesis, Whispering lunar incantations Dissolve the floors of memory And all its clear relations, Its divisions and precisions, Every street lamp that I pass Beats like a fatalistic drum, And through the spaces of the dark Midnight shakes the memory As a madman shakes a dead geranium. —Collected Poems 1909–1962, 1963 As we see here, memory is subject in Eliot to constant, critical, moral, cross-examination in light of lived experience, and, after his baptism and confirmation on 29/30 June 1927, Christian faith. As literary critics have claimed, his creative genius embodies the spirit of a great cosmopolitan, cultural, classicist synthesizer and a progressive, provocative Modernist. He confesses to be a ‘classicist in literature, royalist in politics, and Anglo-Catholic in religion’ (1928: ix)23 – and, crucially, a (not uncritical)24 disciple of Henri Bergson.25 Indeed, it is from Bergson that Eliot drew much of his Modernist view of time, memory,26 history and tradition, and his perspective on Cf. Chace, W. M. (1973), The Political Identities of Ezra Pound and T. S. Eliot, 130f. N.B. Eliot’s self-confessed ‘temporary conversion to Bergsonism’ (1998: 411). Eliot attended Bergson’s lectures at the Collège de France in Paris in 1911. Some scholars interpret his poem ‘Rhapsody on a Windy Night’ as a study of Bergson’s views on time, memory, consciousness and intuition. Eliot’s sense of tradition led him to question Bergson’s abstract view of time as durée réelle (Lit. mere duration), with no defined beginning, middle or end. Cf. on Eliot and Bergson, Gillies, M. A. (1996), Henri Bergson and British Modernism, 63f.; Gex, S. (2010), ‘Bergsonian Memory and Time in T. S. Eliot’s Beginning and End’. 25 On Bergson, p. 327, n. 306. 26 N.B. Bergson’s idea of impersonal, pure memory as ‘the originating consciousness, from which individual consciousnesses are dissociated’ (Trifonova 2007: 73f.), impressed Eliot and Husserl, but Sartre rejected the idea (ibid.). 23 24

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‘consciousness’ in creativity.27 Le Brun says, if Eliot had not known Bergson’s work, his ‘major formulations about poetry – about tradition, the associated sensibility of the artist, and the work of art as objective correlative – would have been quite different’ (1967: 149). Bergson exerts a significant influence on Eliot: through him, Eliot instantiates a poet-critic’s Modernist synthesis of ideas that shape his ever-expanding, creative horizon. Like van Gogh, the mature Eliot inhabits a vast cultural and artistic space. An infinite number of ideas, principles, traditions and people – living and departed – inform his life, thought and writing. To some of these, and for their place in inter-cultural hermeneutics, we turn in what follows.

CULTURE, MEMORY AND HERMENEUTICS: THE EARLY 20TH-CENTURY DILEMMA ‘It is almost impossible to think of a world in which The Waste Land did not exist. So profound has its influence been not only on twentieth-century poetry but on how we’ve come to see the century as a whole, the poem risks being taken for granted’ (Eliot 2014: 5). With these striking words, Paul Muldoon introduces his 2014 edition of Eliot’s The Waste Land. Muldoon goes on to record, as many others have, Eliot’s knowledge and use of the as-yet-unpublished Ulysses by James Joyce, and Ezra Pound’s critical revisions of his poem (right through to its final version).28 Like all great artists, for all his independent creativity, Eliot belonged to an extended community of cultural, intellectual and artistic discourse that preceded, surrounded and ultimately succeeded him.29 Though Modernism is rightly seen as intentionally (albeit variously) disruptive of belief in the defining narrative of culture, Ulysses and The Waste Land are in different ways studies in memory. In both, inter-textual allusions,30 and classical images and texts, are invoked alongside everyday life. Cultural memories are thereby consciously and subconsciously stirred. Study of the Analects and Gospels today is set against the backcloth of this appeal to ‘cultural memory’. Humility and common-sense admit conscious and unconscious psycho-cultural influence. 27 Cf. Donald Childs: ‘Bergsonism, to quote Eliot’s mother, becomes in his thought a “diminishing quality”, [yet] it nonetheless endures in its pseudo-mystical dimension as an important quality of Eliot’s poetic and religious sensibility’ (1991: 488). On Eliot and Bergson also, Habib, M. A. R. (1999), The Early T. S. Eliot and Western Philosophy, esp. Ch. 2 (‘Bergson Resartus and T. S. Eliot’s Manuscript’, 39–60); Douglass, P. (1986), Bergson, Eliot and American Literature, 54– 82; Gordon, L. (1977), Eliot’s Early Years, ad loc; Latta, C. (2014), When the Eternal Can Be Met, 132f., where Bergson and Eliot are both shown to use the image of a rose garden to expound memory, time and human intuition (Bergson) or experience (Eliot). 28 On Pound’s impact on the structure and content of The Waste Land, and on the debated issue of the poem’s editorial history and reception, McIntire G. ed. (2015), Cambridge Companion to The Waste Land, 102–15, 194–210; Chinitz, D. E. (1995), ‘T. S. Eliot and the Cultural Divide’; —(2003), T. S. Eliot and the Cultural Divide; Ellmann, R. (1973), ‘The First Waste Land’, in A. W. Litz (ed.), Eliot in His Time, 51–66; Gordon, L. (1977), Eliot’s Early Years, 73f.; Kenner, H., ‘The Urban Apocalypse’, in Litz (ed.), ibid., 23–49; Koestenbaum, W. (1989), Double Talk, 124f.; Martz, L. L. (1993), ‘Origins of Form in Four Quartets’, in E. Lobb (ed.), Words in Time, 189–204; Perloff, M. (1981), The Poetics of Indeterminacy, 173f.; Rabaté, J-M. (1996), The Ghosts of Modernity, 198f.; Sultan, S. (1977), ‘Ulysses’, ‘The Waste Land’, and Modernism. 29 N.B. Arthur C. Danto’s comment, in his chapter, ‘The Shape of Artistic Pasts: East and West’: ‘Since Vasari, to be an artist in the West has been to have internalized a narrative that determines the way we can be influenced by the past . . . Modernism . . . meant the dismantling of these narratives and reconstitution of our relationship to the past’ (1993: 131). Comparisons are also drawn with the classical Chinese art of Ni Tsan/Zan ٚ⬂ (1301–74) and Wan Shang-Lin 㩜к䚤 (1739–1813). 30 On this, Rickard, J. S. (1993), ‘Tradition and Intertextual Memory in James Joyce’s Ulysses’, in P. Cook (ed.), Philosophical Imagination and Cultural Memory, 195–211.

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The Waste Land has a central place in British, European and American cultural traditions. It is important as a reminder of the character and complexity of the cultural, moral, philosophical and psychological ‘filters’ that condition any form of reading or interpretation: contemporary exposure to the text and meaning of the Analects and Gospels has been shaped as much by the creativity of Modernism as the more recent, ‘serious’, co-opting agendas of Postmodernism.31 What’s more, we read today ‘on the far side’ of substantial academic exploration of culture, memory, tradition, reading, time, history, reality, imagination and ritual. We engage some of this material in this chapter, more in the next on ‘Sickness, Death and the Afterlife’. If we ask here, though, what impact pre-1939 Modernism has on contemporary reading of the Analects and Gospels in relation to memory, rite and tradition, some of this material comes into play. From this, a number of major themes emerge. To focus discussion, we return first to 1913 and to the convergence of iconic Modernist material that year witnessed. From five major works and their creators we deduce more of the context and rationale for Modernism and determine some of the hermeneutic questions inter-cultural Modernism asks contemporary reading of memory, rite and tradition in the Analects and Gospels. We cast the net wide. Once again, we are behoven to face the diffuse nature of hermeneutic pressure and the complexity of lived experience. Husserl and His Heirs We begin with the appearance in 1913 of Book I of the German philosopher Edmund Husserl’s (1859–1938) Ideen zu einer reinen Phänomenologie und phänomenologischen Philosophie (Ideas on Pure Phenomenology and Phenomenological Philosophy). The work – of which two other parts were published posthumously32 – is significant both in its own right and as a statement of a major theme by an immensely influential Modernist thinker. Scholars see evidence of Husserl in Eliot’s philosophical development and later poetry. He had certainly read Husserl’s Logischen Untersuchungen (1900, Logical Investigations) while studying for his Harvard PhD in Germany in late 1914.33 It was hard graft. He wrote to his long-term literary friend Conrad Aiken (1889–1973) and Harvard Professor James Haughton Woods (1864–1935): ‘I have been plugging away at Husserl, and find it terribly hard, but very interesting; and I like very much what I think I understand’ (q. Vanheste 2007: 123). Yes, Husserl can be hard work, but, no harder than his life. Like many we will study in these last two chapters, Husserl’s biography shaped his intellectual identity. Memory is integral to our, and their, story, traditions and routinization of life-rituals. Husserl’s life deserves notice. He was born in Prosteˇjov (Prossnitz), in the old Bohemian Margraviate of Moravia, the son of a Jewish milliner. He went to the Realgymnasium in Vienna and Staatsgymnasium in Olomouc (Olmütz), and then moved to study mathematics, philosophy, and N.B. Harold Bloom’s awareness of this in relation to Shakespeare, above p. 266f. Cf. Husserl, E. (1952), Ideen II: Phänomenologische Untersuchungen zur Konstitution (Ideas II: Phenomenological investigations of constitution); —(1971), Ideen III: Die Phänomenologie und die Fundamente der Wissenschaften (Ideas III: Phenomenology and the foundations of the sciences). 33 Eliot’s dissertation was entitled, ‘Experience and Objects of Knowledge in the Philosophy of F. H. Bradley’. Completed in 1916 (after a year’s Sheldon Travelling Scholarship to Merton College, Oxford) – but not published until 1964 – WWI prevented Eliot returning to Harvard to receive the degree. His teachers were sad he decided not to pursue an academic career. On the dissertation and Eliot’s intellectual development, including his study of Husserl, Childs, D. J. (2001), From Philosophy to Poetry: T. S. Eliot’s Study of Knowledge and Experience, 33f.; Rampal, D. K. (1996), Poetic Theory and Practice of T. S. Eliot, 2f. 31 32

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psychology at Leipzig (1876–8), Berlin (1878–81) and Vienna (1881–3) universities. He completed his doctoral thesis on ‘Calculus’ at Vienna in 1883. When there, he attended lectures by the philosopher-psychologist Franz Brentano (1838–1917). Brentano’s pupil Carl Stumpf (1848–1936) subsequently supervised Husserl’s ‘Habilitation’ on ‘Number Theory’ at Halle (1887). Husserl said later that he owed to Brentano his love of philosophy and his theory of ‘intentionality’, which he calls ‘the fundamental property of consciousness’ and ‘the principle theme of phenomenology’ (McIntyre and Smith 1989: 147).34 Husserl went on to hold academic posts at the Universities of Göttingen (fr. 1901) and Freiburg (fr. 1917), from which he resigned in 1928. In retirement, he wrote much and lectured widely.35 In 1933 he fell foul of chauvinist Nazi directives against Jews. He lost his German citizenship and was disbarred from university work. He resigned in protest from the Deutsche Academie.36 He died on 27 April 1938 grieving ‘his old German university’, once a national icon, ‘exists no more’,37 replaced by ‘the more or less materialisticmythical racial prejudices of the day’.38 Conservative historian Gerhard Ritter (1888–1967) was the only member of the Freiburg Faculty to attend Husserl’s funeral. It was a bold anti-Nazi gesture. Though Husserl suffered for being a Jew, he had been baptized in 1886. Christianity, he stated, inspired his moral urgency and emotional confidence in ‘transcendence’. Spiritual and intellectual ‘openness’ are hallmarks of Husserl’s mind and life. In his history of the ‘Phenomenological Movement’, Herbert Spiegelberg describes Husserl’s sense of a divine ‘vocation’ to ‘find new ways for philosophy and science’ ([1960] 1965: I. 85f.).39 He succeeded. His productive life spans – and in many ways embodies – the Modernist watershed in history. To parody James Wood’s assessment of the French novelist, Gustave Flaubert: ‘It all begins again with Husserl’ (2008: 29). There is a before and after Husserl’s life and work for China and the West that impacts us still. Unbeknownst maybe, we see the world through Husserl’s eyes. Husserl is important for what he said, whom he inspired, and for what he said about China and China says about him.40 His legacy in each of these four areas is immense. He remains an iconic Modernist thinker. To synthesize his thought here risks losing its scale, substance and subtlety. We can only touch on a few key issues – circumnavigating oceans of academic squalls – for the impact they have on the theme of this chapter, if not, indeed, the book as a whole. We also look at Husserl’s students and heirs to prepare for their role in Chapter 8. Husserl is inherently complex. His vocations as a philosopher, logician, mathematician, ethicist, theologian, teacher and advocate, cross-fertilize as his thinking develops. His interests cluster

34 On this, McIntyre, R. and D. W. Smith (1989), ‘Theory of Intentionality’, in J. N. Mohanty and W. R. McKenna (eds), Husserl’s Phenomenology: A Textbook, 147f. 35 Among his more significant lectures in retirement were those in Paris (1929) – from which his Méditations cartésiennes (1931) derives – in Prague (1935) and in Vienna (1936), which led to his uncharacteristically political work, Die Krisis (1936). 36 On Husserl’s life as an academic Jew between 1933 and 1938, and his anguish at Germany’s loss of cultural identity and tradition, Detmer, D. (2013), Phenomenology Explained, 31f. 37 Letter to Roman Ingarden (11 October 1933) (q. Detmer 2013: 32). 38 Letter to Dietrich Mahnke (4 May 1933) (q. Detmer, 32). 39 Spiegelberg also reports here on a religious experience Husserl had at the end of his life. On phenomenology, Farber, M. (1943), The Foundation of Phenomenology: Edmund Husserl and the Quest for a Rigorous Science of Philosophy. For a recent study, Bernet, R., D. Welton and G. Zavota, eds (2005), Edmund Husserl: Critical Assessments of Leading Philosophers, II. 40 On Husserl, Smith, D. W. ([2007] 2013), Husserl; Farber, M. ed. ([1940] 2014), Philosophical Essays in Memory of Edmund Husserl.

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around the discipline he popularized, Phenomenology. Following Brentano, from his Ideen onwards41 Husserl reflects on the ideal structure of human consciousness. That is, on the way humans perceive physical phenomena, not only from what he calls the ‘natural standpoint’ (as empirical, verifiable entities), but as mental phenomena (that contain a ‘content’ and possess a dynamic ‘intentionality’).42 Instead of being eidetic human constructs (pace Hegel), to Husserl phenomena themselves generate and communicate a self-descriptive character. In other words, in his ‘transcendentalist phenomenology’, Husserl studies the act of human seeing and the inner dynamic of objects that are seen. This scientific phenomenological approach gathers evidence of the way ‘types’, and groups of objects – including concepts, numbers and terms – are perceived, and deduces their constant, common characteristics. Objective reality is thereby rethought, and redefined, in subjective referentiality and conceptual meaning. Crucially, mental phenomena and comparative, inter-subjective analysis,43 are central to this new act – or methodology – of eidetic enquiry. As Husserl’s 1935 Vienna lecture states: It is my conviction that intentional phenomenology has made of the spirit qua spirit for the first time a field of systematic experience and science and has thus brought about the total reorientation [Germ. Umstellung] of the task of knowledge. The universality of the absolute spirit surrounds everything that exists with an absolute historicity, to which nature as a spiritual structure is subordinated. —[1936] 1976: VI: 356f.44 In later works Husserl speaks of a new ‘science of the mind and spirit’ (Geisteswissenschaft) as rigorous as existing study of physical realities (Naturwissenschaft).45 His reworking of the raw data of history and science – via philosophy, logic, psychology, mathematics and spirituality – has the effect of recasting memory, rite and the nature of tradition. Memory now belongs to ‘non-natural’ perception, rites ‘transcend’ reality, and tradition is empowered by ‘intentionality’. Memory is, for Husserl, not (as often conceived) an image of the past, but a unique and direct ‘mode of consciousness’ in which time is transcended and perception renewed in the present.46 Husserl’s subsequent impact is as significant as his original ideas. We take time to study this. We have already seen Eliot engage his thought. The list of those inspired by the questions he posed, and Husserl’s Ideen appeared in the journal Jahrbuch für Philosophie und Phänomenologische Forschung (Yearbook for Philosophy and Phenomenological Research), Vol. I., which Husserl and others launched in Freiburg in 1912. The journal continued until 1930, by which time, Phenomenology had entered the mainstream of most fields of academic enquiry. 42 For an overview of Husserl’s rejection of ‘naturalism’ and strong embrace of ‘transcendental idealism’, Moran, D. and L. E. Embree, eds (2004), Phenomenology, I. 90f. 43 On ‘inter-subjectivity’, Husserl, E. ([1950] 1960), Husserliana, I: Cartesianische Meditationen und Pariser Vorträge, Meditation V. 44 N.B. parallels between Husserl’s phenomenological view of time and Albert Einstein (1879–1955) and his colleagues’ ‘theories of relativity’ are striking. The years 1912 to 1914 were also pivotal – and challenging – for Einstein’s theory of gravitation, or ‘general relativity’ (November 1915). Some scholars claim Einstein and his associate Hermann Weyl (1885– 1955) derived their idea of ‘essence’ (and, perhaps, of time) from Husserl. Cf. on this, Mastrobisi, G. J. (2018), ‘Phenomenology and Relativity: Husserl, Weyl, Einstein and the concept of Essence’. Kierkegaard had earlier also argued, in The Concept of Dread, that like being, thought and essence, ‘time and space are for abstract thinking completely identical’. 45 On Geistes- and Naturwissenschaft, above p. 316. 46 For an overview of Husserl on memory, Brough, J. (1975), ‘Husserl on Memory’. 41

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answers he gave, is impressive. Chief among his early devotees was his assistant in Freiburg from 1920 to 1923, the philosopher Martin Heidegger (1889–1976), who dedicated his masterpiece Sein und Zeit (1927: Being and Time, 1962) to his old mentor ‘in friendship and admiration’. However, the relationship between the men soured in the late 1920s47 and became embittered in April 1933, when Heidegger joined the Nazi party and was named the university’s Rector (Germ. Führer). Privately, Heidegger mocked Husserl’s ‘sham philosophy’: publicly, Husserl condemned Heidegger’s deceit, treachery and anti-Semitism.48 He studied Heidegger’s work carefully in 1929 and queried the replacement of the phenomenological term ‘pure ego’ by the anthropologicalexistential ‘Dasein’ (Lit. Being-there; or, Being-in-the-world). A lecture he delivered to the learned Kant Societies in Frankfurt, Berlin, and Halle in 1931, ‘Phänomenologie und Anthropologie’, roundly condemned his former pupil. History and time healed the breach between the two men: the dedicatee of post-War editions of Being and Time is again Husserl.49 If, as we shall see further later, Heidegger recasts Husserl in existentialist categories, others have taken Husserl’s thought forward in other ways. Another convert from Judaism to Christianity was Edith Stein (1891–1942). Executed by the Nazis in Auschwitz on 9 August 1942, Stein was canonized St. Teresa Benedicta of the Cross by Pope John Paul II (1920–2005; r. 1978–2005) on 11 October 1998. Her doctorate, ‘Zum Problem der Einfühlung’ (1916, On the Problem of Empathy),50 was supervised by Husserl. She became his academic assistentin (1916–22) prior to Heidegger. In Stein, phenomenology and Thomism are integrated into a nuanced existential hermeneutic, and a philosophical spirituality, in which Einfühlung (Lit. feeling into self, or another, or a situation) is (contra Husserl) afforded determinative significance.51 Three articles by Stein in the Jahrbuch für Philosophie und Phänomenologische Forschung (1922–25) study the nature and structure of ‘experience’. These pre-empt the existentialist hermeneutic of Heidegger’s Being and Time; and, as Alisdair MacIntyre has pointed out, like J. S. Mill, Stein finds analogous connections between empathy for another and remembered feelings.52 Memory enables empathy for someone, who is, to Stein, ‘not given as a physical body, but as a sensitive, living body belonging to an “I”, an “I” that senses, thinks, feels and wills’ ([1980] 1989: 5; q. MacIntyre [2006] 2007: 77). As we have seen in Schleiermacher and Kierkegaard, the shift to an experiential hermeneutic, which Stein develops, transforms exegesis of ‘Classic’ texts such as the Analects and Gospels. Perception and textual interpretation of memory, rite and tradition are impacted by this experientialist turn. Modernist phenomenology changed reading: it became a dialogue between two conscious ‘I’s’, the

47 Heidegger was appointed Husserl’s successor at Freiburg in 1928. The difficulties in their relation may have been caused as much by Heidegger’s ambition as Husserl’s defensiveness. 48 As we see from his correspondence, Heidegger criticized his mentor from 26 December 1926 (Heidegger and Jaspers 1990: 71). 49 For political reasons, it seems, the dedication to Husserl was moved to a footnote in the 1941 war-time edition. On the relationship between Heidegger and Husserl, Sheehan, T. (1997), ‘Husserl and Heidegger’, in T. Sheehan and R. E. Palmer (eds), Edmund Husserl, 1–34; Dreyfus, H. L. and M. A. Wrathall, eds (2005), Companion to Heidegger, 50f. 50 Cf. Stein’s published thesis ‘Das Einfühlungsproblem in seiner historischen Entwicklung und in phänomenologischer Betrachtung’ (1917). 51 Prompted by reports of the early months of WWI, Stein trained as a nursing assistant in 1915, and worked in a hospital on disease control. Her interest in ‘empathy’ emerged from this. On Stein and Husserl, Kristiansen, S. J. and S. Rise, eds (2013), Key Theological Thinkers, 671f. On the way Stein’s use of ‘empathy’ consciously differentiated her from her mentor, MacIntyre, A. ([2006] 2007), Edith Stein, 77f. 52 N.B. echoes of Bergson here.

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reader and author. In the act of reading, feelings and memories of self, life, people, pain and suffering are awakened. Experience bridges the divide between author, reader and society. Stein was not alone in taking and developing Husserl’s ideas. The same is true of many of his students, assistants, colleagues and friends. Among his assistants were the immensely able and personable Adolf Reinarch (1884–1917), who was killed on the fields of Flanders; Ludwig Landgrebe (1902–91), his assistant from 1923, who with Eugen Fink (1905–75) directed the Husserl Archives in Leuven (fr. 1939); and, his Polish ‘idealist’ protégé, Roman Ingarden (1893– 1970).53 Among fellow German academics, Max Scheler (1874–1928) and Nicolai Hartmann (1882–1950) were strong – but not uncritical – advocates of Husserl’s ideas. Scheler, a leader among Munich phenomenologists, was an early editor of the Jahrbuch, a mentor to Stein, and, later, the subject of Karol Wotyla’s (Pope John Paul II) ‘Habilitation’.54 Scheler sought to wed phenomenology to an ethic of ‘love’. Heidegger described him as ‘the strongest philosophical force in modern Germany’ (1984: 50f.), adding – as if that claim wasn’t sufficient! – ‘nay, in contemporary Europe and in contemporary philosophy as such’ (ibid.). Hartmann was a Neo-Kantian professor at Marburg University with a high profile among phenomenologists. Husserl – and others, subsequently – doubted his phenomenological orthodoxy. In addition to Scheler, Hartmann, and their protégés, Austrian logician Kurt Gödel (1906–78),55 German mathematician Hermann Weyl (1885–1955),56 Vienna Circle ‘logical positivist’ Rudolf Carnap (1891–1970),57 and the ‘new existentialist’ novelist Colin Wilson (1931–2013),58 all reflect Husserl’s positive influence.59 As intimated previously, Modernist avenues reach deep into postmodern suburbs. We live and read today ‘after Husserl’: his works are lesser-known ‘Classics’ shaping our world. Husserl’s impact is even more marked in France.60 We will return to this theme later. For now, we note that the Lithuanian, Jewish, existentialist philosopher Emmanuel Levinas (1906–95), who studied with Husserl just before his retirement, played a major role in this.61 Levinas wrote his doctoral thesis on Husserl’s theory of ‘intuition’,62 translated his Cartesian Meditations into French in 1931 (seven years before their publication in Germany), and applied Husserl’s thought in other For Ingarden’s work, p. 379, n. 183. Wotyla’s stress on seeing ‘things as they are’ is traceable to Scheler. His ‘Habilitation’ at the Jagellonian University, Krakow was (ET) ‘An Evaluation of the Possibility of Constructing a Christian Ethics on the Basis of the System of Max Scheler’ (1953). 55 Cf. Tieszen, R. (1992), ‘Kurt Gödel and Phenomenology’; Van Atten, M. (2015), Essays on Godel’s Reception. 56 Cf. Ryckman, T. (2005), The Reign of Relativity, 108–44; Feist, R. (2002), ‘Weyl’s appropriation of Husserl’s and Poincaré’s Thought’. 57 Cf. Moran, D. and J. Cohen, eds (2012), The Husserl Dictionary, 55f.; Galavotti, M. C. ed. (2006), Cambridge and Vienna; Awodey, S. and C. Klein, eds (2004), Carnap Brought Home, 41–62, 117–50. 58 N.B. Tredell, N. (1982), The Novels of Colin Wilson, 25f.; Bendau, C. P. (1979), Colin Wilson: The Outsider and Beyond, 10f. 59 On the breadth of Husserl’s impact, Wiggins, O. P. and M. A. Schwartz (1997), ‘Edmund Husserl’s Influence on Karl Jaspers’ Phenomenology’. 60 On Husserl’s reception in France in the 1930s, particularly among younger scholars (after a sluggish start in the 1920s), Schrift, A. D. (2006), Twentieth-Century French Philosophy, 21f.; Murray, C. J. ed. (2004), Encyclopedia of Modern French Thought, 506f.; and the useful chapter, Dupont, C. (2014), ‘Four Phases in the Reception of Phenomenology in French Philosophy’, in Phenomenology in French Philosophy, 103–68. 61 For an introduction to his use and adaptation of Husserl, Levinas, E. ([1949b] 1998), Discovering Existence with Husserl, xi–xx. On the impact of Heidegger on Levinas’s historicist, ontological critique of Husserl, Wyschogrod, E. (1974), Emmanuel Levinas, 48f.; Drabinski, J. E. (2001), Sensibility and Singularity, 13–42. 62 Cf. Levinas, E. ([1930] 1995), La théorie de l’intuition dans la phénoménologie de Husserl. 53 54

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works, particularly in his De l’Existence à l’Existant (1947a) and En Découvrant l’Existence avec Husserl et Heidegger ([1949a] 1967).63 Jean-Paul Sartre (1905–80), the prominent Marxist, existentialist philosopher, literary critic, author and playwright, was likewise consciously indebted to Husserl, although in time he came to differentiate between – and, indeed, prefer – Heidegger’s materialist ontology to Husserl’s ‘phenomenological transcendentalism’.64 A critic of Sartre’s grim, atheistic existentialism, the Catholic writer (NB. his preferred self-designation was ‘Neo-Socratic’ or ‘Christian Socratic’) Gabriel Marcel (1889–1973), who had been trained by Bergson, also used Husserlian phenomenology in his quest to present life positively in terms of freedom, hope, participation, creative fidelity and what he termed ‘exigence’ and ‘présence’.65 More sympathetic to Sartre – and no less aware of Husserl – was philosopher Maurice Merleau-Ponty (1908–61), an early Board member of Sartre’s Leftist magazine Les Temps Modernes (fr. 1945). Merleau-Ponty warrants attention. In addition to his Phénoménologie de la perception (1945: Phenomenology of Perception, 1965)66 – which applies Husserlian principles to psychology and the cognitive sciences, and describes him as the foremost philosopher of the ‘body’ (Honderich, ed. [1995] 2005: 588)67 – his essay ‘The Philosopher and His Shadow’ (Chapter 6 of Signes, 1960),68 engages directly Husserl’s view of history and tradition. From this, he draws important implications for reading and interpreting. He begins: ‘Establishing a tradition means forgetting its origin, the aging Husserl used to say. Precisely because we owe so much to tradition, we are in no position to see just what belongs to it’ (1964: 159). He adds, applying this to Husserl and the after-glow of his work: ‘The reason why we think that interpretation is restricted to either inevitable distortion or literal reproduction is that we want the meaning of a man’s works to be wholly positive and by rights susceptible to an inventory which sets forth what is and is not in these works. But this is to be deceived about works and thought’ (ibid.). Merleau-Ponty brings us back to a theme touched on before that we will return to shortly; namely, the nature, power and exegesis of a ‘Classic’ text like the Analects or Gospels. Pondering Husserl’s impact and the ‘unthought-of element’ that reaches beyond words, MerleauPonty quotes Heidegger: 63 N.B. the contrast between Husserl’s view of memory (joining the past to the present like a ‘comet’s tail’) and Levinas’s ethical – but skeptical – view of it as an important, but ultimately impotent, means of confronting the present with the true reality of failure and passivity in the past, from which the present is now temporally disconnected (Staehler 2010: 186f.). On Levinas’s reception in China (particularly his moral metaphysics), Bunnin, N., D. Yang and L. Gu, eds (2008), Levinas: Chinese and Western Perspectives, esp. 106f. 64 On Sartre and Husserl, Trifonova, T. (2007), The Image in French Philosophy, 73f. On Sartre’s critique of Husserl’s ‘transcendental ego’, in his early essay ‘The Transcendence of the Ego: A Sketch for a Phenomenological Description’ (1936), Mensch, J. R. (1996), After Modernity, 105f.; also, Williford, K. (2011), ‘Pre-reflective self-consciousness and the autobiographical ego’, in J. Webber (ed.), Reading Sartre, 196f. On Sartre’s early reading in Husserl and his place in the development of Sartre’s thought, Busch, T. W. (1990), The Power of Consciousness, 4f. On Sartre, below p. 426f. 65 On the prolific, allusive, interconnected thought of Marcel, Gallagher, K. T. (1962), The Philosophy of Gabriel Marcel; Schilpp, P. A. and L. E. Hahn, eds (1984), The Philosophy of Gabriel Marcel; Zuidema, S. U. (1960), ‘Gabriel Marcel: A Critique’. On Marcel, p. 415, 423f., 435, 456, 460, n. 304. 66 Merleau-Ponty, the first student at the Husserl Archive in Leuven, draws heavily on Husserl’s Ideen I, particularly its noetic-noematic distinction and themes of consciousness, intentionality, temporality and inter-subjectivity. His work involves a critique of Cartesian mind-body dualism, in the name of a singular, inter-subjective consciousness. Phenomenology of Perception was issued soon after Sartre’s L’Être et le Néant (1943a, Being and Nothingness) and countered what he saw as Sartre’s perpetuation of duality in consciousness (i.e. subjective for-itself, objective in-itself). On Sartre and the phenomenology of ontology, below p. 429f. 67 Cf. Bernasconi, R. (2006), ‘Sartre’s Response to Merleau-Ponty’s Charge of Subjectivism’. 68 Cf. Merleau-Ponty, M. ([1960] 1964), ‘The Philosopher and His Shadow’, in Signs, 159–81.

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When we are considering a man’s thought, the greater the work accomplished (and greatness is in no way equivalent to the extent and number of writings) the richer the unthought-of [Germ. Ungedachte] element in that work. That is, the richer is that which, through this work and through it alone, comes towards us as never yet thought of [Germ. Noch-nicht-Gedachte]. —Heidegger 1986: 123f.; q. ibid., 160 In other words, a text not only bears the unheard voice of tradition (pace Bergson, Husserl and T. S. Eliot), and the unconscious impact of other texts and experiences (pace Stein, Levinas and Bloom), but also the subconscious ‘unthought-of ’, which is present in great texts and authors. We will return to Heideggerian hermeneutics when we consider the work of that other major figure of 20th-century German philosophy who drinks deep from Husserlian phenomenology, Hans-Georg Gadamer.69 For now, we register Husserl’s prominent place in the generation of a new way of reading texts, as dynamic acts of ‘memory’ and living encounters with ‘tradition’.70 Viewed in this light, memory, rite and tradition are not only themes in the Analects and Gospels, they are vital, conditioning features of their contextual interpretation and practical application; for, as global, wisdom literature, they speak of life itself in all its glory, shame and riddle. In French philosophers Paul Ricoeur (1913–2005) and Jacques Derrida (1930–2004), who also owe much to Husserl, reflection on the art of interpreting texts of every kind assumes new levels of sophistication.71 We devote more time to them in the following chapter. For now, we note that Ricoeur’s interaction with Husserl is extensive. His book Husserl: An Analysis of His Phenomenology (ET 1967)72 introduces Husserl, compares him with Kant, and discusses his Ideen I and Ideen II , his Cartesian Meditations 1–V, and his approach to history.73 Elsewhere, Husserl is studied in relation to phenomenology, hermeneutics, ‘inter-subjectivity’ (in light of Hegel) and language (in light of Wittgenstein).74 Ricoeur’s interest in meaning, time, texts and experience led him – as the citation for his Kyoto Prize in Arts and Philosophy aptly records – to revolutionize ‘the methods of hermeneutic phenomenology’, which he did by ‘expanding the study of textual interpretation to include the broad yet concrete domains of mythology, biblical exegesis, psychoanalysis, theory of metaphor, and

On Gadamer, p. 470f. On the Husserl Archives’s (fr. 1949) inauguration of the multi-volume Husserliana (fr. 1950), and role of Sartre and Merleau-Ponty in the post-War ‘Husserl Renaissance’, Geniusas, S. (2013), ‘The Post-War Reception of Ideen I and Reflection’, in L. Embree and T. Nenon (eds), Husserl’s Ideen, 399–414. N.B. also the essays here on Husserl, Levinas, Sartre, Merleau-Ponty, Derrida and Simone de Beauvoir (1908–86), the French existentialist author, social theorist and political activist (cf. below p. 415, n. 20, 422, 427, 428, n. 108, 431, n. 139, 432, n. 144 & 145, 433, 435f., 456). 71 N.B. for essays on Husserl and the phenomenology and hermeneutics of Ricoeur and Derrida, Tymieniecka, A-T. ed. (1991), Husserl’s Legacy in Phenomenological Philosophies, Bk. 3, esp. 17–22, 23–30, 53–72, 101–18. 72 Cf. also, Ricoeur, P. (1951), ‘Analyse et problèmes dans «Ideen II » de Husserl’. Cf. also on Ricoeur, Vansina, F. D. ed. (2008), Paul Ricoeur: Bibliography 1935–2008; Pellauer, D. (2007), Ricoeur: A Guide for the Perplexed; Blundell, B. (2010), Paul Ricoeur between Theology and Philosophy; Clark, S. H. (1990), Paul Ricoeur; Kaplan, D. M. (2003), Ricoeur’s Critical Theory; —ed. (2008), Reading Ricoeur; Klemm, D. E. (1983), The Hermeneutical Theory of Paul Ricoeur; Mootz, F. J., III, and G. H. Taylor, eds (2011), Gadamer and Ricoeur; Reagan, C. E. (1996), Paul Ricoeur: His Life and Work; Simms, K. (2002), Paul Ricœur; Stiver, D. (2001), Theology after Ricoeur; Venema, H. I. (2000), Identifying Selfhood. On Ricoeur, below p. 193, n. 51, 310, 348, n. 5, 360f., 423, n. 79, 427, n. 103, 426, 471f. 73 For his understanding of the relation between Husserl and Kant, Ricoeur, P. ([1955] 1966), ‘Kant and Husserl’. 74 Cf. Ricoeur, P. ([1953] 1974), ‘Phenomenology’; —(1975), ‘Phenomenology and hermeneutics’; —([1986] 2008), ‘Hegel and Husserl on Intersubjectivity’, in From Text to Action: Essays in Hermeneutics, II , 221–38; —(1967b), ‘Husserl and Wittgenstein on Language’, in E. N. Lee and M. Mandelbaum (eds), Phenomenology and Existentialism, 207–17. 69 70

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narrative theory’. His study of memory, La mémoire, l’histoire, l’oubli (2000a/b: Memory, History, Forgetting, 2004), confirms not only his lifelong quest to make sense of the past, and the place of the present within it (perhaps stirred by his father’s death in World War I, when he was only two), but also his conscious engagement with traditional reflection (Aristotle, Plato, Descartes and Kant) and with critical revision (i.e. the philosopher-sociologist, Maurice Halbwachs [1877–1945],75 and ‘new historian’ Pierre Nora [b. 1931]).76 Coming after his Le Temps et Le Récit (3 vols, 1983–5a/b: Time and Narrative, 1984–88), and study of self-hood, identity and narration, Soi-même comme un autre (1990a/b: Oneself as Another, 1992), Ricoeur’s interpretation of memory reflects an abiding interest in phenomenology (and in the past as both present and absent to memory: Part I), in historiography (as the gathering of knowledge and use, or abuse, of memory: Part II), and in individual and communal humanity (that can, and must, remember and forget: Part III). In Ricoeur, Husserl’s Modernist critique of memory and tradition (in light of the horrors of WWI) render recollection and narrativity central to the development of cultural history, inter-cultural dialogue and comparative philosophy.77 As we will see, Confucianism and Christianity – and, therefore, the Analects and Gospels – are critically re-evaluated in the angst of 20th-century life and complexity of East-West cultural and political relations. We interpret the Analects and the Gospels today in the midst of intellectual, political and cultural turbulence. Contrary to appearances, all is not lost. Ricoeur, the theologian and student of hermeneutics, reminds us that textual truth-for-life can be discovered – or, better, recovered – in the poetic, metaphorical and symbolic meanings of ‘tradition’. What seems a ball and chain, may be the key to freedom. Such are the bitter-sweet gifts of memory and tradition. Before looking at Husserl and China, Ricoeur’s younger colleague at the Sorbonne (fr. 1960– 64), Jacques Derrida (1930–2004), is also appropriately introduced here before a longer treatment in Chapter 8. In Derrida, thought is again shaped by life, epistemology by experience, and Husserl’s phenomenology subsumed in a new ‘Structuralist’ hermeneutic. Born in El Biar, Algeria, where his family had a summer home, Derrida’s early life was over-shadowed by his parents’ Sephardic Judaism (he was excluded from school on his first day in 1942 to satisfy the Vichy regime’s antiSemitic quota), his elder brother, Paul Moïse’s, death (aged three months), the Algerian War of Independence (1954–62), and a precocious interest in philosophy, literature and society. He read widely, being drawn especially to Rousseau, Marx, Nietzsche, Sartre, and the Nobel Prize winning

75 The French philosopher-sociologist Maurice Halbwachs was also a student of Bergson and friend of the elderly Émile Durkheim (1858–1917). Halbwachs’s work on ‘collective memory’ has had a huge influence on 20th-century understanding of the Holocaust. Arrested by the Nazis (for protesting his Jewish father-in-law’s detention), Halbwachs was deported to Buchenwald in 1945, where he died of dysentery. Cf. Halbwachs, M. ([1950] 1992), La mémoire collective; —([1952] 1992), Les cadres sociaux de la mémoire. On tension between Ricoeur’s view of tradition and his quest for interpretative creativity and legitimacy, Ritivoi, A. D. (2006), Paul Ricoeur: Tradition and Innovation in Rhetorical Theory. 76 Pierre Nora is a member of the Académie française (fr. 2001) and a prominent figure in discussion of French identity and the writing of ‘new history’ (viz. an inclusivist, or ‘totalist’, approach that rejects a preoccupation with ‘great men’, winners, political achievement and economic, or class-based, theory). In keeping with the ‘critical turn’ (Fr. tournant critique) proposed by later members of the Annales School of social historians in France (a movement begun in the 1970s, which takes its journal’s name, Annales d’histoire economique et sociale), Nora has been a proponent of the ‘long view/long term perspective’ (Fr. longue durée), and of cultural history, the history of representations, and the ‘histoire des mentalités’ (Lit. history of mindsets, or world views). 77 On Ricoeur’s view of tradition as a ‘hermeneutics of historical consciousness’ and the debate – in which tradition, authority and ‘criticism’ were prominent – between Gadamer’s ‘hermeneutic of human experience’ and Jürgen Habermas’s (b. 1929) ‘Ideologiekritik’, cf. Piercey, R. (2004), ‘Ricoeur’s Account of Tradition and the Gadamer-Habermas Debate’. Cf. on Gadamer and Habermas, below p. 470f.

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French literary giants André Gide (1869–1951) and the nihilist – or, better, ‘absurdist’ – novelist Albert Camus (1913–60).78 Like many of his generation, Derrida found Phenomenology fascinating. After studying at the École Normale Supérieure (ENS) in Paris, he gained his diplôme d’études supérieures at the Husserl Archive at Leuven (1953–4), writing his thesis on ‘The Problem of Genesis in Husserl’s Philosophy’ (Fr. pub. 1990). In 1962 he published Edmund Husserl’s Origin of Geometry: An Introduction (with his own translation). It is not for Derrida’s early interest in Husserlian phenomenology that he warrants our attention here, so much as his later refutation of its fundamental premise. From the late 1950s, Derrida began to revisit Phenomenology, in the light of that other great, early 20th-century linguistic and cultural philosophical system, ‘Structuralism’. If Phenomenology ordered ‘lived experience’, Structuralism codified data.79 Traceable to the Swiss semiotician Ferdinand de Saussure’s (1857–1913) work on the ‘structure of language’ and ‘linguistic signs’,80 and to the French anthropologist-ethnographer Claude Lévi-Strauss’s (1908–2009) study of ‘patterns’ and ‘systems’ that interconnect culture, thought, language and behaviour, Structuralism offered a new way to grasp reality and read texts.81 To later ‘Post-Structuralists’, like Michel Foucault (1926–84), Louis Althusser (1918–90) and Roland Barthes (1915–80), it appeared far too rigid and prescriptive. In a ground-breaking paper delivered at Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore on 21 October 1966, ‘La structure, le signe et le jeu dans le discours des sciences humaines’ (Structure, Sign, and Play in the Discourse of the Human Sciences), Derrida claimed study of the ‘structure’ of any experience per se offered new possibilities.82 If the genesis of experiences are studied, he claimed, we find an inherent, ‘synchronic’ structure; but this structure is also, in its ‘inscription’ and textuality, ‘diachronic’, or complex. Derrida’s work effectively queried the heuristic adequacy of Phenomenology and Structuralism and inaugurated a Post-Structuralist quest to ‘deconstruct’ originary reality in all of its intellectual, cultural, linguistic and textual complexity. La Voix et le Phénomène (1969b, Voice and Phenomena: And Other Essays on Husserl’s Theory of Signs) – viewed by many commentators as among Derrida’s best works – further ‘deconstructed’ reality and proposed ‘différance’ to critique the theory of ‘internal time consciousness’ Husserl had outlined in his two-volume Logische Untersuchungen.83 Derrida’s legacy continues today. Heir to Husserlian On Sartre and Camus, p. 426f. On Foucault, Althusser, Barthes and the analytic philosopher, cognitive/generative linguist, and social activist, Avram Noam Chomsky (b. 1929), p. 192, n. 44, 268, n. 17, 313, 330, 420, 430, n. 120, 434, n. 163, 471, 473, 476, n. 410. 80 Saussure’s major work, Cours de linguistique générale (1916, Course in General Linguistics) – based on lecture notes from courses he taught in Geneva – was published posthumously. His Mémoire sur le système primitif des voyelles dans les langues indo-européennes (1878) and doctoral dissertation (De l’emploi du génitif absolu en Sanscrit, 1880) established his reputation during his lifetime as a pioneer of early 20th-century linguistics. Though Saussure’s originality has been challenged (as merely modernizing St. Augustine’s view of language), and his standing compromised by late 20th-century developments in rhetoric, cognitive linguistics and generative grammar, he remains a major influence across a range of fields. Jan Mukaˇrovsky (1891– 1975), of the influential Prague School of linguistics, speaks of Saussure’s ‘discovery of the internal structure of the linguistic sign’ that ‘differentiated the sign both from mere acoustic “things” . . . and from mental processes’ (1976: 18). Through this, he says, ‘new roads were . . . opened not only for linguistics, but also, in the future, for the theory of literature’ (ibid.). 81 On the structural anthropology of Claude Lévi-Strauss, and the inter-cultural and cross-cultural analytic possibilities of his The Elementary Structures of Kinship (1949) and Tristes Topiques (1955) – in light of which Confucian-Christian comparison becomes both newly possible and intellectually appropriate – Leach, E. ([1970] 1989), Lévi-Strauss; —([1967] 2004), The Structural Study of Myth and Totemism; Wiseman, B. and J. Groves (1998), Introducing Lévi-Strauss and Structural Anthropology; —eds (2009), The Cambridge Companion to Lévi-Strauss. 82 The lecture was published in L’écriture et la différence (1967a, Writing and Difference). 83 On Derrida’s Speech and Phenomena, Lawlor, L. (2002), Derrida and Husserl: The Basic Problem of Phenomenology, passim; also, Kates, J. (2005), Essential History: Jacques Derrida and the Development of Deconstruction. 78 79

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phenomenology, he reconstructed the nature of the problem of time, memory, tradition, language, logic and texts. As we will see in Chapter 8, the full impact of the Modernist legacy is only finally felt in the latter-part of the 20th century, by which time – thanks in part to Derrida – reading and interpreting texts become more complex. To many in China and the West, ‘meaning’ itself is lost in the wild, stormy seas of senselessness. Husserl is, as indicated above, also important for his views on China, and for what China has subsequently said of him. He is a major figure in East-West, and thus Confucian-Christian, dialogue. What he says of memory, rite and tradition affects the way the Analects and Gospels are read in China and the West today. We might say much on this but focus on three key topics. First, Husserl’s relationship to China is part of a nexus of ‘big’ issues. He is caught in the complexity of East-West cultural and political relations. His ideas have impacted discussion (in China and the West) of the nature, and the possibility, of ‘Chinese philosophy’. He is progenitor of the much-studied field of Phenomenology in the Asian academy.84 But, and this is crucial, his standing in the West is mirrored in the East, so he acts implicitly and explicitly as a cultural and intellectual intermediary between Asia and the West. His work grounds inter-cultural exchange. Directly and indirectly, it acts as an intellectual bridge, and shared hermeneutic filter, on the way the Analects and Gospels are read and interpreted in China and the West. Quite simply, we understand memory, rite and tradition worldwide today in light of Husserl’s remarkable work. Second, despite his cross-cultural profile, Husserl’s attitude towards China has led to his being accused of a sad, myopic eurocentrism and nasty type of German intellectual imperialism. These charges are based on his claim, in a lecture he gave in Vienna in 1935 (ET ‘Philosophy and the Crisis of European Humanity’), that – in contrast to China – European thought (that is ultimately traceable to ancient Greece) has a unique style, heritage and capacity for theoretical reasoning.85 He is clear: ‘[I]t is a mistake, a falsification of their sense, for those raised in the scientific ways of thinking created in Greece and developed in the modern period, to speak of Indian and Chinese philosophy’ ([1935] 1970: 284). That is, a European’s primordiale Umwelt (Lit. original home world) and cultural outlook (Germ. Umwelt-Apperzeption), that she shares with other Europeans, are pre-conditioned by a certain type of ‘philosophy’ and self-reflection (Germ. Selbstbesinnung). But China does not possess this intellectual background and cultural understanding: its ‘home world’ is mythical-magical and not – pace ancient Greece and modern Europe – rational.86 Husserl’s critics claim he apes the negativity towards Chinese culture seen in Kant, Hegel87 and Nietzsche, and is, by association, implicated in later criticism by Heidegger, Gadamer and Derrida.88 What’s more, Husserl’s projection of European criteria on Confucian thought led him to reject it (on his 84 On the history and present profile of phenomenology and cross-cultural dialogue in China, Jin, X. (2010), ‘Youding SHEN: The First Phenomenologist in China’, in K-Y. Lau and J. J. Drummond (eds), Husserl’s Logical Investigations in the New Century, 21–32; Tymieniecka, A-T. ed. (2002), Phenomenology World-Wide, 501f. 85 On Husserl’s eurocentrism, Yu, C-C. (2012), ‘Husserl on China and Culture Centrism’. 86 To Husserl, the converse is also true: for a Chinese to understand Europe they would need to develop a ‘European I’. 87 On similarities in Husserl and Hegel’s view of the primitive nature of Indian and Chinese philosophy, Lau, K-Y. (2010), ‘Husserl, Buddhism and the Problematic of the Crisis of European Sciences’, in Lau, K-Y., et al., Identity and Alterity, 221–35. 88 Cf. p. 419f., 470f. Husserl was not unique in his negativity towards China’s ‘mythical’ worldview. The influential German sociologist, philosopher and political economist Max Weber (1864–1920) claimed the ‘enchantment’ (Germ. Entzauberung) of Western Protestant Capitalism was a more effective basis for socio-economic development. On Derrida and Western ‘logocentrism’, Zhang, L. (1985), ‘The “Tao” and the “Logos”: Notes on Derrida’s Critique of Logocentrism’; and below, p. 364, 476; also, 235, n. 304, 330.

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own Western terms) as fittingly called ‘Chinese Philosophy’.89 For such, Husserl was (and is) drawn into China’s internal struggles – in the aftermath of the ‘May 4th Movement’ – on the status of Chinese tradition and the value of Western philosophy and education.90 Though never toxic in China, Husserl remains controversial: to some, his views on Chinese philosophy have provoked nationalist rhetoric and justified post-colonial criticism. This leads to my third point. Husserlian phenomenology acts to redefine China and to create conditionalities in which China can engage in critical cultural and political re-evaluation. Husserl’s defenders are quick to say his views on Chinese thought and culture are neither new nor imperialistic. After all, it is argued, Ricci praised Confucianism as a fine ‘moral philosophy’ (deduced by reason) that had many wise ‘maxims and deductions’, while also claiming it lacked the ‘rules of logic’ and the classic ‘divisions’ of Western learning (Ricci-Trigault [1615] 1953: 30; q. Makeham 2010: xxxvi, n. 34). Further, Husserl’s censure of China is of a piece with his non-geographic, ‘phenomenological’, redefinition of ‘Europe’ (Sepp 2004: 297f.) as a type, or transcendent form, of higher rationality, found wherever open-minded people grasp ‘the idea of one world’ (Held 1989: 22).91 To Husserl, it is this ‘European’ rationality that enables awareness of universal cultural commonalities.92 In other words, it is stressed, far from denigrating Chinese thought and Confucian culture, Husserlian phenomenology sought to elevate and integrate them. They become in new ways objects of critical analysis and of cross-cultural comparison. What’s more, Husserl’s advocates claim, his global perspective on cultural transcendence continues the positive outlook on Chinese thought and culture found in a Malebranche, Leibniz and Wolff.93 We should not be surprised Husserl, as a Modernist, is acutely aware of his intellectual forbears. His creative, phenomenological approach to time, history, memory and tradition, is in its own way a conscious celebration of ‘European’ culture in dialogue with a new, emerging world. From an endogenous, Chinese perspective, we find the term ‘philosophy’ first appeared in China in the 1890s. It arrived as China’s cultural, political, and social search to define itself (internally and externally) intensified. That Modernism and Western ‘logocentrism’ found ready acceptance in the Japanese academy made them more accessible and irksome to some in China. Similarly, Western fascination with Japan in the late 19th century riled conservative Chinese;94 while reformminded figures like Wang Guowei and Liang Qichao95 shared Western doubts about calling China’s traditional thought ‘philosophy’. Meanwhile, as indicated at the outset, nationalists rejected On the nature and/or possibility of ‘Chinese Philosophy’, see the prolonged debate on ‘The Legitimacy of Chinese Philosophy’, in Contemporary Chinese Thought 37, nos. 1–3 (2005–6). 90 The fact that Modernism and Husserlian phenomenology were welcomed by Japanese scholars intensified debate in China, with scholars divided in their openness to Japanese ideas. On this, Schirokauer, C., M. Brown, et al, eds ([1978] 2013), A Brief History of Chinese and Japanese Civilizations, 501f. 91 Cf. Held, K. (2004), ‘Intercultural Understanding and the Role of Europe’, in D. Moran and L. E. Embree (eds), Phenomenology, IV. 267–79. 92 On phenomenology in later inter-cultural understanding, Waldenfels, B. (1997), Topographie des Fremden, Phänomenologie des Fremden, Bd. I; —(2004), ‘Homeworld and Alienworld’, in Moran and Embree, Phenomenology, IV. 280–91; Zhang, R. (1999), ‘Lifeworld and the Possibility of Intercultural Understanding’, in K. Bunchua, et al. (eds), The Bases of Values in a Time of Change, 327–38 (also in Zhang, R., et al., eds [1998], Phenomenology of Interculturality and Life-world). 93 On these, p. 139, 142f., 146, n. 83 & 85, 148f., 153, 162, 191f., 215, 222, 233, 238, 365. For a positive perspective, Jaspers, K. ([1957] 1985), Socrates, Buddha, Confucius, Jesus, passim. On Jaspers, p. 266, 424f. 94 On late 19th-century Western ‘Orientalism’ (e.g. van Gogh’s interest in Japan), p. 3, 372, 376f., 384, n. 213, 394, n. 284, 434, n. 149. 95 On Wang Guowei, p. 301, 327, n. 298 & 300, 365. On Liang Qichao, p. 22, 160, n. 159, 226, n. 215, 227, n. 247, 252, n. 388, 271, n. 30, 287, n. 107, 327, n. 300, 332, 336, n. 351, 365. 89

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Western influence, methods and missionaries, as dangerously ‘alien’ and ‘imperialistic’. China’s political struggles were also cultural and intellectual. The nature and status of Confucianism and Christianity were both re-examined: China’s cultural memory, and its Confucian ethic and ritual tradition, subjected to political, social and intellectual scrutiny. Husserl’s work played no direct part in this, although he did have research students from both Japan and China.96 But Phenomenology took root slowly in China – and its first appearing is disputed. Over time, however, it established itself as a major interest of the Chinese academy (as it is today). In short, if Husserlian phenomenology opened Western minds to new ways of seeing China, it also opened Chinese eyes to new ways of conceiving, and articulating, cultural identity. Perspectives on Confucianism and Christianity were – and are – affected by this. The Analects and Gospels are read in China and the West – indeed, worldwide – ‘on the far side’ of Husserl’s ground-breaking work. He did not cause tense East-West relations, but neither did he ease them. Igor Stravinsky and Le Sacre du Printemps We leave Husserl for Stravinsky, keeping the cross-cultural impact of Modernism on memory, rite and tradition in the Analects and Gospels firmly in view.97 Like Beethoven’s ‘Ode to Joy’, and the Tiananmen Square protest in June 1989, Stravinsky’s Le Sacre du Printemps, or The Rite of Spring, has acquired an iconic, revolutionary status.98 First staged as part of the impresario Sergei Diaghilev’s (1872–1929) new season of ‘Ballets Russes’ – with virtuoso dancer Vaslav Nijinsky’s (1889/90– 1950) choreography, and the mystic philosopher-artist Nicholai Roerich’s (1874–1947) stage-design and costumes – at the Théâtre des Champs-Élysées, Paris on 29 May 1913, the work continues to shock and delight in equal measure. Through its long gestation and famously riotous first outings, we are reminded that if literature is interpreted through art, and art through literature, art is – vividly at times – a form of literature with narrative and textual energy. Such is The Rite of Spring – so much more than merely a piece of music, with rich philosophy, musical wizardry and Modernist style. Not everyone likes this. Pierre Monteux (1875–1964), who conducted the premieres of Stravinsky’s ballet Petrushka (1911) and The Rite of Spring, confessed late in life to Charles Reid, biographer of the British conductor Sir Thomas Beecham (1879–1961): ‘I did not like Le Sacre then. I have conducted it fifty times since. I do not like it now’ (Reid 1961: 145). As music historian Richard Taruskin has written of the reaction to the premiere, when boos and blows were purportedly exchanged: ‘[I]t was not Stravinsky’s music that did the shocking. It was the ugly earthbound lurching and stomping devised by Vaslav Nijinsky’ (2012). In The Rite of Spring, Modernism revolutionized understanding of memory, rite and tradition. Consciously and unconsciously, the Analects and Gospels are read today ‘on the far side’ of this primal construct and historic artistic event. We can, I suggest, connect this chapter’s theme with The Rite of Spring in four key areas. First, as reception of The Rite of Spring and recognition of its artistic importance reveal, it occupied a central place in both defining, and refining, early 20th-century Modernism. As such, it 96 On the logician and premier Chinese phenomenologist Shen Youding (1908–92) and other oriental students of Husserl, Tani, T., N-I. Lee, et al. (1998), Art. ‘Phenomenology in East Asia’, in E. Craig (ed.), Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy (on-line edn). 97 For a nuanced interpretation of Stravinsky and Modernism, Cross, J. (1998), The Stravinsky Legacy, 3–16. 98 On the origin, character, early reception, and later profile of The Rite of Spring, Hill, P. (2000), Stravinsky: The Rite of Spring; Kelly, T. F. (2000), First Nights: Five Musical Premieres; Walsh, S. (1999), Stravinsky: A Creative Spring; White, E. W. ([1979] 1984), Stravinsky: The Composer and His Works.

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contributed to the character and evolution of 20th-century global culture. In programme notes to the libretto, Stravinsky describes The Rite of Spring as ‘a musical-choreographic work’ (q. Walz [2008] 2013: 41). He adds: ‘It represents pagan Russia and is unified by a single idea: the mystery and great surge of the creative power of spring. The piece has no plot’ (ibid.).99 Like the Armory Exhibition of 1913, The Rite of Spring is a clarion call for courage to change. The exhibition’s catalogue stated: ‘To be afraid of what is different and unfamiliar, is to be afraid of life. And to be afraid of life is to be afraid of truth, and to be a champion of superstition’ (q. Everdell [1998] 2009: 327). Fear, surely, played a part in the public’s initial reaction to The Rite of Spring. As a bemused Stravinsky reflected in 1963: ‘I knew the music so well and it was so dear to me that I couldn’t understand why people were protesting against it prematurely, without even hearing it through’ (1963: 26; q. [incorrectly?] Stravinsky 2000: viii). The Rite of Spring is, though, more often compared artistically and temperamentally with the pessimism of Eliot’s The Waste Land (1922) than the optimism of the Armory Exhibition. Premiered on the eve of World War I, it became synonymous with the material ruin, moral decay and cultural chaos of post-war Europe.100 Stravinsky’s vision for it was very different. As he said of the work’s thirteen scenes, depicting the life, nature, and ancient rituals of Slav peoples: ‘In The Rite of Spring I wished to express the bright reawakening of nature, which is restored to new life – a full, spontaneous reawakening, a reawakening of universal [material] conception’ (1913: 490; q. Stravinsky, ibid.). The threat Stravinsky – like other Modernists – posed lay in his appeal to primal youth and the ‘eternally predetermined’ and ‘unchangeable cycle of birth, growth and death of living forces’, rather than ‘stern principles of ritualism’ and ‘the implacability of wise elders’ (ibid.). His implicit call is for fellow-Russians to respect individual identity and eschew historic imperial abuse and nascent ‘communistic’ Marxist ideology (that convulsed Russia in the revolutionary violence of 1917).101 In later life a self-defining Christian, his early, neo-Wagnerian, mystic sense was of fateful powers at work.102 He wrote of composing The Rite of Spring (in terms redolent of Handel and Messiah in 1742): ‘I was guided by no system whatever. I had only my ear to help me; I wrote what I heard. I am the vessel through which The Rite of Spring passed’ (Stravinsky and Craft 1981: 147f.). The Rite of Spring reflects a new Modernist mindset103 in its evocation of old memories and ancient

On the character and structure of The Rite of Spring, Van den Toorn, P. C. (1987), Stravinsky and the Rite of Spring: The Beginnings of a Musical Language. 100 For a rich, inter-disciplinary study of WWI, Modernism, and the evolution of Western culture, Eksteins, M. (1989), Rites of Spring: The Great War and the Birth of the Modern Age. 101 On Stravinsky and the English author E. M. Forster (1879–1970) as socio-political critics, Addis, V. (2016), ‘How E.M. Forster and Igor Stravinsky thought about the “primitive” ’. 102 Asked if his Christian faith affected his musical compositions, Stravinsky replied: ‘Certainly, and not merely as a believer in “symbolic figures”, but in the Person of the Lord, the Person of the Devil, and the Miracles of the Church’ (Craft and Stravinsky 2013: 123). On the ‘preachy’ quality of Stravinsky’s Christian faith and its compatibility with his musical art and style, Austin, W. W. (1966), Music in the Twentieth Century, 534; Copeland, R. M. (1982), ‘The Christian Message of Igor Stravinsky’; Lang, P. H. ed. (1963), Stravinsky: A New Appraisal of His Work, 10, 18; Vlad, R. ([1958] 1985), Stravinsky, 153f. 103 The provocative nature of Stravinsky’s early work gave way to what critics see as a safer type of musical ‘neo-classicism’ (sic). On this, Messing, S. (1988), Neo-Classicism in Music, ad loc; also, Taruskin, R. (1995b), Text and Act, 90–154, 360–8. In his Philosophie der neuen Musik (1948, Philosophy of Modern Music), Theodore Adorno (above p. 198, n. 76) savaged Stravinsky’s ‘reactionary’ use of ‘primitivism’ and his neo-classical ‘transition to positivity’. Memorably, Adorno calls Stravinsky ‘an acrobat, a civil servant, a tailor’s dummy, hebephrenic, psychotic, infantile, fascistic and preoccupied with making money’ (q. Albright ed., 2004: 72). 99

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rituals,104 and musical repristination of tradition.105 Here human sensibility and mystic spirituality are fused in sensuous themes and throbbing style. Second, Stravinsky’s creative appeal to history and cultural anthropology arose from his knowledge of Phenomenology and the new academic discipline of ‘Social Sciences’. A crossfertilizing of Modernist art and anthropology in Europe and America conspired to extract, and protect, individuality, community and ‘value’ from post-war trauma, and the fierce, centrifugal dynamic of modernity.106 Studies in the origin, form and thematic content of The Rite of Spring confirm Stravinsky’s sensitivity to developments in cultural studies, myth and ethnography. In France these found expression in the work of Marcel Mauss (1872–1950)107 and the Collège de Sociologie, a loose-knit group of thinkers which included Georges Bataille (1897–1962), Roger Caillois (1913–18) and Michel Leiris (1901–90).108 That Roerich – a leading anthropologist and specialist in folk art and ancient ritual in Russia – was involved in early productions of The Rite of Spring helped locate it in contemporary Russian cultural and historical anthropology.109 In the hinter-land of Stravinsky’s appeal to myth, drama, dance, rhythm, ritual and primitive culture, lie more than Roerich’s intellectual nationalism and the highly charged ‘Scythian’ (Russ. Skifstvo) movement in Russia, in which, as Mikhail Druskin indicates, ‘wild elemental forces’ were at work ‘in the years immediately before the revolution’ (1983: 39). In fact, as Lawrence Morton and others note, Stravinsky drew on specific socio-political, cultural texts to frame his creativity. One such, is the Symbolist revolutionary Sergey Gorodetsky’s (1884–1967) poem to goddess ‘Yarila’ (Cyr. Ярила),110 with its evocation of pagan rites, wise elders and, most strikingly, a propitiatory offering of a young girl. It is this poem, it’s argued, that really inspired The Rite of Spring more than the mystical experience Stravinsky invoked in his autobiography (1936): One day, when I was finishing the last pages of L’Oiseau de Feu in St Petersburg, I had a fleeting vision . . . I saw in my imagination a solemn pagan rite: sage elders, seated in a circle, watching a young girl dance herself to death. They were sacrificing her to propitiate the god of Spring. Such was the theme of the Sacre du Printemps. —q. Druskin 1983: 39111

The original working title was ‘Holy Spring’ (Russ. Vesna sviashchennaia) and lingering sub-title ‘Pictures of Pagan Russia’. Cf. Taruskin, R. (1995a), ‘A Myth of the Twentieth Century: The Rite of Spring’. On Stravinsky and tradition, below p. 368f. 106 Cf. McGee, R. J. and R. L. Warms, eds (2013), Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology, 2.553–6 (‘Modernism’). 107 On Mauss’s students and the Institut d’ethnologie during the inter-War years, Gaillard, G. ed. (2004), The Routledge Dictionary of Anthropologists, 171–98. 108 On French anthropology and ethnography, Blanchaert, C. (1988), ‘On the origins of French anthropology and ethnography’, in G. W. Stocking (ed.), Bones, Bodies, Behavior, 18–55. On Bataille, ‘myth’, and the Collège de Sociologie, Rieusset, I. (1987), ‘Le Collège de Sociologie: Georges Bataille et la question du mythe’, in D. Lecoq and J-L. Lory (eds), Écrits d’ailleurs. Georges Bataille et les ethnologues, 119–40. 109 N.B. the contrast between the (increasingly trad.) way his mentor Nicolai Rimsky-Korsakov (1844–1908) adapted Russian folk music and Stravinsky’s subversive use in The Rite of Spring (and elsewhere). On this, Taruskin, R. (1980), ‘Russian Folk Melodies in The Rite of Spring’. 110 Stravinsky set other poems in the Yar collection to music between 1907 and 1908. On this, Morton, L. (1979), ‘Footnotes to Stravinsky Studies: Le Sacre du printemps’. 111 Cf. also, Walsh, S. (1999), Stravinsky, I. 138f. On Stravinsky’s tendency to under-state his debt to Russian cultural sources and his collaboration with Diaghilev, Taruskin, R. (1996), Stravinsky and the Russian Traditions. 104 105

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More generally, Stravinsky is aware of European movements that idealized ‘primitive culture’. In its stylized, artistic critique of modern society, The Rite of Spring reflects the ambiguity in Scottish anthropologist James Frazer’s study of religion and mythology, The Golden Bough: A Study in Comparative Religion (1890),112 in which ‘primitivity’ connotes purity and a power to critique rationalist cynicism and corruption. Seen in this light, memory, rite and tradition are empowered resources for critical reflection on the status quo: but, with their use also linked in The Rite of Spring to human sacrifice, we are reminded of Stravinsky’s sense – like Edith Stein and Karol Wotyla – of the heavy price-tag they carry.113 Art is again a costly medium of truth. Stravinsky’s relationship to T. S. Eliot provides a third conditioning perspective for us. What Eliot and Stravinsky thought of memory, rite and tradition – and, indeed, Christianity per se – is a reflection of their mutual respect and shared artistic sympathies.114 Though they did not meet faceto-face until 8 December 1956, they were conscious of each other’s work for decades, their intellectual, spiritual and artistic pilgrimage treading parallel, if not over-lapping, paths.115 At their first meeting – for tea in London – the English poet, essayist, and social critic, Stephen Spender (1909–95) was present (Craft 1972: 48). Later, Stravinsky wrote of a dinner they shared shortly before Eliot’s death. The poet used the composer’s Christian name for the first time. He bent over his plate, drinking little but hardly eating at all. Two or three times he raised himself bolt upright and fixed us in those clear hazel eyes, the force of whose intelligence was undiminished. But his voice had dwindled to a scrannel murmur . . . the clink of our glasses rang hollow, and the words [Eliot’s toast, ‘Another ten years for us both’] sounded more like a farewell; obviously he felt closer to me than ever before. —Stravinsky 1972: 71f.

112 N.B. the 1900 2nd edn was re-titled The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion. The impact of Frazer’s wideranging study on European philosophy and literature can hardly be over-estimated. Inspired by artist J. M. W. Turner’s (above p. 347) rendering of the ‘Golden Bough’ (exhib. 1834) incident in Vergil’s Aeneid, Frazer’s monograph scandalized Christian Europe in its universalizing study of ‘dying and rising’ gods. Among the many authors who cite Frazer’s work, T. S. Eliot acknowledges his indebtedness to it in the first note of The Wasteland. 113 On Stravinsky’s forgetfulness of Russian anthropological influence/s, Karlinsky, S. (1986), ‘Igor Stravinsky and the Russian Preliterate Theater’, in J. Pasler (ed.), Confronting Stravinsky, 3–15. On the paradoxical use of ‘sacrifice’ as a core motif in The Rite of Spring, Paci, E. (1966), ‘Sulla musica contemporanea’, in Realazioni e significati, 80–107 (esp. 84f.); q. Ferrari, E. (2007), ‘The Altar of the Dead’, 257. 114 On the artistic collaboration (esp. 1956–9, on a proposed opera and hymn setting of ‘Little Gidding’) and friendship of Stravinsky and Eliot, Boaz, M. M. (1980), ‘Musical and poetic analogues in T. S. Eliot’s “The Waste Land” and Igor Stravinsky’s “The Rite of Spring” ’. 115 Eliot comments on first hearing ‘Strawinsky’s’ (sic) The Rite of Spring in his ‘London Letter’ (The Dial 57, no. 4 [1921]: 452–5): ‘To me the music seemed very remarkable – but at all events struck me as possessing a quality of modernity which I missed from the ballet which accompanied it. The effect was like Ulysses with illustrations by the best contemporary illustrator . . . In everything in the Sacre du Printemps, except in the music, one missed the sense of the present. Whether Strawinsky’s music be permanent or ephemeral I do not know; but it did seem to transform the rhythm of the steppes into the scream of the motor horn, the rattle of machinery, the grind of wheels, the beating of iron and steel, the roar of the underground railway, and the other barbaric cries of modern life; and to transform these despairing noises into music.’ N.B. Eliot’s French literary friend Jacques Rivière’s (1886–1925) positive response to Nijinsky’s ‘depersonalized’ 1913 version of The Rite of Spring, in La Nouvelle Revue Française (q. Harding ed., 2011: 122). Stravinsky’s interest in literature is widely recognized. He praised Eliot on one occasion as ‘a great sorcerer of words’ and ‘the very key keeper of the language’ (q. Contemporary Research Authors 1969: 338).

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Out of respect, Stravinsky added his Introitus (1965) on the death of Eliot to a long list of other funerary works he composed.116 He described the work as ‘A Panikheda chorus in memory of the unforgettable Eliot’ (Stravinsky and Craft 1978: 539f.). In three key respects the relationship between Stravinsky and Eliot illuminates the present study. First, they both accord tradition a creative prominence.117 We noted Eliot’s seminal essay ‘Tradition and the Individual Talent’ earlier. Stravinsky’s own Norton Lectures (1947) at Harvard, ‘Poetics of Music in the Form of Six Lessons’ (1970), bear a striking resemblance to Eliot’s thought.118 Tradition is for neither a birth-right or inalienable gift: it is a legacy to be preserved, nurtured and passed on to later generations. As Stravinsky said, echoing Eliot, ‘Elle apparaît comme un bien de famille, un héritage qu’on reçoit sous condition de le faire fructifier avant de le transmettre à se descendence’ (Stravinsky 1952: 40: q. Ferrari 2007: 249).119 Neither Eliot nor Stravinsky view tradition as mere repetition: it is, for both, the recognition of a durable core of values and ideas that are to be creatively reworked in each succeeding generation. But, if Eliot esteemed history’s transparency and the self-locating power of historical consciousness and artistic precedent, Stravinsky was ambivalent. He respected the factual and cultural, but history was opaque, a series of singular entities, not a coherent evolutionary process.120 However, both men reject the bifurcation of tradition and originality, and the automatic connection of ‘progress’ with improvement. Tradition and the legacy of the dead121 are to be a dynamic source of creative freedom that informs healthy social and artistic ‘progress’ (Ferrari, 252f.). In the shared profile, and circumspect creativity of Eliot and Stravinsky’s appeal to ‘tradition’, we see elements that imitate and illuminate the place of tradition in the Analects and Gospels.122 Eliot and Stravinsky remind us that an appeal to ‘tradition’ is as much a subtle, fluid, skill as a harsh, cultural duty. Second, as we have glimpsed, there exists a historical and intellectual empathy between Eliot’s The Waste Land and Stravinsky’s The Rite of Spring. The suggestive way in which Eliot praises The Rite of Spring in his ‘London Letter’ (1921) has prompted scholars to study in detail the relationship between these two iconic Modernist works. Some note structural similarities in the works’ lack of dramatic development and formal fragmentation; others, their shared, mimetic use of ancient myth, ritual and dance rhythms, or their critique of cultural decay, and invocation of sacrifice as the

116 Introitus is arranged for tenors, basses and a small musical ensemble. It is, Stravinsky tells us, a small processional rite ‘as the poet would have liked’. Eliot and Stravinsky worked together on the latter’s Anthem (1962) but struggled to agree on the use of ‘Little Gidding’ in a new hymn book in English. On Stravinsky’s fascination with death, and the many works he wrote for funerals or memorial services, Metzger, H-K. (1982), ‘Stravinsky e la Necrophilia’ (cited in Ferrari 2007: 257f.). N.B. I am indebted here to the detailed comparisons Ferrari draws in his article between Stravinsky and Eliot’s approach to tradition. 117 Cf. Ferrari, E. (1999), ‘Tradizione e modernita nel pensiero di I. Stravinsky’. 118 Eliot delivered the Charles Eliot Norton Lectures at Harvard in 1932 and 1933. They were published as The Use of Poetry and the Use of Criticism (1933). 119 ET [ed.]: ‘It is like a family possession, something one inherits on condition one turns it to good account before handing it on to one’s descendants.’ 120 Cf. Stravinsky [trans. P. Catenaccio]: ‘Experience showed me long ago that every historical fact, close or distant, can be effectively used as a stimulus to awaken the creative faculty, but never as a notion capable of clarifying difficulties’ (ibid., 20; q. Ferrari, 250). 121 On the importance of the dead to both Eliot and Stravinsky, Ferrari, 256f. 122 Cf. p. 402f. On Stravinsky and ‘neo-classicism’ between the wars, Druskin, Stravinsky, 73f; Carr, M. A. (2014), After the Rite: Stravinsky’s Path to Neoclassicism; —(2002), Multiple Masks; Hyde, M. M. (2003), ‘Stravinsky’s neoclassicism’, in J. Cross (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Stravinsky, 98–136.

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path to life.123 As Mildred Boaz says of their similarity: ‘In addition to their mythic centers, both have similar textural effects, created by the use of fragmentary motifs and structures, in the placement of rhythmic cells, in the diverse tone colors or voices, and in the sound patterns’ (1980: 218). In both artists we find a moral, spiritual, and technical readiness to ‘transmit’ tradition (pace Confucius)124 regardless of public esteem or personal identity. Ferrari notes: ‘Impersonality and extinction are married before the altar of the dead’ (2007: 260). Like Confucius, the rites and traditions Eliot and Stravinsky honour are consciously internalized and unconsciously enunciated: in both, the intentional and affective exist in a complex, creative relationship that is empowered by appeal to memory. Thirdly, Stravinsky and Eliot share an acute sense of attuning aesthetic form to the ethical and/ or religious content of a work. The form of expression (be it art, music, poetry or literature) is for both essential to, and inherent in, the content to be conveyed. In this, both Stravinsky and Eliot reflect methodological priorities evident in classical Confucianism and in the Gospels: in classical Chinese, calligraphy is about more than aesthetics; in the writing of the Gospels, the integrity of text and author are integral to their authority and spiritual efficacy. But, in contrast to G. Eliot, Wagner and Schopenhauer (and others), who ascribed philosophical, hermeneutic and experiential power to music, the palpably anti-Romantic Modernist Stravinsky defends musical ‘autonomy’ and prioritizes ‘form’ over ‘meaning’ and its affective impact. He is drawn to ritual, then, as a type of musical form;125 and, as he says, ‘the form’ and ‘apprehension of the contour of the form . . . is everything’ (Stravinsky and Craft 1981: 15). He can ‘say nothing whatever about meanings’ (ibid.).126 A quest for ‘meaning’ distracts from the musical experience. This formal non-referentiality – so vital to Modernist advocates of musical and poetic ‘purism’ (including, as we will see Ezra Pound)127 – did not extend to Stravinsky’s religious works. To the composer, through them (as in T. S. Eliot) authentic truth is accessible, albeit through the imperfect medium of music and (preferably) an inspired, traditional, religious text.128 As he commented on his (self-assigned) setting of the

On this, Longenbach, J. (1985), ‘Guarding the Hornèd Gates: History and Interpretation in the Early Poetry of T. S. Eliot’; —(1988b), ‘Hart Crane and T. S. Eliot: Poets in the Sacred Grove’; Bronzwaer, W. J. M. (1982), ‘Igor Stravinsky and T. S. Eliot: A Comparison of their Modernist Poetics’; Stayer, J. (2000), ‘A Tale of Two Artists: Eliot, Stravinsky and Disciplinary (Im)Politics’, in J. X. Cooper (ed.), T. S. Eliot’s Orchestra, 295–334; also, Watkins, G. (1994), Pyramids at the Louvre: Music, Culture and Collage from Stravinsky to the Postmodernists. 124 Cf. p. 23. 125 N.B. the prominence of ritual in Stravinsky’s Les Noces (1923), Oedipus Rex (1927), Agon (1957), Symphonies of Wind Instruments (1920: perhaps, pace Taruskin, a religious work), Three Pieces for String Quartet (1914–22), and his overtly religious Symphony of Psalms (1930) and Requiem Canticles (1966). On these, Cross, The Stravinsky Legacy, 12, and Ch. 4. 126 Cf. also, Asenjo, F. G. (1968), ‘The Aesthetics of Igor Stravinsky’. 127 Cf. below p. 385f., 387f., 390f. Arrayed against Stravinsky, and other heirs to the formalism of the influential musical critic and thinker Eduard Hanslick (1825–1904) – a defender of music’s inherent self-sufficiency – were those, like Schweitzer, whose work on Bach (1911; above p. 52, n. 17, 55, n. 33) rejected the idea of ‘musical purity’. On the great ‘War of the Romantics’ in 19th- and early 20th-century musicology (Asenjo 1968: 297f.); Bucknell, B. (2012), Literary Modernism and Musical Aesthetics. N.B. on music, aesthetics and Modernism, Bowman, W. D. (1998), Philosophical Perspectives on Music; Budd, M. (1985), Music and the Emotions; Davies, S. (1994), Musical Meaning and Expression; —(2001), Musical Works and Performances; Lippman, E. (1992), A History of Western Musical Aesthetics; Scruton, R. (1997), The Aesthetics of Music. 128 Stravinsky’s other religious works include Otche Nash’/Pater Noster (1926), Symphony of Psalms (1930), Credo (1932), Ave Marie (1934), The Tower of Babel (1944), Threni: id est Lamentationes Jeremiae Prophetae (1957–8), A Sermon, a Narrative and a Prayer (1960–1), The Flood (1962), Abraham and Isaac (1962–3), and Requiem Canticles (written in 1965–6, his 85th year). 123

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Catholic Mass: ‘As I played through these rococo-operatic sweets-of-sin, I knew I had to write a Mass of my own, but a real one’ (Stravinsky and Craft 1981: 77). For, he said: ‘The Church knew what the Psalmist knew: Music praises God. Music is well or better able to praise him than the building of the church and all its decoration; it is the Church’s greatest ornament’ (ibid.).129 What’s more, after his ‘re-conversion’ to Russian Orthodoxy when he moved to Nice in 1924, he told Craft that, while admiring ‘the structured thought of theology’ (N.B. he cites Archbishop of Canterbury Anselm’s [1033/3–1109] Fides Quaerens Intellectum), it was to religion ‘no more than counterpoint exercises were to music’ (ibid., 75).130 As he said: ‘I do not believe in bridges of reason or, indeed, in any form of extrapolation in religious matters . . . I can say, however, that for some years before my actual “conversion”, a mood of acceptance had been cultivated in me by a reading of the Gospels and by other religious literature’ (ibid.). We read the Analects and Gospels ‘on the far side’ of Stravinsky’s iconic, artistic, sensuous ‘remembering’ of ancient biblical texts and vibrant Christian spirituality. In his own words: ‘Religious music without religion is almost always vulgar’ (q. Craft 2013: 124). That was, and never could be, Stravinsky’s aim – and both George and T. S. Eliot would have concurred. The fourth area in which The Rite of Spring impacts the theme of this particular chapter – and, indeed, the book as a whole – is through its ‘Orientalism’, and its later reception in China.131 Within a century, The Rite of Spring had established itself as a global, Modernist, musical brand. Reviewing centenary productions of The Rite of Spring in China, the South China Morning Post (14 April 2013) assumed readers knew the work. The article tellingly draws a contrast between the work’s ‘new world of the dance stage’ – ‘one in which men and women could be crushed by the forces of nature, and an innocent girl brutally sacrificed to callous gods’ – and what it calls ‘the romanticism, glamour and faux exoticism that were ballet’s traditional selling-points’.132 In other words, The Rite of Spring offers a basis for critical reflection on established traditions. The choreographer of the centenary production of The Rite of Spring by the National Ballet of China, Beijing, Wang Xinpeng (b. 1956), went further, claiming his version would show ‘the emotional hopes and longings for a better future’.133 Here is, I suggest, another example of a work brought alive in new ways through cross-cultural ‘translation’. Memories are stirred, traditions born.

Cf. also, Craft, Conversations with Igor Stravinsky, Ch. 4 (‘Music and the Church’). N.B. here Stravinsky’s religious development. Cf. also, Levitz, T. (2012), Modernist Mysteries, 181, for the Nobel Prizewinning French novelist (and rationalist skeptic), André Gide’s (1869–1951) conscious distancing from Stravinsky and his religious views. Cf. also p. 362, 373, 432, n. 144 & 145, 433, 437. 131 On the nature and semantics of Russian ‘Orientalism’, Taruskin, R. (1998), ‘ “Entoiling the Falconet”: Russian Musical Orientalism in Context’, in J. Bellman (ed.), The Exotic in Western Music, 194–217. 132 Cf. http://www.scmp.com/lifestyle/arts-culture/article/1213013/ballets-rite-spring-100-years-later (accessed 22 July 2016). 133 Cf. http://beijing.china.org.cn/2013-05/10/content_28783372.htm (accessed 22 July 2016). On The Rite of Spring (in the development of Chinese art, culture and dance), see discussion of the differences in the English and Chinese versions of programme notes to the 2010 performance in Los Angeles (by the Beijing Modern Dance Company) of All Red River (a classic Chinese story set to The Rite of Spring) in Peterson, M. (2010), Sound, Space, and the City, 119. The English version says the work is ‘a direct and violent confrontation between those adhering to tradition and those willing to rebel’, not a ‘comfortable fusion of East and West’. The Chinese version says the performance is ‘this group’s homage to The Rite of Spring’, and, as such, ‘reflects the development of Chinese modern dance from tradition to the modern age’. Adding, ‘Along the way many Chinese artists have made selfless contributions, creating special and significant contemporary works of art’ [trans. J. Osburg]. On other ballet versions, Berg, S. C. (1988), Le Sacre du Printemps: Seven Productions from Nijinsky to Martha Graham. 129 130

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Like Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony, The Rite of Spring was embraced in China in 1989.134 Stravinsky would have welcomed its Oriental ‘reception’ as in tune with his original intention.135 His anthropological and ethnographic interests were not limited to pagan Russia. From the small room in Clarens, Switzerland, where he composed The Rite of Spring – and his dear neighbours complained he constantly played ‘the wrong notes’ (Howkins 2001: 125; q. Keane 2007: 91)136 – Stravinsky, like his Modernist peers, looked to a large ‘New World’ for their inspiration. His mentor RimskyKorsakov classically romanticized the Islamic ‘Golden age’ of The Arabian Nights in his four-part symphonic poem Scheherazade (1888). Stravinsky’s famously radical – and highly influential – ballet, or choregraphed orchestral work, Les Noces (Russ. Svadebka; Lit. The Dream), which he had also begun in 1913, is based on the literary critic Ivan Kireyevsky’s (1806–56) Asian folk verse and the Greek dramatist Sophocles’s (497/6–406/5 BCE) play Oedipus Rex. Stravinsky had heard oriental instruments playing in St. Petersburg and sought to reproduce their sound in piano, harp and cymbals (MacKenzie 1995: 173, n. 46).137 Critics disagree over whether the work’s orientalism was mocking or respectful. Diaghlev, the besotted dedicatee of the work loved ‘the idea’ of China. Collaborating with the artist Henri Matisse (1869–1954) on the design for the set of the Chant du Rossignol (1908, The Nightingale), he expressed a hope the artist would ‘do something very Chinese and charming’ (q. Craft 2013: 124). Stravinsky was more cautious and critical. When it came, the thumping ‘Chinese March’ in The Nightingale perhaps lampooned its regal pomposity. To Kang, a ritualized ‘machine chinoise’ in Stravinsky forms a ‘fausse-chinoiserie’. His stylized musical creation both romanticizes and criticizes the Qing court (2012: 187–205); as such, his ‘Orientalism’ is neither slavish nor uncritical. We do not ‘read’ – or, better, hear – Stravinsky aright, if we overlook his analytic view of his oriental sources and audiences. Likewise, we fail to understand Modernism in the West if we fail to see it reached beyond the Steppes of Russia into the heart of Imperial, later Communist, China for inspiration and comparison.138 This is new. Enquiry and self-understanding erupt here in a cultural melee of creative genius. We interpret the Analects and Gospels in light of Stravinsky. We can do no other, such is his status. Through him, cultural memory, ritual action, and living tradition are popularized in new ways. These are thick filters for reading biblical texts and Chinese culture. As in George Eliot and Wagner, notes can be as potent a hermeneutic as words.

The suppression of Stravinsky’s work in the USSR (from 1933 to 1962) is reflected in China’s view on his music. We do not see active engagement with the composer’s work in China until after the Cultural Revolution. 135 N.B. Scene 2 of Stravinsky’s three-act Russian conte lyrique, Le Rossignol (The Nightingale), performed by the Ballet Russe in May 1914, is entitled, ‘The Porcelain Palace of the Chinese Emperor’. It is based on the Danish author Hans Christian Andersen’s (1805–75) fairy story, The Nightingale (1844), in which we find ‘the emperor’s palace’ was ‘the most beautiful in the world’, and ‘built entirely of porcelain, and very costly, but so delicate and brittle that whoever touched it was obliged to be careful’. To some musicologists, this is a metaphor for Stravinsky (and other contemporaries) of the precious antiquity and cultural fragility of China in 1914. On the symbolism of porcelain’s fragility, above p. 162. 136 N.B. ad loc. Stravinsky’s famous reply: ‘They were the wrong notes for them, but they were the right notes for me.’ 137 On the music and cultural forms of Stravinsky’s ‘Russian period’, Van den Toorn, P. C. and J. McGinness (2012), Stravinsky and the Russian Period. 138 For a multi-disciplinary study of Stravinsky’s ‘Orientalism’ and view of time, Sills, H. (2016), ‘Time, Trace and Movement in Stravinsky’s Three Japanese Lyrics’, in S. Gross and S. Ostovich (eds), Time and Trace, 61–82. Cf. also on Modernism and time, p. 374f. 134

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Marcel Proust and À La Recherche Du Temps Perdu The Parisian novelist, essayist, and critic Marcel Proust’s (1871–1922) sequential narrative À la recherche du temps perdu (ET, In Search of Lost Time), which appeared in seven parts between 1913 and 1927, is no less significant for the present study than The Rite of Spring – but for very different reasons. The first part of Proust’s 3,000-page novel was published in 1913. It was finally completed139 in the same year as T. S. Eliot’s The Waste Land and avant-garde Irish author, James Joyce’s (1882–1941) classic, stream-of-consciousness novel, Ulysses (1922).140 Proust was born during the violent socialism of the Paris Commune (18 March to 28 May 1871) that gripped the city after Emperor Napoleon III’s (1808–73; r. 1852–70) defeat in September 1870, during the Franco-Prussian War (19 July 1870 to 10 May 1871). In the author’s asthma and ambition, we find a trope for the decline of the aristocracy and rise of the middle class in France’s ‘Third Republic’ (1870–1940). Proust provides another example of how early 20th-century Modernism reconfigured the way the world is seen, texts are read, knowledge is gleaned, and life-experience processed. To English author and critic Graham Greene (1904–91), he is ‘the greatest novelist of the 20th century, just as Tolstoy was of the nineteenth’ (q. White 1999: 2). While best-selling British novelist and playwright W. Somerset Maughan (1874–1965) held In Search of Lost Time ‘the greatest fiction to date’ (q. Proust [1913–22] 2016: Frontispiece). As Harold Bloom points out, Scott Moncrieff ’s fine translation (fr. 1922) enabled the work to be ‘widely recognized as the major novel of the twentieth century’ (q. Proust [1913] 2012: ix). In other words, we are dealing with another ‘Classic’ of Western literature and another filter on how the Analects and Gospels are perceived. Like Husserl, Proust isn’t easy. In Proust’s case the discomfort is born of psychological clarity not intellectual obscurity. Like Shakespeare, he exegetes personality through text and truth. Memory, rite and tradition are central to his vision. In Search of Lost Time is, formally, an archetypal Bildungsroman, or prolonged narrative of a person’s self-discovery (here, Charles Swann’s).141 Proust published the first volume, Du côté de chez Swann (Swann’s Way) privately, after the manuscript was rejected by publishers and reviewers – including an ashamed André Gide, who later described his response to the work as ‘one of the most stinging and remorseful regrets of my life’ (q. Tadié [1973] 2000: 611). In spite of its literary and cultural standing, the work is still deemed ‘difficult’ – certainly not a book to sell at railways stations, as Proust anticipated! It is a long, complex meditation on love and art, time, memory, life and death, in which the ‘outer’ world of the everyday and ‘inner’ reality of pain and perception interact to create a transformative energy. As Michael Enckell says, Proust ‘invites the reader to enter a world created by the author and re-created by the reader’ (2004: 233). Like War and Peace (1869), with which the work is often compared for its style and scope, In Search of Lost Time expounds the existential power of memory in story. Like the Analects and Gospels, the work draws the reader in to see and live life differently. The moral – or, broadly, ‘spiritual’ – power of the narrative lies in its

Proust’s final illness prevented him from editing the final version of the last three volumes of the work. This was undertaken by his younger brother Robert (1873–1935), a medic. 140 Scottish author and soldier C. K. Scott Moncrieff ’s (1889–1930) translation, Remembrance of Things Past (3 vols, 1922– 31), is acclaimed in its own right. 141 For a nuanced view of Proust’s work and its place in the history of the ‘novel’, Azérad, H. and M. Schmid (2013), ‘The novelistic tradition’, in A. Watt (ed.), Marcel Proust in Context, 67–74. For comparison with Rousseau’s bildungsromance, Héloïse, above p. 223. 139

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appeal to the reader to turn adversity to advantage, to seek success in failure, and to exchange disappointment for Bergson’s élan vital, or the active, wholehearted engagement of his or her personality and purpose for living. Like Confucius in the Analects and Jesus in the Gospels, tragedy in Proust’s own life infuses pathos into every page of his long masterpiece. He ‘connects’ with what we know of life – and struggle to overcome. Proust is significant for us here in three important ways. First – again like the Analects and Gospels – In Search of Lost Time renders ‘remembrance of things past’142 in textual form. Memory is a leitmotif for the book, as illustrated by the involuntary143 awakening of powerful emotions and vivid recollections in the now iconically Modernist ‘madeleine episode’144 near the start, and in the dramatic, ‘humourously rapid succession’ (Ruskin 1849: c. 6) of flash-backs in volume seven, Le Temps retrouvé (Lit. Time Regained).145 Like John Ruskin, Proust believed art possessed the potential to both recover and heal memory. So, the simple occasion of eating a madeleine – which the narrator, Marcel, associates with early Sunday morning tea with his aunt Léonie in Combray – acts like love, ‘filling me with a precious essence; or rather this essence was not in me it was me’. He reflects: ‘I had ceased now to feel mediocre, accidental, mortal. Whence could it have come to me, this all-powerful joy?’ ([1813] 2012: 51f.).146 To Proust – like Husserl – memory possesses mystic power in human consciousness to access ‘the essence of things . . . entirely outside of time’, thus making available a ‘fragment of time in a pure state’ (q. Bersani [1965] 2013: 207). In contrast to the typical realism and robust heroism of late 19th-century novels, Proust’s introspective characters and reflective style map the joys and sorrows of human life experience, in which memory awakens the past, multiplies perspective, and so both confirms and relativizes perception and truth.147 As he said of the work to the author and editor Élie-Joseph Bois (1878–1941), in an interview in Le Temps (12 November 1913), it is a ‘series of novels of the Unconscious’ (q. Bersani: 207), with memory the handmaid of a ‘pure’, stable state, or eternity.148 This transcendental view of memory’s power – glimpsed in Husserl and his followers149 – provides, as we will see, an important aid to Montcrieff took his translation’s title from Shakespeare’s Sonnet 30: ‘When to the sessions of sweet silent thought/ I summon up remembrance of things past’ (lines 1 & 2). 143 On ‘voluntary’ and ‘involuntary’ memory in Proust, Puri, M. J. (2011), Ravel the Decadent: Memory, Sublimation, and Desire, 15f. Proust tells us (Francois-René de) Chateaubriand’s (1768–1848) Mémoires d’outretombe (1849–50), Baudelaire’s sonnet ‘À une Passante’ (1855) and Gérard de Nerval’s (1808–55) Sylvie (1853), were instrumental in heightening his sense of the power of ‘involuntary memory’. On this, Mein, M. (1962), Proust’s Challenge to Time, 43; Jackson, E. R. (1961), ‘The Genesis of the Involuntary Memory in Proust’s Early Works’. 144 A ‘madeleine’ is a small, shell-shaped sponge cake characteristic of Commercy and Liverdun, two small communities in Lorraine, NE France. 145 For re-interpretation of the work as actually more about ‘forgetfulness’, Flieger, J. A. (1980), ‘Proust, Freud, and the Art of Forgetting’. 146 On this passage, Ellison, D. (2013), ‘Modernism’, in A. Watt (ed.), Proust in Context, 218; Ender, E. (2005), ‘The Aroma of the Past: Marcel Proust and the Science of Memory’, in Architexts of Memory, 22–45. 147 N.B. Roger Shattuck’s study of Proust’s ‘principle of intermittence’, viz. that life involves perception of ‘different and often conflicting aspects of reality’ (1982: 6). For a study of memory and photography in Proust, Walsh, L. (2012), ‘The Madeleine revisualized: Proustian Memory and Sebaldian Visuality’, in O. Amihay and L. Walsh (eds), The Future of Text and Image, 93–130 (esp. 96f.). 148 Cf. Philo Buck, Jr.: ‘For him [Proust] memory does not arrest time, but abolishes it, and it is not the flux that he captures, as does Joyce in Ulysses, but something to him far more precious and eternally durable’ (‘Waters under the Earth’; q. Lindner 1942: 305). 149 On the relationship between Proust and (his cousin by marriage) Bergson’s view of memory and ‘sign’, Deleuze, G. ([1964] 2000), Proust and Signs, 38f. Significantly, in notes to Jean Santeuil (1895) Proust accords a pivotal place to memory, but he did not read Bergson’s Matter and Memory (1896) until 1909 (Watt ed., 2011: 29f.). On the Russian-American 142

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interpret Confucius’s appeal to the dynamic memory of the Zhou Dukes, Wen and Wu, and to the biblical concept anamnesis (Lit. memory).150 Proust’s shadow falls on East and West alike: we are all now unwitting Proustians. As the author of arguably the first truly ‘modern’ novel, Proust has, like Shakespeare, re-shaped perception of culture, time, habit and the life of an individual within (his or her) society.151 Secondly, though much could be said of Proust’s use of biblical imagery and attitude to religious symbolism,152 his artistic and literary methods have a far greater direct impact on our theme. Like Kant and later Gadamer,153 Proust’s preferred medium in À la recherche du temps perdu is ‘aesthetic consciousness’.154 Human experience – not historical events or a developed plot, but the narrator’s visceral response and critical reflection – is his chosen milieu. Proust is famous for the multiplicity and fluidity of perspectives this affords both narrator and reader.155 In so far as In Search of Lost Time has shaped modern literature – and, as a result, Gadamerian hermeneutics – Proust stimulates sensitivity to the cultural and psychological ‘embeddedness’ of the Analects and Gospels;156 that is, the plurality of meanings their author/s and readers generate. In part through Proust, we read texts now with ‘an infinite horizon’ of interpretative possibilities. But the intense individualism, and almost psychotic introspection, in Proust’s narrative also turn timely rituals from collective, social habits into aids to Swann’s deep quest to subvert emotional anarchy, cope with life’s futility, find peace in the face of existential ‘dread’,157 and conquer time through memory. As the narrator declares: ‘Just as at the moment when I tasted the madeleine, all uneasiness about the future and all intellectual doubt were gone’ ([1922] 2002: 175). He alerts us, therefore, to a use of ritual, as in the Analects – and as we will see to a lesser extent the Gospels158 – to fashion the ‘inner’ life.

novelist Vladimir Nabokov’s (1899–1977) early ambivalence to the French Modernism of Proust (and to an extent Bergson), Foster, J. B., Jr. (1993), Nabokov’s Art of Memory and European Modernism, 74f. It is often pointed out that, though Proust and Freud both address memory and human consciousness, they do not appear to have read the other’s works. However, on Proust’s place in development of psychoanalysis, Bernstein, A. E. (2005), ‘The contributions of Marcel Proust to psychoanalysis’. Cf. below p. 72, 398, 400f. Proust’s status has been revived and reconfirmed in the West with publication of a revised ET of In Search of Lost Time (Modern Library, 1992; based on a new French edition, 1987–9), with two new biographies (Edmund White [1999], William C. Carter [2000]), and formation of the Proust Society of America in 1997. 152 On religious themes in Proust, and a related bibliography, cf. Topping, M. (2000), Proust’s Gods, Prologue. And, on Proust’s ‘religious aesthetic’, and ‘Eucharistic’ or ‘sacramental’ view of reality, Kearney, R. (2011), Anatheism: Returning to God After God, 111f. 153 Cf. p. 136, 193f., 470f. 154 On ‘aesthetic consciousness’ in the 19th century, Bowie, A. ([1990] 2003), Aesthetics and Subjectivity: From Kant to Nietzsche, ad loc. On Proust’s literary art and Gadamer’s hermeneutics, Orhanen, A. (2013), ‘ “Not my readers but the readers of their own selves” ’, in R. D. Sell, A. Borch and I. Lindgren (eds), The Ethics of Literary Communication, 29–46. 155 Shattuck locates Proust among ‘putative and intermittent authors’ as, ‘[t]he portraitist of an expiring society, the artist of romantic reminiscence, the narrator of the laminated “I”, the classicist of formal structure – all these figures are to be found in Proust’ (1982: 6). 156 On Proust, Kant and Gadamer’s hermeneutics, p. 376, 191f., 470f. 157 N.B. the Irish avant-garde playwright, novelist, poet and critic Samuel Becket’s (1906–89) description of Proust’s view of ‘habit’ as, a way ‘by which man functionally relates to time’; adding, ‘It empties the mystery of its threat’ (1970: 7f.; q. Overbeck 1987: 21). Likewise, ‘habit’ becomes ritual when it is ‘invested with significance . . . [and] its “comforting illusion” of control invests the self with meaning’ (Cohn 1980: 12; q. Overbeck, 21). Overbeck contrasts Proust’s view of the role of ‘ritual’ with ‘myth’ in T. S. Eliot, who sees it as ‘a way of controlling, of ordering, of giving shape and a significance to “the immense panorama of futility and anarchy which is contemporary history” ’ (1923: 483). 158 On tradition in the Gospels, below p. 400f. 150 151

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‘Tradition’ is, thus, for Proust freighted with ambiguity: it is the cause of snobbery159 and social insecurity,160 bigotry and memory, a sense of history and a fear of finitude. It is tradition Swann repudiates and perversely venerates when he abuses ritual and praises habit.161 Like Freud, Stravinsky, and others of their contemporaries who were drawn to study of memory, anthropology and human origins, Proust quarries Swann’s mind, memory and experience to access primitive identity and human heritage. Anne Fernald writes: ‘Proust’s project, and the novel of introspection and psychological depth generally, becomes another way of telling the story of modernism and tradition’ (2007: I. 160). As we will see, the Analects and Gospels also engage ‘tradition’, and, like Proust, explore its inner strengths and weaknesses.162 Thirdly, Proust is significant for the present study in his conscious – and unconscious – ‘Orientalism’. Though the Chinese version of In Search of Lost Time was not completed until 1989–91,163 if Proust was alert to the Orient, the Orient was, and is, very aware of him. Indeed, comparative literature and cross-cultural studies have found in Proust’s ‘aesthetic consciousness’ a style of discourse characteristic of Confucian philosophy and literature. As Shuangyi Li notes, traditional Proustian themes – such as time, memory and Modernist ‘stream-of-consciousness’ – are ‘a ruling passion in Chinese critical as well as creative reception of Proust’ (295);164 and this, Li sees, alongside ‘a strong tendency to have recourse to Chinese conceptual tools’, which bring ‘Chinese critical features’ to the world of Proust studies (ibid.).165 Whether or not Proust had read all, or part, of the Chinese classic The Dream of the Red Chamber (as some speculate),166 In Search of Lost Time has created another span in the cultural and intellectual bridge between East and West. Its global profile, aesthetic content, and cross-cultural reception, challenge East and West to recognize once again that the Analects and Gospels are, as Harold Bloom urges, read in relation to other texts, and through shared literary and philosophical sources and resources. That said, Proust was probably more alert – pace van Gogh and other Parisian elites – to late 19th-century japonisme167

On Proust’s study of the place of snobbery and tradition in the aspirant French bourgeoisie, McCole, J. J. (1993), Walter Benjamin and the Antinomies of Tradition, 257f. 160 On Proust’s view and use of class, sociality and traditional mores, Hughes, E. J. (2011), Proust, Class, and Nation, 136f. 161 On the famous, ritualized desecration of a photo of the imaginary, recently deceased composer of a sonata, M. Vinteuil, by his daughter and a friend, in Du Cote de chez Swann, Ellison, D. (2010), A Reader’s Guide to Proust’s ‘In Search of Lost Time’, 167f. 162 Cf. p. 400f. 163 On translation and reception of Proust in China, Li, S. (2014), ‘Proust and China: Translation, Ideology and Contemporary Intertextual Practice’. Li traces Proust’s translation first in Japan (1953–5) and then in Korea (1970–7). Proust’s subsequent reception in China led to a new Chinese translation in 2004–5. This has been accompanied by translations of foreign language books on Proust; notably, studies by Becket (1930), Deleuze (1964) and Tadié (1971), as well as (e.g.) G. Genette, Figures (1972), A. de Botton, How Proust Can Change Your Life (1997), and M. Wolf, Proust and the Squid (2008). 164 Cf. e.g. the comparative study of time and memory (among other themes) in Proust and classical Chinese philosophy and literature, in Xiang, S. (2015), ‘The irretrievability of the past: nostalgia in Chinese literature from Tang-Song poetry to Ming-Qing san-wen’. 165 Li, ‘Proust and China’, 295. 166 Literary critic Anthony West (1914–87) described The Dream of the Red Chamber as ‘one of the great novels of world literature’ (1958: 223f.). It is, he says, ‘to the Chinese as Proust is to the French or Karamazov to the Russians’ (ibid.). For comparable comments, Berry, M. (1988), ‘Hung-Lou Meng, The Dream of the Red Chamber’, in The Chinese Classic Novel, 137–178 (esp. 153); Plaks, A. H. (1976), Archetype and Allegory, 3f.; Tierney, H. ed. ([1988] 1989–91), Women’s Studies Encyclopedia, I. 247. Only part-translations of The Dream of the Red Chamber appeared by the mid-19th century (above p. 206), the complete translation after Proust’s death: it probably had, therefore, little if no impact on Proust’s In Search of Lost Time. 167 The term was first coined by the French art critic Philippe Burty (1830–90) in 1876. On van Gogh and japonisme, p. 3f. 159

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than early 20th-century China.168 Hence, according to Jan Hokenson, we do not find in Proust ‘yet another modernist’s Orientalism, trite and faintly racist’ (2004b: 86), but a masterly use of Japanese aesthetics; indeed, the apogee of France’s mimetic, cultural discovery of ‘a new aesthetic continent’, which created a ‘revolution in European aesthetics’ (ibid., 84).169 In Search of Lost Time makes but passing reference to the 19th-century sinologist Hervey de Saint-Denys:170 however, the iconic madeleine episode is set against the backcloth of that game ‘wherein the Japanese amuse themselves by filling a porcelain bowl of water and steeping in it little pieces of paper’ ([1913] 2016: I. 175). This is symptomatic of the way Proust’s translucent narrative transforms oriental allusions into sacraments of cross-cultural engagement and aesthetic inspiration.171 As Christine Froula says: ‘Rather than betokening an essentialized “East”, the Orient of the Recherche reflects what Ezra Pound called “the ‘new’ historic sense of our time”’ (2012: 228). We will return to Pound.172 For now, we register his sense that in Proust’s creative Modernist aesthetics new ideas enter Western minds, which, as we will see, still condition cross-cultural readings of memory, ritual and tradition in the Analects and Gospels. Niels Bohr, ‘Quantum Theory’ and ‘Complementarity’ The ground-breaking work on ‘quantum mechanics’ and ‘atomic theory’ by Nobel Prize winning Danish physicist Niels Bohr (1885–1962) cannot detain us long. It offers, nevertheless, some important insights, and fundamental principles, for the way the world in which the Analects and Gospels are read is perceived today. The son of Christian Bohr (1855–1911), a professor of physiology at Copenhagen University, and Ellen Adler, a member of a prominent Jewish family, Bohr was, like his younger, athletic, mathematical brother Harald (1887–1951),173 educated at Copenhagen University. He earned his PhD in 1911, when modern physics was in its infancy. His thesis (largely ignored at the time) challenged the adequacy of Nobel Prize winning Dutch physicist Hendrik Lorentz’s (1853–1928) electron theory of the magnetic property of metals. Travelling to England on a Carlsberg Foundation scholarship in 1911, Bohr attended lectures at the Cavendish Laboratory, Cambridge. He was then invited by New Zealand physicist Ernest Rutherford (1871– 1937) to take up a post-doctoral post at Victoria University of Manchester. Bohr declined, preferring instead to return to Denmark to marry, in a civil ceremony (1 August 1912), Margrethe Nørlund, sister of the mathematician Niels Erik Nørlund (1885–1981).174 In 1913 Bohr was appointed a privat docent at Copenhagen University. In July, September and November of 1913, he published a

For a careful study of the nature of Proust’s ‘Orientalism’ and the specifics of his cultural allusions to China, Froula, C. (2012), ‘Proust’s China’. 169 Cf. also, Hokenson, J. (1974), ‘Proust in the Palace of Sheriar’. 170 On Hervey de Saint-Denys, p. 328, 386. 171 On this, Hokenson, J. (2004a), Japan, France and East-West Aesthetics: French Literature 1867–2000. For a post-colonial reading of Proust, Benhaïm, A. (2009), ‘Proust’s Singhalese Song (A Strange Little Story)’, in A. Benhaïm (ed.), The Strange Proust, 57–70. Benhaïm sees Proust’s ‘Orient’ as less about ‘Orientalism’ and more about the shameful dis-orientating effects of France’s bigoted patriotism and racist internationalism. 172 Cf. p. 383f. 173 The Bohrs were keen on sport and out-door activities. Harald played for the Danish soccer team at the 1908 London Olympics. Niels Bohr’s son played hockey for Denmark in the 1948 London Olympics. 174 Though interested in philosophy throughout his life (cf. below p. 380f.), Bohr became an atheist and publically resigned from the Church of Denmark on 16 April 1912. 168

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‘Trilogy’ of papers in the scientific journal Philosophical Magazine.175 His articles used Rutherford’s ‘nuclear’ model to revise German physicist Max Planck’s (1858–1947) ‘quantum theory’, and so propounded what became ‘the Bohr model’.176 Bohr spent the early part of World War I with Rutherford in Manchester. In 1916, he returned to Denmark to take the new Chair of Theoretical Physics at the University of Copenhagen. In 1921 he set up an Institute for Theoretical Physics – later renamed the Niels Bohr Institute – which continues to this day. In short, there may appear little in Bohr relevant to this chapter! But Bohr is the scientific face of Modernism. His life and work are intertwined with the movement’s multi-facetted progress.177 In 1922 Bohr won the Nobel Prize for Physics. In the same year Husserl gave four lectures at the University of London on ‘Phenomenological Method and Phenomenological Philosophy’, Eliot’s The Waste Land and Joyce’s Ulysses were published, Stravinsky’s opera buffa (Lit. comic opera) ‘Mavra’ premiered in Paris, and Marcel Proust died. The Nobel citation – naming Bohr’s ‘Trilogy’ and pioneering work on ‘quantum mechanics’ – is ‘for services in the investigation of the structure of atoms and of the radiation emanating from them’ (q. Pais 1991: 215). A new world is born. Working with world-leading ‘quantum’ and ‘atomic’ physicists before, during, and after World War II, Bohr was honoured both at home and abroad.178 When he died on 18 November 1962, Victor Weisskopf, then Director of CERN in Geneva,179 testified to Bohr’s support for CERN’s pioneering work in atomic energy and particle physics: ‘The enthusiasm and ideas of the other people would not have been enough, however, if a man of his stature had not supported it.’180 Though they disagreed,181 Einstein praised Bohr’s ‘unique instinct

175 Cf. Niels Bohr, ‘On the Constitution of Atoms and Molecules’, Parts I, II, III, Philosophical Magazine 26, nos. 151, 153, 155. Bohr’s essentially pictorial theory of electrons, travelling in elliptical orbits around the atom’s nucleus, was seen as ground-breaking by a new generation of gifted scientists: such as, Rutherford, the German mathematician David Hilbert (1862–1943) and theoretical physicist Albert Einstein (1879–1955); the Italian-American physicist Enrico Fermi (1901–54), one of the pioneers of quantum mechanics; the German Max Born (1882–1970); and the theoretical physicist Arnold Sommerfeld (1868–1951), who was, like Kant and Hilbert, from Königsberg in Prussia. On Bohr’s early work, Pais, A. (1991), Niels Bohr’s Times, 152–5; Kragh, H. (2012), Niels Bohr and the quantum atom, 109–11. 176 On ‘the Bohr model’, Kragh, Niels Bohr, ad loc. For an image of ‘the Bohr model’ and introduction to its place in the development of the WWII ‘Manhattan Project’ (1939–46), Strickland, J. (2011), The Men of Manhattan: Creators of the Nuclear Age, 35, Box 7. 177 On Bohr’s work within Danish Modernism and, particularly, against the backcloth of the composer Carl Nielsen (1865– 1931), Grimley, D. M. (2010), Carl Nielsen and the Idea of Modernism, 291f. 178 In addition to his honorary degrees and scientific medals Bohr was a long-standing Fellow and President of the Royal Danish Academy of Arts and Sciences (1939–62). In 1947 King Frederick IX (1899–1972; r. 1947–72) conferred on Bohr the Order of the Elephant (normally restricted to the Danish Royal Family or Heads of State). 179 After prolonged international discussion, CERN was established in 1952 by a twelve-nation alliance. It was finally opened in Geneva in 1957 (not in Copenhagen, as Bohr had hoped) with an avowed purpose to under-take major collaborative scientific projects (such as, recently, the Hadron Collider, the world’s largest particle collider). Weisskopf was fifth Director of CERN (fr. 1961–5). 180 CERN Courier 2.11 (July 1963), 89. 181 Cf. Bohr and Einstein engaged in a series of public debates on ‘quantum mechanics’. These are significant for the development of the philosophy of science, and of physics in particular. At issue were Einstein’s mathematical realism, his use of Georges Bataille’s ‘General Economy’ (on Bataille, p. 324, n. 290, 367, n. 108, 473, n. 403), and his repudiation of quantum ‘indeterminism’. Bohr denied these in favour of a form of metaphysical, Husserlian phenomenology in which knowledge is both constrained and enabled by human speech and communal signs. Bohr published a review of the debates entitled ‘Discussions with Einstein on Epistemological Problems in Atomic Physics’ (in Albert Einstein: Philosopher-Scientist [1949]). On this, https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/dk/bohr.htm (accessed 3 August 2016); also, Whitaker, A. ([1996] 2006), Einstein, Bohr and the Quantum Dilemma, 11f.

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and tact’, and proclaimed his discovery of the major laws of the spectral lines and the electron shells of the atom a ‘miracle’ and – elegantly echoing Plato’s Timaeus – ‘the highest musicality in the sphere of thought’ (q. Plotnitsky 2006: 176).182 Bohr is – perhaps surprisingly – central to our story. Ethics, aesthetics and human relations synergize in his physics, and resonate with Modernist and postmodern views of memory, rite and tradition. The details of Bohr’s work are beyond the scope of this study. In three particular areas, however, his work forged a potent, cross-cultural, scientific, hermeneutic filter for interpretation of memory, rite and tradition in the Analects and Gospels in China and the West. First, Bohr’s work created the possibility of, what Marcel Berman called, ‘the re-enchantment of the world’ (1981). Like Descartes, Newton, Leibniz, and Kant, Bohr challenges us on what, and how, we ‘see’. Writing of his role in Modernism’s annus mirabilis, 1913, William Everdell summarizes the thesis of Bohr’s ‘Trilogy’: ‘The quantum had been resoundingly located in the fundamental structure of the atom and proved to govern absolutely the motion of its parts, the release of its energy, and most likely all of its chemistry’ ([1998] 2009: 338). In 1962 Bohr looked back and apologized: ‘You see, I’m sorry because most of that was wrong’ (q. ibid.). For, in the interim, physics, phenomenology, epistemology, and Bohr’s own thinking, had come to re-imagine the nature of physical reality and human perception of it. It is often pointed out that, though Bohr and Husserl were apparently unaware of each other’s early work, the conclusions they drew with respect to the possibility and limitations of human perception of physical reality, are remarkably similar.183 They unconsciously raid each other’s discipline and so explore the philosophical and epistemological basis of new knowledge. In both, physical realities are known through ‘signs’ that sense perceives. Husserl’s last (unfinished) work, The Crisis of European Sciences and Transcendental Phenomenology (1936)184 is a sustained critique of what he saw as Galileo’s inadequate reduction of physics to mathematics. Bohr was similarly moved to proclaim: ‘There is no quantum world. There is only an abstract quantum physical description. It is wrong to think the task of physics is to find out how nature is. Physics concerns what we can say about nature’ (Petersen 1963: q. Lurçat 2007: 229). Through Bohr (pace Husserl) science moves from a sense of obligation to the dialectic of physical realism to a new recognition of the need for a more limited, ontic epistemology in which ‘subject-object’ dualism is traversed. To the extent that Bohr introduced ‘conditionality’ and ‘subjectivity’ into science, he redefined the world in which the Analects and Gospels are read. The existential plight, and so interpretative potential, of readers (to which texts bare witness) are now reckoned essential to their status and meaning. As such, Bohr sits in a tradition of philosophical and hermeneutic development that runs from Kant, through Husserl, to Heidegger and Wittgenstein,185 in whose reductionist, linguistic philosophy we see, as Steg Stenholm argues, ‘analogous reformations of the methodology

Cf. also, Plotnitsky, A. (1994), Complementarity: Epistemology after Bohr and Derrida. On the relation between Husserl’s phenomenology and Bohr’s ‘quantum theories’, Dolidze, M. G. (2002), ‘Phenomenology in Science and Literature’; Ingarden, R. ([1947–8] 1964), Time and Modes of Being, ad loc; Lurçat, F. (2007), ‘Understanding Quantum Mechanics with Bohr and Husserl’, in L. Boi, P. Kerszberg and F. Patras (eds), Rediscovering Phenomenology, 229– 58; Stamatescu, I-O. (1994), ‘On Renormalization in Quantum Field Theory and the Structure of Space-Time’, in E. Rudolph and I-O. Stamatescu (eds), Philosophy, Mathematics and Modern Physics, 67–91 (esp. 63f.); Sweet, W., G. F. McLean, et al., eds (2008), The Dialogue of Cultural Traditions, Ch. 37. 184 Cf. Husserl, E. (1976), Husserliana, VI: Die Krisis der europäischen Wissenschaften und die transzendentale Phänomenologie, ed. W. Biemel (1976). 185 On Wittgenstein, p. 468f. 182 183

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of research’, with humans engaged in very similar ‘epistemic activity’ (2011: 214).186 Seen in this light, the Analects and Gospels are shared mimetic texts freighted with life-defining meaning. Memory accesses the invisible banks of human consciousness and cultural tradition. Bohr plays a key role in projecting this development of the way memory shapes our world. Second, as we have begun to see, Bohr’s ideas and approach are notably philosophical. This was partly the result of intellectual interest and partly a scientist’s response to others’ work. Attempts to link the development of Bohr’s thought with the ‘Ekliptika Circle’ (of scholars) in Copenhagen at the beginning of the twentieth century,187 or with specific individuals – such as the popular academic and poet Poul Møller (1794–1838), the philosopher-theologian Harald Høffding (1843– 1931), the American psychologist William James (1842–1910), and even his fellow Dane, the existentialist philosopher, theologian and social critic Søren Kierkegaard188 – have proved inconclusive.189 In his study of Bohr’s philosophy, David Favroldt explains this as Bohr’s native creativity, eclectic interests and the boldness of his thought.190 As Bohr replied when asked to justify the philosophical problems he pursued: ‘I do not know. It was in some way my life . . . It was a natural thing for me to get into a problem where one really could not say anything from the classical point of view’ (1962: 76f.; q. Heilbron 2013: 33). That said, Møller, Høffding, James, Kierkegaard, and his own father, Christian Bohr, can all be seen behind the ‘quantum’ atom. As J. L. Heilbron says: ‘In the creation of the trilogy, physics did not precede physics or physics philosophy: they were inextricable’ (ibid.). In one key area physics drove Bohr’s philosophy. In 1926, Nobel Prize winning Austrian physicist, Erwin Schrödinger (1887–1961) (re-)introduced the ‘wave’ metaphor of radiation.191 This projected into sharp relief the incompatibility of waves and particles. Bohr responded with what Everdell calls, ‘one of the most fundamental philosophical insights of the twentieth century’ (ibid., 338), the theory of ‘complementarity’. According to Bohr, opposites exist in suspended co-existence: as waves and particles in ‘quantum theory’, they are necessary to ‘complete’ interpretation.192 This constituted a rejection of mathematical inevitability, and a theoretical legitimation of the German physicist Werner Karl Heisenberg’s (1901–76) concept of ‘uncertainty’,193 as well as the possibility of epistemological resolution. Cross-cultural studies and

Cf. also, Harré, R. (2010), ‘An Interpretation of the Philosophy of Niels Bohr, in the light of the philosophies of Kant and Husserl’; Mohanty, J. N. (1989), ‘Idealism and the Quantum Mechanics’. 187 On this group and the psychologist-phenomenologist Edgar Rubin’s (18861–1951) role in bringing twelve young academics together, Pind, J. L. (2014), Edgar Rubin and Psychology in Denmark, 68f. 188 On Kierkegaard, p. 311f. 189 For a survey of this scholarship, Pind, Edgar Rubin, 207f. As an example, in the 1970s Feuer and Holton tried to link Bohr’s quantum ‘jumps’ to Kierkegaard’s notion of ‘leaps’ from one ‘stage of life’ to another (Heilbron 2013: 33f.; cf. Feuer 1974: 111, 114f., 122, 134f., 139–44; Holton 1970). 190 Cf. Favroldt, D. ed. (1999), Complementarity Beyond Physics (1928–1962), in Niels Bohr Collected Works, Vol. X. 191 On Schrödinger, Bitbol, M. (2012), Schrödinger’s Philosophy of Quantum Mechanics. 192 On Bohr’s theory of ‘complementarity’, Murdoch, D. R. (2007), Art. ‘Bohr, Niels Henrik David’, in J. Wintle (ed.), New Makers of Modern Culture, I. 169–71. 193 From 17 September 1924 to 1 May 1925 the young German physicist Werner Heisenberg was funded by a Rockefeller Foundation Fellowship to study with Bohr in Copenhagen. He returned there between 1926 and 1927, before becoming professor at the University of Leipzig. While in Copenhagen, Heisenberg wrote his pioneering paper on ‘quantum mechanics’ (ET, ‘Quantum theoretical re-interpretation of kinematic and mechanical relations’, September 1925), and also crafted his theory of ‘uncertainty’ (Germ. Ungenauigkeit; Lit. imprecision). According to the latter, he proposed imprecision should be admitted with respect to complementary variables (e.g. momentum and position). In Heisenberg’s theory, which others swiftly refined, the position of a particle and its momentum are mutually, and progressively, less precisely known. 186

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comparative philosophy have drawn much from Bohr’s theory of ‘complementarity’.194 Truth of any kind need no longer be conceived in singular terms, it’s argued:195 it can be expressed in unresolved plurality. Truth and tradition are ‘composite’ realities, often mediated by ‘authoritative’ texts; hence, for some, the Analects and Gospels can, despite contradications, be read as ‘compatible’ texts that contain ‘complementary’ insights into ‘truth’. This sequential challenge to religious and textual ‘orthodoxy’ is ultimately heir to Bohr’s position. It has many devotees today, for whom truth and texts are not ‘exclusive’. Discussion of Bohr’s theory of ‘complementarity’ introduces the third way his work impacts the present study. For, as scholars in China and the West have been swift to point out, though Bohr’s theory had scholarly antecedents, and was formulated in light of Schrödinger’s wave theory – and what Bohr believed was the logical and mathematical hegemony of Einstein’s theories of ‘relativity’196 – the roots and inspiration for his thinking are also traceable to his early interest in Chinese philosophy. As Paul McEvoy notes in Niels Bohr: Reflections on Subject and Object, Bohr was very ‘aware of the significance of Eastern thought in the history of philosophy’ (2001: I. 201), particularly ‘with regard to the subject/object distinction’ (ibid.).197 Or, as Bohr himself said: ‘We are here confronted with complementary relationships inherent in the human position, and unforgettably expressed in old Chinese philosophy, reminding us that in the great drama of existence, we are ourselves both actors and spectators’ (1960: 15; q. McEvoy, ibid.).198 Both prior to and after his eighteen-day lecture tour of China in 1937,199 Bohr was drawn to the ‘Ultimate Pattern’ in Taoist thought in which reality exists in and between ‘two poles’, yin-yang 䲠䲭. As he wrote in an early letter: ‘The old Chinese philosophy is in many ways quite to the point’ (q. Allinson 2001: 91). Some deduce Bohr drew from ancient China philosophical ideas and methodological resources compatible with atomic theory. In 1998, Robert Allinson argued Chinese philosophy was ‘either instrumental or decisive’ for Bohr’s ‘complementarity principle’, which provided him with ‘the greatest possible explanatory power in the world of atomic physics’ (505). In 2001, he claimed Bohr ‘learned of the concept of complementarity from his study of Chinese philosophy’ (Mou 2001: 289).200 Not all agree.201 We Cf. Allinson, R. E. (1998), ‘Complementarity as a model for East-West Integrative Philosophy’; —(2001), Space, Time and the Ethical Foundations. 195 N.B. the Nobel Prize winning Austrian theoretical physicist Wolfgang Pauli’s (1900–58) explanation of Bohr’s theory to Swiss psychiatrist and psychotherapist Carl Jung (1875–1961): ‘[I]f an assertion is too clear something is wrong with its accuracy, and if an assertion is true, then clarity is limited. Every truth contains in part something unknown, only glimpsed and therefore also a hidden opposite to its conscious meaning’ (Letter 27 February 1953: q. Gieser 2005: 28 and 2014). As a theologian, it is difficult not to hear echoes here of Luther’s theologia crucis where truth is paradoxically ‘hidden under its opposite’. 196 On the context in which Bohr’s theory of ‘complementarity’ develops, Plotnisky, A. (1994), Complementarity: Antiepistemology after Bohr and Derrida, Introduction. 197 Cf. also, Lai, P-c. (2010a), ‘Reflections on the History of Buddhist-Christian Encounter in Modern China’, in Ruokanen and Huang, Christianity and Chinese Culture, 45–59 (esp. 157); Ma, L. and J. van Brakel (2016), Fundamentals of Comparative and Intercultural Philosophy, esp. Ch. 7 (‘Varieties of Intercultural Philosophy’, 178–207). 198 Cf. Bohr, N. (1987), The Philosophical Writings of Niels Bohr: Vol. II: Essays 1932–1957 on Atomic Physics and Human Knowledge; Faye, J. (2017), ‘Complementarity and Human Nature’, in J. Faye and H. Folse (eds.), Niels Bohr and the Philosophy of Physics, 115–32. 199 On Bohr’s trip to China, Yan, K. (1996), ‘Niels Bohr in China’, in F. Dainian and R. S. Cohen (eds), Chinese Studies in the History and Philosophy of Science and Technology, 433–7. 200 Cf. Ma and van Brakel, Fundamentals of Comparative and Intercultural Philosophy, 196; also, Allinson, R. E. (2014), ‘Hegel, Lao Tzu, and Bohr’, in W. Cristaudo, H. W. Wong and Sun Y. (eds), Order and Revolt, Ch. 4. 201 For a more critical view of Bohr’s relationship to Taoist thought, Billington, M. (1994), ‘The Taoist Perversion of Twentieth-Century Science’. 194

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should not doubt Bohr’s early sympathy for Taoism’s alternative to the dualist onto-epistemology of much early atomic theory; indeed, he integrated the yin-yang symbol in his family crest and motto ‘Contraria sunt complementa’ (Lit. Opposites are complementary). Nor should we be surprised Chinese writers have claimed Bohr and ‘quantum theory’ were inspired by Taoist thought.202 Like Einstein, Bohr’s knowledge of Buddhism and Chinese thought (including sayings of Confucius) was often mediated through Schopenhauer and Schiller (Kaiser 1997: 392, n. 178).203 Though Bohr held ‘every true philosophy must actually start off with a paradox’ (q. Gieser 2005: 87), establishing a direct causal connection between Taoism and his theory of ‘complementarity’ is tricky; indeed, much harder than confirming the impact of that theory on East-West comparative philosophy,204 and on the anti-epistemological hermeneutics of authors like Jacques Derrida.205 That said, Bohr built a strong cross-cultural bridge between China and the West over which heavy philosophical traffic has passed, including the fundamental terms (as ‘symbols’; or, even ? ‘rites’) in which words are used and

FIGURE 14: Socialist Realism (from the Museum of Socialist Art, Sofia, Bulgaria).

N.B. Mou, B. ed. (2001), Two Roads to Wisdom? Chinese and Analytic Philosophical Traditions: ‘It is fascinating to consider that Niels Bohr, the discoverer of the complementarity principle in physics, learned of the concept of complementarity from his study of Chinese philosophy’ (289). Cf. also, Jing, C. Q. (1998), ‘Chinese Physicists Educated in Germany and America: Their Scientific Contributions and Their Impact on China’s Higher Education’. 203 Cf. also, Folse, H. J. (1985), The Philosophy of Nils Bohr, 54. N.B. Bohr’s frequent quotation of the penultimate line from Schiller’s three-stanza poem ‘Spruch des Confucius’ (Lit. Sayings of Confucius), ‘Only wholeness leads to clarity’. 204 Cf. Capra, F. ([1975] 2010), The Tao of Physics; Katsumori, M. (2011), Niels Bohr’s Complementarity. 205 On this, Babette, B. ed. (2002), Hermeneutic Philosophy of Science, Van Gogh’s Eyes, and God, ad loc. 202

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interpreted in ‘Classic’ texts like the Analects and Gospels. We read ‘on the far side’ of Bohr’s creative Modernism and integrative, non-dualist philosophy, in which, as in Heisenberg and Derrida, ‘uncertainty’ and ‘incompleteness’ are effective correlates of art, culture, truth, tradition and human understanding. Seen in this light, neither the Analects nor New Testament Gospels can as confidently be claimed to be either self-evident or mutually incompatible. In and through both, perhaps, Bohr (pace St. Paul) reminds us ‘we see through a glass darkly’ (1 Cor. 13.12). After Bohr, ‘quantum’ finds ‘truth’ in misty, wilfully ambiguous, complementary places. Ezra Pound, Imagism and ‘The Orient’ It is natural, as we prepare for Chapter 8 and the Conclusion, that we start to gather threads of earlier historical and exegetical commentary and analysis. The life and work of the expatriate American poet and Modernist thinker Ezra Pound (1885–1972) provide a natural catalyst to initiate this synthetic process. Born on 30 October 1885 in Hailey, Idaho, Pound grew up an only child near Philadelphia. His father, Homer (1858–1942), scion of a prominent lumbering family, was assayer at the Philadelphia Mint. Pound attended Quaker schools, then Cheltenham Military Academy (1897–1900). His first published poem (aged eleven) was a stanza on the 1896 presidential election. In 1898 and 1902, Pound spent time with his family in Europe. He returned there alone in 1906 (after taking an MA in ‘Romance Languages’ at the University of Pennsylvania) and again in 1908 (when he left a teaching job at Wabash College, Indiana, under a cloud of sexual scandal). Pound’s unorthodox lifestyle, artistic skill, intellectual reach, and professional collaborations converge in the significant impact he has had directly and indirectly on the way life is lived, texts are read, and the Analects and Gospels are viewed in China and the West today. Memory, rite and tradition afford a natural entry-point into Pound’s colourful mind, life, world and legacy: they introduce the heart of his art and love for China and Chinese culture. Over time T. S. Eliot and Ezra Pound became good friends. ‘A most unlikely pair’ and ‘the “Odd Couple” of 20th-century poetry’, A. David Moody calls them, ‘who between them rewrote the rules for everyone else’ (q. McGrath, C., 2008). Eliot was sober, ‘fussy, clerkish, conservative’: Pound was, like Byron, ‘a yapper, provocateur and shameless self-promoter with a radical opinion on just about anything’ (ibid.). When they met in 1914, Pound was in process of establishing himself as a poet, critic and editor. ‘A highly mechanized typing volcano’, he called himself, emitting ‘an article a day for a month’ ([1950] 1971: 104, 99; q. Ruthven 1990: 140). To Eliot, Pound was – as his dedication in The Waste Land records – ‘il miglior fabbro’ (Lit. the finer craftsman), such was his profound gratitude for Pound’s support and his editorial skill.206 Writing in 1922, Pound named The Waste Land the ‘justification’ of the Modernist movement ([1950] 1971: 180). Interestingly, though Eliot professed ‘the highest respect for the Chinese mind and for Chinese culture’ (1934: 42), he queried his mentor Irving Babbitt’s ‘addiction to the philosophy of Confucius’ (ibid., 40)207

206 N.B. the American literary critic and editor Anatole Broyard’s (1920–90) comment on the effect of Pound’s editing on Eliot’s The Waste Land: ‘While the poem does gain in intensity, it gains in obscurity as well . . . Everything is in essence, heard against what is not said, and must be surmised as well as the reader is able’ (1971: 45; q. Bernet, et al., ed. 2005: III. 103). 207 Eliot recognized that ‘the popularity of Confucius among our contemporaries is significant’. But, despite the contribution of Western missionary educators and reception in China of the American philosopher-educationalist John Dewey (1859– 1952), he believed his own want of Chinese, together with the depth of China’s traditional ‘network of rites and customs’, would always limit his understanding and appreciation.

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and never grasped the affinity Pound felt for China.208 To Eliot, Confucianism was just ‘an inferior religion’, and Pound’s embrace of Chinese myths and mysticism the ‘curious’ syncretizing effects of the ‘steam-roller of Confucian rationalism’ (Eliot, V. and Haffenden 2013: IV. 14).209 Dubbed by Eliot ‘the inventor of Chinese poetry for our time’ (Pound 1928: xiii),210 Pound remains a significant figure in comparative literature, translation studies, and East-West cultural exchange; a symbol, as we will see, of how many early and mid-20th-century Western intellectuals and artists were, like 18th-century illuminati, captivated by Chinese culture – and, through it, critiqued their own.211 Paradoxically, as Pound and European Modernism embraced Confucius, the modernizing ‘May 4th Movement’ in China became studiedly anti-Confucian.212 Crucially – contra Said – Pound’s Modernism does not demean ‘the Orient’:213 it is consciously respectful. Historical hermeneutics becomes again very important here. Pound’s biography cannot detain us, but neither can it be ignored. His significance for the present work, for Modernism, and for East-West cultural exchange, is intertwined with the three distinct phases of his vicissitudinous life:214 that is, from c. 1908 to 1920, when he was building his reputation in London; from 1920 to 1945, spent mainly in Paris and war-time Italy; and 1945 to 1972, from his trial and imprisonment in America to his death, a period that saw his Chinese interests blossom. We take these markedly different eras in Pound’s long life in turn. First, Pound’s London years (c. 1908–20), when, after time in Gibraltar and Venice,215 he eked out a living as poet, editor, critic, translator,216 and a socialite linked to London’s avant-garde literary and artistic elites, like W. B. Yeats (1865–1939),217 T. E. Hulme (1883–1917), Wyndham Lewis (1882–1957), Rupert Brooke (1887–1915), D. H. Lawrence (1885–1930), the French artist Henri Gaudier-Brzeska (1891–1915), and the influential literary businessman Ford Madox Ford (1873–1919);218 as well as younger figures, whose work he shaped or shared, like Eliot and Joyce,219

208 On India’s greater impact on Eliot, Kumar, J. A. (1988), Oriental Influences in T. S. Eliot. Zhaoming Qian connects Pound’s affinity with China and the Heidegger-Gadamer hermeneutic principle ‘[I]nterpretation begins with fore-conceptions that are replaced by more suitable ones’ ([1960] 1965: 236; q. Qian, Z., 1995: 2). Apart from some predisposition towards Chinese culture, Pound would not, then, have become a translator and interpreter of its literature. 209 On T. S. Eliot, religion and Pound, the self-confessed ‘rebellious Protestant’, Lan, F. (2005), Ezra Pound and Confucianism, 135f. 210 On this and reasons for Pound’s interest in China, Qian, Z., ed. (2003), Ezra Pound and China, 1f; also, Huang, G. (2005), ‘Chinese Literature’, and ‘Chinese Translation’, in D. P. Tryphonopoulos and S. Adams (eds), The Ezra Pound Encyclopedia, 58–61; Kenner, H. (1965), ‘Ezra Pound and Chinese’; —(1967), ‘The Invention of China’. 211 For contemporary assessments of Pound, Dennis, H. M. ed. (1994), Ezra Pound and Poetic Influence; also, Qian, Z. (1995), Orientalism and Modernism, passim. 212 On the anti-Confucianism of the ‘May 4th Movement’, Lee, L. O-F. (2002), ‘The Quest for Modernity, 1875–1927’, in M. Goldman and L. O-F. Lee (eds), An Intellectual History of Modern China, 142–95. 213 N.B. Said’s definition of ‘Orientalism’: ‘[A] Western style for dominating, restructuring and having authority over the Orient’ (1978: 3). 214 On Pound’s life, Nadel, I. B. (2004), Ezra Pound: A Literary Life. 215 In Venice, Pound self-published his first poetry, A Lume Spento (1908, With Tapers Spent). 216 For some of this time Pound enjoyed the patronage of the American heiress Margaret Lanier Cravens (1881–1912). 217 Pound worked with Yeats – whom he reckoned the preeminent poet of his era – from 1909, and then off-and-on as his secretary between 1913 and 1916. 218 Ford founded the literary magazines, The English Review (fr. 1908) and The Transatlantic Review (fr. 1924). 219 Pound was instrumental in editing and promoting for publication James Joyce’s A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man, which was serialized in The Egoist (1914–15) and then published in New York by B. W. Huebsch (1916), and T. S. Eliot’s The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock (published in Poetry, June 1915).

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Richard Aldington (1892–1962) and his poetic wife, Hilda Doolittle (1886–1961) – or ‘H.D.’ – and Amy Lowell (1874–1925), an American. Ford portrays Pound as the socialite, artistic iconoclast of his day ‘approach[ing] with the step of a dancer’ while at the same time ‘making passes with a cane at an imaginary opponent’ (q. Moody 2007: I. 113). Adding somewhat puckishly: ‘Pound was a flamboyant dresser at this stage, and had trousers made of green billiard cloth, a pink coat, a blue shirt, a tie hand-painted by a Japanese friend and an immense sombrero. All this was accompanied by a flaming beard cut to a point and a single, large blue earring’ (ibid.).220 In addition to poems and reviews in progressive magazines – such as The New Age, The Egoist and Poetry – in this early phase Pound produced his first lucrative work Personae (1909), his critical study The Spirit of Romance (1910), the provocative poem collection Canzoni (1911),221 Gaudier-Brzeska: A Memoir (1916), the first installment of what would become his epic magnum opus, Canto I (1917),222 and Poems from the Propertius Series (1919). With Hulme and the Aldingtons, Pound also wanted to go beyond poetic immediacy in Arthur Rimbaud (1854–91) and French ‘Symbolism’,223 to create – and promote – an imitative oriental style they called ‘Imagism’.224 This forsook Victorian grandiloquence and ‘Georgian Poetry’ for vivid verbal economy, un-rhetorical collages, and intersecting planes of allusion, to condense art and poetry into images freed ‘from time limits and space limits’ (pace Bergson)225 and to create ‘an intellectual and emotional complex in an instant of time’ (Pound 1913a: 200).226 We glimpse the brutal brevity of Imagism in Pound’s twenty-five poem, Riposte (October 1912), in his two-line haiku, ‘In A Station of the Metro’ (April 1913),227 and in his collection of Chinese poems Cathay (1915).228 In 1913, Pound wrote in Confucianesque terms of his approach to poetry and translation: I knew at fifteen pretty much what I wanted to do . . . I resolved that at thirty I would know more about poetry than any man living, that I would know the dynamic content from the shell, that I would know what was accounted poetry everywhere, what part of poetry was ‘indestructible’, what part could not be lost by translation and – scarcely less important – what effects were

Moody (ad loc) challenges the accuracy of Ford’s description. It was on the basis of Canzoni that A. R. Orage (1873–1934), a Leeds-based socialist school-master, who also edited the magazine The New Age, offered Pound a regular column and income. On Orage, p. 388, 394, n. 287. 222 For a comparison between the creative shock engendered by Pound’s Cantos and Stravinsky’s Rite of Spring, Wilhelm, J. J. (1990), Ezra Pound in London and Paris, 1908–1925, 126. On the Cantos, below p. 389f. 223 On Pound and the ‘proto-Modernist’ French ‘Symbolist’ movement, Hamilton, S. (1992), Ezra Pound and the Symbolist Inheritance; also, p. 1, 367, 388, 437. 224 There are intimations of Imagism in the late 19th century. T. E. Hulme’s poems, ‘Autumn’ and ‘A City Sunset’, in the London Poets’ Club booklet, ‘For Christmas MDCCCCVIII’ (January 1909), are seen to signal the birth of Imagism. Cf. Pratt, W. ([1963] 2001), The Imagist Poem, Modern Poetry in Miniature. 225 On Bergson, Modernism, and Pound, p. 394. 226 Cf. ad loc for Pound’s summary of the philosophy and methods of Imagism. On Bergson’s influence on Imagism and the movement’s precursors, Gillies, M. A. (1996), Henri Bergson and British Modernism, 48f. On Pound and Merleau-Ponty’s view of time, Tymieniecka, A-T. ed. (2007), Temporality in Life as Seen Through Literature, 51f. On Imagism and Lessing’s view of art as both instant and progressive, Liebregts, P. (2004), Ezra Pound and Neoplatonism, 87f. 227 Cf. ‘The apparition of these faces in the crowd:/ Petals, on a wet, black bough.’ Pound said the poem was prompted by a sense of the beauty and finitude of faces he had seen at the Paris Metro, Place de La Concorde. The poem was published in the progressive Chicago magazine Poetry in April 1913. On this, Miner, E. (1956), ‘Pound, Haiku, and the Image’. 228 On Cathay, Yip, W-l. (1969), Ezra Pound’s ‘Cathay’; and, on Pound’s early poetry generally, Witemeyer, H. (1969), The Poetry of Ezra Pound. On Imagism, Witemeyer, The Poetry of Ezra Pound, 33f. 220 221

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obtainable in one language only and were utterly incapable of being translated . . . In this search I learned more or less of nine foreign languages, I read Oriental stuff in translation. —1913c: 707229 Cathay contains fifteen poems that Pound reworked from unpublished notes of (mostly) Tang dynasty Li Bai’s ᵾⲭ (701–62 CE; Jap. Rihaku) Chinese poems and Japanese Noh drama, which the widow of American oriental art expert, and political philosopher Edward Fenollosa (1853– 1908) gave him. Pound had been drawn to oriental art and literature for some time. His poet-friend Allen Upward’s (1863–1926) creative – but, amateur – dabbling in Chinese poetry230 expelled the myth for him of this literary genre’s inutility, unintelligibility and untranslateability. He was also attracted to the verbal directness and visual clarity of Romantic literature, especially the Italian poet and troubadour Guido Cavalcanti (c. 1250–1300),231 and Nishiki-e prints at the British Museum.232 Pressed by Yeats to respond to his own,233 and growing public interest in ‘the Orient’,234 Pound began to develop his idiosyncratic – to many, inaccurate235 – approach to ‘translation’.236 He was guided by the eminent, British diplomat-sinologist Herbert Giles’s (1845–1935)237 Gems of Chinese Cf. for context, Wilson, P. (1997), A Preface to Ezra Pound, 14f. By the 1910s Upward had acquired a name for himself as an exponent of ideas from Chinese poetry that Lancelot Cranmer-Byng (1872–1945) had drawn from Hervey de Saint-Denys’s study of Tang poetry. That Upward was not a professional sinologist emboldened Pound to explore Chinese sources and experiment with Chinese styles. On Hervey de Saint-Denys, p. 328, 377. 231 Pound’s fascination with Cavalcanti is evident in his early Sonnets and Ballate of Guido Cavalcanti (1912) and in his proposed (but aborted) Complete Works of Guido Cavalcanti (1927–9). On Pound, Cavalcanti and translation (Lit. ‘traduction’, ‘bringing over’), Anderson, D. (1983), Pound’s ‘Cavalcanti’, xf.; —(1979), ‘Prologomena to an Edition of Pound’s Calvalcanti’. On Pound and translation, below p. 387, 394f. 232 A collection of Japanese prints was given to the British Museum in 1906 by the popular East End novelist and crime writer Arthur Morrison (1863–1945). Pound wrote to his future wife, Dorothy Shakespear, in 1913 that the prints made him feel ‘older and wiser’ (q. Pound, O. and Litz, eds, 1985: 177). On the history, character, and reception of Japanese prints in early 20th-century Europe, Arrowsmith, R. R. (2011), ‘The Transcultural Roots of Modernism’. 233 As an illustration of Pound’s broader oriental interests, when the eminent Bengali writer Rabindranath Tagore (1861– 1941) arrived in London in the summer of 1912, Yeats described him to Pound as ‘someone greater than any of us’. He also confided to the American editor, poet and patron of the arts, Harriet Munroe (1860–1936), ‘I read these things and wonder why one should go on trying to write’ (Letter to Munroe, October 1912; q. Munroe 1938: 262). Pound and Yeats became devotees of Tagore’s poetry, with Yeats playing a key role in enabling the publication of Tagore’s Gitanjali (1912). Cf. Pound, E. (1913b), ‘Rabindranath Tagore’; and, on the relation between Yeats, Pound and Tagore, Lennon, J. (2003), ‘Writing Across Empire: W. B. Yeats and Rabindranath Tagore’, in P. C. Hogan and L. Pandit (eds), Rabindranath Tagore, 213–32; also, Longenbach, J. (1988a), In Stone Cottage. 234 The appearance in the early 1920s of niche American magazines on Chinese art and poetry (e.g. Poetry [Chicago] and The Little Review [Chicago and New York]) further confirms the international reach of Modernist interest in the Orient. 235 Pound’s first published article on Confucius was, ‘The Words of Ming Mao. “Least among the Disciples of Kung Fu-Tse”’, in The Egoist (14 December 1914). Pound was clearly drawn to Confucian subjectivism; on this, Lan, F. (2003), ‘Ezra Pound/Ming Mao: A Liberal Disciple of Confucius’. For the debate about Pound’s early Chinese translations, Yip, Cathay, 4f.; also, Lee, P-t. and D. Murray (1966), ‘The Quality of Cathay’; Kennedy, G. (1958), ‘Fenollosa, Pound and the Chinese Character’; Fang, A. (1957), ‘Fenollosa and Pound’; Ling, M. Y. and J. T. Airaudi (1991), ‘“Essential Witnesses”’, in M. Kronegger (ed.), Phenomenology and Aesthetics, 181–94; Yao, S. G. (2002), Translation and the Language of Modernism, 153–90. On the claim Pound never dealt with Chinese characters but followed an English, French or Latin ‘crib’, Kenner, H. (1971), The Pound Era, 192–223; —(1965), ‘Ezra Pound and Chinese’. For Pound and other types of translation, Steiner, G. ([1975] 1998), After Babel, 375f. 236 On Pound’s approach to translation, below p. 387, 394f. 237 Cf. also, Giles, H. A., Herbert A. Giles and China: Two Early Classics of Modern Sinology (2004), Chinese Poetry in English Verse (1898), History of Chinese Literature (1901), Chinese without a Teacher (1901), China and the Chinese (1902), Religions of Ancient China (1905), Confucianism and its Rivals (1915), and Confucian Analects (1915). 229 230

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Literature (1884), Chinese-English Dictionary (1892) and A History of Modern Literature (1901),238 which urged translation of Chinese poetry. He also depended on advice from Laurence Binyon (1869–1943),239 poet-curator of Asian art at the British Museum, and his assistant Arthur Waley (1889–1966), whose Chinese translations Pound pushed forward to publication in The Little Review (1917). Cathay announced Pound’s arrival as an imitative sinologist and committed exponent of Anglo-Chinese literature, with ‘otherness’ a central feature of its Modernist appeal. As Ford wrote: ‘If these were original verses, then Pound was the greatest poet of the day’ (1915: 800f.).240 Or, as Pound’s Confucian Modernist cry put it: ‘Make it new’ ᯠᰕᰕᯠ (Lit. new day, day new);241 that is, seek novelty through tradition.242 But, Pound and his lifelong American friend, the poet William Carlos Williams (1883–1963), drew more than topical, or thematic, ideas from the classical Chinese poets Qu Yuan ቸ৏ (c. 340–278 BCE), Li Bai ᵾⲭ (701–62), Wang Wei ⦻㏝ (699–759) and Bai (Bo) Juyi ⲭት᱃ (772–846).243 As Qian notes, Modernist poetry reflects the ‘ethics of pictorial representation, ellipsis, allusion, juxtaposition’, and the Taoist or Zen-Buddhist dichotomy of ‘being: nonbeing’ and ‘form: formlessness’ in Chinese poetry (2010: 337f.).244 As in Imagism,245 when Pound ‘translates’ Chinese texts he balances respect of ‘form’ and ‘tradition’ with poetic creativity.246 He has become a case study for ‘translation theory’, cross-cultural aesthetics,247 and enculturated reading and writing. His creative, Modernist sinology is immensely influential in China and the West. To Qian, ‘No literary figure of the past century – in America or perhaps in any other Western country – is comparable to Ezra Pound (1885–1972) in the scope and depth of his exchange with China’ (2008: xiii.). The breadth of articles on Pound in the literary journal Paideuma confirms his international profile and cross-cultural importance. The second phase in Pound’s life is the intense, controversial years from 1920 to 1945. These were spent in Paris and Rapallo, Italy, with wife, Dorothy (née Shakespear; 1886–1973), whom he married in April 1914, and mistress, the American violinist Olga Rudge (1895–1996). Though busy in London as a poet, critic, translator and reviewer, Pound became disillusioned with the carnage and culture of World War I and depressed by public criticism of his work. In late 1920, the Pounds finally quit London and, in January 1921, moved into a simple apartment on the Rue Notre Dame 238 Though Legge’s Chinese Classics (1893–95) were also available to him, it seems Pound used Legge’s Four Books more after 1937, when he obtained the bilingual Shanghai version. 239 On Pound and Binyon’s collaboration, Holaday, W-P. C. (1977), ‘Pound and Binyon: China via the British Museum’. 240 Cf. also, Stock, Poet in Exile, 174f. 241 On this oft-repeated slogan, Pound, E., Make It New (1934); Heinzelman, K. (2003), ‘Make It New: The Rise of an Idea’, in K. Heinzelman (ed.), Make It New: The Rise of Modernism, 131–4. On the Chinese characters in Pound’s ‘Make it new’ (new/day/day/new), and their appearance in Chinese Canto 53 (1940), Wilhelm, J. J. (1994), Ezra Pound: The Tragic Years, 167. 242 Pound’s translation of the ‘Old English’ poem ‘The Seafarer’, in his Riposte (1912), is a good example of his creative repristination of ancient texts. 243 Cf. e.g. Pound’s two articles, ‘Chinese Poetry’ (1918). 244 N.B. Pound and Williams’s engagement with these Chinese poets between 1913 and 1923, esp. in Pound’s Cathay (1915), Lustra (1916) and early Cantos (1915–19), and in Williams’s Sour Grapes (1921) and Spring and All (1923). Cf. Qian, Z., Orientalism and Modernism, Prologue. For the impact of Chinese poetic styles on Modernism in general, and on Pound’s Cathay, Qian, Z. (2010), ‘The Orient’, in I. B. Nadel (ed.), Ezra Pound in Context, 335–44. 245 On Imagism and tradition, Firchow, P. E. (1981), ‘Ezra Pound’s Imagism and the Tradition’. 246 On Pound as a model for translation, Yao, S. G. (2010), ‘Translation’, in Nadel (ed.), Ezra Pound in Context, 33–42. On the contrast between Eliot’s attitude to tradition and Pound’s exploratory, progressive outlook, Cooper, J. X. (1993), ‘Music as Symbol and Structure’, in R. Taylor and C. Melchior (eds), Ezra Pound and Europe, 183f. 247 On Chinese reception and interpretation of Pound, Xie, M. ([1999] 2014), Ezra Pound and the Appropriation of Chinese Poetry, passim (on Pound as a ‘translator’, 229–50).

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des Champs, Paris.248 Two days before leaving he published his bitter ‘Axiomata’ (15 January 1921), indicting British attitudes. Orage wrote in The New Review: ‘Mr. Pound has shaken the dust of London from his feet with not too emphatic a gesture of disgust, but, at least, without gratitude to this country’ (1921: 126f.; q. Homberger [1972] 1997: 199f.). He continued: ‘Mr. Pound has been an exhilarating influence for culture in England; he has left his mark upon more than one of the arts, upon literature, music, poetry and sculpture, and quite a number of men and movements owe their initiation to his self-sacrificing stimulus’ (ibid.). The semi-autobiographical, satirical poem ‘Hugh Selwyn Mauberley’ (June 1920) – reckoned by the critic F. R. Leavis (1895–1978) the poet’s finest work – was Pound’s parting shot on the futility of life, the poet’s vocation, and a grim World War fought ‘for two gross of broken statues, /For a thousand battered books’.249 In Paris, Pound immersed himself in the bohemian ethics and progressive Modernist aesthetics of ‘Left Bank’ artists and writers. This included the Cubist, Dadaist, Symbolist, and Surrealist work of artists Marcel Duchamp (1887–1968), Tristan Tzara (1883–1963), Fernand Léger (1881–1955), Basil Bunting (1900–55), and Ernest (1899–1961) and Hadley (1891–1979) Hemingway. Ernest wrote to the American businessman and novelist Sherwood Anderson (1871–1941) soon after meeting Pound (and failing to teach him to box!): ‘[He] habitually leads with his chin and has the general grace of a crayfish.’ Adding graphically, he ‘sweats well, though, I’ll say that for him’ (q. Lynn 1987: 165). By 1932, Hemingway’s high regard is clear: ‘Any poet born in this century or in the last ten years of the preceding century who can honestly say that he has not been influenced by or learned from the work of Ezra Pound deserves to be pitied rather than rebuked . . . The best of Pound’s writing – and it is in the Cantos – will last as long as there is any literature’ (q. Ford 1933: 13). Pound and Hemingway were magnets drawn to the other’s iconoclasm and verve.250 Similarities can sometimes attract. Pound was a habitual womanizer. Within two months of arriving in Paris he met Olga Rudge. She shared his life to the end.251 She introduced him to her circle of wealthy Parisians, including the avant-garde American composer George Antheil (1900–59). In London, Pound had begun to reject Imagism in favour of ‘Vorticism’, arguing in A Memoir of Gaudier-Brzeska that an image is ‘a radiant node or cluster . . . a VORTEX, from which, and through which, and into which, ideas are constantly rushing’ ([1916] 1970: 92). Antheil helped Pound apply ‘Vorticism’ to music in the two operas he wrote in Paris, which included his Le Testament de Villon.252 But the Pounds never settled in Paris. In 1924, their quest for health and happiness led them – and now Olga – to Rapallo on the On reasons for the move to Paris, Redman, T. (1991), Ezra Pound and Italian Fascism, 72; also, on these early years, Wilhelm, J. J. (1990), Ezra Pound in London and Paris. 249 On Pound, Eliot and Leavis as critics of early 20th-century nationalist, literary populism, Coyle, M., P. Garside, et al., eds (1990), Encyclopedia of Literature and Criticism, 700. N.B. to Eliot, post-War Modernism was ‘rather the last efforts of an old world, than the struggles of a new’ (1939: 271). 250 On their relationship, Cohassey, J. (2014), Hemingway and Pound. 251 On Pound and Rudge’s relationship and regular correspondence from the 1920s until Pound’s death in 1972, Conover, A. (2001), Olga Rudge & Ezra Pound: ‘What Thou Lovest Well . . .’. 252 Antheil famously described Pound on one occasion as a ‘Mephistophelian red-bearded gent’. To Pound, Antheil was ‘possibly the salvation of music’. Cf. Pound’s praise for Antheil’s music, in Antheil and the Treatise on Harmony (1927). Williams claimed Pound’s musical interests and judgement were because he was tone-deaf (!). On music in Pound’s life, and its place in his sense of the sound and rhythm of language, Shafer, R. M. (1977), Ezra Pound and Music; Ingham, M. (1999), ‘Ezra Pound and Music’, in I. B. Nadel (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Ezra Pound, 236–48; Tryphonopoulos and Adams, The Ezra Pound Encyclopedia, 196f.; Hughes, R. and M. Fisher (2003), Cavalcanti: A Perspective on The Music of Ezra Pound; and, Taylor and Melcheor, eds, Ezra Pound and Europe, 183f. On Pound, music and ‘Vorticism’, Hoffa, W. H. (1972), ‘Ezra Pound and George Antheil’. 248

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coast of Liguria in Italy. From 1924 until World War II ended, Pound’s time and energy were filled with domestic tension, literary recognition, international turmoil and popular obloquy. In a series of incendiary radio broadcasts he vilified America, denounced war, praised Mussolini’s Fascist economics, and gave support to Hitler’s Nazism and anti-Semitism. He became a marked man.253 Arrested in Rapallo on 3 May 1945 (three days after Mussolini was shot), Pound was incarcerated in ‘death cells’ at the US Army Disciplinary Training Center near Pisa. Here he began to compose what to critics are among his finest poetry, the Pisan Cantos LXXIV–LXXXIV, some drafted on tiny scraps of toilet tissue. Here, too, his physical and mental health deteriorated. The only literary comfort he sought in his solitary confinement were the Bible and the Confucian Four Books.254 We might say much of these middle years, when Pound published Cantos I–LXXIII,255 but focus on three key issues. First, Pound’s interest in China consolidated. His sinological work became more eclectic and creative. He wrote ten historical China Cantos LII–LXI (1940), based loosely on the multi-volume Histoire Générale de la Chine (1777–83) by Jesuit missionary Joseph de Moyriac de Mailla, SJ (1669–1748). He began to apply more rigorously his so-called ‘ideogrammic method’.256 He developed this approach from study of the radicals and pictorial roots (‘ideograms’) of many Chinese characters, from editing Fenellosa’s The Chinese Written Character as a Medium for Poetry (1908, posth.) and from his reading of Chinese poets, such as 3rd-century author Sung Yu ᆻ⦹ (fl. 298–263 BCE)257 and Tang dynasty polymath-statesman Wang Wei ⦻㏝ (699–759).258 From this, Pound deduced the poetic – and visual259 – potential of multiple concrete images juxtaposed to create a singular auditory impression. In The ABC of Reading (1934) his early Imagist use of the ‘ideogrammic method’ is given fuller explanation.260 He cites Fenellosa’s example of the

Pound’s radio broadcasts (repeated many times over) began in 1941. He travelled to Rome each week to record them. Prior to US involvement in WWII, his broadcasts were viewed as a rather eccentric (if not amusing) irritant: after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941, they were monitored closely and adjudged treasonable. On Pound’s broadcasts and their relation to WWII politics, Doob, L. W. ed. (1978), ‘Ezra Pound Speaking’: Radio Speeches of World War II ; Wilson, P. (1997), A Preface to Ezra Pound, 64f.; Moody, A. D. (2015), Ezra Pound: Poet. Vol. III: The Tragic Years, 1939–1972, 543f.; Wilhelm, Pound: The Tragic Years, 195f.; Redman, T. (1991), Ezra Pound and Italian Fascism, 220f.; Feldman, M. (2013), Ezra Pound’s Fascist Propaganda. Much has been written about Pound’s anti-Semitism. He came to regret his war-time views. He said to American poet Allen Ginsberg (1926–97) at a meeting in late October 1967: ‘Any good I’ve done has been spoiled by bad intentions – the preoccupation with irrelevant and stupid things . . . But the worst mistake I made was that stupid, suburban prejudice of anti-Semitism’ (q. Wilhelm 1994: 344). 254 Pound had few literary resources in confinement. He found a Pocket Book of Verse and a few copies of Time magazine. References in the Pisan Cantos to Homer, Dante, Virgil, et al., were (probably) from memory (Terrell 1980–84: II. 361f.). 255 The first set of Cantos were re-published by Pound in 1922. Thereafter, often reflecting their theme, they appeared as New Cantos XXXI–XLI (1934), Leopoldine Cantos XLII–LI (1937), China Cantos LII–LXI (1940), Adams Cantos LXII– LXXI (1940), and Italian Cantos LXXII–LXXIII (1944–5). Pisan Cantos LXXIV – LXXXIV were published in 1948, by which time Pound was in the USA. On the Pisan Cantos, p. 393, 394f. 256 On Pound’s ‘ideogrammic method’, Yee, C. D. K. (1987), ‘Discourse on Ideogrammic Method: Epistemology and Pound’s Poetics’; Kimpel, B. D. and T. C. D. Eaves (1979), ‘Pound’s “Ideogrammic Method” as Illustrated in Canto XCIX’. 257 On Pound’s oriental sources, particularly in his later Cantos, Qian, Z. ed. (2008), Ezra Pound’s Chinese Friends, passim. Cf. also, p. 392f. 258 For Pound’s appreciation and use of Wang Wei’s poetry and style, Qian, Z., Orientalism and Modernism, 105f.; —(1993), ‘Ezra Pound’s Encounter with Wang Wei’; Dennis, H. M. ed. (1994), Ezra Pound and Poetic Influence, 123f.; Froula, C. (1984), To Write Paradise: Style and Error in Pound’s Cantos, 92, 103. 259 One of the striking features (and demands) of the text of the Cantos for new readers is the liberal use of Chinese characters, as well as multiple foreign languages and literary allusions. 260 As is often pointed out, Pound and his sinophile Modernist colleagues turned ‘Des Imagistes’ into a rallying cry against the historic philosophical and cultural hegemony of ancient Greece and the European Enlightenment. 253

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four elements in the Chinese character for ‘red’ (red, iron rust, cherry, flamingo) to promote the poetic, ‘clear song’ nature of its concrete linguistic form, and to critique what he saw as the circumlocution, and the abstraction, of Western poetic styles. Frequently implicated in sinological suspicion of his grasp, use and erstwhile manipulation of Chinese – and, for its censure by Derrida as just a strange ‘European hallucination’261 – Pound’s ‘ideogrammic method’ has been credited of late with providing some of the most dynamic and original features of Pound’s poetry.262 But Qian Zhaoming is correct: ‘To understand Pound’s relation to China is to address one of the knottiest issues in poetic modernism’ (2003: 1): his use of Chinese being ‘as bewildering as it is fascinating’ (ibid.). However, Pound challenges – and to an extent eviscerates – the corrosive concept of an East-West divide: his integrative vision and poetic style containing little, if any, sense of a cultural ‘other’ or diplomatic ‘alien’. Secondly, if Pound’s creative engagement with ‘tradition’ conditions his early years, his interest in ‘myth’ and ‘ritual’ is a central feature of this second phase of his life,263 when history is interwoven with subjectivity in his epic Cantos, and, as Qian points out, his China interests focus on de Mailla’s History of China, the Book of Rites, and his own translations of the Great Learning and Doctrine of the Mean (2003: 2).264 Pound’s revisionist creativity may initially appear of more relevance to interpretation of the Analects and Gospels than his work on early 20th-century comparative anthropology or the philology of primitive cultures.265 The fact is, Pound’s Modernist eclecticism and inclusive use of myth and ritual, have served to reinforce the relativizing methodology of historicism and multiculturalism,266 according to which Christianity and Confucianism are both unexceptional interpreters of life. As with Chinese poetry, Pound is alive to the artistic and philosophical riches of primitive cultures and classical antiquity per se. His sensitivity to Homeric primitivism in the first Three Cantos (1917)267 and Guide to Kulchur (1938) is traceable to pioneering British classicist Jane Harrison’s (1850–1928) Myths of Odyssey in Art and Literature (1882), Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion (1903), and Themis: A Study of the Social Origins of Greek Religion (1912); and, to the Cambridge School of Anthropology and the cultural evolutionism

On Derrida’s criticism (N.B. pace Jacques Lacan’s [1901–81] view of the linguistic structure of the subconscious) of Leibniz and Pound’s misunderstanding of Chinese language as poetic ‘image’ text, McDougall, J. (2005), ‘Pound’s poetry and Image Text’. 262 Cf. Matthews, C. (1983), ‘Ezra Pound and the ideogrammic method’. Also, on Pound and Fenellosa’s view of the dramatic vividness, flexibility, and objectivity of Chinese poetry, Singh, G. (1994), Ezra Pound as Critic, 35f. 263 For the connection between Pound’s interest in myth, ritual and magic, De Rachewiltz, B. (1969), ‘Pagan and Magic Elements in Ezra Pound’s Works’, in E. Hesse (ed.), New Approaches to Ezra Pound, 174–97; Welch, M. L. ([2002] 2009), ‘Mythic Pound: An Examination of the Central Place of Myth and Ritual in the Poetry of Ezra Pound’. 264 Pound’s translations of the Daxue and Zhongyong were published in 1942. English versions of these works appeared in 1949 as The Grand Digest and The Unwobbling Pivot. 265 Welch examines the impact on the Cantos of Greek ‘Eleusinian Mysteries’ and Confucius; as well as Frazer, Freud, Jung, et al., who studied myth and ritual in relation to behavior, the self, archetypes, the collective unconscious, symbolism, dreams, and ‘consciousness’ in art and literature. 266 Modernist authors knew they had to ‘create their own audiences’ and it would take time ‘to durably transform the taste of common readers’ (Rabaté 2013: 1). When I. A. Richards (above p. 208, n. 142, 392) and ‘New Criticism’ pressed for the separation of author and text, Pound’s poetry was freed from controversy about his personal life and political opinions. His contribution to the evolution of Western culture kept pace with his intellectual and popular re-accreditation. T. S. Eliot’s Literary Essays (1954) played no small part in this process. 267 N.B. published in the June, July and August editions of Poetry (1917). 261

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of Sir Edward B. Tylor’s (1832–1917) History of Primitive Culture (1871) and James Frazer’s The Golden Bough (1890).268 Pound’s intellectual and poetic legacy is, then, historically conditioned and religiously/philosophically inclusive.269 Ritual, myth and symbol are for Pound universal, cultural traits, that serve to create commonality and coherence. The Analects and Gospels are read today in China and the West, consciously and unconsciously, in light of the generous – but persistently sceptical – cultural anthropology Pound popularized and the cosmopolitan ethos he consciously embraced. But we must be careful. Pound is alert to the rhythms and rites of ancient culture. He is also critical of mindless formalism and empty religiosity. Ritual, legend and myth are written into the web and waft of the Cantos. They empower Pound to dialogue between contemporary economics, politics, and culture, and the ideals he espouses. They are part of the textual fibre and formal structure of his epic work. They energize the Cantos’ artistic action at ‘both center and circumference, text and margin’ (Kuberski 1992: 170). In Pound’s later work they are integral to his critical comparison of Confucianism, Buddhism and Christianity, and voice the poet’s distaste for the cold formalism of Italian Catholicism. As Liebregts argues, in Canto XCVI/651 Pound juxtaposes emptiness with ‘an image of ritual connoting a true celebration of beauty and nature as signs of the divine’ (2004: 330). Drawing on the dualism and idealism of Neo-Platonism,270 the Cantos explore the ‘tragic’ rift that exists between the paradisal perfection of Olympian figures and heavenly ritual, and their ‘fireless’, temporal, chthonic, counter-parts.271 Though Pound appreciated the echo of primitivism in ecclesiastical ritual and symbol – and honoured integrity in clergy like Padré José (Canto LXXVII), who have ‘understanding’ (de Rachewiltz 1969: 194) – more often Christian ritual is a synonym for formalism and legalism. The expression ‘eyes pinned to the ritual’ is pejorative, denoting the glazed, drug-induced state of those preparing ancient rituals.272 Fr. Elizondo, in Canto LXXXI, symbolizes futile labour. Pound was working on the Book of Rites at the time. This is significant. In the Confucian li (ritual) lay the ordering, integrative, principle Pound sought for life throughout his dialogical poetry.273 We read the Analects and Gospels today in light of Pound’s poetic critique of ritual and tradition – and his somewhat caustic account of both. So, to the third phase in Pound’s life, from 1945 to his death in Venice on 1 November 1972. On 15 November 1945, Pound was shipped to America to stand trial. On arrival he was admitted

Cf. Bush, R. L. (1976), The Genesis of Ezra Pound’s CANTOS , 130f. As Bush indicates, it is not easy to confirm Pound’s use of the European ‘comparative studies’ of scholars like Wilhelm Mannhardt (1831–80), Hermann Usener (1834–1905), Émile Durkheim (1858–1917) and Ulrich Wilcken (1862–1944). 269 On Modernist interest in exotic, imported, heterodox knowledge, Bramble, J. and P. T. Bradley (2015), Modernism and the Occult. 270 Cf. Liebregts’s classic work on the history and character of Pound’s Neo-Platonism. 271 On Pound’s attitude to the rituals of Odysseus and Sigismundo in the early Cantos, and his 1922 reworking of Sigismundo, Rainey, L. (1991), Ezra Pound and the Monument of Culture, 49. On myth, ritual and Pound’s reading in early anthropology, Tryphonopoulos and Adams, eds, Ezra Pound Encyclopedia, 198f. 272 For a link between this and Pound’s attitude to drugs, McNaughton, W. (1994), ‘The secret history of St. Elizabeths’, in Dennis (ed.), Ezra Pound and Poetic Influence, 260; also, Flory, W. S. (2003), ‘Confucius and Confusion: Ezra Pound and the Catholic Chaplain at Pisa’, in Qian (ed.), Ezra Pound and China, 143–62. 273 N.B. Pound’s aim in the Cantos to attenuate ‘a history of Western civilization in poetic form’, as a historical morality tale for future generations (Nolde 1984: 17). Cf. also on li and the ideal Tibetan ritual kingdom of Na-ki that Pound celebrates in his final Cantos (Rabaté 1986: 289f.). 268

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to St. Elizabeth’s psychiatric hospital in Washington, DC. He remained there until he was released on appeal on 18 April 1958. His US citizenship revoked, Pound returned to Italy, to poor health, public acclaim and depression. As he said sombrely in an interview in 1963: ‘I spoil everything I touch. I have always blundered . . . All my life I believed I knew nothing, yes, knew nothing. And so words became devoid of meaning’ (q. Moody 2015: III. 778). Dorothy died in 1966 in England. She read her husband’s life written into his poetry. She wrote on 13 October 1945 of passages in Cantos 74, 75, and 76: ‘[A]ll these last, apparently, scraps, for cantos, are your self, the memories that make up yr. person’ (Pound, O., and Spoo 1999: 131). Olga continued to care for her increasingly weak and eccentric lover until his death.274 He was predeceased by his friends and Modernist allies, William Carlos Williams and T. S. Eliot, whose funeral Pound attended in London en route to visit Yeats’s wife in Ireland. Pound’s grave is in the cemetery on Isola di San Michele, Venice, along with those of Diaghilev and Stravinsky. Olga continued an active social life in Venice until her death in 1999. She is buried with Pound. Their artist friend Joan Fitzgerald (b. 1930) engraved on their tomb words from Pound’s ‘Night Litany’ (1908): ‘O God, what great kindness have we done in times past and forgotten it,/ That thou givest this wonder unto us, O God of waters?’275 As apt, perhaps, words Pound intended for the end of the Cantos: That her acts Olga’s acts of beauty be remembered. Her name was courage and is written Olga. —[1934–71] 1996: Fragment [1966], 824f. We conclude this section, as Pound did his final years, focusing on Confucianism, translation and memory. First, Confucianism: for, if Taoism dominates Pound’s early work, Confucianism prevails in his final years.276 His understanding and approach are now more comprehensive. He was not alone in his fascination with the wisdom of ‘the Master’. Eliot noted wryly in 1934, that besides Pound, Babbitt and I. A. Richards, Confucius was ‘the spiritual adviser of the highly educated and fastidious’ (1934: 42). Hegel’s indictment of Confucianism as a hegemonic ‘state religion’, and Weber’s representation of it as backward and irrational,277 moved Pound to protect the apricot ‘blossom’ of ‘the Master’ from fading in the West.278 Feng Lan claims Pound’s later work reflects his

At seventy-one Pound said memorably of Olga: ‘There is more courage in Olga’s little finger than in the whole of my carcass . . . She kept me alive for ten years, for which no-one will thank her. The true story will not be told until her version is known’ (q. Conover 2001: ix.). 275 ‘Night Litany’ has been one of Pound’s most frequently reprinted poems. 276 Lan sees three ‘phases’ in Pound’s approach to Confucianism, viz. the imitative (c. 1907 to mid-1930s), creative (mid1930s to 1945) and comprehensive (1945 to 1972) (2005: 3). 277 On Weber, p. 330, 363, n. 88, 403, n. 309, 457, n. 283. 278 Cf. the famous end to the Confucian Canto: ‘The blossoms from the apricot/ blow from east to west,/ And I have tried to keep them from falling’ (Canto XIII. 60). 274

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philosophical and political ambition to replace (now corrupt) Western Modernism by cosmopolitan Confucian humanism.279 Though he probably studied Confucius in translation as early as 1907, he began serious work on classical Chinese texts in the 1930s.280 In 1928 he published Ta Hio: The Great Learning, based on the French translation of the Daxue by poet-sinologist Guillaume Pauthier (1801–73). From 1937 he began to produce other Confucian translations, using Pauthier and the bilingual version of the Si shu jizhu (Four Books with Commentary) from the Commercial Press in Shanghai in 1923, a work which combined Zhu Xi’s text and Legge’s translation. Pound had by now also published his part-translation of the Analects, in Confucius: Digest of the Analects (1937), and two Italian translations of the Daxue (Confucio, Ta S’eu, 1942) and Zhongyong (Chiung Iung. L’asse che non vacilla, 1945). He was taking Chinese seriously. After 1945, he produced two English translations of the Daxue and Zhongyong – published together as The Great Digest and The Unwobbling Pivot – in Confucius (1947). He finished the Analects in 1950 and published his bilingual edition of The Great Digest and The Unwobbling Pivot in Confucius (1951). This last work used the Tang dynasty stone-text version of Confucius obtained from the Orientalist W. M. Hawley (1896–1987). By 1954 (with help from Veronica Sun, a young Chinese assistant from Catholic University, Washington, DC) Pound moved to an auditory approach to Chinese. This is reflected in the controlled beauty of his translation of the Confucian ‘Odes’.281 In short, after 1945 Pound’s mind is full of Chinese texts and Confucian philosophy.282 Now form, sound and content blend. As Cheadle says of Pound’s use of key Confucian terms and Chinese ‘ideograms’ in the Cantos as a whole: Many Confucian concepts are presented in The Cantos in the form of Chinese words or phrases. Especially, when they are printed large, these words are visually striking and contribute dramatically to the sculptural effect of Pound’s free verse. Pound himself appreciated the visual power of Chinese characters or ideographs and even believed that the conveyance of meaning depended in part on the skill with which a word was drawn. —1997: 222283

The consistency and confidence of Pound’s appeal to China and Confucianism is evident throughout the Cantos: viz. Canto XIII is a eulogy on Confucius’s respect for the individual; Cantos LII–LXXI correlate Chinese history, from the ideal Kings Yao and Shun to the Qing Emperors Kangxi and Yongzheng, with early Republican America; Cantos LXXXV– LXXXVI honour the Shu jing (Book of History); Cantos XCVIII–XCIX the Kangxi Emperor’s ‘Sacred Edict’. Like an 18th-century sinophile, Pound saw a paradisal world-order realized in China’s history: cf. Miyake, A. (1991), ‘The Terrestrial Paradise in Confucian Translation and in “The Chinese History Cantos” ’, in Ezra Pound and the Mysteries of Love, 174–96; Sun, H. (2003), ‘Pound’s Quest for Confucian Ideals’, in Qian (ed.), Ezra Pound and China, 96–119. 280 According to Kenner (and visitors at the time), ‘. . . by 1936 Pound was studying Chinese characters’ (1971: 447), with, says Cheadle, ‘initial study of the Chinese text of the Confucian classics in the late summer of 1937’ (1997: 485). 281 Cf. Pound, E. (1954), The Classic Anthology Defined by Confucius; Wilhelm, Ezra Pound: The Tragic Years, 282. On Pound’s ‘Confucian Odes’, Dembo, L. S. (1963), The Confucian Odes of Ezra Pound; Chang, P-W. (1986), ‘The Confucian Odes Made New: Ezra Pound’s Translation of the Shi jing’. 282 Pound quotes more than fifty fragments of the Classics in the Pisan Cantos: cf. Wang G-m. (2013), ‘Confucian Thoughts in Ezra Pound’s The Pisan Cantos’. 283 Cf. also, Chang, Y-x. (1988), ‘Pound’s Cantos and Confucianism’, in M. Smith and W. A. Ulmer (eds), Ezra Pound: The Legacy of Kulchur, 86–112; Jin, S. (2002), The Poetics of Ideogram; Jung, H. Y. (1984), ‘Misreading the Ideogram: From Fenollosa to Derrida and McLuhan’. On Pound’s Chinese translations, Williams, R. J. (2009), ‘Modernist Scandals: Ezra Pound’s Translation of “the” Chinese Poem’, in Orient and Orientalisms, 145–65. 279

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The effect of Pound’s work is to incorporate Chinese language and Confucian philosophy into the mainstream of Western poetry.284 Conversely, China’s interest in Pound has always been considerable. In Pound, intimations of East-West cultural intimacy are irrefutably confirmed.285 Much has been said, secondly, about the character and quality of Pound’s translations, more than can be absorbed succinctly here. Translation mattered to him. He took the task of trans-lating texts, characters, terms, feelings and ideas seriously. As Froula notes, he was apt to say great ages of English literature had often been great ages of translation.286 The translation of the Chinese Classics infused wholesome Confucian humanism into Western cultural, political and spiritual decay. To Feng Lan, Pound’s was a quite deliberate, ideologized, ‘misreading’ of Confucius to advance his own agenda. But, the problems for sinologists do not end there. Pound reconfigures for many the meaning of ‘translation’ from a quest for exact equivalence, or careful imitation, to free-flowing approximation, or a comprehensive, poetic reinvention. To some, pace Froula, he is engaged thereby in the beautiful art of mistranslation, in which, as in all language, meaning is elusive, or new meaning inevitable. To others, he scandalously ‘butchers’ aboriginal Chinese perfection out of typical Western presumption. Applied to the themes of memory, rite and tradition – and our cross-cultural reading of the Analects and Gospels – Pound’s approach is shaped by his sense that words are (pace Confucius) ritual tools to ‘name’ reality, and dynamic symbols (pace Husserl and Bergson) that enable memory. His importance for us lies not only in his radical reinvention of ‘translation’ (provoking later work on the Analects and Gospels), but also in his methodological cross-fertilizing of Chinese and European thought. We need to register, finally, what Pound says of memory. This is an important theme. It connects Pound with Husserl, Bergson, Freud and Jung, and with contemporary fascination with the power of memory and its relation to history, tradition, language and ‘consciousness’.287 The Pisan Cantos have been called Pound’s ‘memory book’ (Nadel 2004: 162), such is their focus. As we saw in passing earlier, to Dorothy – and, indeed, to Pound – the poet’s life is written into and out of the Pisan Cantos. Subjectivity shapes the Cantos. As Nadel says, Pound engages in ‘decoding and recoding his past’ in search of ‘internal harmony in the face of destruction’ (ibid.). In multiple quotations, we find (pace Proust) ‘the involuntary suggestions of memory’ (Eastman 2003: 62), which are linked to particular times and events. A Platonic sense of ‘imagination as memory’ is fused here with Husserlian phenomenology. Memory removes the barrier between realism and idealism, transcendence and consciousness. Cavalcanti, Avicenna and Aristotle are, as Ronald Bush says, also in the background (Bush 2010: 262). Through memory, love accesses the active, poetic intellect. Hence, Canto LXXIV (466–7) quotes Cavalcanti’s canzone, ‘Donna mi prega’, ‘that certain images be formed in my mind

On Pound’s arguably greater impact on American poetry, Kern, R. (1996), Orientalism, Modernism, and the American Poem, ad loc.; Zhang, Y. and S. Christie, eds (2012), American Modernist Poetry and the Chinese Encounter. 285 Commenting on Pound’s potential as an instrument of cross-cultural dialogue, Pound scholar Tom Scott wrote in 1969: ‘I predict that the next century will see, even be dominated by, a dialogue between the U.S. and China in which Pound’s poetry will take on an importance and weight not obvious at the moment: That not only has he woven a new wholeness, or at any rate potential wholeness, out of European and American, but also of Chinese elements’ (1969: 57). For East-West readings of Pound, Hakutani, Y. ed. (2001), Modernity in East-West Literary Criticism, ad loc. 286 Cf. Froula, C. (2003), ‘The Beauties of Mistranslation: On Pound’s English after Cathay’, in Qian (ed.), Ezra Pound and China, 49–71. 287 It was Orage (above p. 385; also, 388, 394, n. 287) who first introduced Pound and Eliot to Bergson. Though Pound dismissed Bergson’s work in 1939 as ‘crap’, his impact on Pound, Hulme, Eliot and Modernism is significant. On Bergson, memory and Modernism, Uhlmann, A. (2006), Samuel Beckett and the Philosophical Image, 2; Schwartz, S. (1985), The Matrix of Modernism, 134f. 284

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to remain there’ (q. Pryor 2011: 158).288 In the early, short prose poem ‘Ikon’, it is recollection of beautiful images that bedeck the path to Valhalla (ibid.). If, to Pound, love extends memory, forgetfulness is a(nother) bitter-sweet, Byzantine gift of purity in ‘paradise’, between the poles of sweet memory and forgotten pain. Hell is not forgetting.289 In the jumbled order of the Pisan Cantos, we see Pound’s questioning of convention and his sense that life and memory play tricks on logic to defy explanation. The less confident rhetoric of his Anthology Defined by Confucius (1954) – framed as he ponders ritual, beauty, the fragility of life and the power of language – is carried into the Pisan Cantos (Cheadle 1997: 3).290 A fault-line is drawn in him between the affective and the demonstrative, between love, true belief, and Pound’s Confucian quest for harmony with self and nature, and his bruised longing for political and social transformation.291 The inwardness of the Pisan Cantos is enabled by Pound’s engaged, Modernist fascination with the aesthetic, social power of memory. Textual study of the Analects and Gospels, to which we turn, is undertaken through the complex legacy of Modernism and Pound’s ‘sinographic’ poetry, both of which filter perception of life and love, and the affective power, and cultural contribution of memory, rite and tradition.

MEMORY, RITE AND TRADITION IN THE ANALECTS AND GOSPELS At the start of this chapter I quoted Shakespeare, who like Pound, recognized the central place, and indelible power of memory in the life of an individual and a community. In this final part we draw direct, text-based comparison between the Analects and Gospels on the interrelated themes of memory, rite and tradition. The Confucian Classics and the Bible both acknowledge the power of the past to shape the present. In both, character, perception, morality, and ultimate purpose, are defined and determined by memory, rite and tradition. Comparisons can be drawn. However, as we will see, contrasts militate against the assumption – or, ideological imposition – of accord. Similarity cloaks intellectual, epistemological and moral distinctives. Christianity and Confucianism agree memory is inseparable from ritual, liturgical acts, and oral and literary traditions, but they differ over the focus, agency, effect and core purpose of memory. These key differences notwithstanding, comparative literary analysis also reveals the impact of Modernist sources and perspectives on reading the Analects and Gospels today. This can all be unnerving. The perceived threat to the church of Modernist questions has been as acute as official Chinese anxieties about Confucian tradition. Early Modernism drove Pope Pius X (1835–1914; r. 1903–14) to issue his ‘Oath against Modernism’ (1910), in which priests were required to affirm the un-changeability of the church’s doctrine and tradition. The oath was finally revoked in 1967 by Pope Paul VI (1897–1978; r. 1963–78).292 Modernism did not end, On the link between Pound’s ‘Donna mi prega’ and the Confucian ‘Great Learning’, Miyake, Ezra Pound and the Mysteries of Love, 160f. 289 On memory and forgetfulness in Pound, North, M. (1988), ‘Where Memory Faileth’, in Smith and Ulmer (eds), Ezra Pound: The Legacy of Kultur, 145–65. 290 Cf. also, Byron, M. (2014), Ezra Pound’s Eriugena, 257, n. 17. 291 On Pound’s later religious views, Baha’ist sympathies and the Cantos, Terrell, Companion to the Cantos, 2. vii. 292 N.B. Modernism was pronounced a heresy in the 1907 papal encyclicals Pascendi dominici gregis and Lamentabili sane exitu. The 1910 oath required priests profess doctrine as ‘handed down to us from the apostles through the orthodox Fathers in exactly the same meaning and always in the same purport’, and ‘reject that method of judging and interpreting Sacred Scripture which, departing from the tradition of the Church, the analogy of faith, and the norms of the Apostolic See, embraces the misrepresentations of the rationalists’. In short, questions raised by the ‘modern’, scientific and artistic world could not change the church’s received teaching. 288

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like this chapter, in 1939. Consciously or unconsciously, the impact and inspiration of Modernism continues. In China and the West, the conceptual framework of memory, rite and tradition continues to be shot through with Modernist questions and assumptions.293 We propose examples in what follows but must again exaggerate the essentials: in spirit and style Modernism welcomes such rhetorical brevity. Before comparing texts, a word on Augustine (354–430 CE), whose ‘Book of Memory’, the Confessions, calls it ‘fields and spacious palaces’ filled with ‘the treasures of innumerable images, brought into it from things of all sorts perceived by the senses’ (1923: 10.127). In the evolution of Western views of memory, Augustine’s theological, philosophical, psychological, spiritual and epistemological writing has played a pivotal role. He opens up vistas for others to explore. From his early, Platonic idealism that linked memory to ‘reminiscence’, through to his association of memory with human identity, God, time and creation, memory is central to his theological project. In Book 10 of Confessions, memory isn’t a deposit for recollected thoughts or experience, it is ‘that vast court’, where – as in Kant, Husserl, Proust, Pound, Freud and Jung – ‘I’ meets ‘self ’ in relation to all that is and can be known about God and the world. He writes: These things do I within, in that vast court of my memory. For there are present with me, heaven, earth, sea, and whatever I could think on therein, besides what I have forgotten. There also I meet myself, and recall myself, and when, where, and what I have done, and under what feelings. There be all which I remember, either on my own experience, or others’ credit. Out of the same store do I myself with the past continually combine fresh and fresh likenesses, which I have experienced, or, from what I have experienced, have believed: and thence again infer future actions, events and hopes, and all these again, I reflect on, as present. —ibid., 10.127f. Though in his magisterial treatise De Trinitate (c. 400) Augustine propounds a theological triad of memory, understanding and will, memory is more than an interpretative tool or human device. It is a divine gift with unique qualities, not one among humanity’s rational, biological or spiritual attributes. Memory is ‘mind’ (nous) in its fullest sense: the domain in which life’s profoundest temporal and trans-temporal complexities are both conceived and comprehended. Memory is a ‘court’ where life is presented, tested, tried and vindicated. Augustine’s vast mind drew upon, and was at the same time intrigued by, the gifts his immense memory offered. To him, memory pondered, praised, perfected, and in its own way produced life as he knew and experienced it. As he wrote in awe and humility: ‘Great is the power of memory, a fearful thing, O my God, a deep and boundless manifoldness; and this is the mind, and this am I myself. What am I then, O God? What nature am I? A life various and manifold, and exceeding immense!’ (ibid., 10.136). And, ‘Great is the force of memory, excessive great, O my God; a large and boundless chamber! who ever sounded the bottom thereof? yet is this a power of mine, and belongs unto my nature; nor do I myself comprehend all that I am’ (ibid., 10.128). Augustine anticipates conceptions of memory in 19th-century existentialism and 20th-century Modernism. He affords an invaluable, historical template for the way the Analects and Gospels treat memory, for there, too, memory is about more than remembering. On the extent to which Modernist questions have determined exegetical conclusions in study of the Analects and Gospels, Chapters 1 and 2 above, passim; and, esp. p. 1f., 7, 9f., 20f., 24f., 53f., 58f., 62f., 65, 66f., 397f.

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In both ‘Classic’ texts, memory defines and transcends human existence. It is a shrine where people, alone and in company, meet a true, trans-temporal ‘self ’. To understand this, we turn first to the rich seam of Judeo-Christian interpretation of the interrelated themes of memory, rite and tradition. The Judeo-Christian Anamnetic Tradition The Bible is also a ‘Book of Memory’: the concept of ‘remembering’ is prominent throughout. Ritual and tradition are rooted and grounded in the believing community’s practice of memory. Christian understandings of memory are traceable to ancient Judaism and Hellenic philosophy. In Judeo-Christian thought memory is both a retrospective act and an immediate, spiritual event. Memory and tradition are never invoked to justify nostalgia or foster traditionalism:294 working together they recall dynamically God’s activity in the past and his saving power in the present. The effect of this psychological and practical operation is the (re-)engagement of believers, and the challenging of doubters with the presence, power and sovereign will of God. As George L. Klein states: ‘The concept of “remembering” recurs prominently in the Bible, particularly in the Old Testament. God remembers his covenant with his people, whereupon God’s people are enjoined to remember him’ (1996: 520). Few themes are as central in the Bible. Memory is a nexus for divine disclosure and human self-discovery. When Modernism engaged memory, it faced a vital, ancient instrument of biblical religion. Contrariwise, from the early 20th century biblical views of memory have confronted Modernism’s various philosophical, literary, artistic, anthropological and psychological perspectives. The Bible is read today in China and the West ‘on the far side’ of this revolution in use and understanding of the human act of remembering. The richness of the original biblical material should not be overlooked. Liddell and Scott list forty-five variants associated with the root Greek for memory, mne¯.295 In its Indo-European form, mne¯ implied thought. Hence, in classical Greek mimne¯skomai meant to want, intend, rave, or be enraptured. It also meant to be ferocious, lively, mindful, a counselor, or a memorial. In time, mne¯ came to mean to recall the past, weigh up the future, and be aware of the present. K. H. Bartels warns, however: ‘In view of the strong inter-connection between meaning and the resulting difficulty of distinguishing the sense of one word from that of another, many theologians translate all derivatives of the stem mne¯ by memory, to remember, etc., with the unfortunate result that significant shades of meaning are obscured’ (1976: 3.230). When Bartels rejects Hellenistic influence on

294 N.B. for a critical, biblical perspective on ‘tradition’ (Gk. paradosis; Lit. handed down), or ‘the traditions/commandments of men’, Mt. 15.3, 9, Mk 7.6f., 9, 13, Col. 2.8. Contrast this with what is said positively of the embodiment of a new tradition in Jesus Christ, that is to be faithfully handed on by his followers (i.e. Lk. 1.2, Rom. 1.1f., 6.7, Gal. 1.1, 14, 16, Phil. 2.5–11, Col. 2.6f., 1 Cor. 11.2, 23, 15.3, 1 Thess. 4.14f., 2 Thess. 2.15, 3.6f., 1 Tim. 3.16, Jude 3). Formation and closure of the NT canon from the late 2nd to mid-4th centuries were guided by a desire to regulate and preserve Christian teaching in tangible form. The rapidly expanding – and fragmenting – church sought an ‘apostolic tradition’ to be transmitted faithfully through an ‘apostolic succession’ of accredited church leaders and an agreed biblical ‘canon’. In its earliest forms, Christian ‘tradition’ meant the content of Christian believing (viz. apostolic teaching, or the ‘rule’ or ‘deposit’ of faith relating to the person and work of Jesus Christ) and (increasingly) the living, Spirit-inspired historical process that mediated truth from one generation to the next in and through the Church. As Van Engen comments on the dynamic, often tense, relationship between ‘scripture’ and ‘tradition’: ‘Once the New Testament canon was fixed and the whole Bible complete, the great church fathers of the fourth and fifth centuries distinguished tradition and Scripture more wisely, but not antithetically. Tradition was understood as the church’s enriching and interpretative reflection on the original deposit of faith contained in the Scripture’ (1990: 1105). 295 Cf. Liddell, H. G and R. Scott ([1843] 1925), A Greek–English Lexicon, ad. loc.

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Christian thought, he alerts students of the Bible to the impact of extraneous philosophies – including Modernist comparative philology and philosophy – on key biblical terms and exegesis. So, Greek literary usage from Homer to the papyri is seen in biblical associations of mne¯ with reminding, considering, intending, reckoning, and making known. The Platonic notion of anamnesis – as recalling, or denoting a pure, pre-existent ‘idea’ of a thing (i.e. the soul) – likewise affords sacramental theology a potent matrix for early Christian practice. In light of the anthropological and antiquarian interest of Modernism, parallels are also now widely drawn between the centrality of mne¯ne in ancient Hellenistic cults and philosophies and early Christian theology and worship. As Liddell and Scott confirm, when late 19th- and early 20th-century comparative religion and anthropology entered the Academy, biblical studies were, like Modernism, profoundly affected. Whatever we say about a Confucian view of memory, it was not unique in the ancient world: humanity is predisposed to remember. Biblical Studies now assumes this to be the case. Hence, memory becomes, like story, a global ‘cultural archetype.’ Jewish antecedents are also important for Christian views of memory, rite and tradition. These also deserve attention. Za¯kar and its derivatives (used often in the LXX to translate mne¯ words) contain a range of meanings; i.e. to remember (Gen. 8.1, 40.23), consider (Is. 47.7), recall for good or ill (e.g. Gen. 30.22, Deut. 5.15, 7.18, 8.2, 18, 9.7, 15.15, Jer. 40.8), be mindful of (Deut. 15.15 and passim),296 and mention (Dan. 5.10, Esth. 2.23, 2 Kgs 18.18). Old Testament usage contains four main strands: to remind God or mention in prayer (e.g. Pss. 109.14, 62.7, Ezek. 33.13); to proclaim or celebrate (as in Israelite festival recollection of God’s mighty acts in history; e.g. Ps. 70.15f., Exod. 12.14, 13.8, Josh. 4.6f.); to recall and believe (Num. 15.39f., Judg. 13.19, Ps. 22.28f.); and, to make public confession or offer public praise to God (Pss. 30.4, 97.12).297 As in the Analects and other Confucian Classics, memory is intertwined with Israelite ritual and cultic tradition. To Modernist minds, it is the historical and psychological key to life. As Proust recognized, memory both gives life and shapes behaviour. Since the early 20th century, Old Testament theology has interpreted texts on memory in various ways. Though a majority of scholars agree the Old Testament represents Yahweh and Israel ‘remembering’, the meaning, context, and efficacy of this action are disputed. Against the background of Husserl and Jung, the Danish Old Testament scholar Johannes Pedersen (1883–1977) psychologized Jewish recollection as a means to interpret reality holistically.298 This was challenged by the Scottish Old Testament scholar James Barr (1924–2006) in The Semantics of Biblical Language (1961), and by the American Old Testament theologian Brevard S. Childs’s (1923–2007) Memory and Tradition in Israel (1962). To Childs – resisting Modernist atheism and mid-20th-century existentialism – it is God, not memory, that structures Israelite perception of reality. Memory serves divinity. ‘Complaint’ Psalms objectify God’s remembering (for good or ill; e.g. Pss. 79.8, 74.18), and invoke a covenant ground for God’s action and Israel’s hope (e.g. Jer. 14.21, Ps. 25.6). To Childs, in cultic and non-cultic settings, appeal is made to Yahweh to ‘remember’ and in ‘remembering’ to act with justice, love and mercy (e.g. Ps. 109.14, Hos. 7.2, Prov. 10.7). Hannah, Samson, and Hezekiah intercede with God for Israel and God’s people (1 Sam. 1.11, Judg. 16.28, 2 Kgs 20.3;

Cf. Otto Michel: ‘[Deuteronomy] especially develops a theology of remembering’ (TDNT , IV. 675). N.B. Qumran community liturgical celebration of a covenant-making God, who ‘remembers for good’ (e.g. 1 QS 6.27, 1 QM 10.7, 17.2, 1 QH 4.34f., 1 Q34 2.5, 32.5; 6 QD 3.5; CD 1.4, 6.2, 15.2). Cf. also, NIDNTT , 3.233. 298 Cf. Pedersen, J. ([1926] 1940), Israel. To some, Pedersen represents a reductionist, ‘anti-soul’ view of the OT. 296 297

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also Exod. 32.13, Deut. 9.27, 2 Chron. 6.42, Pss. 20.4, 89.48, 51, 132.1). Jeremiah confronts God and appeals to his nature and to his own prophetic call (Jer. 18.20, 20.8f., 15.15f.). Nehemiah grounds his plea in the plight of his people (Neh. 5.19, 6.14, 13.14, 22, 29, 31). In each case, Childs points out, remembering is neither passive nor invocatory: it is active, celebratory (e.g. Pss. 98.3, 105.8, 42, 106.45, 111.5, 136.23, 1 Chron. 16.15) and confident in God’s future blessing and beneficial activity (Pss. 105.8, 103.7, 14, 111.5). Though theology may affect interpretation of Old Testament attitudes to understanding of memory – voicing retrospectively God’s acts and promises and prospectively his blessing on Israel’s faith, victory and entry into the ‘promised land’ (Gen. 8.11, 9.15f., 19.29, Ex. 2.24, 6.5, 8, Lev. 26.42, 45, Ezek. 16.60) – the power of memory, rite and tradition per se in Israelite faith, is very clear. Modernism put memory centre-stage. As importantly, its interest in psychology and human motivation ensured the relationality inherent in Old Testament spirituality, and consistent appeal to memory, remain prominent in exegesis. Memory is the lifeblood of Israelite faith and relationship to Yahweh. As Augustine saw, and the Gospels confirm, memory is in the Old Testament a powerful, deeply personal, divine gift. When Israel reflects on its wilderness wanderings, like Charles Swann they search for ‘lost time’. To sharpen cross-cultural comparison with Confucianism, Childs’s exegesis helps to identify central themes in the Old Testament’s view of memory. In Deuteronomy,299 he argues, for example, memory links past and present, the writer’s ‘chief problem’ being ‘relating [of] the new generation of Israel to the tradition of Moses’ (1962: 55). Here memory chastises as much as consoles Israel to enable its entry into ‘redemptive time’ (ibid., 57). In Micah 6.5, on the other hand, memory is ‘a means of actualizing Yahweh’s original purpose for his people’ (ibid.): it is the servant of God and of Israelite history, reinforcing the prophet’s appeal to Israel’s God-given identity. In Isaiah 43.18, 44.21 and 46.9 memory effects a historical ‘continuity’ with God’s good purposes and existential ‘discontinuity’ because of Israel’s rebellion. It confronts Israel with its present condition and bad choices. In Ezekiel, Childs maintains, memory exposes Israel’s sin (Ezek. 6.9, 16.22, 61, 20.43, 23.19, 27, 36.31) and rebellion (Ezek. 6.10, 16.62, 20.44, 36.23). In the Psalms (where za¯kar is often used), ‘Complaint Psalms’ blame God for ‘forgetting’ his people (e.g. Pss. 44.5, 77.4, 119.52, 55, 137.1, 6, 143.5) – and not the other way around. Memory in the Hebrew Bible is, then, as Childs illustrates, both a creative tool and a corrective principle. It inspires and chastens, brings joy and shame, instills hope and counters bitterness (Cf. Pss. 42, 63, 77 and 137). Childs summarizes: ‘The act of memory forms a bridge which links the psalmist with the God of the forefathers, not because of a Herculean act of self-projection, but because the events of the tradition possess a power which continues to meet Israel in her struggle’ (ibid., 63). In the historiography and spirituality of Israel, memory is a dynamic, creative, covenantal event in which God’s relationship to Israel is comprehended and Israelite spirituality is inspired. The practical ethic and personal ‘spirituality’ of Confucianism have, we will see, little to compare directly with this.300 The link between memory and ritual provides another useful perspective for comparative Christian-Confucian dialogue. Israelite religion did not confine remembrance to prayers, hymns, historiography and cultic offerings; nor, as we will see, did early Christianity. Words with the z-k-r root are also used of tangible signs and ritual symbols. Though memory is associated with ‘subjective’ memoranda (such as deeds, sayings, records, and books of memorials; e.g. Esth. 6.1, Job 13.12, N.B. in its own way another ‘memory book’. On the dynamic power of tradition in the Analects, below p. 402f.

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Ezra 6.2, Ex. 17.14, Mal. 3.16), it is also associated with ‘objective’ phenomena (viz. altar coverings, booty, precious and semi-precious stones, breast plates, and cereal and atonement offerings; e.g. Ex. 28.12, 29, 30.16, Num. 5.15, 18, 16.40, 17.5, 31.54). As 19th- and early 20thcentury cultural anthropology and comparative religion revealed, the routinizing power of ritual is a central feature of biblical religion and classical Confucianism. In the Hebrew cult, zikka¯ro ˆn (Lit. a memorial sign) attests to God and Israel the terms of the covenant, and acts to renew their relationship. As Childs says: ‘The cultic acts of Israel continually remind God of this eternal covenantal order. The cultic objects and rites act to guarantee that the covenant is not forgotten’ (ibid., 67). Z¯eker is also used of the end of a person’s ‘name’ and the memory of them (e.g. Ex. 17.14, Deut. 15.19, 32.36, Isa. 26.14, Pss. 9.7, 34.17, 109.15, 112.6, Eccl. 9.5, Esth. 9.28). As Psalm 6.6 says, ‘in death there is no remembrance of thee’. In the Old Testament as a whole, memory re-actualizes the past (in accord with God’s saving acts and Israel’s identity as his chosen people) and reassures God’s people (in times of crisis and doubt). Recitation and ritual work together to concretize Israelite hope and renew the community’s faith through an oral restatement of God’s mighty acts and steadfast love. In liturgical word and ritual act Israel both restates and re-experiences saving events that define their God-given identity. As Childs explains: ‘Actualization occurs when the worshipper experiences an identification with the original events. He (sic) bridges the gap of historical time and participates in the original history’ (ibid., 50). Memory, ritual, and tradition transect time and transfigure life (ibid., 82). Though scholars disagree about the nature and power of this ritualized anamnetic tradition,301 none doubt the importance of memory in Old Testament religion per se. Israel’s psyche, cult, festivals, law, offerings, praises, prayers, proclamations, and penitence are all decisively shaped by memory.302 Like Husserl, Proust, Eliot, Pound and other 20th-century Modernists, biblical theology perceives personal and communal identity enshrined in, and empowered by, memory, ritual and cultic act. In this, biblical Christianity and early Confucianism, as we will see, are in ‘formal’ and practical, if not theological or philosophical, agreement. This is the background to anamnesis in the New Testament. Memory is here no less an instrument of spiritual awareness and communal identity. Though our focus is the Gospels, right reading requires we bear in mind other New Testament texts and perspectives. Throughout we find a ‘Godward’ and a ‘Man-ward’ dimension to memory. Use of anamnesis in the LXX and Apocrypha (for àzka¯râh and zikka¯ro ˆn) and verb anamn¯eskein (for za¯kar) reflects this. God and humanity are both ‘reminded’ in 1st-century Palestinian Judaism; as Leviticus 24.7f. declared: And you shall put pure frankincense with each row, that it may go with the bread as a memorial portion (anamnesis/àzka¯râh) to be offered by fire to the Lord. Every Sabbath day Aaron shall set it in order before the Lord continually on behalf of the people of Israel as a covenant forever. In some Christian traditions, any sense of a memorial re-enactment threatens the uniqueness of the original. Anamnesis is linked to different liturgical, theological and sacramental usage, viz: i. an expanded creedal form in early liturgies (e.g. Justin Martyr, Dialogues 70.4; Apostolic Constitutions 8, 47, 9); ii. Dom Gregory Dix’s (Catholic) view of the Eucharistic anamnesis as ‘the recalling before God of the one sacrifice of Christ in all its accomplished and effectual fullness so that it is here and now operative by its effects in the souls of the redeemed’ (1945: 243); iii. NT scholar Joachim Jeremias’s exposition of a God-ward and eschatological character of anamnesis in the ‘Last Supper’ (1966: 249–55); and, iv. a functionalist, Lutheran interpretation of ‘Do this. . .’ (pace Bartels 1959). 302 N.B. use of àzka¯râh to translate of Gk. mn¯e mosunon (of Israel’s memorial meals) in Lev. 2.2, 9, 16, 16.8, Num. 5.12, 26. 301

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And . . . Aaron and his sons . . . shall eat it in a holy place, since it is for him a most holy portion out of the offerings by fire to the Lord. This double orientation of Levitical priesthood is continued in the ministry of Jesus. He offers himself as a perfect, atoning, memorial sacrifice to God on behalf of sinful humanity (Mk 10.45, Heb. 8–10). As in Numbers 10.9f. (zikka¯rôn), New Testament usage of anamnesis involves a mutual reminding of God and of his new people, the church. Divine law and grace, and human obligation and love, unite in anamnesis. Hence, mn¯e words link memory to prayer (1 Thess. 1.2, Ac. 10.4, 31), ‘true’ facts (Mt. 26.13, Mk 14.9, Jn 14.26, 1 Cor. 4.17, 2 Tim. 1.6, Tit. 3.12 Pet. 1.12f.), Jesus’s life and death (e.g. 2 Tim. 2.8, Rom. 1.3f.), sin (e.g. Heb. 10.3) and – through the cognate terms mn¯eia, mn¯ema, and mn¯emeion – to the consecration of signs, events, tokens and graves (e.g. Mt. 8.28, 23.29, Mk 5.2, 3, 15.46, 16.2, Lk. 8.27, 23.53, 24.1, Ac. 2.29, Rom. 1.9, Eph. 1.16, Phil. 1.3, 1 Thess. 1.2, 3.6, 2 Tim. 1.3, Phlm. 4, Rev. 11.9). The relational dimension evident in Old Testament usage is focused now on a conscious, obedient ‘remembering’ of Jesus. In him, memory is perfected. Perhaps the most significant – and contentious – use of anamnesis in the New Testament is in passages relating to Jesus’s ‘Last Supper’ with his disciples; as Mark 14 states, ‘And when he (Jesus) had given thanks, he broke it (the bread) and said, “This is my body which is given for you. Do this in remembrance of me (eis t¯en em¯en anamn¯esin).” In the same way also with the cup, saying after supper: “This cup is the new covenant in my blood. Do this, as often as you drink it, in remembrance of me (eis t¯en em¯en anamn¯esin)” ’ (Mk 14.12f.; cf. also, Mt. 26.17f., Lk. 22.7f., Jn 6 passim, 13.18f., 1 Cor. 11.24f.). Disputes have raged for centuries over the nature of the ‘memorial’ Jesus enjoined,303 albeit driven by a shared concern to honour Christ’s work and to ensure both God and humanity are ‘reminded’ in the Eucharistic meal. Crucially, as this illustrates, New Testament usage of mimn¯eskein and its cognates is in continuity with Old Testament, more than contemporary Greek, usage. As Israelite religion recalled in the cult the ‘Exodus’ from Egypt, so Christians remember (actively and didactically) the saving events of Jesus’s suffering and death, when they proclaim the Gospel and celebrate the ‘Lord’s Supper’. Bartels is clear: ‘God’s “remembrance” of his people (expressed in preaching) dovetails with his people’s “remembrance” of him in praise and testimony. [W]ords of the mn¯e - group cover a concept which is fundamental to the Bible and which embraces the whole of divine and human life: the “word” of revelation and “response” of faith’ (1976: 3.246). If God’s remembering is, then (pace Otto Michel), ‘an efficacious and creative event’ (1964–76: IV. 675), in the New Testament humanity’s remembering expresses gratitude, trust, obedience and resurrection hope. The ‘covenantal’ character of this memorial in Christian theology means it is always more than an act of human recollection. God and humanity co-operate in fulfillment of God’s cosmic plan. Christianity’s appeal to memory is theologically potent and practically relevant. When this past is recalled, the present is transfigured and the future confidently projected. Modernism stirred awareness of pain, paradoxes and human potential in its appeal to memory, rite and tradition. It is impossible to ‘un-remember’ this. The Gospels are read under the window of Modernist light. E.g. the polar opposition of ‘dynamic memorialism’ in Zwinglian/Reformed thought, and the ‘active representationalism’ of traditional Roman Catholic eucharistic theology, in which there is a ‘real presence’ of Christ in the elements of bread and wine, and a priestly re-actualizing of his ‘sacrifice’ in and through celebration of the Mass.

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The Analects and Confucian Classics A number of points must also be made with respect to memory, rite and tradition in the Analects, in light of issues raised by early 20th-century Modernism. First, when compared with the Bible, the Analects (and Confucian Classics generally) say little directly about memory per se.304 This is not a major source for Modernist interest in the cultural and psychological power of memory. That said, Confucianism is, as we have seen, a moral system in which ritual and tradition feature prominently. Burdened like Pound and Eliot with a sense of societal decay, Confucius sought, like ‘old Peng’ (A. 7.1), to ‘transmit’ tradition, specifically the heavenly ideals of the ancient Zhou rulers (Dawson 1981: 12f.). He was confident in Heaven’s blessing and the power of ‘fate’ (ming ભ: e.g. A. 3.24, 7.23, 9.5, 14.36). Analects 2.11 summarizes his sense of vocation: ‘Both keeping past teachings alive and understanding the present – someone able to do this is worthy of being a teacher.’ Living history and tradition justified and empowered the present. Tradition, articulated in ritual property (li ⿞), relational artistry and morality, discloses life’s purpose. Mindless traditionalism, or empty ceremonialism, would not do. As Analects 2.15 stresses: ‘If you learn without thinking about what you have learned, you will be lost. If you think without learning, however, you will fall into danger.’ Hence, Confucius enquires in Analects 1.1: ‘To learn and then have occasion to practice what you have learned – is this not satisfying?’ Like the Old Testament, memory here serves tradition in keeping alive what really matters and ultimately satisfies. If early Modernism grasped the existential power of memory, comparative philosophy finds parallels in what the Bible and Confucianism say about the nature and function of that power. Exclusive claims are moderated – if not comprehensively refuted – by such comparison. Cross-culturalism recognizes similarities and dissimilarities: it does not – or should not – shy away from either. Second, though memory assumes literary form in Hebrew religion and the Christian scriptures, classical Confucianism accords a particular place to the ‘Classics’ (jing 㓿) as the determinative means, and envisioning end, of ‘the Way’ (dao 䚃). The ‘learning’ that Confucius (ru xue ݂ᆨ), and the bureaucratic literati he inspired, found in the Classics provided resources to read, mark, learn and transform life. As the Shiji ਢ䁈 states: In the time of Confucius, the power of the Zhou Emperor had declined, the forms of worship and social intercourse had degenerated, and learning and scholarship had fallen into decay. Confucius studied the religious or ceremonial order and historical records of the three dynasties (Xia, Shang and Zhou), and he traced the events from the times of Emperors Yao and Shun down to the times of Duke Mu of Chin and arrayed them in chronological order. . . . Confucius handed down a tradition of historic records and various records of ancient customs and ethnology . . . taught poetry, history, ceremonies and music to three thousand pupils of whom seventy-two had mastered ‘the six arts’. —q. Lin [1938] 1941: 27–35305 304 N.B. it is also pointed out the Analects do not, surprisingly perhaps, say much about ritual; except in relation to ancient worship and social mores. This is partly explained by Confucius’s preoccupation in the Analects with motivation and intention. It may also reflect the slow growth of ritual per se in Chinese culture; as Arthur Waley indicates: ‘It is very unlikely that any ritual texts existed until the decline of Chou civilization’ ([1938] 2012: 54). 305 On debates about Confucius’s role in texts that bear his name, p. 28, n. 52 (and, Yao, X., 2000: 53f.). Contrast, for example, H. G. Creel’s claim, ‘[W]e have no convincing evidence that he [Confucius] wrote or even edited anything at all’ (1960: 106) with Chen Lifu, ‘Confucius edited the Book of Songs, and the Book of History, compiled the Book of Rites and the Book of Music, annotated the Book of Changes, and wrote the Spring and Autumn Annals’ (1972: 2).

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As in early 20th-century Modernism, culture, music, poetry, history and literature are seen to possess power to shape, renew, and transform society from within for the common good (e.g. A. 3.23, 9.15, 17.9).306 The Shiji portrays Confucius gathering and honouring texts to inspire, unite, educate and elevate culture, leaders and public service. In various forms and ways ritual (li ⿞) and culture (wen ᮷)307 act as commentaries on, and embodiments of, recollected tradition the Classics enshrine. Tradition is a learned, practical, moral form of art. To grow this morally conscious and ritually alert community, Confucianism is selective. Memory, rite and tradition must all be carefully nurtured.308 As a result, Dawson explains: ‘Throughout imperial Chinese history literature’s raison d’être was generally conceived as the teaching of truth and virtue, so Confucian bureaucrats tried to restrict the influence of popular plays which disregarded orthodox morality’ (1981: 24). Though not conceived as ‘divinely inspired’ (pace traditional views of the Bible), the Four and Five Books of the Confucian Canon are accorded a pivotal moral and social authority. As we have seen, Modernist sinophiles were – and, indeed, are – prepared to find riches in this literary heritage, far more so than 19th-century critics were in China’s cultural and political stasis.309 We read the Analects today as China again debates its identity and Confucian heritage.310 This reminds us that ‘canonical authority’ may be, as in ancient Israel, politically determined as often as divinely ordained or socially accepted. Empowered historiography rewrites tradition: that is, arguably, its most risky privilege and demotivating habit! Thirdly, as in the Bible, memory functions in classical Confucianism as a guardian of the past and a guide to the present (Yao, X., 2000: 30). The unwise and forgetful can neither engage the present nor plan for the future.311 Memory prompts ritual, propriety, morality and timely behaviour; as Confucius warned: ‘Working from the wrong starting point will lead to nothing but harm’ (A. 2.16).312 So, memory defines, stimulates and inspires. As handmaid of ritual and tradition, it invigorates culture and supports education of the diligent.313 It enables spontaneity and flexibility in the junzi.314 The Liji ⿞䁈 (The Book of Etiquette and Ritual) is clear: ‘The words one is to speak cannot be determined ahead of time; one must speak in accordance with the situation’ (Steele 1917: 1.233). However, memorized quotations from the Odes can provide the agile statesman with a repertoire of historical allusions and poetic sayings to press home his point and impress his

Cf. also, A. 8.8: ‘The Master said, “Find inspiration in the Odes, take your place through ritual, and achieve perfection with music”.’ 307 At root wen ᮷ speaks of a dazzling beauty and patterned power that will overcome alien nations by its compelling radiance. Cf. A. 1.6 on the importance of the young studying culture, and A. 9.11 on the demands this makes on them. 308 The term jiao ᮉ (Lit. teaching, doctrine, and ritual piety) is traceable to a pictogram of a hand with a stick beating a child (Yao, X., 2000: 28). 309 While Hegel critiqued the hegemonic ‘state religion’ of Confucianism (above p. 233f.), the German philosopher, jurist and sociologist Max Weber (1864–1920) was no less critical at the turn of the 20th century, pronouncing it a backward, irrational, system of values based on ‘a cultured status position’ ([1915] 1951]; q. Bendix 1977: 2.157). On Weber and China, Love, J. (2000), ‘Max Weber’s Orient’, in S. Turner (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Max Weber, 172–99; Radkau, J. ([2005] 2009), Max Weber; Turner, B. S. (2011), ‘Max Weber on Islam and Confucianism’, in P. B. Clarke (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of the Sociology of Religion, 79–97. 310 On this, Sun, A. (2013), Confucianism as a World Religion. 311 N.B. Confucius’s praise for Zigong’s knowledge of the Odes and of ‘what has gone before’ (A. 1.15). 312 Cf. also the possible connection to A. 19.4. 313 On Confucius’s view of how and what he did and didn’t learn, A. 7.1, 28, 11.28, 17.10. 314 N.B. Confucius’s criticism in A. 2.12 of those who lack these qualities and possess only one skill: ‘The master said, “The gentleman is not a vessel”.’ 306

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listeners (e.g. A. 16.13, 17.9, 10). As Confucius urged, there must be congruity between memory and action. Hence, we find in Analects 13.5: The Master said, ‘Imagine a person who can recite several hundred odes by heart but, when delegated a governmental task, is unable to carry it out, or when sent abroad as an envoy, is unable to engage in repartee. No matter how many odes he might have memorized, what good are they to him?’ Learning by rote is insufficient. The Classics envision an individual alive to, and imbued by, culture (wen ᮷). If the Odes do not ‘lead astray’ (A. 2.2), the Spring and Autumn Annals turn history into pedagogy, and rebellion is a crime as much against self as society. As Mencius later remarked: ‘When Confucius completed the Spring and Autumn Annals, rebellious ministers and unruly sons were struck with terror’ (q. Dawson 1981: 23). Memory helps internalize discipline and externalize ritual propriety and social harmony. It aids coherence and evolution in Chinese tradition. It is also a shared human characteristic. Hence, when the official Gongsun Chao ‫ޜ‬ᆛᱱ, from the state of Wei, asks Zigong, ‘From whom did Confucius acquire his learning?’ (A. 19.22), Zigong replies: The Way of Kings Wen and Wu has not yet fallen to the ground – it still exists in people. Those who are worthy understand its greater aspects, while those who are unworthy understand its lesser aspects. There is no one who does not have the Way of Wen and Wu within them. From whom did the Master not acquire his learning? And what need was there for him to have a formal teacher? We see here that (like Augustine and, later, Husserlian phenomenologists) Confucius perceives memory as the recollection of intuited wisdom, and an inarticulate awareness of ‘the Way’, that inspires consciousness towards morality and life. It serves the ‘Way of Heaven’ in awakening that ‘vast court’ where right and wrong, identity and security, vocation and propriety, are found. In contrast to Childs’s theocentric view of memory in the Old Testament, memory is here deeply, and inalienably, historical and subjective. To Confucius, when I forget I cease to be fully me. Modernist poetry resonates with this dynamic, psychologized view of memorial acts in life. Fourthly, if memory aided Confucius’s personal development, and educational, moral and cultural aspiration, it found formal expression in domestic piety and public ritual. ‘Ancestor worship’ and ‘filial piety’ are tangible forms of history, and conscious acts of respect for those who impart life or transmit tradition.315 As Julia Ching explains the dynamic of filial piety: ‘It was believed that the ancestor received in this person the offerings made to him, and also spoke in person through this person, expressing gratitude for the offerings and promising protection and happiness to the family’ (1993: 20).316 Analects 7.25 is clear: ‘The Master taught four things: cultural refinement, comportment, dutifulness, and trustworthiness.’ Courage, understanding, discipline and will-power are needed to achieve these (A. 11.20). This is ‘the Way’ to honour ancestors. The student and N.B. the centrality of the ancient royal temple to political administration (Ching, J., 1993: 19). Cf. also, Küng and Ching, Christianity and Chinese Religions, 28. On the so-called ritual ‘impersonator’, Ching, J., Chinese Religions, 20; —(2000), The Religious Thought of Chu Hsi, 85.

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faithful relative must both be diligent.317 The Confucian ‘six arts’ (rites, music, archery, charioteering, calligraphy and mathematics) support moral and aesthetic development: they can never displace or redefine ritual, propriety, or duty. Hence, Confucius asks in Analects 17.9: ‘Little Ones, why do none of you learn the Odes?’ As he explains: The Odes can be a source of inspiration and a basis for evaluation; they can help you to come together with others, as well as to properly express complaints. In the home, they teach you about how to serve your father, and in public life they teach you about how to serve your lord (ru ren ݂Ӫ). They also broadly acquaint you with the names of various birds, beasts, plants and trees. In Analects 3.12, where Confucius addresses the issue of ancestral worship, we see memory as the empowered servant of culture, propriety, worship and social harmony: ‘ “Sacrifice as if [they were] present” means that, when sacrificing to the spirits, you should comport yourself as if the spirits were present. The Master said, “If I am not fully present at the sacrifice, it is as if I did not sacrifice at all”.’ This dynamic perspective on memorial sacrifices – making ancestors ‘really present’ psychologically through ritual impersonation318 – reveals Confucius’s belief in the power of memory to reconfigure reality and (re-)establish a venerable order of existence in the present. In ritual and filial piety, the good order of the ‘Way of Heaven’ is articulate. As in the Bible, memory here serves history and creates community. If jiao ᮉ (teaching, doctrine, or tradition) keeps ancestral wisdom alive, li ⿞ (ritual propriety) and zhi Ც (practical wisdom) act to render the past in the present by recalling the life and learning of family members and sages. Ritual, as an agent of tradition, has comprehensive, metaphysical and moral power. As Stephen Wilson notes, with an eye to the impact of Modernist philosophy on Confucian exegesis: For Confucius, the rites embody all the virtues and trace out the proper place of human beings within their physical and/or metaphysical environment. Thus, one cannot express anything human, much less anything as complexly human as one’s (unique) innermost aspirations, without recourse to them. —2002: 95319 Ancestral worship is inseparable from all Confucius says of self-discipline, morality and society. Fifthly, in commending the place of tradition, education, ritual, and discipline, Confucius indicts those who fail to seek, or recognize, the ‘Way of Heaven’ in the wisdom of ancient sages. So, in Analects 16.8, we find: ‘The Master said, “The gentleman stands in awe of three things: the Mandate of Heaven, great men, and the teachings of the sages. The petty person does not understand the Mandate of Heaven, and thus does not regard it with awe; he shows disrespect to great men, and ridicules the teachings of the sages”.’ Forgetfulness is as culpable as depravity. The diligent honour

By the time of the Zhou dynasty (1046–256 BCE) ancestral worship and belief in a ‘Supreme Being’ (by then often referred to as Tian ཙ, Heaven) prevailed, with the son acting as the family priest and a grandson or nephew appointed as the shi ቨ (Lit. corpse, or ‘impersonator’) of the deceased. 318 On this concept, cf. Slingerland, 22 (on A. 3.12). 319 Wilson engages the debate between Fingarette, Hall and Ames, on the relationship between the individual and ritual acts. 317

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and internalize ‘the Way’ (A. 19.22, 11.20) through acceptance, education, ceremonial and wu wei ❑⛪ (Lit. intentional inactivity).320 They accept fate’s ‘Mandate’ (ming ભ) and are aware of their shortcomings (e.g. A. 11.19, 12.4, 5). While Zigong is criticized for restless acquisitiveness (A. 11.19), petty people (xiao ren ሿӪ), who characteristically forget ‘the Way’, are marked by narrowmindedness, heterodoxy, selfishness, profiteering, anxiety, laziness, gossip, contentiousness, pride, lack of dignity, self-interest, criticism, insensitivity, lack of awareness and rapaciousness (A. 2.14, 16, 4.11, 12, 16, 7.37, 8.6, 12.16, 13.23, 26, 14.24, 15.21, 17.23). And, it gets worse! The forgetful ‘petty person’ is shallow, heartless, unfocused, unreliable and perversely ambitious. Lacking sound and reliable criteria for self-criticism, the fool makes mistakes and will not admit them. Critical of his generation, Confucius saw fault in many and virtue in few. As Analects 7.26 records: The Master said, ‘A sage I will never get to meet; if I manage to meet a gentleman, I suppose I would be content. An excellent person I will never get to meet; if I manage to meet someone with constancy, I suppose I would be content. [Yet all I see around me is] nothing masquerading as something, emptiness masquerading as substance, limitation masquerading as grandness. I think even constancy will be hard to find.’ But memory, like tradition, inspires stability, accountability, freedom and creativity. As the disciples declare in Analects 9.4: ‘The Master was entirely free of four faults: arbitrariness, inflexibility, rigidity, and selfishness.’ Tradition is liberating, its laws life-giving. Ancestral worship is a bulwark of harmony and defense against the erosion of societal structures. Oft-repeated criticism of the ceremonial laxity of the ‘Three Families’ (e.g. A. 3.2, 3, 10, 11) is borne of Confucius’s conviction that if Lu is weak politically, economically, and militarily, moral and ritual aspiration safeguard its future and invite Heaven’s ‘blessing’. Hence, Analects 3.14: ‘The Master said, “The Zhou gazes down upon the two dynasties that preceded it. How brilliant in culture it is! I follow the Zhou”.’ And, as he warned Wang Sun Jia ⦻ᆛ䋸, a grandee in the state of Wei: ‘Once you have incurred the wrath of Heaven, there is no one to whom you can pray for help’ (A. 3.13). Memorial rituals, as in the Hebrew Bible, embody threat and blessing, they preserve order and perspective. Confucius’s attitude to ritual, alluded to in the Analects, is part of his vision for the routinization of virtue through habit and behaviour. Those, like the ‘Three Families’, who fail to honour propriety and ceremonial custom, or venerate other societal ‘spirits’ (A. 2.24), disrupt the natural rhythm of life written into culture and history by Heaven. Finally, we cannot omit to stress in concluding this section that, to Confucius, life lived well was a prolonged act of memory. Memory was a lifelong inspiration, a reliable teacher, friend and guide. It recorded failure, achievement and progress, and imparted wisdom. The classic statement in Analects 2.4, on Confucius’s spiritual and intellectual journey, provides an invaluable commentary on the principle enunciated in Analects 2.11: ‘The Master said, “Both keeping past teachings alive and understanding the present – someone able to do this is worthy of being a teacher”.’ Practising what he preached, Confucius recalls in Analects 2.4: ‘At fifteen, I set my mind upon learning; at thirty, I took my place in society; at forty, I became free of doubts; at fifty, I understood Heaven’s Mandate; at sixty, my ear was attuned; and at seventy, I could follow my heart’s desires without

On wu wei (❑⛪), p. 42, 251, 258, 305, 334, 407.

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overstepping the bounds of propriety.’321 Understood as both a personal and paradigmatic scale of moral ascent, these three pairs of recorded achievements (from education, to understanding, to harmony with self and propriety) constitute a lived legacy which memory kept alive in Confucius and later Confucianism. Recollection induced gratitude, and confidence. It grew wu wei (❑⛪), that fulfilled Confucius’s moral and spiritual vocation. As the Jin dynasty ᱹᵍ (265–420), or ‘Jin Empire’ єᱹ (Lit. ‘Two Jins’), commentator on the Analects, Li Chong ᵾ‫( ݵ‬d. ?362 BCE),322 reads Confucius: ‘ “Having an attuned ear” means that, upon hearing the exemplary teachings of the Former Kings, one immediately apprehended their virtuous conduct, and “following the models of the Lord” (referring to King Wen in Ode 241), nothing goes against the tendencies of one’s heart’ (q. Slingerland, 9). By ‘hitting with ease’ exemplary standards – as Confucius says – memory empowers the ‘Mean’. It inspires the origin, development and fulfillment of moral formation in the ‘Way of Heaven’. Points of Comparison and Contrast Memory, rite and tradition are, then, fundamental elements of Confucian thought. In multiple ways they release resources that shape an individual, society and dynasty. As indicated earlier, there are noteworthy contrasts here with biblical Christianity. Though both systems of thought ascribe immense significance to memory, rite and tradition – and a normative (if not determinative) power to history, ritual and historic textual wisdom (including indictment of its willful neglect) – the theme of ‘memory’ reveals key differences. We note five briefly. First, as we have seen, in comparison with its centrality to biblical religion, memory per se acts indirectly in the Analects and Confucian Classics. Both systems include a developing tradition and an evolving corpus of textual and commentarial resources. However, whereas Christianity traditionally admits a controlling gospel ‘myth’ and scriptural deposit of revealed truth (that treats of God’s acts in creation, redemption and sanctification), Confucian attitudes towards the normativity of the Classics, and the philosophical-moral vision they enshrine, are less stringent or textually restrictive. Confucianism can function and evolve both in relation to, and apart from, its founding narratives. Christianity is ultimately inseparable from its text-based ‘gospel’. Memory – especially textual memory – is not optional for Christianity: it is central to knowing the consistent mind and will of God. It preserves the community’s canonical identity. Second, memory’s focus is interpreted differently in the Bible and the Confucian Classics. As we saw in the biblical evidence, who remembers and what is remembered are crucial. God and humanity are both in view. Memory focuses on the divine-human encounter: in this, as we saw, God and humanity are both reminded. Likewise, success and failure are both recalled. The act of remembering connects to piety and shame, forgiveness, joy and freedom, as natural fruit of the community’s life in God. In contrast to the pedagogical and moral focus of the Chinese Classics, biblical interests are spiritual and eternal. Memory serves God’s spiritual purposes and humanity’s deepest needs. Thirdly, as an extension of the preceding, Christianity and Confucianism interpret the agent or agency involved in the act of remembering differently. In the Bible, God and humanity are

Cf. also above p. 27, 40, 122f., 177, 250, 335. On Li Chong ᵾ‫ݵ‬, Knechtges and Chang, eds (2014c), Ancient and Early Medieval Chinese Literature, I. 477f.

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co-agents remembering. The transcendent God of the Judeo-Christian scriptures is immanent and active in human affairs. He remembers and is reminded. He acts and reacts in intersecting spheres of temporality and memory. Humanity also remembers and reminds God and neighbor. Memory is not a psychological state or nostalgic trip in the Bible: it is a substantial, if not in fact determinative, aspect of human existence. Memory is a ‘vast court’, a meeting place of God and man. The lack of an unequivocal, transcendent agent in classical Confucianism restricts memory to humanity. The ‘Will of Heaven’, though dynamically recalled, does not in itself stir humans to remember: the human will must also be engaged. Fourthly, the consequences of using memory in Christianity and Confucianism, though superficially similar, are essentially different. We have noted how memory functions in both traditions to recall the past in the present, and to shape the present by the past. We have noted, too, the moral power of memory in both traditions as a servant of conscience, arbiter of action, and guide to life. We have also seen in passing the re-presentational power of memory in ritual acts of Confucian filial piety and Christian sacraments. But Christianity goes further, it ascribes to memory the power of rendering the past ‘really present’ and God dynamically active in and through spiritual re-birth and the sacramental rituals of baptism and Holy Communion. Christian anamnetic traditions posit divine effects on human acts, when God has authorized the deed. In obeying the dominical command, ‘Do this in remembrance of me’, God and his eternal plan are rendered sacramentally ‘present’. Confucianism reads, marks, learns and recalls what can be remembered: this is only partly true of Christianity. Ineffable glory and mystery are held to inhabit the church’s liturgies, rituals and living, sacramental memory. If Confucianism indicts forgetfulness, partial recollection is for Christians inevitable, for human knowledge of spiritual things is both conditional and provisional; to quote St. Paul again, ‘. . . now we see but a poor reflection as in a mirror’ (1 Cor. 13.12). Lastly, Christianity and Confucianism conceive memory’s purpose differently. Biblical religion, that inspired Augustine, interprets memory as a divine gift to help humanity understand God and his relationship to individuals and society. Forgetting is culpable; remembering not. In the ‘vast court’ of its mind and memory, humanity engages the creator’s life and intentions. Though Christianity and Confucianism share a sense of memory’s moral power, in Christianity memory also has a transformative, ultimately ontological quality: it empowers true identity. As Augustine saw, memory is not an adjunct of behavior, or type of intellectual capability: it is the defining biological and spiritual instrument that recalls humanity to God’s purpose for a person, a community, and the church and world. This cosmic claim outshines memory in Confucianism.

CONCLUSION The year 1913 was a pivotal one in the emergence of Modernist thought, art and literature. In T. S. Eliot and the other representatives of early Modernism we have studied – Husserl, Proust, Stravinsky, Bohr and Pound – we catch something of the nature and abiding impact of Modernist questions for contemporary readings of the Analects and Gospels. That each of these individuals – and the traditions they in turn inspired – were acutely conscious of, if not directly inspired by, Chinese thought and culture, serves to confirm the common hermeneutic and cultural heritage that shapes East-West cultural dialogue today. However Chinese culture after the Cultural Revolution

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is assessed, and its relation to late 20th-century Modernism evaluated,323 the Analects and Gospels are read in China and the West through the shared, critical filter of Modernist epistemological and aesthetic assumptions. Comparative theology, philosophy and exegesis may disagree about the status or meaning of the Analects and Gospels: they cannot but concur on the accumulative impact Modernism has had on questions we ask and the way we see the world.

On the debated relation between New Confucianism and late 20th-century Modernism, Song, X. (2003), ‘Reconstructing the Confucian Ideal in 1980s China’, in J. Makeham (ed.), New Confucianism: A Critical Examination, 81–104.

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Sickness, Death and the Afterlife: On Making Sense of Everything and Nothing When the commonplace ‘We must all die’ transforms itself suddenly into the acute consciousness ‘I must die – and soon’, then death grapples us, and his fingers are cruel; afterwards he may come to fold us in his arms as our mother did, and our last moment of dim earthly discerning may be like the first. —Casaubon in George Eliot, Middlemarch, [1871] 1994: 657 Death has a hundred hands and walks by a thousand ways. —T. S. Eliot, Murder in Cathedral, [1935] 1967: 28 A mature human capacity for empathy is matched by a comparable capacity for savagery. We love, feel, hate and hurt in equal measure. International relations, like family systems, are blighted as much by tortured psyches as twisted policies. It’s said: ‘The hurt must hurt – to help them cope with their pain.’ In the previous chapter we began to admit the impact of psychology on discussion of the way we read the Analects and Gospels. We remain open to that perspective in this chapter. Culture, it seems, may seek to shape and curb character and behaviour but it cannot suppress personality types and natural dispositions. A ‘One World’ perspective builds confidently on the universality of humanity in its capacity to empathize with those in pain, loss and grief, and to wreak vengeance and destruction on even those who are near and dear. East-West cultural and political relations make more sense if we are ready to accept that we are, as humans, less different than culture, history and politics may suggest. Indeed, down this path of recognition and acceptance may lie recovery of ‘One World’ peace. So, we come to themes crying out to be addressed before and loose ends needing to be tied off. The visceral, intellectual, spiritual issues of sickness, death and the ‘afterlife’ in the Analects and Gospels take us to the heart of our common humanity and of Christian faith and Confucian philosophy. In our historical progression, we face the trauma of ‘total war’ from 1939 to 1945 and the intellectual foment this aroused. As never before, death dominated the landscape. More than the 17 million killed and 20 million injured in World War I, and the 60 million or more killed in World War II 1 – including an estimated 6 million Jews murdered in 1

Estimated to be c. 3% of the world’s total population of c. 2.3bn. in 1940. 411

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Nazi camps2 and c. 225,000 Japanese slain by the atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki on 6 and 9 August 1945 – the century witnessed innumerable Chinese killed in the ‘forgotten Chinese Holocaust’ (1937–45)3 and the severe famines during Mao’s ‘Great Leap Forward’ (1959–61),4 countless Cambodians slaughtered at My˜ Lai (16 March 1968) and in the ‘Killing Fields’ of Khmer Rouge leader Pol Pot (1925–98), and myriad nameless loved-ones lost to natural disaster, or as the collateral damage of policy and greed. Death is savage. Its gorgon ferocity for much of the last century making it an impermeable block to Christian belief for some and a subversive foe to humanist confidence for others. Our human capacity for empathy in the face of bald statistics must also face the painful truth of human barbarity. Sickness, death and the afterlife are a fitting end to our narrative, but they are tough dialoguepartners. No-one is immune to fear, pain, anxiety and confusion from these daily realities. They form the ever-present ‘cultural archetype’ through which life as a text is read. A shared, finite, global identity is no more clearly seen than here. Our selection of historical settings sets sickness, death and the afterlife in the Analects and Gospels against the austere backdrop of global history from 1939 to 1979. Not the political, economic, societal, military, or aesthetic scaffolding erected during that period; nor the chaos of global conflict, the ‘Cold War’, the rise of the United States, the formation of the European Union and the withdrawal of China into a Maoist ghetto; but the philosophies and ideologies that divided the world and the reality of sickness, death and a longing for ultimate certainty, that united it. In the murky depths of global tension and East-West division run intellectual counter-narratives that have, and always will, make a life and a world we know. That is, a world where people suffer, die and wonder if anything comes next. ‘One World’ analysis is necessarily sensitive to all this.

DEATH IN THE 20TH CENTURY: CRISIS, MEANING AND MANAGEMENT To focus discussion, Part I looks at five 20th-century themes affecting the interpretation of sickness, death and the afterlife. These reveal a revolution in perception of death in China and the West between the outbreak of World War II and the end of the Cultural Revolution. That these issues – like death itself – possess a painful, global profile confirms the dynamic, inter-cultural heuristic that conditions the way the Analects and Gospels have been, and are, read in China and the West. Death equalizes and unifies humanity. We are one in suffering and death, as we are in life and grief. Global trends in the 20th century intensify our sense of one, finite humanity. They also reduce the plausibility of claims – or perception – that China and the West inhabit disconnected, mutually incompatible worlds. This chapter refutes this. Our themes form a fitting finale to this historical study in cross-cultural hermeneutics. If we doubt that we inhabit ‘One World’, sickness, death and This reduced the global Jewish population from c. 16.6m. in 1939 to c. 11m. in 1946. On numbers of Chinese dying during the Japanese occupation (1937–45), Rummel, R. J. (1998), ‘Japan’s Savage Military’, in Statistics of Democide, 32–47; —([1991] 2017), China’s Bloody Century; and, —(1994), Death by Government, on statesponsored mass murder. On the ‘Chinese Holocaust’, p. 23, 412, 446, n. 228, 448, n. 244. 4 Numbers for Chinese who died in the ‘Great Leap Forward’ range from an official figure of c. 16.5m., to American estimates of c. 30m. (based on Chinese figures and the censuses of 1953 and 1964), to Jung Chang and Jon Halliday’s claim that 38m. died in the ‘Great Leap Forward’ and 70m. in total under Chairman Mao (Mao: The Untold Story, 2005). On the data, cf. Ball, J. (2006), ‘Did Mao Really Kill Millions in the Great Leap Forward?’ 2 3

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the question of an afterlife remind us that we share physical, psychological, emotional, and thence perhaps, ‘spiritual’ experiences. ‘Fools ignore death and lessons it teaches’, Christian and Confucian wisdom unite to warn. Before four themes, three contextual points. First, as Eliot’s Casaubon recognizes, death’s character and reality are uniquely registered by those dying. When, as Eliot wrote: ‘ “We must all die” transforms itself suddenly into the acute consciousness “I must die – and soon”.’ We face death and dying alone. Casaubon expresses Eliot’s will to resist Victorian views of death as a corporate, conquerable reality through faith in Christ.5 Much has been written of the impact of Enlightenment rationalism, advances in medicine, the horrors of the first World War, and government bureaucracy, on popular and professional views of death and dying in the first half of the 20th century. Medicine, morality, psychiatry, sociology, anthropology, Christian ministry, theology and popular culture have combined to reframe perception of sickness, death and the afterlife.6 As Eliot saw, the reality of me and my death remains. The early 20th century saw not only an academic globalizing and psychologizing of death,7 and the end of ‘Utopian euphoria’,8 but the ‘death of death’ as it had been perceived. Popular beliefs change slowly.9 Casaubon anticipates a mid-20th-century mind in which my death preoccupies me more than thy death. Sociologists see traditional (public) Victorian rituals gradually giving way to (more private) modern deaths, grieving, funerals and burial. To avoid being a faceless statistic or medical blip, the dying craft funeral and burial rites to fit their character, culture and ‘spiritual’ convictions (or hopes for them). We read the Analects and Gospels today amid the transformation, enculturation and privatization of sickness, death and the afterlife in the fluid, eclectic subjectivism of postmodernity in China and the West: there death is a rare ‘Absolute’, and neither fusty nor flashy funerals can melt its icy grip. Secondly, as T. S. Eliot’s masterful Murder in the Cathedral evocatively observes – with Archbishop Thomas à Becket’s (1118–70) martyrdom in sight – ‘Death has a hundred hands and walks by a thousand ways’: that is, ‘death’ comes in myriad ways, the cessation of physical functions being one of many forms of ‘dying’. The loss – or aboriginal absence – of a biblical sense of ‘spiritual death’ 5 N.B. Eliot’s sympathetic, but ultimately secular, treatment of sickness, suffering, struggle, pain and death in the lives of Adam and Dinah in Adam Bede (Knoepflmacher 1968: 115f.). 6 The bibliography on changing attitudes to death, death-rituals, and dying in the late 19th and 20th centuries is vast. Cf. esp. Ariès, P. ([1974] 1976), Western Attitudes Towards Death; —([1977] 1981), The Hour of our Death; Choron, J. (1963), Death and Western Thought; Clark, D. ed. (1993), The Sociology of Death; Davies, D. J. (1997), Death, Ritual and Belief; —(2015), Mors Britannica; Dollimore, J. (1998), Death, Desire and Loss in Western Culture; Gervais, K. G. (1986), Redefining Death; Hockey, J., J. Katz and N. Small, eds (2001), Grief, Mourning and Death Ritual; McManus, R. (2012), Death in a Global Age; Prior, L. (1989), The Social Organization of Death; Robben, A. C. G. M. ed. (2009), Death, Mourning, and Burial; Seale, C. (1998), Constructing Death; Strange, J-M. (2005), Death, Grief and Poverty in Britain; Van Brussel, L. and N. Carpentier, eds (2014), The Social Construction of Death. On Victorian glorification of death, Bland, O. (1986), The Royal Way of Death; Curl, J. S. ([1972] 2000), The Victorian Celebration of Death; Morley, J. (1971), Death, Heaven and the Victorians; Wolffe, J. (2000), Great Deaths. On death’s place and use in Dickens, Wood, C. (2015), Dickens and the Business of Death. On Dickens, above p. 282f. 7 N.B. Durkheim’s cross-cultural study of death in The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life ([1912] 1915), and Freud’s analysis of the fear of death and bereavement in ‘Mourning and Melancholia’ ([1914–17]: 14.237–60). On Durkheim, p. 131, 143, 293, 330, 474, n. 429; on Freud, p 310, 348, n. 5, 375f., 390, n. 265, 394, 396, 430, n. 128, 449, 453, n. 266, 473, n. 385, 477, n. 431, 478. 8 Russian novelist Boris Pilnyak’s (1894–1937) Deaths (1915) is notable for dissenting from popular Christian optimism in the face of death (Masing-Delic 1992: 287f.). 9 Ariès has been criticized for his four-fold typology of death in history: viz. i. tamed death (Middle Ages to the Reformation); ii. death of the self (Reformation to the 19th century); iii. death of the Other (Victorian); and, iv. invisible death (20th century).

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in post-Christian Western societies and traditional Chinese communities has not curtailed humanity’s sense of death’s ‘many hands’. As we will see, death is subject to redefinition and/or re-evaluation in evolving mores and popular stories.10 As Tony Walter argues, the mid-20th century saw death ‘revived’ in the West by secularized beliefs and socialized behaviour,11 the stigma and silence surrounding death giving place to new habits, language and rituals that ‘re-dramatize’ it.12 As the 20th century (re-)discovered, words create worlds, and rituals energize ‘powers’ that secular, scientistic societies honour. Utopian dreams may have been dashed in the carnage of World War I and trauma of World War II, this did not mean suffering, dying and death could not be re-narrated rhetorically as existential questions demanding clear answers and hopeful assurance. From the soulful ‘War Poets’ to Benjamin Britten’s (1913–76) piercingly unglamorous War Requiem (1961), art, music, philosophy and literature, depicted death’s ‘hundred hands’ and its ‘thousand ways’.13 Diversity intensified a sense of commonality in the fact, fear or feeling of mortality – and in repulsion at institutionalized mass-murder or the death of a single child. Thirdly, alongside changes in the sociology, science and representation of death in the mid-20th century is an expansion of its subjective power and pastoral significance. We read sickness, death and the afterlife in the Analects and Gospels through our shared, subjective response to tragedy and mortality, at times on the scale of genocide or a ‘Tsunami’. We also read through hopes to die painlessly and at peace, surrounded by loved ones, or in the care of a hospital or hospice. Sickness, death and dying are transfigured by 20th-century resurgence of ‘Human Rights’ and a love-justice ethic, in light of which Reform Era China’s ‘one child’ policy, and state-sanctioned infanticide and enforced abortions, appear the more obnoxious. With an ‘afterlife’ drifting from popular consciousness, the process of dying gains traction. If death cannot be avoided, its effects can, and must, be mollified by care, drugs, discussion, financial planning and pastoral support. Few now read or speak of death like their forebears. This is equally true of (post-)Confucian and (post-)Christian societies. Death, like a global economy or politicized media, may be impossible to resist; however, efforts can and should be made to moderate its impact and negotiate its meaning.14 Love shapes what is said or read of death. We interpret the Analects and Gospels ‘on the far side’ of a new hermeneutic of compassion. Even in totalitarian regimes loved ones die. To crush or deny that feeling is, surely, as barbaric as claiming death is merely a statistic or necessary affiliate of progress. The significance of these contextual points will become clear. In the four themes we examine, sickness, death and the afterlife have a vivid cultural and intellectual profile. They reflect mid-20thcentury angst at ‘total war’ and stuttering diplomatic progress. They form a natural, historical,

On class and gendered attitudes to death and their novelistic expression, Guthke, K. S. (1999), The Gender of Death; Vincent, D. (1980), ‘Love and Death and the Nineteenth-Century Working Class’; Zigarovich, J. (2012), Writing Death and Absence. 11 N.B. Walter, T. (1994), The Revival of Death, which provides a useful introduction to popular, pastoral approaches to death and bereavement. 12 Cf. esp. Davies, D. J. (1997), Death, Ritual and Belief; —(2015) Mors Britannica. 13 For a historical overview, Howarth, G. and P. C. Jupp, eds (1997), The Changing Face of Death; also, Hick, J. (1972), Death and Eternal Life. On holocaust literature, Sterling, E. J. ed. (2005), Life in the Ghettos during the Holocaust; also, below p. 361, 419, 420, n. 54, 426, n. 102, 431, n. 140, 432f., 442, 444, n. 216, 443, 450, 452, 455f., 477, n. 434, 480, n. 450. 14 McManus probably overclaims when she speaks of: ‘[A] fresh paradigm of death for advanced modernity – one driven by commodification and commercialisation – rather than denial’ (2012: 61). However, she is surely right to see globalization as a threat to cultural distinctives, including in relation to death. Cf. Tony Walter’s review of McManus’s book in Mortality 19, no. 1 (2014): 101–2. 10

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‘cultural archetype’ for this final chapter. But we read life in light of death. As existentialism recognizes, few fail to connect with the mystery, complexity and globality of death, particularly on today’s sad, scorched earth. Our four themes make sense against the backcloth of emergent atheism and 19th-century existentialism. We consider these first.

THE ORIGINS OF MID-20TH-CENTURY EXISTENTIALISM Sickness, death and questions about an ‘afterlife’ feature prominently in the work of two mid-20thcentury giants of modern existentialism, Jean-Paul Sartre (1905–80) and Albert Camus (1913–60). Their work is central to this chapter. To appreciate their contribution, we set them here in context and study their relationship to China. Few from outside China have exerted a comparable influence on its intelligentsia and political culture. Vilified with other Western intellectuals for the early support, and inspiration, they gave to Chinese communism, the existentialism and atheistic materialism of Sartre and Camus – to say nothing of the wider impact of their views on sickness, death and an ‘afterlife’ – have left an indelible mark on Western culture. To see this clearly, we begin with the origins of 20th-century existentialism. As we saw previously,15 ‘Proto-Existentialism’ is traceable to Augustine,16 Aquinas, Pascal and, some would argue, Descartes’s subjectivist cogito ergo sum.17 However, mid-20th-century existentialism – in various Christian, atheistic, nihilistic and linguistic forms – was more conscious of its debt to Kierkegaard and Dilthey, to the Dionysian romanticism of Nietzsche and the nihilism of Dostoyevsky’s epic novels, to the phenomenology of Husserl and reflection on ‘Being’ by Heidegger. In other words, we are dealing with rediscovery by philosophers, theologians, novelists and sociologists in the second quarter of the 20th century of the principle Sartre’s essay ‘L’Existentialism est un humanisme’ (1945b: ‘Existentialism is a Humanism’, 2001) popularized, ‘Existence precedes essence’. The roots of mid20th-century existentialism can be traced to late 19th- and early 20th-century regard for what Heidegger in Being and Time (1927) termed ‘Dasein’ (viz. ‘lived existence’, or ‘being that what we are’).18 Life, death and the human condition, in all its glory, shame and complexity, are read in this. Crucially, here is no minor mid-20th-century motif, but a concept that has changed our world. The term ‘existentialism’ was (probably) first coined by Gabriel Marcel in 1943, with reference to Sartre.19 Neither Sartre nor, later, Camus (for different reasons) really liked the term, although they recognized its semantic value in synthesizing the composite origins and complex character of a movement that they, like many of their peers, consciously embraced.20 Existentialism attends to Cf. p. 311f. Contra critics of Husserl as an existentialist, his Cartesian Mediations (1929) ends with this quotation from Augustine, ‘Noli foras ire, in interiore animae habitat veritas’ (Lit. Do not go outside [yourself]: truth dwells in the interior of the soul). 17 On Descartes, p. 140f. 18 On Dasein, and nuanced variants in its translation, p. 416f., 419f., 471. 19 On existentialism and ascription of the term to Sartre, Crowell, S. (2012), ‘Existentialism and its legacy’, and ‘Sartre’s existentialism and the nature of consciousness’, in S. Crowell (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Existentialism, 3–26, 199–226. 20 N.B. Sartre’s statement a short while before ‘L’Existentialisme est un Humanisme’ (1945): ‘My philosophy is a philosophy of existence; I don’t even know what Existentialism is’ (q. MacDonald 2001: 4). On this lecture, below p. 419, n. 39, 429, n. 123. Simone de Beauvoir was also hesitant about embracing the term. After her second novel, The Blood of Others (1945), she records: ‘[M]y inspiration came from my own experience, not from a system. But our protests were in vain. In the end, we took the epithet that everyone used for us and used it for our own purposes’ ([1963] 1985: 45f.). On de Beauvoir, p. 360, n. 70. 15 16

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the fundamental categories in which humanity interprets itself and discovers authentic existence. From the subjectivism of Kierkegaard’s painful (ET) Fear and Trembling (1843) and Concluding Unscientific Postscript to the Philosophical Fragments (1846) – both translated into English in the first half of the 20th century – mid-20th-century existentialism derived its attention to ‘the single individual’.21 The truth of my life is, for Kierkegaard and later existentialists, discovered when I seek to raise myself above life’s complexity and angst – and, above the limits of scientific rationality – to the liberating and ‘uncertain’ universals of faith, morality and subjectivity. To Kierkegaard and his heirs, in these lie the secret of meaningful existence.22 In his study of despair, (ET) The Sickness Unto Death (1849), mortality, and humanity’s deep dread of death, provoke reflection on the self ’s relation to itself (as both finite and infinite),23 and to true love itself – that is, to God.24 When this is added to Dilthey’s historical sense of Verstehen (Lit. understanding) – where life and texts are interpreted with intentional empathy – 20th-century existentialism had resources to interpret sickness and death compassionately and constructively. Andrea Fontana explains Dilthey’s hermeneutic: ‘[O]ne must immerse oneself in everyday reality – feel it, touch it, hear it and see it – in order to understand it’ (Kotarba and Fontana 1987: 6). In other words, texts are to be read through life, pain, suffering and death. The impact of this on the way the Analects and Gospels are read in China and the West today will become clear in due course.25 Nietzsche, Dostoevsky, Heidegger and Husserl also impact Sartre and other forms of 20thcentury existentialism. To some, Kierkegaard reflects cautious credulity in comparison to Nietzsche, whose intense nihilism impacts mid-20th-century existentialism in three areas. First, contra Kierkegaardian fideism – which urged trusting faith and dependency on God – Nietzsche’s affirmation ‘God is dead’, envisioned an autonomous Übermensch whose self-understanding and morality are born not of conformist faith but free, creative individualism. As we saw above (p. 315f.), Nietzsche believed Judeo-Christian morality nurtured a power-based, lie-ridden, conscience-stricken, ‘sick herd’, human mentality. To him, nihilism was a trans-valuing of values without an otherworldly rationale. This atheistic premise pervades mid-20th-century existentialism. Second, Nietzsche’s account of the plight of the individual is in the context of Dasein. He bequeaths mid-20th-century existentialism resources to reflect on the nature of lived reality and the character of the human condition. As Vinod Acharya argues in a revisionist study of the philosopher’s relation to existentialism, Nietzsche’s Meta-Existentialism (2014),26 Nietzsche does not equate life with existence, nor does he locate it within the classic (static) binaries of ‘being’ as ‘idea’ (qua Plato) or ‘noumena’ (qua Kant). He rejects these polarities, says Acharya, and so gives existentialism a dynamic perspectival (Germ. perspectivische) sense of the mysterious inter-action between ‘being’

Cf. above p. 311. On Kierkegaard, p. 311f. 23 N.B. the echo of this in Heidegger’s ontology of ‘facticity’ and Sartre’s atheistic theory of ‘self-transcendence’ in L’Être et le Néant (1943b/c: Being and Nothingness, 1956 and 2003). 24 On the social orientation of Kierkegaard’s work, Dupré, L. (2004), ‘The Sickness unto Death: Critique of the Modern Age’, in C. B. Guignon (ed.), The Existentialists, 33–52. 25 Cf. below p. 482f. On growth in the concept of ‘self ’ and its relation to ‘identity’, Taylor, C. (1989), Sources of the Self: The Making of Modern Identity. 26 In the Introduction, Acharya claims that in contrast to existentialism Nietzsche’s view of existence involves a critique of metaphysics, and its reframing as not so much an objective ‘given’ (pace trad. existentialism) as the comprehensive, dynamic complexity of reality itself. 21 22

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and ‘becoming’ in which humanity and the cosmos can both ‘exist’ (Acharya, 43f.).27 Dasein is to Nietzsche, therefore, more than a this-worldly category: it is an intermediary state in which ‘being’ and ‘becoming’ interact, mutually illuminate and re-interpret each other (ibid., 45). So, ‘life’ (Germ. Leben) gives access to ‘being’ and is a ‘unique case’ in ‘existence’ that casts light on death (ibid., 44). Existentialism drew much from Nietzsche’s enquiries into ‘existence’, and, as we have seen, from his tough hermeneutic quest to read life ‘truthfully’. Nietzsche’s language and style also impact existentialism. We have seen the dark ways he speaks of humanity and society. Life is here ‘a process of appropriation, injuring, overpowering the alien and the weaker, oppressing . . . incorporating and exploiting’ ([1886] 1998: 9.259).28 He was right to predict: ‘I know my lot. Some day my name will be linked to the memory of something monstrous, of a crisis as yet unprecedented on earth’ ([1908] 2007: 88). The style and themes that he invokes – notably, God’s ‘death’, ‘Will to Power’, and what he calls ‘conceptual mummies’ manufactured by philosophers ([1889] 2008: 16) – fuel existentialism’s drive to ‘passion, inwardness, appropriation, decision, authenticity, freedom, death, anxiety’ (Acharya, 2) – and also, crucially, the ‘absurd’. As such, Nietzsche pre-empts Sartre’s ‘Existence precedes essence’. He also elevates style as a moral means to enhance his message of health, strength and ‘the meaning of the earth’.29 Through the form and content of his work Nietzsche’s grip fastened, inadvertently maybe, on milder progeny. We might say much of the relation between Dostoevsky and Sartre,30 but concentrate on three ways the Russian impacts this chapter. Like Nietzsche, Dostoevsky posits a world without God,31 albeit his novelistic rhetoric and anguished faith turn nihilism (as in much later ‘Christian Existentialism’) into reasons to believe.32 Hence, in the prison exchange between Dimitri and Rakitin reported to Alyosha in Dostoevsky’s The Brothers Karamazov (1880), and in the crisis the protagonist Raskolnikov experiences in Dostoevsky’s earlier Crime and Punishment (1866), belief in God is posited as a worthy alternative to immorality and meaninglessness: indeed, apart from God ‘. . . everything is permitted’.33 Dostoevsky’s proleptic existentialism shelters his moral questioning and often conflicted faith. As Ivan Karamasov declares: ‘It’s not God I don’t accept, understand this, I do not accept the world that He created, this world of God’s, and cannot agree 27 On cosmic ontology and Nietzsche’s relation to Chinese philosophy, Hsia, A. and C-y. Cheung (2003), ‘Nietzsche’s Reception of Chinese Culture’. 28 On the text, Lampert, L. (2001), Nietzsche’s Task, ad. loc. On the relation between this statement and Nietzsche’s ‘powertheory’, Young, J. (2010), Friedrich Nietzsche, 538. 29 N.B. the aesthetic emphasis on ‘style’ in Nietzsche’s Gay Science. 30 Cf. Kaufmann’s statement (contrary to prevailing opinion): ‘I can see no reason for calling Dostoyevsky an existentialist’, and his clarificatory comment: ‘[B]ut I do think that Part One of Notes from Underground is the best overture to existentialism ever written’ (1956: 14). 31 For a comparison of Dostoyevsky’s God and the devil, Hooten, J. L. (2009), ‘Who is like God? Divine versus demonic authority in the works of Dostoevsky and Flannery O’Connor’. 32 Though Dostoevsky is often cited as a Christian counterblast to popular atheism, his faith was strained by memories of his violent father’s hypocrisy, the problem of theodicy and his early links with the Russian ‘Utopian Socialists’. Despite his youthful faith and church life, and the repetition of religious themes in his novels, his faith was shaded by his own doubts. When writing The Idiot (1869), he told the poet Apollon Maikov (1821–97) that he wanted to address a question ‘with which I have been tormented, consciously or unconsciously all my life – that is, the existence of God’ (q. Dirscherl 1986: 59). On this, van den Bercken, W. (2011), Christian Fiction and Religious Realism in the Novels of Dostoevsky; Williams, R. (2008), Dostoevsky: Language, Faith and Fiction. 33 On debate about the translation and meaning of the statement in The Brothers Karamazov (Pt. 4, Bk. 11, Ch. 4 [‘A Hymn and a Secret’]), ‘Без бога всё позволено’ (Lit. If God does not exist, everything is permitted), Volkov, A. I. (2016), ‘Dostoevsky Did Say It: A Response to David E. Cortesi (2011)’.

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with it’ ([1880] 2003: Bk. 6, Ch. 3). For all his doubts, anxiety and deep loathing of the Catholic Church,34 Dostoevsky’s Demons (1872) presents faith as ‘the refuge for mankind . . . as well as [in] the hope of eternal bliss promised to the righteous’ ([1872] 1994: III. 7.663). Given Dostoevsky’s huge international profile,35 we can with confidence claim that the Analects and Gospels are read in China and the West in light of Dostoevsky’s literary exegesis and terse interrogation of sickness, death and dying.36 His questioning doubts and finger-nail faith have been an inspiration for many. Dostoevsky also exemplified for Sartre, and for mid-20th-century existentialism, the pedagogical power once again of ‘story’. He imparts content and form to his philosophical and literary progeny. In the angry monologic ruminations of the tragic retired bureaucrat at the centre of his early novella Notes from Underground (1864), Dostoevsky voiced his own, and popular frustration with Western philosophy and the secular ideals upheld as alternatives. The work is a masterful study of corporate humanity through one solitary life. It is a classic refraction of the human condition through the prism of Russia’s cultural and political decay. Like Dickens and George Eliot, Dostoevsky renders life as a series of rhetorical questions in a series of crises. Meaning and redemption both come through Christ’s co-suffering love,37 self-examination and another’s scrutiny. As he states in Notes from Underground: ‘I think man will never renounce real suffering, that is destruction and chaos. Why, suffering is the sole origin of consciousness’ ([1864] 2016: 362). In their rough-textured account of this life, Dostoevsky’s novels, like van Gogh’s pictures, engage us in an uncomfortable conversation. We confront our individuality in their portrayal of others.38 We interpret texts differently in and through them. The Analects and Gospels are read today through questions they raise. Like Sartre (and other mid-20th-century existentialists), Dostoevsky challenged the heuristic adequacy of classic ‘objective’ categories of science, ethics, religion and philosophy – such as mind, reason, matter, cause, force, guilt and sin – when confronting the agony and ecstasy of existence. The indicative and interrogative nature of Dostoevsky’s realist stories cut a swathe through Modernist confidence and anticipate the vulnerability and uncertainty of, we will see, a Sartrean soul. Despite his hesitant faith, Dostoevsky would not dispute Sartre’s ontological diagnosis in ‘Existentialism is a Humanism’ (1946): ‘[M]an first exists: he materializes in the world, encounters himself, and only afterward defines himself ’ ([1946b] 2007: 22). Adding, ‘[T]o begin with he is

On this ecumenical theme, Dirscherl, passim. For comparison with Dostoevsky’s impact on Karl Barth (p. 450), cf. Brazier, P. H. (2008), Barth and Dostoevsky. 35 Dostoevsky has not wanted for critics. Fellow Russian narrative author Vladimir Nabokov (1899–1977) is barbed, claiming no page of Dostoevsky worthy of inclusion in an anthology of Russian literature. Cf. Seiden, M. (1972), ‘Nabokov and Dostoevsky’. N.B. also, the more generous evaluation, Berdyaev, N. ([1923a] 1934), Dostoievsky. 36 On the impact of Dostoevsky on Communist Chinese literature, Marks, S. G. (2003), How Russia Shaped the Modern World, 99f. Also, on subjectivism in modern Chinese literature, Denton, K. A. (1998), The Problematic of Self in Modern Chinese Literature. 37 N.B. Dostoyevsky’s famous statement: ‘Accept suffering and achieve atonement through it – that is what you must do’ ([1866] 1953: 403). On the ethical value and redemptive power of suffering for Dostoevsky, Amato, J. A. (1990), Victims and Values, 121f.; Cassedy, S. (2005), Dostoevsky’s Religion, 153f.; Gibson, A. B. (1973), The Religion of Dostoevsky, 100f.; Scanlan, J. P. (2002), Dostoevsky the Thinker, 110f.; Heitman, E. C. (2005), Suffering as a Means to Redemption; McReynolds, S. (2008), Redemption and the Merchant God. 38 On ‘underground man’ in modern Chinese literature, Huang, Y. (2007a), Contemporary Chinese Literature, 31f. Dostoevsky, like other realist Russian writers, was not known in China until the ‘May 4th’ era (Goldman, ed. 1977: 33f.) On the Bible and Dostoevsky’s fiction, Van den Bercken, Christian Fiction, 74f. 34

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nothing’ and ‘he will be what he makes of himself ’ (ibid.).39 Dostoevsky viewed the gift of freedom and duty of morality as bitter-sweet. Hence the poem ‘The Grand Inquisitor’ in The Brothers Karamazov declares baldly: ‘Nothing is more seductive for man than his freedom of conscience. But nothing is a greater cause of suffering’ ([1879] 2006: 10). Like later existentialism, Dostoevsky’s novels cry aloud for empathy and authenticity. Holocaust literature worldwide re-echoes his cry. We have considered Heidegger before. His relation to existentialism is complex,40 and warrants close attention. As we saw before, Being and Time rejects the primacy of a theoretical, or rational approach in favour of a subjectivized view of an individual, as a self-conscious agent alive in and to the world. Dasein (lived existence) is understood through existentiale (existential categories). It is no surprise Heidegger’s philosophy has been called ‘existentialist’.41 His ‘Letter on Humanism’ (1947)42 – written in reply to questions from the Germanist French philosopher Jean Beaufret (1907–82) on Sartre’s lecture ‘Existentialism is a Humanism’ – disavows a link to existentialism (although Sartre in time draws from him!).43 Heidegger forges key categories that advance existentialist thought and impact this chapter. First, on the meaning and priority of Dasein (lived existence) in Being and Time (NB. this predates Sartre’s ‘Existence precedes essence’), Heidegger is clear: ‘The essence of Dasein lies in its existence’ (1962: 67). Dasein is a fluid encounter between self and the world in which individuals are involved in the shape and totality of everything. This situational and personal approach makes human action both derivative and reactive. As Heidegger states: ‘Man (sic) is not the lord of beings’, he is ‘shepherd of Being’ ([1977] 1993: 245). From this, as we will see, Sartre (like Descartes) ascribes a proactive role to humanity. For, Heidegger bolsters the case for experience – including sickness, death and dying – as aids to reflection and active moral and/or spiritual renewal. These become foundational for mid-20th-century existentialism. Heidegger focuses on ‘moods’, especially anxiety a person feels when faced by the truth of (functional) inauthenticity. He welcomes Kierkegaard’s insight: ‘Nothing . . . gives birth to anxiety’ ([1844] 1980: 41). For him, contra Cartesian detachment, moods are disclosive of an inauthentic life-situation (Dasein) and a person’s true relationship to Being (Sein). The crowd – or ‘they’ (Germ. das Man) – are no help here. Dasein is, to Heidegger, palpably inauthentic if ‘we take pleasure and enjoy ourselves as they take pleasure; we read, see and judge about literature and art as they see and judge’ (1962: 164). The autonomous individual confronts conformism, self-alienation, finitude and the dread of ‘nothingness’. As Heidegger says: ‘The obstinacy of the “nothing and nowhere within-the-world” means as a phenomenon that the world as such is that in the face of which one has anxiety’ (ibid., 231). Heideggerian existentiale and human moods44 39 Though Sartre’s lecture was well-received when given in Paris on 28 October 1945, and in time became a pseudo-Manifesto of mid-20th-century Existentialism, it was the one work he regretted publishing. Almost from the start, his socio-political perspective/s – developed in part in response to his Catholic and Communist critics – were at odds with Heidegger and what he saw as merely ‘theoretical’ existentialism. Cf. further, p. 429. 40 On Heidegger and existentialism, de Beistegui, M. (2005), The New Heidegger, ad loc; Marx, W. (1971), Heidegger and the Tradition; Polt, R. (1999), Heidegger; Safranski, R. ([1995] 1999), Martin Heidegger; Watts, M. (2011), The Philosophy of Heidegger. 41 N.B. Heidegger’s rejection of existentialism’s psycho-emotional character, in favour of his metaphysical-ontological categorization of ‘the truth of being’ (Pivˇc evi´c [1970] 2014: 121f.). 42 The timing and content of this letter (which Heidegger turned into a published essay) are significant. The letter was finished in December 1946 and published in expanded form in 1947. Because of his Nazi connections, Heidegger was effectively de-barred from teaching until 1951. His essay justifies his position to French and German audiences. On Sartre and Heidegger’s response, Luchte, J. (2016), ‘Heidegger’s Letter on Humanism: A Reading’. 43 On Sartre’s interaction with Heidegger, below p. 420, 429f. 44 On the mood of anxiety, cf. Heidegger’s essay ‘What is Metaphysics’ (1929).

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become philosophical fuel for Sartre’s energy and Camus’s hedonism, pessimism and sordidity. Heart drives head in this way of life. Heidegger also bequeaths to existentialism the dramatization of existence in Dasein. He anticipates existentialism’s account of life and death. His phenomenological and visceral view of death encourages existentialism’s ontological review of the nature of death per se.45 We see more of death’s ‘many hands’ through Heidegger’s work. Citing Tolstoy’s ‘novella’ The Death of Ivan Ilyich (1886), and echoing Bohemian-Austrian Raina Maria Rilke’s (1875–1926) poetry and Jaspers’s philosophical psychiatry,46 Heidegger directs attention away from death ‘in the sight of God’,47 to its dynamic power as a provisional present and certain future. ‘Yes’, he says, ‘mortals die’, but death is ‘the shrine of Nothing’48 – ‘the privileged place’, he later calls it – in which Being acts to ‘presence’ itself. The issue for Heidegger is not what people feel about death – nor its mechanics – but the impact death has on them as the ultimate ‘yet-to-come’ reality. This phenomenological approach is integral to Dasein’s ‘being-in-the-world’. Authentic existence is found in ‘being-towards-death’.49 Through the self-reflexive act of confronting death, we understand what it is ‘to be’. So, Heidegger declares: ‘As the shrine of Nothing, death is the shelter of being’ (Germ. das Gebirg des Seins) (1971: 177f.). This recasting of life through death re-orientates mid-20th-century philosophy and re-shapes the interpretation of texts that speak of it. This informs the new revolutionary hermeneutic through which we read the Analects and Gospels.50 To Heidegger and his heirs, language – especially, poetry – is the ‘house of being’, which affords access to the ‘truth of being’ itself, including the truth of death.51 It is also a public act that embodies the integration of thought and deed. It is ironic, perhaps, that someone whose politics provoked such criticism should be associated with an appeal to an authentic integration of word and deed, and of a person’s private life and their public persona.52 Despite this, he prefigures existentialist pragmatism in Derrida and Foucault, progressive politics in Sartre, the Marxism of Herbert Marcuse (1898–1979) and the ‘critical theory’ of the Frankfurt School.53 Private responses to sickness, death and dying become issues of public interest.54 In light of this, the Analects and Gospels are to be read and scrutinized as practical ‘public’ texts.

45 On this central theme in Being and Time and its significance for Heidegger’s thought, Carel, H. (2006), Life and Death in Freud and Heidegger; Demske, J. M. (1970), Being, Man, and Death; Edwards, P. and E. Freeman (1979), Heidegger on Death; Hunsinger, G. (1969), Kierkegaard, Heidegger, and the Concept of Death; Oberst, J. L. (2009), Heidegger on Language and Death; Pattison, G. (2016), Heidegger on Death; Singh, R. R. (2013), Heidegger, World, and Death; White, C. J. (2005), Time and Death; Wrathall, M. A. and J. Malpas, eds (2000), Essays in Honor of Hubert L. Dreyfus, Vol. 1, ad loc.; Wyschogrod, E. (1985), Spirit in Ashes; Young, J. (1998), ‘Death and authenticity’, in J. E. Malpas and R. C. Solomon (eds), Death and Philosophy, 112–9; and, Gray, J. G. (1951), ‘The Idea of Death in Existentialism’. 46 On Rilke p. 428; on Jaspers, p. 424f. 47 In light of what he saw as Heidegger’s ‘muted’ theology, Barth claimed facetiously that he had put God ‘on the retired list’. 48 N.B. Heidegger’s essay ‘The Thing’ (1951), which expands this theme. 49 Cf. Fairfield, P. (2015), Death: A Philosophical Inquiry, esp. Ch. 4 (‘Being-toward-death’). 50 Heidegger’s hermeneutics shift from an existentialist to a ‘more primordial’ (Germ. mehr ursprüngliche) approach (Heine 1985: 84f.). 51 N.B. Heidegger’s hermeneutics and interest in poetry (Pivˇc evi´c [1970] 2014: 121). 52 On Heidegger and 20th-century politics, Dallmayr, F. R. (1981), ‘Ontology of Freedom: Heidegger and Political Philosophy’; Kleinberg, E. (2005), Generation Existential; McBride, W. L. (1997), Existentialist Politics and Political Theory, 92f.; Woodley, D. (2010), Fascism and Political Theory, 42f. 53 Cf. above p. 330, 331, n. 323; and, below p. 432, n. 146, 451f., 455f., 480, n. 451, 482, n. 467. 54 On Heidegger’s politics, existential philosophy and view of mass death in the Holocaust, Young, J. (1997), Heidegger, Philosophy, Nazism, 184f.

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We cannot understate Heidegger’s impact on cross-cultural studies55 and on comparative exegesis of the Analects and Gospels.56 He recasts ideas and reframes questions in various forms of existentialism still found in Asia and the West. As in many areas, Heidegger redraws modern intellectual maps.

SHAPING THE DEBATE: HUSSERL, UNAMUNO, BUBER, MARCEL, JASPERS AND CHINA Before Sartre and Camus, we return to Husserl and others who shape the debate for 20th-century existentialism. As we have seen, Husserlian phenomenology opened many new cupboards. But there is some implausibility in claiming too central a role for Husserl in inspiring 20th-century existentialism. Paul Gorner is right to point out that57 existentialism sits uncomfortably with the empirical precision Husserl pursued.58 He treated his ‘subject’ as a transcendent ego outside the world, existentialism studied an embodied individual within it. But we should not overstate this. In the 1920s Husserl wrote in the Japanese review The Kaizo of the crisis of reason and its chronic effects on the West. He promoted Kierkegaard.59 His rational-transcendental approach, and interest in the (subjective) ‘essence’60 of life and its intrinsic ethic (Villela-Petit 2009: 31), map well onto existentialist thought. His peeling of ‘layers of scientific conceptualization’ (Gorner 2013: 195) in search of objective origins of subjective experience, fits its focus on the ‘immediate’.61 His historicist fascination with ‘intentionality’ lit the fire for his investigation of myths and motivation. Having said which, Husserl’s place in French and Western existentialism remains complex.62 Though his writing between the two World Wars attracted a large following,63 his cast of mind was always more analytic than affective. He plays successful ‘away games’ against existentialist methodology. Husserl was not alone in contributing to the character and content of mid-20th-century existentialism. In Spain, the realities of life and struggles of faith take novel form in the eclectic philosophical realism of José Ortega y Gasset’s (1883–1955) ‘situated’ study of individuals. The same is true of the elegant classicist poet Miguel de Unamuno’s (1864–1936) eponymous exposition (ET) The Tragic Sense of Life in Men and Nations (1913), his reprise of Cain and Abel (ET) Abel

55 On Heidegger and Asian thought, esp. Ma, L. (2008), Heidegger on East-West Dialogue, 10–26; May, R. ([1989] 1996), Heidegger’s Hidden Sources: East-Asian Influences on his. Heidegger used Asian ideas as a foil to his thought, and against belief that the ‘metaphorical’ could only be developed within Western metaphysics (Ekström 2014: 45–71). On the inter-play between Chinese thought and Western philosophy generally, Liu, F. (2004), China’s Contemporary Philosophical Journey. 56 On Dilthey and Heidegger’s hermeneutics, Nelson, E. S. (2015), ‘Heidegger and Dilthey’, in H. Pedersen and M. Altman (eds), Horizons of Authenticity, 109–28. 57 Cf. Gorner, P. (2013), Art. ‘Edmund Husserl (1859–1938)’, in H. Gordon (ed.), Dictionary of Existentialism, 192–7. 58 The Russian existentialist philosopher Lev Shestov (1866–1938; cf. p. 423, n. 74, 438, n. 188, 456, 460, n. 311) dismissed Husserl as ‘an impenitent representative of the Western rationalist philosophy, which prefers knowledge to life and ignores the singularity of the individual and their life trials’ (q. Villela-Petit 2009: 31). 59 N.B. some of Nietzsche and Kierkegaard’s disciples were among Husserl’s fiercest critics. 60 On Husserl and the intuition of ‘essential’, non-empirical (and non-linguistic) insights, Solomon, R. C. ([1972] 2001), From Rationalism to Existentialism, 154; —(1987), From Hegel to Existentialism, 214f. 61 Husserl’s ‘Fichte Lectures’ (1917–18), written in the ‘extremity (Germ. Not) and death’ of war, praised the sympathy and nuance of Fichte’s ‘ideal of humanity’ (Crowe 2015: 98f.). 62 In 1960 the eminent American philosopher and phenomenologist Herbert Spiegelberg (1904–90) warned phenomenology ‘should not sell its birth-right for a mess of existentialist potage’ (q. Natanson 1962: 33). 63 Cf. below p. 424f., 428f., 466f., 476, 479, 481, n. 459.

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Sánchez: The History of a Passion (1917), his study of priestly doubt (ET) Saint Manuel the Good, Martyr (1930), and his fetishistic focus on the tragic figure of Cervantes’ Don Quixote. Life is again in Unamuno a quest for answers.64 Existentialism gleaned much, too, from Austrian-born Jewish philosopher, anthropologist and theologian,65 Martin Buber. As we saw earlier (above p. 309), Buber provides a way of reading identity and consciousness through the relational, dialogical categories Ich/Du (Lit. I/Thou), and through the monological differentiation of Kant’s Ich/Es (Lit. I/It),66 that is, of humanity and materiality.67 If Unamuno’s The Tragic Sense of Life develops its opening line, ‘I am a man (sic); no other man do I deem a stranger’, Buber’s prolific, mystical spirit viewed life as a set of relational decisions.68 Death is prefigured in the daily deaths of a holy life (Kramer 2012: 100f.).69 It is fulfilled physically when God, ‘the constantly Present One – “takes” a man (sic)’, so he is no longer ‘separated from God’ (Moore [1996] 2001: 20f.). Buber’s views on life and death stand in stark contrast to those of Sartre and his lifelong literary and philosophical partner Simone de Beauvoir (1908–86).70 The fact that Buber was, like many other intellectuals in his day, besotted with Chinese philosophy and religion adds significance to his thought here. Though different from Pound – and lacking his prolonged Chinese studies71 – Buber shares his hope to build a bridge of mutual respect for heavy East-West cross-cultural traffic. His first work on Chinese religion is a 1909 essay on Chuang Tzu appended to Reden und Gleichnisse des Tschung-Tse (1910, Talks and Parables of ChuangTzu).72 He then published Chinese Geister und Liebesgeschichten (1911, Chinese Ghost and Love Stories),73 a joint version of these works as Chinese Tales (1916) and an (unpublished) version of Chuang Tzu (1924). Buber rejected Jesuit ‘accommodationism’ (above p. 95, 97, 146, n. 82, 149); preferring to interpret Chinese religions (esp. Daoism) as ‘great teachings’ to be read on their own terms as other ‘ways of life’ and to express openness to an-other and to ‘the Other’. N.B. Unamuno’s Del sentimiento trágico de la vida (1912: The Tragic Sense of Life, 1954) includes talk of the ‘infinite sorrow’ of God, comparable to other early 20th-century theories of divine ‘passibility’ (viz. suffering). On Moltmann’s use of Unamuno, p. 452, n. 261. 65 Buber denied he was a philosopher or theologian, claiming he was interested in ideas and in relationships. Hence, he would only speak of ‘God-in-relation’ (to humanity and creation). On Buber, p. 457, n. 283. 66 Translation of Buber’s concepts Ich/Du and Ich/Es has been debated. Ronald Smith’s 1937 translation of Ich/Du as ‘I–Thou’ (to evoke mystery in the divine-human encounter) has persisted despite Kaufmann’s 1970 proposal ‘I–You’ (to accentuate divine-human intimacy). 67 On Buber’s ‘self ’ and the ‘other’, Šajda, P. (2011), ‘Martin Buber: No-One Can So Refute Kierkegaard as Kierkegaard Himself ’, in J. B. Stewart (ed.), Kierkegaard and Existentialism, 55f.; Boni, S. (1982), The Self and the Other; Friedman, M. S. (1955), Martin Buber: The Life of Dialogue; Gordon, H. (2001), The Heidegger–Buber Controversy; Kaufmann, W. A. (1980a), Nietzsche, Heidegger and Buber; Theunissen, M. (1984), The Other. 68 On Buber and Chinese thought, esp. Librett, J. S. (2016), ‘Neo-Romantic Modernism and Daoism: Martin Buber on “Teaching” as Fulfilment’, in Brandt and Purdy (eds), China in the German Enlightenment, 181–98. On themes in, and neglect of, Buber’s work on the Chuang Tzu, Herman, J. R. (1996a), I and Tao: Martin Buber’s Encounter with Chuang Tzu; —(1996b), ‘I and Tao: Buber’s Chuang Tzu and the Comparative Study of Mysticism’, in M. S. Friedman (ed.), Martin Buber and the Human Sciences, 115–34. On Buber’s Chinese works and biblical studies, Ono, F. (2014), ‘Morphology of the Voice in the Hermeneutics of Martin Buber’, in D. Krochmalnik and H-J. Werner (eds), 50 Jahre Martin Buber Bibel, 335f. 69 Buber spoke of life as the ‘father’ of being and death as a ‘mother’ to receive and bear us (Huston 2007: 164). 70 On the theological import of Buber’s view of death, Joseph, F., J. Reynolds and A. Woodward, eds (2011), The Bloomsbury Companion to Existentialism, 112f. 71 For a critical assessment of Buber’s sinology, Kramer, K. P. (1999), ‘Review: Jonathan R. Herman, I and Tao: Martin Buber’s Encounter with Chuang Tzu’. 72 On Buber, Heidegger and Chuangzu, Nelson, E. S. (2017), Chinese and Buddhist Philosophy in Early Twentieth-Century German Thought, 114f. 73 N.B. a translation from English of Pu Songling, 㫢ᶮ喑 (1640–1715) 㙺啻䂼⮠ Liaozhai zhiyi [1740: Strange Stories from a Chinese Studio, 1880]. 64

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Russian existentialism is evident, as noted above, in Lev Shestov.74 It is also found in that other Russian émigré to Paris, the Orthodox philosopher-theologian Nikolai Berdyaev (1874–1948).75 We return to Berdyaev as a ‘Christian Existentialist’ later. For now, we note the place freedom has in Berdyaev’s writing. Unlike Sartre and later atheistic existentialists, who construe reality within the bounds of science and against the constraints of humanness, in The Destiny of Man ([1931a] 1937) Berdyaev develops a Christian anthropology in which freedom is contingent on the gift of the Spirit and inherent in the imago Dei.76 As he writes there movingly of death: The future may or may not bring with it disappointment, suffering and misfortune. But certainly, and to everyone, it brings death. And fear of the future, natural to everyone, is in the first place, fear of impending death. Death is determined for everyone in this world, it is our fate. But man’s free and creative spirit rises against this slavery to death and fate. In and through Christ the fate of death is cancelled, although empirically every man dies. —ibid., 146; q. Calian 1965: 97 We register this positive view of suffering and death to better understand, and set in context, the grim, atheistic nihilism of Sartre and Camus. Light still shines in 20th-century darkness. Closer to Berdyaev are, finally, the Christian existentialist philosopher, playwright, pianist and music critic Gabriel Marcel (1889–1973; p. 359, n. 65),77 and to a lesser extent Karl Jaspers.78 They also condition the character, development and impact of mid-20th-century European existentialism. First, Marcel, who preferred Kierkegaard’s term ‘Neo-Socratic’ rather than existentialism as a description of his ‘Philosophy of Existence’.79 In his early work Les Philosophies de l’existence (1948: Philosophy of Existence, 1948),80 his later Le Mystère de l’Être (2 vols, 1951: The Mystery of Being, 1950, 1951),81 and his influential studies Les Hommes contre l’humain (1962: Man Against Mass

74 Shestov belonged to an influential group of Russian artists and intellectuals that included the elderly Vasily Rozanov (1856–1919), the art critic and ballet impresario Sergei Diaghilev (above p. 365, 367, n. 111, 373, 393), and writers Dmitry Merezhkovsky (1866–1941) and Berdyaev. Shestov’s early study, (ET) Good in the Teaching of Tolstoy and Nietzsche (1900), reflects his respect for these authors. His later (stylistically and thematically controversial) work (ET) All Things are Possible ([1905] 1920) adopts Nietzsche’s aphoristic style to comment on ‘real life’ and to indict a rational or systemic methodology to explain it. The English author D. H. Lawrence (1885–1930; p. 296, n. 153, 384, 428, n. 119, 474) admired the work’s emphasis on freedom, writing in the Foreword to the 1920 edn: ‘ “Everything is possible” – this is his really central cry. It is not nihilism. It is only a shaking free of the human psyche from old bonds. The positive central idea is that the human psyche, or soul, really believes in itself, and in nothing else.’ 75 Instead of God’s ‘infinite suffering’ (pace Unamuno), Berdyaev spoke of a divine ‘tragedy’ in God, in lectures he gave in Moscow in 1919 and 1920 (cf. [1923b] 1939, The Meaning of History). On this, and Moltmann’s appeal to Berdyaev, p. 452, n. 261. 76 Cf. Webb, C. C. J. (1937), ‘Review: Nicolai Berdyaev, The Destiny of Man, trans. N. Duddington’. 77 On Marcel (who attracts increasing scholarly attention), Gallagher, K. T. (1962), The Philosophy of Gabriel Marcel; Hanley, K. R. (1987), Dramatic Approaches to Creative Fidelity; Hernandez, J. G. (2011), Gabriel Marcel’s Ethics of Hope; Schlipp, P. A. and L. E. Hahn eds (1984), The Philosophy of Gabriel Marcel; Treanor, B. (2006), Aspects of Alterity. 78 On Jaspers, p. 424f. 79 After his conversion to Catholicism in 1929, Marcel sought to distance himself from the nihilism and negativity of laterSartrean atheism. Younger thinkers he gathered around him (incl. Ricoeur, Levinas and Sartre) still looked to him, however, for intellectual leadership. 80 Later editions were entitled The Philosophy of Existentialism. 81 The Gifford Lectures (1949–50) at Aberdeen University. The work was published as The Mystery of Being, Volume 1: Reflection and Mystery (1951a), and The Mystery of Being, Volume 2: Faith and Reality (1951b).

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Society, 1961), Homo Viator (1962: Homo Viator, Introduction to the Metaphysic of Hope, 1962), and quasi-prophetic La Dignité humaine et ses assises existentielles (1963: The Existential Background of Human Dignity, 1964),82 Marcel writes passionately – at times also opaquely – about the impact of mechanistic modernity on human identity. In contrast to the nihilism and ‘absurdism’83 of Sartre and other French existentialists – particularly that there is ‘no exit’ for the isolated, God-less ‘self ’ – Marcel sees hope and freedom for humankind when faced by society’s dehumanizing culture and technology,84 through an openness to what he calls interpersonal ‘communion’85 and a rejection of the heuristic hegemony of scientism and materialism.86 With a fluid sense of self and ‘secondary reflection’ – that is, non-scientific or technical engagement – on the presence of God and others, Marcel interprets life realistically and creatively as a set of problems and choices in which humans come alive and engage the ‘ontological mystery’ of reality. Hope is central. In the face of failure, disappointment, despair and death, hope is, paradoxically, the empowering conviction that ‘at the heart of being’ – that is ‘beyond all data, beyond all inventories and all calculations’ – there is ‘a mysterious principle which is in connivance with me’ ([1956] 1995: 28). To Marcel, it is through this ‘creative fidelity’ hope and life are shared with others and death is defeated. As he says: ‘A really alive person is not merely someone who has a taste for life, but somebody who spreads that taste, showering it, as it were, around him; and a person who is really alive in this way has, quite apart from any tangible achievements of [theirs], something essentially creative about [them]’ ([1950] 1951: I. 139). Anticipating a theme that we will return to in theologies ‘after Auschwitz’, Marcel sees in hope the conviction that a person’s life, work, suffering and death, ultimately matter.87 Death is not the terminus ad quem of meaning. To the philosopher-psychiatrist Karl Jaspers88 it is not so much hope as freedom which is the point of access to transcendence for humans. Originally inspired by Nietzsche and Kierkegaard – and, as scholars now recognize, Immanuel Kant89 – Jaspers’s major work on (theistic) existentialism, Philosophy (3 vols, 1932), addresses humanity’s response to that which is beyond empirical scientific study. According to Jaspers – who draws on Buddhism and the Western mystics Meister Eckhart (1260–c. 1327) and Nicholas of Cusa (1401–64) – recognition of the limitless possibilities of human freedom (Lit. Existenz) enables a person to engage the non-objective reality of what he terms ‘Transcendence’, ‘Encompassing’,90 or ‘no-thing-ness’, and so realize self-hood and authenticity. He The William James Lectures (1961–62) at Harvard. A prolific author, Marcel was sad less attention was paid to the more accessible form of his ideas in his 30+ plays. 83 On ‘absurdism’, below p. 430, 438, n. 192 & 194, 439f., 447; also, p. 322. 362, 418. 84 N.B. he rejects the adequacy of a biological, political, economic, or social account of humanity: ‘Nothing is more awful than this reduction of man, of a human being by such distinctions’ (1973: 225f.). 85 To Marcel ‘communion’ was the condition of authentic human interaction, characterized by ‘presence’ (viz. recognition of being-among-beings) and ‘availability’ (Fr. disponibilité) to others. ‘Availability’ remains an elusive theme (Bollnow 1984: 177–99). Cf. also, Vander Lugt, W. (2016), Living Theodrama, 117f. 86 Cf. also on Marcel, Ballard, E. G. (1967), ‘Gabriel Marcel: The Mystery of Being’, in G. A. Schrader, Jr. (ed.), Existential Philosophers, 209–58 (esp. 218f.). 87 On suffering in modern literature, Schweizer, H. (1997), Suffering and the Remedy of Art. 88 Cf. on Jaspers, p. 18, 49, 266, 317, n. 248, 326, 364, n. 93, 420, 438, n. 188, 456, 460, n. 304, 463, n. 321, 464, n. 329, 470. Jaspers wrote on a huge range of subjects: viz. the philosophy of history (Vom Ursprung und Ziel der Geschichte [1949, The Origin and the Goal of History]); the philosophy of religion (Der philosophische Glaube angesichts der Christlichen Offenbarung [1962, Philosophical Faith and Revelation]); existentialism (Philosophie [1932, Philosophy]); and, sociopolitical theory (Die Geistige Situation der Zeit [1931, Man in the Modern Age]). Cf. Wallraff, C. F. (1970), Karl Jaspers: An Introduction to His Philosophy. 89 N.B. revisionism in Kaufmann, W. A. (1980b), From Shakespeare to Existentialism, 285f. 90 Cf. the preferred term in his later works. 82

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repudiates ‘phenomenological existentialism’ that is rooted in situation,91 in favour of ‘philosophic faith’ and a path through Nietzschean nihilism. The language and significance of death are again prominent, for death is, according to Jaspers, an existential ‘boundary situation’ (Germ. Grenzsituation) in which a person confronts life (Germ. Existenz), physical death and the loss of loved ones. It is also a moment of sight or ‘insight’ (Germ. Augenblick), the ‘deathlessness’ of self-understanding and perception of the reality of ineffable Transcendence.92 As with Husserl and Heidegger, we should not underestimate Jaspers’s global influence. What the Analects and Gospels say of sickness, death and the afterlife is read by many in China and the West through Jaspers’s critique of cultural isolationism (post-World War I) – the ‘absolute alien-ness’, he called it93 – in the Weimar historicists Oswald Spengler (1880–1936) and Ernst Troeltsch (1865–1923), and his advocacy (post-World War II) of the possibility94 (indeed, the necessity) of crafting a vision of ‘total history’ (Germ. Gesamtgeschichte) and an ‘Axial Age’ (Germ. Achsenzeit; c. 800–200 BCE) that conceived the original ‘interrelatedness of everything’,95 including Asian religions and Judeo-Christian culture/s.96 For such, he raids – but rejects – Hegel’s claim: ‘All history moves to Christ and comes from Christ. The axis of world history is the appearance of God’s Son’ ([1805] 1975: 319).97 Rather, through a continuity of ‘universals’ and (pace Jesuit mission in China)98 ‘mutual civilizational grafting’,99 Jaspers argues for the constructive 91 Jaspers’s early psychiatry, Allgemeine Psychopathologie (1913, General Psychopathology) draws on the methodology of Husserl’s phenomenology and Dilthey’s hermeneutics. His use of Husserl fades as he becomes more interested in philosophy. 92 On this theme in relation to Jaspers’s core terms, Peach, F. (2008), Death, ‘Deathlessness’ and Existenz in Karl Jaspers’ Philosophy. 93 On this debate, Cho, J. M. (2012), ‘Karl Jaspers’ Philosophical Faith for the Global Age’, in H. Wautischer, A. M. Olson and G. J. Walters (eds), Philosophical Faith and the Future of Humanity, 408–18 (esp. 414f.). 94 Jaspers has had many critics, not least for surviving the war when so many of his friends and family died. His view of history challenged the radical separation of cultures (Spengler) and the rejection of universal history (Troeltsch), in favour of an optimistic, global, ‘unity of meaning’. In this, he has been supported by scholars such as Ernst Schulin (b. 1929) and Elisabeth Young-Bruehl (1946–2011), who believe Jaspers opened up a newly positive and creative view of the past. Others – notably, Aleida Assman (b. 1947), Oskar Köhler (1909–96) and Norbert J. Rigali, SJ (b. 1929) – have been critical of Jaspers’s view of history as a subjective ‘chimera’ lacking empirical justification. Cf. Schulin, E. (1979), Traditionskritik und Rekonstruktionsversuch; Young-Bruehl, E. (1981), Freedom and Karl Jaspers’s Philosophy; Assmann, A. (1988), ‘Jaspers’s Achsenzeit’, in D. Harth (ed.), Karl Jaspers, 187–205; Köhler, O. (1950), ‘Das Bild der Menschheitsgeschichte bei Karl Jaspers’; Rigali, N. J., SJ (1970), ‘A New Axis: Karl Jaspers’ Philosophy of History’. 95 Cf. Jaspers, K. (1948), ‘The Axial Age of Human History: A Base for the Unity of Mankind’. Also, on Jaspers and an ‘Axial Age’, Assmann, J. (2012), ‘World Religions and the Theory of the Axial Age’, in V. Krech and M. Steinicke (eds), Dynamics in the History of Religions, 255–72; Bellah, R. N. and H. Joas (2012), The Axial Age and Its Consequences; Eisenstadt, S. N. (2002), Comparative Civilizations and Multiple Modernities; —(1982), ‘The Axial Age: The Emergence of Transcendental Visions and the Rise of Clerics’. 96 Cf. on ‘the global history of humankind’, Jaspers, K. (1949), The Origins and Goal of History; —(1958), The Future of Mankind. For the sources and expansion of Jaspers’s future-oriented vision for history and humanity, Mann, G. (1963), ‘Jaspers als geschichtlicher Denker’, in K. Piper (ed.), Karl Jaspers, 144f. Cf. also, the essays in Ehrlich, L. and R. Wisser, eds (1993), Karl Jaspers. 97 On the impact of Jaspers’s theory of an ‘Axial Age’ on China’s Jewish community, Wald, S. (2008), ‘Chinese Jews in European Thought’, in P. Kupfer (ed.), Youtai, 217–72. 98 Jaspers argued that, rather than nurturing a Eurocentric superiority, the Jesuit mission to the 17th-century Kangxi Emperor served to educate Europe ‘about the Chinese faith, and about Chinese thinking’ (1963: 143f.). On this, Courtney, C. (2012), ‘Jaspers meets Confucius’, in Wautischer, Olson and Walters (eds), Philosophical Faith, 203–10. 99 For another perspective on Jaspers’s view of culture/s, Cho, J. M. (2009), ‘The Global History of Humankind in Karl Jaspers’. Also, on the ‘political’ character of the Chinese Classics in comparison with other ‘axial’ texts, Pines, Y. (2015), ‘Introduction: Ideology and Power in Early China’, in Y. Pines, P. R. Goldin and M. Kern (eds), Ideology of Power and Power of Ideology in Early China, 1–30. For recent discussion and elaboration of Jaspers’s ‘Axial Age’ thesis, Eisenstadt, S. N. ed. (1986), The Origins and Diversity of Axial Age Civilizations; Arnason, J. P., S. N. Eisenstadt and B. Wittrock eds (2005), Axial Civilizations and World History, 19f.

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power of a shared ‘Axial’ culture and religion.100 If Jaspers offers justification for comparative philosophy, inter-textual hermeneutics and contemporary cross-cultural respect, his inter-disciplinary approach to psychiatry has also attracted renewed attention,101 with the centenary of his General Psychopathology (1913/2013) reawakening discussion in medical circles. His ideas live on, we will see, in historical, moral and political analysis of the Jewish Holocaust,102 and in the sociophenomenological hermeneutic of Ricoeur and Gadamer.103 Global societies find in Jaspers a sophisticated philosophy, and an inclusive spirituality, that speak into, and out of, humanity’s shared experience of sickness and death. In him, Jesus and Confucius converse on equal terms: they both belong on, and are central to, our old canvas. In Jaspers’s inter-disciplinary method, ‘revision’ of death by compassionate communities finds a staunch advocate and generous defender. But not all, of course, will pay the price his philosophical and theological relativism requires.104 Logic and theologic would teach that in the end we must focus on one face. This is an uncomfortable truth for today.

LIFE IN THE SHADOW OF DEATH: FOUR THEMES SHAPING CHINA AND THE WEST We turn, then, to four major intellectual and cultural themes whose authors, interpreters and translators have helped to unify attitudes towards sickness, death and the afterlife in China and the West. Through each, we head up-stream culturally. We re-position ourselves at the philosophical, religious, hermeneutic and emotional headwaters of our ‘One World’ identity. Sartre, Camus and Franco-Chinese Existentialism So, to the first mid-20th-century theme that impacts interpretation of sickness, death and the afterlife in the Analects and Gospels. We have mentioned Sartre before. We study him now in more detail to see the inspiration for, and content of his ideas, and the circle of writers he in turn inspired. Sickness and death are written into the web and waft of his work, for which he was awarded (but declined) the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1964. As the citation says, his writing is In light of WWI and II, Jaspers said a ‘conscious view of the entire philosophy of mankind’ revealed the essential ‘connectedness’ of civilizations. Through ‘contacts, transferences and adaptations’ (i.e. Buddhism in China, Christianity in the West) there had been ‘simultaneous’, but ‘independent’, cultural-spiritual developments during an ‘Axial Age’ in China, India, Persia, Palestine and Greece. ‘The spiritual foundations of humanity were laid’ through this, providing the foundations on which humanity ‘still subsists today’ (1951: 98). There is much of value here to continue to ponder as evidence for ancient cross-cultural interaction mounts. 101 Jaspers was skeptical about Husserl’s anthropological phenomenology. On Jaspers’s eclectic method, Stanghellini, G. and T. Fuchs, eds (2013), One Century of Karl Jaspers’ General Psychopathology; Thornhill, C. (2002), Karl Jaspers: Politics and Metaphysics. 102 In 1937 Jaspers’s permission to teach was withdrawn because his wife’s family were Jewish. His interest in China, in which he saw moral and cultural weapons to counter Nazi extremism, developed from that date. Jaspers often reverted in his writing to the threat modern society, science, and politico-economic systems, posed to human freedom (e.g. his Future of Mankind [1958]). His post-war monograph Die Schuldfrage: Zur Politischen Haftung Deutschland (1946, The Question of German Guilt) is a classic psychological study of guilt and a searing indictment of Hitler and the Third Reich. On Jaspers, Habermas, and debates on German morality and the Holocaust, Moses, A. D. (2007), German Intellectuals and the Nazi Past, 268f. 103 On Ricoeur’s view of Jaspers, Ricoeur, P. (1974a), ‘The Relation of Jaspers’s Philosophy to Religion’, in P. A. Schlipp (ed.), The Philosophy of Karl Jaspers, 611–42. 104 For a recent repudiation of Jaspers’s cultural and theological relativism, Provan, I. (2015), Discovering Genesis, 54f. 100

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‘rich in ideas and filled with the spirit of freedom and the quest for truth’ that has ‘exerted a farreaching influence on our age’.105 Crucially, as Wu Gefei points out, there was a ‘Sartre craze’ in China from the late 1970s to the mid-1980s that popularized ‘Sartrean existentialism’ and led to the ‘Sinolization of Sartrean discourses’, which is ‘one of the most influential contemporary Western cultural currents in China’ (Wu, G., 2007: 137f.). After Sartre, life, death, texts and truth in China and the West look and sound quite different. We read ‘on the far side’ of the literary and philosophical revolution he joined. The American scholar Thelma Lavine tracks Sartre’s philosophy to the subjectivism of the Cartesian Cogito and Husserl’s analysis of ‘consciousness’ to Nietzsche’s ‘death of God’, Kierkegaard’s radical subjectivism and Heidegger’s existential ‘being-in-the-world’.106 Talk of the classical, composite, synthetic character of Sartre’s philosophy should not divert us from the essentially practical, political and, ultimately, autobiographical style of his work. He writes of life, his life. Asked in 1975 how he wished to be remembered, he replied: ‘As a man, if a certain JeanPaul Sartre is remembered, I would like people to remember the milieu or historical situation in which I lived . . . how I lived in it, in terms of all the aspirations which I tried to gather up within myself ’ (q. Charlesworth 1975: 154). As we tie off loose ends, Sartre’s life touches themes addressed before. Born in Paris on 21 June 1905 to Jean-Baptiste Sartre, a naval officer, and Marie Schweitzer (originally from Alsace), Sartre’s troubled childhood,107 itinerant youth,108 and rebel years of education, shape his work.109 In his teens, he read widely, including Bergson’s Time and Free Will. Like Pound, his open unmarried relationship to Simone de Beauvoir (fr. 1929) drew censure. In 1930 he read Levinas’s Theory of Intuition in Husserl’s Phenomenology and worked on Husserl’s phenomenological studies at the Institut Français d’Allemagne in Berlin (1932–4). He began to attend élite soirées hosted by the Russian émigré Alexandre Kojève (1902–68), a leader of French Neo-Hegelianism. He served in the army twice as a meteorologist,110 but took an anti-militarist line in the Algerian crisis (1954–62).111 Like Heidegger and Pound, Sartre’s politics were controversial. His Marxist writings were added to the Index Librorum Prohibitorum of the Catholic Church in 1948. Despite being provocative, Sartre’s sense of vocation and responsibility as a ‘public intellectual’ were clear. His principles and lifestyle were costly. His anti-colonial views on Algeria, his anti-bourgeois support for the Jews, his attention to the plight of the poor and alienated, are of a piece with his rejection of the Nobel Prize. Nobel Literature Prize citation (Oslo, 14 October 1964): https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/literature/1964/press-release (accessed 21 January 2019). The reasons for Sartre’s refusal of the Nobel Prize are complex (Gupta 2005: 212f.). 106 Cf. Lavine, T. Z. (1985), From Socrates to Sartre. N.B. Sartre’s mother was Albert Schweitzer’s cousin. On Schweitzer, p. 52, n. 17, 53f., 84f., 145, n. 71, 232, n. 293, 303f., 370, n. 127, 427, n. 106, 463. 107 Sartre’s father died when he was two. His mother remarried ten years later and relocated with her second husband to La Rochelle. Sartre’s stepfather treated him harshly. 108 When Sartre’s stepfather died, his mother moved back to live with her family in Meudon. Sartre was sent to Cours Hattemer, an influential, independent, private school in Paris. From there to the École Normale Supérieure, that had produced a number of leading intellectuals. At ENS he met de Beauvoir and began a bracing friendship with the philosopher, sociologist, political scientist, and journalist Raymond Aron (1905–83). Sartre’s MA dissertation, ‘Image in Psychological Life: Role and Nature’ (1928), was supervised by Henri Delacroix (1873–1937), a leading French psychologist. 109 Sartre’s education was over-shadowed by controversy: a particularly mischievous prank at his school in 1927 caused a public outcry and the resignation of the Principal. 110 His National Service from 1929 to 1931, and during WWII from 1939 to May 1941, when he was repatriated from a POW camp on grounds of ill-health and invalided out. 111 In 1959 he publicly indicted the French nation for crimes against Algeria. 105

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As he said, he feared the prize turned artists into institutions, and might change him or damage his standing in Asia.112 Sartre is – reluctantly, perhaps – one of the major prophets of 20th-century existentialism. His life and work have conspired to make sickness, death and the afterlife prominent cultural motifs in China and the West. We read today through the thick existentialist lens Sartre milled and marketed, and the radical views he consistently proposed. Sartre’s evolving persona and complex intellectual journey impact this chapter in a number of ways. His 1975 interview cites works he hoped to be remembered for: ‘I would like [people] to remember Nausea, No Exit and The Devil and the Good Lord, and then my two philosophical works, more particularly the second one, Critique of Dialectical Reason.113 Then my essay on Genet, Saint Genet . . . If these are remembered, that would be quite an achievement, and I don’t ask for more’ (q. Charlesworth: 154).114 Self-selection can mislead: in this instance, it helps to identify specific ways Sartre’s thought shapes the reading of the Analects and Gospels today. We look first, though, at the origin and form of existentialism in his L’Être et le Néant (1943, Being and Nothingness).115 Before writing L’Être et le Néant, Sartre’s first novel, La Nausée (1938a-d: The Diary of Antoine Roquentin [trans. L. Alexander], 1949; Nausea [trans. R. Baldick], 1965) – which he always reckoned one of his best – accords sickness and death a prominent place:116 indeed, their dull light infuses every chapter. The central character is a depressed historian, Antoine Roquentin, who wallows in the wretched little town of Bouville (Lit. ‘mud town’),117 with empty relationships, futile jobs, rampant doubt and psychosomatic nausea. ‘Was I a mere figment of the imagination?’, he asks. With the realism of a 19th-century novel, the coarse brutality of a Modernist poem, and the precocious wit of its author, Nausea is the canvas on which Sartre addresses the crisis of human freedom and complexity of human consciousness. It is a dark, brooding, brilliant work118 that interprets sickness and death for the 20th century as finite, physical analogues of humanity’s existential state and death’s ‘other hands’ (Eliot). The work echoes Dostoevsky’s Crime and Punishment, Rainer Maria Rilke’s (1875–1926) semi-autobiographical Die Aufzeichenungen des Malte Laurids Brigge (1910, The Notebooks of Malte Laurids Brigge)119 and, more recently, the

Cf. Sartre’s reasons for declining the prize in Le Figaro (23 October 1964). He probably means the major work from his early life, Being and Nothingness (1943). 114 For a recent study of Sartre, cf. Cox, G. (2016), Existentialism and Excess. 115 Sartre’s L’Être et le Néant (1943) was translated into English by Hazel Barnes as Being and Nothingness (1956). Oxford philosopher and novelist Iris Murdoch (1919–99) – who saw parallels in British analytic philosophy and contemporaneous European thought – likened Being and Time to Gilbert Ryle’s (1900–76) The Concept of Mind (1949). 116 Sartre began work on the novel in Berlin (1933) under the title Melancholia. Gallimard proposed the title La Nausée, a term Nietzsche uses in Thus Spake Zarathustra to describe the nature of human existence. 117 Bouville is probably a fictional Le Havre, where Sartre was living at the time. 118 The work was criticized by academics and others who saw Sartre’s representation of life as macabre and over-pessimistic. To Camus, who was in Algeria working on his novel L’Étranger (1942), it was the work of ‘the toughest and most lucid mind’, with each chapter ‘a kind of perfection in bitterness and truth’. But he felt Sartre failed to balance philosophy and story effectively, so the novel didn’t ‘add up to a work of art’ (q. Aronson, 2004: 11f.). 119 Comparisons have also been drawn between La Nausée and the work of Unamuno (above p. 422), German-speaking Bohemian author Franz Kafka (1883–1924), American novelist and Nobel Laureate William Faulkner (1897–1962), D. H. Lawrence and Camus (below p. 435f.). Alongside Malraux’s La Condition humaine (1934), La Nausée belongs to a tradition of French ‘psychological’ novels, such as Madame de La Fayette’s (1634–93) La Princesse de Clèves (1678), Honoré de Balzac’s Le Père Goriot (1835), and Annie Ernaux’s (b. 1940) La Femme (1988). On this context, Ungar, S. (1997), ‘Existentialism, engagement, ideology’, in T. Unwin (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to the French Novel, 145f. 112 113

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author-politician André Malraux’s (1901–76) La condition humaine (1933).120 Through the fragile, indecisive, anguished Roquentin, Sartre both critiques Kantian individualism and sensitizes readers in Asia and the West to a person’s susceptibility to extreme introspection and intellectual and emotional overload. As American poet and critic Hayden Carruth (1921–2008) says of a mad, metaphysical moment when Roquentin is overwhelmed with a sense of estrangement (from life): ‘It is scarcely possible to read seriously in contemporary literature, philosophy, or psychology without encountering references to Roquentin’s confrontation with the chestnut tree, for example, which is one of the sharpest pictures ever drawn of self-doubt and metaphysical anguish’ (Sartre 1964: xi). Existentialism is given rhetorical expression here in Sartre’s bitter-sweet humanism. Life is found here not in suffering (pace Dostoevsky),121 but beyond despair. In Sartre’s anti-hero Roquentin nausea is caused by (and expresses) his isolated, futile existence; that is, pure being in all its disjunctive absurdity and meaningless emptiness. ‘Bad faith’ (Fr. mauvaise foi) lies in conformity and inauthenticity, not individuality and free choice. There is no afterlife here: the horizon of lived experience boundaries human existence and truth. Nausea is a thick hermeneutic filter for present-day interpretation of sickness and death in the Analects and Gospels.122 The same is true of Sartre’s philosophical treatise Being and Nothingness (1943), his lecture ‘Existentialism is a Humanism’ (1945),123 his plays Huis clos (1944: No Exit, 1962) and Le Diable et le Bon Dieu (1951: The Devil and the Good Lord, 1962), and his novel trilogy Les Chemins de la liberté (1945–50: The Roads to Freedom, 1950) that he wrote in response to World War II.124 Throughout, Sartre refines his ideas and discovers his voice. Being and Nothingness is a response to Heidegger’s Being and Time125 – read when Sartre was a prisoner of war – and his research on Husserl.126 He takes issue with Heidegger’s ontology and Husserl’s phenomenology – and all forms of Cartesian dualism – in his creative reworking of ‘being’ and Malraux’s life, prescience and breadth of vision – which inspired Sartre, Camus and many others – have attracted increased attention, cf. the studies by David Bevan (1986), Curtis Cate (1997), Geoffrey T. Harris (1996), Geoffrey H. Hartman (1960), Jean-François Lyotard (1999), Roberta Newnham (2003), Oliver Todd (2005). Malraux was fascinated by death. His Lazarus (1974) is often bracketed with Sartre’s Nausea and Camus’s The Plague. In it, he describes death as ‘a recent and yet incomplete discovery’ in the 20th century. Previously, he had said: ‘[H]aving destroyed everything that stands against man, the European mind finds death’ (Les Conqérants, 1928). Malraux’s ‘the death of man’ anticipates Structuralism (esp. Foucault, The Order of Things [1966]; Lévi-Strauss, The Naked Man [1971]); as he states in La Tentation de l’Occident (1974), ‘L’homme est mort, après Dieu’ (Lit. Man is dead, after God). Cf. Domenach, J-M. (1977), [trans.] ‘Malraux and Death’; —(1967), ‘Malraux, ou la tragédie de la mort’, in Le retour du tragique, 176–94. 121 Lacking a sense of ultimate moral accountability, Sartre could never accept Dostoevsky’s Brothers Karamazov: ‘Nothing is more seductive for man than his freedom of conscience. But nothing is a greater cause of suffering’ ([1880] 2007: 279). To Sartre, it was suffering that prompted conscience and caused anguish, not the reverse. 122 On Nausea in context, LaCapra, D. ([1978] 1987), A Preface to Sartre, 93–116. 123 N.B. the work was integrated in Sartre’s later L’Existentialisme est un Humanisme ([1945a] 1946), which appeared in English [trans. P. Mairet] in 1948. 124 The trilogy appeared as L’âge de raison (1945c/d: The Age of Reason, 1947), Le sursis (1945e/f: The Reprieve, 1945), and La mort dans l’âme (1949: Troubled Sleep, or Iron in the Soul, 1950). An incomplete fourth part, La dernière chance (The Last Chance), was finally reconstructed and published in 1981 (cf. below p. 432, n. 138). The work affords insight into Sartre’s view of WWII and Nazi occupation of France. It is a novelistic counterpart to ‘Existentialism is a Humanism’, shedding light on Sartre’s view of freedom and active ‘commitment’ (Fr. engagement) as integral to authentic human existence. 125 Sartre was captured at Padoux and incarcerated in Nancy and Stalag XII D, Trier. 126 In addition to working on Husserl in Berlin (January 1939), Sartre published an essay, (ET) ‘Husserl’s Central Idea’, in which he endorsed (contra Descartes and the neo-Kantians) his view of the interrelatedness of the (external) world and the (internal) consciousness. 120

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‘consciousness’. To Sartre, there can be no hidden nature (as in Kant) or ‘illusion of worlds behind the scene’: there is only ‘being in itself ’ (to which humans must aspire), ‘being for itself ’ (viz. finite human consciousness) and ‘being for others’ (to Sartre this is ‘bad faith’ subjectivity shaped by another). But Sartre’s existential categories deliberately exclude eternity, morality and transcendence (ergo God, accountability and an afterlife), and consciously include death, absurdity, anxiety,127 selfalienation and ‘no-thingness’. To Sartre, each person chooses, acts, is deceived,128 and selfconsciously seeks to fulfil their intentions; but they must experience what Sartre calls ‘death consciousness’, on the way to discovering true, authentic identity as objects that exist in and for the world ([1943] 1969, 2003: 246). Death is the path to, and the ‘final phenomenon’ of, life. If Nausea adds existential depth to interpretation of sickness and death in the Analects and Gospels, Being and Nothingness does the reverse.129 Here sickness and death do not have a spiritual, moral or eschatological meaning: they are but finite realities in an absurd, material world. In the facticity and finitude of death, the free ‘for itself ’ of a person is bound and prey to opinion. As Sartre says: ‘Mortal represents the present being for which I am for the Other; death represents the future meaning of my actual for-itself for the Other’ (1943: 699, 632; q. Schumacher 2011: 108). These views are, we will see, in stark contrast to the Analects and Gospels,130 but they impact how they are read. Like other ‘Classics’, Sartre’s writing inspires cultural inter-textuality. Meaning, as we saw, moves around between texts and traditions.131 Though Sartre heeded criticism and later regretted much of his Club Maintenant lecture ‘Existentialism is a Humanism’ (and its publication), the work is rightly seen as bearing the stamp of the moment (Kaufmann 1956: 290f.),132 firing the imagination of a generation (Baldwin [1995] 2005: 835), launching many a discussion of existentialism (Sartre [1969] 2003: xvii), and providing an invaluable insight into Sartre’s early thinking. It may be ‘a rather bad little book’ (Murdoch 1997: 111), and illogically uses metaphysics to reorder the (metaphysical) priority of essence over existence (Heidegger), but it embodies Sartre’s early denunciation of humanity’s evasive appeal to determinism and his passionate call for people to ‘take responsibility’ for their life and behaviour towards others. As he states (with echoes of Confucius): ‘In fashioning myself, I fashion Man’ ([1945] 2001: 30). This approach may lead to anguish and a sense of ‘abandonment’, but it is, for Sartre, the only path to freedom and fulfilment in a Godless, perplexing, amoral world.133 We are,

‘Vertigo’ is employed as an analogue to humanity’s response to life (Nietzsche), God (Kierkegaard) and self (Sartre) (Perkins, ed. 1987: 19.203f.). 128 Towards the end of Being and Nothingness Sartre engages Freud’s theory of ‘the unconscious’. To Sartre it is a misleading, redundant notion, which an honest approach to consciousness (viz. including hidden motives and wilful self-deception) supplants. 129 On Sartre’s rejection of immortality and his view of death, Pomerleau, W. P. (1997), ‘Immortality’, in Twelve Great Philosophers, 454f. 130 Cf. below p. 482f. Herbert Marcuse (1898–1979), the German-American philosopher, political theorist, and leading light in the Frankfurt School (above p. 348, 420; also, p. 446, 450, 452, 456, 479), criticized Being and Nothingness for using existentialist categories against existentialism ([1948] 1972: 157–90; also, Milne 2003: 104–27). 131 Cf. above p. 346. 132 N.B. the context of the lecture is important: Paris had been recently liberated, but was still in a state of intellectual, political and social turmoil. Though the adapted title is muted (viz. ‘Existentialism and Humanism’), Sartre restated the humanism of existentialism after the morose pessimism of Nausea – written in part to counter the Comtean humanism popular in 1930s France – was adjudged anti-humanist. 133 Sartre’s was aware of Christian opinion (2001: 26). Both Christians and Marxists found his individualism and, it seemed, resultant disregard for corporate humanity, unacceptable. 127

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to Sartre, ‘condemned to be free’ ([1946] 1973: 30), and must choose; for, ‘No rule of general morality can show you what you ought to do: no signs are vouchsafed in this world’ (ibid., 38). Similar sentiments appear in No Exit,134 The Devil and the Good Lord and The Roads to Freedom. No Exit has three of the damned locked in an anteroom of Hell. In their conversation, judgement and the afterlife are redefined, not as spiritual, eschatological events, but as a frightful inescapability from others. ‘L’enfer c’est les autres’ (Lit. Hell is other people), the play famously declares. We cannot escape the will or consciousness of another. The Devil and the Good Lord was Sartre’s favourite play.135 Set against the backcloth of the siege of Worms in the German Peasants’ War (1524–5), its central characters – Goetz (a penitent warlord), Heinrich (a scurrilous cleric), and Nasti (a communist leader) – oddly debate the ethics of ‘gift’. The troubled Goetz (reflecting psychological features of Sartre’s study for his book Saint Genet [1952])136 wants to give generously, but suspects his motives. Heinrich protests, ‘Tu as donné pour détruire’ (Lit. You have given in order to destroy).137 The issue here is not preparation for some final judgement but making good moral choices now. The collapsing of time and eternity into a decisive now is a characteristic feature of mid-20th-century existentialism. Death comes to overshadow and examine life. Sartre’s work popularized this perspective. In his semi-autobiographical trilogy, The Roads to Freedom,138 Sartre’s views are expressed by the central character Mathieu Delarue – a Socialist teacher of philosophy – in dialogue with some (very familiar)139 friends. The details of the stories cannot detain us. The work in toto is useful to develop awareness of Sartre’s literary style and existentialist outlook at this stage in life.140 In the frenzied voices of Volume I, L’âge de raison (1945c, The Age of Reason), Sartre addresses France’s plight on the brink of war. Weak individuals debate Mathieu’s divided ‘bad faith’ loyalty, and what they see as his culpable ‘being for’ both his pregnant mistress Marcelle and a political party. The same characters appear in Volume II, Le sursis (1945: The Reprieve, 1960). The issue discussed now is freedom after the ‘Munich Agreement’ (30 September 1938) between France, Britain, Italy and Germany. In Volume III, La mort dans l’âme (1949: Iron in the Soul, 1949), France faces defeat. Set in June 1940, Mathieu – now a soldier – briefly foils a German attack (as Sartre himself had)

The title reflects the theme of the play and translates the judicial expression in camera. The first performance (to rapturous applause) was at the Théâtre du Vieux-Colombier in May 1944. It has had various English titles, viz. In Camera, No Way Out, Vicious Circle, Behind Closed Doors, and Dead End. 135 The play was first performed at the Théâtre Antoine (-Simone Berriau) on the Boulevard de Strasbourg, Paris. It ran from 7 June 1951 to March 1952. 136 Cf. below p. 433f.; also, p. 428. 137 On the play and its theme of ‘gift’, Smith, D. (2002), ‘Between the Devil and the Good Lord’; Wolfmann, Y. (2004), ‘The devil and the good Lord’. 138 Though Part IV was unfinished, the work was reconstructed (with Sartre’s knowledge) by G. H. Bauer and M. Contat, and published after his death as La dernière chance (1981: The Last Chance: Roads of Freedom IV , 2009). On this, Vasey, C. (2010), ‘The Day after “Existentialism Is a Humanism”, and “The Last Chance” ’; —(1995), ‘Chemins de la liberté, Les’, in P. France (ed.), The New Oxford Companion to Literature in French, 159f.; Cohen-Solal, A. (1987), Sartre, 143; Cox, G. (2009), Sartre and Fiction, 100. 139 Ivich is (prob.) Olga Kosakiewicz (a friend of Sartre and student of de Beauvoir), Boris another friend (Jacques-Laurent Bost), Marcelle, and (impressionistically) de Beauvoir herself. 140 Sartre’s ‘War Diaries’ (posth., 1983; Les carnets de la drôle de guerre) were written during the nine-month ‘phony war’ before Germany invaded France (May 1940). On Sartre’s place in Holocaust literature (esp. Anti-Semite and Jew [ET, 1946] and The Condemned of Altona [ET, 1959]), Judaken, J. (2006), Jean-Paul Sartre and the Jewish Question; —(2003), ‘JeanPaul Sartre: 1905–1980’, in S. L. Kremer (ed.), Holocaust Literature, 2.1089f. 134

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before being captured. Though a minimal act, to Sartre this is when Mathieu finally lives an ‘engaged’, ‘committed’, authentic life. As Nietzsche wrote: ‘The devotion of the greatest is to encounter risk and danger and play dice for death’ ([1883–91] 1969: 138). Mathieu finds a sense of corporate responsibility through war (like his creator). The fact Sartre could not – or, indeed, would not – finish Part IV of The Roads to Freedom141 adds to its rhetorical force and imperative weight. The work as a whole is cited by the Nobel committee. In time it would stimulate a genre of film and literature in China and the West, in which existential issues are treated amid war, social chaos and personal crises. We read of sickness, death and the afterlife in the Analects and Gospels through the opaque filter of Sartre’s pain-filled cross-cultural narrative.142 In contrast to finality seen in the Analects and Gospels,143 as Christina Howells has pointed out, Sartre’s roads to freedom ‘do not seem to have an end’ (2004: 4). When future hope is collapsed into a meaningful present, we are left wondering if daily life can be so easily circumscribed. Physical death still awaits . . . with or without hope. While Sartre was working on Part III of The Roads to Freedom, he published his essay ‘Qu’estce que la littérature?’ (1947: ‘What is Literature?’, 1950). Sartre commends Mathieu’s commitment as a soldier in his vision for his new journal Les Temps modernes,144 and in his view of the vocation of writers and the literature they produce. Just as politics is, to Sartre, to engage every part of a free individual’s life, so literature is meant to liberate free people, with writers working for freedom and change in every aspect of life. Back in Paris in 1941, Sartre contacted the Resistance, helped form Socialisme et Liberté,145 and worked with Camus and other intellectuals on the subversive newspaper Combat. In the post-War years, this holistic, activist, perspective ruled Sartre’s life, writing and socio-political engagement. His lasting impact on sociology, critical theory, hermeneutics, Holocaust studies and post-colonialism, is traceable to this period.146 He followed his study of hate, Réflexions sur la question juive (1946: Reflections on the Jewish question, 1948), with the play Les mains sales (1948: The Dirty Hands, 1949) about a ‘politically engaged’ intellectual. Thereafter, he took a series of high-profile Marxist 141 On Sartre’s explanation for not completing the work, Contat, M. (2009), ‘General Introduction for Roads of Freedom’, in J-P. Sartre, The Last Chance, 195f.; Hayman, R. (1987), Sartre, 17; Scriven, M. (1984), Sartre’s Existential Biographies, 6. 142 For a psycho-therapeutic approach to the work, Savarimuttu, J. S. R. (2016), ‘Jean-Paul Sartre’s The Roads of Freedom’. On Confucius and Sartrean existentialism, Hall and Ames, Thinking Through Confucius, 74–6. 143 Cf. below p. 482f. 144 When author and editor André Gide’s (1869–1951) La Nouvelle Revue Française was suspended after liberation (for collaboration), Sartre became the first Director of Les Temps modernes. His opening preface (October 1945) describes the magazine’s aim as the promotion of ‘littérature engagée’; that is, work that enhances post-war French society. His early contributions reflect this, viz. ‘La nationalisation de la literature’ (Nationalization of Literature), ‘Matérialisme et révolution’ (Materialism and Revolution), and ‘Qu’est-ce-que la littérature?’ (What is Literature?). The Founding Board members were Aron, Merleau-Ponty, de Beauvoir, the Surrealist writer and ethnographer Michel Leiris (1901–90), the historian, journalist and politician Albert Ollivier (1915–64), and the literary critic and publisher Jean Paulhan (1884–1968). Published first by Gallimard, Les Temps modernes (which continues) has seen many changes to its Board, publishers and editorial vision (often provoked by disputes over its ethos). 145 The group included other political activists, including Merleau-Ponty, de Beauvoir, Jean-Toussaint and Dominique Desanti (1914–2002; 1920–2011), and the Communist Jean Kanapa (1921–78). Despite overtures, the much respected and ‘engaged’ authors Gide and Malraux could not be co-opted. 146 On Sartre’s wider impact, Craib, I. (1976), Existentialism and Sociology; Judaken, J. (2009), Race After Sartre; Berendzen, J. C. (2006), ‘Sartre and the Communicative Paradigm in Critical Theory’; Duncan, J. (2009), ‘Sartre’s Pure Critical Theory’; Sherman, D. (2006), ‘Sartre, Critical Theory, and the Paradox of Freedom’; and, the useful bibliography in Howells, C. (1979), Sartre’s Theory of Literature.

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positions.147 He visited the Soviet Union in 1954 and wrote afterwards to expose the gulag, the plight of dissidents and Soviet anti-Semitism. He sided with the nationalist FLN 148 in its fight against French colonial rule in Algeria (1954–62).149 He and de Beauvoir visited China in September 1955 and were (in)famously photographed with Chairman Mao Zedong. As a Marxist150 – but not consistently a Communist151 – Sartre condemned the Soviet invasion of Hungary (1956).152 In the 1960s he opposed US action in Vietnam (1954–75) and with British philosopher Bertrand Russell (1872–1970) promoted the ‘Russell Tribunal’ on US ‘war crimes’. He also made widely reported visits to Marshall Tito (1892–1980) in Yugoslavia and to Fidel Castro (1926–2016) and ‘Che’ Guevara (1928–67) in Cuba, praising the latter when he died as the ‘era’s most perfect man’, who ‘lived his words, spoke his own actions’ and whose ‘story and the story of the world ran’, he said, ‘in parallel’ (q. Livingstone 2013: 383). The journalist historian Paul Johnson (b. 1928) points out it was ‘Sartre’s children’, his student devotees in Paris, who converted his thought into the carnage wrought by the Khmer Rouge (1987: A–16). In his autobiographical Les Mots (1963: The Words, 1964) – aware his erstwhile (‘engaged’) role-model André Gide had been eclipsed by Proust – Sartre finally renounced literature as a ‘disengaged’ bourgeois past-time. Crucially, his activist atheism shares with Christian existentialism a sense of the moral imperative life and death present. But to Sartre there is no judge but humankind.153 Death is, for him, the end, with all the clarity, threat and opportunity that teleology affords. Sartre’s final years saw his iconic status as a public intellectual consolidate154 and his health decline, largely due to smoking and over-work. He died of oedema on 15 April 1980. Tens of thousands lined the streets as his cortège made its way to Père-Lachaise Cemetery. After cremation, he was reburied in the Montparnasse Cemetery, a grave he shares with de Beauvoir. Two things stand out from these last years. First, Sartre’s biographical study of the sad, vilified writer and activist Jean Genet (1910–86), Saint Genet: comédien et martyr (1952),155 from which (as noted For a chronology of Sartre’s active, middle years, Howells, C. ed. (1992), The Cambridge Companion to Sartre, xii. Not all believed in Sartre’s activism. Camus saw him as a writer who resisted not a resister who wrote. Vladimir Jankélévitch (1903–85), another Russian émigré philosopher-musicologist, who fought against forgiveness for the Holocaust and rejected German philosophy, devalued Sartre’s war work and denounced his later activism as merely expiatory. On Sartre’s Marxism and its critics, p. 434, n. 163. 148 The Front de Libération Nationale was the Algerian socialist National Liberation Front [Arab. ‫ ﺟﺒﻬﺔﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮﺍﻟﻮﻁﻨﻲ‬Jabhatu l-Tah.r¯ı ru l-Wa.tan¯ı ] which led the campaign against France. 149 With other intellectuals, Sartre signed the anti-colonialist Manifeste de 121, published in the magazine Verité-Liberté (6 September 1960). Sartre was targeted twice in bombs by the paramilitary OAS (Organisation de l’armée secrète). His opposition to the pacification of Algeria found expression in his iconic, anti-colonial essays (which justified violent resistance to oppression) Colonialism and Neocolonialism (1964). The essays include his preface to the post-colonial, psychiatrist-philosopher Franz Fanon’s (1925–61) Les Damnés de la Terre (1961: The Wretched of the Earth, 1963), and ‘From One China to Another’, that introduced Henri Cartier-Bresson’s (1908–2004) 1954 photographs. Among post-colonial writers, the Tunisian novelist Albert Memmi (b. 1920), author of the non-fictional Portrait du colonisé (1957: The Colonizer and the Colonized, 1965), and the philosopher, sociologist, and literary theorist Jean-Francois Lyotard (1924–98), credited Sartre’s Colonialism and Neocolonialism with shaping their views. On Sartre and discussion of ‘Orientalism’, Haddour, A. ([1964] 2001), ‘Introduction: Remembering Sartre’, in J-P. Sartre, Colonialism and Neocolonialism, 1–16; Smith, D. (2009), ‘From One China to the Other’. 150 On Sartre’s Marxism, p. 435, n. 164. 151 In the 1960s (esp. in the 1968 protests) Sartre allied himself with French Maoists. 152 Sartre’s early Leftist sympathies led him to join the PCF (French Communist Party). He resigned in 1956 after the Soviet invasion of Hungary. In later life, he embraced the title ‘anarchist’ (Schilpp 1981: 21). 153 Cf. below p. 434f. 154 On these years, cf. Baert, P. (2015), The Existentialist Moment. 155 The work was intended as the Preface to an edition of Genet’s Complete Works. 147

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above) he derives Goetz in The Devil and the Good Lord. Sartre’s work reflects sensitivity to the complexity of human creativity, cruelty, psychology and sickness. It also reveals his interest in the relation between ethics and aesthetics. Genet’s autobiographical Miracle de la rose (1946: The Miracle of the Rose, 1966), and especially his (also autobiographical) Journal du voleur (1949: The Thief ’s Journal, 1964), which Sartre also uses for Saint Genet, tracks his fraught journey as a brilliant homosexual writer, from serving with the French Legion and his dishonourable discharge (for indecency),156 to his drifting dissipation, theft, prostitution and prosecution.157 Sartre profiles Genet as a type of creative genius who, both by chance and choice, begins in evil and then in the course of an imaginative life ‘dreams’ his way to become a prolific writer.158 It is a study of existential redemption,159 indeed, of hope. Evil, sickness, prejudice and social depravity are, for Sartre, not overcome by divine grace but by human will, action and imagination. These are the ends for which Sartre aspires. His life, work and existentialist hermeneutic have left an indelible mark on Asian and Western culture, politics and sexual understanding. The work which probably expedited Sartre’s death was his unfinished Critique de la raison dialectique (1960: Critique of Dialectical Reason, 1976).160 It was, as we have seen, a work for which he hoped to be remembered. Early reviews were mixed. The conservative Oxford polymath Sir Roger Scruton calls its title ‘a gross impertinence’ (1985: 186). At issue is the degree to which the work develops or destroys Sartre’s earlier existentialism.161 Taken with his 1957 essay Questions de méthode (1957: Search for a method, 1963), which he uses as the Introduction to Critique of Dialectical Reason, Sartre’s second philosophical study is a seasoned attempt to clarify and justify his thinking. Teleological issues, shaping perception of sickness, death and the afterlife, abound. The individualized, biographical, existentialist psychoanalysis of Saint-Genet morphs into a nuanced defence of Marxist theory and a careful study of human freedom – on both of which Sartre had been challenged. Having split with Camus162 for justifying violence, his old friend and erstwhile Marxist existentialist mentor, Merleau-Ponty, rejected him and Soviet Marxism in Les Aventures de la dialectique (1955, Adventures of the Dialectic). Sartre’s Critique of Dialectical Reason is his careful response to criticism.163 He reaffirms Marxist-Hegelian dialectical determinism in order to

Cf. recent studies in English on Genet, Barber, S. (2004), Jean Genet; Laroche, H. ([1997] 2010), The Last Genet; Magedera, I. H. (2014), Outsider Biographies, ad loc.; Webb, R. C. (1992), File on Genet. On Sartre’s Saint-Genet and homosexuality, Halperin, D. (2012), How to be Gay, ad loc. 157 In 1949 Genet was arraigned for multiple crimes and faced the death penalty. The leading French author, playwright, artist, and film-maker Jean Cocteau (1889–1963) joined Sartre and other members of the French artistic and literary elite to plead for mercy. The sentence was commuted. Genet became a prominent political voice and social activist. He died from throat cancer and a fall on 15 April 1986. 158 On Sartre’s study of the relation between ethics and aesthetics, and evil and creativity in Genet, Mori, N. (2014), ‘On Sartre’s “Proper Usage” of Immoral Works in Saint Genet’. 159 On the complexity, character and richness of Saint-Genet as a locus for Sartre’s evolving literary theories, Howells, Sartre’s Theory of Literature, 59f. 160 Cf. Vol. 1: Theory of Practical Ensembles, trans. A. Sheridan-Smith ([1976] 1991 edn from revised 1985 Fr. edn); Vol. 2: The Intelligibility of History, trans. Q. Hoare ([posth. 1985], 1991). In his last years Sartre also worked on an unfinished multi-volume study, The Family Idiot: Gustave Flaubert 1821–1857. 161 N.B. the division of opinion: George Kline sees the work as refuting Sartre’s earlier views (1971: 284–314), Marjorie Grene as continuing them (1971–2), and Hazel Barnes (1968) and Peter Caws (1979) as developing them. 162 On Camus, below p. 435, n. 168, 442. 163 Sartre’s (re-)appropriation of Marx’s early humanism was condemned by the leading (and mentally unstable) ‘structuralist Marxist’, Louis Althusser (1918–90). For Althusser, the later systematized and ‘scientific’ opinions of Marx were definitive. 156

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protect individual freedom in Communist societies.164 It is a skilful exercise in diplomacy and selfjustification. He still believes Marxism to be ‘the dominant philosophy’ of the age, but now admits the weakness of rigidly structural, mechanistic, or deterministic, interpretations and applications of it. With French civil unrest in view (May to June 1968),165 he balances talk of nature’s limitation of freedom with affirmation of the power of ‘groups in fusion’ to negate historical necessity and nurture communal benefit. His collapsing of future hope into an existential now is turned here into a call for ‘conscientized’ groups to resist oppression and embrace the future optimistically. This integrated political philosophy has served to justify protest groups ever since. Sickness, death and the afterlife are recast by Sartre in a dramatic existentialist reimagination of all of life-in-society now, however fragile and flawed it be. Sartre’s legacy has been immense. His popularizing of Marxism and existentialist philosophy helped to shape mid-20th-century global culture.166 Albert Camus’s (1913–60) impact is no less potent, his profile in China and the West durable. We have mentioned him before in passing. We look at him now to prepare for the next section on ‘Protest atheism’. Camus’s relation to existentialism is as ambiguous as Sartre’s. He denied the term applied to his work.167 However, as James Giles makes clear, he shares with other French existentialists – notably Sartre, de Beauvoir, Merleau-Ponty and Marcel – a number of key characteristics.168 Here is that (often autobiographical) preoccupation with the human ‘self ’; as de Beauvoir wrote in her feminist study Le Deuxième Sexe (1949: The Second Sex): ‘One day I wanted to explain myself to myself. I began to reflect all about myself and it struck me with a sort of surprise that the first thing I had to say was, “I am a woman” ’ (q. Bair 1990: 380). Or, as Marcel says in his Journal métaphysique (1927): ‘We do not study problems of philosophy, we are those problems’ (q. Giles 1999: 8). This belongs to the French literary tradition traceable to Montaigne (1533–92),169 Francisco Sanches (1551–1623), Descartes, Pascal, Rousseau, Maine de Biran (1766–1824), Félix Ravaisson-Mollien (1813–1900) and Bergson, from which French existentialism comes to study life in one person (Giles: 10f.).170 We find this in Camus. Besides the shared external influence on French existentialists of Hegel, Kierkegaard, Nietzsche, Husserl and Heidegger, Camus reflects a French approach to

On Sartre’s Marxist views (as an ‘outsider looking in’) and their reception in Western and Eastern Europe, Dunayevskaya, R. (1973), Philosophy & Revolution, 188–210. 165 Though Sartre was arrested, President de Gaulle (1890–1970; Pr. 1959–69) ordered his release, stating memorably: ‘You don’t arrest Voltaire!’ 166 On Sartre and Chinese politics, Burnier, M-A. ([1973] 1988), ‘On Maoism: An Interview with Jean-Paul Sartre’, in R. Wilcocks (ed.), Critical Essays on Jean-Paul Sartre, 34–45. 167 Camus had little interest in metaphysics and ontology; as he said in an interview in November 1945, a month after Les Temps modernes was first published: ‘No, I am not an existentialist. Sartre and I are always surprised to see our names associated . . . Sartre is an existentialist, and the only book of ideas I’ve written, The Myth of Sisyphus, is directed against the so-called existentialist philosophy’ (q. Foley 2014: 2). 168 Cf. Giles, J. ed. (1999), French Existentialism, 7–18. Sartre complained of his ‘almost habitual’ association with Camus by others: ‘It rests on a serious confusion. Camus is not an existentialist’ (q. Foley 2014: 2). On the friendship and fight between Camus and Sartre, Aronson, R. (2004), Camus and Sartre; Camus, A. ([1952] 2004), ‘A Letter to the Editor of Les Temps Modernes’, in A. van den Hoven and D. A. Spritzen (ed. and trans.), Sartre and Camus, 107–30. Cf. also, below p. 440, n. 203. 169 In another interview (November 1945) Camus said: ‘[I]f one is an existentialist because one poses the problem of human ends, then (so is) all literature from Montaigne to Pascal’ (q. Foley, 2). 170 On the social theories and politics of French existentialists, Spiegelberg, H. ([1997] 2011), ‘French Existentialism: Its Social Philosophies’, in W. L. McBride (ed.), Sartre’s French Contemporaries and Enduring Influences, 94–110. 164

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time, history, politics, consciousness, ethics and relationships.171 These inform his view of the ‘end’ of human existence. His death in a car accident on 4 January 1960, three years after receiving the Nobel Prize for Literature (1957), only adds to the mystique of his life, literary legacy and attitude towards mortality.172 Despite his protestations, he is still an iconic mid-20th-century ‘existentialist’ author who, like George Eliot, de Beauvoir, and others we have studied, used literature and story rather than essay and treatise to expound existential issues in taut, realistic narratives. As he said: ‘I think according to words and not according to ideas’ ([1942–51] 1995: 113). We study him here as a lastingly influential voice in China173 and the West, who has – perhaps more than Sartre – transfigured how sickness, death and the afterlife are interpreted in the Analects and Gospels. We may disagree with his conclusions, but we cannot doubt Camus’s skill, acuity, passion and international profile. He is still, to some, ‘the conscience’ of the 20th century.174 Camus’s first novel, La Mort heureuse (1927 posth.: A Happy Death, 1971) reveals an early preoccupation with the problems of suffering and death.175 His only memory of Lucien (1885– 1914), his father – a pied noir Algerian agricultural labourer, who died in the (first) battle of the Marne (when Albert was eleven months old) – was of his being violently sick after witnessing a public execution.176 Albert spent his formative years with an (illiterate) mother and older brother, dependent on welfare and stigmatized as a pupille de la nation (war orphan) in the tough, workingclass area of Belcourt in Algiers. Suffering, sadness and death were everywhere – even soccer (his passion) taught life’s risks. As he wrote later: ‘I learned . . . that a ball never arrives from the direction you expected it. That helped me in later life, especially in mainland France, where nobody plays straight’ (q. Simpson 2016).177 Camus’s intellectual ability emerged. He studied Latin and

N.B. William Barrett’s delightful description of French cooking and culture as possessing ‘a marvellous sense of conservation’ ([1958] 1990, 114; Giles, ed. 1999: 12). On French existentialism, Judaken, J. (2012a), ‘Sisyphus’s Progeny’, in J Judaken and Bernasconi (eds), Situating Existentialism, 89–122. 172 At his death, Camus was an editor at Gallimard, a position he had held since 1943. 173 On Camus’s reception in China after the Cultural Revolution, Niu, J. (2009), ‘Albert Camus in China’. On the ‘grey and yellow books’ (Huipishu he huangpishu) – including Nausea and Camus’s The Stranger – that circulated among CCP officials (and others) in the early 1960s, Guo, J., Y. Song and Y. Zhou, eds ([2006] 2015), Historical Dictionary of the Chinese Cultural Revolution, 128f. Just as English versions of Camus reflect reader-culture adaptation, so versions in the 20th century are variously determined by ‘Europeanization’ ↀॆ (Ouhua) and ‘Sinification’ ╒ॆ (Hanhua). On this complex issue, Kaplansky, J. (2004), ‘Outside The Stranger? English retranslations of Camus’s L’Étranger’; Munday, J. ([2001] 2012), Introducing Translation Studies, Ch. 2.2; Hung, E. and D. Pollard (1998), ‘Chinese Tradition’, in M. Baker (ed.), Routledge Encyclopedia of Translation Studies, 365–76; Chan, R. ([2003] 2013), ‘Translation, nationhood and cultural manipulation’, in S. Lawson (ed.), Europe and Asia-Pacific, 152–67. 174 The Nobel citation refers to Camus’s ‘important literary production, which with clear-sighted earnestness illuminates the problems of the human conscience in our times’. For his views on politics, society and morality, Camus, A. ([1944] 1961), Resistance, Rebellion and Death. Many of the essays here were drawn from Actuelles, I–III (1944–58). 175 Like his mentor Malraux (above p. 428, n. 119, 429, 432, n. 145; also, p. 445), death – as a physical, legal, symbolic reality – recurs throughout Camus’s writings. He was a lifelong opponent of capital punishment (cf. his essay ‘Reflections on the Guillotine’). In his fourth play L’État de siège (1948, The State of Siege), ‘Death’ is a diligent commissar who supports the state’s micro-management of a dehumanized society. On Camus’s La mort heureuse in fiction generally, Longstaffe, M. (2007), The Fiction of Albert Camus, ad loc. 176 This scrap of family history is used in L’Étranger and ‘Reflections on the Guillotine’: it may also have inspired his opposition to the death penalty. 177 As a goalie, Camus said: ‘Everything I know about morality and the obligations of men, I owe it to sport and learned it in the RUA’ (‘Racing Universitaire Algérios’, Jr. soccer team). 171

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English. He read Gide, Proust, Symbolist poet Paul Verlaine (1844–96), Bergson and many others. He found his passion for drama, film and art.178 After school at the Grande Lycée Bugeaud (fr. 1923), as an ‘outsider’ in a predominantly Muslim area, Camus worked on two part-time degrees at the University of Algiers, a ‘Licence de philosophie’ (1932) and ‘Diplôme d’études supérieures’ (1936).179 There he met Jean Grenier (1898–1971),180 an erstwhile philosopher, who became a lifelong friend and mentor. But Camus was diagnosed with tuberculosis in 1930. It is no surprise, perhaps, the burden of his life led to Le Mythe de Sisyphe (1942c: The Myth of Sisyphus, 1955) and a play on an ill-fated uprising by disaffected Spanish workers in 1934, Révolté dans les Asturies (1936: Revolt in Asturias, 1958). He also voiced sympathy for the newly formed Communist Popular Front.181 His life as a young journalist with the new daily rag Alger-Républicain (fr. 1937) – during which he divorced his seductive, unfaithful, drug-addicted first wife, Simone (Hié: m. 1934– 6)182 – built his reputation. This grew through his semi-autobiographical essays ‘L’envers et l’endroit’ (1937: ‘Betwixt and Between’, 1968; ‘The Wrong Side and the Right Side’, 1968) and his lyrical ‘Noces’ (1938d: Nuptials, 1967, 1968) on North Africa and the Mediterranean.183 Camus’s early life shaped his literary labours.184 With a ‘naïve atheism’185 and loss of transcendence, his early work exalts the here-and-now. As his essay ‘Nuptials at Tipasa’ says: ‘I love this life with abandon and wish to speak of it boldly: it makes me proud of my human condition’ (1968: 69). Despite his clear disavowals, Camus’s is a bold French existentialist. Imagination draws him to the tragedy and

178 Camus described himself as an ‘écrivain’ (Lit. writer) of ‘récits’ (stories) and ‘contes’ (tales) with philosophical and social comment, in the tradition of Voltaire, Diderot and Victor Hugo (1802–85). He drew on the systematic philosophy of Kant, Kierkegaard, Nietzsche, and Heidegger, and the vast, heavily populated stories (Fr. romans) of Tolstoy, Proust and Honoré de Balzac. But his preferred genre was more personal and immediate. His plays, stage adaptations of Dostoevsky’s The Possessed and The Brothers Karamazov, and role in an experimental, national theatre company, are part of his ‘unfinished’ legacy. 179 As part of his degree he wrote a thesis on Plotinus, Neo-Platonism and St. Augustine, which fuelled his interest in antiquity (and its relation to Christianity) and Nietzsche’s ‘hero’. 180 Camus dedicated his first set of essays (ET) Betwixt and Between (1937) and early novel (ET) The Rebel (1951) to Grenier. Their friendship and respect were mutual. In the five (largely autobiographical) essays in Betwixt and Between later themes are anticipated, viz. a person’s ‘aloneness’ in life and death, the ‘emptiness’ of hope and despair, the beauty of Mediterranean culture and the tragic evanescence of life. Camus urges the importance of being ‘imaginative’ and living ‘now’ ‘as if ’ this were all. 181 To the French academic Jacqueline Lévi-Valensi (1932–2004), Revolt in Asturia ‘bears testimony to the political acumen of Camus and his friends who had understood the full significance and stake of events’ (q. Orme 2007: 62). On the ‘symbolic’ quality of the play, which was censored by the Algerian authorities, Bronner, S. E. ([1999] 2009), Camus: Portrait of a Moralist, 24f. On Camus’s leadership and socio-political priorities and passion at this time, Kassoul, A. and M. L. Maougal ([2003] 2006), The Algerian Destiny of Albert Camus, 54f. 182 The loss, loneliness and betrayal that Camus felt on finding his wife’s doctor was her lover are clear in his essay ‘La Mort dans l’ame’ (1937, Death in the soul) in La mort heureuse (1971). Camus married his second wife, Francine Faure (1914– 19), in December 1940. 183 ‘Death in the soul’ contrasts the colour and vibrancy of Mediterranean and N. African culture/s and climate with the morgue-like, colourless cold of Eastern and Central Europe. On Camus’s love for, and use of, classical antiquity and Mediterranean culture, Sharpe, M. (2015), Camus, Philosophe, 29f.; Richardson, L. (2012), ‘Sisyphus and Caesar’. 184 Camus’s ‘most blatantly personal work’, The First Man, lay unfinished beside him in the car where he died (Mckee 2003: 56f.). 185 Camus scorned Christianity’s promise of a heavenly reward, as ‘hope of another life one must “deserve” or trickery of those who live not for life itself but for some great idea that will transcend it, refine it, give it a meaning, and betray it’ ([1942] 1955: 8). On his philosophy and theology, Cruickshank, J. (1959), Albert Camus and the Literature of Revolt; —ed. (1978), The Novelist as Philosopher, ad loc.

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romance of ‘aloneness’ and a relativist, humanist, hedonistic imperative to live life to the full – and ‘as if ’ it is all there is.186 The details of Camus’s later life cannot detain us. Our priority here is identifying themes that have like viruses entered into the cultural arteries of China and the West. From major works three stand out. First, as seen in The Myth of Sisyphus, Camus’s early life led him to reflect on absurdity, suicide,187 irrationality, and the power and potential of freedom and revolt from all of life’s oddness, oppression, alienation, totalitarianism and dehumanizing technocracy, for an individual and a society.188 These issues reverberate through his work. His philosophy of the ‘absurd’ – that we seek in vain for meaning in a world without God, truth and Absolutes – reappears in his iconic novel L’Étranger (1942: The Outsider/The Stranger, 1946), in his less well-known plays Caligula (1942) and Le Malentendu (1944: Cross Purpose, 1947),189 and in his book-length essay L’Homme révolté (1951: The Rebel, 1954). To Camus, I encounter the absurd if, or when, ‘my appetite for the absolute and for unity’ faces ‘the impossibility of reducing this world to a rational and reasonable principle’ ([1942] 1955: Ch. 1; q. MacDonald 2001: 175). Then there is no escape, only what Camus calls ‘revolt’.190 So, Camus is an ‘absurdist’ not a nihilist. His essay ‘Entre Oui et Non’ (1937: ‘Between Yes and No’, 1968) claims hope is as pointless as despair. But for Camus ‘being-inthe-world’ does have value. Balancing a habitual French quest for Cartesian clarity and lived experience (good or bad),191 Camus considered suicide, which he calls the ‘one really serious philosophical problem’ ([1942] 1955: 3), as escapist, like any philosophy that waves reason or claims faith. The absurd must be lived, just as death with no hope must be faced.192 Here lie ‘happiness’, or ‘the most living’; if not always ‘the best living’.193 The person who – like Sisyphus – embraces their futility and finitude, will, to Camus, live free and content.194 The Myth of Sisyphus 186 Camus’s ‘L’Été à Alger’ (1936: ‘Summer in Algiers’, 1968) is a hedonistic celebration of the geography, climate and culture of N. Africa. Its confident atheism, and philosophical and moral rejection of an afterlife, are again clear: ‘If there is a sin against life, it consists not so much in despairing as in hoping for another life and in eluding the implacable grandeur of this one’ ([1942]1979: 153). Besides classicism, Camus, the Romantic, delights in intense passion, sensory experience, the glory and mystery of the natural world, and the sufficiency and finality of ‘now’. To him, ‘[T]here is no truth but merely truths’ (ibid., 43). 187 N.B. the book’s striking opening: ‘There is only one really serious philosophical question, and that is suicide’ (ibid., 3). 188 The Myth of Sisyphus rejects the existentialism of Kierkegaard, Shestov, Jaspers and Heidegger, and the phenomenology of Husserl. Though Camus agrees with their diagnosis of human ‘absurdity’, he believes these authors avoid its toughest realities and (irrationally) ‘deify what crushes them and find reason to hope in what impoverishes them. That forced hope is religious in all of them’ (ibid., 24). 189 N.B. Camus’s explanation of Le Malentendu: ‘[I]n an unjust or indifferent world man can save himself, and save others, by practicing the most basic sincerity and pronouncing the most appropriate word’ ([1943] 1958: vii). 190 On this, Hanna, T. L. (1997), ‘Albert Camus: Man in Revolt’, in W. L. McBride (ed.), Sartre’s French Contemporaries and Enduring Influences, 23–60. 191 In ‘Between Yes and No’ Camus implies hope is as empty and as pointless as despair, but he goes beyond nihilism by positing fundamental value in ‘existence-in-the-world’. 192 Camus’s essay ‘The Enigma’ (1950, in Lyrical and Critical Essays, 154–62) aims to explain The Stranger. Camus is only cautiously ‘absurdist’ here. The ‘absurd’ is just a starting point, because it is impossible to ‘limit oneself to the idea that nothing has meaning, and we must despair of everything’. Exposing a fallacy in deconstructionism, he says: ‘As soon as we say that all is nonsense, we express something that has sense.’ Likewise, we cannot suppress value judgements, for living is ‘a value judgement’. On Camus and the ‘absurd’, Foley, J. ([2008] 2014), Albert Camus, esp. 5–28. 193 Camus’s concept of ‘happiness’ is markedly Aristotelian (Sagi 2002: 79f.). 194 Echoing Nietzsche, Camus says openness to absurdity is liberation: ‘Belief in the meaning of life always implies a scale of values, a choice, our preferences. Belief in the absurd, according to our definitions, teaches the contrary ([1942] 1979: 52). Cf. Norman, R. (2015), ‘Life Without Meaning?’ in A. Copson and A. C. Grayling (eds), Wiley Blackwell Handbook of Humanism, 325–46; Pölzler, T. (2014), ‘Absurdism as Self-Help’.

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ends: ‘The struggle itself toward the heights is enough to fill a man’s heart. One must imagine Sisyphus happy’ (ibid., 123). Echoing St. Augustine on (spiritual and psychological) ‘rest’, Camus writes poignantly of a fulfilled life: ‘To feel one’s ties to a land, one’s love for certain men, to know there is always a place where the heart can find rest – these are already many certainties for one man’s life’ ([1938] 1968: 90). A denial of meaning, delight in materiality and dismissal of hope in the face of death have all become characteristics of modern humanism and secular postmodernism.195 As we will see, though they contradict basic tenets of Christian ‘hope’ and Confucian ‘filial piety’, the challenge Camus’s atheistic existentialism poses remains. He rumbles complacency magnificently.196 Camus’s first novel, L’Étranger (The Outsider/The Stranger, 1946) – adjudged by many critics a ‘Classic’ of 20th-century literature – also appeared in 1942. Reworked in films and translations,197 the book again focuses on death; now the un-mourned death of a mother, the senseless murder of an Arab by her indifferent son,198 Meursault (like Camus’s father, a pied noir Algerian), and the latter’s trial and sentencing to death by guillotine.199 The novel’s chilling opening lays bare its gloomy heart: ‘Mother died today. Or maybe yesterday; I can’t be sure.’ What follows is a profound, first-person study of the mind and life of a ‘stranger’ (Meursault) who inhabits a philosophically absurd, emotionally alienated, world. A world where sons do not grieve mothers, friends and lovers lie and cheat, bodies, minds and spirits are brutalized, and a ‘benign’ (Fr. tendre), ‘indifferent’,200 God-less order prevails. In 1955 Camus reflected on chill French culture, and the truth the book evokes: I summarized The Stranger a long time ago, with a remark I admit was highly paradoxical: ‘In our society any man who does not weep at his mother’s funeral runs the risk of being sentenced to death.’ I only meant that the hero of my book is condemned because he does not play the game. . . . One would therefore not be much mistaken to read The Stranger as the story of a man who, without any heroics, agrees to die for the truth. I also happened to say, again paradoxically, that I tried to draw in my character the only Christ we deserve. —1968: Preface, 335f.201 Life is, to Camus, a game without winners; only losers, outsiders, victims and death. To Sartre, in his glowing pre-publication essay ‘Explication de L’Étranger’ ([1943] 2007: 73–98),202 Camus is

On Camus and humanism, Sessler, T. (2008), Levinas and Camus, ad loc. On contrasts between Camus and the relativism of fellow-countryman Jacques Derrida, below p. 476f. 196 On Camus and creativity, A. Vanborre, E. A. ed. (2012), The Originality and Complexity of Albert Camus’s Writings. 197 Cf. the Italian (Lo Straniero, dir. Luchino Visconti, 1967) and Turkish (Yazgi, dir. Zeki Demirkubuz, 2001) film versions, and English translations as The Outsider by Stuart Gilbert (1946), Joseph Laredo (1982) and Sandra Smith (2012), and as The Stranger by Matthew Ward (1989). 198 Cf. Fletcher, D. (1977), ‘Camus between Yes and No’. 199 As elsewhere, Camus raids his biography – here his father’s response to a guillotining – for his fiction. Cf. Camus, A. ([1957] 1961), ‘Reflections on the Guillotine’, in W. Kauffman (ed.), Religion from Tolstoy to Camus, 442–50. 200 Translation of ‘la tendre indifférence du monde’ (Lit. the tender indifference of the world’) is debated. ‘Tendre’ is ambiguous in French; hence the Penguin translation (2000) ‘benign’. Camus probably intended to leave the meaning of the word unresolved. 201 Cf. also, Francev, P. ed. (2014), Albert Camus’s The Stranger; Carroll, D. (2007), Albert Camus the Algerian, 27f. 202 Sartre’s essay was first published in Cahiers du sud (February 1943; repr. Situations, Vol. 1, 1947). It has subsequently attracted almost as much attention as Camus’s original work. 195

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‘not concerned about justifying what is fundamentally unjustifiable’ (ibid., 79):203 rather, with earthy tales that explore the ‘hopeless lucidity’ of mundane existence and confront humanity with the ‘absurd’ truth of human chaos, godlessness and death. The Myth of Sisyphus and The Stranger reveal Camus to be, Sartre believes, a skilled ‘philosophical novelist’, in the tradition of Herman Melville (1819–91), Marie-Henri Beyle aka Stendhal (1783–1842), Dostoyevsky and the Germanspeaking Bohemian Jew Franz Kafka (1883–1924) – and, we might add, Confucius, Jesus, George Eliot and any number of others, who use ‘images instead of arguments’ to reveal life’s raw absurdity (Camus [1942] 1955: 74). Suffering, death and the afterlife in the Analects and Gospels are read today ‘on the far side’ of Camus’s literary legacy and intentional method. Profound, painful truth has impregnated global culture through his terse narrative.204 Furthermore, as Camus said in his acceptance speech for the Nobel Prize for Literature: ‘The nobility of our craft will always be rooted in two commitments, both difficult to maintain: the refusal to lie about what one knows and the resistance to oppression.’ Camus’s tough view of truth, Nietzschean critique of ‘the delusion of hope’ ([1938] 1968: 74) and call to fight injustice, condition the way many today face and interpret life and death in Asia and the West. Like Nietzsche, his grip on postmodern culture is firm, the filter of his writing thick varnish on the way we read the Analects and Gospels. Suffering and death are also prominent in Camus’s second novel La Peste (1947: The Plague, 1960), in L’Homme révolté (1951: The Rebel, 1954) and in his last (complete) work of fiction La Chute (1956: The Fall, 1956). These important works offer other perspectives. Camus’s powerful five-part novel The Plague is, like Sartre’s Nausea, a study in suffering; not now of an individual (aka Roquentin) but a city (Oran, Algeria), transfigured allegorically by bubonic plague (like France under Nazi occupation) that acts, Camus notes acidly, ‘with the punctual zeal of a good civil servant’ (1991: 235). The story, told by a survivor, is full of over-whelmed officials: Drs. Rieux, Castel and Richard; the city’s Prefect and clerk, Joseph Grand; the pious, but ineffective priest, Fr. Paneloux; and, the officious magistrate, Othon. It targets over-wrought individuals accidentally overtaken by events: Othon’s son, Philippe, and Rieux’s mother, who both die; the traveller, Jean Tarrou; the eccentric salesman, Cottard; the journalist, Raymond Rambert, who tries to get away, aided by the shady Raoul and Gonzales. Like Kafka’s Der Prozess (1925: The Trial, 1937), Camus’s style is both stark and dark. The work is a study of consciousness and the absurdity of the human condition when faced by the invasive randomness and inevitability of death. Fear, courage, pain, denial, deceit, evasion and powerlessness are interwoven in the novel’s pathos and dark psychology. The work does not lack absurd humour: during a performance of Gluck’s opera Orpheus and Eurydice one of the play’s cast succumbs to the plague and Fr. Paneloux dies . . . of another disease. Nor is fine behaviour absent: Raymond decides not to flee when he can and Othon chooses to serve as a nurse. In the novel’s ‘paltriness and generosity’, its ‘small heroism and large cowardice’, and ‘all kinds of profoundly humanist problems’,205 Camus juxtaposes futile faith and honest, practical Camus denied he was an Existentialist: ‘No, I am not an existentialist . . . Sartre is an existentialist, and the only book of ideas that I have published, The Myth of Sisyphus, was directed against the so-called existentialist philosophers’ ([1945] 1970: 345). 204 Cf. the American professor of Romance (French) literature Carl Viggiani’s (1923–2010) early opinion: ‘On the surface, L’Étranger gives the appearance of being an extremely simple though carefully planned and written book. In reality, it is a dense and rich creation, full of undiscovered meanings and formal qualities. It would take a book at least the length of the novel to make a complete analysis of meaning and form and the correspondences of meaning and form, in L’Étranger’ (1956: 865). 205 On The Plague and modern terrorism, Warner, M. (2003), ‘To be a man’. 203

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action. This is echoed in ‘Letter to a German friend’ (1945): ‘I continue to believe that this world has no supernatural meaning. . . . But I know that something in the world has meaning, and that is man, . . . the only creature to insist on having one’ ([1944] 1961: 28). The plague recedes. The narrator notes: ‘[T]here is more to admire in men than to despise.’ But he (aka Camus) adds solemnly in the last sentence: [T]he plague bacillus never dies or disappears for good’, and predicts, ‘for the bane and the enlightening of men’, it would ‘rouse up its rats again and send them forth to die in a happy city’ (1991: 308). Despite his joie de vivre and quest for pleasure, there is a residual Augustinian gloom in Camus that contrasts with Confucian optimism and Christian Easter hope.206 Though rich in Christian imagery and symbolism, in theological ideas and Christ figures (Meursault, Clamence, Kalyayev),207 Camus’s love of Greek tragedy, and a pagan Nietzschean atheism, prevails.208 Faith is more often denigrated than praised. Though no sour sceptic, life is for him tenuously moral, death necessarily lonely. In his post-religious world, there is no immortal soul, ‘no superhuman happiness, no eternity outside of the curve of the days’ ([1938] 1968: 90). As he says: ‘I can see no point in the happiness of angels . . . I do not want to believe that death is the gateway to another life. For me it is a closed door’ (ibid., 76). He parodies Catholic dogma: ‘The world is beautiful, and outside it there is no salvation’ (ibid., 103).209 Camus does not suffer from acute spiritual nostalgia. Camus’s book-length essay The Rebel (1951) is also useful for light it sheds on the author’s attitude towards death – and on his split with Sartre.210 The work is a passionate, controversial indictment of social and moral apathy, and a sustained incitement to active political engagement – but not to Marxist-Leninist revolutionary violence. Camus’s legacy rests on his blending of prose and poetry with careful argument and aesthetic energy, and, as here, on his integration of theory and praxis, journalism and morality. As we have seen and find again here in The Rebel, Camus’s philosophy of the ‘absurd’ involves a ‘revolt’. As he declared: ‘I revolt, therefore we are’ ([1951] 1954: 22).211 Rebellion is, he says, a humane response to ‘the desperate encounter between human inquiry and the silence of the universe’ (ibid., 6). In contrast to existentialism, (what he calls) this ‘lucid’ perspective on the absurd renounces scepticism and claims support from awareness of life. The absurd is not neutral on values, nor does it discourage a search for them. Rather, values express ‘consistency’: they are a ‘point of departure’. So, honest fallibility and values condemning oppression offer, for him, ‘hope for a new creation’. Revolutions failed in Europe because, he argues, they lacked a sense of history and this awareness of moral transcendence. In the process, though, they raised up a ‘rebel’, who, he maintains, counted the ‘common good more important than his own

Cf. p. 12, 69, 76, n. 115, 102, 125, 158, 182, 203, 256f., 401, 454, 460, 491f., 494f. Cf. the central figure, a penitent lawyer Jean-Baptiste Clamence, in Camus’s novel The Fall, below p. 442. 208 On Camus’s religious iconography, reading in Augustine and Kierkegaard, and use of religious themes (i.e. guilt and forgiveness, judgement, sacrifice, passion and death), Hanna, T. L. (1956), ‘Albert Camus and the Christian Faith’; Loose, J. (1962), ‘The Christian as Camus’s Absurd Man’; Kaufman, Religion from Tolstoy to Camus, 40f. N.B. papers at the 2014 Camus Society Conference also treated religion and its imagery. 209 N.B. Camus rejected an afterlife in The Myth of Sisyphus through the hedonistic figure of Don Juan (Francev, ed. 2014: 227f.). 210 The novel’s themes are dramatized in Camus’s Les Justes (1949: The Just, 1965; The Just Assassins, 1985). The text is based on the murder of Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich (b. 1857) by Socialist revolutionaries in 1905. In keeping with Camus’s moral and religious agenda, Kalyayev (the assassin) accepts death not as a revolutionary but as a devout penitent. 211 On Camus’s view of rebellion and mid-20th-century politics, Isaac, J. C. (1992), Arendt, Camus and Modern Rebellion, ad loc. 206 207

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destiny’ and rights for others ‘more important than himself ’. The rebel acts, he says, ‘in the name of . . . values which are still indeterminate’ but ‘are common to himself and to all men’ (ibid., 15f.).212 But Camus warns against forgetful, unprincipled rebellion, and risky, other-worldly idealism. He is raspingly pragmatic: as he says of the essay’s aim, ‘. . . to face the reality of the present, which is logical crime, and to examine meticulously the arguments by which it is justified; it is an attempt to understand the times in which we live’ (ibid., 3). Death is again central here. His focus is not on suicide, plague or capital punishment, but on the horrendous legacy of World War II and the Nazi holocaust. Society and philosophy must, he says, reject violence. Sartre disagreed. A rift between them became inevitable. To Sartre, Camus had reverted to a pre-Existentialist philosophy of ‘essence’ and reneged on his duty to ‘engage’. Sartre’s Communism was confrontational, Camus’s Socialism compassionate.213 As often, erstwhile friends fell out in a quest for the same ends: here, justice and peace. Sartre called Camus’s last novel, La Chute (1956: The Fall, 1956), ‘perhaps the most beautiful and the least understood’ of all his writings (q. Aronson 2004: 5). As its biblically evocative title implies, The Fall is a study of guilt, judgement, justice, remorse, moral failure and social responsibility. Though Camus rejected an afterlife, he knew the reality of failure and the power of ultimate moral accountability. In sombre, introspective monologues – set symbolically in the Dante-esque hell of low-lying Amsterdam fog – The Fall portrays the psychological and moral pilgrimage of a judge, Clamence, from insouciant pride to conscious culpability. As he says of his situation: ‘[U]ntil our Hitlerian brethren spaced it out a bit . . . I am living on the site of one of the greatest crimes in history’ ([1956] 1991: 281). He recalls a perfect night in Paris shattered by loud screams: a woman he passed had thrown herself into the Seine – and he did nothing. He believed himself to be compassionate: now he sees he’s cold-hearted. Elsewhere in the book, his professional vanity and inflated ego are exposed by laughter (as much his own as another’s) and rattled by an incident of ‘road rage’ (for which he can provide no rationale). In the course of the novel, Clamence slowly perceives an act of putative kindness and moral probity (helping a blind man over the road) as sham self-serving. Crushed by his hypocrisy, he acts to shame himself publicly. In a final monologue, reflecting on his spineless evasion, painful imprisonment, and wily acquisition during World War II of the priceless Altar-piece, ‘The Just Judges’ by Jef Van der Veken (1872–1964), Clamence recognizes himself to be a ‘judge-penitent’, guilty by association of frustrated freedom in a godless, meaningless, world. Memory stirs a sense of unconditional guilt and unforgivable (because irreversible) failure. It is another instance in Camus of a future heaven, hell and judgement collapsed

N.B. Camus’s comment: ‘[I]f there is an evolution from The Stranger to The Plague, it has gone in the direction of solidarity and participation’ (1965: 758; 1968, 339). He invokes a Confucianesque sense of ‘the mean’ and ‘harmony’ to describe the ideal condition of human existence, viz. mésure (Lit. measure). His view of rebellion became Cold-War ideology and the inspiration for much post-colonial criticism. Despite his support for Algeria, academics debate whether his portrayal of Algerians still reflects French colonial values. Conor Cruise O’Brien and Said have been harsh critics. Just, et al., see him as a ‘moral man in an immoral situation’. Cf. Azar, M. (2010), ‘The stranger, the mother and the Algerian revolution’; Daoud, K. (2015), The Meursault Investigation; Judt, T. ([1998] 2007), The Burden of Responsibility; O’Brien, C. C. (1970), Albert Camus: Of Europe and Africa; Poddar, P., R. S. Patke and L. Jensen, eds (2008), Historical Companion to Postcolonial Literatures, 166f.; Sharpe, M. (2015), Camus, Philosophe, 263f.; Said, E. (2014), Culture and Imperialism, 204–24; Walzer, M. (1984), ‘Commitment and Social Criticism: Camus’s Algerian War’. N.B. the phases in ‘post-colonial’ critique of The Stranger (Hefferman 2014: 1–25). 213 N.B. Sartre praised Camus’s heroic ‘stubborn humanism’ in his fight against ‘massive and deformed events of the day’ (1960: q. Bloom 2003: 50). 212

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into present, temporal retribution. In La Chute, again, the ‘self ’ is the judge and death – or, in fact, present life – the final judgement. As we will see later, though Confucius might not dissent from Camus’s humanist philosophy and anthropocentric ethic, biblical Christianity accepts a transcendent merciful judge and an eternal judgement for all. We might say more of Sartre and Camus. Their literary legacy and global impact have been immense. Sickness, death and an afterlife – or, lack of it – are central to both. Their writing, style, philosophy, and engagement in contrasting ways with individuals and society, have added much to the way sickness, death and an afterlife are interpreted in a postmodern world. The Analects and Gospels are read in China and the West consciously and unconsciously through the French existentialist ‘Classics’ Sartre and Camus crafted. We cannot, again, ‘un-remember’ their work and must ‘read backwards carefully’ in light of them. ‘Protest Atheism’ and ‘Theology after Auschwitz’ Our second theme is associated with – if not partly derived from – Sartre and Camus. The history, rationale and composite character of so-called ‘Protest Atheism’,214 together with its academic, theological associate, ‘Theology after Auschwitz’,215 illuminate study of suffering, death and the afterlife in the Analects and Gospels in a number of ways. This is particularly clear when studied, as here, against the backcloth of Christendom’s decline and China’s Maoist atheism. We might say much. Van Gogh’s advice to exaggerate the essentials is again apposite, but issues addressed here also demand pastoral and socio-political sensitivity. As stated at the start of this chapter, our interest is not only exegesis of the chapter’s theme but resolution of the book’s argument. A number of loose ends can, and must, be tied off here. The mid-20th century witnessed a new impulse to explain suffering and blame God. In various versions of protest atheism and ‘post-Holocaust’ theology, sickness, death and the afterlife in the Analects and Gospels were (and are) subject to intense scrutiny. The issue is not now, ‘What do these texts really mean?’ but, ‘What do they say to a pain-filled, sceptical world?’ And, ‘How do they square with a purportedly loving, powerful God?’ Literature, politics and culture impact answers. The Analects and Gospels are read now in light of texts like Un di velt hot geshvign (1954, And the World Remained Silent) – better known as Night, or La Nuit – by Holocaust survivor, Nobel Laureate, and Human Rights activist Elie Wiesel (1928–2016).216 But Night is not unique: if I do not capitalize protest atheism: like existentialism, it is less a movement and more a cluster of convictions shared by a disparate community of writers and thinkers. 215 Also called ‘Post-Shoah Theology’. For an overview, Mussner, F. (1990), ‘Theology after Auschwitz. A Provisional Program’. Mussner quotes the German Catholic theologian Johann B. Metz (b. 1928), who, like Moltmann, had first-hand experience of Nazism. Metz states the challenge for Christian theology of God in, and after, Auschwitz: ‘After all, one does not say that for Christians there are no other experiences of God than those of Auschwitz. Certainly! But if for us there is no God in Auschwitz, then where else shall we find him?’ (‘Gotteslehren für uns alle [God’s teaching for us all]’ [q. Nacke and Flothkötter, eds, 1990: 1]). 216 Wiesel’s Night is the best-known part of his Night Trilogy, and the heavily abbreviated version of its 862-page Yiddish original. The factual accuracy and autobiographical bias of the text have been challenged over the years, but the story remains an iconic, harrowing view of life and death for Jews during the Nazi Holocaust. Wiesel’s death was reported in China. The dissident author Liao Yiwu (b. 1958) told Berliner Zeitung (16 July 2011) that he read Night during his four-year imprisonment (following the Tiananmen Sq. protests in 1989). He contrasted Jewish solidarity in suffering with Chinese solitariness. On Wiesel, Night and the Holocaust, Fischel, J. and S. M. Ortmann (2004), The Holocaust and Its Religious Impact; Patterson, D., A. L. Berger and S. Cargas, eds (2002), Encyclopedia of Holocaust Literature; Rosenfeld, A. H. and I. Greenberg, eds (1979), Confronting the Holocaust; Tal, K. (1996), Worlds of Hurt; Weissman, G. (2004), Fantasies of 214

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death is central to modern life, it is pivotal for modern culture. There are any number of 20thcentury works of art, music, literature and film that represent human sickness, pain and death – and, crucially, indict God, deny his existence, or redraw his character. If causes of protest are new, reasons for them are not.217 Back to Camus. His atheistic premise contains two key elements. First, he calls for what he terms ‘metaphysical rebellion’218 against a God who sanctions suffering, a God who inspires a poor priest, Fr. Paneloux, to read a plague theologically and, to Camus, immorally, as ‘the flail of God’ with ‘the world His threshing-floor’ ([1947] 1960: 90). Camus’s atheism (pace Nietzsche) is also integral to his view of the physical, moral and emotional sufficiency of this life. To Camus, theism acts to diminish a person’s capacity to enjoy the beauty and engage the complexity of their life and world. It encourages socio-political irresponsibility, intellectual dishonesty and moral deficiency. God eviscerates human freedom. ‘Sisyphus teaches the higher fidelity that denies the gods and raises up rocks’ ([1942] 1955: 88–91). Camus’s stoic alternative protests against ‘a scheme of things in which children are put to the torture’ ([1947] 1960: 178), claiming, as ‘Christ had suffered and had suffered voluntarily, suffering was no longer unjust’ ([1951] 1954: 33). He adds acerbically: ‘The history of the rebellion that we experience today is far more that of the descendants of Cain than the pupils of Prometheus . . . [I]t is above all others the God of the Old Testament who set in motion the energies of rebellion’ (ibid., 25). Camus popularizes new sources, forms and motivations for mid-20th-century atheism. Atheism has had ‘many hands’, Wiesel precedents and rivals.219 The German Catholic theologian Cardinal Walter Kasper (b. 1933) offers a typology for modern atheism.220 First, he identifies two primary philosophical and theological sources: the ‘autonomy of nature’ and the ‘autonomy of the human subject’. He then categorizes types of atheism, scientific and methodical (celebrating the autonomy of nature) and humanistic and postulatory (affirming the autonomy of humans). From these, he says, flow other forms of atheism based on autonomy per se; namely, protest atheism, troubled atheism (caused by context) and indifferent atheism (that disregards the issue). Here is his proposition in nuce: There is, first, the autonomy of nature and the secular spheres (culture, science, art, the economy, politics, and so on), and for the understanding and functioning of which there is increasingly less need of the God-hypothesis (naturalistic, materialistic, scientistic, methodical atheism or agnosticism). There is, second, the autonomy of the subject, whose dignity and freedom militate

Witnessing; Young, J. E. (1988), Writing and Rewriting the Holocaust. Also, for Holocaust literature from or about China and Japan, Bloomberg, M. and B. B. Barrett, eds (2006), The Jewish Holocaust, 124f. For a comparison of China between 1937 and 1945 and the Jewish Holocaust, Xu, X. (2014b), ‘A new frame to interpret China’s past’, in K. Fracapane and M. Hass (eds), Holocaust Education in a Global Context, 143–52; Ma, X. (2007), ‘Constructing a National Memory of War’, in M. Gallicchio (ed.), The Unpredictability of the Past, 155–200 (esp. 187f.); Zhang, Q. and J. Gotel (2008), ‘Rethinking the Nanjing Massacre’, in M. A. Ehrlich (ed.), The Jewish-Chinese Nexus, 82–94; and, Patt-Shamir, G., ‘Confucianism and Judaism’, in Ehrlich (ed.), ibid., 61–71. On death and art in the 20th century, Allan, D. (2009), Art and the Human Adventure, 31–46, 131–92. Camus locates this in theological and teleological constraints of the human condition: ‘Metaphysical rebellion is the movement by which man protests against his condition and against the whole of creation. It is metaphysical because it contests the ends of man and of creation’ ([1951] 1954: 23). 219 Cf. for readings on the theological and moral dynamics of protest atheism, ‘Evil, protest and response’, in Astley, J., D. Brown and A. Loades, eds (2003), Problems in Theology 2: Evil, 5–29. 220 On Kasper, McMichael, R. N. (2006), Walter Kasper’s Response to Modern Atheism, 45f. 217 218

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against the acceptance of an omnipotent God (the humanistic atheism of freedom and political atheism of liberation). —[1982] 2012: 19 Within this framework, Kasper locates the advance of atheism from the Enlightenment to the present. Camus and Wiesel belong, then, to an intellectual programme glimpsed in previous chapters.221 Discussion of sickness, death and the afterlife are cause and effect of the rise of atheism. Interpretation of these themes in ‘Classic’ texts (aka the Analects and Gospels) has been affected by, and contributed to, this process. We understand protest theism within the larger history of atheism. We will come back to this: first more on Camus and Wiesel. Mid-20th-century protest atheism is a composite historical phenomenon. Behind Camus and Wiesel lie Voltaire, Feuerbach, Marx, Nietzsche, Dostoevsky and The Brothers Karamazov. More immediately, the Jewish Marxist philosopher Ernst Bloch (1885–1977), the Frankfurt School philosopher-sociologist Max Horkheimer (1895–1973), the dialectical theologians Barth and Bonhoeffer, and, after them, Jürgen Moltmann (b. 1926), Eberhard Jüngel (b. 1934) and advocates of ‘Liberation Theology’. In different ways these condition the way protest atheism and ‘Theology after Auschwitz’ are conceived and discussed today. Camus, ‘the writer’, followed his mentor Malraux in his fascination with death and denial of transcendence. He also owned the German Romantic poet, journalist, and essayist Heinrich Heine’s (1797–1856) probing question: ‘If there is a God, why is there evil?’ and his terse conclusion, ‘There is no God!’222 Wiesel was indebted to the Christian novelist and Nobel Laureate for Literature (1952), François Mauriac (1885–1970), who helped him to get Night published.223 Protest atheism was, as Kasper’s typology reveals, as much about ethics, aesthetics and psychology, as God and philosophy. It can also lead to unresolved positions, as Camus, for example, concluded: ‘I do not believe in God and I am not an atheist’ ([1951–9] 2008: 112; q. Aronson 2012: 257): a view voiced by many in post-Christian – if not now post-secular – cultures today. Protest atheism may be passionate: it can also be provisional. Stella Rodway’s version of Wiesel’s Night appeared in 1960, the year Camus died.224 Had he lived, Camus might have added his voice to praise showered on Wiesel by the Nobel Committee in 1986. The citation calls him a ‘messenger to mankind’ (sic), who had turned ‘personal experience Cf. above p. 116, 117, n. 141, 151, n. 113, 218, n. 187 & 189, 307, 310. Materialism and hedonism in Nietzsche and Camus are anticipated in Heinrich Heine’s claim: ‘Christianity, unable to annihilate matter, has always denounced it. [It] has degraded the noblest pleasures, the senses were forced to play hypocrite, and the result was deceit and sin’ (q. Hermand and Golub, ed. 1985: 179). Heine also pre-empts the protest atheism of Moltmann’s neo-Hegelian and Lutheran God (who suffers in the crucified Christ), writing: ‘Eternal praise is due to the symbol of that suffering God, the saviour with the crown of thorns, the crucified Christ, whose blood was a healing balm that flowed into the wounds of humanity. The poet especially must acknowledge with reverence the terrible sublimity of this symbol’ (ibid., 26). On Moltmann, p. 452f.; and, Pool, J. B. (2010), God’s Wounds, 9. 223 At first, Wiesel found Mauriac’s Christianity difficult, but in time they became firm friends. On their relationship, Sternlicht, S. V. (2003), Student Companion to Elie Wiesel, 9; Downing, F. L. (2008), Elie Wiesel, 100f.; Walker, G. (1988), Elie Wiesel, 4f. 224 After Germany invaded Hungary on 18 March 1944 life for Jews became extremely harsh. More than 430,000 Hungarian Jews were deported to Auschwitz between 15 May and 8 July 1944. The Wiesel family were in due course ‘selected’. Elie’s father, mother and youngest sister were killed. Wiesel says of Night: ‘I wanted to show the end, the finality of the event. Everything came to an end – man, history, literature, religion, God. There was nothing left. And yet we begin again with night’ (q. Fine 1982: 7). 221 222

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of total humiliation’, and an ‘utter contempt for humanity . . . in Hitler’s death camps’ (Auschwitz and Buchenwald [1944–45]), into a ‘practical work’ for Human Rights and the promotion of ‘peace, atonement and human dignity’.225 Suffering and death are part of Wiesel’s protest against his God. He recalls a kapo (Lit. prison guard) warning: ‘Here, there are no fathers, no brothers, no friends. Everyone lives and dies for himself alone’ ([1956] 2006: 110). When a frail, emaciated, child is hung in Buna (Auschwitz III), the inmates are forced to watch the lingering death. A man is heard asking, as they file past, ‘Where is God? Where is He?’ Wiesel records: ‘Behind me, I heard the same man asking: “For God’s sake, where is God?” And from within me, I heard a voice answer: “Where He is? This is where – hanging here from the gallows” ’ (ibid., 65). In this archetypical moment of anger, honesty and revulsion, God, innocence and human identity die in a conflagration of anger, ethics and personal integrity. As Night’s excoriating narrative relates: NEVER SHALL I FORGET that night, the first night in camp, that turned my life into one long night seven times sealed. Never shall I forget that smoke. Never shall I forget the small faces of the children whose bodies I saw transformed into smoke under a silent sky. Never shall I forget those flames that consumed my faith forever. Never shall I forget the nocturnal silence that deprived me for all eternity of the desire to live. Never shall I forget those moments that murdered my God and my soul and turned my dreams to ashes. Never shall I forget those things even were I condemned to live as long as God Himself. Never. —ibid., 28–34 To some forms of protest atheism ‘Theology after Auschwitz’ is impossible. As W. Waite Willis explains: this protest atheism is a ‘protest against God grounded in the misery of the concrete human situation’ (1987: 3). Suffering creates an impermeable blockage for faith. Like Camus, Wiesel fears the rationalizing of suffering in religion (Bauckham 1995: 80f.).226 Innocent suffering is for him the great mystery.227 It forces a person to examine themselves, and their God. To Wiesel, like Camus, suffering’s eradication was, or is, more urgent than its explanation. Chinese minds are sensitive to such through their own ‘forgotten Holocaust’.228 As indicated earlier, Wiesel belongs to a long tradition of European atheism that finds classic representations of the Judeo-Christian God incompatible with the data and questions of everyday life: that is, between theonomy and autonomy, God’s reign and human freedom, or a divine creation Cf. Nobel Peace Prize citation (Oslo, 14 October 1986): http://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates/1986/ press.html (accessed 29 November 2016). 226 For an overview of suffering in Kierkegaardian existentialism, Podmore, S. D. (2005), ‘The Dark Night of Suffering and the Darkness of God’, in R. L. Perkins (ed.), International Kierkegaard Commentary, 15.229–56. 227 Cf. the response to Wiesel, Surin, K. (1986), Theology and the Problem of Evil. 228 On the ‘forgotten Chinese Holocaust’, p. 23, n. 28; also, p. 412. Note Wiesel’s reflections on children suffering in a new Preface to Night: ‘I did not say [in Night] that they were alive, but that was what I thought. But then I convinced myself: no, they were dead, otherwise I surely would have lost my mind. And yet fellow inmates also saw them; they were alive when they were thrown into the flames. Historians . . . confirmed it’ (ibid., xiv.). Cf. Image 26, p. 455. 225

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and the process of evolution. Theodicy is central to protest atheism and to ‘Theologies after Auschwitz’. Looking back, to Voltaire – who English historian Edward Gibbon229 co-opted to criticize Christianity’s role in Rome’s decline, and Dostoevsky blamed for spreading doubts about God’s love and justice230 – God was an awkward necessity and institutional construct, created as much in man’s image as deduced from cosmic design. No lover of clericalism or theocracy, as we have seen, Voltaire slated Roman Catholicism as ‘the most absurd and the most bloody religion which has ever infected this world’.231 Gibbon, on the other hand, viewed ‘the religion of Christians’ as ‘a scourge sent on man by the author of all evil’ (q. Milman 1838: 208). Pre-empting 20th-century protest atheism, Voltaire warned: ‘Those who can make you believe absurdities can make you commit atrocities’ (q. Torrey 1961: 277f.). Voltaire attracted sharp censure in his day. We find musical genius Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart (1756–91) writing (perhaps unexpectedly piously?) to his father Leopold (1719– 87) in 1778: ‘[T]he ungodly arch-villain Voltaire has died miserably like a dog – just like a brute. That is his reward!’232 But Voltaire’s deistic materialism gathered widespread support (and legal endorsement) in the intense de-Christianization of the French Revolution (1789–92),233 with its wild celebration of goddess ‘Reason’ in Notre-Dame Cathedral (10 November 1793) and creation of the cults of ‘Reason’ and ‘the Supreme Being’ (fr. 1794). Voltaire’s scepticism colours European, North American and Chinese culture in the 19th and early 20th centuries.234 Though his prediction that the Bible would soon become a museum piece has proved inaccurate – not least in China, where since the Cultural Revolution tens of thousands of Bibles have been printed and sold235 – his cynical view of its value and dread of its mis-use have often been echoed (and, at times, justified).236 Voltaire’s shadow hangs over the text and interpretation of the Analects and Gospel chilling souls struggling with suffering, death and the risk of an afterlife. He is still a doorkeeper for doubters; not least, followers of Camus and Wiesel, but for very different reasons.237 Protest atheism has drawn inspiration from other sources. Feuerbach’s The Essence of Christianity (1841) legitimates the dismissal of religion as ‘human projection’.238 And, crucially, justifies

Cf. above p. 155, 172, n. 240, 216, 234. On Dostoevsky and protest atheism, below p. 449f. 231 Letter to Frederick II of Prussia (5 January 1767), in Letters of Voltaire and Frederick the Great (1929), #156. N.B. Voltaire was appalled by the brutal ‘war of the Cévennes fanatics’ (the Hugenot Camisard insurgency, 1702–10) against Catholics after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes (1685). 232 Letter to Leopold Mozart (3 July 1778), in The Letters of Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, 1769–1791 (1865), I. 218, #107. 233 France is the epicentre of the atheistic earthquake that shattered Christendom in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, with the word ‘atheism’ (Fr. athéisme) of French origin. 234 On Voltaire’s part in Chinese anti-Semitism – despite his respect for Chinese culture – Wald, S. (2008), ‘Chinese Jews in European Thought’, in Kupfer (ed.), Youtai, 217–72. On his denial that Chinese are atheists, Pocock, J. G. A. (1999), Barbarism and Religion, 2.107f.; Sternhell, Z. ([2006] 2010), The Anti-Enlightenment Tradition, 126f. 235 On the numbers of Chinese Bibles printed and the political ramifications of this, Cang, W. (2015), ‘Spreading the Word: China’s Bible Industry’. 236 Cf. Gargett, G. (2009), ‘Voltaire and the Bible’, in N. Cronk (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Voltaire, 193–204. N.B. Voltaire’s words in La Bible enfin expliquée (1776): ‘It is characteristic of fanatics who read the holy scriptures to tell themselves: God killed, so I must kill; Abraham lied, Jacob deceived, Rachel stole: so I must steal, deceive, lie. But, wretch, you are neither Rachel, nor Jacob, nor Abraham, nor God; you are just a mad fool, and the popes who forbade the reading of the Bible were extremely wise’ (q. Gargett, 199). 237 Sartre saw in Camus an heir to the Enlightenment tradition of Voltaire, Diderot and the Enlightenment philosophes, with their appeal to reason, common-sense, freedom and the debunking of cultural and political myths. On Voltaire, p. 149f.; also, Henry, P. (1977), ‘Voltaire as Moralist’. 238 On Feuerbach and ‘projectionism’, p. 299f., 307, 309. 229 230

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(religious) suffering: ‘To suffer is the highest command of Christianity – the history of Christianity is the history of the Passion of Humanity’ ([1841] 1957: 61).239 This man-centred perspective on (Christian) suffering – assigning it to the human condition, not God’s permission or his moral deficiency – fuelled Marx’s later reduction of religion to not only a psycho-theological fallacy (pace Feuerbach) but to a power-based economic need. As he proclaimed in 1844: ‘Religious suffering is, at one and the same time, the expression of real suffering. Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world, and the soul of soulless conditions. It is the opiate of the people’ ([1843–4] 1970/1982: q. Boer 2012: 223). To Marx and his heirs, as long as powerful institutions and superstition promote belief in an aloof, invulnerable God, they deceive a credulous world, muffle cries of suffering, and permit socio-political injustice and economic alienation. This socio-economic protest atheism resonated with the mechanistic materialism from the Enlightenment (in which immutable laws shape humanity and nature)240 and the scientistic atheism that found classic expression in the ‘Young Germany’ dramatist and author, George Büchner’s (1813–37) heart-rending cry, ‘Why do I suffer? That is the rock of atheism?’241 The epistemological ground for the kind of protest atheism we see in Büchner, Marx and Feuerbach, is God’s insensibility to human pain. As Willis says: ‘[T]he divine is constituted only at the expense of the human’ (1987: 3).242 For both doubters and believers, God either cannot (because not sovereign) or will not (because not moral) take responsibility for suffering. This reaction to suffering has fuelled protest atheism worldwide. If, in light of this, China advanced Maoist atheism and imposed scientistic materialism on the populace,243 its late 20th-century Christian revival was inspired, paradoxically, as much by the offer of divine sympathy as public protest against its official censure!244 Protest atheism takes many forms and works in mysterious ways. By seeking to eviscerate religious feelings, Voltaire and his heirs often served to stimulate them: such is the nature of human need and spiritual imagination. Continuing our quest for precursors of mid-20th-century protest atheism, in Nietzsche and Dostoevsky theological and moral protest emerge in different forms. Both authors leave a deep mark on Camus, Wiesel and mid-20th-century socio-religious commentary. Nietzsche is vitriolic in On Kierkegaard and suffering, p. 313f. Cf. Atheist heirs of Voltaire and Diderot: such as the early evolutionist philosopher and physician J. O. La Mettrie (1709–51); Baron d’Holbach (above p. 152f., 155), whose The System of Nature (anon. 1770) Diderot helped to publish; and the fiery utilitarian C. A. Helvétius (1715–71), author of De l’esprit (1758, On the Soul). On French and European atheism, Curran, M. (2012), Atheism, Religion and Enlightenment; d’Holbach, Baron ([c. 1766] 2008), Christianity Unveiled; Hunter, M. and D. Wootton, eds (1992), Atheism from the Reformation to the Enlightenment; Kors, A. C. (1976), D’Holbach’s Coterie; Ladd, E. C., Jr. (1962), ‘Helvétius and d’Holbach’; Lough, J. (1938), ‘Helvétius and d’Holbach’; Manuel, F. E. (1967), The Eighteenth Century Confronts the Gods; Newland, T. C. (1974), ‘D’Holbach, Religion, and the “Encyclopédie” ’; Thomson, A. ed. (1981), Materialism and Society; Topazio, V. W. (1956), D’Holbach’s Moral Philosophy; Vartanian, A. ed. (1960), La Mettrie’s ‘L’homme machine’; Wellman, K. (1992), La Mettrie. 241 N.B. the expression of 19th-century European atheism in the work of Dutch physiologist and nutritionist Jacob Moleschott (1822–93) and in German biologist, zoologist, naturalist, embryologist and philosopher Ernst Haeckel’s (1834–1919) Generelle Morphologie (1866, General Morphology; which popularized Darwin in Germany) and Die Welträtsel (1895–9, The Riddle of the Universe). Cf. Gregory, F. (1977), Scientific Materialism in Nineteenth Century Germany; Milner, R. (1993), The Encyclopedia of Evolution; Richards, R. J. (2008), The Tragic Sense of Life. On Huxley and British thought, above p. 271, 274, 289, 296, n. 153, 316, 348. 242 Cf. also, Weber, J. C. (1966), ‘Feuerbach, Barth and Theological Method’. 243 On scientific atheism in the former USSR, Thrower, J. (1983), Marxist-Leninist ‘scientific Atheism’. N.B. the ‘Science of Religion’ ᇇᮉᆨ (zongjiaoxue) helped to globalize China’s sense of its religious identity (Meyer 2014: 297–341). 244 Links have been made between the ‘Chinese Holocaust’ and China’s self-profiled ability to identify with the downtrodden worldwide (Roy 2013: 25f.). 239 240

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his denunciations of Christianity. But his animus did not grow like a mushroom overnight. When he lost his faith (1861–5), his atheistic sensibilities had been first restrained (1866–74), then voiced (1875/6–79) and finally radicalized (1880–8). Thus, The Anti-Christ: I condemn Christianity, I bring against the Christian Church the most terrible charge any prosecutor has ever uttered. To me it is the extremest thinkable form of corruption, it has the will to the ultimate corruption conceivably possible. The Christian Church has left nothing untouched by its depravity, it has made of every value a disvalue, of every truth a lie, of every kind of integrity a vileness of soul. —[1895] 1999: 198 Nietzsche is not so much a metaphysical atheist (basing his rejection of God on the grounds of empirical evidence or logic) as a moral campaigner against the loss of freedom belief in God engenders and the forms of oppression faith in God inspires. He is not as interested in theological abstractions as he is in the consequences of the idea of God for human actions. Unlike Kant, he does not turn the unknowable idea of God into a ground of ultimate purpose and faith in an afterlife. Nietzsche is not proposing a new morality as much as exposing the amoral nature of ‘Will to Power’ (especially in the Church) that drives the human ‘herd’.245 ‘God is dead’ voices his protest against Christianity. In both style and content Nietzsche encouraged mid-20th-century protest atheism to express itself in the most barbed and offensive terms. If Nietzsche’s angry moral protest inspired Sartre, Camus and Wiesel, the theological debates in Dostoevsky’s novels were as decisive in determining the character and content of mid-20th-century protest. From The Brothers Karamazov especially, protest atheism gained confidence to question the will, nature and, eventually, the reality of a purportedly almighty, traditionally impassible (Gk. apatheia) deity, who remains aloof from our suffering. Contra Kierkegaard and all who repackaged suffering at humanity’s expense, Dostoevsky indicted God at God’s expense. As Ivan Karamazov protests when a master’s dog mauls a child: What sort of harmony is it, if there is a hell? I want to forgive. I want to embrace. I don’t want any more suffering. And if the sufferings of children go to make up the sum of sufferings which is necessary for the purchase of truth, then I say beforehand that the entire truth is not worth such a price. I do not want a mother to embrace the torturer who had her child torn to pieces by his dogs. She has no right to forgive him. And if that is so, if she has no right to forgive him, what becomes of the harmony? I don’t want harmony. I don’t want it out of the love I bear to mankind. I want to remain with my suffering unavenged. Besides, too high a price has been placed on harmony. We cannot afford to pay so much for admission. And therefore I hasten to return my ticket of admission. And indeed, if I am an honest man, I’m bound to hand it back as soon as possible. This I am doing. It is not God that I do not accept, Alyosha. I merely most respectfully return him the ticket. I accept God, understand that, but I cannot accept the world that he has made. —[1880] 2007: 268 Nietzsche’s interest in human moral and spiritual motivation is an important precursor of Freud’s psychologized spiritual reductionism. See further, p. 310, 348, 374, n. 149, 396, 413, n. 7.

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The questions of theodicy Dostoevsky asked found answers he probably did not intend. After Auschwitz, protest atheism turns the blood of millions into stains on God’s name and nature. Dostoevsky did not see atheism as a necessary correlate of his theologized novels and moral questions. Likewise, Swiss theologian Karl Barth did not deduce from the slaughter on the Somme a failure on God’s part, as much as evidence of humanity’s rebellious culpability. ‘Nein!’ (No!), was God’s just Word to man, not humanity’s justified protest against God.246 Indeed, Barth’s dialectical theological protest against the liberal establishment – reinforced by a resurgent Lutheran theology in Europe, Britain and America at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century – strengthened the case for God’s identity and integrity in the face of atheist attack (McGrath [1991] 2017: 183).247 Liberal confidence in human potential and in societal progress was profoundly misplaced to Barth and his followers. Though sharing Barth’s dialectical roots, to the martyr-theologian Bonhoeffer248 protest atheism reflected humanity ‘come of age’ and offered the church an opportunity to participate in cosuffering, Christ-like witness. As he argued: ‘Man (sic) is challenged to participate in the suffering of God at the hands of a Godless world’ (1954: 166).249 Over time, Jürgen Moltmann, liberationist theologian Dorothy Soëlle (1929–2003) and many others, would heed Bonhoeffer’s martyr’s cry for theological reappraisal and embrace the truth of a compassionate, suffering God. By World War II the atheistic existentialism of Sartre, Camus and the philosophical, moral and social protest they inspired, had strengthened the case for the prosecution of God. In the writings of Jewish Marxist philosopher Ernst Bloch, the Frankfurt School philosopher-sociologist Max Horkheimer, and, in time, Jürgen Moltmann and his colleague at Tübingen, Eberhard Jüngel (b. 1934), Munich Professor Wolfhart Pannenberg (1928–2014), and many forms of ‘Holocaust Theology’ and ‘Liberation Theology’, issues of suffering, death and the afterlife are reframed and God’s nature, being and act reconfigured. In China and the West, the Analects and Gospels are read today in light of this revisionary theology and its creative, philosophical, theological and pastoral cross-questioning. We introduce this material here but revert to it in the following section on mid20th-century ‘Christian Existentialism’. Ernst Bloch is important in his own right250 and for his influence on Moltmann.251 Of particular significance for discussion of protest atheism is his (anachronistic) argument that biblical Christianity On Barth, p. 85, n. 157, 239, n. 315, 270, 307, 312, n. 222, 329, 420, n. 47, 446, 450, n. 246, 453, n. 271, 457, 461f., 464. Barth’s theology evolves. In his later christology he addresses God’s suffering as a necessary consequence of his selfrevelation in Christ crucified. Cf. Jüngel, E. ([1964] 1976), The Doctrine of the Trinity, 83–8. On Jüngel, p. 450, 453f. 247 In England, God’s ‘suffering’ was addressed by H. M. Relton in a 1917 essay (reprinted in Studies in Christian Doctrine [1960], Ch. 2). This was noted by the Archbishops’ Doctrine Commission, who in 1924 commissioned J. K. Mozley’s [1883–1946] The Impassibility of God (1926). Mozley’s work testifies to the specifically British interest in ‘divine passibility’. 248 On Bonheoffer, p. 56f., 321, n. 270, 329f., 445, 451f., 461, 465. 249 On this, Lee, J. Y. (1974), God Suffers for Us, 79–90. 250 Bloch was born in Ludwigshafen (on the Rhine opposite Mannheim) and educated at the universities of Munich and Würzburg. His academic career was disrupted by: i. Nazi anti-Semitism (forcing his move to America); ii. the invasion of Hungary (he returned to Germany in 1948 to teach philosophy at Leipzig University, but from 1956 rejected GDR politics); and, iii. the Berlin Wall (he stayed in the West after 1961, teaching at Tübingen University until his retirement). Bloch’s ‘expressionist’ theory of literature and aesthetics was influential in China from the mid-20th century (Fokkema and Ibsch [1977] 1995: 81–135). On the literary link between Blochian utopianism (where utopia’s ‘essential function’ is to ‘critique [of] what is present’) and late 19th-century Chinese feminist writing, Dooling, A. D. (2005), Women’s Literary Feminism in Twentieth-Century China, 64f. 251 On Bloch’s creative atheism, with its clear hope content, and affirmation of the role of religious imagination ‘after the demystification of the world-picture’ (99), Moylan, T. (1997), ‘Bloch against Bloch’, in J. O. Daniel and T. Moylan (eds), Not Yet, 96–121. 246

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contains in itself the seeds of atheism and protest.252 Building on his reading of Hegel and Marx – and radical medieval writers Thomas Müntzer (1489–1525), Philip von Hohenheim (1493–1541, aka Paracelsus) and Christian mystic Jakob Böehme (1575–1642) – Bloch found in the Bible (especially, the Old Testament) a tradition of protest. And, as Roland Boer explains Bloch: ‘Any protest against the oppressive deity of the Bible, the one who sanctions theocratic tyrants such as Moses, Aaron, David, Solomon or Herod, is an implicitly atheistic protest’ (2014: 64). To Bloch, the stories of Adam and Eve, Cain and Abel, the tower of Babel, Israelite’s wilderness grumbling, the revolts by Korah and Miriam, Job’s cry and, later, Jesus’s apocalyptic imagery, ‘give voice to an element of protest against the rulers and the God who would protect them’ (ibid.). This God, Bloch believes, humanity justifiably rejects in the name of justice and hope.253 In his seminal contribution to 20th-century Marxist-Christian dialogue, Bloch claims Marxism and Judeo-Christian tradition agree that history is moving towards an eschaton, but that to Marxists this is to a Utopia in time, not as in biblical religion to a heaven in eternity. In contrast to Bloch, in his essay ‘Theism and Atheism’ (1964)254 the pioneering Director of the University of Frankfurt’s Institut für Sozialforschung (Institute of Social Research),255 Max Horkheimer, turns his foundational work on ‘critical theory’ – especially, on authoritarianism, fascism, popular culture, and the relation between effect and concept – into an exposé of the interrelated impacts of theism and atheism on human freedom and flourishing. In light of the shift from atheism’s ‘marginalization’ (when Christianity ruled, and intellectuals rebelled) to its ‘institutionalization’ (when science and society habituated irreligion), theism and atheism are, to Horkheimer, both susceptible to co-option or (worse) being coercive. The issue for him was an individual or a society’s capacity to resist this. As he states, with state-sanctioned religion firmly in his sights: ‘Atheism was once a sign of inner independence and incredible courage . . . it continues to be one in authoritarian and semi-authoritarian countries where it is regarded as a symptom of the hated liberal spirit’ ([1967] 1996: 49).256 In other words, in Horkheimer’s ‘critical theory’ faith and unbelief are both instrumentalized. Protest atheism – like its epistemological counterpart protest theism – becomes an active, non-metaphysical agent of intellectual liberation and social renewal.257

Cf. Bloch, E. ([1968] 1972), Atheism in Christianity. Bloch was a friend of leading radical intellectuals, writers, musicians, critics and artists; including, György Lukács (1885– 1971), Bertholt Brecht (1898–1956), Kurt Weil (1900–50), Walter Benjamin (1892–1940) and Theodor Adorno (above p. 197, n. 76, 348, 366, n. 103.). His three-volume Das Prinzip Hoffnung (1955–9: The Principle of Hope, 1986) provided thoughtful utopian inspiration to protests in 1968, and to Moltmann, Dorothy Söelle (1929–2003), the Italian priest and peace-activist Ernesto Balducci (1922–92), and other socio-political initiatives. 254 Cf. Horkheimer, M. (1964), ‘Theism and Atheism’; —(1974a/b), ‘Atheism and Religion’, in Critique of Instrumental Reason, 34–50. 255 The Institute was founded in 1923. Horkheimer became Director in 1930, editing for many years the Institute’s Zeitschrift für Sozialforschung (Journal for Social Research) in which ‘critical theory’ was developed. After a productive period of academic exile and collaboration (esp. with Adorno) in the USA (1934–49), during which time he became a US citizen (and the Institute relocated to Columbia University in New York), Horkheimer returned to Frankfurt as Director of the re-opened Institute (1950– 3) and Rector of the University (1951–3). He remained at the university until his retirement in the mid-1960s. On Horkheimer’s life, colleagues and scholarship, Abromeit, J. (2011), Max Horkheimer and the Foundations of the Frankfurt School. 256 N.B. to Horkheimer, when atheism becomes oppressive state ideology ‘protest theism’ legitimates rebellion (ibid., 34–40). 257 Horkheimer respects the Christian ‘love ethic’ and sees the danger of an atheistic, fascist state, but his negative theology, or ‘longing for the totally Other’ (Moltmann [1972] 1973: 224), challenges all forms of idolatry. His religious outlook is, like Nietzsche, Camus and Adorno, ‘humanistic’; that is, he believes religion encourages oppression (Boer 2014: 65f.; McWilliams 1985: 40f.). 252 253

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This is a creative – albeit controversial – approach that contenders for Human Rights and religious freedom have found conducive.258 In Tübingen theologian Jürgen Moltmann, protest atheism becomes an intentional programme of theological renewal.259 He writes in light of the Protestant reformer Martin Luther’s ‘Theology of the Cross’,260 the critique of Christianity by Marx, Dostoevsky, Bloch and Camus, his own experience of internment in World War II, renewed academic interest in the ‘Hellenization’ of Christian orthodoxy and Marxist-Christian dialogue in the mid-1960s. He also follows Bonhoeffer in refocusing faith on a crucified, co-suffering God.261 Protest atheism per se is, to Moltmann, intelligible and justifiable, but misguided and reductionist. It is based on a faulty theological premise, which projects and rejects a wrong view of God.262 It also risks succumbing to nihilism or a divinizing of humanity. The Trinitarian God is, for Moltmann, the unjustly ‘crucified God’, who suffers ‘Godforsakenness’ in Jesus and suffers in all who suffer unjustly, as Christ did on Calvary. As he states: ‘A God who cannot suffer is poorer than any man . . . But the one who cannot suffer cannot love either. So he is also a loveless being’ ([1972] 1973: 222). If protest atheism presumptively proclaims the ‘death of God’, Moltmann argues for a ‘death in God’ (ibid., 207)263 and a God dying ‘for’ us. We need, he says, a ‘metaphysical rebellion’ and recovery of a lost theological tradition. For, if classical theology denied ‘divine passibility’ and celebrated suffering, patristic theology and Lutheran spirituality speak of God suffering – ‘dying’ even – in, with, and for weak, sinful, rebellious humanity.264 In light of this, the poor are then ‘privileged’ if this suffering God265 hangs in a child of Auschwitz, carries the chains and scars of slavery, succumbs to an unjust system and dies in shame like a Holocaust victim on the cross at Calvary. The Almighty God is, for Moltmann, this

Horkheimer’s slow reception in China – in contrast to Eric Fromm (1900–80) and others of the Frankfurt School – may be due to his (virtual) sinophobia and support for US action in Vietnam (Stirk 1992: 179f.). Cf. his early rejection of Expressionism (in favour of social change) and high regard for German novelist-medic Alfred Döblin’s (1878–1957) popular, historical, Chinese novel Die Drei Sprünge des Wang-lan (1915, The Three Leaps of Wang Lun) (Abromeit 2011: 49f; Schuster 2007: 111f.). 259 On the modern debate, Bauckham, R. (1984), ‘ “Only the Suffering God Can help”: Divine Passibility in Modern Theology’; Lister, R. (2013), God Is Impassible and Impassioned, esp. bibliog. (285–314). Bauckham is (rightly) attentive to East Asian interest in divine suffering; notably, in Japanese theologian Kazoh Kitamori (1916–98), Theology of the Pain of God (1946). Cf. on this, McWilliams, W. (1980), ‘Divine Suffering in Contemporary Theology’; Lee, J. Y. (1974), God Suffers for us; Kim, C-C. (1981), ‘God’s Suffering in Man’s Struggle’, in J. C. England (ed.), Living Theology in Asia, 15–21. 260 In Luther’s ‘Theology of the Cross’, succinctly stated in the ‘Heidelberg Disputation’ (1518), God’s revelation and salvation in Jesus Christ confound and invert human reason: that is, it reveals God as ‘hidden under opposites’ (Lat. absconditus sub contrariis), as ‘spirit’ in the ‘mask’ (Lat. simulacrum) of Jesus’s flesh, as wise in the ‘foolishness’ of the gospel, as ‘glorious’ in the ‘shame’ of crucifixion, and as all-powerful in the ‘weakness’ of death. 261 In developing this theme Moltmann references Unamuno’s understanding of the ‘infinite suffering’ of God (above p. 422, n. 64, 423, n. 75) and Berdyaev’s denial of divine possibility, in favour of ‘tragedy’ in God (above p. 423, n. 75). Cf. Moltmann, J. ([1980b] 1981), The Trinity and the Kingdom, 36–47. 262 Moltmann would not be surprised by Camus’s claim: ‘When man submits God to moral judgement, he kills Him in his own heart’ ([1951] 1954: 57). 263 We also hear here (as elsewhere in Moltmann) strains of Hegelian dialectic in the ‘negation’ of God’s life in the death of the Son. He counters common criticisms of ‘penal substitutionary’ theories of the atonement, that they set the Father against the Son, by talk of their ‘conformity of wills’ in shared ‘abandonment’ and ‘co-suffering’ love. On this, Welker, M. ed. (1979), Diskussion Über Jürgen Moltmanns Buch ‘Der gekreuzigte Gott’. 264 On selfless suffering and sacrifice in the Analects and Gospels, p. 9, 29, 61, 65, 81, 85, 180, 246, 249, 254, n. 402, 256, 493; also, p. 243f. On Moltmann and Chinese theology, Tang, S-k. (1996), God’s History in the Theology of Jürgen Moltmann. 265 On Jesus and the poor, Moltmann, J. (1999), God for a Secular Society, 50f. 258

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co-suffering God,266 who is present in pain and death.267 It is this God who humbles the proud, powerful and unjust and empowers the poor, weak and marginalized. Through the cross, this God declares freedom, hope, and justice to all in this life and the next. Refuting Büchner, ‘[T]his is the rock of Christian faith’, for Moltmann ([1964b] 1967: 43).268 This is how he draws the sting on atheist protest: he reinterprets God and denounces injustice. Echoing Bonhoeffer, the church is to Moltmann necessarily socially and politically engaged. We cannot afford the German Protestant theologians Eberhard Jüngel and Wolfhart Pannenberg the attention they deserve, and much of their work falls outside our time frame. We highlight issues here as they relate to this chapter. First, Jüngel, who takes Moltmann’s theo-poetic talk of the ‘death of God’ a stage further. His response to protest atheism is in a reinvigorated Trinitarianism.269 In Gott als Geheimnis der Welt (1982: God as the Mystery of the World, 1983),270 Jüngel presents the cross as revealing ‘the mystery of divine being’ (ibid., 44). Using neo-Hegelian categories, God is presented as experiencing the ‘alienation’ and ‘relationlessness’ of death in Christ’s death at Calvary (ibid., 109). Through the cross, God also reveals the depth of his love in a self-emptying act of sacrifice and redemption. [However] when God’s relationship to us remains unbroken even in death, when he identifies himself with the dead Jesus, in order to demonstrate his gracious concern for all men through the crucified One, then out of the midst of the relationlessness of death there emerges a new relationship between God and man . . . For it is when everything has become relationless that love alone creates new relationships. When all relationships have been broken, only love can create new ones. —ibid., 109f. Jüngel’s early work Gottes Sein ist im Werden (1965: The Doctrine of the Trinity, 1976; God’s Being Is in Becoming, 2001) is a ‘superb’ piece of ‘Barth-exegesis’ (Webster 1986: 20) and a profound defence of classical Trinitarianism.271 As Jüngel argues, God’s ‘being-in-becoming’ is ‘the becoming To Kasper, stress on a uni-personal God (in response to the criticism of Nicene orthodoxy in Feuerbach, Marx, Nietzsche and Freud) enabled ‘the heresy of Christian theism’ with its inadequate Trinitarianism and impassible deity (Colberg and Krieg, eds, 2014: 100; cf. also Fiddes 2000: 152–190). 267 On divine and human suffering, Keating, J. F. and T. J. White, OP., eds (2009), Divine Impassibility and the Mystery of Human Suffering. For a critique of Moltmann, Sarot, M. (1991), ‘Auschwitz, Morality and the Suffering of God’. 268 Cf. also, Neal, R. A. (2008), Theology as Hope, 56. To Bauckham, Moltmann’s Theology of Hope is ‘arguably one of the truly great theological works of the last few decades, and indisputably one of the most influential’ (1995: 29). 269 The Trinity doctrine had come under pressure from the late 1920s in ‘Process Theology’ and philosophy by A. N. Whitehead (1861–1947), Charles Hartshorne (1897–2000) and John B. Cobb (b. 1925). Theologically, ‘Process Thought’ rendered God a fluid function of historical evolution and natural causation, with divine suffering a correlate of this. Jüngel belongs to a post-War project to protect Trinitarian orthodoxy and integrate divine passibility. On divine suffering in ‘Process Theology’, Whitehead, A. N. (1926), Religion in the Making, 153–6; —(1929), Process and Reality, 63f.; Hartshorne, C. (1962), The Logic of Perfection, 274f.; —(1948), The Divine Relativity, 141. Parallels are drawn between the cosmological assumptions of ‘Process Theology’ and classical Confucianism, but ‘divine suffering’ is not apparent in ‘tian’ in the Chinese Classics. On ‘tian’, above p. 120f. 270 N.B. the full ET On the Foundation of the Theology of the Crucified One in the Dispute between Theism and Atheism (1983). 271 To Bruce McCormack, the work ‘audaciously’ appeals to Barth’s doctrine of the Trinity to ‘ward off false objectifications of divine being’ (2009: 48). The threat was symbolically renewed for Jüngel with publication of the 3rd edn. of the Protestant socialist theologian Helmut Gollwitzer’s (1908–93), Die Existenz Gottes im Bekenntnis der Glaubens (1963: The Existence of God as Confessed by Faith, 1965). 266

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which is proper to God’s being’. That is, in the particularity of God’s free act of kenosis (Lit. selfemptying), through incarnation and crucifixion, lies his divine, eternal plerosis (Lit. fulfilment). ‘God’s being-in-act’ is ‘expressed in his suffering’. Like many post-War theologians, suffering is predicated by Jüngel on God as Trinity. As Webster says, God’s ‘historicality and thus his passibility, is his own chosen goal’ (ibid., 21). In part response to protest atheism, Jüngel paints a picture of a God who wills to suffer and comfort hope-less fellow-sufferers with a message of love and life.272 Pannenberg’s response to protest atheism is, like Moltmann and Jüngel, grounded in the Trinity. His emphasis also lies in a historical revelation of the death and resurrection of Jesus. Like Moltmann, Pannenberg’s theology draws on a mid-20th-century reorientation of biblical studies towards apocalyptic, and systematic theology towards eschatology. However, whereas Moltmann presents a radical, personal, political view of theodicy, Pannenberg offers his theoretical, historical and ecclesial response. As he argues: ‘On the soil of belief in God the Creator a problem of theodicy . . . cannot seriously arise’ ([1988] 1991–8: II. 163). Even if, ‘[T]his does not prevent the question from forcing itself . . . upon believers’ (ibid.). Atheism stalks believers clad in the grey weeds of sickness and mortality. They need understanding. To Pannenberg, faith is to be buttressed by a firm doctrine of Creation. Pain is inherent in creatureliness and is inseparable from human autonomy. ‘If the Creator willed a world of finite creatures and their independence’, he argues, ‘then he had to accept their corruptibility and suffering, and the possibility of evil as a result of their striving for their own autonomy’ (ibid., 173). The alternative to this faith-despite-suffering is loss of freedom. Pannenberg also responds to theodicy by restating belief in the ‘Last Things’ (eschatology) and the work of the Holy Spirit (pneumatology). Hope for the future is for him a present experience, and God’s future, final kingdom, a Spirit-inspired realization of salvation (physical and spiritual) and power (to believe and change). ‘With the eschatological future God’s eternity comes into time’, he argues, and is ‘creatively present to all the temporal things that precede this future’ (ibid., III. 531).273 Faith, history, society – and, crucially, theodicy – are rejuvenated here in Pannenberg’s wholesale reorientation of theology towards eschatology and pneumatology. Seen in this light, all will be resolved and justified at the end of time. This is Pannenberg’s (in the end rather traditional) answer to protest atheism.274 But he also sees peace and justice the world longs for – though perfected in the parousia (Lit. second coming) – promised and pre-empted in the present by God’s Spirit. For, ‘The kingdom of God will be actualized and the justification of God in the face of the sufferings . . . will be achieved but also universally acknowledged’ (ibid.). Rooted in God’s acts in history and in his eternal plan for life – and anticipated in Jesus’s death and resurrection – Christian hope experiences the truth of God’s good future now.275 In Pannenberg and Jüngel modern theology has global voices, who have shaped the way the Bible is read, and Trinity doctrine applied, to interpretation of sickness, death and the afterlife in the Gospels by the

Cf. Jüngel, E. (1991), ‘Life after Death? A Response to Theology’s Silence about Eternal Life’; also, Spencer, A. J. (2015), The Analogy of Faith, 239–290. 273 Pannenberg’s theology also uses OT theologian Walter Zimmerli’s (1903–83) ‘promise-fulfilment’ typology ([1952] 1963: 89–122). 274 Though Pannenberg might satisfy a doubting Dostoevsky, we wonder if Moltmann’s theological revision would not help a grieving Wiesel (and many others) rather more. 275 Pannenberg’s monograph, Grundzüge der Christologie (1964: Jesus: God and Man, 1968) set the parameters for later historical-eschatological thinking, in which Christ’s resurrection is proleptic of the final resurrection of the dead at the end of the age. Bloch is also evident here in Pannenberg’s eschatological reorientation of theology. 272

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FIGURE 15: ‘Bloody Saturday’: a child crying outside the South Railway Station, Shanghai (1937).

Church, and in society at large.276 In keeping with ‘critical theory’, theirs’ is a ‘public theology’ that responds to issues society raises and struggles to comprehend. Like Moltmann, they embrace protest atheism without reserve. Protest atheism also finds expression in ‘Theology after Auschwitz’ and in many forms of Liberation Theology. To Franz Mussner, post-Holocaust thought ‘takes appalled cognizance of the terrible events of the Shoah’ (1990: 1). It admits theology after Auschwitz can never be the same. As the historian Yehuda Bauer has said: ‘The Holocaust has become a world issue. It has had an enduring impact on contemporary civilizations and continues to shape, at least indirectly, the fate of nations’ (2002: 260).277 These claims impact our study. Not only Jews, but Christians and people of all faiths and none, are all called to interpret life and death after Auschwitz. ‘Mass death’278 is about more than theology (the nature of God) or theodicy (the justice of God): it cross-examines our faith in humanity. At issue are both proving mass murder (in the face of denial) and processing N.B. the Chinese study of Pannenberg, Kwok, B. H-b. (1997), Von der historisch zur trinitätstheologisch begründeten Christologie Wolfhart Pannenberg. On ‘impassibility’ and God’s ‘death’ in Jüngel and others, Sirvent, R. (2014), Embracing Vulnerability: Human and Divine, 167f. 277 Cf. also, Bauer, Y. and N. Keren ([1982] 2001), A History of the Holocaust. 278 On ‘mass death’, above p. 411f., 420; also, p. 466, 482, 496. 276

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philosophical-political reasoning and psychological fall-out.279 The Holocaust not only empowered protest atheism, it served to embolden ‘protest theism’ as a questioning of the moral integrity and political viability of atheist regimes that brutalize citizens. As Horkheimer saw, theistic and atheistic societies oppress. Theology ‘after Auschwitz’ is as alert to Chinese Christians carrying a ‘martyr complex’ (especially during the Cultural Revolution) as pro-Maoist Western intellectuals who changed their mind when reports of systemic cruelty arose.280 We read the Analects and Gospels ‘on the far side’ of the Jewish Holocaust in a hermeneutic that rejects detachment and impartiality and embraces ‘appalled cognizance’ of every type and time of Holocaust. Liberationist hermeneutics is no less demanding. From Marx through Moltmann, Liberation Theology – be it from Latin America, Africa, Asia, or special interest groups in the West (i.e. blacks, women and gays) – is equally notable for its comprehensive claims and exclusive perspective. Radical existential claims for me and my experience of life that are non-negotiable and authentic, enhance protest as a justified expression of my or our ‘truth’. This has been as significant in China and other (post-)Communist countries as in the West. Liberationist ideology justifies protest against every ‘god’ who legitimates violence and oppression, and against every form of cultural, ethnic, racial, sexual, colonial, political or physical abuse. Protest is expressed by political dissidents and post-colonial critics, eco-warriors and gay-rights campaigners. Liberationist hermeneutics from the 1960s onwards reads sickness, death and the afterlife in the Analects and Gospels, and asks new questions: Who really caused this sickness or death? Who benefits financially from her death? What temporal powers drove these heavenly promises of a new, blessed afterlife? In and through the existentialism of Sartre and de Beauvoir, the protest atheism of Camus and Wiesel, the neo-Marxism of Bloch and Moltmann, the ‘critical theory’ of Horkheimer and the Frankfurt School, and the acute daily experience of socio-economic and political oppression, Liberation Theology and Liberationists challenge assumptions on which life is based and texts are read. Radical questioning has changed the way we see and experience the world: suffering, death, and an afterlife are implicated. Liberationism does not permit us to read the Analects and Gospels unmindful of its theory-praxis critical revisionism. ‘Christian Existentialism’ and Modern Hermeneutics Before looking at the text of the Analects and Gospels, we study in this section and the next the related topics of Christian existentialism281 and modern hermeneutics through to 1979. This again allows us to tie off loose ends. It also enables a historical and theological study of the way interpretation of the Analects and Gospels in general was reconfigured in China and the West by two globally significant, cross-cultural intellectual movements. We begin with four loosely related representatives of Christian existentialism who have left a lasting mark on the way sickness, death and the afterlife are interpreted worldwide today. We noted the origin and nature of Christian existentialism in Augustine, Pascal, Kierkegaard, Dostoevsky, Jaspers, Berdyaev, Shestov, Marcel and Unamuno. We might have mentioned others, such

279 Cf. Friedman, J. C. (2010), The Routledge History of the Holocaust; Berenbaum, M. and A. J. Peck, eds (1998), The Holocaust and History. 280 On shifting Western attitudes towards Maoism, Wolin, R. (2010), The Wind from the East; Buchanan, T. (2012), East Wind: China and the British Left, 1925–1976. 281 I have again opted not to capitalize Christian existentialism to avoid giving the impression that it is more than a composite integration of existentialist ideas used in Christian theology.

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as the French ‘personalist’ philosopher-theologian Emmanuel Mounier (1905–50), the provocative ‘Royalist’ founder of the journal La Nation Française (fr. 1955) Pierre Boutang (1916–98), the American philosopher Clifford Williams (b. 1943), or even Barth, who used Kierkegaardian angst to inspire godly fear.282 Four other Christian existentialists deserve notice. Their philosophical-theology legacy is immense, their role in shaping hermeneutics decisive. Suffering and death are central themes in their work and in their global influence. Consciously and unconsciously, few are unaffected by questions they raise and conclusions they draw. The Analects and Gospels – and, other ‘Classic’ texts – are read in China and the West ‘on the far side’ of their work. Theology, philosophy, personality, and a quest for cultural relevance, converge here. If the next two sections are open-ended, the issues raised remain ‘live’; as in modern hermeneutics, the horizon is always shifting. We return, first, to the unorthodox Orthodox mystical thinker and political activist Berdyaev, whose role in Christian-Marxist dialogue and Asian theology warrants notice.283 His life ‘spans the momentous events of the first half of the twentieth century in Europe’ (Schain 2005: 43): his mind, spirit and will engage them at depth.284 Radical, prolific, bullish, eclectic and creative, Berdyaev has inspired artists, theologians, politicians, poets, doubters and religious leaders worldwide. Born in Kiev (6 March 1874) into an archetypical – but in many ways unconventional – aristocratic military family, Berdyaev was a lifelong critic of institutions.285 His freethinking father, Alexander Mikhailovich, idolized Voltaire: his more Orthodox mother revered the Church of Rome. In his solitary childhood, he read widely. Kant, Hegel and Schopenhauer enthralled him. He dreamed of being an academic. At the University of Kiev (fr. 1894) he became embroiled in Marxist protests, was arrested, and in 1897 sentenced to three years of internal exile in Vologda.286 Returning to Kiev in 1901, he re-found Orthodoxy through the philosopher, theologian and economist, Sergei Bulgakov (1871–1944).287 In 1920, he began to teach philosophy at Moscow State University but again offended the authorities, this time for holding anti-authoritarian views. He was arrested and imprisoned. Banished by the Bolsheviks, in September 1922 he set sail with 160 other intellectuals on the so-called ‘Philosophers’ Ship’. After a sojourn in Berlin, he and his wife moved to Paris. With other émigré intellectuals, he began to write, editing the Paris-Russian religio-philosophical journal Put (Путь: Lit. The Way) from 1925 to 1940. Though not a graduate, Berdyaev taught philosophy at the Sorbonne (fr. 1939) and gained an Honorary DD from Cambridge (1947). He died working

To many Chinese theologians, ‘Church’ theology is necessarily other-worldly or corrupt. Theological reflection outside the Church – as in Kierkegaard, Lutheran Richard Rothe (1799–1867), French philosopher, mystic and activist Simone Weil (1909–43) and Russian philosopher V. S. Solovyov (1853–1900) – is more attractive intellectually and judicious politically. Liu Xiaofeng (b. 1956) exemplifies this (Starr 2014: 392f.). 283 Berdyaev warrants careful study. His relation to leading intellectuals in China and the West (i.e. Weber, Dewey, Scheler, Buber, Kang Youwei, Lu Xun, He Shih, and in quite different ways Karl Löwith [1897–1973], Thomé H. Fang [1899–1977], Jacques Maritain [1882–1973] and Mark Rothko [1903–70], etc.), is particularly noteworthy. On Berdyaev, p. 418, n. 35, 423f., 452, n. 261, 457, n. 283. 284 Cf. Macquarrie, J. (2003), ‘Berdyaev: A Russian (not very) orthodox Mystic’, in Stubborn Theological Questions, 64–77; Allen, E. L. (1950), Freedom in God. 285 On Berdyaev’s early views of absolutism, nihilism, anarchism, and the need for a revival of healthy Russian religious consciousness to save society from these, see his essay (ET) ‘Nihilism on a Religious Soil’ (1907) and later work Slavery and Freedom ([1939] 1943). 286 The city and oblast of Vologda (NW Russia) have a fascinating history. The city was briefly (fr. February 1918) the ‘diplomatic capital of Russia’, and in the Russian Civil War (1917–22) the headquarters for the 6th Red Army. 287 Berdyaev came to differentiate between ‘institutional’ and ‘spiritual’ Orthodoxy. He believed the latter too rarely seen, in part because of the Church. 282

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at his desk in Clamart, Paris on 24 March 1948. He remains a substantial international theological force. Suffering, death and the afterlife are major themes throughout his work. Russian dissident author Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn (1918–2008) lauds him in Архипела́г ГУЛА́Г (1973: The Gulag Archipelago, 1974): [T]hey didn’t succeed with Berdyaev. They wanted to drag him into an open trial; they arrested him twice; and (in 1922) he was subjected to a night interrogation with Dzerzhinsky288 himself . . . But Berdyaev did not humiliate himself. He did not beg or plead. He set forth firmly those religious and moral principles which had led him to refuse to accept the political authority established in Russia. And not only did they come to the conclusion that he would be useless for a trial, but they liberated him. —[1973] 1974: 130; Louth 2015: 72289 Here is a man with what Solzhenitsyn calls a ‘point of view’. He is the archetypal dissident. As Solzhenitsyn says: ‘Confronted by such a prisoner, the interrogation will tremble. Only the man who has renounced everything can win that victory’ (ibid.). Here is Kierkegaard’s Sickness unto Death embodied in a (differently) political form of Christian existentialism. The nature and style of Berdyaev’s writing, and his reception in China and the West, make him an important filter for contemporary interpretation of the Analects and Gospels. A number of things stand out for comment in Berdyaev’s work. There is, in the first place, a striking ambiguity and fluidity in his thought. What he says of suffering, death, and the afterlife connects with three major leitmotifs of his work – ‘personalism’, freedom and creativity – and maps on to his view of life’s ‘primordial’ conditions in time and for eternity. This also resonates with his view of God as full of suffering love and fierce justice, and of the Spirit as acting ‘freely’ (viz. not ‘necessarily’) in history.290 His writing is characteristically mystical and spiritual. Ultimate realities are implicated in a cosmic existential war between good and evil in human minds, wills and cultures. His last book, The Divine and the Human ([1947] 1949) reflects this – and the conflict in his mind and soul: ‘Spiritual shining is not without suffering’, he says.291 Berdyaev’s eclecticism, and quest for cultural commonality and intellectual syntheses, generate awkwardness. Kant, Marx and Nietzsche are juxtaposed with the mysticism and metaphysics of Meister Eckhart and Jakob Böhme (1575–1624).292 The philosophical

Felix Dzerzhinsky (1877–1926; aka ‘Iron Felix’) was an aristocratic Pole. Born in Ivyanets, a small town in the Minsk Region (modern Belarus) of the Russian Empire, he was a member of various revolutionary groups, but is best known for master-minding the Cheka, the brutal Soviet secret police (fr. 1917). 289 Cf. Markovi´c, M. (1978), La Philosophie de l’inégalité et les idées politiques de Nicolas Berdiaev, 33, n. 36. Berdyaev’s revolutionary activity, and the presence at the interrogation of his Bolshevik friend Lev Kamenev (1883–1936), may explain its outcome. More recently, President Vladimir Putin (b. 1952; Pres. fr. 2012) has made Berdyaev’s The Philosophy of Inequality required reading for regional governors. 290 Berdyaev’s Spirit and Reality (1946) develops the link between objective reality, Spirit, freedom, creativity, and an end to social stagnation and lifeless traditions. 291 On key themes in The Divine and the Human, Fedotov, G. P. (1948), ‘Berdyaev – The Thinker’. 292 Though influenced by Kant, Berdyaev saw mysticism as penetrating the world of spirit. Like Dostoevsky, he employed Böhme’s elusive concept ‘Ungrund’ (viz. a state of uncaused freedom, mystery and non-being that is before being and deeper than nature). In Berdyaev’s (non-Augustinian) terms Ungrund is ‘the bottomless abyss, irrational mystery, primordial freedom, which is not derivable from being’ (q. Hughes 2004: 153; cf. also Weeks 1991: 148f.). Berdyaev’s mysticism blends in his early Marxism (Macquarrie 2003: 64f.). 288

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and theological heritage of Berdyaev’s homeland – especially, Dostoevsky, Aleksey Khomyakov (1804–60)293 and Vladimir Solovyov (1853–1900)294 – cohabit with Parisian Modernism. His wide reading and life experience led him to see suffering, in all its grotesque debilitating forms, as an organic correlate of life and the physical face of evil.295 Theologically, he refutes Monism but draws no sharp distinction between ‘historical’ (qua temporal) and ‘metaphysical’ (qua spiritual). Instead, his cosmology is similar to Confucius and Leibniz: humanity and nature interrelate and are spiritually potent.296 Evil is seen in the struggle for survival, sin in loss of freedom. Cultural decay and dehumanizing materialism in mechanistic modernity are social consequences of spiritual alienation and loss of authenticity. ‘The fate of Faust – is the fate of European culture’, he maintains. ‘The soul of Faust – is the soul of Western Europe. This soul was full of stormy, endless strivings. In it there was an exceptional dynamism, unknown to the soul of antiquity, to the Greek soul’ (1922: 59). This culturally alert, interdisciplinary, Christian perspective on suffering and death is a counter to uncritical protest atheism.297 Anger rarely sees clearly. Berdyaev offers measured insight. As in Heidegger, suffering and death – particularly death – are pivotal for Berdyaev. He writes: ‘Terrible as it is to admit it, the significance of life is bound up with death and is only revealed in the face of death’ ([1931] 1954: 322). The struggle against death ‘in the name of eternal life’ is ‘man’s main task’ (ibid.).298 Berdyaev’s Christian existentialism subsumes theodicy in what he calls ‘anthropodicy’.299 In this, Oriental-Orthodox spirituality and an ethical view of ‘God-manhood’ are combined to define Christ’s actual condition and humanity’s potential state.300 Existence, time, ethics, history, pain and culture are integral to Berdyaev’s complex theistic and humanistic view of suffering.301 Such is life, and such is God’s love, for Berdyaev. God’s suffering is both necessary and redemptive: he suffers in and with humanity’s abuse of freedom. In Jesus, incarnate and crucified, God also offers grace, power, love, hope and spiritual freedom amid a maelstrom of destructive bondage, rampant evil and the tragedy of ‘incompleteness’. Berdyaev is not looking here to satisfy bourgeois idealism or a self-centred individualism. His ‘personalist’ philosophy centres on creative

Khomyakov popularized a romantic, neo-messianic, Russian nationalism. On this and other Slavophiles, Gibson, A. B. ([1973] 2016), The Religion of Dostoevsky, 44f. 294 Solovyov was a Muscovite philosopher, theologian, poet, pamphleteer and critic. He was prominent in the Russian renaissance in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Berdyaev accepted his ‘Russian Idea’. Cf. Solovyov, V. S. (2009), Divine Sophia; van den Bercken, W., M. de Courten and E. van der Zweerde, eds (2000), Vladimir Solov’ëv; Nemeth, T. (2014), The Early Solov’ëv; Stremooukhoff, D. N. ([1935] 1980), Vladimir Soloviev and his Messianic Work; Sutton, J. (1988), The Religious Philosophy of Vladimir Solovyov; Zernov, N. (1944), Three Russian Prophets, ad loc. 295 Berdyaev’s comprehensive, cosmic metaphysic is already evident in his early works (ETs) The Philosophy of Freedom (1911) and The Meaning of Creativity (1916). 296 N.B. Berdyaev’s Confucian view: ‘Man is not a fragmentary part of the world but contains the whole riddle of the universe and the solution to it’ ([1931] 1954: 45; q. Macquarrie 2003: 75 and 1998: 107). 297 Part of the difficulty of categorizing Berdyaev lies in his intellectual eclecticism. E.g. on his relation to Jungian psychology, Nicolaus, G. (2011), C.G. Jung and Nikolai Berdyaev. 298 N.B. his (positive) view of existence as ‘full of death and dying’ (Farley 2016: 122f.). 299 Cf. Berdyaev: ‘Perhaps an anthropodicy is the only way to theodicy’ ([1927] 1935: Ch. 3, Sect. F). 300 Mindful of Modernist scientism, Berdyaev looked East for a cosmology where God and humanity act in co-creating harmony. He wrote: ‘Christianity is becoming more foreign and less acceptable to the modern mind than Buddhism’ (q. Hirst 1964: 319). On Berdyaev’s Confucianist view of time, history and social awareness, Richardson, D. B. (1968), Berdyaev’s Philosophy of History, Preface (C. Hartshorne); Berry, M. (1988), The Chinese Classic Novel, 37, A. 105. 301 On Berdyaev and Dostoevsky, Kantor, V. K. (2015), ‘Berdyaev on Dostoevsky: Theodicy and Freedom’. In his later writing on suffering Berdyaev identifies ‘three kinds of time’, viz. cosmic, historical and existential (1943: 257–65). N.B. also its relation to Pannenberg’s eschatology (Lakkis 2014: 55f.). 293

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recovery of the imago Dei302 by realizing humanity’s shared spiritual, ‘socialist’303 identity.304 This is how suffering is to be faced and life changed: not by lonely battling but a corporate fight. In terms of the ultimate consequence of God’s action and human response, Berdyaev defends Hell and choice, but follows Origen (c. 184–c. 253) in anticipating a universal salvation (Gk. apokatastasis). Evil and death are ultimately defeated in Christ’s resurrection, an ‘ethics of redemption’305 and the consummation of all at the end in God’s eternal Kingdom of light and life. As he states: ‘In and through Christ the fate of death is cancelled, although empirically every man dies’ ([1931] 1954: 146).306 Though physical and existential,307 death is not, then, final. Spirit leads to freedom, life and ‘God beyond God’.308 Eschatology, utopian socialism, oriental spirituality and Russian chauvinism cross-fertilize in Berdyaev Christian existentialism. When he died, his global standing was already assured. In China, Berdyaev’s courage, Marxist experience and creative inter-culturalism were seen as an aid to cultivation of Asian theology.309 But not all agreed. Zhang Lisheng (1904–96; Lit-sen Chang ㄐ࣋⭏), a prominent lawyer and educator in Republican era China, who turned from Confucianism, Daoism and Zen Buddhism to Reformed Christianity, took issue with Berdyaev’s cosmology, particularly in Zen-Existentialism: The Spiritual Decline of the West (1969).310 With the defeat of the Kuomintang and founding of the People’s Republic of China (1949) direct interaction with Berdyaev was difficult, but not entirely lost.311 His ideas and interests lived on

On the complex spiritual anthropology of Berdyaev’s theory of the ‘God-Man’, Stark, K. (2009), ‘The Idea of God-Man in Nicolas Berdyaev’s Existentialism’, in A-T. Tymieniecka (ed.), Phenomenology and Existentialism, 217–30. On the ‘GodMan’ idea and its origin, Zitta, V. (1964), Georg Lukács’ Marxism, Alienation, Dialectics, Revolution, 59, n. 6. 303 Though Berdyaev’s non-materialist (esp. his Marxist) political sympathies wavered, he remained a convinced – albeit critical – ‘socialist’, rejecting the ‘social’ as dangerous but approving the co-operative socialism of the French politician and ‘mutualist’ philosopher Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (1809–65). In the end, the relational ‘I/Thou’ was for Berdyaev the fulfilment of human identity, creativity, freedom and hope, and of God’s purposes. 304 N.B. pace Heidegger’s ‘anonymous public’ or ‘das Man’ (p. 419), Berdyaev (along with Jaspers, Marcel and Ortega) feared the depersonalizing technocracy associated with ‘mass’ humanity, naturalism and scientism. Cf. on this, Jung, H. Y. (2011), ‘Confucianism and Existentialism’, in Transversal Rationality and Intercultural Texts, 87–101. 305 On the patristic origins and character of Berdyaev’s ‘ethics of redemption’, Witte, J. and F. S. Alexander, eds (2007), The Teachings of Modern Orthodox Christianity, 116f. 306 On Berdyaev and death, Calian, C. S. (1968), Berdyaev’s Philosophy of Hope, 97f. (N.B. the centrality of death, immortality, hell and paradise in Berdyaev’s writing is linked here to the last section of The Destiny of Man [‘Of the Last Things: Eschatological Ethics’]; —(1965), The Significance of Eschatology, 86, 97, 98 (on Berdyaev’s commendation of ‘Christian death’ that faces it head-on and ‘conquers’ it). 307 Berdyaev movingly connects death with all of life: ‘The anguish of every parting, of every severance in time and space, is the very experience of death’ ([1931] 1954: 251). 308 On ‘God beyond God’, Molnar, T. S. (1980), Theists and Atheists, 162f.; and, its roots in Berdyaev (Macquarrie 2003: 68f.). On Tillich, below p. 464f. 309 Berdyaev’s essay ‘Christianity and Class War’ was praised as ‘one of the most penetrating studies’ (Chinese Affairs 66 [1936], 799). His account of the self-sufficiency of the European renaissance was likewise praised (The Chinese Recorder 69 (1938): 497). It is no surprise that in 1948 the Chinese Student Movement stated: ‘The more favourite foreign authors are Sherwood Eddy, H. E. Fosdick, Harry Ward, John Macmurray, Reinhold Niebuhr, Nicolas Berdyaev, John Bennett, and Gregory Vlastos’ (Chiang, W-h. [1948], The Chinese Student Movement, 127). 310 On Zhang’s life, conversion to Christianity (when visiting India in 1950, to lecture for the philosopher Rabindranath Tagore [1861–1941]) and Christian apologetics, Doyle, G. W. (2016), ‘Zhang Lisheng (Lit-sen Chang): 1904–1996’; also, Chang, L-S. (2013), Wise Man from the East. On Tagore, above p. 386. 311 On Berdyaev and Shestov as influential Russian thinkers in Reform Era China, Zhang, X. (1997), Chinese Modernism in the Era of Reforms, 88f. 302

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in China.312 We hear echoes in other Christian existentialists, who have also been widely read in China; notably, Bultmann, Tillich and Macquarrie, to whom we turn. We have spoken of Rudolf Bultmann before. We consider him here in more detail. In his onevolume China in World History, S. A. M. Adshead claims: ‘The real weakness of Christianity in China’ in the mid-20th century ‘was not numerical but intellectual’ ([1988] 1995: 377). ‘Intellectual Protestantism’, or ‘the fundamentalist dialectical theology of Barth and the modernist demythologization of Bultmann’ never reached China (ibid.).313 This is debatable. It is certainly not true of the West. Barth and Bultmann rise like colossi over the ruins of Christendom. They share Bonhoeffer and Brunner’s ‘dialectical’ upbringing, but their theologies diverge: Barth to a theological and revelational a priorism (without which true theo-logy is impossible), Bultmann to an existential biblicism (in which God is revealed through his Word spoken in a contemporary way). Suffering, death – especially death – and the afterlife are central to Bultmann’s Christian existentialism. He may not have been known by many in China outside the Academy between 1929 and 1979: but, the philosophical and theological critique of classical Christianity he developed is of a piece with mid-20th-century Maoist materialism and its programmatic ‘demythologizing’ of China’s Confucian heritage. What’s more, in so far as his thought is Modernist, as Adshead claims, his impact – albeit indirect – is inherent in China’s engagement with its own ancient cultural worldview, Confucianism. A shared East-West heuristic pertains again here. Over time, Bultmann rang true to many Christian philosophers in China. He still does. Bultmann was heir to early 20th-century comparative ‘History of Religions’ and the theological establishment at Tübingen, Berlin and Marburg universities. He was surrounded by leading biblical scholars like Hermann Gunkel (1862–1932), Johannes Weiss (1863–1914) and Wilhelm Heitmüller (1869–1926),314 and at Marburg (1923–28) by the young Heidegger. Bultmann’s views on suffering, death and the afterlife reflect his engagement with his world and are integrated in central features of his theology as a whole. Three stand out. i. Bultmann retains throughout his life a Lutheran prioritizing of the ‘Word of God’: that is, the Word incarnate in the life and death of Jesus Christ; proclaimed as ‘kerygma’ (Lit. preaching) and taught as ‘dogma’ (Lit. teaching) by the first apostles; and, preached by the Church in every generation. The one Word assumes then these three forms that cooperate in power, truth and life. The Word of God generates faith (Rom. 10.17). In it, suffering is named and assumed by Christ, and then transfigured. At the end of his study of Bultmann’s theology, William Dennison follows him from an early Schleiermachian ‘sense of absolute dependence’, through neo-Kantianism in Marburg and Troeltschian ‘History of Religions’, and the ‘Dialectical Theology’ and suffering of World War I, to his mature

Liberation Theologian Juan Luis Segundo’s (1925–96) thesis for his Doctorate of Letters at the Sorbonne (1963) was ‘Berdiaeff, une réflexion chrétienne sur la personne’ (Berdyaev: A Christian Reflection on the Person). Segundo drew much from Berdyaev’s creation-centred spirituality and attack on individualism and Christian dualism (Leech 1981: 258). Cf. on Berdyaev, http://www.catherinebairdbooks.com/the-catalysts/nikolai-berdyaev (accessed 9 December 2016). 313 On 20th-century Chinese theology and Western thought, Lai, P-c. (2010b), ‘Theological Translation and Transmission between China and the West’, in Lai, P-c. and J. Lam (eds), Sino-Christian Theology, 83–100; Starr, C. (2016), Chinese Theology, passim. 314 Weiss was Professor of NT at the universities of Göttingen (fr. 1890), Marburg (fr. 1895) and Heidelberg (fr. 1908). He exerted a major influence on 20th-century NT studies through his Die Predigt Jesu vom Reiche Gottes (1892, Jesus’s Proclamation of the Kingdom of God), Paulus und Jesus (1909, Paul and Jesus), Jesus von Nazareth, Mythus oder Geschichte? (1910, Jesus of Nazareth, Myth or History?) and Das Urchristentum (posth. 1917, The History of Primitive Christianity). 312

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Heideggerian existentialism (Dennison 2008: 157). As Bultmann observed: ‘[T]he New Testament is not a doctrine about our nature, about our authentic existence as human beings, but a proclamation of this liberating act of God’ (1985: 26). To extract the Word from the words of the New Testament Bultmann used Weiss’s ‘form criticism’ and read the Gospels both as history and as theology. He also drew on Wilhelm Wrede’s (1859–1906) work on Mark’s ‘Messianic Secret’ (1901) and Paul, the ‘second founder of Christianity’ (1904). He accepted the way Martin Kähler (1835–1912) distinguished between an unknowable ‘Jesus of History’ and the eternal ‘Christ of Faith’ (1892)315 to see Jesus as eternal ‘Word’ rather than just a 1st-century Palestinian Jew. In his early History of the Synoptic Tradition (1921) Bultmann also used ‘form criticism’ to study the terms in which Christian faith was first expressed. In his essay ‘Die Liberale Theologie und die Jüngste Theologische Bewegung’ (1924, ‘Liberal Theology and the recent theological movement’) he repudiated as self-destructive the historicism of his peers, replacing it with an ahistorical dialectic. His historic study ‘Die Neue Testament und Mythologie’ (1941, ‘The New Testament and Mythology’) went even further. God’s Word is here only truly heard when historical criticism strips off ancient biblical myths (aka Strauss) and the truth of his Word is re-translated into modern (viz. existentialist) terminology. To Bultmann, ‘the most honest and consistent’ scholar, God is ‘the moment of encountering the dialectical forces of life revealed anew within our existential being’ (Denniston: 157). The ‘Word of God’ remains central: that is crucial. In this Bultmannian Christian existentialism God is neither distant nor detached from human suffering, mass murder or wanton slaughter. He is revealed in and through it. This is the Word of God that speaks comfort, light, life and hope to a bleak, lost and suffering world. Faith hears the Word that ‘judges’ sin, and inauthenticity (Germ. Vorhandenheit) in wayward humanity and, contra atheistic existentialism, promises and empowers authentic ‘new life’ (Germ. Existenz). God’s love, Word, Gospel (Lit. good news) and resurrection power are inter-twined here in lived experience. God’s life is revealed in the transfigured dialectic of human suffering.316 Apart from God’s threefold ‘Word’, there is no hope or power to live. ii. While Bultmann (following Paul) says we do not know Christ ‘according to the flesh’ (II Cor. 5.16), and meet him through kerygma-awakened faith, he sees the crucifixion and death of Jesus as the definitive historical revelation of God’s redemptive love ([1948] 1951: I. 238).317 As Das Evangelium des Johannes (1941: The Gospel of John, 1971) states, in the existential fact of Jesus’s death God reveals and ‘judges’ sin, inauthenticity and death itself.318 In this once-for-all event finitude is faced, hopelessness exposed and the redemptive power of love released. So, Bultmann’s Christian existentialism reclaims the Bible as God’s ‘Word’319 and reframes the relationship of 1st-century faith to 20th-century experience. The lost ‘Jesus of history’ of 19th-century ‘Lives’ On the roots of this in the Wolfenbüttel Fragments, above p. 208, n. 140. On Bultmann’s relation to Heidegger, Macquarrie, J. (1955), An Existentialist Theology; Funk, R. W. ed. (1965), The Bultmann School of Biblical Interpretation; Meier, H. (2012), Rudolf Bultmann und sein hermeneutischer Ansatz; Anz, W. (1995), ‘Die existentiale Theologie Rudolf Bultmanns’; Groβmann, A. (1998), ‘Zwischen Phänomenologie und Theologie’; also, Bultmann, R. ([1960] 1961), Existence and Faith; —([1926] 1934), Jesus and the Word. 317 On Bultmann’s view of history, and of the cross and resurrection of Jesus, Congdon, D. W. (2015), Rudolf Bultmann, Ch. 6 (‘History’). 318 Bultmann rejected the cross as a substitutionary atonement for sin ([1948] 1951: II. 54). 319 On the Bible and the Word of God, Bultmann, R. ([1933] 1987), ‘The Concept of the Word of God in the New Testament (1933)’, in Faith and Understanding, 286–312. For the Barth-Bultmann debate about the nature, location and authority of the ‘Word of God’, Barth, K. (1964), ‘Rudolf Bultmann–An Attempt to Understand Him’, in H. W. Bartsch (ed.), Kerygma and Myth, II. 83–132; Thiselton, A. (1986), ‘Hermeneutics and Theology’, in D. McKim (ed.), A Guide to Contemporary Hermeneutics, 142–74. 315 316

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(pace Schweitzer) becomes the found ‘Christ’ of mid-20th-century ‘believers’.320 To critics, this Modernist programme compromised both history and orthodoxy.321 For, behind Bultmann, we see D. F. Strauss’s demythologizing of Jesus’s life, Troeltschian historicism (with its relativizing of Jesus into a cipher or religious ‘symbol’), and the thorough eschatological re-interpretation of the Gospels by Weiss and Wrede. According to the latter, Jesus is a 1st-century apocalyptic prophet, who proclaims the coming of God’s ‘Kingdom’ and whose disciples see an imminent ‘Second Coming’, pace Daniel’s vision of a ‘Son of Man’ (Dan. 7.13f.).322 The christocentricity of Bultmann’s Christian existentialism is clear. That was part his challenge to orthodoxy: he sought to be faithful to Christ’s Gospel and to what he saw to be responsible, historical exegesis of the biblical text. Bultmann draws his attitude to Jesus into his approach to interpretation.323 He uses Schleiermacher and Dilthey’s experiential hermeneutic to establish commonality between a New Testament reader and the life and death of Jesus, and the experience of contemporaries. Author and reader share pain, vulnerability, joy and finitude. As a result, for Bultmann, the ancient Gospels speak God’s timely true Word to an otherwise culturally alien modern world. Johannine theology and Pauline Christology are primary resources for Bultmann. They help him to ‘de-mythologize’ Jesus to be the historical that (Germ. Geschichte) of exemplary, co-suffering love and a redemptive death. Likewise, he is the inspiration for the church’s shared experience of ‘resurrection faith’, through hearing the Gospel word of Easter hope. In other words, the ‘hermeneutical circle’ is closed here by mortality and hope. Bultmann explains: ‘Faith in the resurrection is nothing other than faith in the cross as the salvation event, as the cross of Christ’ ([1941] 1985: 33). This is ‘Easter Faith’ for the Church in a meaningless, muddled, modern world.324 The aftershock of Bultmann is felt to this day in Asia, America and Europe. His account of the Gospel connects with all who suffer meaninglessness, guilt and a dread of death. His Christian existentialism is a holistic hermeneutic of ‘new life’. iii. The third theme to note emerges from his 1941 essay ‘The New Testament and Mythology’. Bultmann’s theology centres on the immediate ‘benefits’ of faith in Jesus.325 Heideggerian categories are deployed to make these benefits immediate and intelligible to modernity. Central to this is the transformation of life now. Hence, Bultmann interprets the kerygma and eschatology of the New Testament in terms of the immediate, ‘realized’, reality of the coming Kingdom that Jesus proclaimed.326 The ‘new life’ Jesus offers is now: not in some future, eternal afterlife, but as a present experience of

N.B. the dichotomy Bultmann draws between the unknowable ‘Jesus of History’ and the experiential ‘Christ of Faith’ ([1948] 1951: I. 188f.). 321 Thiselton notes criticism of Bultmann from the ‘right’ (Macquarrie, Cairns, Thielicke) and from the ‘left’ (Buri, Braun, Jaspers) for being inconsistent and arbitrary with the term ‘myth’ (2007: 42f.). Cf. also, Macquarrie, J. (1960), The Scope of Demythologizing, ad loc. 322 On Bultmann’s Modernist theology, Fergusson, D. A. S. (1992), Bultmann; Johnson, R. A. ed. (1987), Rudolf Bultmann; Jones, G. (1991), Towards a Critical Theology, ad loc.; Kegley, C. W. ed. (1966), The Theology of Rudolf Bultmann; Schmithals, W. (1968), An Introduction to the Theology of Rudolf Bultmann. 323 On the christological implications of Bultmann’s hermeneutics, Painter, J. (1987), Theology and Hermeneutics, passim. 324 N.B. Bultmann’s connects christology with ecclesiology: ‘The Easter faith is faith in the Church as bearer of the kerygma. It is equally the faith that Jesus is present in the kerygma’ ([1960] 1964: 26f.). 325 Bultmann often quotes the Protestant Reformer Philip Melanchthon’s (1497–1560) dictum, ‘To know Christ is to know his benefits’. Cf. Painter, J. (1987), Theology as Hermeneutics, 190f.; Pinnock, C. H. (1998), Tracking the Maze, 26f. For conservative Protestant criticism of Bultmann, Bloesch, D. G. (2002), The Christian Witness in a Secular Age, 60f. 326 On the centrality of eschatology for Bultmann’s theology, hermeneutics and ethics (N.B. ‘existing eschatologically’ is for him what it means to be a Christian), Bultmann, R. (1957), History and Eschatology; Ratzinger, J. ([1977] 2007), Eschatology: Death and Eternal Life, 48f.; Labron, T. (2011), Bultmann Unlocked, 25f.; Schwarz, H. (2000), Eschatology, 125f. 320

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freedom, hope, authenticity and self-abandoning to God. Bultmann claims ‘de-mythologizing’ helps people hear God’s word of ‘life’. To him: ‘Jesus encounters men (sic) in the kergyma . . . just as He confronted Paul himself and forced him to a decision’ ([1941] 1960: I. 39, 41; q. Kay 1994: 61). Judgement is not put off to a future parousia or final ‘Day of Judgement’, it is experienced as an existential crisis (Gk. krisis; Lit. judgement) now in acceptance or rejection of God’s offer of authentic life and transformative love. God’s Word and Spirit are joint agents of this Gospel freedom and regenerative hope.327 The direct, and indirect, impact of Bultmann’s Christian existentialist theology and exegesis cannot be underestimated. In his revisionist reading of the life and work of Jesus he recovered the Gospels as a source of spiritual inspiration for modern readers. It is not too far-fetched to find parallels in New Confucian reinterpretation of Confucius in the Analects. By turning suffering, death and the afterlife into tropes of our experience, Bultmann relativized biblical revelation, and indirectly empowered other texts and traditions (like the Classics) to function in a similar way.328 To liberal devotees he rescued Christianity from irrelevance, to critics he suborned orthodoxy to the fickle goddess ‘Generational Relevance’.329 Paul Tillich’s impact on modern readings of sickness, death and the afterlife in the Analects and Gospels is also significant. His theology and methodology have an apologetic purpose, to ‘correlate’ Christian answers with contemporary questions. As his Systematic Theology declares: ‘The Christian message provides the answers to the questions implied in human existence’ (1951: I. 64).330 Tillich reflects less the fideism of Anselm or Barth’s Fides quaerens intellectum (Lit. faith seeking understanding) and more the rationalistic scepticism of Aquinas and Abelard’s (1079–1142) Fides quaerens rationes (Lit. faith seeking reasons). To Tillich, faith wants reasons to answer rational doubts and ally irrational fears,331 and it is around matters of ‘ultimate concern’ (Tillich 1957: 1–5) that his theology, philosophy, culture ethics, ontology, psychology and aesthetics converge on behalf of a global audience (1951: I. 11f., II. 23; 1952: 58f.).332 We might say much of Tillich’s creative theological project but focus on how his Christian existentialism impacts this chapter. First, methodologically, existential philosophy and terminology condition Tillich’s thought: so, life is about engaging the ‘Ground of Being’ (his name for God and meaning).333 Like Barth,

For Catholic commentary on the evolution of christocentric Protestant theology from Luther to Bultmann, von Balthasar, H. U. ([1967] 1993), Explorations in Theology, III , esp. Ch. 1.2 (‘The faith of the simple ones’). 328 Bultmann is not alone in turning theosophical texts to existential advantage! 329 On Chinese reception and translation of Bultmann, Zhao, D. (2006), ‘Recent Progress of Christian Studies made by Chinese Academics’, in Yang, H. and D. H. N. Yeung (eds), Sino-Christian Studies in China, 247f., where Barth, Brunner, Tillich and Küng are cited beside Pascal, Kierkegaard, Scheler, Jaspers and Marcel; He, G. (2011), ‘Thirty years of Religious Studies in China’, in Yang, F. and G. Lang (eds), Social Scientific Studies of Religion in China, 23–46; Jansen, Klein and Meyer (2014), Globalization and the Making of Religious Modernity, ad loc. 330 Cf. on Tillich’s theology and ‘method of correlation’, Grenz, S. and R. E. Olson (1997), 20th Century Theology, ad loc.; Hopper, D. (1968), Tillich: A Theological Portrait; Manning, R. R. ed. (2009), The Cambridge Companion to Paul Tillich; —(2015), Retrieving the Radical Tillich; McKelway, A. J. (1964), The Systematic Theology of Paul Tillich; Pauck, W. and M. Pauck (1976), Paul Tillich: His Life & Thought; Thomas, J. H. (2002), Tillich. 331 On Tillich and Aquinas, Ford, L. S. (1966), ‘Tillich and Thomas’; and, on Tillich’s rationalism, Yunt, J. D. (2015), Love, Gravity, and God, ad loc. 332 Cf. the Chinese translation of Tillich: Dilixi Xuanji [Selected Works of Paul Tillich], ed. He, 2 vols (1999). His thought took deep route in the official ‘Three-Self Patriotic Church’. 333 On ‘Ground of Being’ and ‘estrangement’, Manning, ed. Cambridge Companion, 281f. Also, on Tillich and cross-cultural dialogue, Small, J. (2009), God as the Ground of Being. 327

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Bonhoeffer, Bultmann and Brunner, Tillich grew amid 20th-century ‘dialectical theology’. He left Germany in 1933 to teach at Union Theological Seminary, New York. In 1955 he moved to Harvard where he remained until his death in 1965. His style, preferred themes and productivity – including his three-volume Systematic Theology (1951–63) – made him an icon of mid-20th-century America and the doyen of liberalism and existentialism. His thought synthesizes Hegel, Plato, Heidegger and Husserl. Humanity is presented in what he calls three ‘states of being’: autonomous individuality (in non-social isolation), heteronomous alienation (caused by supra-personal systems of power) and theonomous fulfilment (in which relations with self, the environment and Being are restored).334 Here is someone ready to own inherited traditions and, like Bultmann, to adapt them creatively for a modern world. In Theology of Culture Tillich says theology receives ‘tremendous gifts’ (1959: 126) from existentialism – defined in The Courage to Be as ‘the expression of our own situation’ (1952: 126) – ‘undreamed of fifty years ago or even thirty years ago’ (ibid.). As this implies, Tillich’s dependence on Heidegger is more marked than Bultmann’s. Human existence is, for example, located in the structure of Being in the world.335 Kierkegaard is also important. So, angst describes humanity’s mortal dread of death and inauthentic existence (1952: 35f.), albeit Tillich celebrates discovery of self in the recovery of the ‘Ground of Being’ (Sell 1988: 171f.). Following Plato, Augustine, classical sacramentality and Hegelian idealism, Tillich sees the world – as he also does art, pain and relationships – as rich in ‘symbols’ (Neville 1996: xf.). These are fashioned within humanity’s ‘collective unconscious’ and disclose Being, life and truth.336 They are not, as in Bultmann, to be ‘demythologized’ but, Tillich says, ‘broken through’ to reveal ‘Being itself ’.337 As we have seen in Husserl and Otto, existential ‘phenomena’ reveal ‘universal essences’ and phenomenology per se empowers truth claims and value judgements. The net result of this methodological existentialism is a God who is not ‘dialectically’ or ‘radically’ Other (pace Otto and Barth), but is located in an existential and ontological continuum with humanity. A God, that is, really known in the beauty and tragedy, in the fear, finitude and brokenness, of existence. Though ahead of his time – especially in his engagement with Zen Buddhism (Manning 2009: 300f.) – Tillich’s inclusive method and creative philosophy continue to shape inter-cultural dialogue.338 He enabled direct comparison of the Analects and Gospels as bearers of revelatory ‘symbols’. Though criticized for his ‘modernism’ by some postmodern scholars, few in China and the West read unaffected by his scholarship. His quest to answer pressing questions remains impressive, his answers persistingly contentious. On tri-partite ‘Being’ (of God, Christ and the Spirit) and humanity’s three ‘states of being’, Tillich, P. (1947), The Protestant Era, 56f.; Adams, J. L., W. Pauck and R. L. Shinn, eds (1985), The Thought of Paul Tillich, 138f. On Barth’s early use of these terms, Reimer, A. J. (2004), Paul Tillich, 178f. Cf. on Tillich’s anthropology, Bulman, R. F. (1981), A Blueprint for Humanity; Carey, J. J. ed. (1984), Theonomy and Autonomy; Scharf, U. C. (1999), The Paradoxical Breakthrough of Revelation, 53f. 335 For Tillich’s enthusiasm for Heidegger, cf. his ‘Existential Philosophy’ (1944); and, on his place in Heidegger’s profile in the USA, Woessner, M. (2010), Heidegger in America, 104f. 336 On ‘symbol’ in Tillich, Theology of Culture, 56f.; —Dynamics of Faith, 42f.; Dreisbach, D. (1993), Symbols and Salvation, ad loc.; Manning, ed. Cambridge Companion, 46f.; Dourley, J. P. (1975), Paul Tillich and Bonaventure, 86f. 337 On ‘breaking through’ symbols, Musser, D. W. and J. L. Price, eds ([1992] 2003), A New Handbook of Christian Theology, 491. 338 N.B. Tillich’s influence on Tu Weiming and Boston ‘New Confucianism’ (Neville 2000: 104). On Tillich and Confucian ‘(self-)transcendence’, Huang, P. Z. (2009), Confronting Confucian Understandings of the Christian Doctrine of Salvation, 188f. Also, on the compatibility of Tillichian existentialism and classical Confucianism, Yan, A. Z. (2011), An Existential Reading of the Confucian Analects; and, for use of Tillich’s ‘ultimate concern’ to seal the religious nature of Daoism, Liu, X. (2015b), ‘Daoism from Philosophy to Religion’, in Liu, X. ed., Dao Companion to Daoist Philosophy, 472. 334

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Secondly, regarding death. Tillich interprets death biographically, psychologically, and in relation to theological anthropology.339 He seeks to ‘correlate’ humanity’s sense of alienation, estrangement and fractured ‘being’ – evident in art, literature and the conflict of human cultures – with the message of the revelation of God. He also recognizes that death, as in T. S. Eliot, has ‘many hands’ and demands answers to satisfy reason and honour divine revelation. Like other existentialists, Tillich’s view of death is critical and comprehensive.340 Death is a sombre physical phenomenon and a symbol of human finitude. It is the spiritual antithesis of divine life and a tragic consequence of human sin. It is the existential telos (Lit. end) of aspiration and supreme incentive to live a ‘good’ life.341 It is, simply, ‘The End’. Tillich writes often and movingly of death. Like many in the mid-20th century, ‘mass death’ – as much as meaningless, modern, mechanized society – haunted and inspired him. His attitude to death was impacted by his growing interest in ‘Religion’. With the relativism and inclusivism of Troeltschian ‘History of Religions’, and Husserl’s phenomenology, Tillich sought ‘pure form’ universals in study of other religions, rites, symbols and cultural mores.342 His biography, theology and profile expedited death’s transformation in the late 20th century. His advocacy of ‘Religious Studies’ created an inter-cultural matrix for the Gospels to be read comparatively and the Analects treated with historical and cross-cultural respect. Death is read by many today in Asia and the West in light of – and with gratitude to – Paul Tillich.343 Lastly, Tillich’s view of heaven and an eternal ‘afterlife’ are part of his soteriocentric Christology. As in Bultmann, Christology is here a function of soteriology. What is said of Jesus’s person is true of his work. He is, to Tillich, the revelation of ‘New Being’. In Jesus, ‘essential manhood’ – the perfection of divinity and humanity – is symbolically disclosed.344 In his message, humanity’s deepest questions find answers and their craving for ‘True Being’ – and an end to fear, anxiety, concupiscence and death – lasting satisfaction. Through his perfect sacrifice Jesus is ‘the Christ’, ‘the restorative principle’ and ‘symbol’ of ‘New Being’. He is, at least in Tillich’s early writings, the ultimate criterion for humanity’s salvation and healing both in time and eternity. Viewed in this light, heaven, or an eternal ‘afterlife’, are ‘symbols’ and ciphers for humanity’s highest hopes. Heaven is the true ‘end’ of humanity’s endeavour. ‘Judgement’ (pace Bultmann) is the immanent

Tillich joined the 4th Artillery Regt. of the 7th Reserve Div. of the German Army in 1914, serving as a military chaplain and grave digger until January 1919. He was twice awarded the Iron Cross for bravery. This harrowing experience deepened his childhood fear of death and left an indelible mark. On this, Cooper, T. D. (2006), Paul Tillich and Psychology, 40f.; Arther, D. (2000), ‘Paul Tillich as a Military Chaplain’; Pauck, Paul Tillich, 55; Manning, ed. Cambridge Companion, 5; Reimer, Paul Tillich, 239. 340 On Tillich’s dread of death, Pauck, 2f.; Murphey, P. W. (1964), ‘The Concept of Death in the Theology of Nicholas Berdyaev, Paul Tillich and Helmut Thielicke’; Hughes, R. (2004), Lament, Death, and Destiny, 133–41; Cooper, Tillich and Psychology, Ch. 2. 341 N.B. the relationship between Tillich’s thought and the mid-20th-century ‘Death of God’ movement, Peterson, D. J. (2015), ‘Paul Tillich and the Death of God’, in R. R. Manning (ed.), Retrieving the Radical Tillich, 31–46. 342 Tillich became increasingly interested in the ‘theological history of religions’, religious rituals and symbols (Adams, Pauck and Shinn 1985: 211f.). For an Asian perspective on this, Kitagawa, J. M. (1987), The History of Religions, 323f. 343 For Chinese scholarship on Tillich, cf. Lai, P-c. (1994), Towards a Trinitarian Theology of Religions, ad loc.; Au, K-m. (1998), ‘Chu Hsi and Paul Tillich’. 344 On Tillich’s christology, and the ‘Christomorphic’ character of his theology as a whole, Thomas, T. (1995), ‘Convergence and Divergence in a Plural World’, in F. J. Parrella (ed.), Paul Tillich’s Theological Legacy, 43f. For his ‘Spirit-Christology’, Systematic Theology, III; and, more generally, Reijnen, A. M. (2009), ‘Tillich’s Christology’, in Manning (ed.), Cambridge Companion, 56–73; Greene, C. J. D. (2003), Christology in Cultural Perspective, 128f.; Reimer, Paul Tillich, 198f. 339

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consequence of rational decisions and irrational outbursts.345 The hope of an afterlife is Christianity’s response to humanity’s craving for ultimate meaning. Not all in China have welcomed Tillich uncritically.346 As elsewhere, his ‘Christ symbol’ is deemed reductionist, seeing him as merely one among a panoply of religious powers and spiritual ciphers. Confucianism becomes another ‘great religion’. If this threatens the uniqueness of Jesus and the Gospels, it is conducive of high regard for the ‘Master’ and the text of the Analects.347 Tillich’s thought cuts both ways. The Oxford-based Scottish theologian John Macquarrie (1919–2007) also warrants inclusion in this study for the content of his thought and for the major contribution he made to Sino-Western theological engagement.348 He follows fellow Scots Morrison and Legge as a Christian intellectual intermediary between China and the West. His writings on Heidegger and Bultmann,349 his churchbased Christian existentialism,350 and his relations with leading Chinese philosopher-theologians (who translated his work into Chinese),351 established him as a central figure in late 20th-century comparative analysis of suffering, death and the afterlife in the Analects and Gospels. Many in China and the West interpret these texts and issues through Macquarrie’s existentialist vision and rigorous Anglican scholarship that spans the second half of the 20th century.352 Though much of his work was written and translated after 1979, his perspective warrants attention here: in him Christian existentialism is popularized and internationalized. Macquarrie’s interpretation of human suffering is of a piece with his existential philosophy and pastoral theology. Humans suffer. Pain is a comprehensive context for understanding life, self, God and other people. Macquarrie introduces existentialism as a composite phenomenon – more a ‘style of philosophy’ than a school, he says (1972: 2) – with ‘the doctrine of man . . . (as) the right starting point for a contemporary theology’ (1982: vii). Besides the core issues of ‘freedom, decision and responsibility’ (1972: 4), existentialism engages, he argues, the dark ‘loose ends’ of lived experience (ibid., 1); namely, fear, pain, frustration, suffering, angst and ultimately death itself. Through Husserlian methodology, these varied phenomena are described, categorized and analysed (ibid.,

There has been some discussion of the relationship between Tillich’s concept of heaven and tian (e.g. Pohl 2016: 120f.); cf. also, Liu, S-h. (1972), ‘The Confucian Approach to the Problem of Transcendence and Immanence’. 346 Cf. Liu, S-h. (1989), ‘A Critique of Paul Tillich’s Doctrine of God and Christology from an Oriental Perspective’, in Fu, C. W-H. and G. E. Spiegler (eds), Religious Issues and Interreligious Dialogues, 511–32. 347 On Tillich’s view of heaven and an afterlife, Systematic Theology, III. 418f.; also, McDannell, C. and B. Lang ([1988] 2001), Heaven: A History, 328f.; Morse, C. (2010), The Difference Heaven Makes, 39f.; Pomeroy, R. (2002), Paul Tillich, 145f. 348 N.B. Macquarrie’s comparative approach in Mediators between human and divine (1996a). 349 Cf. Macquarrie, J. (1950), The Scope of Demythologizing; —(1955), An Existentialist Theology; —(1963), TwentiethCentury Religious Thought; —(1968b), Martin Heidegger; —(1996b), ‘The Legacy of Bultmann’. 350 Cf. Macquarrie, J. (1965), Studies in Christian Existentialism; —(1966), Principles of Christian Theology; —(1968a), Contemporary Religious Thinkers; —(1972), Existentialism; —(1990), Jesus Christ in Modern Thought. 351 The leading Chinese authority and translator of Macquarrie’s Principles of Christian Theology and Twentieth century Religious Thought (and Tillich’s Systematic Theology) is his friend Prof. He Guanghu (above p. 13) of Renmin University, Beijing. In addition to conversations with He Guanghu about Macquarrie’s work, it was my honour to welcome Prof. Macquarrie to the launch of the ‘Centre for the Study of Christianity in China’ in Christ Church, Oxford in the autumn of 2005. Prof. Macquarrie came bearing Chinese translations of his works. For a comparable experience and assessment of Macquarrie’s global status, Cummings, O. F. (2002), John Macquarrie, a Master of Theology, 25. On He Guanghu, Liu, X. (2015), Sino-Theology and the Philosophy of History, 7–10. Cf. also, He, G. (2006), ‘The Basis and Significance of SinoChristian Theology’, in Yang, H. and D. Yeung (eds), Sino-Christian Studies, 120–33. 352 Timothy Bradshaw calls Macquarrie ‘unquestionably Anglicanism’s most distinguished systematic theologian in the second half of the 20th century’ (1998: 167f.). N.B. the articles by the ‘Culture Group’ in China from the late 1980s that examine Bultmann, the American theologian H. Richard Niebuhr (1894–1962) and Macquarrie (Fällman 2008: 23–7). 345

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11). All of life is transparent. God is found in the full spectrum of lived experience: or, as he says, ‘the search for humanity merges into the search for deity’ (1982: 261). However, ‘Whereas the suffering of a human being can overwhelm and eventually destroy the person concerned, this cannot happen in this sense of God’ (1985: 180).353 Suffering is a ‘point of (ontological) contact’ between God and humanity, in which both are found in, and revealed by, the other.354 As we have seen, Classical Confucianism also views heaven and humanity in light of the other, but, as we will see, suffering is not pivotal to its view of life or practical socio-political ethic.355 Unlike Tillich, who is a confessed ‘ontological agnostic’ when it comes to knowing the reality of death humanity faces, Macquarrie, like the eminent Catalan philosopher José Ferrater Mora (1912–91),356 believes that existential and ‘dialectical’ techniques enable a knowledge of death (Edwards [1978] 1994: 47f.). It is in Macquarrie a ‘limiting concept’ that curtails human possibilities, while also having power to ‘redeem a hitherto unworthy or mediocre life’ through its existential force and moral interrogative (1982: 241f.; q. Anderson 2001: 10).357 It can accomplish this ‘without any appeal whatever to the possibility of life beyond death’ (ibid.), when a God-centred soul receives the transformative ‘good news’ of humanity’s definitive representative, Jesus Christ, who died and was raised (Jenkins 1987: 31). At death, the believer leaps into the dark, trusting this is the path to true selfhood. This bold authentic act, and the ‘positive potentialities’ Macquarrie sees in death, are part of his ‘universalist’ view of the redemptive power of Christ in the world (1966: 64–74, 323–30).358 Characteristically, he speaks more about ‘hope beyond death’ than ‘life after death’. As in Heidegger, the wonder of Being is known to him in the face of death (Hendrickson 1998: 23). Though existentialist language post-dates the Analects or Gospels, we find analogues of the interrogative power of death in the life of finite humans.359 In Christian existentialism the ‘Grand Inquisitor’ death is everywhere, fulfilling through its dynamic future ministry what Confucius ascribes to past memory. Looking forward can be as terrifying as looking back. Life, Death and Meaning: From Wittgenstein to Habermas We conclude this section with a note on progress in modern hermeneutics to 1979.360 Much could be said of the development of the ‘science of interpretation’ between 1949 and 1979. New tools and questions engage ancient texts. These new resources (represented here by six leading authorities), more than exegetical specifics, concern us here. Directly and indirectly – and also radically – they shape the reading and interpretation of the Analects and Gospels. To a greater or lesser extent, those we study stand on the shoulders of others whose work they exegete, refute or refine. Existential

Cf. also on Macquarrie’s ‘dialectical theism’ and Christology, p. 235, 239, n. 315, 307, 329, 434, 445, 450, 461f., 463, 465. Macquarrie’s theological anthropology moves from ‘dialectical theism’ to ‘panentheism’ (Cummings 2002: 40f.). 355 Cf. below p. 484f. 356 Mora was a prolific Catalan philosopher whose works include a monumental Diccionario de Filosofía, 4 vols (1944), and (ET) Being and Death (1962). Central to his thought is the ethical continuity between humans and animals. For an overview of Mora’s life and work, http://www.oxfordanimalethics.com/about-the-centre/jose-ferrater-mora (accessed 22 May 2017). 357 N.B. the early Heideggerian view of death in Macquarrie, J. (1965), ‘Death and Its Existential Significance’, in Studies in Christian Existentialism, 45–57. 358 Macquarrie’s ‘universalism’ has been compared critically with Augustine and Aquinas’s view of the soul and death (Moody 1981: 185). Cf. also his relationship to Pannenberg’s theology of the crucifixion (Hendrickson 1998: 87f.). 359 Cf. below p. 488, 492, 494, 496. 360 On hermeneutics before and after 1979, McLean, B. H. (2012), Biblical Interpretation. 353

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questions of sickness, death and an afterlife are shared. Paradigm shifts in perception are veiled in demanding texts and newly minted terms. First, the Austrian philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein (1889–1951), who was based for much of his life in Cambridge. Wittgenstein’s magisterial collected papers, Philosophical Investigations, were edited and published posthumously in 1953. His privileged upbringing in Vienna did not shelter him from the trauma of war (which he seemed unnaturally drawn to) nor from the agony of psychological distress (when three of his brothers committed suicide). His slim early work Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus (1921) – a critical, logical evaluation of the relationship between propositional statements and the world at large – perhaps reflects his anguished attempt to reconcile a discipline he loved with the realities of war-torn Europe and his own tortured psyche.361 His later Philosophical Investigations retracts much of his earlier work. It reduces meaning in words to use in ‘languagegames’. Wittgenstein’s genius – and relevance for us here – lies in his recognition that words disclose and distort meaning. They are not neutral. They are hospitable to worlds of meaning and intention. Talk of sickness, death and an afterlife may signify recognized realities: but they also convey an infinite range of causes, events, relations, experiences and religio-ethical variables. Innocent and uniform meaning cannot be assumed. Sickness, death and an afterlife become complex, interrelated, existential and linguistic phenomena. As Wittgenstein explains in Tractatus 6.431: ‘Death is not an event in life: we do not live to experience death’ ([1921] 2014: §6.431, 6.4311). No. ‘If we take eternity to mean not infinite temporal duration but timelessness, then eternal life belongs to those who live in the present. Our life has no end in the way in which our visual field has no limits’ (ibid.). Wittgenstein’s impact on the logic, sense, ethics, and performative nature of language has been immense. Like statues cut from marble, words are to be valued for their beauty and utility, but what is read, meant, and received, can no longer be assumed. As a result, many now read the Analects and Gospels in China and the West not as plain, old, private texts with an unequivocal sense, but as opaque, social texts with an open horizon of meaning/s.362 The 19th-century science of linguistics becomes a 20th-century art of meaning. In his early life Wittgenstein shared Macquarrie’s faith and Heidegger’s view of the revelatory power of death. But existential angst and ethical anguish363 led him to question the fact and knowability of the soul’s immortality.364 As he says: Not only is there no guarantee of the temporal immortality of the human soul, that is to say of its eternal survival after death; but, in any case, this assumption completely fails to accomplish the purpose for which it has always been intended. Or is some riddle solved by my surviving for ever? Is not this eternal life as much of a riddle as our present life? The solution of the riddle of life in space and time lies outside space and time. (It is certainly not the solution of any problems of natural science that is required.) —[1921] 2014: §6.4321 Cf. White, R. M. (2006), Wittgenstein’s ‘Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus’. On the correlation between Wittgenstein’s quest for ‘meaning’ and ‘identity’ in life and language, McManus, D. (2010), The Enchantment of Words, 15.6 (‘Life as a whole’). 363 On Wittgenstein’s physical and mental state on the eve of WWI, and its impact on his ethics, Schroeder, S. (2006), Wittgenstein: The Way Out of the Fly-bottle, 102f. 364 For comparison of Wittgenstein, Moltmann and classic theories of the ‘soul’, Klein, T. W. (2016), The Nature of the Soul, 107–34. 361 362

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Shortly before his death Wittgenstein wrote: ‘My mind’s completely dead. This isn’t a complaint, for I don’t really suffer from it. I know that life must have an end once and that mental life can cease before the rest does’ (q. Malcolm 1958: 79f.). An agnostic in later life, he died peacefully, thankful for what he called his ‘wonderful life’ (ibid., 80), with his place in the expansion of hermeneutics per se secure. As we will see, Confucius shares Wittgenstein’s reserve in speaking of life after death:365 both are silent on issues the New Testament Gospels address with confidence. Wittgenstein’s rhetorical analysis still subverts modern reading. As we began to see earlier, Hans-Georg Gadamer’s impact on the development of modern hermeneutics has been immense.366 His contribution to the way sickness, death and the afterlife are read in the Analects and Gospels is all too clear. For Gadamer, language is inherent in conversation (in which we expose ourselves to another’s view-point and critique) and self-discovery (through which I disclose my identity to me – and discover limitations).367 Dialogue (including cross-cultural dialogue)368 and the quest for wisdom are, for Gadamer – echoing Aeschylus’s Agamemnon – replete with suffering (Gk. path¯e mathos). For when in the hermeneutic experience we ‘see through prejudices or unmask pretences which disguise the truth’ (q. Mueller-Vollmer 2006: 257), as in classical Confucianism and historic Christian tradition, pain acts to craft character. If Gadamer’s conversational matrix sensitizes readers to the reality of suffering, his view of death reflects Heideggerian existentialism.369 Self- and pre-understanding are central to his thought.370 A sense of death is at its most acute when faced by another person dying; but, ‘No one has an answer to the question: how am I to understand that I, who in this moment am present as thinking in motion, one time will not be?’ (1987: 4.171; q. Wiercinski 2011: 111). Gadamer goes beyond Jaspers’s existentialist interpretation of death as a ‘boundary situation’, and Heidegger’s sense of the affinity (Germ. Jemeinigkeit),371 or solidarity, humans discover through death.372 Drawn to read death anthropologically (and, thus, comparatively) in death rituals – that are ‘a way of cherishing human existence’ and turn humanity ‘against the natural vital instincts of survival’ (1989: 75; q. Frazier 2009: 116, n. 49) – finitude is, then, for Gadamer a fundamental hermeneutic for all historically situated interpreters that shapes all their reading and experience of life.373 Just as time is in Truth and Method central to the ‘hermeneutic significance of temporal distance’ ([1960] 1989: 291f.)374 and the ‘supportive ground of process in

Cf. below p. 483. Cf. on Gadamer, Di Cesare, D. (2013), Gadamer: A Philosophical Portrait; Davey, N. (2006), Unquiet Understanding: Gadamer’s Philosophical Hermeneutics. 367 Cf. Wiercinski, A. (2011), ‘Sprache ist Gespräche: Gadamer’s Understanding of Language as Conversation’, in A. Wiercinski (ed.), Gadamer’s Hermeneutics and the Art of Conversation, 24f.; also, Kögler, H-H. (1999), The Power of Dialogue, ad loc. 368 On this, in relation to Gadamer, Dallmayr, F. (2011), ‘Hermeneutics and Inter-Cultural Dialogue’, in Wiercinski, ed. Gadamer’s Hermeneutics, 59–72. 369 For his philosophical and scientific approach to death, Gadamer, H-G. (1996), ‘The Experience of Death’, in The Enigma of Health, 61–9. 370 On ‘pre-understanding’ and ‘pre-assurance’, above p. 269, 291. 371 On this Heideggerian neologism, Gadamer, H-G. (1997), Gadamer on Celan: ‘Who Am I and Who Are You?’, 173f. 372 Cf. Heidegger and Gadamer’s view of ‘the ultimate other of death as the truest basis for human solidarity’ (Lammi 2006: 369). 373 For a feminist assessment of the character and centrality of ‘death’ in Gadamer’s hermeneutics, Jantzen, G. M. (2003), ‘The Horizon of Natality’, in L. Code (ed.), Feminist Interpretations of Hans-Georg Gadamer, 296f. 374 Cf. the relation between interpreter and tradition in Gadamer’s ‘fusion of horizons’ (Bleicher 1980: 112). 365 366

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which the present is rooted’ (ibid., 297),375 so death is the supreme event to distance the past and enrich the present through the ‘history of effect’ (Germ. Wirkungsgeschichte).376 As to an afterlife, Gadamer is hesitant.377 He assigns the subject to religion. Through the reciprocity he sees in theology and philosophy, a life after death is part of his interpretation of hermeneutics as ‘a response to the challenge of the not-understood or not understandable – the other, the strange, the dark – and perhaps the deepest that we misunderstand’ (1987: 10.63; q. Palmer 2007: 356f.). Similarly, though he speaks of the soul – indeed connects it with the dynamic of human friendship and solidarity – he sees limits to discussion of its nature and future. We can begin to see that the terms and methods Gadamer uses to exegete life and death, suffering and the soul, provide resources to relocate and reconfigure contemporary interpretation of the Analects and Gospels.378 He is viewed in China as one of the most influential and compatible thinkers after – and about – Confucius.379 Hermeneutics became a complex and comprehensive science in the third quarter of the last century. Ricoeur, Foucault and Derrida use and criticize Wittgenstein and Gadamer. Sickness, death and the afterlife are prominent themes. Interpretation of the Analects and Gospels has been profoundly affected. In Ricoeur’s ‘hermeneutic of suspicion’ and theory of ‘narrative identity’, the ethical primacy of acting and suffering are clear. Writing against the backcloth of World War II and the crisis of Western identity, Ricoeur’s critical hermeneutic weaves pain into the fabric of life and a person’s quest for, or ‘attestation’ to, their identity.380 Initially seen as a ground of hope and prompt to forgive, Ricoeur tires of suffering’s invasive social and psychological effects and admits its corrosive impact on memory and harmony.381 It becomes a normative state for readers and writers alike; and so axiomatic for readers of the Analects and Gospels. Death is also prominent in Ricoeur’s work;382 the ‘death’ of an author being understood both physically and interpretatively or, as he calls it, ‘dissociatively’, that is, when a text is distanced from its words and released to a world of possible meanings.383 Behind Ricoeur’s approach to suffering and death lie his response to Wittgenstein. In Time and Narrative (1987)384 he extends Wittgenstein’s Dasein (‘lived existence’, or ‘being-towards-death’) 375 On the implications of Gadamer’s hermeneutic theory (esp. regarding an individual’s tradition), Esler, P. F. (2006), ‘New Testament Interpretation as Interpersonal Communion’, in C. Rowland and C. Tuckett (eds), The Nature of New Testament Theology, 61. 376 N.B. criticism of Gadamer’s view of death in Ricoeur, P. (2002), ‘Temporal Distance and Death in History’, in J. Malpas, U. Arnswald and J. Kertscher (eds), Gadamer’s Century, 239–56. 377 On this often-neglected issue, Lammi, W. (2008), Gadamer and the Question of the Divine, Ch. 2. 378 On Habermas’s criticism of Gadamer for not seeing ‘power’ at work in language and conversation, Vilhauer, M. (2010), Gadamer’s Ethics of Play, 95f.; also, below p. 476, 481. 379 Cf. R. E. Palmer: ‘A daring hypothesis: There is no Western philosopher as close to Confucius’s thinking as Gadamer’ (2006: 82). On Gadamer’s fascination with the junzi, Wright, K. (2011), ‘Gadamer’s Philosophical Hermeneutics and New Confucianism’, in F. J. Mootz, III. and G. H. Taylor (eds), Gadamer and Ricoeur, 241–64. 380 On Ricoeur’s use of ‘attestation’ to denote an individual’s self-assertion and formation, Van Hooft, S. (2004), Life, Death, and Subjectivity, 66f. 381 Cf. Duffy, M. (2009), Paul Ricoeur’s Pedagogy of Pardon, 103f. 382 Cf. Ricoeur, P. (2009), ‘Up to Death: Mourning and Cheerfulness’, in Living Up to Death. Cf. also sundry fragments on death here, too. 383 N.B. Ricoeur’s view of narrative as ‘action’ and his theory of textual meaning, in which ‘the text’s career escapes the finite horizon lived by its author’ ([1986] 2008: II. 148; and Madison 1994: 15–40). 384 N.B. Ricoeur’s statement: ‘[T]he most serious question that this work may be able to pose is to what degree a philosophical reflection on narrativity and time may aid us in thinking about death and eternity at the same time’ (1984: I. 87; also, Schweiker 1990: 126f.).

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into ‘a vast array of existentiell responses’ (Vanhoozer 1990: 195).385 In other words, he rejects the narrow individualism in Heidegger and Wittgenstein’s views on life, heritage and death. These become in Ricoeur corporate, mimetic, ‘narrative’ actions; their meanings gained by ‘reading texts backwards’ ([1983] 1984: I. 67)386 to retrieve the ‘most basic potentialities inherent from the past in the form of personal fate and collective destiny’ (1980: 181).387 With echoes of Confucius’s view of memory and ritual, he states: ‘It is this communal act of repetition, which is at the same time a new founding act and a recommencement of what has already been inaugurated, that “makes history” and . . . finally makes it possible to write history’ (ibid., 189).388 Hence, to Ricoeur, the humanist, in the ‘remembrance of death’ we encounter the temporal horizon of human existence. In this we discover another horizon, namely our capacity to imagine eternity, and thence to perceive our finitude more clearly (Schweiker 2008: 100).389 Death opens up unimagined worlds in life. He rejects a striving for an afterlife on Kantian grounds, as perverse, self-destructive and (potentially) ethically evasive. In its place, he develops Kant’s view of immortality as the living of life now, up to death.390 The questions Ricoeur asks of suffering, death, narrative, meaning,391 identity, memory, time, translation392 and immortality, have entered the cultural DNA of China and the West.393 The Analects and Gospels are read more confidently – and subjectively – in light of Ricoeur’s creative hermeneutics and his fluid view of meaning.394 As he says: ‘History poses meaningful questions to the past, pursues meaningful research, and attains meaningful results only by beginning from a tradition that interpolates it’ (1981: 76).395 Confucius and T. S. Eliot might question this view of tradition, but Zhu Xi, Neo-Confucianism and much modern biblical hermeneutics would probably agree (Ji 2007: 204). N.B. ‘existentiell responses’ in Ricoeur’s understanding of Freud’s ‘death drive’ (Boothby 2014: 133f.). For his integration of Freudian psychoanalysis, Ricoeur, P. ([1965b] 2008), Freud and Philosophy; —(1974b), ‘A Philosophical Interpretation of Freud’, in D. Ihde (ed.), The Conflict of Interpretations, 173–6; and, Scott-Baumann, A. (2009), Ricoeur and the Hermeneutics of Suspicion, 50f. 386 Cf. application of Ricoeur’s comprehensive principle of narrativity (viz. ‘reading the ending in the beginning and the beginning in the ending’), Salter, A. (2017), ‘Reading time backwards?’, in N. Moore, et al., The Archive Project, 99–126. 387 Cf. also, Clark, S. H. ([1990] 2001), Paul Ricoeur, 170f. N.B. also, Ricoeur’s last work, Memory, History and Forgetting (2004). 388 On contrasts here between Wittgenstein and Ricoeur, Bernstein, J. M. (1991), ‘Grand narratives’, in D. Wood (ed.), On Paul Ricoeur, 118f.; Vandevelde, P. (2016), ‘The Enigma of the Past: Ricoeur’s Theory of Narrative as a Response to Heidegger’, in S. Davidson and M-A. Vallée (eds), Hermeneutics and Phenomenology in Paul Ricoeur, 123–42. 389 On Ricoeur and Proust, Gagnebin, J. M. (2016), ‘Involuntary Memory and Apprenticeship in Truth: Ricoeur’, in Davidson and Vallée, Hermeneutics and Phenomenology, 105–14. 390 On the theological potential of Ricoeur’s position, Carter, J. (2014), Ricoeur on Moral Religion, 153f.; Stiver, D. R. (2012), Ricoeur and Theology, 155f. 391 For a postmodern critique of Gadamer and Ricoeur’s belief in an enduring system of textual meaning, Caputo, J. D. (1987), Radical Hermeneutics, 149. 392 On ‘translation’ (philosophically and methodologically) in Ricoeur and others indebted to him, Kearney, R. (2007), ‘Paul Ricoeur and the Hermeneutics of Translation’. 393 On Chinese awareness of Western philosophy, theology and hermeneutics (e.g. Bultmann, Heidegger, Moltmann, Pannenberg, Ricoeur, Tillich) soon after the Cultural Revolution, Wang, H-C. (1984), ‘A Critical Reflection on the Methods of Phenomenology’, in A-T. Tymieniecka (ed.), Phenomenology of Life, 253–70. 394 On parallels between Ricoeur’s view of the autonomy (or ‘distanciation’) of a text that enables ongoing interpretation, and the development of ‘New Confucianism’ out of ancient texts, Ji, J. (2007), Encounters Between Chinese Culture and Christianity, 204. For evidence of the widespread integration of Western hermeneutics into modern Chinese philosophy, Cheng, C-y. and N. Bunnin, eds (2002), Contemporary Chinese Philosophy, passim. 395 On the development of this hermeneutic tradition, Ormiston, G. L. and A. D. Schrift, eds (1990), The Hermeneutic Tradition, esp. 159–197, 298–334. 385

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Michel Foucault and Jacques Derrida approach textual interpretation quite differently, and face sickness, death and the afterlife from contrasting perspectives. Foucault’s avowed Poststructuralist aim is to develop an ‘interpretative analytics’ that can absorb the claimed objective empiricism of Structuralism, at the same time as the plausible existential counter-claims of hermeneutics. His interest, particularly after 1980, is in the relationship between truth and subjectivity, in which identity, veracity, confession and conscience have a central role.396 His assumptions – and conclusions – are that there is no Truth, or ‘truth of truth’, and no knowledge of self that is able to circumvent tradition and inherited pre-disposition. His is what John Caputo has called a ‘tragic hermeneutics’ of not knowing self, and of existing in a ‘night of truth’ (Caputo 2000: 1f.).397 If Heidegger reckoned hermeneutics late in life a ‘superficial’ discipline ([1959] 1971: 12, 51; q. Dreyfus 1984: 66),398 much earlier in his career Foucault was drawn to what he called ‘exegesis’ and ‘commentary’. The latter he interpreted as ‘the re-apprehension through the manifest meaning of discourse of another meaning at once secondary and primary; that is more hidden but also more fundamental’ ([1966] 1970/2004: 373). Hermeneutics ‘dooms to an endless task’ because it makes ‘the mistaken attempt to get at a deep truth hidden in discourse’ (1975: xvif.) and rests on a belief ‘speech is an act of “translation” . . . of the Word of God, ever secret, ever beyond itself ’ (ibid.). With characteristic verve – and a side-swipe at biblical naivety399 – he adds: ‘For centuries we have waited in vain for the decision of the Word’ (ibid.).400 A text is no longer deemed the centre of linguistic and historical meaning: it forms, what Michael Kelly calls, ‘a seething diffusion of horizons within a network of power/knowledge configurations’ (1995: 224). In light of this, what the Analects and Gospels say of suffering, death and an afterlife is posterior to – if not in critical dialogue with – societal, institutional, medical and personal norms. Echoing the Introduction (above p. 6f., 9, 24), to Foucault authenticity and spirituality require a subject’s ‘being’ is in play. For, ‘[T]here can be no truth without a conversion or transformation of the subject’ (2005: 15).401 Such is truth in, for, and about life and death. What, then, of suffering, death and the afterlife in Foucault? Basic to Foucault’s view of the ‘self ’ is that its care is an epistemological a priori. Self-knowledge and ethical responsibility begin here.402 Foucault’s philosophy and hermeneutics are grounded in this. Suffering serves to inspire and condition his concern for health and personal fulfilment.403 The work that launched Foucault’s

Cf. Foucault, M. ([1980b] 2016), About the Beginning of the Hermeneutics of the Self. On the negative, or ‘apophatic’ (Fr. sans), orientation of Foucault’s hermeneutic method, Caputo, J. D. (2000), More Radical Hermeneutics, 1f.; Kögler, H-H. (1999), The Power of Dialogue, 179–94. 398 Cf. also the collection of essays in Powell, J. ed. (2013), Heidegger and Language. 399 On Foucault, religion, philosophical theology and the ‘archaeology of understanding’, Bernauer, J. W. and J. R. Carrette (2004), Michel Foucault and theology; Pinto, H. (2003), Foucault, Christianity and Interfaith Dialogue; Galston, D. (2010), Archives and the Event of God; also, generally, Gutting, G. ed. (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Foucault. 400 Scepticism regarding meaning is characteristic of Structuralism, Poststructuralism and, arguably, hermeneutics generally in recent years. 401 On the contrast between this and Gadamer, McLean, Biblical Interpretation, 307f. 402 Cf. the correlation of epistemology, sexuality, politics, freedom and ethics in Foucault, M. ([1984] 2012), The History of Sexuality, Vol. 3: The Care of the Self; Chung, P. S. (2012), The Hermeneutical Self and an Ethical Difference, 74f. Foucault saw the ‘self ’ as pressurized by ‘desubjectification’ of the will to power, and the subversion of the pseudo-sovereign rights of a subject (as expressed in cultural, ethnic, sexual and behavioural freedoms) (1977: 222f.). 403 Cf. Foucault’s view of the body (echoing Bataille) as a ‘tool’ and its relation to modern Chinese ‘flesh art’, e.g. Zhu Yu’s [b. 1970] ‘eating people’ (Berghuis 2006: 168f.). 396 397

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reputation, Madness and Civilization (1961),404 set the issue of mental health in the context of society’s evolving perception. Securing the health of the soul may require asceticism, but suffering is always subordinate to self-care.405 Likewise, theodicy is less urgent than politics, ethics, power and justice.406 Suffering is to be handled in the context of politics, society and human solidarity. He writes: It is a duty of an international citizenship to always bring the testimony of people’s suffering to the eyes and ears of governments, sufferings for which it’s untrue that they are not responsible. The suffering of men must never be a mere silent residue of policy. It grounds an absolute right to stand up and speak to those who hold power. —[1954–84] 2000: 3.474407 As we will see, in different ways the Analects and Gospels reflect Foucault’s awareness of humanity’s solidarity and mutual responsibility in the face of another’s pain and suffering. But, for Foucault, self-care raises ‘the problem of the relationship with others’ (ibid., 3.287), and self-interest should never surrender to socio-religious norms. Classical Confucianism and orthodox Christianity reject this prioritizing of self over another; let alone, over God. With regard to death and the afterlife, Sherr says: ‘Unlike the Lawrence of Women in Love’, Foucault has ‘no strategy (sexual, religious, or otherwise) against death’ (2008: 191). He still has, though, a fascination with, or ‘proclivity’ for death (ibid.). So, with humanity’s corporate identity in view, Foucault’s second major work, The Order of Things, prophesied not God’s but humanity’s death at the end, ‘like a face drawn in sand at the edge of the sea’ ([1966] 1970/2004: 422).408 But, echoing earlier existentialists, the death of an individual is, for Foucault, a means of grace. To die from ‘diseases of love’ (1975: 211) is likened to ‘The Passion’ of Christ, in which not God’s glory, but (pace Nietzsche) ‘the lyrical core of man, his invisible truth, his visible secret’, is revealed (ibid., 172). So, death defines an otherwise unremarkable life and gives a person ‘a face that cannot be exchanged’ (ibid.). As Foucault says darkly, but poetically: ‘[It is] in death that the individual finds himself, escaping from the monotonous, average life; in the slow, half-subterranean, but already visible approach of death, the dull common life becomes an individuality at last; a black border isolates it and gives it the style of its own truth’ (ibid.: q. Scherr

Cf. Foucault, M., Folie et déraison (1961: Madness and Civilization, 1965). The English translation thrust Foucault into the limelight of Western culture. 405 On Foucault’s sense of modern threats to self-care, and types of human suffering (incl. various forms of abuse), Tran, J. (2011), Foucault and Theology, 138f.; also, on Foucault and power, Scherr, B. J. (2008), Love and Death in Lawrence and Foucault, 195–250. 406 On Foucault, Derrida and the American philosopher Richard Rorty (1931–2007) on power and responsibility, Abeysekara, A. (2008), The Politics of Postsecular Religion, 118f. 407 Cf. also, Patton, P. (2013), ‘Historical Normativity and the basis of rights’, in B. Golder (ed.), Re-reading Foucault: On Law, Power and Rights, 188–207 (esp. 202); —(2014), ‘History, normativity, and rights’, in C. Douzinas and C. Gearty (eds), The Meanings of Rights, 233–50. 408 On Foucault and the ‘death of man’, Canguilhem, C. ([1994] 2005), ‘The Death of Man, or Exhaustion of the Cogito?’, in Gutting (ed.), Cambridge Companion to Foucault, 74–94; Rockmore, T. (2009), ‘Foucault, Hegel and the death of man’, in C. G. Prado (ed.), Foucault’s Legacy, 42–67; Rayner, T. (2007), ‘Language and the Death of Man’, in Foucault’s Heidegger, 33–58. And, on this theme in relation to Nietzsche’s Thus Spake Zarathustra, Magnus and Higgins (eds), Cambridge Companion to Nietzsche, 328f. 404

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2008: 191).409 Positioning death in the exercise of temporal power, in the necessary ‘death’ of an author,410 and within the mystery surrounding his own death (from AIDS?), adds poignancy to Foucault’s words. Though not lacking authorial intention or individuality, his own death gave his life new definition and an archetypal profile (Miller 1993: 23). Death is to be seen through life, but is the ultimate, and very ‘private’, limitation on life’s power and reach (Foucault 1986: 260f.).411 As to an afterlife, Foucault’s historicism rejects heaven as a metaphysical reality and conditioning source of truth, inspiration, imagination, accountability and hope. The horizon of interpretation is this life as the known – often mysterious – locus for judgement, fulfilment, purgation, power and glory. But in a Confucian manner, he recognizes there are limits to human knowledge. As he writes, in terms attractive to, and reflective of, thoughtful agnosticism in China and the West towards the concept of an afterlife: I am well aware that I have never written anything but fictions. I do not mean to say, however, that truth is therefore absent. It seems to me that the possibility exists for fiction to function in truth, for a fictional discourse to induce effects of truth, and for bringing it about that a true discourse engenders or ‘manufactures’ something that does not as yet exist, that is, ‘fictions’ it. —[1972–7] 1980: 193412 Foucault’s radical, social ethic challenged Western cultures. His liberal Poststructuralism has revolutionized China’s view of life and death culturally, ethically and politically. We have looked at Derrida before (above p. 361f.). The relation between his theories on ‘deconstruction’ and the themes of suffering, death and the afterlife cannot detain us long. History and historicism are at the heart of Derrida’s critique of Western metaphysics and his programmatic deconstruction of textual, social and communicative meaning.413 His place in critical analysis and postmodern interpretation of ‘Classic’ texts, including the Analects and Gospels, is clear.414 China and the West are directly affected by the questions he raised and conclusions he proposed.415 But he was, and remains, a controversial thinker. The Nation noted ‘particularly caustic’ obituaries for ‘an internationally acclaimed philosopher who had profoundly influenced two generations of American

On the connection between Foucault’s view of the life and death of man, and his critique of phenomenology, Oksala, J. (2006), Foucault on Freedom, 30f. 410 Cf. Foucault, M. (1979), ‘What Is an Author?’, in J. V. Harari (ed.), Textual Strategies, 141–60. On whether Foucault or French literary theorist Roland Barthes (1915–80) intended talk of an author’s interpretative ‘death’ be descriptive or prescriptive, Lamarque, P. (1990), ‘The Death of the Author: An Analytical Autopsy’. For comparative analysis, Burke, S. (1998), The Death and Return of the Author. 411 Foucault is aware of the paradox of publicizing genocide and minimizing death’s public ritual profile, while a focus on life frustrates death’s power. Contrast this with Heidegger’s removing ‘publicness’ from death (1962: 235). 412 On Foucault’s impact on China and China Studies, and his non-specialist sinification of China as the ‘radical other’, Greenhalgh, S. and E. A. Winckler (2005), Governing China’s Population, 31–3; Nie, J-B. (2011), Medical Ethics in China, 52f.; Jeffreys, E. ed. (2009), China’s Governmentalities, ad loc. 413 For his self-perception as a historian and engaged in ‘historicist’ philosophy, Derrida, J. M. ([1972b] 1988), ‘Afterword: Towards an Ethic of Discussion’, in Limited, Inc., 111–60 (esp. 130f.); —([1989] 1992), ‘This Strange Institution called Literature’, in D. Attridge (ed.), Acts of Literature, 33–75 (esp. 54). 414 Derridean ‘deconstruction’ has been applied to NT studies (e.g. Hartin 1991: 187–200; also, Wilson, A. P. [2007], Transfigured). 415 On Derrida’s legacy and later criticism of his work, Wolfreys, J. ed. (1988), The Derrida Reader, passim; Glendinning, S. and R. Eaglestone, eds (2008), Derrida’s Legacies; Wortham, S. and A. Weiner (2007), Encountering Derrida. 409

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humanities scholars’ (Ross 2004).416 What Derrida understood to be an acceptable historical and philosophical critique of Western metaphysics questioned the foundation on which shibboleths of Western culture were built. As we saw before, drawing on Lévi-Strauss417 and the semiology of Saussure,418 Derrida claimed a ‘metaphysics of presence’ had created a pervasive ‘logocentrism’ from Plato to Heidegger, creating false binaries in everything from race to speech, sexuality to religion.419 His project to ‘deconstruct’ reality aimed to expose this false metaphysic so as to reposition language and social relations.420 Context-dependence, as central to communication, replaces speech and text at the heart of his hermeneutic.421 Three works in 1967 – Of Grammatology, Speech and Phenomena and Writing and Difference, and his Margins of Philosophy (1972), Glas (1974) and The Post Card: From Socrates to Freud and Beyond (1980) – and his famously edgy debate with Gadamer at the Sorbonne (1981),422 reveal Derrida to be less interested in hermeneutics per se as in naming and neutralizing what he describes as a ‘violent hierarchy’ (1981b: 41) that privileges speech over writing and conditions other signs and signifiers of Western culture.423 His aim is to explore the dynamic between language and use that shapes meaning; that is, between texts and traditions to which they belong (viz. language and social relations, thought and action). To many, writing in the aftermath of Derrida, the meaning of the Analects and Gospels is found no longer in texts, words or technical terms, but in history, use, reception and cultural, linguistic and philosophical comparison.424 The physicality – or, social reality – of texts is evacuated here by theory and by intentional ‘deconstruction’. So, what of Derrida’s view of suffering, death and an afterlife, and its impact here? Pain, suffering, death and mourning are many-sided, and often interrelated, in Derrida. His ideas evolve as he deconstructs established thought and engages new thinking.425 From his early work on suffering Contrast this with Prof. Peter Hommelhoff (Rector of Heidelberg Univ.): ‘Beyond the boundaries of philosophy as an academic discipline he [Derrida] was a leading intellectual figure not only for the humanities but for the cultural perception of a whole age’ (12 October 2004): http://www.uni-heidelberg.de/press/news/press358_e.html (accessed 31 May 2017). 417 On Lévi-Strauss, above p. 362, n. 81; also, 478. On Derrida, Lévi-Strauss and Rousseau, Zlomisli´c, M. (2007), Jacques Derrida’s Aporetic Ethics, 49–66; Wolfreys, Derrida Reader, 18f. 418 On Saussure, above p. 328, 330, 362, n. 80, 363. 419 For his view of language and use of the concept of ‘difference’ (Fr. différance) to express linguistic binaries, Derrida, J. ([1972] 1981), Positions, 26f.; —([1967a] 2005), ‘Freud and the Scene of Writing’, 278–93. 420 Invoking China’s ‘otherness’, Derrida uses it to explain the relation between speech and writing: ‘Writing is to speech what China is to Europe’ ([1967b] 2016: 25). 421 On discussion of meaning and context in the British philosopher J. L. Austin’s (1911–60) theory of the ‘illocutionary act’, cf. Derrida, J. ([1972] 1988), ‘Signature Event Context’, in Limited, Inc., 1–23. N.B. Derrida and Wittgenstein’s agreement that signs are ‘intrinsically determined by context’ (Staten 1984: 122). 422 On this famous debate, Michelfelder, D. P. and R. E. Palmer, ed. and trans. (1989), Dialogue and Deconstruction; also, Gadamer, H-G. ([1994] 2007), ‘Hermeneutics Tracking the Trace’, in R. E. Palmer (ed.), Gadamer Reader, 372–408. 423 On Derrida and ‘dissociation’, ‘différance’, ‘supplement’, and ‘violent hierarchy’ at work in Western binary thought and language, Jasinski, J. (2001), Sourcebook on Rhetoric, 181. 424 On Derrida’s ‘différance’ applied to Confucian views of the self and subjectivity (ren), Ni, P. (2017), Understanding the Analects of Confucius, 34. On Foucault, Derrida and interpretation of the Confucian Analects, Hall, D. L. and R. T. Ames (1998), Thinking from the Han, passim; —(1987), Thinking Through Confucius, ad loc. On Derrida’s visit to, and reception in China, Zhang, N. (2002), ‘Jacques Derrida’s First Visit to China’; Lu, Y. (2014), ‘French Theory in China’. On the problematic ethnocentrism in Derrida’s Heideggerian concept of ‘deconstruction’, Meighoo, S. (2008), ‘Derrida’s Chinese Prejudice’. Also, for a historical survey of the reception of the Yijing in the West through to Derrida, Nelson, E. S. (2011), ‘The Yijing and Philosophy: From Leibniz to Derrida’. 425 N.B. his philosophical, linguistic, and psychological deconstruction of the words and meaning of ‘I am dead’, with death and ‘absence’ often linked in his writing (Derrida 1993a: 51f.); also, Lawlor, L. (2003), ‘The Beginnings of Thought’, in P. Patton and J. Protevi (eds), Between Deleuze and Derrida, 67–83; Royle, N. (2003), The Uncanny, 166, n. 28. 416

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and imagination, On Grammatology (1967), through his theological study The Gift of Death (1995), The Death Penalty (1999–2000), his semi-biographical The Work of Mourning (2001) and his last seminar series ‘The Beast and the Sovereign’ (2004), on animal rights and suffering, Derrida aims to cross-fertilize Western cultural, intellectual and political concepts and history with the ‘deconstruction’ of myriad issues, sources and resources. His writing is rarely easy, his ideas often complex. From this, four things stand out for comment, particularly relating to the theme of this chapter and Chinese perspectives on Derrida’s work. First, he addresses pain and suffering in light of his biography and Jewish heritage,426 and the immanent ethical existentialism of (among others) Levinas and Hannah Arendt.427 Reading Derrida one gets the sense that he was progressively aware of the isolating impact428 and persisting drain of pain in his life from childhood onwards.429 This is not only true of his study of personal bereavement The Work of Mourning (2001),430 his Circumfession (1993) goes into graphic, psycho-sexual detail of his mother’s tragic ‘tearing’, his traumatic birth, and the bloody reality of his being ‘cut’ for life through circumcision.431 His ‘conversion’ is, he maintains, to a ‘religion without religion’,432 his deconstructive style enabling him to keep the ‘secret promise’ of life that was violently ‘cut’ at birth. Derrida’s sense of personal and cultural dislocation owes much to Levinas, in whom texts are conceived ethically as ‘woven cloth’ with the act of reading and interpreting their ‘cutting’.433 The Holocaust also shrouds Derrida’s mind: as he says, ‘[T]hought of the incineration of the Holocaust, of cinders, runs through all my texts’ (q. Eaglestone 2004: 289).434 It is, for him, the deepest cultural and historical excision in the history of Europe, and the darkest of ethical, political, social and religious ‘secrets’.435 Derrida’s candour in naming personal pain legitimizes subvention of the On Derrida’s Jewishness, Ofrat, G. (2001), The Jewish Derrida. On Levinas, above p. 358f., 423, n. 79, 427; also, 479, n. 442. On Derrida and Levinas, Derrida, J. ([1996a] 1999), Adieu to Emmanuel Levinas. For contextual readings of Derrida and Levinas, Becking, B. and D. J. Human, eds (2008), Exile and Suffering. On Derrida, pain, prison and Arendt, Brown, M. (2009), The Culture of Punishment, 42f.; and, on Arendt, above p. 441, n. 211, and 478. 428 Derrida recognized the ‘pathos of separation’: ‘No one is there for anyone, not even for himself ’ ([1967b] 2016: 233). Comparison with others is important: ‘In the experience of suffering as the suffering of the other, the imagination, as it opens us to a certain nonpresence within presence, is indispensable: the suffering of others is lived by comparison, as our nonpresent, past or future suffering’ (ibid., 191). 429 On Derrida’s complex understanding of, and commentary on, pain, Llewelyn, J. (1990), ‘Derrida, Mallarmé, and Anatole’, in D. Wood (ed.), Philosophers’ Poets, 93–110; White, M. (2014), ‘Derrida and Durkheim on Suffering’. N.B. Durkheim deploys suffering to contrast humans and animals: Derrida deconstructs their relationship to put shared suffering at its heart (cf. further, below p. 480f.). 430 Derrida reflects here on the death of fourteen friends and develops philosophical insights into the nature and relationship of death, friendship, fidelity and human finitude. Cf. also, Derrida, J. (1996b), ‘By Force of Mourning’. 431 Cf. Derrida, J. ([1991b] 1993), Circumfession. On this tough, disturbing text, Ofrat, Jewish Derrida, 46f.; Caputo, J. D. (1997), The Prayers and Tears of Jacques Derrida, 284f.; also, the review by Jill Robbins in Diacritics 25, no. 4 (1995): 20– 38. On Derrida and Freudian psychoanalysis, Schwab, G. ed. (2007), Derrida, Deleuze, Psychoanalysis, esp. 19f. 432 For his reading of the Bible, naming of God, and views on religion, Derrida, J. (2002), Acts of Religion, esp. Chs. 1 and 2; Llewelyn, J. (2009), Margins of Religion, 293–325. 433 On the ethics of this metaphor and its literary use, e.g. Claassens, L. J. and B. C. Birch, eds (2015), Restorative Readings, xxi; also, Levinas, E. ([1974] 1998), Otherwise Than Being or Beyond Essence, 91, 170f. 434 Cf. also, Derrida, J. ([1987] 1991), Cinders; Levin, D. M. (1998), ‘Cinders, Traces, Shadows on the Page: The Holocaust in Derrida’s Writing’, in A. Milchman and A. Rosenberg (eds), Postmodernism and the Holocaust, 265–86. 435 On Derrida, Adorno, Lyotard, and the intentional and unavoidable keeping of silent historical ‘secrets’, Ball, K. (2008), Disciplining the Holocaust, 142f.; Caputo, Prayers and Tears, 88–112. Also, on the recurrent related themes of gift, selfsacrifice and the Holocaust through Derrida’s reading of Hegel, Critchley, S. (1998), ‘A Commentary upon Derrida’s Reading of Hegel in Glas’, in S. Barnett (ed.), Hegel After Derrida, 197–226 (esp. 221f.). 426 427

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Analects and Gospels to the biography, psychology, sexuality and ethno-cultural identity of individual readers. Through Derrida texts become fora for personal and political agendas. We read to find ourselves. We read in certain ways to exercise power over other readers. Second, Derrida consciously deconstructs pain and suffering in classical Christian theology and orthodox spirituality. His conversation partners are everyone from Rousseau to Jacques Lacan, Hegel to Lévi-Strauss, Husserl to Freud, Heidegger to Arendt. It is, though, in treating of the very personal issues of forgiveness and sacrifice, gift-giving and love that Derrida reveals his concern to be intellectually honest and ethically robust when speaking of human suffering and anguish. At the heart of Christianity is ‘a gift of death’(Derrida [1992] 1996: 97) – God’s ‘exorbitant gift-giving and incommensurable sacrifice’, Mary Jacobus calls it (2007: 43) – which is, for Derrida, a ‘paradigmatic gift’ (ibid.) that contains within itself ‘the fathomless gift of a type of death . . . of that which is priceless . . . accomplished without any hope of exchange, reward, circulation, or communication’ (Derrida [1992] 1996: 49). On the back of this, he upholds the exceptional and absolute nature of forgiveness – without hesitation or reservation436 – and, as passionately, opposes the death penalty on the grounds of legality, justice, morality, political theory, logic and shared humanity.437 It is ironic this avowed atheist should help to focus comparison of Christianity and Confucianism, by directing attention to the theological character of sacrifice and its visible face in Christ.438 Third, the vast reach of Derrida’s revisionist programme of ‘deconstruction’ ensures suffering and death are reimagined in light of literature and aesthetics, as much as psychology and philosophy, history, politics and ethics. Speaking of death on one occasion, he contrasts Wordsworth’s thisworldly preoccupations at the time of his brother John’s death,439 with the transcendent ‘gift of death’ in Christianity (Balfour 2007: 403). Of Grammatology presents suffering and the imagination as correlates that mutually illuminate.440 Methodologically, Derrida pushes the boundaries for sources and resources that can (and should) be adduced in commentary on the Analects and Gospels. The potential for re-evaluation and cross-cultural re-interpretation of these texts now becomes immense. We read today ‘on the far side’ of Derrida’s creative criticism and expansive methodology. Fourth, Derrida’s disavowal of the way life and humanity have been traditionally interpreted leads him to reject the projection of hierarchy in the natural world, and to see a Holocaust for animals, too. His advocacy of ‘animal rights’ arises from his ‘deconstruction’ of animal identity (as inclusive of a capacity to suffer; if not to think and understand like a human) and of suffering per se (as ‘separation’ and ‘difference’).441 Drawing on the British philosopher Jeremy Bentham’s (1748– 436 On use of Derrida’s view of the exceptional nature of forgiveness, cf. Brennan, A. and N. Y. S. Lo (2012), ‘Suffering and Forgiveness’, in J. Malpas and N. Lickiss (eds), Perspectives on Human Suffering, 79–98. 437 Cf. Derrida’s careful rejection of capital punishment in The Death Penalty, Vol. I (2013b). Volume 2 (2017) is a critique of Kant’s justification of the death penalty in The Metaphysics of Morals (1797). 438 Important comparisons have been made between St. Paul and Derrida on justice (cf. Jennings 2006). 439 Cf. above p. 210. 440 N.B. Derrida’s discussion of Rousseau, imagination and suffering ([1967c] 2016: 207f.). 441 On his discussion of ‘animal rights’ (in which cross-culturalism and hermeneutics are central), Derrida, J. ([1997] 2008), The Animal That Therefore I Am; also, Aaltola, E. (2012), Animal Suffering, 151f.; Calarco, M. (2008), Zoographies; —(2007), ‘Thinking through animals’; Grondin, J. (2007), ‘Derrida and the Question of the Animal’, which examines Derrida’s views on ‘animal rights’ and suffering in light of Augustine, Nietzsche and Heidegger; Lawlor, L. (2007), ‘ “Animals Have No Hand” ’; Meighoo, S. (2014), ‘Suffering Humanism, or the Suffering Animal’, which discusses Bentham’s An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation (1781), Levinas’s Humanism of the Other (2003) and Peter Singer’s, Animal Liberation (1975); Slater, M. B. (2012), ‘Rethinking Human-Animal Ontological Differences’; and, on ‘postanthropocentricism’ in Derrida, Still, J. (2012), Derrida and Other Animals.

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1832) Utilitarian ethics and the arguments and energy from activists, Derrida’s Clerisy lecture The Animal That Therefore I Am (1997), his sense of nakedness in the ‘limit-experience’ of his cat’s gaze and ‘the passion of the animal’,442 and his last series of seminars, ‘The Beast and the Sovereign’ (2004), place animal mortality and vulnerability (not rationality and morality) at the ethical and epistemic centre of the debate. Characteristics shared by humans and animals displace old stereotypes of human supremacy and animal inferiority. The inclusive cosmic ontology Derrida commends sits comfortably with classical Confucianism, less so with the incipient dualism of much Nicene orthodoxy. Derrida’s legacy in animal ethics, felt keenly in China and the West, questions how suffering and death in humans has been privileged, and the uncritically accepted elevation of humanity in the Analects and Gospels traditionally perceived. We read both texts in light of Derrida’s ‘deconstructed’ view of reality and ‘post-anthropocentric’ ontology, where animals matter. We haven’t time to explore Derrida’s various discussions of the soul. Regarding an afterlife and the immortality of the soul, his method and conclusions are consistent with his deconstructive approach elsewhere. As before, his thought develops in critical dialogue with classical Western philosophy, and with post-Enlightenment humanism, atheism, Husserlian phenomenology and Modernist structuralism. His approach to immortality indicts Husserl’s account of ‘the presence of the present as the ultimate form of being and ideality’ (q. 1991a: 13) – that is, beyond the bounds of empirical reality, and thence death itself. He criticizes this ‘immortality move’ because it fails to recognize the relationship between death and ‘the sign’ of death. However, he admits transcendental and universal potential in Husserl’s view of ‘presence’ and in the very personal experience that is ‘my death’ (cf. Sheets-Johnstone 2008: 78f.). Faced by the death of his partner Peter de Man (1919–83), he considers the soul and recalls the image of the lyre and Sophocles in Plato’s fourth Dialogue (on the immortality of the soul) in Phaedo.443 The death of a friend is for him as dark and decisive as the death of the world: ‘Chaque foi unique, la fin du monde’ (Lit. Each time unique, the end of the world). Here is a ‘sign’ of one’s own – and the friend’s – transcendent immortality. But mourning is genuine: it bears the spirit of radical atheism.444 ‘We weep precisely over what happens to us when everything is entrusted to the singular memory that is “in me” or “in us” ’ (1996: 33). Except ‘impossible memory’, there is no more when the other is gone.445 Death consumes life: in that sense it is life, the only life. This truncated interpretation of death contradicts, we will see, confident talk of death and the ‘last things’ in the Gospels, however it captures the Confucian sense of continuity and discontinuity for relatives in memory and death rituals.446 Though many other scholars have contributed substantially to the development of modern hermeneutic theory, the impact of German sociologist and critical theorist Jürgen Habermas (b. 1929), both prior to and since the end of the Cultural Revolution, justifies his inclusion here. Much was written by, and has been said over the years about, this widely acclaimed protégé of the leaders of the Frankfurt School, Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno,447 and of the Marxist jurist and political scientist Wolfgang Abendroth (1906–85). Following Horkheimer at Frankfurt University 442 On ‘the passion of the animal’ and (contra Levinas) its sense of child-like passivity and vulnerability, Derrida, J. (2013a), Signature Derrida, 393f.; Bruns, G. L. (2011), On Ceasing to Be Human, 85f.; Calarco, Zoographies, 103–50. 443 Derrida provides moving accounts of his sense of loss (i.e. La mort dans l’âme) (Naas 2008: 34f.). 444 On Derrida, death and radical atheism, Hägglund, M. (2008), Radical Atheism: Derrida and the Time of Life, 162f. 445 Cf. Derrida’s view of memory and the ‘impossibility’ it creates (Spargo 2004: 25f.). 446 Cf. above p. 405, 487f. 447 On Horkheimer and Adorno, above p. 197, n. 76, 348, 366, n. 103, 445, 450f., 456, 477, n. 435, 479.

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(fr. 1964–71 and 1983–93) and Director of the Max Planck Institute for the Study of the ScientificTechnical World, Starnberg (1971–83), where he wrote his The Theory of Communicative Action (1981), Habermas’s creative, multi-disciplinary approach to epistemology, rationalization, hermeneutics and – perhaps especially – communicative rationality, modernity and political theory (in a German context) have put him centre-stage in public discussion of ‘meaning’ and ‘truth’ for postmodernity. The issue here is Habermas’s legacy in China and the West and the degree to which it has conditioned contemporary exposition of the Analects and Gospels, particularly in relation to suffering, death and the afterlife. I suggest in three areas. First, though Habermas references the impact on him of two painful operations as a child for a disfiguring hair-lip, the burden of his commentary on suffering relates to the weak, frail, marginalized and impoverished in society. This includes those who suffer for the sake of, or because of, their religious beliefs. Habermas’s interest in post-secularity, public reason and, in later life, religion per se448 lead him to interpret suffering corporately and religiously. As in Bloch – and contra Feuerbach and Marx – transcendence is, for him, discovered both in and through the tangible and experiential immanence of human history (Fultner 2014: 227). Habermas’s work on the nature, rationality and dynamics of the ‘public square’ ([1962] 1989])449 afford grounds to push back against the dehumanizing of Holocaust studies450 and the individualizing of existentialist theory. To Habermas – who designates both ‘practical’ and ‘emancipatory’ acts of cognition – the unity of knowledge and interest provides a critical dialectic whereby ‘the historical traces of suppressed dialogue reconstruct what has been suppressed’ ([1968] 1971: 315).451 In other words, the reality and nature of suffering are only communicated fragmentarily in the ‘public square’. Attentive social analyses will, however, act to discern pain-filled meanings in mumbled messages of what Habermas calls a person’s cosmopolitan ‘lifeworld’ or ‘space for reasons’; that is, their core values and beliefs about the world and people around them. The whole act of reading itself is creatively re-defined by Habermas. In light of this, the Analects and Gospels are interpreted today in China and the West, not as univocal or lone, solitary texts, but as subtle social commentaries on the nature, trials and possibilities for an individual and their whole society’s life. Second, Habermas applies critical social theory to death. Hence, for example, in The Future of Human Nature (2001) the category ‘person’, with fundamental ‘rights to life’,452 is extended both to a human embryo (a ‘pre-personal’ human life) in an act of ‘anticipatory socialization’([2001] 2003: 39, 35) and to a corpse.453 For death is, to Habermas, more than statistical or medical.454 As

On the evolution of Habermas’s (increasingly positive) view of religion, Portier, P. (2011), ‘Religion and Democracy in the Thought of Jürgen Habermas’; Calhoun, C., E. Mendieta and J. VanAntwerpen, eds (2013), Habermas and Religion. 449 For his description of the ‘public square’ and of a historical shift from ‘representational’ to Öffentlichkeit (Lit. public sphere) culture, Habermas, J. ([1962] 1989), The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere. 450 On Habermas and the historiography of the Holocaust, Holub, R. C. (1991), Jürgen Habermas: Critic in the Public Sphere, 105–22. 451 N.B. the 5th point in Habermas’s list of proposed normative principles for ‘critical theory’. 452 On Habermas’s opposition to ‘liberal eugenics’ (genetic adaptation to create a perfect animal or child), Fenton, E. (2006), ‘Liberal Eugenics & Human Nature against Habermas’; Henrich, D. C. (2011), ‘Human Nature and Autonomy’. 453 Cf. Schumacher, B. N. ([2004] 2011), Death and Mortality in Contemporary Philosophy, 34f. 454 N.B. appeal to Habermas, and American psychologist, philosopher, and socio-educational theorist John Dewey (1859– 1952), in the ‘public-private’ debate about death, in Dorman, P. (1996), Markets and Mortality, 104. For a post-colonial commentary on Habermas and democracy in Africa (where death-rates are high), Igwe, U. T. (2004), Communicative Rationality and Deliberative Democracy of Jürgen Habermas, esp. 408f. 448

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in the German ‘critical theorist’ Herbert Marcuse’s455 essay ‘The Ideology of Death’ (1952),456 Habermas sees death as more than an ‘ontological necessity’ or biological inevitability: it is the political, philosophical and, at times, sado-masochistic telos (Lit. end) of life.457 As per the start of this chapter, Habermas interprets death as a social phenomenon rich in ethical, psychological and religious meaning, and linked to a plethora of cultural rituals and artistic forms.458 A similar openness to extend death’s meaning is evident in debates with Gadamer and Derrida.459 For Habermas’s ‘postmetaphysical’ hermeneutic ([1988] 1992), and his approach to language as a rulebased social practice, contextualize his interpretation of mortality both substantially and ethically. So, just as there cannot be a deontological approach to bioethics, death, he holds, cannot be deconstructed to nothingness and emptied of its social or ethical significance. It is in light of this that Gadamer responded to terrorism460 and honoured social custom when Derrida died.461 The Analects and Gospels are read both consciously and unconsciously in China and the West through Habermas’s socialization of death and consistent call for death to be anticipated, and its bitterness muted in practices associated with a good life. Third, as a postmetaphysical atheist for much of his working life, it is unsurprising Habermas says little positively of hope in an afterlife or of the immortality of the soul. His interests focus, like American moral and political philosopher John Rawls (1921–2002), on the ‘non-ideal, ‘de-centred’, socio-political reality in which value-pluralism prevails and the possibility of broad consensus is almost entirely lost.462 Old meta-narratives of ‘heaven’ and ‘hell’ fall victim as much to this-worldly concern as to religious scepticism and philosophical criticism. Though his views on religion mellowed, his thought remains (largely) consistent with his inaugural lecture at Frankfurt University in 1965: ‘What raises us out of nature is the only thing whose nature we can know: language.’ For, ‘Through its structure autonomy and responsibility are posited for us’ ([1968] 1971: 314).463 It is not ultimate accountability or the promise of eternity but language and mediated self-reflection that create moral identity and anthropological ‘interest’. Confucius and the Gospels both reflect Habermas’s sense of the socio-ethical power of language. At issue, in the next section, is the degree to which the Analects and Gospels claim more for ‘life after death’ than merely connotative aspiration. On Marcuse, above p. 420, 430, n. 130. Cf. Marcuse, H. (1959), ‘The Ideology of Death’, in H. Feifel (ed.), The Meaning of Death, 64–76. 457 On Marcuse and the ‘politics of death’, Ramirez, J. J. (2008), ‘Rage Against the Dying of the Light’. N.B. the bibliography on death in Schumacher, Death and Mortality, 4, n. 15. 458 On Habermas and postmodern cinematic, on-line and musical representations of death, Russell, C. (1995), Narrative Mortality, 5f.; Moreman, C. M. and A. D. Lewis, eds (2014), Digital Death, 63f.; Partridge, C. (2015), Mortality and Music, 65. 459 Habermas rejected Gadamer’s philosophical obligation to tradition and, as he saw it, ‘prejudice’: Gadamer responded by denying Habermas’s elevation of reason as the definitive assayer of language and tradition. The men disagreed (until their final years) on a host of key issues surrounding modernity, meaning, reason and hermeneutics. Cf. Thomassen, L. ed. (2006), The Derrida-Habermas Reader; —(2008), Deconstructing Habermas; Outhwaite, W. ed. (1996), The Habermas Reader; Habermas, J. ([1985] 1987), The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity, 161–84. On Habermas and Derrida’s agreement to criticize Husserl, Holub, Habermas, 102f. 460 The Iraq War and threat of terrorism brought some degree of reconciliation to Habermas and Derrida (Borradori, ed. 2003). 461 On Habermas and Derrida’s death, Gordon, P. E. (2015), ‘Habermas, Derrida and the Question of Religion’, in E. Baring and P. E. Gordon (eds), The Trace of God, 130f. 462 On the similarity here of Habermas and Rawls, Fultner, Jürgen Habermas, 30. 463 On the problems this bold statement caused, Adams, N. (2006), Habermas and Theology, 84; also, Smith, N. H. (1997), Strong Hermeneutics: Contingency and Moral Identity, 103f. 455 456

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An essential feature of our study has been the extent to which Chinese and Western scholarship has created a matrix within which the Analects and Gospels are interpreted today. With respect to Habermas, as Cao Weidong’s bibliographic article ‘The Historical Effect of Habermas in the Chinese Context’ (2006) shows, Habermas’s ideas have been closely studied in China since the end of the Cultural Revolution.464 His visit to China in 2001 created, it’s claimed, ‘Habermas fever’ among Chinese academics.465 His work on the ‘public square’, modernity,466 and on public and private reading, served to create a ‘Sinophone appetite for his communicative theory’ (Wu, G., 2014: 326f.),467 in the face of intense scholarly and popular international debate around the ‘problem of China’. Habermas set in sharp relief acute contextual hermeneutic questions for readers of the Analects and Gospels. Suffering, death and the afterlife become here issues of both immediate and ultimate social, political, public and personal concern. The ‘cultural archetype’ death is in Habermas an existential hermeneutic that turns ‘mass death’ into the way we should ‘read’ . . . everything.

SICKNESS, DEATH AND THE AFTERLIFE IN THE ANALECTS AND GOSPELS It is perhaps, unsurprising that the sombre themes of sickness, death and the afterlife have led us to the depths of 20th-century reflection on the human condition and its ultimate end. As before, in this final section we gather textual data on these themes in the Analects and Gospels to read comparatively and, in this instance, in light of 20th-century existentialism and modern hermeneutics. The task does not end: the data is vast, the discussion ongoing. That said, it is possible, I believe, to identity loci for textual comparison and fora in which East-West interpretative convergence prevails. This should come as no surprise. Suffering, death and questions about an ‘afterlife’ are global (contextual) phenomena forever in search of authoritative (textual) explanation/s: of this fact, the latter half of the 20th century served to make readers of the Analects and Gospels even more aware. We encounter these old texts with a new sense of our pain-filled shared humanity and common quest for existential truth. The Analects We have glimpsed Confucius’s attitude to death and the afterlife already in relation to tian ཙ (heaven) and ming ભ (fate) in Chapter 2, with regard to ren ӱ (humanity/benevolence) in

Cf. Cao, W. (2006), ‘The Historical Effect of Habermas in the Chinese Context: A Case Study of the Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere’; also, Madsen, R. (1993), ‘The Public Sphere, Civil Society, and Moral Community’; Welter, A. and J. Newmark, eds (2017), Religion, Culture, and the Public Sphere in China and Japan. 465 On Habermas’s reception in China and his statistic pre-eminence in scholarly journals, Holbig, H. (2011), ‘International Dimensions of Legitimacy’, in Deng, Z. and S. Guo (eds), Reviving Legitimacy: Lessons for and from China, 37–60 (esp. 41f.). 466 Cf. Tong, S. (2001), ‘Habermas and Chinese Discourse of Modernity’. For the contrast with Japanese scholars, who have viewed Habermas as outdated and obsolete, Goulding, J. (2017), ‘Globalization in Asia – Western Thinkers in Japan’. 467 A noted voice on ‘critical theory’ and political philosophy, Prof. Wu Guanjun, from E. China Normal University, commends Habermasian reasoned dialogue in China after the ‘debate between liberals and the New Left’ in the early 2000s. Cf. also, Wu, G. (2007), ‘Habermas in China: Theory as Catalyst’. N.B. Wu cites Davies, G. (2002), ‘Anticipating Community, Producing Dissent’. 464

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Chapter 3, and in his views on yi 㗙 (virtue) and li ⿞ (ritual propriety) in Chapters 4 and 7. Death determines life in the Analects.468 That said, though passion is apparent and the topic exalted, the tone is muted and Confucius’s message muddy. But death mattered. As Analects 3.26 records: ‘The Master said, “Someone who lacks magnanimity when occupying high office, who is not respectful when performing rituals, and who remains unmoved by sorrow when overseeing mourning rites – how could I bear to look upon such a person?” ’ Hence, the junzi is to be distinguished by a sense of ritual propriety and pastoral sympathy. Death is to be faced and feared, but less as a biological fact or emotional loss, and more as a catalyst for social failure and familial disloyalty. Zhou tradition said little about the state of the departed, much about the duties of those who remain. Confucius’s stoic attitude to his suffering and reserve about death can mislead. Yes, his harsh words to Zilu in Analects 11.12 illustrate an interest in life (cf. A. 7.21): they also confirm his disdain for a shallow view of death: ‘The Master said, “You are not able to serve people – how could you be able to serve ghosts and spirits?” . . . “You do not understand life – how could you possibly understand death?” ’469 Seeking the heavenly Way in life was, for Confucius, the best preparation for death. As Analects 4.8 states curtly: ‘Having heard in the morning that the Way was being put into practice, I could die that evening without regret.’470 Zhu Xi expounds this: ‘If one were able to hear the Way, one’s life would flow easily and one’s death would come peacefully, and there would be no more regrets’ (q. Slingerland: 32). If Confucius’s view of death develops, it is with a view to confronting societies preoccupied with avenging and appeasing spirits (but failing loved ones and making filial offerings) with the place of the Way in preparing for and passing through to death. As in existentialism, now matters more to him than the hereafter. Reading Confucius in light of 20th-century existentialism highlights the pragmatism and realism in Confucius’s approach to death. The socialization of mortality evident in the Analects should also now stand out for students of modern hermeneutics. Here is Analects 9.10, on Confucius’s attitude to death rituals and their power to elucidate death: ‘Whenever the Master saw someone who was wearing mourning clothes, was garbed in full official dress, or was blind, he would always rise to his feet, even if the person was his junior. When passing such a person, he would always hasten his step’ (cf. also A. 7.9, 10). It is not so surprising, then, Confucius did not sing on a day he wept (A. 7.9) nor eat with the bereaved (A. 7.10): to Confucius, death was a social reality. It offered multiple opportunities to show respect and exegete life. As a pragmatic pedagogue he was drawn to what could be said of death, more than to mystery in its hinterland. Death was a good social teacher, but an unreliable master.

468 On the absence of teaching on death in the Analects, Blakeley, D. (2010), ‘The Analects on Death’; also, Ivanhoe, P. J. (2003/4), ‘Death and Dying in the Analects’, in Tu and Tucker, Confucian Spirituality, I. 220–32; —(2011), ‘Death and Dying in the Analects’, in A. Olberding and P. J. Ivanhoe (eds), Mortality in traditional Chinese thought, 137–52. On death in Chinese culture, Mak, M. H. J. (2001), ‘Death and Good Death’; Overmyer, D. (1974), ‘China’, in F. Holck (ed.), Death and Eastern Thought, 198–225. 469 N.B. Yuan dynasty Neo-Confucian scholar Chen Tianxiang’s 䲣ཙ⾕ (1230–1316) esoteric remark: ‘The Way of the two sage-lords, the three kings, Duke Zhou, and Confucius focuses solely upon the exigencies of daily human existence and does not depart from them for an instant . . . [N]owhere do we hear of teachings concerning various levels of esoteric comprehension that must be completed so that one might understand the mysteries of death . . . The Master correctly saw that Zilu’s questions were only remotely related to practical concerns, and therefore answered him [as he did]’ (q. Slingerland, 115). 470 Chan Wing-Tsit translates this: ‘In the morning, hear the Way; in the evening die content’ (1963: 26).

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In light of existentialism and modern hermeneutics,471 five features of the Analects’ view of sickness, death and the afterlife warrant particular notice. First, suffering and death are presented here as intimate and personal realities. The Analects afford valuable insights into Confucian views on suffering, death and death rituals. The deaths of Confucius’s son, disciples, rulers and friends are all recorded. In his response, Confucius illustrates the potency and tragedy of death. The death of his nearest and dearest distress him greatly. His disciples criticize his excessive grief at the death of his protégé Yan Hui 乿എ. Confucius as a sad sage, replies: ‘Am I showing excessive grief? Well, for whom would I show excessive grief, if not for this man?’ (A. 11.10).472 The Analects’ strictures on self-control and ritual propriety are softened, as here, by sympathy. Hence, the little-known Lin Fang ᷇᭮ (n.d.) from Lu is told by Confucius: ‘When it comes to ritual, it is better to be spare than extravagant. When it comes to mourning, it is better to be excessively sorrowful than fastidious’ (A. 3.4).473 Death’s power is moderated by tears, its meaning modulated by ritual. So, Confucius instructs Fan Chi (Fan Xu ›丸): ‘When your parents are alive, serve them in accordance with the rites; when they pass away, bury them in accordance with the rites and sacrifice to them in accordance with the rites’ (A. 2.5). Duty and integrity are both required here; as Analects 3.12 warns: ‘If I am not fully present at the sacrifice, it is as if I did not sacrifice at all.’ In classical Confucianism, life and character are both extolled and exposed by death. Personality and identity are disclosed by death, and in the ritual actions surrounding bereavement. But neither life nor the invested junzi are to be single-purpose ‘vessels’ (A. 2.12).474 Rather, as mid-20th-century existentialism saw, the complex, and composite, nature of humanity’s existence is exposed in the ontological and eschatological fact of mortality. Further, echoing Casaubon and T. S. Eliot, in the lone death of Confucius, death’s meaning is declared. The Analects are read today in China and the West through a filter of existentialist enquiry and individual mortality: in the end, I die. Second, as we have begun to see, suffering and death assume symbolic ritual forms in early Confucianism. The content and meaning of rituals associated with death and dying, in both filial and social piety, are central issues in the Analects, and in later commentarial and scholarly debates. Funeral eulogies, ritual taboos,475 burial jade, renaming of the dead,476 mourning garb, special food,

N.B. the importance of ‘Confucian hermeneutics’ as a historic, intra- and inter-textual project to determine the content, meaning, character and development the text of the Classics. On this, Wright, K. (2015), ‘Hermeneutics and Confucianism’, in J. Malpas and H-H. Gander (eds), The Routledge Companion to Hermeneutics, 674–91. On unique qualities in what some call Chinese ‘onto-hermeneutics’, Tang, Y. (2015), Confucianism, Buddhism, Daoism, Christianity and Chinese Culture, 194f.; Cheng, C-y. (1991), New Dimensions, 49f. 472 Slingerland points out that, from the Han dynasty onwards, Yan Hui was seen as ‘a gift from Heaven’ to Confucius: his loss is therefore the more bitter. On the involvement of ‘Heaven’ in Yan Hui’s death, A. 11.9. Contrast the grief Confucius shows here with Zhuang Tzu’s 㦺ᆀ response to the death of his wife: ‘I realized that originally she had no life; and not only no life, she had no form; not only no form, she had no material force . . . [F]or me to go about weeping and wailing would be to show my ignorance of destiny’ (q. Chan, W-T., 1963: 209). On Confucius’s grief as an important expression of emotion, Virág, C. (2017), The Emotions in Early Chinese Philosophy, 46f. 473 On the relation between ritual and disposition, A. 3.3, 4, 8, 12, 26. N.B. a more reserved attitude towards mourning in Ziyou ᆀᴹ: ‘Mourning should fully express grief and then stop at that’ (A. 19.14). 474 On debate about the meaning and use here of qi ಘ (vessel, implement), Slingerland, 12. 475 Death produced ‘defilement’ in Chinese culture. The bereaved were segregated to avoid ‘infection’ by the dead (Waley [1938] 2012: 62). 476 Honorific titles (viz. strong, reliable, pious, cultivated and true) were afforded the dead, in part to safeguard the living from unwelcome attention from the unimpressed dead! 471

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withdrawal from public life and self-abnegation,477 all service death’s centrality in ancient Chinese culture. We have looked already at the considerable impact of 20th-century phenomenology, anthropology, psychology, sociology and cross-cultural studies, on contemporary readings of memory, rite and tradition in the Analects and Gospels. Modern social sciences and critical hermeneutics help us read the Analects – and, of course, the Gospels as well – as a commentary on the ritualization and routinization of life in ancient China.478 Neither the pain of suffering, nor the tragedy of death, are denied: they are carefully re-dressed in ritual forms, moral norms and repeatable acts.479 Lack of care prior to death is as unworthy as neglect afterwards. In life and death, a child should give a parent ‘no cause for anxiety’ (A. 2.6). Prayers should be offered (A. 7.35),480 the words of the dying heeded (A. 8.4) and respect for mourning rituals shown (A. 7.9, 10.25). Faced by death, ren ӱ (humanity) and li ⿞ (ritual propriety) have their place. Hence, in Analects 10.22: ‘When a friend died without relatives able to take care of the funeral arrangements, he [Confucius] would say, “I will see to burying them properly”.’ Through death rituals the fact and obligation of relationship are solemnly re-enacted sub specie communitatis (A. 12.5).481 Offspring honour their dead, demonstrate affection, and perpetuate both family and societal tradition when they arrange a good funeral, offer seasonal sacrifices and keep the prescribed period of mourning. Analects 1.11 summarizes expectation of the forms and content of filial piety: ‘When someone’s father is still alive, observe his intentions; after his father has passed away, observe his conduct. If for three years he does not alter the ways of his father, he may be called a filial son.’482 This practice is not dictated by cold principle or moral pragmatism: it helps to express affection, to honour a father’s life in the Way, and to prepare to prove this in prolonged imitation.483 Indeed, as later Confucianism saw clearly, filial piety served to enhance the glory of parent and child: for, if in a parent’s death something of the child dies, in the child’s duty, gratitude and ritual acts, the parent’s identity and reputation are reclaimed. The tragedy of death is in part to be redeemed by the timely rituals of a respectful family. In light of Wittgenstein and Gadamer – and to an extent Habermas – this dynamic reworking of death through ritual and respect is an early instance of the fact and power of societal ‘games’ and of ritualized ‘word play’, with Chinese words and deeds shaping an individual, a family, and a society’s life and death. We are what we say – and, here, what others do to and for us. Thirdly, again as we have begun to see, suffering, death and an afterlife are socio-political and communal events in classical Confucian culture. The Analects are clear: the fingers of death reach N.B. the exchange with Zai Wo ᇠᡁ (A. 17.21) where Confucius parallels ‘three years’ of parental care with prolonged mourning and disdains Zai Wo’s ingratitude, rationalizing of inaction, and ritual laxity, in wanting to curtail the prescribed ‘three years’ of mourning (or twenty-five months) to one year. For commentarial discussion of this exchange, Slingerland, 209f. 478 On Gadamer in dialogue with Confucian conservatism, Wright, K. (2015), ‘Hermeneutics and Confucianism’, 677f. 479 It would be interesting to consider at length what the Analects says of death and ancestral rituals in light of contemporary sociological and anthropological discourse on ‘embodiment’, ‘exchange’, and ‘material culture’. 480 N.B. this exchange with Zilu ᆀ䐟 (A. 7.35) where prayer ‘to the Spirits of Heaven and Earth’ are offered – and welcomed – by a sick Confucius. Pain and suffering were, it seems, fully integrated in Confucian cosmology and spirituality. 481 N.B. Slingerland’s commentary on this, ad loc. 482 On continuing the father’s ways for ‘three years’, A. 4.20, 19.18. For a discussion of perpetuating parental practices – even if not ‘right’ – and learning how and when to control desires, A. 1.11, 4.20, and esp. 13.8, 18. 483 On the prescribed period of mourning, and the rationale for it, Slingerland, 5. N.B. What Confucius alludes to here (and later tradition ascribes to him) was inscribed by Mo Tzu in the Book of Filial Piety, where the tragedy of death, and the duty of filial piety, become ‘the root virtue and source of all teaching’ (1). 477

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deep into life. Confucius’s successor Zeng Shen ᴮ৳ (505–435 BCE; courtesy name Ziyu ᆀ䕯),484 particularly, gives voice in the Analects to the place of death and filial piety in determining a person’s character and the strength of a society (A. 19.17). So, in Analects 1.9 we read: ‘Master Zeng said, “Take great care in seeing off the deceased and sedulously maintain the sacrifices to your distant ancestors, and the common people will sincerely return to Virtue”.’ The Record of Ritual is equally explicit: ‘Cultivate the ancestral temples, respectfully perform the ancestral sacrifices, and thereby teach the common people to maintain filial piety’ (Legge [1879–85] 1967: 2.291, c. 27).485 So, death rituals help to nurture a stable and sustainable social and political economy. Though Confucius longed to honour Yan Hui 乿䐟 when he died – and imagined ‘Heaven’s’ censure in his loss (A. 11.9) – he would not disrupt a father’s duty at his son’s funeral (A. 11.9, 11).486 Good order must be preserved. But Confucius is realistic about the omni-presence of death and the need to safeguard ‘the confidence of the people’ through food and order (A. 12.7). In honouring the dead families are united, society strengthened, and Heaven’s blessing and cosmic harmony safeguarded (Dawson 1964: 82). Despite Confucius’s hesitancy with respect to a spiritual perspective, his peers were convinced that ritual piety and ancestor worship satisfied attentive ghosts and pacified fickle spirits.487 If death dismantled social distinctions,488 it also served to reconstruct heaven and earth in a harmonious integrity of purpose and moral identity. To Confucius, ancestral worship, and the unity of a person and place, were foundational to life. Compassion, care, humility and expectancy characterize Confucian ancestor worship as ‘the extreme expression of grief and sorrow’ (Legge [1885] 1968: 27.167). For, as the Liji says: ‘It is the union of kwei [gui 公 earthly soul] and shan [shen ⾎, heavenly spirit] that forms the highest exhibition of doctrine’ (ibid., 28.220). In light of the preceding, we should note here how a blurring of ‘physical’ and ‘spiritual’ in early Confucian culture has gained traction in China (and the West) through writers like Tillich, Berdyaev, Ricoeur and Tu Weiming.489 The cosmic, moral consequences of existentialism and its interaction with Confucian tradition are no more clearly seen than here. Fourthly, suffering and death have both an ontological and spiritual character in early Confucian thought. Indeed, death is central to a classical Chinese sense of the afterlife. This is premised on two apparently contradictory traits in ruist culture, namely, its physicality and its spirituality. In classical Confucianism, the body matters. Death is cataclysmic. So, when Zeng Shen is dying, in Analects 8.1, the state of his body preoccupies is mind: Master Zeng was gravely ill and called his disciples to his bedside. ‘Uncover my feet! Uncover my hands!’ he said to them. ‘The Odes say, “Fearful and cautious/ As if looking down into a deep Zeng Shen was a native of Lu. He was the son of Zeng Dian ᴮ唎 (courtesy name Zixi ᆀⳉ), one of Confucius’s earliest disciples, and is author of the Daxue (Great Learning) in the Liji (Book of Rites) and the Xiaojing (Classic of Filial Piety). Zeng is shown in the Analects to be the great exemplar of filial piety. 485 Mozi ໘ᆀ disdained exaggerated Confucian death rituals (1963: 125; also, Ching J., 1993: 70). 486 As Slingerland points out (115), later commentaries by Ma Rong 俜㶽 (79–166 CE) and Fan Ning 㤳ሗ (339–401) underline Confucius’s respect for the position of Yan Hui’s father, Yan Lu 乿䐟. 487 In Xunzi attitudes to death, the dead, and the spirit world, reflect a person’s class and education: ‘Among gentlemen it (filial piety/ancestor worship) is regarded as a part of the human Way; among the common people it is considered to be the serving of ghosts and spirits’ (q. Dawson, ed. 1964: 49). 488 Cf. A. 10.25, where Confucius is said to ‘display a respectful countenance’ in the face of mourning rituals, even if the people were of ‘low birth’. 489 This is clear when we track the intellectual and philosophical roots of New and Boston Confucianism. On Boston Confucianism’s trans-cultural hermeneutic and its intention to repackage and import Confucianism to the postmodern Western world, Chung, P. S. (2012), The Hermeneutical Self, 18f. 484

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abyss/ As if treading upon thin ice” [ed. Ode, 195]. Only now can I be sure of having made it through safely. Note this, my little ones!’ Mutilation was common. The fact his body is whole shows moral restraint and respect for his parents’ original gift of his body. As the Classic of Filial Piety states: ‘One’s body, hair, and skin are a gift of one’s parents – and do not dare them to be harmed’ (cf. A. 8.3; Slingerland, 79; also, de Bary and Bloom [1960] 1999: 1.326f.).490 To Zeng, the body is not to be scarred or spoiled.491 Early Confucianism was clear: the physical body mattered in life and in death. Preservation and continuity, more than corruption and decay, were critical. The dead were fortified in their new abode by imposition of mortuary jades and provision of sacrificial food. Funeral prayers and praises acknowledged the parent to be the source of life and bestower of a body. Though ru culture was alert to ‘spirits’, the central focus is not the soul’s immortality but the physical and relational legacy, and thence integrity, of the dead. Materiality is a cultural norm here: but more is at stake. Spirituality also inspires ru culture’s physicality. In death, relationships are codified and expressed. Children replace their parents. The dead join a living ancestral tradition. As the editors of The Confucian World Observed make clear, whereas in Buddhism ‘the ego disappears into the cosmos’, in Confucianism it ‘disappears into the family’ (Tu, W., Hejtmanek and Wachman, 1992: 12). ‘[T]he cult of ancestor worship provides a sense of continuity and may be seen as the seat of the sacred, or religious, element in Confucianism’ (ibid.). In classical Confucianism, death and ancestral worship bind a person to their ancestors: first, to the Shang and Zhou dynasty – from whom life, in all its social, political and familial forms is ideally, and thus, spiritually derived492 – then to their immediate forebears. In the domestic shrine the living and the dead continually connect. As Yao Xinzhong says: ‘It was believed that the great ancestors of the royal house were in Heaven sitting beside the Lord on High’, and ‘the most efficient way to communicate with Heaven was via sacrifice to the great ancestors’ (2000: 200). Offerings to ancestors were seen to have transformational power (ibid., 201). For if hun 兲 (spirit) and po 兴 (soul), that were joined at birth, were sundered in death, sacrifice and music could draw an ancestor’s ‘spirit’ from heaven as a ‘soul’ is drawn from earth by wine. Death is not the end; as in Judaism and primitive religions, it is the door to the realm of the righteous. In oracle inscriptions and the Book of Poetry, dead kings rise to Heaven to become ‘physically close to the Lord-on-High’ (Ching 1993: 19). Filial piety and ancestral rituals are central to early Confucian culture, morality and spirituality. A person both discovers and expresses their immediate (historical) and ultimate (eternal) identity in the death and associated rituals of their family members (ibid., 204). Furthermore, as Yao states: ‘[A] sense of eternity can be obtained through the continuity of the family’ (ibid.). Self-cultivation, and integrity have an enduring quality. Filial piety is a bridge to Heaven and evocation of eternity. A child ritually – and, thus, literally – holds their parents’ lives and family’s future in their hands. The Book of Rites sees this: ‘All things originate from Heaven, and humans originate from ancestors’ (Legge [1885] 1968: 27.430; q. Yao, 202). In the Confucian

Cf. also, de Bary, W. and I. Bloom, eds ([1960] 1999), Sources of Chinese Tradition, I. 326f. N.B. application of Confucian thought to discussion of assisted suicide, Lo, P. C. (1999), ‘Confucian ethic of death with dignity and its contemporary relevance’. 492 The Duke of Zhou was believed to have offered sacrifices to Heaven through his ancestor Hou Ji ਾで, the Lord of Grains, or Millet, and to the ‘Lord on High’ through his father King Wen. On the Duke of Zhou and King Wen, above p. 29, 375. 490 491

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‘state cult’, filial piety was seen to create a mystical halo that surrounded and united Heaven with the earth. Domestic rituals safeguarded Heaven’s ‘blessing’ and thus cosmic ‘harmony’. This essentially democratized view of religion created a deep sense of corporate national identity and mutual dependence. Domestic ritual has local, national and eternal significance. Crucially, a sense of the power, character and significance of this routinized view of life and death is intensified in China and the West by mid-20th-century hermeneutic stress on the performative nature of language and the connotative character of religious discourse. Words and rituals linked to death determine the kind of world we imagine and inhabit. In this sense, we live and die in a Confucian and a Habermasian ‘public square’ as much as the beloved amid their loved ones. Fifthly, as can be illustrated by Confucius himself, suffering, death and the afterlife have an autobiographical and allusive character in the Analects and other Confucian Classics. Confucius confirms the principle that, in the end, death is not about death in theory but about one death, how it is faced and how it is treated. The Analects suggest Confucius was neither fearful of death nor fixated on it, like many in his day (and ours). Though disciples fretted about his well-being, fought for his affections, and debated his reputational standing (A. 9.6), he was relaxed in his mortality and reserved about his significance; albeit he seems to have had some sense of his life-suffering as vicarious.493 Death was a fact of life, an event to be anticipated and prepared for carefully. Though some later saw him as a ‘throne-less ruler’, Confucius denied he was wise (A. 7.34, 9.8) and said he had an ongoing need and passion to learn (A. 5.28, 7.20, 33). To the capable Zigong ᆀ䋒, Confucius and his teaching were like a beautiful garden out of reach to most (A. 19.23). To despondent favourite Yan Hui 乿എ, they were a mirage: ‘The more I look up at it the higher it seems . . . the harder it becomes. Catching a glimpse of it before me, I then find it suddenly at my back . . . Though I desire to follow it, there seems to be no way through’ (A. 9.11). When Chen Ziqin 䲣ᆀ⿭ challenged him about respect for Confucius after his death, Zigong replied (A. 19.25): One cannot equal the Master any more than one can climb a stairway to the heavens. Has the master acquired control of a state or noble family, then, as they say, ‘When he raised them up, they would stand; when he led them forward, they would advance; when he comforted them, they would come; and when he moved them they would become harmonious. His birth was glorious, and his death was universally mourned. How then could anyone equal him?’ Known by many, despised by some, Confucius remained a mystery to the majority of his contemporaries. The truth about him could not be reduced to mere history or biography. Sima Qian’s ਨ俜䚧 Records of the Grand Historian,494 from 400 years after Confucius, gives a sense of ‘the Master’s’ last days. We find him sad and self-condemnatory. Confucius said, ‘This won’t do! This won’t do! A gentleman is ashamed to die without having accomplished something. I realize I cannot get into a position of power to put into effect my governmental ideas. How am I going to account for myself in the eyes of posterity?’ —q. Lin [1938] 1941, 97 On Confucius’s grief at Yan Hui’s death as an intense expression of this, Taylor, R. L. (1990), Religious Dimensions of Confucianism, 128f. 494 Cf. on Sima Qian, above p. 18, n. 8, 29f., 35f., 43. 493

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Sima continues: He therefore wrote the Spring and Autumn . . . from the point of view of Lu, but tried to show proper respect to the Chou (sic) Emperors, harking back to the Shang Dynasty and showing the changes in the systems of the Three Dynasties . . . When Confucius taught the Spring and Autumn to his disciples, he said, ‘The future generations shall understand me through the Spring and Autumn and shall also judge me on the basis of the Spring and Autumn’. —ibid. Confucius’s intentionality here is of a piece with his pedagogy: life and death are to be faced with moral purpose and ritual precision. Confucius’s final sickness is recorded: Next year [480 BCE] Tselu [ed. Zilu] died in Wei. Confucius himself also fell ill, and Tze Kung came to visit him. Confucius was just then walking slowly around the door, supported by a walking stick, and said to him, ‘Ah Sze, why do you turn up so late?’ Confucius then sighed and sang a song: Ah! The T’aishan [Mountain] is crumbling down! The pillar is falling down! The philosopher is passing out! He then shed tears and spoke to Tze Kung, ‘For a long time the world has been living in moral chaos, and no ruler has been able to follow me. The people of Hsia Dynasty kept their coffins before burial, above the eastern steps (of the Chinese courtyard), the people of Chou Dynasty kept their coffins above the western steps, and the people of Shang Dynasty kept them (in the main hall) between two pillars. Last night I dreamt I was sitting and receiving (or making) a libation between the two pillars. Perhaps it was because I am a descendant of the Shangs.’ Seven days afterwards he died aged seventy-three [sic]. This was on the day chich’ou of April, in the sixteenth year of Duke Ai [479 BCE]. —ibid. To Sima, though Duke Ai grieved Confucius’s death, his ritual acts were – unlike the disciples’ – characteristically careless. He continues: Confucius was buried in Lu, on the River Sze in the north of the city. His disciples all observed the regular mourning of three years, and after the three years of mourning were over, they said good-bye to each other and left, weeping again at the grave before they departed. Some stayed on, but only Tze Kung remained in a hut near the tomb for six years before he left. Over a hundred families, consisting of Confucius’s disciples and natives of Lu, went to live near the tomb ground, and there grew up a village as K’ungli, or ‘K’ung’s Village’. For generations sacrifices were offered at the Temple of Confucius at proper times, and the Confucianists also held academic discussions and village festivals and archery contests at the tomb. —ibid.

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Thus, began the ‘cult of Confucius’, which developed in and around a Temple erected in his hometown, Qufu. History is pressurized by myth, hagiography and worship. The Temple was revamped in AD 59, when Confucius was titled ‘Duke’ and his sacrifice was linked to the Duke of Zhou (Yao, X., 206). Honorific titles began to be added – ‘The Venerable Ni, the Accomplished Sage’ (492 CE), ‘The Perfect Sage, and Ancient Teacher’ (657 CE) – and, particularly during the Tang Dynasty, temples built and sacrifices offered, until finally, in 1906, offerings to Confucius match those to Heaven and Earth, his adoration comparable to that of Buddha, Mohammed and Jesus Christ (ibid., 207).495 As one of the great prayers to Confucius states: O Great Teacher, thy virtue surpasses that of a thousand sages, And thy way excels that of a hundred kings, Rivalling the sun and moon, Thy light shines for ever . . . The reverent and constant observance of thy moral teaching is the expression of our gratitude to thee. Mayest thou enjoy this sacrifice. —q. Shryock [1932] 1966: 169f. As he had taught, in death Confucius lives in the prayers, praises, rituals and lives of others. This life is never going to be constrained by history. Derridean deconstructionism helps to envisage an ‘infinite horizon’ of interpretative options in Confucius’s paradigmatic life.496 The Gospels There is much to say of suffering, death and the afterlife in the Gospels, especially if set in a broader biblical context. Again, we focus on the impact of 20th-century existentialism and modern hermeneutics on contemporary interpretation. The fact is, existentialist questions and terminology, and modern hermeneutic studies, have transformed the way suffering, death and the afterlife are read and interpreted in the Gospels and Bible generally. Christian theology has taken existentialist themes of suffering and death to heart. Humanity’s diverse condition is now to be interpreted in and of itself, and not, as once, only coram Deo. Jesus’s miracles – often a distraction to skeptics – give way to respect for his fellow-feeling, the Gospels being adjudged true insofar as they resonate with my experience. So, too, the pain, suffering and death of Jesus only have meaning insofar as they speak of, and to, humanity’s experience of alienation, injustice, suffering, pain and death. Triumphalism submits for culture’s sake to realism, empathy and relevance. Textual meaning and meaningfulness are conditional on compatibility between what the Gospels say and humanity in all its diversity experiences. The Gospels, arguably more than the Analects, are assessed pragmatically by many people today, with utility supplanting authority and meaning as the primary exegetical

N.B. Paul Carus: ‘[Confucius] is worshipped in a similar spirit as the Buddhists worship the Gautama Buddha, the Enlightened One, the Christians worshipped Jesus Christ, as the Messiah of Israel and Saviour of all mankind, and the adherents of Islam look reverently up to their prophet Mohammed’ (‘Ceremony Celebrated under the Chinese Republic in Honor of Confucius’ [1918], 155; q. Yao, X., 2000: 208). 496 Cf. criticism (after deconstructionism) of integrated interpretative systems with respect to Confucianism, in Ng, O-c. and K-w. Chow (1999), ‘Fluidity of the Confucian Canon and Discursive Strategies’, in Chow, K-W., et al. (eds), Imagining Boundaries, 1–17. 495

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issue. We find parallels with the Analects in how these texts treat death as an ontological, social and eschatological reality: in other respects, contrasts between them are all too clear. Suffering, death and the afterlife in the Bible – and especially in the Gospels – are characteristically conditioned by theology and Christology. So, God incarnate in the life, suffering, death and resurrection of Jesus Christ, is ‘Alpha and Omega’, the ground and telos of human existence. He holds life and death in his hands. To synthesize a mass of material, I focus here on points of contrast and comparison with Confucianism and connect the discussion with the chapter as a whole. Six features of suffering, death and the afterlife in the Gospels deserve notice.497 First, life and death are presented naturalistically: that is, as elsewhere in the Bible, they are, like suffering, part of the natural order of things. The Gospels perpetuate a Hebrew sense that humans are like ‘beasts that perish’ (Ps. 49.12) and ‘flowers that fade’ (Is. 40.7). We pass ‘from dust to dust, and ashes to ashes’ (Gen. 2.7, Eccles. 12.7)498 and are gathered to our forebears.499 It is no cause of surprise that in the Gospels this life is a burden (Mt. 11.28), children and relations fall sick, friends and loved ones die, and grief is known and voiced (Mk 1.30, 34, 5.21–6, 9.17f., 10.46, Lk. 7.11, Jn 4.43f., 11.1f., 35). Human life is part of a natural cycle in which seeds germinate and die, twigs grow leaves, grass withers, babies are born, people cry, and bodies, minds, wills and hearts are broken (Mt. 11.28, 6.30, Lk. 1.13, Mk 14.72, Jn 11.19, 12.24). To the discerning, in this natural rhythm the majesty and mystery of human existence is revealed. As the Gospels make clear, the truth is not only that the grass is ‘here today and tomorrow is thrown into the fire’ and sparrows die, but that God ‘clothes the grass of the field’, knows when a bird falls to the ground, and is to hand in suffering, weariness (Mt. 11.28), anxiety (Mt. 6.25–34) and death itself (Jn 11.38f.). Though ‘heaven and earth will pass away’ God’s life and word will ‘never pass away’ (Mk 13.31). A ‘fool’ thinks life indefinite and plans accordingly (Lk. 12.20f.). Theology and christology in the Gospels are contextualized naturalistically: God acts, and Jesus dwells, in a known world. Like Confucius in the Analects, Jesus teaches his disciples to ‘consider’ (Mt. 6.28) their life, to think deeply, act wisely, and reckon with folly, frailty and death. Though historical-critical studies threatened biblical authority, mid-20th-century Christian existentialism reclaimed the Gospels as resonating with human pain and redolent with hope. In light of this, like the Analects the Gospels are read carefully and respectfully today because they address our world and our experience. It is not only ‘the heavens’ that ‘declare the glory of God’ (Ps. 19.1) nor that the world is ‘charged with the grandeur of God’ (Hopkins 1877),500 but God speaks – or, as British literary scholar C. S. Lewis (1898–1963) wrote, God ‘shouts’ ([1940] 1996: 91)501 – in and through our pain. Sacramentality is replete as much with divine comfort and identification as God’s glory and revelation in Jesus Christ.

As before, it is possible to develop a coherent picture from the diverse perspectives of the four Gospels. Differences exist, but they are more of style and nuance than of substance. 498 On imagery of death as ‘spilling’ (water), ‘breaking’ (pottery), ‘stalking’ (like a disease), ‘spreading’ (like fire), and ‘irresistible’ (like a fortified city), 2 Sam. 14.14, Eccles. 12.6, Pss. 9.13, 107.18, 91.5f., 18.5, Prov. 30.16. 499 On this physical, sometimes geographical, image, Gen. 25.8, 35.29, 49.33; also, Gen. 24.4, 10, 23.19, 25.9, 49.33, 50.3, 10, 1 Sam. 28.19, 31.9f., 2 Sam. 12.23. 500 Cf. ‘God’s Grandeur’ (1877) by the Jesuit poet Gerard Manley Hopkins (1844–89). 501 Cf. C. S. Lewis: ‘Pain insists upon being attended to. God whispers to us in our pleasures, speaks in our consciences, but shouts in our pains. It is his megaphone to rouse a deaf world’ ([1940] 1996: 91). 497

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Second, as noted, suffering, death and the afterlife are interpreted theologically in the Gospels; that is, as in the Old Testament, human life, suffering, death, and hope of an afterlife, are represented as contingent on God’s creation, love, grace and sovereign purpose. As the Psalmist professed, ‘with you is the fountain of life’ (139.12), and Job believed, ‘in his hand is the life of every creature and breath of all mankind’ (Job 12.10, 14.5, 34.14f.). In the Old Testament, with God’s precious, fruitful, gift of ‘the breath of life’ (Ps. 104.29b),502 and a growing sense of his living presence on the other side of death,503 came a responsibility to honour life and eschew all practices that threaten it.504 Though in Jewish anthropological dualism the flesh might be discarded, the purity and integrity of a person’s soul is of lasting worth.505 A long life is a blessing, early death a curse (cf. 2 Kgs 20.1–11, Gen. 2–3, Deut. 30.15, Jer. 21.8, Ezek. 18.21–32). With heated scholarly debate about the nature, causes, and consequences of death, during the intertestamental period,506 it is not surprising Jesus’s opinion is sought. Scribes, Pharisees, Sadducees and disciples, all question him – and get his clear, robust replies (Mt. 22.24f., Mk 12.19f., Jn 6.50, 8.21f., 11.16f., 12.24, 21.23f.). Theologically, as anticipated in Matthew 4.16 (quoting Isaiah 9.2), ‘on those living in the shadow of death a light has dawned’ through the coming of God’s anointed Messiah. All of life, including death and what follows, is illuminated by Jesus as the ‘light’ and the miracle-working Messiah,507 the Lord of ‘the living and the dead’ (Mt. 22.32). It is the ‘righteous’, who see and seek God’s kingdom presence, providential care, and gift of ‘life’, that can face death with confidence. But it is not all good news. To a natural fear of death is added dread now of one who can kill body and soul (Mt. 10.28), and such forfeiture of the ‘soul’ is dire indeed (Mt. 16.25f.). When dying, Jesus senses he is ‘forsaken’ by his God (Mk 15.34), though he had anticipated the event with a striking admixture of anguish, faith and realism.508 It is, in Luke’s account, those who fail to ‘recognize the time of God’s coming’ in Jesus who are to be pitied (Lk. 19.41–4): a tragic fate awaits them all.509 Theologically, then, in the Gospels, death – as cessation of life and separation from God by sin510 – is the antithesis of life and of God’s life-giving intention for his creation. The categories and context in which the Gospels speak of death contrast with the Analects. Life and death are now redefined On the value of life and importance of treasuring it, Job 14.5, Pss. 1, 90.10f., 116.15, 139.16, Eccles. 9.10, 3.13, 5.17f., 9.7. 503 On the progressive sense of the benefits of death and of an afterlife in the OT, Gen. 12.1f., Eccles. 4.2, 9.10, 3.13, 5.17f., 9.7, Job 3.13–19, 19.26, Pss. 16.49, 23.4, 73.24, 26, Is. 11.6f., 25.7f. For persisting fatalism, see the vivid image in Job 20.7. 504 On injunctions against murder and necromancy, Gen. 9.5f., 1 Sam. 1.6, 28.13f., 2 Sam. 17.23. 505 In the intertestamental period, we see a Neo-Platonic shift away from this anthropological dualism, to a clearer sense of the psychosomatic unity of the individual, and, particularly, to the soul’s ‘immortality’ (e.g. Wisd. 3.1–5). Badham identifies, though, ‘four conflicting attitudes to death’, though, in 1st-century Judaism: i. a Sadducee connection of death with extinction; ii. the Pharisees’ hope of a final, physical resurrection; iii. the Essenes’ view of the ‘immortality of the soul’; and, iv. the Qumran community’s vision of a spiritual, non-physical, resurrection to be ‘like angels in heaven’ (1983: 145–6). 506 N.B. intertestamental views of death as an evil, or consequence of sin, from which the immortal soul departs to await final resurrection and judgement, Eccles. 3.19–29, II Apoc. Bar. 54.19, II Esdras 3.7, 1 Enoch 102, Wisd. 3.4, 4.1, IV Macc. 16.13, 17.12. 507 Cf. Jesus’s announcement of his ‘kingdom’ work, and the character of Jewish ‘Messianic’ expectation in the Gospels, Lk. 4.16–21, Jn 4.25, Mt. 11.1–19; also, above p. 81, n. 149. 508 Cf. Jesus’s open-eyed journey back to Jerusalem, heart-rending prayer in Gethsemane, and low expectancy that the disciples would stand by him to the end, Mk 8.31f., 14.27, Lk. 18.31f., 19.41f., 22.39f., Mt. 26.31f., Jn 12.20–36, 13.18f. 509 Commentators have traditionally seen Jesus’s words as a prophesy of Jerusalem’s destruction by the Romans in 70 CE. On death and destruction, see also Mt. 8.28f. 510 On these two strands in Christian interpretation, Davids, P. H. ([1984] 1990), Art. ‘Death’, in W. H. Elwell (ed.), Evangelical Dictionary, 299–300. 502

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in relationship to a personal, loving, righteous heavenly Father, from whom, as Ephesians puts it, ‘his whole family in heaven and on earth derives its name’ (3.15). This basic theological a priori finds no direct counterpart in the practical wisdom, or moral anthropocentrism, of the Analects. Death can be embraced like sleep in the New Testament – not so in the Analects. Contrast with the Analects is even clearer when we see suffering, death and the afterlife interpreted christologically in the Gospels. Jesus is here the perfect example and true exponent of suffering, death and the afterlife. Christian thought has variously emphasized and interpreted these strands in the Christology of the Gospels. Layered meanings are found in the text. Hence, Jesus’s suffering is expressive of his true humanity and testimony to his vicarious self-sacrifice. He suffers with and for all. As Hebrews says, he ‘learned obedience from what he suffered’ and is ‘able to sympathise with our weaknesses’, as the ‘perfect High Priest’ and ‘guarantee of a better covenant’ through his own shed blood (Heb. 5.8, 4.15, 7.22, 26f., 8.11f.). His death is also a natural, physical event (that reflects his mortality),511 a unique historical crucifixion (albeit shared with criminals and unjustly treated victims),512 and a representative redemptive offering on behalf of human sin. Mark 10.45 summarizes: ‘For even the Son of Man did not come to be served, but to serve, and to give his life as a ransom for many.’513 Acceptance or rejection of the benefits of Jesus’s atoning sacrifice determine a person’s present and future experience of life and death (Jn 3.16f., Mt. 25.31f., Lk. 16.22f.). To reject or deny him is to reject God (Mt. 10.33, Lk. 12.8f.; also, 2 Tim. 2.12, 1 Jn 2.22f.). To ‘take up’ Jesus’s cross ‘daily’ and follow him (Mt. 16.24f.) is the secret path to life. For, Jesus is the seed that falls into the ground and dies in order that a crop of believers will emerge (Jn 12.24, 1 Cor. 15.35f.). As he promises in the Gospel of John: ‘He who believes in me will live, even though he dies, and whoever lives and believes in me will never die’ (11.25). Though an afterlife is envisaged in the Gospels, as John says here, to disciples ‘eternal life’ effectively begins ‘now’ (Jn 3.16). As the First Letter of John states: ‘We know that we have passed from death to life’ (1 Jn 3.14). In contrast to classical Confucianism, Christianity speaks of death with the fear of sinners facing a holy God and the confidence of children a just and loving Father. Redemption from sin and reconciliation with God are not based on personal worth, or family ritual, but on Jesus’s atoning sacrifice and the mercy of a loving God. In light of this chapter, the unique value, or ‘scandal of particularity’, in what the Gospels say of Jesus is, like the Analects, threatened by inter-cultural relativism and ideological bigotry. The ‘wisdom of Confucius’ and Jesus’s ‘good news’ on suffering, death and an afterlife are at risk from the muffling of postmodernism and the evacuation of meaning by deconstruction. That said, the thrust of much New Testament scholarship is the social – and, so, textual and interpretative – coherence of the Gospels more than the reverse. Like the Analects they mean something, something that is of spiritual, psychological, social and relational value. This draws in doubters as much as it deflects and disturbs detractors. Fourthly, again as we have begun to see, suffering, death, and the afterlife in the Gospels are interpreted teleologically, or eschatologically. Their meaning is revealed in and through their ‘end’. Suffering may have a higher purpose. It may be to God’s ‘glory’ (Jn 9.3, 11.40) or the disciples’

For the details of Jesus’s death, Mt. 27.45f., Mk 15.21–37, Lk. 23.44–49 and Jn 19.28–37 (which to medics makes a significant reference to ‘water and blood’ flowing from Jesus’s side when lanced by a soldier). 512 On Jesus’s identification with ‘criminals’ and ‘sinners’ in death, Mt. 27.44, Mk 15.27, Lk. 23.32–43, Jn 19.31f., Gal. 3.1. On Jesus’s ‘forsakenness’, and the injustice of his death, in Moltmann and ‘Liberation Theology’, above p. 452f. 513 Cf. above p. 65, 81. On Jesus’s self-offering, Mt. 16.21f., Mk 8.31f., Phil. 2.5–11. 511

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ultimate good (Jn 16.1–4, 16.20f., Rom. 8.28, 1 Pet. 2.19–25, Jas 1.3f.). Held in the Father’s arms, disciples are urged to trust to his providential purposes (Mt. 6.25–32, 7.7–12), but they are not to forget the ‘cost of discipleship’ (Mt. 7.13f., 20.20f.). Physical death is not the end. In the language and vivid imagery of 1st-century Palestinian apocalyptic, Jesus predicts a ‘final judgement’ for all, and a ‘second death’ for all disbelieving reprobates and impenitent sinners (Jn 3.16f.; also, Mt. 8.12f., 10.28, 25.31f., Lk. 16.22f., 2 Cor. 5.10, Heb. 9.27). Like ‘sheep and goats’ or ‘wheat and tares’, God will separate the ‘righteous’ and ‘unrighteous’, assigning some to ‘eternal life’ others to a hell of torment. Residual uncertainty in the Old Testament and intertestamental literature about the state of the departed vanishes in the Gospels. Shortly before his crucifixion, Jesus comforts his disciples with the promise he is going to ‘prepare a place’ for them in his Father’s ‘house’ and will ‘come back’ to take them to be with him (Jn 14.1–4; also, Lk. 16.22f.). While they await his return, they are to ‘seek first God’s kingdom’, eschew material excess, keep alert, pray faithfully, ‘make disciples of all nations’, and thus anticipate the final Parousia (Mt. 6.25, 33, 20.41f., 24.36–25, 28.19f., 13, Mk 13.5–31, 16.15f., Lk. 12.18, Jn 21.15–23). Central to the Gospels’ view of suffering, death and the afterlife is Jesus’s resurrection, to which all the Gospels bear confident witness. Suffering is faced now with new confidence in the ‘ascended’ Christ’s ‘sympathy’, and with resurrection ‘hope’ in his power to overcome adversity with ‘victory’. Miracles are proleptic signs of God’s gift of ‘resurrection life’ and final restoration of all things. Death is a defeated ‘enemy’, its ‘sting drawn’ and its power neutralized, to the extent that believers, ‘having crossed over from death to life’ (Jn 5.24), will ‘never see death’ (Jn 8.51f., 11.25) and can view it like sleep at the end of a day (1 Cor. 15.26, 51, 1 Thess. 4.13–18). As Paul instructs the Corinthians: ‘Death has been swallowed up in victory’ (1 Cor. 15.54, 57). Throughout, Jesus’s resurrection is central to the Christian community’s faith. As Badham writes: ‘There is no doubt that the resurrection of Jesus is the central theme of the New Testament and that it transformed the disciples’ attitude towards death. It generated a sense of certainty about life after death which far transcends any earlier expressions of hope for a future life’ (1983: 146). The resurrection authenticates Jesus as God’s Christ. It also articulates and anticipates the ‘end’ of life in the consummation of time and inauguration of God’s promised reign.514 The much-debated ‘eschatological orientation’ of the Gospels represents one of the clearest points of contrast with classical Confucianism. This is the basis for Christian hope. It is rooted in Jesus’s resurrection and celebrated in Christian existentialism. This has no counterpart in the Analects or Confucius’s life, message or death. Filial piety does not raise the dead, however well it honours them. Fifthly, the social nature of suffering, death and the afterlife in the Gospels finds expression in the church. That is, they have clear ecclesiological connotations. Their meaning is discovered in and through the corporate life of discipleship. Though Confucius and his followers, express sympathy with those who suffer or are bereaved, the New Testament speaks of a spiritual unity between Jesus and believers that the Holy Spirit creates. They suffer, die, and experience ‘eternal life’ ‘with’, and ‘in’ Jesus, in ‘fellowship (Gk. koinonia) with one another and the Holy Spirit. We glimpse this in the Gospels, but it is more fully stated elsewhere in the New Testament (cf. Ac. 5.41f., Rom. 8.17f., 2 Cor. 1.5, Phil. 1.29, 3.10, 2 Tim. 1.8, 1 Pet. 2.21, 4.16). Jesus warns his disciples of the suffering and persecution that await them. He predicts the ‘cup of suffering’ he drinks they too will drink (Mt. 20.22f., Mk 10.38f., Jn 18.11). When they gather in an ‘agape’ feast On hope and resurrection in 20th-century Christian theology, above p. 454f.

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to honour Jesus’s last meal with his friends, they are called to ‘remember’ his shed blood, broken body, and death ‘for them’ in the shared cup of wine and fragment of bread (Mt. 26.26f., Mk 14.22f., 1 Cor. 10.16, 21, 11.24). Corporate suffering is not peripheral to the common life of Jesus’s disciples in the New Testament, it is central. They carry his cross together. They share the scars of a crucified Lord. Christian spirituality, ecclesiology and eschatology are realistic and inseparable throughout the New Testament. After death, believers ‘rise with Christ’ in the glory of his resurrection, but they must first ‘die’ with him in shared suffering on earth. This is patterned ritually in the Church’s unitive ‘descent’ into and ‘ascent’ from the water of baptism (cf. Ac. 8.36f., Rom. 6.1–10). Though disciples suffer now, the Gospels predict the ‘coming Kingdom’ of life and light for believers. Meanwhile the Church, as the community of the faithful, though on earth ‘provisional’,515 will be perfected in heaven when there will be ‘no more marriage or giving in marriage’ (Mt. 22.30), and no more death, mourning, crying or pain (Rev. 21.4), as the eternal perfection of love, life, joy, glory in relation to God. It is important we note the ecclesial dimension to what the Gospels say of suffering, death and an afterlife. It distinguishes orthodox Christianity from classical Confucianism. It also constitutes a vital element in modern hermeneutics and New Testament interpretation. In and through the community that created and honours the text of the Gospels that text’s true meaning is determined. The Canon creates the matrix in which it is to be interpreted. That is, pace the ‘participatory’ hermeneutics of Gadamer – and, the Austro-Hungarian economist, anthropologist and sociologist Karl Polanyi (1886–1964) and others – we read the Gospels, and other texts, aright in light of their communal setting: here, Church, faith, hope and life.516 Lastly, and importantly, as glimpsed above, suffering, death and ‘eternal life’ in the Gospels are to be read philosophically; that is, as expressive of a philosophically conditioned, and evolving, view of the nature of human life and death. Like the Analects and Confucian Classics generally, the philosophical content and context in which the Gospels are written, read and interpreted evolves. Though we may recognize the canonical unity of the texts, we cannot deny the diversity of forms and ideas populating them. In Mark, the earliest Gospel, sickness and suffering are cast in dualist terms as bodily ailments, or the result of demonic activity, over which Jesus has supreme ‘authority’ (Mk 1.21–34, 2.1–12, 3.7–11, 5.1–43): in Matthew, Luke and John, though, these physical forms and their spiritual valency are more closely conjoined and their interaction more subtly nuanced (Mt. 9.18–34, 12.22–37, 16.1f., Lk. 4.38f., 5.17–26, 7.11–17, 8.26–39, Jn 5.1–15, 9.1–41, 11.38– 44).517 This diversity reflects fluidity in the mind and attitudes of the early Church. In Matthew and Mark, Jesus describes the faithful dead in hierarchic terms as being ‘like angels in heaven’ (Mt. 22.24f., Mk 12.18f.). In the parable of ‘Dives and Lazarus’ (Lk. 16.19–31), however, life beyond

On the ‘provisionality’ of the temporal Church – an important theme in modern French Catholic and ecumenical theology – Blaser, K. (2000), Signe et Instrument, 105f. 516 On ‘ecclesial hermeneutics’, Fitzmyer, J. A., SJ (1995), The Biblical Commission’s Document ‘The Interpretation of the Bible in the Church’; Braaten, C. E. (1998), Mother Church, 111–16; Jenson, R. W. (1995), ‘Hermeneutics and the Life of the Church’, in C. E. Braaten and R. W. Jenson (eds), Reclaiming the Bible for the Church, 89–106; Porter, S. C. and M. Malcolm, eds (2013), Horizons in Hermeneutics; Chen, X. (2010), Theological Exegesis in the Canonical Context; Zimmermann, J. (2016), ‘Biblical Hermeneutics’, in N. Keane and C. Lawn (eds), The Blackwell Companion to Hermeneutics, 212–26 (esp. 222f.). 517 Cf. also, Dawson, A. (2008), Healing, Weakness and Power; Howard, J. K. (2010), Medicine, Miracle, and Myth in the New Testament; Weissenrieder, A. (2003), Images of Illness in the Gospel of Luke. 515

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death is portrayed in physical terms, whereas John (despite 14.1–6) uses ‘eternal life’ of the psychosomatic entity, and spiritual state of humanity, in heaven (Jn 3.15, 16, 36, 10.28, 17.2f.; and, 1 Jn 1.2, 5.11, 13, 20). In 1 Corinthians 15 we encounter the first philosophically alert theology of existence after death and use of the concept of a ‘spiritual body’ (Gk. so ¯ma pneumatikon; 1 Cor. 15.35–54).518 Scholars notice a shift here between Jewish dualism and Hellenic immortality. Badham defines the trajectory of Christian theology clearly: ‘The soul is a divine creation and destined for immortality’; and, ‘[T]he body is of crucial importance to us and its resurrection is a sine qua non for any genuinely personal future existence’ (1983: 146). Beside the early Church’s embrace of martyrdom lay natural grief and fears of physical pain and loss, but also ‘resurrection hope’ and confidence in spiritual-somatic continuance. In the face of pressing (contextual) problems of Christian persecution, these (textual) claims sustain faith and challenge doubt. Existentialism (of every kind) and modern hermeneutics demand that, however we interpret suffering, death and the afterlife in the Gospels, we do so mindful of the potential challenge and lasting gift these textual, biblical themes present the modern reader. This ‘hope’, we are assured by St. Paul, ‘does not disappoint’ (Rom. 5.5).

CONCLUSION In this final chapter, we have come full circle to see life and death in light of ‘heaven’. We have begun to see how Christianity and Confucianism address fundamental questions about human existence. In a century that witnessed the death of tens of millions of Chinese and of Christians, worldviews clashed, life was squandered. In light of globalized existentialism, and the pervasive impact of a new inter-disciplinary expression of a now broadly conceived ‘science of interpretation’, the meaning and significance of human suffering – let alone ‘mass death’ – is a question few in Asia or the West can avoid. This is, surely, a powerful, global, ‘cultural archetype’. As stated at the start, we read the Analects and Gospels ‘on the far side’ of a new hermeneutic of compassion. All suffering and death matter as never before. They demand personal attention and social intervention. The issue confronting those who assess the Analects and Gospels – as canonical textual interpreters of this contextual reality – is the degree to which these sources, and the religio-philosophical tradition they represent, explain and engage life for its moral, spiritual, physical and socio-political betterment. If Christianity is pressured by socio-political arguments in favour of the moral sufficiency of Confucianism, Confucianists have to explain the data and durability of the Christian gospel of ‘eternal hope’. This is not a competitive matter: it is about the nature of the ‘inspiration’ recognized in, or assigned to, these two ancient traditions and their ‘paradigmatic’ founders, who stand sideby-side on our old canvas and still hold us in their gaze.

On the ‘spiritual body’ in Paul, Barrett, C. K. ([1968] 1978), A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians, 368–78; Pamment, M. (1985), ‘Raised a Spiritual Body’; Räisänen, H. (2010), The Rise of Christian Beliefs, 124–33; Segal, A .F. (2003), ‘Paul’s Jewish Presuppositions’, in J. D. G. Dunn (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to St. Paul, 159–72; Tronier, H. (2001), ‘The Corinthian Correspondence between Philosophical Idealism and Apocalypticism’, in T. Engberg-Pedersen (ed.), Paul Beyond the Judaism/Hellenism Divide, 165–96 (esp. 191f.).

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Conclusion The long, difficult conversation between China and the West that shapes this book is as awkward today as ever: if we are not careful, it will consume our world. Ugliness in East-West relations is depicted on the background of the small, diverse, tense, beautiful world, we share. Attitudes are hard and hardening. Tension is mounting; antipathy too often an automatic response to another culture or an ancient foe. China is now engaged in a reversionary ‘Second Cultural Revolution’. The USA is struggling to accept its post-Imperial identity. Russia opportunistically identifies soft targets to co-opt or control, and Europe teeters on the brink of an[other] period marked by nationalist fragmentation and violent counter insurgency. Meanwhile Africa is set to outstrip both China and India demographically by 2050, and Christendom become an ever-more-distant memory. Diplomacy, like politics, is a complex admixture of power, personalities, perception and, alas, hubristic posturing. Our fine, old, ‘One World’ deserves better of its present custodians – let alone global leaders – than that we succumb to myopic protectionist temptations or dangerous diplomatic power-gaming. Sadly, we are likely to succumb; but, better to envision a way out of our dismal failures of humanity and morality than believe that none existed. Informed mutual understanding is a fair starting point on this journey. And there is always hope. As the book has argued, images of Confucius and Jesus, and the historic texts with which they are most closely connected, are overlaid today with a thick, accumulative varnish of history and assumption, projection and accidental, or deliberate, misunderstanding. We read ‘on the far side of this’ and of generations of ideas, events and cross-cultural relating, that shape who we are and how we read the Analects and Gospels – and, indeed, life itself. In this, China and the West are both creative contributors and complicit distorters. We ‘read backwards carefully’ into the texts and traditions that have formed China and the West when we allow history, and the history of ideas, to peel off thick old varnish. We see Confucius and Jesus, and the texts and traditions they inspired, far more accurately as a result. Failure to do this is as much an error of academic judgement as it is a threat to global identity and integrity. It is like denying we have no part in a relational breakdown or no power to do anything about it. In truth, this is almost never the case. I suggest take-aways from the book might be summarized in seven theses, each of which demands a radical revision of present attitudes at every level of society in China and the West. Certain things can no longer be said: namely, i.

That China and the West are not part of ‘One World’. What geography and astral photography demonstrate, history and the history of East-West cross-cultural relations confirm. We share a space and a history. We have shaped one another. Our cultures are not sui generis, but the product of millennia of mutual formation and interaction.

ii. That the West hasn’t been positively affected by Chinese ideas and traditions. This book adds to a growing body of literature on the trade in Chinese ideas and artefacts that flooded the Western world long before China opened its vast factories to global production in the Reform Era that followed the Cultural Revolution. China helped make modern Europe: this fact should be an accepted truism in intellectual circles. 497

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iii. That China doesn’t embrace Western values. It is not only honest Chinese scholars who say Christianity made (modern) China the country it is, sceptical historians will now need to explain the residual impact of Western political and social philosophy on China’s intellectual elites and its government officials, for more than a century. The result is a remarkable commonality of ideas and values, attitudes and aspirations. iv. That the Analects and Gospels can be adequately interpreted in a singular cultural context. The large body of material we have reviewed requires, I suggest, that the concept of ‘context’ be critically re-evaluated. If meaning ‘moves around’ between texts: context also ‘moves around’ between different contexts, so that cultural identity and values become fluid entities with mobile meanings. It is not only ‘China’ and ‘the West’ that are problematized: China and the West become critical factors in the other’s definition, past, present and future. There are, as we saw, some ideas, people, situations and questions we cannot ‘un-remember’: such is our contextual exposure. v.

That Western theology is innocent with respect to disregarding, or misinterpreting, China, its traditions, philosophies and intentions. Ignorance or denial of the impact of Chinese thought on Western thinking needs to be registered, and its consequences faced for the future. The Gospels – and, indeed, the whole Bible – are erroneously interpreted without awareness of the Chinese filters that have covered Western eyes.

vi. That Chinese theology is a necessary correlate of Chinese identity. If the suggestion that there exist pure cultural ‘contexts’ (that self-sufficiently produce unique forms and ideas) is a mirage, so, too, is the quest for a pure-form sinification of theology. Chinese tradition, perhaps more than any other, has reminded the world that life is intrinsically interconnected. It is perverse to suggest that there are parts of our ‘One World’ (including China) that exist in creative isolation. Academics certainly do not (often) see their discipline in these terms. If China helped make the modern Western world, the ‘One World’ has made China (for good or ill) what it is today. Chinese theology can neither deny, nor reverse the processes of global interconnectedness. vii. That Christianity and Confucianism are engaged in a competitive quest for wisdom. Wisdom does not think in terms of ‘winners and losers’ – particularly in a sad, war-ravaged world: it thinks and acts in accord with wisdom. The compatibilities we have seen between classical Confucianism and orthodox Christianity do not mean that they agree on every point. It does mean that in many areas they are co-contributors to a ‘One World’ quest out of the present into a more peaceful, mutually respectful future. It is my hope that the preceding will shed fresh light on a wide range of new intellectual, historical, cultural and diplomatic issues in East-West understanding. But it is in the end for others to confirm or deny the evidence presented in this thematic survey and long exercise in historical hermeneutics. I do not claim the evidence is in any way comprehensive: hopefully, others will supplement what I have said with additional information. I do believe, however, that this a sufficient body of data – albeit exaggerating, as I have said often, the essentials – to prompt revision of the way classical Chinese Confucianism and orthodox Christianity see themselves, and the other, as architects of two ancient perspectives on how to live, and as the fountainheads of two streams of tradition that have made, and make, our ‘One World’. Confucius and Jesus still hold us in their lingering gaze forcing – no, encouraging – honest reflection and an engaged response. To deny one is understandable: to deny both is folly.

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634

INDEX

The ABC of Reading 389 Abel, Clarke 201 Abel-Rémusat, Jean-Pierre 139, 297 Abel Sánchez: The History of a Passion 421–2 Abhandlung über den Ursprung der Sprache (Treatise on the origin of language) 229 abolitionism 134, 135, 182, 213 (see also slave trade) abolitionist medallion 129, 134, 135, 173, 196 Abrégé chronologique de l’histoire universelle sacrée et profane 222 Absolute Truth 318, 327, 339 absolutism, trans-confessional 153 Académie de Dijon 222 Académie des Sciences 153 accommodation(ism) 13, 51, 63, 93, 95, 96, 97, 101, 117, 136, 139, 143, 147, 232 Acharya, Vinod 416–17 ‘An Act for the Abolition of the Slave Trade’ 213 Act of Toleration (1688) 107 Acton, Lord 226 Adam Bede 264, 274, 278, 280, 297 Adams, Debbie 212 Adams, John 219, 220 Adams, Parson 172 Addison, Joseph 117, 157, 160–1, 162, 193 Adler, Max 323 Adorno, Theodor 197, 348 Adshead, S. A. M. 461 The Advancement and Proficience of Learning Divine and Human 106 Adversus Christianos (Against the Christians) 53 aesthetics aesthetic beauty 44 aesthetic consciousness 375, 376 aesthetic form 370 Chinese 66 cross-cultural 387 ethics and 193, 434 Hegel and 242 Herder and 232–3 Japanese 377 Modernist 388

musical 295 pain and nostalgia and 22–6 Schleiermacher and 241 Afsluttende uvidenskabelig Efterskrift til de philosophiske Smuler (Concluding Unscientific Postscript to Philosophical Fragments) 312, 313, 416 afterlife 471, 473, 479, 481, 486–7, 491, 494, 496 ‘Against Confucius’ 42 agape (Christian love) 253, 254, 255, 494 L’âge de raison (The Age of Reason) 219, 431 Age of Equipoise 296 agnosticism 338 Agrarian Justice 219 ai (love, affection, concern) 176, 247 Ai, Duke of Lu 42, 43, 489 Aidan, Monk 48 Aids to Reflection 208 Aiken, Conrad 354 Alciphron, or the Minute Philosopher 163 Aldington, Richard 385 Alembert, Jean le Rond d’ 151, 222 Aleni, Giulio 99 aletheia (truth) 340 Alger-Républicain 437 Algerian crisis (1954–62) 427, 433 alien-ness, absolute 425 alienation 65, 309, 459 Allgemeine Naturgeschichte und Theorie des Himmels 192 Allinson, Robert 381 Allzumenschliches: Ein Buch für freie Geister (Human, All Too Human: A Book for Free Spirits) 320 Alopen, Bishop 12, 43, 48, 72, 92, 93, 94 Der alte und der neue Glaube: Ein Bekenntnis (The Old and New Faith: A Confession) 318 America American Bible Society 243 American Independence 218 American Revolution 219, 242 635

636

Armory Show of Modernist art, New York 346–7 attitudes to China 200 Great Awakening 118 influence of Hume and 170 slavery 217 Vietnam 433 War of Independence (1775–83) 200 The American Crisis 219 Ames, Roger 10, 21, 136, 252, 333 Amherst Embassy 184, 200, 201, 267 Amiot, Jean J. M. 11, 138, 184, 190, 201 Amphitrite (ship) 131, 188 ‘An die Freude’ (Ode to Joy) 197, 198 anachronism 120 Analects availability of 97 character of Confucius and 27 character, purpose and morality in 243–52 commentaries on 23, 29, 38, 292, 328, 403, 486 cultural archetypes and 24, 26 ethics of the 18, 173, 245 the Gospels and 6 heaven and earth in 119–23 human identity, life and society in 173–9 image of 45 li and 103, 245–6 life in the 173–9 memory, rite, tradition in the 395–408 morality in the 243–52 perception and reception of 38–9 ren in the 103, 192, 246–7, 254, 332 sickness, death and the afterlife in 482–90 society in the 173–9 suffering and 484–6 tian and 98, 119–23 translation of 244 truth and truthfulness in 331–8 versions of 39 virtue in the 17 Way of Heaven and 180 xin and 178, 247, 249, 251, 252, 332, 333, 334, 337 Analects, Thinking through Confucius 10 anamnesis (memory, remembrance) 375, 398, 400, 401, 408 anarchism, of individuals 316 The Anatomy of Melancholy 114 ancestor worship 404–5, 406, 486, 487 ancestral rituals 487 Anchor, Robert 155 Anderson, Æneas 201 Anderson, Sherwood 388

INDEX

Andreyev, Andrey 323 angst (fear, dread) 65, 197, 223, 311, 313, 347, 361, 414, 416, 457, 465, 467, 469 Anima Mundi 116 animal rights 478 The Animal That Therefore I Am 479 Annales Veteris Testamenti, e prima mundi origine deducti (Annals of the Old Testament, deduced from the first origins of the world) 111 Annalium pars posterior 111 Annotationes de cultu religioneque Sinensum 144 Anson, George 143, 199 Antheil, George 388 Anthology Defined by Confucius 395 anthropodicy 459 Anthropologie in pragmatischer Hinsicht (Anthropology from a Pragmatic Point of View) 193 anthropology biblical of Milton 157, 158 Britain and the birth of 155 Confucian 174 cosmology and 130, 137 cultural 391 doxological 180 early Judeo-Christian 180 epistemology and 135, 162, 169 ethics and 191 European 135–40 Modernist art and 367 new British 165 Pope and 166 theological 466 Anthropology from a Pragmatic Point of View 239 Der Antichrist (The Antichrist or The AntiChristian) 321, 322 antiquarianism 120 De Antiquissima Italorum Sapientia 148 Antiquities of the Jews 163 The Antiquity of China 112 Apollinaris 71 Apologie de la religion chrétienne 154 Apostolic Tradition 83 App, Urs 297, 305 Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs 218 Appleton, W. W, 172 Aravamudam, Srivinas 200 archetypes, term 21–2 Arena, Leonardo 325 D’Argens, Marquis 171 Aristotle 7, 105, 129, 193, 237 Arius 71, 84

INDEX

Arles, France 1 Arlésiennes (Mistral) 350 Armitage, D. 218 Armory Show of Modernist art, New York 346–7 art (see also names of artists/artworks) Chinese brush art 66 Christianity and 48–9, 51, 62 cultural archetypes and 51 culture and 1 Expressionism 348 faith and 1–2 history, texts, morality and 45 Japanese 3 memory and 374 Modernist 67, 349–50, 367 picture restoration 20–2 Post-Impressionism 3, 5 the power of 198 pre-Raphaelites 348 ‘Six Canons of Chinese painting’ (Huihua Liufa) 65, 163 as social commentary 65 tradition as a form of 403 truth and 2, 368 The Art Critic 64 Arte de la Lengua Mandarina 140 artefacts 63 Artificia Hominum, Admiranda Naturae in Sina et Europa 112 Ashley-Cooper, Anthony 165, 169 Asia, trade and 264 Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register for British India and its Dependencies 306 Astronomia nova 105 Astronomica Europaea 144 astronomy 98 Athanasius 84 atheism atheist humanism 310 atheistic Romanticism 170 autonomy and 444 Camus and 444 crime of 149 existentialism and 416 Maoist 448 Marxist 307 as a minority interest 338 natural religion as 116 of Nietzsche 324 postmetaphysical 481 protest atheism 443–56 radical 479

637

Sartre and 433 Schopenhauer and 306 scientistic 448 troubled/indifferent 444 a typology for modern 444 Viret and 114 The Athenaeum 274 Aubrey, John 110, 155 Auch eine Philosophie der Geschichte zur Bildung der Menschheit (This too a philosophy of history for the formation of humanity) 230 Augustans 164, 167 Augustine, Saint 50, 57, 62, 85, 233, 396, 399, 408 Augustinians 93 Augustus II ‘the Strong’, Elector of Saxony 133 Aurangzeb, Emperor 138 Auschwitz, theology and 443, 445–7, 455–6 Austen, Jane 267, 268, 277 authenticity, and loss of 223, 311, 417, 459, 464, 473 authority, canonical 403 autonomy atheism and 444 musical 370 theonomy and 446 L’Autre Monde: ou les États et Empires de la Lune 110 Les Aventures de la dialectique (Adventures of the Dialectic) 434 ‘Axiomata’ 388 Babbitt, Irving 25, 383 Bach, J. S. Cello Suites 24, 48, 69–70 Johannes-Passion/Matthäus-Passion 52–3, 64 Nietzsche and 24, 85 Schweitzer and 85 Six Suites 25 Bacon, Francis 106, 164 Badham, P. 494, 496 Baer, Karl Ernst von 274, 304 Bai (Bo) Juyi 387 Bakunin, Mikhail 316 ‘Ballets Russes’ 365 Ban Gu 39, 288 Bao Xian 41 Bargues, Charles 349 Barr, James 398 Barrett, Timothy 83, 203 Barrow, John 201, 202, 207, 267 Bartels, K. H. 397–8, 401 Barth, Karl 85, 270, 307, 450, 457, 461

638

Bary, Theodore de 5, 19–20, 33, 248, 487 Basnage de Beauval, Henri 152 Basset, Jean 140 Bataille, Georges 324, 367, 378, 473 Baudeau, Nicolas 153 Baudelaire, Charles 25, 348, 374 Bauer, Walter 71, 286, 307 Bauer, Yehuda 455 Baumgartner, Wilhelm 299–300 Bayer, Thomas 139, 140 Bayle, Pierre 143, 147, 151, 152, 153, 214, 222 Bayreuth Festival 294 Beantwortung der Frage: Was ist Aufklärung? (What is Enlightenment?) 234 ‘The Beast and the Sovereign’ 477, 479 ‘The Beatitudes’ 181 Beaufret, Jean 419 beauty 44, 62, 162 (see also aesthetics) Beauvoir, Simone de 422, 427, 433, 435 Beccaria, Cesare 155 Beecham, Thomas 365 ‘Beethoven’ 318 Beethoven, Ludwig Van 196–8, 243, 372 Beevers, David 199 The Beggar’s Opera 155 Begriff (concept, notion) 240, 241, 312 Being and Time 357, 415, 419, 429 belief, perception and 59 beliefs, erosion of traditional 252 De Bello Tartarico 102, 160 Bellum Catilina 163 Bellum Jurgurthinum 163 Benedict XII, Pope 132 Benedict XIV, Pope 48, 86, 118 Bentham, Jeremy 208, 478–9 Bentley, Thomas 134 Beobachtungen über das Gefühl des Schönen und Erhabenen (Observations on the Feeling of the Beautiful and Sublime) 193 Berdyaev, Nikolai 418, 423, 457–61, 466, 486 Berger, John 63 Bergier, Nicolas-Sylvestre 154 Bergson, Henri-Louis 327, 348, 352–3, 359–61, 374, 385, 427, 435, 437 Berkeley, George 162, 163–4 Berman, Marcel 379 Bernard, Jacques 152 Bernier, Francois 138 Bianco del Mare stone pietà 66–7 Bible (see also New Testament; Old Testament) biblical ethics 125 biblical hermeneutics 210

INDEX

Biblical Studies 328, 398, 454 biblical theology 400 biblical truth 340 Chinese Union Version 288 dating the world from 111–12 and God as Creator of heaven and earth 89–90 as God’s Word 462 King James Bible 86 memory, rite, tradition in the 395, 397–407, 407–8 the need to interpret 253–4 sales in China 447 translated into Chinese 139–40, 243 trust and trustworthiness and 342, 343 Bibliographer’s Manual of English Literature 201 Bibliotheca Marsdeniana philologica et orientalis. A Catalogue of Books and Manuscripts 200 Bibliothèque Ancienne et Moderne 152 Bibliothèque Choisie 152 Bibliothèque universelle et historique 152 Bildungsroman 373 Bilhères de Lagraulas, Jean de 68 Billingsley, Henry 98 Binyon, Laurence 387 Birinus, Bishop 48 The Birth of Tragedy from the Spirit of Music 320 The Birth of Tragedy, or Hellenism or Pessimism 321 Blackwood, John 278 Blackwood, Simon 20 Blaeu, Willem 137 Blake, William 157 Bleak House 259, 283 Bloch, Ernst 450–2, 454, 456, 480 Bloody Saturday 455 Bloom, Harold 207, 266, 270, 346, 373, 376, 487 Blount, Charles 116 Bo Yi 177 Boaz, Mildred 370 Bodichon, Barbara 274 Boer, Roland 451 Boevey, James 109–10 Bohr model 378 Bohr, Niels 349, 377–83 Boileau-Despréaux, Nicholas 160–1 Bois, Élie-Joseph 374 Bolingbroke, Lord 117, 164, 218 Bonaparte, Napoleon 52, 189 Bonhoeffer, Dietrich 56, 329, 450 Bonino, José Míguez- 63 Bontius, Jacob 187–8 Book of Changes 44, 103

INDEX

Book of Common Prayer 86 Book of Documents 32 Book of Han (Han shu) 39, 288 Book of History 103 Book of Jesus Messiah 93 Book of Music 44 Book of Odes 44, 45, 103, 393, 403–4, 405 Book of Poetry 44, 487 Book of Revelation 83 Book of Rites (Liji) 28, 44, 204, 245, 393, 403, 486, 487 Great Learning 97, 109, 390 Book of the Marvels of the World 94, 104 Boscovich, Roger 320 Bosi-jiao (Persian teaching) 11 Bossuet, Jacques-Bénigne 151, 233 Boston Tea Party 190, 220–1, 242 Boswell, James 187, 205 Böttger, Johann Friedrich 133 Boulanger, Nicolas 153 Bourdieu, Pierre 154 Boutang, Pierre 457 Bouvet, Joachim 95, 139, 144, 145 Boxer Rebellion 288, 347 Boyle Lectures 126 Boyle, Robert 105, 106, 211 Boyu 45 Braam Houckgeest, Andreas van 201 Brabant, Elizabeth (or Rufa) 302 Brabant, Robert 302 Brahe, Tycho 105 Brasovan, N. S. 122 Braunschweig, Y. 298 Bray, Cara 303 Brealey, John 21, 22 Brentano, Franz 243, 355, 356 Breuninger, Scott 163 Brewster, David 152 Brewster, James 152 Briand, Thomas 130, 133, 170 Bridgman, Elijah Coleman 13 A brief history of [the life of] Joseph 283 Brief Retrospect of the Eighteenth Century 198 Britain Act of Toleration (1688) 107 birth of anthropology and 155 British East India Company 200, 205, 242, 264 changing attitudes to China 199, 200, 202, 206 the church in 48 colonial expansion 200 Confucianism and 108–9 culture of 49

639

English Civil War (1642–51) 156 English Revolution 107 English Romantics 205 Evangelical Revival 118 Glorious Revolution 107 interest in China, and its Confucian culture 104 London 133, 282 London Missionary Society 243 pottery and 133–4 poverty 200 Protestant Puritanism in 107 Scottish Enlightenment 214 Scottish Revival 118 sinology 109–10, 203 sinophilia 110 Britain’s Chinese Eye 265 Britten, Benjamin 414 Brockey, L. M. 50–1 The Brothers Karamazov 348, 417, 419, 449 Brougham, Lord 216 Browne, Thomas 113, 117 Brucker, Jakob 153 Bu Shang. See Zixia Buber, Martin 307, 309, 324, 422, 457 Büchner, George 448 Buddha, Confucius and 17 Buddhism anti-Buddhist Edict (845) 93 the ego and 487 Hegel and 236 Jesuit mission and 92 Schopenhauer and 306 Tang dynasty 43, 44 the Will and 305 Buechner, Frederick 61, 62 Bulgakov, Sergei 457 Bulhof, Ilse 315 Bultmann, Rudolf 329, 461–4 Burke, Edmund 211, 212, 215–19, 226, 258 Burn, William Laurence 296 Burns, Robert 205 Burton, Robert 114 Bush, Ronald 394 Byron, Lord 166, 195 Caballero da Santa Maria, Antonio 96, 144 ‘Le Café, le Thé, et le Chocolat’ 188 cai (talent, gift) 177 Caizi jiaren (trad. romance) 205 calendrical knowledge 98 Caligula 438 Calvin, John 114

640

Calvino, Italo 332 Cambodia, Killing Fields of 412 Cambridge Platonists 107, 126, 209 Cambridge School of Anthropology 390 Cambuslang Revival 118, 170 Camões, Luís Vaz de 156 Camus, Albert 415, 432, 434, 435–43, 444, 445 Candide 165 Canning, George 216 ‘Canon of Yao’ 33, 249 Canton 131, 243–4 Cantos 385, 389, 390, 391, 392, 393, 394–5 Canzoni 385 Cao Weidong 482 Cao Xueqin 206 Caputo, John 473 Carker, Harriet 258 Carlyle, Thomas 171, 195 Carnap, Rudolf 358 Carpzov, Johann Benedikt II 139 Carruth, Hayden 429 Cartesian rationalism 135, 156 cartography 99 Casals, Pablo 24, 25, 27, 28, 85 The Case of Wagner: A Musician’s Problem 317 Castro, Fidel 433 A Catalogue of the Library belonging to the English Factory in Macao 200 Catechismus Japonensis (A Japanese Catechism) 119 Categorical Imperative 192, 193, 240, 255 Cathay 385–6, 387 Catherine of Braganza 186 Catholicism Catholic China Mission 153 (see also Jesuit mission) Catholic Emancipation 217 Catholic Mass, Stravinsky’s setting of 370–1 in China 93 Index Librorum Prohibitorum 427 Scientific Revolution and 91 Three Great Pillars of Chinese Catholicism 98, 99 Cavalcanti, Guido 386 Cecil, William 133 celebrity, of Confucius 35–40 Cello Suites 24, 48, 69–70 Celsus 53 censorship, of contentious texts 116, 427 ceramics, Chinese 131–2 (see also porcelain) CERN 378 certainty, truth and 312 Cervantes, Miguel de 422

INDEX

Cézanne, Paul 4 Cha Jing (the Classic of Tea) 185 Cha shisu meiyue tongji chuan (A General Monthly Record, containing opinions and practices of society) 204 Chain of Chronicles 131 Chalcedon, Council of 70–2, 82, 84, 85 Chalmers, John 290 Chang, Elizabeth 265 Chang’an 12, 48, 92, 133 Chant du Rossignol (The Nightingale) 372 character 177, 187, 217, 237 character, purpose and morality in the Analects 243–52 in the Gospels 252–9 Charles I of England 156, 159 Charles II of England 108, 109, 133, 186 Charles VIII of France 68 Chatterton, Thomas 208 Che Jinguang (Ch’ëa Kam-kwong) 253 Cheadle, M. P. 393 Les Chemins de la liberté (The Roads to Freedom) 429, 431, 432 Chen Lifu 39 Chen, state of 41 Chen Ziqin 488 cheng (sincerity, fidelity) 245, 251–2, 258, 333–4 Cheng, Chung-ying 192 Cheng Hao 123 Cheng Wang, King 29 Chenlun (‘Sinking’) 212 Chi Ho-am- ti (or Qin Shi Huang) Emperor 168 ‘Child with Mother’ (1972) sculpture 66 Childs, Brevard S. 398, 399, 400 China 20th century relationship to the West 347 academic interest in 106 Bloody Saturday 455 Boxer Rebellion 288, 347 Canton 131, 243–4 Catholicism in 93 Chang’an 12, 48, 92, 133 changing relationship to the West 198–9 Chinese culture xiv, 32 Chinese style 199 Chou (or Zhou) dynasty 489 Christianity in 12, 92–7 Ch’un-ch’iu (Spring and Autumn period) 19, 38, 42 Cultural Revolution 7, 43, 198, 227, 447 East-West cultural exchange 87, 89, 90–1, 92, 97–8, 101, 200, 384

INDEX

Eastern Han period 19 economics and 170, 171 education in 31, 268 Europe and 10, 140–9 Forbidden City 97, 98 forgotten Chinese Holocaust 412, 444 Golden Age 92 Great Leap Forward 412 ‘Great Yuan’ dynasty 93 Han dynasty 44, 92, 132, 174 Hegel and 235–7 Hsia (or Xia) dynasty 489 Jesuit mission to 48, 90, 92, 94, 97, 98, 119, 147 Jin dynasty 407 Jingdezhen 132 Liu Song dynasty 65 Lu 17, 24, 27, 29, 30, 31, 41 Maoist era 43 May 4th Movement 198, 212, 284, 285, 324, 332, 347, 384 Ming dynasty 19, 43, 51, 95, 97, 99, 131, 132, 185 mystique of 3 new 17th c. horizons 90–101 New Culture Movement 19, 287, 288 one child policy 68, 414 otherness of 145, 200, 210, 252 paternalism of 268 People’s Republic of China 460 Persian mission to 72 Protestant mission to 118, 253 (see also Jesuit mission) Qin dynasty 35, 168 Qing dynasty 132, 143, 183, 184, 190, 198, 200, 227, 242, 245, 264, 347 Reform Era 7, 216, 301, 327, 414 religion and 33, 34 Republican era 43 Romanticism and revolution 196–8 Second Cultural Revolution 497 second Sino-Japanese war 25 Shandong Province 17 Shang dynasty 122–3, 487, 489 Song dynasty 19, 44, 131, 146, 185, 203 Song, state of 41 Southern Qi dynasty 66 Sui dynasty 131 Sung dynasty 66 Tang dynasty 11, 43, 44, 66, 92, 93, 131, 174, 185, 490 Tiananmen protests 198, 271 Warring States period 19, 42, 99

641

Wei, state of 41 and the West in an age of revolutionaries 213–14 Western attitudes to 183–4, 199, 200 Western Han period 19 Western interest in 94 Xi’an 12 Yuan dynasty 131 Zhejiang 131 Zhou dynasty 17, 24, 29–31, 95, 98, 112, 120, 122, 123, 487 Zou Yi (Qufu) 17, 490 China: A General Description of that Empire and its Inhabitants 268 China Cantos 389 (see also Cantos) China in European Encyclopedias 152 China in World History 461 China mission, Roman Catholic 12 (see also Jesuit mission) China Monumentis, qua sacris qua profanes (China Illustrata) 103, 112–13 China on Video: Smaller-Screen Realities 68 Chinese, as the perfect primeval language 111 Chinese canon (Zhongguo gudian dianji) 39 The Chinese Classics. See Classics Chinese Dictionary 202–3 Chinese-English Dictionary 387 Chinese Geister und Liebesgeschichten (Chinese Ghost and Love Stories) 422 Chinese Miscellany 203 Chinese New Testament 203 Chinese Novels translated from the originals 206 Chinese Tales 422 Chinese Tea Culture: The Origin of Tea Drinking 186 The Chinese Written Character as a Medium for Poetry 389 Ching, Julia 19, 404 ‘Chinois’ 153 chinoiserie 102, 150, 160, 162, 164, 172, 185, 198, 199, 282 Choruses from ‘The Rock’ 25 Chou dynasty ([c.1046–256 BCE] see also Zhou) 489 De Christiana expeditione apud Sinas 97 Christianity anamnetic traditions 408 Apostolic Tradition 83 art and 51 Catholic Christians 57 (see also Catholicism) in China 12, 92–7 the Christ of Christian tradition 82–6

642

Christian dogmatism 306, 307 Christian ethics 203, 252, 255–6, 257 Christian existentialism 456–68, 491, 494 Christian hope 494, 496 Christian imagery 62, 63 Christian morality 256 Christian ritual 391 Christian spirituality 62, 83, 495 Christian theology 490, 491, 496 Christian truth 304, 330 Christian truth in Chinese terms 92–3 Coleridgean 208 Conservative 213 Cultural Christians 13 culture and 52 death and 493 God as creator of heaven and earth 90 interrogative character of 6 Jesuits. See Jesuits Jesus and 50, 51–2, 72 love and 213 the many comings of 48–54 memory, rite, tradition in the 407–8 Modernism and 395 as a natural religion 194 Nietzsche and 321–2 politics of Western Christianity 63 Schopenhauer and 305 Scientific Revolution and 90 social benefits of 218 suffering and 448 in the Tang dynasty 11 Christianity as Old as the Creation 116 Christianity not Mysterious 116 Die Christliche Glaube (The Christian Faith) 233 Christology five characteristics of christological development 82–5 in the Gospels 491 suffering, death, the afterlife and 491, 493 of Tillich 466 types of 72 Chuang Tzu (see also Zhuangzi) 422 Ch’un-ch’iu (Spring and Autumn period) (722–481 BC) 19, 38, 42 church in Britain 48 as Christ’s ‘Mystical Body’ 57 Church of England 107, 117–18 creedal core and governance of 72 Dutch Reformed Church 142 Eastern Church 71

INDEX

faith and formulae of 59 hypocrisy in the 341 Jesus and 58 missionary 78 (see also missionaries) polity, authority and morality 58 Protestant churches 57–8 state and 61, 153, 311, 451 Churchill, Winston 217 La Chute (The Fall) 440, 442–3 ci (loving-kindness) 247 Circumfession 477 The Citizen of the World, or Letters from a Chinese Philosopher 171 civil society 222 Clairaut, Alexis 104 Clark, Kelly James 121 Clarke, Samuel 117, 144, 146, 162 Clarkson, Thomas 134 class warfare 323 Classic of Filial Piety 487 Classics (see also names of individual texts) Analects and 39 complexity of reading and interpreting 6 Confucianism and 402, 403 Confucius’s relation to the 35, 44, 402 The Four Books and Five Classics (Sishu wujing) 28, 30, 39, 102, 203, 204, 328, 403 humanity, society and 173 Legge’s translation of 265, 269, 290, 292, 293 Lu Xun and 325 memory, rite, tradition in the 395–408 moral intention of 244 philological interpretation of 328 Ricci’s use of 96 xin and 175, 336 classism 189, 200 Clavis Sinica 203 Clavius, Christopher 119 Clement of Alexandria 61 Clement XI, Pope 48 Clerc, Nicolas-Gabriel 101 Cline, E. M. 122 Clower, Jason 195 Cobo, Juan 101 De Coelo et Mundi (On Heaven and Earth) 105 Coleridge, Samuel Taylor 157, 194, 195, 205, 206–10, 216, 240, 289 collective consciousness 323 Collège de Sociologie 367 Collie, D. 203 Collins, Anthony 117 Colonal Quaritch VC: A Tale of Country Life 288

INDEX

colonial expansion, British 200 colonial oppression 190 colonial prejudice 214 Colossians 83 Columbus, Christopher 94 Combat 432 commentary, social 64–5, 138, 157, 223, 276, 289, 448, 473, 480, 485 commerce, with China 164 (see also trade) Common Sense 219 communication context-dependence and 476 failure of 264 Sino-Western 263 Communist Manifesto 323 Communist Popular Front 437 comparative analysis 5, 8, 9, 269 comparative religion 115, 307, 330 comparativism 329–30 compassion, of Jesus 180 compassion, religion and 307 complementarity 381–2 complexity, of reading/interpreting ancient Classics 6 Comte, Auguste 234, 280, 430 Concluding Unscientific Postscript to the Philosophical Fragments 312, 313, 416 Condorcet, Nicolas de 234 Confessions 221, 396 The Confessions of an Enquiring Spirit 210 conflict resolution 346 The Confucian World Observed 487 Confucianism (see also Confucius) Britain and 108–9 the Classics and 402, 403 Confucian ethics 184, 192, 203, 204, 245, 246, 248, 250, 257 Confucian School 204 Confucian virtues 204, 251 Confucius and 19–20, 34, 42 and the cultural archetype 23 dynamic, evolving character of 44 the Enlightenment and 105 faith, science and 105 and God’s relation to the world 117 Golden Rule 8, 175, 248, 252, 254, 255 interrogative character of 6 the Jesuits and 123 memory, rite, tradition and 402, 408 morality and 38, 203, 220, 248, 334, 338 Neo-Confucianism 19, 97, 120, 163, 195, 251 New or Boston Confucianism 19

643

Nietzsche and 322 the Old Testament law, Ten Commandments and 102 patriarchalism of 277 Pound and 392–4 Schopenhauer and 306 Scientific Revolution and 90 socio-cultural status of 19–20 stunting China’s growth to modernity 326 truth in 333 the Will and 305 Confucius 393 Confucius (see also Confucianism) aesthetics, pain and nostalgia of 22–6 appeal of 7 as an artefact 136 Buddha and 17 career of 41 character and context of 26–35, 251 Confucianism and 19–20, 34, 42 cult of Confucius 43, 489–90 and the cultural archetype 23 death and 483, 488 death of 42, 489 defining features of 64 disciples of 28–9, 41, 42–3, 44 education and 31–2, 41, 176, 250 elitism of 7 ethics and 38 family of 41 ‘Golden rule’ of 8, 175, 248, 252, 254, 255 identity of 43 Jesus and 19, 55, 253 life and work of 17–20 life, legacy and literature of 40–5 memory and 404, 405, 406–7 as a moral teacher-practitioner 32 morality and 38, 203, 220, 248, 334, 338 music and 177 relation to the Classics 35, 44, 402 religion, spirituality and 33–4 ritual and 406 School of Confucius 39 socio-cultural status of 19–20 sources and celebrity of 35–40 unclear status of 5 Way of Heaven and 23, 24, 28, 29, 30, 33, 34, 44 Confucius: Digest of the Analects 393 Confucius Sinarum Philosophus (Confucius, Philosopher of the Chinese) 34, 97, 99, 101–4, 107, 144 Confucius, The Buddha, and Christ 13

644

The Conquest of China by the Tartars 99, 160 The Conquest of the Miao-tse, an Imperial Poem by Kien-Lung 206 Constant, Benjamin 226 Constantine, Emperor 60 context historical 8 re-evaluation of the concept 498 contextualism 329 Du Contract Social 223, 225–6 ‘Conversation Book’ 197 Cook, Stephen 37 Cooper, Antony Ashley 161 Copernican Revolution, of Kant 191 Copernicus, Nicolaus 91 Corinthians 83, 341, 496 Cornelius, P. 112 Cosmographia 113 cosmography, mythic 98 cosmology 90, 105, 130, 137 cosmopolitanism 199 Costa, Inácio da 102, 103 The Country Wife 169 Couplet, Philippe 100, 102, 109, 139, 148, 198 Cousin, Victor 215 Covell, Ralph 13 Cranfield, C. E. B. 81–2 Crary, Jonathan 63 creativity, theology and 85 Credo 59 (see also faith) Creel, H. G. 31, 37, 39, 120, 121, 293 Crime and Punishment 348, 417 The Crisis of European Sciences and Transcendental Phenomenology 379 crisis of faith 284 crisis of reason 421 critical perspective, on Confucian-Christian dialogue 14 critical realism 329 critical theory 330–1, 451 Critique de la raison dialectique (Critique of Dialectical Reason) 428, 434–5 Critique of Judgement 193 Critique of Practical Reason 323 Critique of Pure Reason 196 Critique of the Critical Philosophy: A Study of Kant 196 Cromwell, Oliver 186 cross-cultural studies xiv, 2, 3, 5, 10, 89, 421 Cross, John 278 Crossan, Dominic 55 Crouter, R. 237

INDEX

crucifixion, of Jesus 59–60, 62, 76, 493 Cruz, Gaspar da 94, 104 Cuba 433 Cubism 348 Cui Shu 36–7 cult of Confucius 43, 489–90 ‘cultural archetypes’ Analects and 24, 26 art and 51 Confucius as a moral teacher-practitioner 32 Confucius, Confucianism and 23 cultural artefacts as 130 death as 482 of destruction and decay 24, 37 East-West cultural/intellectual relations and 11 Gospels and 26 harmony and 114 human identity and 33 human suffering as 496 image of Jesus and 64–70 memory as 398 nostalgia and 26 picture restoration and 20–2 porcelain as 135, 172–3 reading backwards carefully and 6, 10, 22, 23, 26, 261 reading the world through global 5 shaping what is read 89 six historic 14 of story 332 tea as 185, 242, 253, 259 trans-national 14 Wordsworth’s poetry as 212 Cultural Revolution (1966–76) 7, 43, 198, 227, 447 culture(s) art and 1 art and science uniting 5 British 49 changing cultural horizons 198–213 China’s impact on European 135 Chinese xiv, 32 Christianity and 52 clash of 214 cross-Channel cultural exchange 161, 167 cross-cultural engagement 129, 302 cross-cultural exchange 3, 103–4, 145, 288 cross-cultural history 10, 90 cross-cultural model xiv cross-cultural relations 497 cross-cultural studies xiv, 2, 3, 5, 10, 89, 421 cross-cultural translation 371 cross-culturalism 273, 402

INDEX

cultural anthropology 391 cultural archetypes. See ‘cultural archetypes’ cultural changeability 259 Cultural Christians 13 cultural encounter of Confucianism and Christianity 51 cultural evolutionism 250, 390–1 cultural exchange 327, 363 cultural hubris 22 cultural identity 259 cultural imperative of the Jesuits 119 cultural imperialism 271, 294 cultural intermediaries 135 cultural isolationism 425 cultural memory of China 364 cultural nostalgia 24 cultural otherness 10, 214, 231 cultural perspective, Confucian-Christian dialogue 14 cultural receptivity 288 cultural relations 345 Culture Studies 9 death in ancient Chinese 484–5 East-West cultural exchange 87, 89, 90–1, 92, 97–8, 101, 200, 384 enculturation 8 globalizing of 290 the idealization of primitive 368 inter-cultural literary analysis 270 inter-cultural philosophy 9–10 inter-cultural studies 22 inter-cultural translation 269 interculturalism 7–8 macro and micro 9 memory and hermeneutics and 253–4 missionaries as intermediaries of 11, 204 oriental 3 pottery and 132 ru culture 30, 31, 33, 43, 44, 487 rule-based Victorian 256 shaping what we write and read 72 shared Axial culture 426 Sino-Western cross-cultural understanding 343 Sino-Western cultural exchange 205, 207 tea and 186 wen 247, 403, 404 Western and the Bible 179 Cupitt, Don 54 Cur Deus Optimus 48 Curious Land: Jesuit Accommodation and the Origins of Sinology 13 Cynegils, King 48

645

Cyrano de Bergerac 110 Cyril of Alexandria 84 da Vinci, Leonardo 17, 65, 76, 183 Dalgarno, George 111 Damrosch, Leo 221 Daniel Deronda 277, 298, 299 Dante Alighieri 110, 136 dao (the Way). See Way of Heaven (dao) Daoguang, Emperor 270 Daoism (see also Taoism) 43, 44, 92, 98 Daqin jingjiao (Enlightened religion of the Daqin) 11 Dara Shikoh 138 Darwin, Charles 134, 135, 264, 274 Dasein (Being-there, Being-in-the-world) 415, 416, 417, 419, 420, 471 David Copperfield 257, 282, 283, 286, 287 Davis, John Francis 203, 206, 267–8 Dawson, R. S. 26, 29, 293, 403 Daxue (Great Learning). See Great Learning de (virtue) 192, 334, 338 De Cive 159 De Incarnatione 84 De Motu 162 De Quincey, Thomas 166, 187, 195 De Re Literaria Sinensum 112 De Trinitate 396 De Wette, W. M. L. 209 de xing (virtuous conduct) 335 death in the 20th-century 412–15 Analects and 483, 484–6 Berdyaev and 423, 459 Camus and 442 Christianity and 493 Confucius and 483, 488 as a cultural archetype 482 death consciousness 430 Derrida and 478, 479 existentialism and 415 fact, mystery, and anguish of 68 Foucault and 474–5 funerals 485, 486, 487 Gadamer and 470 George Eliot and 411, 413 in the Gospels 491, 494 Habermas and 480 Heidegger and 420 identity and 484 Jaspers and 425 of Jesus 72, 74, 490

646

Jesus and 492 junzi and 483 li and 485 life after 471 Macquarrie and 468 mass 455–6, 466 New Testament and 493 Nietzsche and 432 relationships and 487 ren and 485 Ricoeur and 471–2 Sartre and 430, 433 Tillich and 466 T. S. Eliot and 411, 413 Wittgenstein and 469 The Death of Ivan Ilyich 420 The Death Penalty 477 decay, tragic 24 Decker, Cornelis 187 deconstructionism 273, 279, 330–1, 362, 438, 475–8, 490, 493 En Découvrant l’Existence avec Husserl et Heidegger 359 Dee, Arthur 113 ‘Défense du Mondain, ou L’apologie du luxe’ (Defense of the ‘Man of the World’, or Apology for Luxury) 154 Defoe, Daniel 117, 287 Deism 114–6, 126, 162, 168, 176, 246 Deleuze, Gilles 63, 196, 315, 321, 374, 376 The Demise of the Republic of Virtue: From Rousseau to Robespierre 227 democracy, modern 170, 198, 217, 225, 227, 287, 317, 480 Demons 418 denial xiii–xiv, 71, 183–4, 281, 296, 330, 341, 414, 439–40, 455, 498 Denney, James 50 Dennis, John 161 Dennison, William 461 Denton, Kirk 286–7 Der Ring des Nibelungen. See Ring Cycle Derrida, Jacques 330, 360, 361–3, 390, 475–9 Descartes, René 105, 106, 115, 140–1 Descriptio regni Iaponiae 103, 137 Description of China 103, 133, 139, 150, 172 despotism, of China 143, 153, 199, 217, 236, 268 Le Despotisme de la Chine 153 The Destiny of Man 423 destruction, cultural archetype of 24, 37 Deuteronomy 399 Deutsche Academie 355

INDEX

Le Deuxième Sexe (The Second Sex) 435 ‘The Development Hypothesis’ 274 D’Holbach, Baron 155 di (earth) 95, 98 Di (God, see also Shangdi) 89, 93, 121, 123, 146 Le Diable et le Bon Dieu (The Devil and the Good Lord) 428, 429, 431, 434 Diaghilev, Sergei 365, 372 dialectical theologies 329, 465 Dialogo sopra i due massimi sistemi del mondo (Dialogue Concerning Two Chief World Systems) 105–6 Dialogues 239 dialogue(s) Confucian-Christian 8, 10–11, 12, 13–14 ‘Dialogue between Civilizations’ 9 Sino-Western 13 suffering and 470 Diana of the Ephesians 116 ‘Diapsalmata’ (Either/Or) 314 Diary of a Madman (novel) 68 Dickens, Charles 257, 258, 259, 264, 281–8 Dictionarium Sinico-Latinum 140 Dictionnaire de Trevoux 152 Dictionnaire Historique et Critique 147, 152, 153 Dictionnaire Philosophique 151 Diderot, Denis 133, 151–2, 153, 154, 222, 223 différance, La (philos. difference) 362, 476, 478 difference, Christianity and Confucianism 8, 100, 118, 192, 256 La Dignité humaine et ses assises existentielles (The Existential Background of Human Dignity) 424 De Diis Syris Syntagmata II 115 Dilthey, Wilhelm 231, 237, 314–15, 415–16, 421, 463 ‘Dionysian Dithyramb’ 318 Il Diritto Universale 148 disciples of Confucius 28–9, 41, 42–3, 44 (see also individual names) of Jesus 6, 50, 51, 73, 78, 82, 180, 181, 258, 341, 493–4 of John the Baptist 50 discipleship 256, 494 discipline ethics and 187 love and 253 memory and 404 Discours de la Méthode 141

INDEX

Discours sur la Théologie Naturelle des Chinois (aka Lettre sur la philosophie Chinoise à M. de Rémond) 144, 146 Discours sur l’histoire universelle 151, 233 Discourse on Monotheism 93 ‘A Discourse on the love of our country’ 216 discourse, religious 488 The discovery of a world in the Moone 110 discrimination, lack of in the Gospels 182 Dissertatio de Vera Aetate Mundi 113 dissidents 458 Dives and Lazarus, parable of 495–6 The Divine and the Human 458 ‘Divorce’ 325 Docetism 71 Doctrine of Rights 192 Doctrine of the Mean (Zhongyong) 32, 97, 250–1, 292, 390, 393 Dodd, C. H. 70, 73–4, 83 Doddridge, Philip 126 dogma 83–4, 461 dogmatism, Christian 306, 307 Dombey and Son 258, 259, 282, 283 domestic ritual 185–7, 189, 199, 210, 276, 404, 487–8 Dominican friars 93 Don Quixote 422 Dong Zhongshu 174 Dongen, Els van 227 ‘Don’t cry on’ video 68 Doolittle, Hilda 385 Doré, Gustave 1, 156 Dostoevsky, Fyodor 283, 348, 417–19, 447, 448, 449–50 ‘Doubting Antiquity School’ 19 Drake, Francis 108 The Dream of the Red Chamber 206, 376 Druskin, Mikhail 367 Dryden, John ‘A Song for St. Cecilia’s Day’ 89, 103, 104, 107, 113, 114, 127 as a child of his age 119 harmony and 89, 103, 104, 114, 127, 141 Paradise Lost and 157, 160 Du côté de chez Swann (Swann’s Way) 373 Du Halde, Jean-Baptiste 103, 133, 139, 150, 171–2 du Pin, Louis Ellies 153 Dufour, Philippe Sylvestre 188 Dunciad 157, 168 Dunhuang caves, manuscripts 93 Dupin family 222 Dürer, Albrecht 133

647

Duret, Théodore 2 Durkheim, Émile 330 Dutch East Indies Company 186 Dutch Reformed Church 142 duty 24, 32, 192–3, 211, 218–9, 226, 245–7, 254, 320, 323, 338, 369, 405, 419, 474, 484–6, 484 The Earl of Abergavenny (ship) 210 ‘East Coker’ 27 East India Company, British 186, 200, 205, 242, 264 East India Company, French 131 East Indies Company, Dutch 186 East-West cultural exchange 87, 89, 90–1, 92, 97–8, 101, 200, 384 East-West relations 10, 11, 497 Easter Faith 463 Easter, hope and 82, 86 Eastern Han period (25–220 CE) 19 Eaton, William 186 Eber, Irene 326 Eberhard, Johann 237 Ecce Homo: Wie man wird, was man ist (Ecce Homo: How One Becomes What One Is) 317, 321 ecclesiology (see also Church) 58, 329, 463, 495 Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844 322 economics, China and 170, 171 Edict of Fontainebleau (1685) 107 Edict of Nantes (1685) 114, 147 Edict of Toleration 92, 97 Edinburgh Encyclopaedia 152 Edkins, Joseph 290 Edmund Husserl’s Origin of Geometry: An Introduction 362 education in China 31, 268 Confucius and 31–2, 41, 176, 250 the need for 152 self-cultivation and 32 self-education of Rousseau 221 Six Arts 44, 405 socio-political/moral transformation and 224 as subordinate to something higher 28 Eichhorn, J. G. 209 Einstein, Albert 104–5, 378–9, 381 Der Einzige und sein Eigentum (The Individual and Their Own) 316 Ekliptika Circle 380 Elements 98

648

Elements of Law 159 Eliot, George (see also names of works) the Bible and 343 the church and 341 Confucius and 336 death and 411, 413 ‘Ex Oriente Lux’ 263 expounding life at depth 295 Feuerbach and 298–9 Kierkegaard and 313 music and 277, 278, 279, 280 Nietzsche and 316 publishing her first four novels 264 Schopenhauer and 297, 298, 306 sympathy and 258, 284 Tannhäuser and 296 translation of Strauss’s Life of Jesus 282, 298, 302–4 and truth in story form 273–81 Wagner and 277, 278 Eliot, T. S. (see also names of works) China and 25–6 Christianity and 52, 53 Confucius, Confucianism and 24, 384 death and 411, 413 ‘East Coker’ 27, 28 Husserl and 354 Incarnation in sculptural form and 67 memory and 350–3 pessimism of The Waste Land 366 Pound and 383, 384, 392 social commentary/silent speech and 64 socio-cultural decay and 25 Stravinsky and 368–9 tradition and 350–1 élites, European 3 elitism, of Confucius 7 Elizabeth I of England 133 Ellis, Henry 201 An Embassy from the East- India Company of the United Provinces, to the Grand Tartar Cham, Emperour of China 108 émigré intellectuals 457 Émile et Sophie, ou les Solitaires 224 Émile, ou De L’Éducation 223, 224, 234 emotions 176, 177, 180 empathy 357 empiricism 135, 170, 234, 235 Enckell, Michael 373 enculturation 8, 63, 71, 413 The Encyclopaedia Britannica 152 An Encyclopedia of Geography 270

INDEX

Encyclopédie 133, 151–2, 153 end times (see also eschatology) 80 Engels, Friedrich 309, 323 English Civil War (1642–51) 156 English Revolution 107 Enlightenment age of revolutionaries and 213–14 China and 145 Chinese 196 the Christ-tradition and 85 Confucianism and 105 cross-Channel conversation and 155 empiricism 170 ethics 214, 221 European 152 Jewish 238 mechanistic materialism of 448 Orientalism and 199 philosophy 165 Rationalism 102, 136, 348 Rousseau and 226 Scottish Enlightenment 214 Eno, R. 120 An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding 169, 170 ‘Entre Oui et Non’ (‘Between Yes and No’) 438 Entrecolles, François Xavier d’ 131, 132, 133, 135, 136 Entretien d’un Philosophe chrétien et un Philosophe chinois 143, 146 ‘L’envers et l’endroit’ (‘Betwixt and Between’,‘The Wrong Side and the Right Side’) 437 Eoyang, Eugene 293, 294 Ephesians 83, 116, 493 Epictetus 151 epistemology, anthropology and 135, 162, 169 Epistolae 158 Epitome Astronomiae Copernicanae 105 equality, natural (biological) 174 Ergo Thea Chinensium Menti Confert 188 Escalante, Bernardino de 94 eschatology 113, 125, 257, 454, 459–60, 463, 495 Espejo Rico del Claro Coraz (Precious Mirror of the Clear Heart) 101 Essai sur les moeurs et l’esprit des nations 151 An Essay Concerning Human Understanding 167 Essay Concerning the Principles of Morals 169 Essay on Man 164, 165, 166, 167, 169 Essay towards a New Theory of Vision 162 An Essay towards a Real Character and a Philosophical Language 111

INDEX

Essays (Bacon) 106 Essays on the Active Powers of Man 215 Essays on the Intellectual Powers of Man 215 The Essence of Christianity 447–8 essentialism 4 Ethica, ordine geometrico demonstrata Ethics 141, 142 ethics aesthetics and 193, 434 of the Analects 18 animal 479 anthropology and 191 biblical 125 Christian 203, 252, 255–6, 257 Coleridgean 209 Confucian 184, 192, 204, 245, 246, 248, 250, 257 Confucian-Christian 203 Confucius and 38 as cultivated moral sentiments 229 discipleship and 256 discipline and 187 education, self-cultivation and 32 Enlightenment 214, 221 ethical responsibility 473 in the Gospels 257 Herder and 232 Kantian 191, 192, 193, 195, 196, 238 li and 245 love-justice ethic 414 narrative 282 Occidental 208 proven in praxis 323 of redemption 460 religion and 240 Schleiermacher and 237 of self-sacrificing love 254 teleological 125, 258 traditional biblical 257 uncoupled from God 306 Utilitarian 479 virtue ethics 191 Ethik 276 L’Étranger (The Outsider/The Stranger) 438, 439 L’Être et le Néant (Being and Nothingness) 428, 429, 430 Eucken, Walter 327 Euclid 98 Euraserie/Européisme 198 Europe (see also individual countries) China and 10, 140–9 China’s impact on the culture of 135

649

European historicism 234 European rationality 364 European sinology 101–4, 136, 137, 139 expansionism of 99 fascination with all things oriental 94 post-war 366 sinophobia of 153, 179 Eusebius of Caesarea 61 Eutyches 71 Evangelical Revival, Britain 118 ‘Evangelical Teaching: Dr. Cumming’ dismisses her childhood faith as ‘distortions that pass in the culture for truth and justice’ 278 Das Evangelium des Johannes (The Gospel of John). See John, Gospel of Everdell, William 379, 380 Evidentialism 208 Evolution and Ethics and Other Essays 271, 274 evolutionism 250, 289, 390–1 Ex Illa Die 48, 86 Ex quo singulari 118 exaggeration, methodological 1, 7, 14, 32, 40, 61, 90, 140, 190, 244–5, 331, 496 De l’Existence à l’Existant 359 existentialism Analects and 484, 486 atheism and 416 authenticity and 313 Christian 456–68, 491, 494 contextualism and 329 death and 415 Gospels and 490, 496 Heidegger and 419–21 of the humanist Renaissance/Protestant Reformation 174 Husserl and 421 Kierkegaard and 311, 313, 348 Nietzsche and 416–17 origens of mid-20th-century 415–21 Proto-Existentialism 415 in Romanticism 244 Russian 423 Sartrean 427, 428, 430 Wagner/Feuerbach and 308 ‘L’Existentialism est un humanisme’ (‘Existentialism is a Humanism’) 415, 418, 419, 429, 430 expansionism, of Christian Europe 99 ‘Explication de L’Étranger’ 439–40 exploitation, economic and class 219 exploration, the age of 94, 104, 108

650

Exposition des Impressionnistes (Impressionists’ Exhibition) (1874) 4 Expressionism 348 Ezekiel 399 The Faces of Jesus 61, 63 Fairbank, John K. 11, 290 faith art and 1–2 the church and 59 crisis of 284 love and 3 obedience and 256 philosophic 425 reason and 117 science and 105 Tillich and 464 family 204 family honour 336 famines 412 Fan Chi (Fan Xu) 28, 175, 484 Fan-hy-cheu: A Tale in Chinese and English 206 Fang Bao 286 fate (see also ming and Mandate of Heaven) 19, 122–3, 156, 158, 402, 423, 455, 459–60, 472, 482 Fauvism 348 Favroldt, David 380 fear 65, 76, 122, 158, 176–7, 180, 205, 222, 247, 268, 313, 321, 366, 376, 412–4, 423, 440, 457, 465–7, 492–3 Fear and Trembling 313, 416 Federalist Paper, No. 10 170 feeling (Das Gefühl) language and 231 philosophy and 191, 193, 239, 330 religion and 307 Fenellosa, Ernest 389–90 Feng Lan 392, 394 Feng Zikai 2, 198 Fenollosa, Edward 386 Fernald, Anne 376 Ferrari, E. 370 Ferrater Mora, José 468 Ferreira, Gaspar 103 Feuerbach, Ludwig 276, 297, 298–300, 306–11, 447–8 Fichte, Johann 194, 234, 239, 240 Ficino, Marcilio 158 fidelity (cheng, fidelitatem) 137, 151, 251, 359, 424, 444, 477 Le Figaro 4–5

INDEX

filial piety 404–5, 485, 486, 487–8 Fink, Eugen 358 First and Second Discourse, On the Moral Effects of the Arts and Sciences 221, 222 Fitzgerald, Joan 392 Five Books of the Classics. See The Four Books and Five Classics Flaubert, Gustave 348 Les Fleurs du Mal (The Flowers of Evil) 348 Der fliegende Holländer 297 Fontana, Andrea 315, 416 Fonthill Vase 132–3 Forbidden City 97, 98 Ford, Ford Madox 384, 385, 387 forgetfulness 405–6 forgiveness 478 form, aesthetic 370 form criticism 328, 462 Formey, Samuel 152 Forster, John 282 The Fortunate Union: A Romance 206 Foss, T. N. 160 Foucault, Michel 313, 330, 473–5 Foucquet, Jean-François 95 Foundations of the Metaphysics of Morals 323 ‘The Four Books and Five Classics’ (Sishu wujing) 28, 30, 39, 102, 203, 204, 328, 403 Four Noble Truths of Buddhism 305 Four Quartets (see also T. S. Eliot) 24, 351–2 Fourmont, Étienne 140 Fox, Charles James 216 Fragments of Oriental Literature: With an Outline of a Painting on a Curious China Vase 200 France Algerian crisis 427, 433 Arles 1 Franco-Prussian War 373 French East India Company 131 French Revolution 200, 226, 227, 447 Paris Commune 373 Parisian sinology 328 porcelain 133 Protestantism 114 Saint-Cloud factory, Rouen 133 Saint Rémy 1, 2 sinophilia 154 Symbolism 348 tea and 187, 188–9 Third Republic 373 Francke, August Hermann 149 Frank, André Gunder 200

INDEX

Frankfurt School 331, 348, 420, 430, 445, 450, 453, 456, 479 Franklin, Alfred 188 Franklin, Benjamin 155, 220 Frankopan, P. 10 Frazer, James 368, 391 freedom conceptual 335–6, 359, 361, 406–7, 419, 423–4, 426–7, 449–51, 458–60, 464 crisis of 428–32, 434, 444–6 Jesus and 50, 64, 76, 181 socio-political 115, 134, 142, 153, 158, 171, 194, 218, 226–7, 256, 346, 424, 435, 438, 452–3 French Revolution (1789–99) 200, 226, 227, 447 Freud, Sigmund 310, 348 Froese, Katrin 191, 326 Die fröhliche Wissenschaft (The Gay Science) 317, 320 From the Closed World to the Infinite Universe 136 Froula, Christine 377, 394 frugality 164 Frye, Thomas 130 Frygt og Bæven (Fear and Trembling) 313, 416 Fu Xi 95 funerals 485, 486, 487 ‘The Future of German Philosophy’ 280 The Future of Human Nature 480 Gadamer, Hans-Georg 330, 331, 332, 360, 470–1, 476, 481 Galen 193 Galileo Galilei 105, 379 Gama, Vasco da 94 Gandhi, Mohandas K. 50 Gans, Eduard 233 Gans, Karl 233 Gao Xingjian 326 Gaozi 174 Gaozong, Emperor 93 Gaozu, Emperor 43 gardens 24, 64, 102, 161–2, 199, 207 Garraway, Thomas 186 Garrick, David 155, 215 Gassendi, Pierre 138 Gaubil, Antoine 152 Gaudier-Brzeska: A Memoir 385, 388 Gauguin, Paul 1, 2, 350 Gay, John 155, 172, 181 The Gay Science 317, 320 Die Geburt der Tragödie aus dem Geiste der Musik (The Birth of Tragedy from the Spirit of Music) 318

651

Gedanken über Tod und Immortalität (Thoughts on Death and Immortality) 299 Geisteswissenschaft 356 Gems of Chinese Literature 386–7 General Psychopathology 426 Genesis 112, 158, 209 Genet, Jean 433, 434 Genlis, Stéphanie Félicité de 188 genre, of stories 266 Geographia Generalis 103, 137 George III of England 183, 184, 198, 199, 213, 242 Germany biblical studies 328 ‘The Four Books and Five Classics’ and 328 Frankfurt School 331, 348, 450 German Idealism 194 nationalism 231, 316 ‘New Catholic’ movement 307 Gérôme, Jean-Léon 349–50 ‘Gerontion’ 53 Gesamtkunstwerk 296, 301 Geschichte der Materialismus (History of Materialism) 320 Gibbon, Edward 155, 216, 234, 447 Gide, André 373, 433 Gifford lectures 330 The Gift of Death 477 gifts, human 177, 266, 277, 361, 465 (see also cai) Gildon, Charles 117 Giles, Herbert 13, 244, 245, 253, 386 Giles, James 435 Gilson, Étienne 20 Girardot, N. J. 292, 293 Gladstone, William 215 Glas 476 Glemona, Basilio Brollo de 139 The Global Eighteenth Century 210 globalism 289 globalization 9, 22, 290, 298 Glorious Revolution, Britain 107 Gnosticism 71 God anthropo-theist view of 300 Berdyaev and 458 as Creator of heaven and earth 90, 124 as the essence of feeling 307 as an evil 306 identity of 56 in Jesus 83 Kingdom of God 80, 81, 181 as the Lord of heaven and earth 123–4

652

loss of confidence in 339 love and 255 memory and 407–8 metaphysical rebellion against 444 Moltmann and 452 music praising 371 nature and 180 necessary indivisibility of 72 Nietzsche and 306, 341 suffering and 454, 459–60, 468 trustworthiness of 341, 342 truth and 339, 340, 341 the Word of 74, 75, 461, 462, 473 Gödel, Kurt 358 Godwin, Francis 106, 110 Godwin, William 170 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von 194, 228, 234, 240 Golden Age, China 92 The Golden Bough: A Study in Comparative Religion 368, 391 Golden Rule, Confucianism 8, 175, 248, 252, 254, 255 Goldsmith, Oliver 171, 173 Gombrich, Ernst 21, 22 gong (reverence, respectfulness) 247 gongli (universal agency or principle) 288 Gongshan Furao 41 Gongsun Chao 404 Good Samaritan 254 Goodness, method of 335 Gordon, Thomas 116 Gorner, Paul 421 Gorodetsky, Sergey 367 Gospels (see also individual Gospels) Analects and the 6 character, purpose and morality in 252–9 Christ presented in 52 Christian ethical imperatives in 255–6 complexity of reading and interpreting 6 cultural archetypes and 26 eschatological orientation of 494 ethics in the 257 existentialism and 490, 496 heaven and earth in 123–7 human identity, life and society in 179–82 integrity of character and clarity of purpose and 258 Jesus and 70–1, 73–82 life in the 179–82, 491 meaning and the 495 and modern hermeneutics 490, 496

INDEX

morality in the 125, 252–9 philosophical content and context of 495 sickness, death and the afterlife in 490–6 social analysis and 63 society in the 179–82 suffering in the 491, 494 theology in the 491 truth and truthfullness in 338–43 use of agape 254 Gott als Geheimnis der Welt (God as the Mystery of the World) 453 Gott: Einige Gespräche (God: some conversations) 239 Gottes Sein ist im Werden (The Doctrine of the Trinity; God’s Being Is in Becoming) 453–4 Götzendämmerung (Twilight of the Idols) 316, 318 government Chinese 109, 153, 172 Confucius’s vision of 139 Grammar of the Chinese Language 203 Of Grammatology, Speech and Phenomena 476, 477, 478 Grand Dictionaire historique 152–3 Grand Tour of Europe 161 Granet, Marcel 293 Grant, Michael 55, 349 Great Awakening, America 118 The Great Digest 393 Great Expectations 257, 264 Great Leap Forward 412 Great Learning 97, 109, 251, 390, 393 (see also Book of Rites) Great Offering (tai lao) 43 ‘Great Yuan’ dynasty (1271-1368) 93 Green, Garrett 310, 311 Greenberg, Clement 348 Greene, Graham 373 Grenier, Jean 437 Grimaldi, Claudio Filippo 144–5 Grotius, Hugo 115 Ground of Being 464, 465 Grundlegung zur Metaphysik der Sitten (Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals) 192, 193 Grundlinien einer Kritik der bisherigen Sittenlehre (Draft of a critique of previous ethical theory) 239 Grundsätze der Philosophie der Zukunft (Basic Principles of the Philosophy of the Future) 300

INDEX

Gu Jiegang 18, 19 Guanzi 34, 121 Guattari, Félix 63 Guevara, Che 433 gui (ghosts) 98 Guide to Kulchur 390 Guignes, Chrétien-Louis de Jr. 201 The Gulag Archipelago 458 Gulliver’s Travels 109, 110 Guo Songtao 270 Güterlehre (good ends by moral means) 239 Gützlaff, Karl 140, 159, 204, 259, 270 Habermas, Jürgen 323, 479–82 Haggard, H. Rider 288 Hague School 349 Hakluytus Posthumus (or Purchas his Pilgrimes) 97, 104 (see also Purchas) Hale, Matthew 112 Hall, David 10, 21, 136, 333 Hallam, Henry 219 Halle University 149 ‘Hallelujah Chorus’ 48, 86 Hals, Frans 106 Hamann, Johann Georg 234 Hamlet 266 Han dynasty (202 BCE–220 CE) 44, 92, 132, 174 Han Fei 43 Han Koong Tsew (The Sorrows of Han) 206 Han School of Studies (Hanxue) 328 Han shu (Book of Han) 39, 288 Han Yu 19, 174 Handel, George Frideric 48, 86, 130 Hannah 398 Haoqiu zhuan (The Pleasing History/The Pleasant Union) 205, 206 haowu (likes, taste, preference) 174, 176–7 happiness, public 164 Hardenberg, Georg von 194 De harmonia mundi totius 113 Harmonices Mundi (The Harmony of the World) 114 harmony in 17th-century Europe 114 Dryden and 89, 103, 104, 114, 127, 141 heaven, earth and 89–90, 99 as Heaven’s gift and humanity’s highest goal 103 li and 103 music and 110 as a theological theme 126

653

Harnack, Adolf von 56 Harris, Ian 218 Harrison, Jane 390 Hartmann, Nicolai 358 Haskalah 238 Hastings, Warren 217 Hausmann, Raoul 64 Havens, George 221 Hawley, W. M. 393 Hay, Stephen 281 Hazlitt, William 195, 216 he (harmonious ease) 245 He Guanghu 13 He Jinshan 291 Heaney, Seamus 345 heaven and earth in Analects 119–23 Chinese terms to translate 91 in Confucian minds 95 in the Gospels 123–7 harmony and 89–90, 99 reason, science and 105 Ricci and 99 Spinoza and 142 Hegel, G. W. F. aesthetics of 242 Confucianism and 392 Confucius and 18 existential conflict and 161 Feuerbach and 308 George Eliot and 274 Kant and 191, 194 Kierkegaard and 312, 313 Nietzsche and 323 Schopenhauer and 297 teleology of 257 view of history and perception of China 233–7 Heidegger, Martin Dasein and 415 deconstruction and 330 existentialism and 419–21 hermeneutics and 473 Husserl and 357 Merleau-Ponty and 359 Nietzsche and 324, 330 Sartre and 429 Heilbron, J. L. 380 Das Heilige (The Holy) 295 ‘Heiligenstadt Testament’ 197 Heine, Heinrich 190, 445 Heisenberg, Werner Karl 380

654

Hemingway, Ernest 388 Hennell, Charles 276, 302 Hennell, Sara 280, 298, 303 Henry IV of France 114 Hepworth, Barbara 66–8, 84 Herbert, Edward 114–16 Herbert, George 114, 124, 175, 179 Herder, Johann Gottfried 209, 228–33, 235, 238, 239, 241, 329 heresy 71 hermeneutics Analects and modern 484 Biblical 210 Coleridge and 209, 210 Confucian-Christian dialogue and 14 cross-cultural 284 cross-cultural historical 271 culture, memory and 253–4 experiential 255 Gadamerian 375 George Eliot and 281 Gospels and modern 490, 496 Heidegger and 473 hermeneutic power of music 295 liberationist 456 modern 20, 184, 315, 456–68, 470 multi-disciplinary modern 20 new science of 272 of person 314 postmetaphysical 481 ruist 291 of Schleiermacher 237, 238, 239, 240, 241, 280, 315, 463 of suspicion 306–11, 324, 329, 471 Herodotus 37 Herwegh, Georg 298 heterodoxy, christological orthodoxy and 71 Heylin, Peter 113 Hezekiah 398 Hick, John 299 Hien-wun-shoo (Chinese Moral Maxims) 203 Higher Criticism 209, 278, 302 highest good 240 Hill, Michael 293 Hillemann, Ulrike 202 Hirschman, Albert O. 164 Histoire de l’empereur de la Chine 139, 144 Histoire des Deux Indes 152 Histoire des Ouvrages des Savans 152 Histoire Générale de la Chine 389 Historia Critica Philosophiae 153

INDEX

Historia de las cosas más notables, ritos y costumbres del gran reyno de la China (The History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China and the Situation Thereof) 94, 104 Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum (Ecclesiastical History of the English Nation) 48 Historiae Naturalis et Medicae Indiae Orientalis 187–8 ‘Historical context of the inter-relationship between Literature and Religion in China’ 268 ‘The Historical Effect of Habermas in the Chinese Context’ 482 ‘An historical essay endeavouring a probability that the language of the Empire of China is the Primitive Language’ 111 historiography dialectical 234 empowered 403 history cross-cultural 10, 90 European historicism 234 Hegel and 234 historical context 8 historical criticism 58, 462 historicity of texts 329 philosophies of 230, 233–4 systematization of 233–4 texts, art, morality and 45 theology and 77 total 425 universal 234 world 235 History of China 156 History of China, the Book of Rites 390 A History of Modern Literature 387 History of Primitive Culture 391 History of Religions school 330 History of Silent Poetry (Wusheng shishi) 66 History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire 234 History of the Synoptic Tradition 462 History of the World 113 Ho Tsun-sheen 291 Hobbes, Thomas 135, 142, 159, 160, 216, 222 Hobhouse, John Cam 199 Hogarth, William 173 Hokenson, Jan 377 Holbach, Paul Henri Thiry, Baron d’ 152, 153 Hölderlin, Friedrich 196 Holland

INDEX

Dutch East Indies Company 186 Dutch Reformed Church 142 Japan and 3 tea and 187 ‘The Hollow Men’ 64 Holmes, Samuel 201 Holocaust forgotten Chinese 412, 444 Holocaust Theology 450 Jewish 426, 442, 445–56, 477 Holy Face of Lucca 63 Holy Spirit 75, 77, 79, 82, 126, 180, 255–6, 258, 454, 494 Homer 159–60, 390 L’Homme révolté (The Rebel) 438, 440, 441–2 Les Hommes contre l’humain (Man Against Mass Society) 424 Homo Viator (Homo Viator, Introduction to the Metaphysic of Hope) 424 Hong Kong 264, 267 Hong Rengan 291 Honglu Meng (Dream of the Red Chamber) 206, 376 Hongwu, Emperor 95 Hook, Sidney 307 Hooke, Robert 109 hope Bloch and 451, 454 Christian 494, 496 Easter and 82, 86 eschatological 257, 454 Jesus and 48, 50, 64, 70, 82, 86, 125, 181, 258 Marcel and 424 Moltmann and 451 Horkheimer, Max 450, 451, 456, 479 Horsburgh, James 201 Houghton, Walter 296 ‘How Philosophy Can Become More Universal’ 229 Howard, Robert 160 Howells, Christina 432 Hsia or Xia dynasty (c.2070-c.1600 BCE) 489 Hu Shih 121 Hua Tuo 185 Huang, Arcadio 138, 227 Huet, Pierre Daniel 188 ‘Hugh Selwyn Mauberley’ 388 Huguenots 107 hui (kindness, favour, beneficence) 247, 338 Huis clos (No Exit) 429, 431 Hulme, T. E. 384, 385

655

human affections 176 human autonomy, as a moral imperative 191 human consciousness 34, 63, 136, 193–4, 215, 235–6, 266–7, 307–12, 338, 356 The Human Face of God 49 human fallibility 181 human identity 33, 173–9, 179–82, 396 human nature (see also xing) 129, 174 Human Rights 219, 220, 414, 445 human sciences 315, 331 human suffering 467–8, 496 humanism 136, 174, 310, 393, 429 humanity Classics and 173 Confucius’s view of 175 defined 161 after Hume 169 of Jesus 62, 80 Tillich and 465 Humboldt, Wilhelm von 240 Hume, David 115, 117, 155, 162, 169–72, 224 humility (see also qian xun) xiv, 23, 26–7, 30, 38, 60, 64, 85, 125, 176, 236, 249, 322, 333, 341, 345, 353, 396, 486 humours, the four 193 Hundred Schools (Zhuzi baijia, or Baijaa zhengming) 42 Hung, Eva 286 Hungary, Soviet invasion of 433 Hunt, Leigh 206 Husserl: An Analysis of His Phenomenology 360 Husserl, Edmund 330, 349, 354–65, 378, 379, 421–1, 429, 479 Huxley, Thomas 271, 274, 289 hybridity 205 Hyde, Thomas 101 ‘Hymn to Christ’ 83 ‘Hymn to Love’ 341 ‘Hymn to Proserpine’ 54 Hymn to the Holy Trinity 93 iconoclasm 61 ‘Iconoclasm in German Philosophy’ 298 iconography 61, 62, 63, 66 ‘Idea of a Perfect Commonwealth’ 170 idealism absolute 235 German Idealism 194 Kantian 209, 234 Marx and 323 metaphysical 120 Platonic 396

656

subjective 162, 163 transcendental idealism 194, 197, 208 Idee zu einer allgemeinen Geschichte (Idea for a universal history) 234 Ideen zu einer reinen Phänomenologie und phänomenologischen Philosophie (Ideas on Pure Phenomenology and Phenomenological Philosophy) 354 Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte der Menschheit (Ideas for the philosophy of the history of humanity) 230, 349 identity(ies) of animals 478 Confucian-Christian dialogue and 8–9 of Confucius 43 crisis of Western 471 cultural 259 death and 484 of God 56 human 33, 173–9, 179–82, 396 the impact of mechanistic modernity on 424 of Jesus 55–6, 77, 81, 82 memory and 396 moral 481 narrative 471 national 200, 488 ideogrammic method 389–90 ideology, Maoist 309, 310 ‘The Ideology of Death’ 481 idolatry 61 ‘Ikon’ 395 Il Convivio 110 image(s) Christian imagery 62, 63 cultural archetypes and 64–70 iconic 24 of Jesus 53, 54, 56, 59, 61, 66, 71, 85 power of 1 Imaginary Conversations of the Emperor of China and Tsing-Ti 184, 267 Imagism 349, 385, 387 The Imitation of Christ 59 immaterialism 163 immortality 472, 479 imperialism anti-Western 347 cultural 271, 294 Imperio de la China 102 Impression, soleil levant (painting) 3, 4 Impressionism 2, 3, 4, 5, 348 ‘In A Station of the Metro’ 385 Index Librorum Prohibitorum 427

INDEX

India 200, 217 individualisation 313 individualism, responsible 219 individuality 8–9, 33, 177, 182 Indøvelse i Christendom (The Practice of Christianity) 312 inequalities 222 Ingarden, Roman 358 Inquiry into the Human Mind on the Principles of Common Sense 215 Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations 170 instincts, basic 176, 470 Instruction Chrétienne 114 integrity 6, 10, 15, 29, 33, 38, 43, 84, 258, 484 intentionality, theory of 355 inter-cultural literary analysis 270 inter-cultural philosophy 9–10 inter-cultural studies 22 inter-textualism 329 inter-textuality 338 interculturalism 7–8 International Relations xiii, 11, 129, 346, 411 internationalism, of Schleiermacher 237 interpretation, science of 496 interpretative analytics 473 Intorcetta, Prospero 100, 102–3 Introitus 369 intuitive man 320 Irenaeus 61 Irwin, Will 301 Isaiah 17, 18, 49, 50, 77, 80, 81, 83 Israel, J. I. 149 Ivanhoe 288 Ivanhoe, P. J. 121 Jacobi, Friedrich 194, 234, 238–9 Jacobus, Mary 478 Jahan, Shah 138 Jahrbuch für Philosophie und Phänomenologische Forschung 357, 358 James II of England 100, 107 James, William (see also Varieties of Religious Experience) 330 Jameson, Fredric 347 Jansen, T. 3 Japan atomic bombing of 412 Japanese aesthetics 377 Japanese woodcuts 3 japonisme 376 opening up of 3

INDEX

second Sino-Japanese war 25 Western fascination with 3, 364 Jaspers, Karl 18, 420, 423, 424–6 Jefferson, Thomas 219, 220 Jenkins, Eugenia 199 Jennens, Charles 86 Jenseits von Gut und Böse: Vorspiel einer Philosophie der Zukunft (Beyond Good and Evil: Prelude to a Philosophy of the Future) 320 Jensen, L. M. 136 Jeremiah 399 Jerome, Saint 62 Jerusalem, fall of 76 Jesuit mission to China 12, 48, 51, 90, 92, 94, 97, 98, 112, 123, 252 cultural imperative of 119 ending of 147 Jesuits (see also Society of Jesus) Confucianism and 123 manuscripts of 136 Jesus agape and 255 appeal of 7 a Chinese 63 a Chinese (image) 57 Christian liturgy, doxology and 83 Christianity and 50, 51–2, 72 the church and 58 the church and the New Testament evidence 70–82 compassion of 180 Confucius and 19, 55, 253 crucifixion of 59–60, 62, 68, 76, 493 death and 492 death of 73, 74, 490 defining features of 64–5 disciples of. See disciples divinity and humanity of 70, 71, 72, 78, 82, 84 dynamics of praise and blame 54–60 ethic of self-sacrificing love 254 the face of 61–4 good news of 255 Gospels and 70–1, 73–82 hope and 258 humanity and personality of 62, 80 identity of 55–6, 77, 81, 82 image and cultural archetypes 64–70 image of 53, 54, 56, 59, 61, 71, 85 influence of 85 interrogative power of 50

657

John and 74–6 the kingdom of heaven and 90 Last Supper 401 life of 73, 73–4 as Lord and saviour 84 Lord title 81 love and 78 love command of 8, 180, 254, 257 Luke and 76–8 the man 47–8, 51 the many comings of Christianity 48–54 Mark and 80–2 Matthew and 78–80 as Messiah and Saviour 78–9, 83 morality and 257–8 neighbour love and 254 orientation of life to love-in-relationship 66–8 otherness of 54–5 resurrection of 68, 81, 494 the Roman Empire and 73 Second Coming of 76 as Son of David 79 as Son of God 80, 81 as Son of Man 79, 81 sources and 49 Spirit of 57 suffering, death and resurrection of 490, 491 suffering, death, the afterlife and 493 suffering of 77–8, 80, 81, 84, 490 Tillich and 466 truth and 257–8, 340 Jesus of Nazareth 300 Jesus Sutras 93 Jesus Through the Centuries 52 Jewish Holocaust 426, 442, 445–56, 477 Jewish people, World War II 411–12 Jewsbury, Geraldine 274 Ji Dan, Duke of Zhou. See Zhou, Duke of Ji family 30 Ji Junxiang 150 Ji Kangzi 42–3 Jiang Shaoshu 66 jiao (teaching, doctrine, or tradition) 405 Jiaqing, Emperor 183, 184 Jin dynasty (266-420 CE) 407 jing (reverence) 247 jing (Classic/s) 26, 30, 39, 185, 203, 206, 247, 328 Jing of Qi, Duke 41 Jingdezhen 132 Jinhua (evolution, progressive transformation) 327 Jisun Fei (posth. Ji Kangzi) 41

658

Jisun Si (posth. Ji Huanzi) 41 Job 492 Johann Sebastian Bach: His Life and Influence on the Music of Germany 82 Johannes-Passion 52–3, 64 John, Gospel of 51, 72, 73, 74–5, 124, 265, 340, 462, 493, 495, 496 John Paul II, Pope 357, 358 John the Baptist 50 Johnson, Paul 433 Johnson, Samuel 156, 157, 162, 166, 187, 205 Jones, Christine 154 Jonquet, Denis 188 Josephus 49 Josephus 163 Journal du voleur (The Thief ’s Journal) 434 Journal meiner reise im jahr 1769 (Journal of my voyage in the year 1769) 229 Journal métaphysique 435 Joyce, James 348, 353 Judaism 56 Judeo-Christian anamnetic tradition 397–407 judgement 257, 494 Judgement Day 256–7 Julie, ou la nouvelle Héloïse 223–4 Julien, Stanislas Aignan 290 Julius Caesar 271 June Fourth Incident. See Tiananmen protests Jung, Carl 21–2 Jüngel, Eberhard 450, 453–4 junzi (ideal/gentleman official) Analects and 256 attributes of 31, 252 character of 177 Confucius’s moral teaching and 245 Confucius’s visionary ethical ideals and 248–50 the cosmic power behind the 45 death and 483 the development of 30 learning and 32 life, work and moral motivation of 332–3 societal transformation and 175 virtuous life of 247, 334 Way of Heaven and 249, 332–3 xin and 247, 249, 252, 336 justice, human 220, 229, 256, 278, 398, 414, 451–4, 458 Justin 62 Kafka, F. A. 440 Kähler, Martin 462 Kain, Philip 322

INDEX

The Kaizo 421 Kanagawa, US-Japanese Convention of (1854) 3 Kang Youwei 372 Kangxi, Emperor 47, 48, 59, 96, 97, 139, 143, 147 Kant, Immanuel agape and 255 Beethoven, transcendental idealism and 197 Berkeley and 162 character and China 190–6 Diderot and 154 habit and personality of 214 Herbert and 115 Herder and 229 humanity’s freedom and rationality and 234 immortality and 472 Kant Societies 357 Kantian idealism 209, 234 Marx and 322 Nietzsche and 190 Pope and 165 Reid and 215 Rousseau and 226, 227 Schleiermacher and 194, 239, 240 Schopenhauer and 297 transcendental idealism of 194, 197, 208 Way of Heaven and 249 Karamasov, Ivan 417–18 Karl, Frederick 316 Kasper, Walter 444–5 Kaufmann, W. A. 325 Kavanagh, Patrick 47–8 Kean, Margaret 157 Keats, John 265 keji (self-discipline) 247 Kelly, David A. 327 Kelly, Michael 473 à Kempis, Thomas 59 ¯ e 324 Kenzaburo ¯O Kepler, Johannes 105, 114, 141, 156 Kern, Martin 38 kerygma 83, 461, 463, 464 Khmer Rouge 433 Kidd, Samuel 203, 204 Kierkegaard, Søren 311–15, 338, 348, 416, 421, 458 King James Bible 86 (see also Bible) Kingdom of God 80, 81, 181 kingdom of heaven 90, 125 Kircher, Athanasius 103, 112–13, 187 Kireyevsky, Ivan 372 Kitson, P. J. 199 Klaproth, Julius von 139, 201–2

INDEX

Klein, George L. 397 Kneller, Godfrey 101, 106, 160 Knoepflmacher, Ulrich 276, 279, 299 knowledge calendrical 98 cross-cultural 269 intuitive 142 li and 245 self-knowledge 473 sociological 323 truthfulness and true knowledge 306–7 Koichiro Miyahara 314 Kojève, Alexandre 427 Kong Fuzi (Master Kong). See Confucius Kong He (Shuliang He) 41 Kong Li 41 kouqi (correct mode of speech) 204 Kow, Simon 214 Kowaleski-Wallace, Elizabeth 172 Koyré, Alexandre 136 Kritik der praktischen Vernunft (Critique of Practical Reason) 192 Kritik der reinen Vernunft (Critique of Pure Reason) 192 Kritik der Urteilskraft (Critique of Judgement) 192 Kritische Wälder: oder Betrachtungen die Wissenschaft und Kunst des Schönen (Critical Forests, or Reflections on the science and art of the Beautiful) 229 kuan (magnanimity, generosity) 247 Kubla-Khan 207, 208 Kublai Khan, Emperor 93 Kuhn, Thomas 310–11 Küng, Hans 254 K’ungli (K’ung’s Village) 489 Kunstvereinigung (artistic unification) 197, 198, 296 ‘Das Kunstwerk der Zukunft’ (The Artwork of the Future) 300 Kunyu Wanguo Quantu (A complete map of the 10,000 countries on earth) 99 Kuroda Jûtarô 2 Kurze Darstellung des Spinozistischen Systems 239 kwei (earthly soul), shan (heavenly spirit) and 486 La Mare, Nicolas de 188 La Peyrère, Isaac 112 La Sablière, Marguerite Hessein de 243 Lach, D. F. 160, 200 Lactantius 61 Lamarck, Jean-Baptiste 135 Lamb, Charles 289, 290 Landgrave, Monsieur de 189

659

Landgrebe, Ludwig 358 Landor, Walter 184, 267 Lange, Friedrich 320 Lange, Johann Joachim 149 language common origin of 229 feeling and 231 Habermas and 481 meaning and 476 of nature 215 performative nature of 488 quest for a universal, ideographic 145 quest for the original/perfect 110–13 self-discovery and 470 thought, culture and 231 Lanson, Gustave 155 Laou-seng-urh; or, ‘an Heir in his old age’ 206 Laozi 34, 121, 185 Latin America, images of Christ in 63 Latourette, Kenneth 92 Lau, M. G. 96–7 Lavine, Thelma 427 law freedom and 226, 256 natural law 96, 220 Law, William 172, 258 Lazarus 182 laziness 28, 30, 406 Le Brun, P. 253 Le Comte, Louis 138–9, 144, 153, 161 Le Corbusier 348 learning 27–8, 31–2, 402 Leaves of Grass 348 Leavis, F. R. 388 Das Leben Jesu (The Life of Jesus critically examined) 276, 302–4, 318 Leclerc, Jean 152 Lectures on the Philosophy of History 234, 235 ‘The Legend of Jubal’ 278 legend, Pound and 391 Legge, George 256 Legge, James achievements of 265, 289–94, 327 Alopen’s work and 12, 93 A brief history of [the life of] Joseph 283 The Chinese Classics and 265, 269, 290 Confucius and 33 Giles, li and 245, 253 learning Chinese 203 legacy of 290 Pound and 393 Protestant mission to China and 118

660

Ricci and 121 as a scholar-missionary 13 Wagner and 289–94 Lehner, George 152 Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm (von) 106, 117, 139, 141, 143–7, 192, 233 ‘Leicht bewegt’ (pianissimo) 27 Lenin, Vladimir 323 Leo of Rome, Bishop 84 Leroy, Louis 4 Lesser, Laurence 24, 69 Lessing, Gotthold 208, 209, 214, 238, 299 Lester, John 296 ‘Letter on Humanism’ 419 Letters concerning the English Nation 155 Letters for the Advancement of Humanity 230 Letters from Xo-Ho, a Chinese Philosopher at London 171 Letters on a Regicide Peace 218 ‘Letters on the Inspiration of the Scriptures’ 209 Lettres Chinoises 171 Lettres chinoises: indiennes et tartares 150 Lettres de deux amants, habitans d’une petite ville au pied des Alpes 223 Lettres édifiantes et curieuses 101, 103, 133 Levenson, J. R. 300 Levertoff, P. P. 78 Lévi-Strauss, Claude 29, 362, 476, 478 Leviathan 135, 159 Levinas, Emmanuel 358–60, 423, 439, 477, 479 Levine, G. 280, 281 Leviticus 400–1 Lewes, George Henry 274, 279, 298, 299 Lewis-Bill, Hannah 259, 283 Lewis, C. S. 50, 491 lex orandi: lex credendi 83 Lexicon Latino-Sinicum 140 li (ritual, propriety; also, principle, reason, wisdom, justice and order) in the Analects 103, 245–6 death and 485 the Gospels and 252 harmony and 103 the junzi and 177, 250 morality and 178, 248, 253 qi and 146 ren and 175 ren, de and 192 ritual and 245 tradition and 403, 405 Li Bai 386, 387 Li Chong 407

INDEX

Li Shicen 327 Li Shuangyi 376 Li Zehou 196 Li Zhi (Zhuowu) 91 Li Zicheng 143 Liang [A] Fa 13, 253 Liang, M. 263 Liang Qichao 332, 364 Liang Shiqui 275 liang xin (conscience) 178 liang zhi (innate sense/knowledge) 178 Liberal Protestantism 328–9 ‘Die Liberale Theologie und die Jüngste Theologische Bewegung’ (‘Liberal Theology and the recent theological movement’) 462 Liberalism 297 Liberation Theology 63, 445, 450, 455 Liberationism 456 Liddell, H. G. 397, 398 Das Liebesverbot (The Ban on Love) 308 Liebregts, P. Th. M. G. 391 life in the Analects 173–9 after death 471 in the Gospels 179–82, 491 true 340 as unity 230 well-ordered 24 ‘Life of Cum-fu-zu’ 109 Life of Jesus 282 The Life of our Lord 283 Life of Pope 166 Lightfoot, J. B. 48 Lightfoot, John 111 Liji. See Book of Rites Lin Fang 484 Lin Shu 284–5, 286, 288–9, 292–3 Lin Yutang 331 Lin Zexu 270 Lindisfarne 48 Lindisfarne Gospels 49, 91 Linguae Sinarum Mandarinicae 140 linguistic philosophy 232, 329 linguistics 231–2, 362, 469 Liszt, Franz 277, 298 ‘Liszt, Wagner and Weimar’ 295 literature (see also texts) ancient texts 6, 35 Chinese 205 as a ‘dialogue partner’ with religion 268 inflammatory 201

INDEX

inter-cultural literary analysis 270 novels 276, 284 One World xiv Oriental 198 Romanticism and 258–9 truth and 403 virtue and 403 wisdom literature 6 ‘Little Gidding’ 28, 53, 351 The Little Review 387 Liu Dakui 286 Liu Lihui 25 Liu Song dynasty (420–79 CE) 65 Liu Xiaofeng 13 Liu yi (Six Arts) 44, 268, 405 Lloyd Wright, Frank 348 Lo Hsiang Lin 93 local custom 240 Locke, John 164, 167 Lodwick, Francis 109 Logan, A-M. 50–1 Logik 193 Logischen Untersuchungen (Logical Investigations) 354, 362 logocentrism 476 Lohengrin 294 London 133, 282 ‘London Letter’ 369 London Missionary Society 243 ‘Longing’ 124 Longinus 160, 193 Longobardi, N. 144 Lorentz, Hendrik 377 Louden, Robert 33–4 Louis the Great of Hungary 132 Louis XIV of France 99–100, 132, 133, 147, 188 love agape 253, 254, 255, 494 Christian concept of 213 discipline and 253 faith and 3 God and 255 Jesus and 78 Jesus’s commandment of love and obedience 8, 180, 254, 257 love-justice ethic 414 of neighbours 182 phenomenology and 358 Romanticism and 254 ‘The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock’ 64, 351 Lovejoy, A. O. 161–2 Lowndes, William 201

661

Loyola, Ignatius 49 Lu Gusun 272 Lu, state of 17, 24, 27, 29, 30, 31, 41 Lu Xing 334 Lu Xun 68, 198, 314, 324–7 Lu Yu 185 Lu Zhiwei 212 Lubow, Arthur 65 Luke-Acts 76 Luke, Gospel of 74, 76–7, 492, 495 Lunyu. See Analects Luo Zhongfan 291 Luther, Martin 76, 118, 452 Lutz, Jessie 253 luxury goods 164 Ly Tang, an Imperial Poem, in Chinese 206 Lyell, Charles 274 Lyrical Ballads 206 Ma Min 13 Ma Yoyo 24 Mably, Gabriel Bonnot de 153 Macartney, George 184, 200, 207, 242, 245, 264, 267 Macaulay, Thomas Babington 188, 215 Macgregor, Neil 63 MacIntyre, Alisdair 357 Mack, Maynard 164 Mackintosh, H. R. 71, 84 Mackintosh, James 170 Macquarrie, John 467–8 Macrae, David 283 Madame Bovary 348 Madison, James 170 Madness and Civilization 474 Madonna and Child 66–8, 84 Magalhaes, Gabriel de 103 Mailla, Joseph de Moyriac de 389, 390 Maimon, Salomon 194 Maimonides, Moses 142 Les mains sales (The Dirty Hands) 432 Makeham, John 39 Malebranche, Nicholas 143, 146, 162, 222, 364 Le Malentendu (Cross Purpose) 438 Malraux, André 429, 432, 436, 445 The Man in the Moone 106, 110 Mandate of Heaven (tian ming) 29–30, 33, 122, 123 Mandeville, John 184 Mandylion of Edessa 63 Manet, Édouard 348 Manifesto of the Communist Party 282

662

Mansfield Park 267 Mao Zedong 309, 310, 326, 412, 433 Maoist atheism 448 Maoist era 43 Maoist ideology 309, 310 Marcel, Gabriel 359, 415, 423–4 Marco Polo 94, 104 Marcuse, Herbert 481 Margins of Philosophy 476 Marie Antoinette of France 189 Mark, Gospel of 74, 76, 80–2, 495 Marsden, William 200, 201 Marshall, I. H. 77 Marshman, Joshua 139, 203 Martha 182 Martin Chuzzlewit 282 Martin, W. A. P. 13 Martini, Martino 102, 156, 160, 188 Marx, Karl 53, 195–6, 282, 306, 309, 310, 322–3, 448 Marxism 310, 435, 451 Marxist atheism 307 Mary II of England 107 Mary Magdalene 81, 182 Mascall, Eric 51, 57 Materia Medica 185 materialism 8, 107, 120, 142, 163, 203, 210, 309, 320, 415, 424, 447, 448, 459, 461 Matisse, Henri 372 Matthäus-Passion 52–3, 64 Matthew, Gospel of 74, 76, 78–80, 123–4, 492, 495 Matyushin, Mikhail 349 Maughan, W. Somerset 373 Maupertuis, Pierre Louis Moreau de 153 Mauriac, François 445 Mauss, Marcel 367 Mauve, Anton 349 May 4th Movement 198, 212, 284, 285, 324, 332, 347, 384 Mazarin, Cardinal 188 McEvoy, Paul 381 McLeod, John 201 McLuhan, Marshall 350 McNeile, A. H. 78 meaning(s) of ancient texts 6, 14 the Gospels and 495 language and 476 music and 319 power and 302 textual 330, 346

INDEX

words and 469 Measure for Measure 273 Medhurst, Walter 13 Meditationes de Prima Philosophia 141 Meditationes Sinicae 140 Meiners, Christoph 234 Meissen factory 133 Die Meistersingers 294 A Memoir of Gaudier-Brzeska 388 La mémoire, l’histoire, l’oubli (Memory, History, Forgetting) 361 Memoirs: comprising the Navigation to and from China 201 memorial rituals 406 memorial sacrifices 405, 484, 485, 487, 489 memory art and 374 Bohr and 379, 380 Christian understandings of 397 Christianity, Confucianism and 395 Confucius and 404, 405, 406–7 as a cultural archetype 398 cultural memory of China 364 culture, hermeneutics and 253–4 discipline and 404 Edith Stein and 357 God and 407–8 human identity and 396 Israelite ritual, cultic tradition and 398 Modernism and 365, 397, 399, 402 New Testament and 401 Old Testament and 398–400 personality and 346 positive and negative connotations of 349, 350 Pound and 394–5 power of 405 À la Recherche du Temps Perdu (In Search of Lost Time) and 374 Ricoeur and 361 ritual and 399–400 ritual, tradition and 403 T. S. Eliot and 350–3 Way of Heaven and 404, 407 Memory and Tradition in Israel 398 ‘Memory of the Garden at Etten’ (Ladies of Arles) 349, 350 Mencius 38, 121, 123, 178, 255, 289, 292 Mencius (Meng Zi) 18, 31, 39, 42, 174, 176, 404 Mendelssohn, Moses 238 Mendoza, Juan Gonzáles de 94, 104, 156 Meng family 30 Mentzel, Christian 139, 140

INDEX

The Merchant of Venice 113 Mercurius Politicus 186 ‘Mercury: or, The Secret and Swift Messenger’ 111 merit, awarding of privileges and 174 Merleau-Ponty, Maurice 359–60, 434 Mersenne, Marin 115 Messiah 48, 86, 130 metaphysical idealism 120 metaphysical rebellion 444 metaphysical teleology 174, 179 metaphysics, Aristotelian 174 metaphysics of presence 476 Die Metaphysik der Sitten (Metaphysics of Morality) 192 method of Goodness 335 Methodism 118 Metzger, Bruce 55, 227 Micah 399 Michel, Otto 341–2 Michelangelo 68–9, 76, 136 middle classes, new 213 Middlemarch 276–7, 279, 336, 411 Mill, John Stuart 52, 215, 265, 267, 268 The Mill on the Floss 264, 277, 278 Miller, Samuel 198 Milne, William 13, 118, 204, 243 Milton, John 107, 155–60, 165 Milton lithographs 157 mimesis, theory of 208 min (agility, adroitness) 247 Min Duo (The People’s Tocsin) 327 Min zhong xin yuefu (New Music Bureau Poems from Min County) 293 ming (fate, destiny) 123 Ming dynasty (1368–1644) 19, 43, 51, 95, 97, 99, 131, 132, 185 Míngjiao Zhongren 205 Mirabeau, Honoré 226 Miracle de la rose (The Miracle of the Rose) 434 miracles 50, 80, 180, 494 Miscellaneous Pieces Relating to the Chinese 205 missionaries (see also Jesuit mission) anti-missionary violence 347 Catholic, expelled from Peking 170 in China 12, 13, 252 China mission 254 as intermediaries of culture 11, 204 Nestorian 93 Protestant mission to China 118, 253 Missions étrangères 138 mn¯e /mn¯e ne (memory, remembrance) 397, 398 mo (demons) 98

663

Mo Ti (or Mozi; see also Mozi) 18, 42 44 mobility, socio-geographic 10–11 Modern Painters, Volume III 281 Modernism art and 67, 349–50, 367 Christianity and 395 early 20th-century 403 memory and 397, 399 memory, rite, tradition and 365, 402 and the modern world 346–53 Modernist poetry 387 Proto-Modernism 347–8 scientific face of 378–9 tradition and 361, 376 T. S. Eliot and 25 Modestini, Dianne Dwyer 21 Mohism 42, 43–4 Moltmann, Jürgen 60, 450, 452–3 Mona Lisa 17, 65, 76, 183 monasteries 93 Moncrieff, Scott 373 Monet, Oscar-Claude 3, 4, 5 Monologen (Soliloquies) 239, 241 Montecorvino, John 93 Montesquieu 153, 222, 226 Monteux, Pierre 365 Moody, A. David 383 Moore, G. E. 215 Moore, Henry 67, 70 Moral Epistles 165 Moral Essays 168 morality in the Analects 243–52 Christian 256 Confucian 38, 203, 220, 248, 334, 338 Georgian 213 in the Gospels 125, 252–9 history, art, texts and 45 human autonomy and 496 Jesus and 257–8 Judeo-Christian 416 li and 178, 248 modern 205, 206 moral formation 240 moral identity 481 moral inequality 222 moral influence 33 moral metaphysics 195 moral obligations 336 moral potency of tian 122 moral sense theory 165 moral truth 283

664

Paine and 220 the philosophic mind and 211 postmillennial 256 ren and 247 restricting the influence of popular plays and 403 Rousseau and 224 The Morals of Confucius: A Chinese Philosopher 101 More, Henry 105, 107 Moreau de Saint-Méry, Médéric L. E. 201 Moréri, Louis 152 Morgenröte – Gedanken über die moralischen Vorurteile (Daybreak – Thoughts on the Prejudices of Morality) 320 Morisot, Berthe 4 Morisset, Philibert 188 Morris, Leon 74 Morris, Robert 199 Morrison, Robert 13, 118, 139, 200, 202–4, 206, 213, 243, 253, 267 La mort dans l’âme (Iron in the Soul) 431 La Mort heureuse (A Happy Death) 436 mortality, socialization of 483 Morton, Lawrence 367 Mosheim, J. L. 139 ‘Mother and Child’ (1927 and 1934) sculptures 66, 67, 68 Les Mots (The Words) 433 Mou Zongsan 195, 196 Moule, George Evans 290 Mounier, Emmanuel 457 mourning rituals 485, 489 Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus 447 Mozi (and Mozi) 18, 42, 44 Müller, Andreas 139 Müller, Max 268, 269, 292, 330 Munch, Edvard 65, 66 Mungello, David 13 Munich Agreement 431 Munro, Donald 174, 175–6 Munroe, James 219 Murder in the Cathedral 411, 413 Murr, Christoph 139 Murray, Hugh 270 Museum Sinicum 140 music Confucius and 177 George Eliot and 277–8, 280 harmony and 110 hermeneutic power of 295 meaning and 319 musical autonomy 370

INDEX

musicology 10 religion and 371 Shao 44 truth and power in 298 Musica universalis 114 Mussner, Franz 455 Mussolini, Benito 324 mutilation 487 ‘My Heart Leaps Up’ 211 My Own Life 169 Myong sim bo-gam or Mingxin baojian (see also Espejo Rico del Claro Coraz) 101 Le Mystère de l’Être (The Mystery of Being) 423 Mystici Corporis Christi (The mystical body of Christ) 57 myth, Pound and 391 Le Mythe de Sisyphe (The Myth of Sisyphus) 437, 438–9, 440 Myths of Odyssey in Art and Literature 390 ‘The Nabob of Arcot’s Debts’ 217 Nadar 4 Nadel, I. B. 394 Nagano Hozan 29 Nanking, slaughter of 25 Nanrende yiban shi nuren (Half of man is woman) 196 Napoleon III of France 373 Narrative of a Journey in the interior of China, and of a Voyage to and from that country, in the years 1816 and 1817 201 Narrative of a Voyage in H.M’s late ship Alceste to the Yellow Sea 201 narrative(s) existential power of 314 globalization 9 narrative ethics 282 narrative identity 471 Nathaniel 340 The Nation 475 La Nation Française 457 National Gallery, London 63 nationalism, German 231, 316 nationalist exceptionalism 22 nationhood 220 natural history, of religion 115 natural law 96, 220 natural religion 116, 137, 146, 194 natural selection 135 natural theology 147 naturalism 69, 142, 169, 174, 218 nature

INDEX

God and 180 language of 215 natural world 8–9 Romanticism and 161, 162, 207–8, 211 state of 222, 226 sublimity of 162 Naturwissenschaft 356 Nausea, No Exit 428 La Nausée (The Diary of Antoine Roquentin; Nausea) 428–9, 430 Nazareth 50 Nazism 322, 355, 357, 411–12 (see also Holocaust) Nehemiah 399 Nelson, Eric 147 Neo-Confucianism 19, 97, 163, 195, 251, 472 Neo-Hegelianism 427 Neo-Platonism 391 Nero, Emperor 59 Nestorianism 10, 72, 93 Nestorius 71, 84 ‘Die Neue Testament und Mythologie’ (‘The New Testament and Mythology’) 462 Neville, Robert 10 New Atlantis 106 ‘New Catholic’ movement, Germany 307 New Conservatism 216 New Culture Movement 19, 287, 288 New or Boston Confucianism 19 The New Review 388 New Science 233–4 New Testament anamnesis in the 400, 401 Book of Revelation 83 Corinthians 83, 341, 496 ‘creedal fragments’ 83 death and 493 Ephesians 83, 116, 493 Gospels. See Gospels ‘Hymn to Christ’ 83 images of Jesus and 61, 62, 71 memory and 401 resurrection of Jesus and 494 social scholarship and 493 Strauss and 303 teleological ethics of 125 translated into Chinese 243 trust and 341, 343 use of agape 254 use of physical imagery 180 the Word and 462 ‘The New Testament and Mythology’ 463

665

New York, Armory Show of Modernist art 346–7 ‘Newgale: The Exercise Yard’ (engraving) 1 Newsome, David 296 Newton, Isaac 104–5, 106–7, 123 Nicene Creed (325 CE) 85 Nicholas Nickleby 282 Nichols, Aidan 62 Nicomachean Ethics 193 Niebuhr, Barthold Georg 234 Niebuhr, H. Richard 298–9 Niels Bohr: Reflections on Subject and Object 381 Nietzsche contra Wagner: Documents of a Psychologist 317 Nietzsche, Friedrich Bach and 24, 85 Christ and 85 death and 432 existentialism and 416–17 Feuerbach and 308 God and 306, 341 inversion of ‘good’ and ‘bad’ 330 Jesus and 53 Kant and 190 Marx, truth and lies and 315–27 as a master of suspicion 310 nihilist philosophy of 321 protest atheism and 448–9 Schopenhauer and 305 truth and 317, 318–21, 332 Will to Power 347 Nietzsche’s Meta-Existentialism 416 Nieuhof, Johann 108, 188 ‘Night Litany’ 392 Night (or La Nuit) 443, 445, 446 nihilism 238, 321, 416 Nijinsky, Vaslav 365 ning (glibness) 334 Ninth Symphony in D minor 197, 372 Nishiki-e prints 386 Les Noces (ballet) 372 ‘Noces’ (Nuptials) 437 Noël, François 139, 148 Noh drama 386 Norton Lectures 369 nostalgia 23, 24, 26 Notebooks and Aids to Reflection 209 Notes from Underground 418 Notitis Linguae Sinicae 140 Nouveaux Mémoires sur l’état présent de la Chine 138–9, 144, 153 Nouvelle Bibliothèque Germanique 152 Nouvelle Relation de la Chine 103

666

Nouvelles de la République des Lettres 152 novels 276, 284 (see also specific authors) Novissima Sinica 143, 145 Novo, M. M. M. A. 294 Novum Organum Scientiarum 106 Novus Atlas Sinensis 102 Numbers 400–1 ‘Nuptials at Tipasa’ 437 Nussbaum, Felicity 210 Nylan, M. 18, 332 ‘Oath against Modernism’ 395 obedience, faith and 256 objectivity, subjectivity and 7 Observations mathématiques, astronomiques, chronologiques et physiques . . . Tirées des anciens livres chinois 152 Occidentalism 3, 150, 184 ‘Ode to a Grecian Urn’ 265 Oedipus Rex 372 The Old Curiosity Shop 285, 288 Old Peng 23, 402 Old Regime (Ancien Régime) 155 Old Testament concept of remembering in 397 Confucianism and the 102 date of 111–12 Ezekiel 399 Genesis 112, 158, 209 human identity and 180 Isaiah’s prophecy 17, 18, 83 memory and 398–400 Psalms 130, 179, 399 responsibility to honour life 492 the state of the departed and 494 translated into Chinese 243 trust and trustworthiness and 342, 343 Oldenbury, Henry 156 ‘On American Taxation’ 217–18 On Heroes, Hero-worship and the Heroic in History 171 ‘On Heroic Virtue’ 108 On Liberty 265, 268 On the Change of Taste 233 On the Civil Cult of Confucius 147 On the Doctrine of Spinoza, in Letters to Mr. Moses Mendelssohn 238 On the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men 221 On the Origin of Species 134, 264, 274 On the Sublime 160–1 ‘On Truth and Lies’ 319

INDEX

one child policy 68, 414 One World China and 498 creation of 331 East-West cross-cultural relations and 497 evolution of 345 literature xiv perspective 411 philosophy 146 sickness, death, afterlife and 412 story of Confucianism and Christianity 47 textualism; contextualism; comparativism; deconstruction and 328 view of texts 89, 261 ontology, post-anthropocentric 479 opera 294, 296, 301, 308, 349 opium 164, 195, 207–8, 259, 264, 270, 274, 275–6, 282, 323 Opium Wars 199, 263–4, 265, 267, 270, 272, 288, 290, 292, 293 oppression, colonial 190 Optiks 106 Opus Postumum 193 Orage, A. R. 388 orality 285, 286 ‘Oratio de Sinarum Philosophia Practica’ (On the Practical Philosophy of the Chinese) 148 The Order of Things 474 Orient, mystique of the 3, 11 Orientalism Enlightenment 199 Hume and his peers and 171 modern hermeneutics and 184 Proust and 376–7 The Rite of Spring and 371, 372 Romanticism and 207 Said and 231 Schopenhauer and 304, 305–6 Sinological 294 Wordsworth and 210 ‘The Origins and Function of Music’ 277–8 L’Orphelin de la Chine (The Chinese Orphan) 150 Orr, Marilyn 313 Orry, Louis-François 133 Ortega y Gasset, José 421 orthodoxy 71 Os Lusíadas (The Lusiads) 156 otherness of China 145, 200, 210, 252 cultural 10, 214, 231 of Jesus 54–5 modern hermeneutics and 184

INDEX

Otto, Rudolf 295, 465 Ou Shizi 203 Oxenford, John 297–8 Oxford Reader’s Companion to Dickens 282 Paideuma 387 Paine, Thomas 170, 219–21 Paley, William 117, 208 Palmquist, S. R. 192 Pannenberg, Wolfhart 450, 453, 454 Pannikar, Raimon 269 Pantoja, Diego de 99 paradigm shifts 311 Paradise Lost 107–8, 155, 156–60, 179 Paris Commune 373 Parker, Peter 13 Parsifal 294, 299 Pascal, Blaise 143 Passion, of Jesus 62 Passions 64 paternalism, of China 268 Patin, Gui 188 patriarchalism, of Confucianism 277 patriotism 172 Pattison, Mark 165–6 Paul, Saint 59, 83, 342, 408, 494, 496 Paul VI, Pope 395 Paulus, H. E. G. 209 Pauthier, Guillaume 393 Pedersen, Johannes 398 Pei Xiu 99 Peirce, Charles Sanders 215 Peirce, C. S. 330 Pelikan, Jaroslav 52 People’s Republic of China 460 Pepys, Samuel 186 perception, belief and 59 Percy, Thomas 205 Pereira, Galeote 94–5, 96, 122 Perkins, Franklin 174 persecution of Christians 496 of monks in China 93 Personae 385 personality 266, 346, 484 perspective 7 La Peste (The Plague) 440–1 Pétau, Denis 222 Peter 341 Petrushka 365 Pfister, Lauren 290, 292, 293 Phaedo or On the Immortality of Souls 238

667

Phänomenologie des Geistes (Phenomenology of the Spirit) 234, 235, 312 ‘Phänomenologie und Anthropologie’ 357 Pharisaic Judaizing 71 ‘Phenomenological Method and Phenomenological Philosophy’ 378 Phénoménologie de la perception (Phenomenology of Perception) 359 Phenomenology in China 365 Derrida and 362, 363 empowering truth claims/value judgements 465 Husserl and 330, 355, 356, 363, 364 love and 358 Modernist 357–8 Phenomenological Movement 355 Stravinsky and 367 Phenomenology of the Spirit 234, 235, 312 philanthropy 213, 253, 283 Philip II of Spain 102 Philip III of Spain 101 Philip of Austria 133 Philippians 83 ‘The Philosopher and His Shadow’ 359 De Philosophia ex Oraculis Haurienda (Philosophy from Oracles) 53 Philosophiae Naturalis Principia Mathematica 104 A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful 218–19 Philosophical Investigations 469 Philosophical Magazine 378 ‘Philosophie im tragischen Zeitalter der Griechen’ (Philosophy in the Tragic Age of the Greeks) 319 Les Philosophies de l’existence (Philosophy of Existence) 423 philosophy Chinese 363, 364 comparative 402 empiricism and 235 Enlightenment 165 of history 230, 233–4 the human subject and 162 inter-cultural 9–10 the invigoration of Western 104 Kantian 191, 192, 195 linguistic 232, 329 of mind 231 old Chinese 381 One World 146 true and objective 309 truth and 339

668

‘Philosophy in the Tragic Age of the Greeks’ 319 Philosophy (Jaspers) 424 Philosophy of Melancholy 314 phronesis (practical wisdom) 148, 175, 331 Pickwick Papers 282 picture restoration 20–2 Pietà (sculpture) 68–70, 76, 136 Piñuela, Pedro de la 140 Pisan Cantos 389, 394, 395 (see also Cantos) Pissarro, Camille 4 pistis (faith) 341 pistos (faithful, reliable) 341 Pius X, Pope 395 Pius XII, Pope 57 Planck, Max 378 Plastik: Einige Wahrnehmungen über Form und Gestalt aus Pygmalions bildendem Traume (Sculpture: Some Observations on Shape and Form from Pygmalion’s Creative Dream) 231 Plato 21, 113, 237, 239, 319, 379 ‘The Pleasures of the Imagination’ 161 Plutarch 197 ‘Poem to Coleridge’ 210 Poemata 188 Poems from the Propertius Series 385 ‘Poetics of Music in the Form of Six Lessons’ 369 poetry 177, 231, 387 Pol Pot 412 Political Discourse 170 politics canonical authority and 403 Chinese 153 Eurocentric big bang theory of 11 Jesus and 85 of Western Christianity 63 Pollard, David 137 Pomeranz, Kenneth 200 Pomet, Pierre 188 Pontius Pilate 49 Poor Richard’s Almanack 169 Pope, Alexander 117, 157, 162, 164–9 Pope Controversy 166 Popularphilosophie 229 porcelain Chinese 161 as a cultural archetype 135, 172–3 falling out of favour 199 French 154 the problem of perfection 130–5 tea and 186 Willow Pattern 162

INDEX

Porphyry 53 Porter, David 199 The Post Card: From Socrates to Freud and Beyond 476 post-colonial studies 11 post-colonialism 22, 235, 272, 294, 432 Post-Impressionism 3, 5 Postmodernism 324, 347, 354 Poststructuralism 313, 473, 475 (see also Structuralism) pottery 132, 133–4 (see also porcelain) Pound, Ezra 25, 349, 353, 377, 383–95 poverty, Britain 200 power of ancient traditions 6 of art 198 of cultural exchange 327 of a face 64 of images 1 meaning and 302 of memory 405 of social commentary and silent speech 64 of story 314, 332, 418 tea and 189 truth and 302, 321, 334 of virtue 335 practical reason 192 A Practical View of the Prevailing Religious System of Professed Christians in the Higher and Middle Classes in this Country, Contrasted with Real Christianity 213 Praeadamitae 112 pre-Raphaelites 348 Die Predigt Jesu vom Reiche Gottes 80 preferences 176, 177 prejudice 5, 21, 60, 216, 302, 434, 476 ‘The Prelude’ 210–11 Prémare, Joseph 95, 140 Preyel, Adam 112 Price, Richard 170, 216 primary sources 6, 89, 119, 343, 444, 463 Primitive Christianity Revived 163 The Primitive Origination of Mankind 112 primitivism, Homeric 390 primitivity 368 De Principi Scienza Nuova 148 Principia Philosophiæ 141 Principles of Human Knowledge 162 Principles of Political Economy 268 ‘Prison Wall’ fiction 196 ‘Prisoners Exercising’ (painting) 1 ‘The Problem of Genesis in Husserl’s Philosophy’ 362

INDEX

The Proclamation Society 213 Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion 390 property 222 The Prospective Review 303 protectionism 347 protest atheism 443–56 protest theism 456 Protestantism dissenting Protestants 107 France 114 Liberal 328–9 north European 311 Protestant churches 57–8 Protestant mission to China 118, 253 (see also Jesuit mission) Protestant Puritanism, in Britain 107 Protestant Reformation 174 Protestant work ethic 179 Proto-Existentialism 415 Proto-Modernism 347–8 Proust, Marcel 349, 373–7, 398 Der Prozess (The Trial) 440 Psalmist, the 492 Psalms 130, 179, 399 psychiatry, inter-disciplinary approach to 426 psychology, observational 174 Publius Sulpicius Quirinius 73 Puett, M. J. 121 Purchas his Pilgrimage 184, 267 Purchas, Samuel 97 purism, musical and poetic 370 Puritans 107 Put (The Way) 457 qi (life force, energy) 122, 146, 175 qi qing (seven emotions) 176 Qian-Jia School (Qian jia) 328 qian xun (humility) 26, 27, 176 Qian Zhaoming 387, 390 Qian Zhongshu 103, 286 Qianlong, Emperor 183, 242, 245, 263 Qiguan 41 Qin dynasty (221-206 BCE) 35, 168 qing (emotion/s) 174, 176, 177 Qing dynasty (1644-1912) 132, 143, 183, 184, 190, 198, 200, 227, 242, 245, 264, 347 Qu Yuan 387 Quaestiones celeberrimae in Genesim 115 Quakers 117, 134 quantum mechanics 377–83 quantum theory 378, 380, 382 The Querist 163

669

Quesnay, François 153 ‘Qu’est-ce que la littérature?’ (‘What is Literature?’) 432 Quest of the Historical Jesus 303 The Quest of the Historical Jesus (Vom Reimarus zu Wrede) 55, 85 Questions de méthode (Search for a method) 434 Qufu (Zou Yi) 17, 490 Rabbula Gospels 62 racial classification 138 Racine, Jean 188 racism, tea and 189 Rada, Martín de 94, 104 Rainey, Lee Dian 335 Raleigh, Walter 108, 113 Ramsey, Allan 189 Ran Qiu (or Ziyou) 28, 43 rang (deference, refusal to yield) 247 The Rape of the Lock 168–9 Rappard, Anthon van 349 rational man 320 Rationalism 102, 135, 136, 156, 209, 348 rationality, European 364 Rawls, John 481 Raynal, Guillaume 152, 153 ‘read/reading backwards carefully’ an analogy for 20 cross-cultural reading and 5, 184, 208, 302, 497 cultural archetypes and 6, 10, 22, 23, 26, 261 to discover Jesus’s life and work 70 Feuerbach and 308 to find ourselves in the Analects/Gospels 238 to find the man, Jesus 47, 48, 50, 58, 64 humanity and society in the Analects and Gospels 172, 182 inter-cultural exchange and 345 interpretation of character/purpose/morality in the Analects and Gospels and 234 the ‘love ethic’ of Jesus and 254 Paradise Lost 160 re-examining the Analects and Gospels by 14 to recover Confucius, the man 19 Sartre, Camus and 443 Shakespeare and 271 to study what the Analects/Gospels say of heaven and earth 90, 119 to truth/truthfulness in the Analects/Gospels 278, 315, 318, 328, 331 reading of ancient texts 6 cross-culturally 270

670

realism critical 329 Eliot’s humanist narrative 299 truth and 348 reality deconstructed view of 479 George Eliot and 281 Israelite perception of 398 metaphysical vision of the unity of 120 subjectivity and 162 truth and 340–1 reason crisis of 421 faith and 117 practical 192 science and 105 Scriptural Reasoning 269 truth and 115–16 rebellion, metaphysical 444 À la Recherche du Temps Perdu (In Search of Lost Time) 349, 373–7 ‘Record of Rites’. See Book of Rites (Liji) Record of Ritual 39, 486 The Record of the Classification of Old Painters (Guhua Pinlu) 65 Records of the Grand Historian (Taishigong shu) or Shiji 29, 35, 36–7, 42, 44, 288, 488–9 redemption, ethics of 460 Reden und Gleichnisse des Tschung-Tse (Talks and Parables of Chuang-Tzu) 422 ‘The Redress of Poetry’ 345 ‘Reflections After the Curtain Fall’ 272 Reflections on the French Revolution 216 Réflexions sur la question juive (Reflections on the Jewish question) 432 Reform Era China 7, 216, 301, 327, 414 Reichwein, Adolf 101 Reid, Charles 365 Reid, Thomas 214–15, 292 Reinarch, Adolf 358 Reinhold, Karl 194 Reiss, H. 191 relationships death and 487 East-West relations 10, 11, 497 obligation of relationship 485 relativism 231–2, 240, 279, 315, 330, 426, 439, 466, 493 relativity, theories of 381 ‘Religion’ 218 religion Christianity. See Christianity

INDEX

Christianity, Confucianism and 6 civilizing effects of 218 Coleridge and 210 comparative 115, 307, 330 compassion and 307 Confucius and 33–4 democratized view of 488 Early Chinese 33, 34 ethics and 240 feeling and 307 institutional 306 Jesus and 85 Methodism 118 music and 371 natural history of 115 natural religion 116, 137, 146, 194 Nestorianism 10, 72 as psychologized superstition 310 Quakers 117, 134 religious discourse 488 Religious Studies 466 Roman Catholicism 447 Schleiermacher and 240 shared Axial religion 426 sociology of 330 suffering and 444, 446, 448 truth and 305, 306 as a universal empirical reality 116 of the Vedas 305 Victorian 253 world religions 330 ‘Religion of No Efficacy Considered as a State Engine’ 218 De Religione Gentilium 115 Reliques of Ancient English Poetry 205 Remarques Philologiques sur les Voyages en Chine de M. de Guignes 201 Rembrandt van Rijn 49 ren (humanity, benevolence) in the Analects 103, 192, 246–7, 254, 332 Confucius’s moral teaching and 245 Daoism and 98 death and 485 filial affection for parents as 178 junzi and 250 li and 175, 192 Mandate of Heaven and 122 morality and 247 qi and 175 trustworthiness and truthfulness and 337–8 virtues and 137, 247 Renaissance humanism 136, 174

INDEX

Renan, Ernest 307 Renoir, Pierre-Auguste 5 Rensheng Zhexue (Philosophies of Human Life) 327 Republican era (1912–49) 43 republican secularism 152 respect for elders 178 humility and 26 responsibility ethical 473 personal 240 socio-moral 214 responsible individualism 219 Resurrection, the 68, 81, 494 Review of the First Fifteen Years of the Mission 244 Révolté dans les Asturies (Revolt in Asturias) 437 Revolution and Romanticism in China 196–8 Rousseau and 225 Revolution Society 216 Revolutionaries, China and the West in an age of 213–14 Revolutionary spirit, in the West 184 ‘Rhapsody on a Windy Night’ 352 Rhetoric in Ancient China 334 Rhodes, Alexander de 188 Ricci, Matteo Chinese philosophical texts by 136 Confucianism and 364 Confucius and 34 cross-cultural mission of 94–101 decision to use tian 93, 96, 119, 120, 121, 122, 125 East-West cultural exchange and 90–2 images of Mary and Jesus brought to China by 66 Jesuit mission and 12 missionary principle of 51 scholastic strategy of 13 Richard III 273 Richard, Timothy 13 Ricoeur, Paul 310, 360–1, 471–2 Ride, Lindsay 293 right-living, practice of 28 rights of animals 478 Doctrine of Rights 192 duty and 192 Human Rights 219, 220, 414, 445 Rights of Men 216

671

Rights of Man 219 Rilke, Raina Maria 420 Rimbaud, Arthur 385 Rimsky-Korsakov, Nicolai 372 Ring Cycle 294, 296, 298, 301 Riposte 385 Riqueti, Honoré Gabriel 153 ‘The Rise and Progress of Arts and Sciences’ 170 The Rite of Spring 349, 365–72 Rites Controversy 95–6, 139, 144, 153 Rites of Zhou (Zhouli) 245, 331–2 Ritter, Gerhard 355 ritual as an agent of tradition 405 ancestral rituals 487 Christian 391 Confucius and 406 domestic 488 li and 245 memorial rituals 406 memory and 399–400, 403 mourning rituals 485, 486 as a musical form 370 Pound and 391 ritual propriety 38, 336, 483, 484 Robespierre, Maximilien 226 Robinson Crusoe 287 Robinson, John A. T. 49 rococo 102 Rodway, Stella 445 Roerich, Nicholai 365, 367 Roetz, H. 116, 141 Roman Catholic China mission 12 (see also Jesuit mission) Roman Catholicism 447 Roman Empire 49, 73 Romanticism 19th-century literature and 258–9 atheistic 170 Coleridgean 207, 208 English Romantics 205 existentialism in 244 literature and 258–9 love and 254 nature and 161, 162, 207–8, 211 the Orient and 184 Orientalism and 207 and revolution in China 196–8 the Romantic Movement 206 Rousseau and 223 Schleiermacher and 238, 240 Wagner and 8, 294

672

Der Römerbrief (The Epistle to the Romans) 85 Ronge, Johannes 307 Rosemont, H. Jr. 252 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques 154, 165, 221–8, 234 Royal Society 106, 109, 130 ru (soft, refined, scholarly teaching) 19, 123, 245 ru culture 30, 31, 33, 43, 44, 487 Rubens, Peter Paul 49, 50–1 Rudge, Olga 387, 388, 392 Rudolph of Austria (1788–1831) 197, 243 Ruggieri, Michele 96, 101, 136 Ruhemann, Helmut 21, 22 Ruism 120 rujia (ru school of thought) 19 rujiao (ru doctrine/tradition) 19 Rule, Paul 136 Rush, Benjamin 220 Ruskin, John 281, 347 Russell, Bertrand 53, 141, 433 Russell Tribunal on US war crimes 433 Russia (see also Soviet Union) existentialism 423 Scythian movement 367 Rustichello da Pisa 94, 104 Rutherford, Ernest 377, 378 ruxue (ru learning/teaching; mod. Confucianism) 19 Le Sacre du Printemps (The Rite of Spring) 349, 365–72 Sacred Books of the East 292 sacrifices, memorial 405, 484, 485, 487, 489 sage kings 24 Saint-Cloud factory, Rouen 133 Saint-Denys, Hervey de 328, 377, 386 Saint Genet: comédien et martyr 428, 431, 433–4 Saint Manuel the Good, Martyr 422 Saint-Paul-de-Mausole asylum, Saint Rémy 1, 2 Saint Rémy, France 1, 2 Saint-Simon, Henri de 143, 234 Sainte-Beuve, Charles Augustin 225 Salazar, Domingo de 101–2 Sallust 163 Samson 398 San-yu-low (The Three Dedicated Rooms) 206 Sanzijing (Three Character Classic) 203 Sapientia Sinica 136 Sartre, Jean-Paul 196, 359, 415, 419, 426–35, 439–40, 442 Saussure, Ferdinand de 328, 330, 362, 476 Sayers, Dorothy L. 179–80 Scenes of Clerical Life 264, 276, 280

INDEX

Schaal von Bell, Johann Adam 13 Scheemaker, Peter 133 Scheherazade 372 Scheler, Max 358, 457, 464 Schelling, Friedrich 194, 208, 233 Schiller, G. 197, 240, 382 Schlegel, Friedrich 234, 239, 240 Schlegel, Wilhelm 194 Schleiermacher, Friedrich anti-dogmatic theology of 257 Coleridge and 209 Feuerbach and 307 hermeneutics of 237, 238, 239, 240, 241, 280, 315, 463 intellect and pastoring of 237–41 Kant and 194, 239, 240 Liberal Protestantism of 329 lived experience as the basis of gongli and 288 Schneewind, J. D. 120 Schoenberg, Arnold 348 School of Confucius 39 school of suspicion 310 Schopenhauer, Arthur 194, 215, 297–8, 304–6, 348, 382 Schouten, William 137 Schrödinger, Erwin 380, 381 Schulze, Gottlob 194 Schumann, Robert 25–6 Schweitzer, Albert 53, 54–5, 56, 85, 303 science 17th and early 18th centuries 124 faith and 105 of hermeneutics 272 human sciences 315, 331 influence of Confucianism on 117 of interpretation 496 scientific evolutionism 316 Scientific Revolution 90, 91, 99, 107 social sciences 330–1, 367 Wissenschaft der Logik (The Science of Logic) 312 La Science des Chinois 144 The Science of Logic 312 Scott, R. 397, 398 Scott, Walter 278, 288 Scottish Enlightenment 214 Scottish Revival 118 Scottish School of Common Sense 214 The Scream 65, 66 Scriblerian club 168 Scriptural Reasoning 269 Scruton, Roger 434

INDEX

Scythian movement 367 Second Discourse, On the Moral Effects of the Arts and Sciences 222, 223 ‘Second Thesis’ 309 secularism 143, 151, 152, 277 Séguier, Pierre 188 Sein und Zeit (Being and Time) 357, 415, 419, 429 Selden, John 115 self-actualization, truth as 324 self-alienation 309 self-awareness 120, 191 self-care 474 self-control 177 self-cultivation 27, 32, 191, 251, 487 self-determination 346 self-differentiation 210 self-discovery 470 self-knowledge 473 self-mastery 182, 246, 249 self-realization 327 self-reflection 196 self-sacrifice and service 254 self-understanding 129, 230, 372 semantics 238, 329, 371 The Semantics of Biblical Language 398 Semedo, Álvaro 92, 102, 112–3, 138 Semler, Johann 237 Sense and Sensibility 267 Serious Call to a Devout and Holy Life 258 Sermon on the Mount/Plain 50, 125, 256 Settle, Elkanah 99, 160 Sévigné, Madame de 189, 193 Sèvres pottery 130, 154 sexism, of Nietzsche 316 Shaftesbury, 3rd Earl of. See Ashley-Cooper, Anthony Shakespeare: The Invention of the Human 266 Shakespeare, William 113, 266, 270–3, 314, 345, 395 shan (heavenly spirit), kwei (earthly soul) and 486 Shandong Province 17 Shang dynasty (c.1600–1046 BCE) 122–3, 487, 489 Shang-ti (see also Shangdi) 96 Shangdi (Lord on high) 93, 97, 98, 119, 120, 123, 146 Shaw, George Bernard 295, 296 She, Duke of 337 Shelley, Mary 157 Shelley, Percy Bysshe 157 shen (spiritual power) 121 Shen Fuzong/Fu-Tsung, Michael 100, 101, 106

673

Shen Hong 156 Shen Nong, Emperor 185 shengren (sage, wise man) 137 Shennong Bencaojing (The Classic of Herbal Medicine) 185 Sherr, B. J. 474 Shestov, Lev 423 shi (poetry) 177 Shi (gentry, scholar, bureaucrat) class 30, 31 Shiji (The Scribe’s Record) 29, 35, 36, 42, 44, 99, 402, 403 shu (understanding, see also xu) 248, 338 Shu family 30 Shu Qi 177 Shun, King 24, 44, 175 Si shu jizhu (Four Books with Commentary) 393 Si Zhou Zhi (Annals of Four Continents) 270 The Sickness Unto Death 416, 458 Le siècle de Louis XIV 151 ‘Siegfried Idyll’ 27 Sigurdson, Ola 63 Silas Marner 264, 275 Silk Roads 9 Sima, Gongyang and Guliang 37 Sima Qian 29, 30, 35–6, 43, 488–9 Simeon, Charles 187, 253, 258 Simmel, Georg 191–2 Simpson, P. C. 54 sin 493 Sinarum scientia politico-moralis 103, 136 sincerity 251 Sinicae historiae decas prima 102, 156 Sino- and/or Confucian-Christian studies 12 Sino-Japanese war, second 25 Sino-Western cross-cultural understanding 343 Sino-Western cultural exchange 205, 207 Sino-Western relations 90, 202, 243, 263, 264, 265, 266, 290, 346 sinography 199, 267 Sinological Orientalism 294 sinology British 109–10, 203 European 101–4, 136, 137, 139, 328 Modernist 387 sinophilia becoming unpatriotic 200 British 110 building blocks of 252 capturing the hearts and minds of academics/ missionaries 258 Confucius Sinarum Philosophus and 102 cracks in 153

674

Descartes and 141 France 154 Milton and 159 turning to sinophobia 184, 221, 242 Western 103, 129 sinophobia appearance of 143 as a cocktail of concerns 252 European 153, 179 Hegel and 236 Hume and 169 military conflict with China and 258 sinophilia turning to 184, 221, 242 ‘Six Arts’ 44, 268, 405 ‘Six Canons of Chinese painting’ (Huihua Liufa) 65, 163 Six Classics 39 (see also ‘The Four Books and Five Classics’) ‘Six Laws’ (liu fa) 66 skepticism 170 Sketches of China 267 ‘Slave Medallion’ 129, 134, 135, 173, 196 ‘slave mentality’ 321, 326 slave trade 134, 213 (see also abolitionism) slavery, American 217 Slingerland, E. 39, 336 Smith, Adam 155, 170, 171, 234 Smith, George E. 104 Smith, Huston 333 Smith, Sydney 187 social construction 272 social contract 216, 225 social criticism 64 social Darwinism 316, 320 social reform 213 social responsibility 32 social sciences 330–1, 367 social transformation 213, 250 Socialisme et Liberté 432 Socialist Realism (sculpture) 382 Société des gens de lettres 151 society in the Analects 173–9 cultural, moral and aesthetic state of 24 in the Gospels 179–82 as a ‘platoon’ 217 societal transformation 175 Society for the Reformation of Manners 213 Society of Jesus (see also Jesuits) 11, 51, 63, 94, 100, 119, 163 socio-cultural decay 25 socio-economic protest atheism 448

INDEX

socio-geographic mobility 10–11 socio-moral responsibility 214 socio-political radicalism 316 sociological knowledge 323 sociology of religion 330 Socrates 129 Soëlle, Dorothy 450 Soi-même comme un autre (Oneself as Another) 361 ‘Sokrates und der Tragödie’ 318 ‘The Solitary Reaper’ 212 Solzhenitsyn, Alexandr 334, 458 Song dynasty (960-1279) 19, 44, 131, 146, 185, 203 ‘A Song for St. Cecilia’s Day’ 89, 103, 104, 107, 113, 114, 127 Song, state of 41 ‘The Sonne’ 179 Sonnet LV 345, 346 Sophocles 372 Souciet, Étienne 152 soul, the 471, 479, 481, 492 sources Analects as 40 of Confucius 35–40 Jesus and 49 primary sources 6 source criticism 328 South China Morning Post 371 South Sea Bubble 163 Southern Qi dynasty (479–502 CE) 66 Southey, Robert 166, 198 Soviet Union, Sartre and 433 (see also Russia) A Specimen of Picturesque Poetry in Chinese 206 The Spectator 117, 157, 161, 172 speech categorization of 334 true 340, 342 Speech to the Electors at Bristol 217 Spence, Jonathan 290 Spencer, Herbert 274, 277 Spender, Stephen 368 The Sphere and Duties of Government 268 Spiegelberg, Herbert 355 Spinoza, Baruch 123, 138, 141–3, 146, 156, 238, 239, 276, 280 Spinozisme 239 Spirit-Christology 77 The Spirit of Romance 385 Spirit of the Laws 222 spirituality art and 66

INDEX

Christian 62, 83, 495 Confucius and 33–4 oriental 305 ru culture’s physicality and 487 Spitta, Philip 82 Spizelius, Theophilus 112 Spring and Autumn Annals 44, 404, 489 ‘Spring and Autumn’ period 19, 38, 42 St. Ives, Cornwall 67 St. John, Henry (Lord Bolingbroke) 117, 164, 218 Stafford Wright, J. 180 ‘The Starry Night’ 2, 197, 320 state, church and 61, 153, 311, 451 The State of Innocence and the Fall of Man 160 Staunton, George 140, 199, 200, 201, 207, 243 Steele, Richard 161, 162 Stein, Edith 357–8 Steiner, George 3 stele, the 12, 92 Stenholm, Steg 379–80 Sterne, Laurence 155 Stevens, Edwin 13 Stewart, Dugald 292 Stieler, Joseph Karl 243 Stirner, Max 316 story(ies) genre of 266 power of 314, 332, 418 Stott, John 59–60 Stowe, Harriet Beecher 277, 299 Strauss, D. F. 276, 298, 302–4, 318 Stravinsky, Igor 348, 349, 365–72 Der Streit der Fakultäten (The Contest of Faculties) 193 Stronach, John 13 Structuralism 362, 429, 473, 479 ‘La structure, le signe et le jeu dans le discours des sciences humaines’ (Structure, Sign, and Play in the Discourse of the Human Sciences) 362 Studies on Hysteria 348 Stumpf, Carl 355 Su Shi (or Su Tungpo) 66 subjective idealism 162, 163 subjectivity objectivity and 7 reality and 162 truth and 312, 473 sublimity 160–2, 219 suffering Analects and 484–6 becoming an individual and 313 Berdyaev and 459

675

of a city 440 corporate 495 Derrida and 476–7, 478 dialogue and 470 Foucault and 473–4 God and 454, 459–60, 468 in the Gospels 491, 494 Habermas and 480 human 467–8, 496 of Jesus 77–8, 80, 81, 84, 490 religion and 444, 446, 448 Ricoeur and 471 Sui dynasty (581-618 CE) 131 Suleiman 131 Summary Account of the Deists’ Religion 116 ‘Sunflowers’ (paintings) 2 Sung dynasty (960-1279) 66 Sung Yu 389 ‘Sur Confucius’ (On Confucius) 150 Surrealism 348 Le sursis (The Reprieve) 431 Swann, Charles 375, 376, 399 Swedenborg, Emanuel 1 Swift, Jonathan 109, 110, 116, 155, 165, 168 Swinburne, Algernon 54 Sygdommen til Døden (The Sickness Unto Death) 313 Symbolism 1, 348 sympathy, George Eliot and 279, 280 Synod of Elvira, Canon 36 61 Systematic Theology 464, 465 systematization, of history 233–4 Ta Hio: The Great Learning (see also Daxue) 393 Tableau économique 153 Tacitus 49 Taine, Hippolyte 226 Taizong, Emperor 92, 93 Talbot, James 25 A Tale of Two Cities 264 ‘Talks at the Yanan Forum on Literature and Art’ 310 Tam Kwok-kan 271 Tang dynasty (618-907) 11, 43, 44, 66, 92, 93, 131, 174, 185, 490 Tannhäuser 296, 297 tao (porcelaneous wares) 131 Tao Feiya 13 Tao Te Ching 34, 121, 185, 269 Taoguang/Taoguang yanghui (conceal strength: bide time) 269 Taoism 381, 382

676

Tarente, Princesse de 189 Tartars, and conquest of China 99, 108, 159, 168, 235 Taruskin, Richard 365 Tasker, R. V. G. 78 Tasman, Abel 137 ‘Taste for the High Life’ 173 taxation 222 Taylor, Jeremy 118, 175 Taylor, Vincent 70, 78, 80 tea cultural archetype of 185, 242, 253, 259 Kant and 190 as a revolutionary symbol in Boston Harbour 190, 220–1, 242 taste and tradition in China/the West 185–90 Tea Act (1773) 190 trade 186, 242–3 teach-ability 27, 28 teleios (perfection, completion) 258 Temple, cleansing of 76, 77–8 Temple of Confucius 68, 489 The Temple of Fame 168 Temple, William 108–9, 161, 168 Le Temps et Le Récit (Time and Narrative) 361, 471 Les Temps Modernes 359 Le Temps (publication) 374 Tertullian 62 Le Testament de Villon 388 Tetrachordon 158 texts (see also literature) ancient texts 6, 35 censorship of contentious 116, 427 European acquisition and edition of Chinese 109 history, art, morality and 45 meaning and 6, 14, 330, 346 One World view of 89, 261 physicality/social reality of 476 textual integrity 6 textual interpretation 315, 330, 346, 360 textualism 328–9 tradition and 360 truth and truthfulness of 329 Thackeray, William Makepeace 282 ‘That Politics May Be Reduced to a Science’ 170 Le Thé 189 ‘Thea, elegia’ 188 theism 444, 456 ‘Theism and Atheism’ 451 Themis: A Study of the Social Origins of Greek Religion 390

INDEX

Théodicée 233 theodicy 447, 450, 454 De Theologia Gentili 115 theology (see also Christology) after Auschwitz 443, 445–7, 455–6 biblical 400 Chinese 498 Christian 490, 491, 496 creative 85 dialectical theology 329, 465 in the Gospels 491 history and 77 Holocaust 450 the human subject and 162 indigenous Chinese 13 Liberation Theology 63, 445, 450, 455 of Mark 80 of Milton 157–8, 159 natural theology 147 theological anthropology 466 Western 498 Theology, Hermeneutics, and Imagination 310 Theology of Culture 465 ‘Theology of the Cross’ 452 theonomy, autonomy and 446 Theoria Philosophia Naturalis (A Theory of Natural Philosophy) 320 The Theory of Communicative Action 480 Theory of Intuition in Husserl’s Phenomenology 427 Theory of Moral Sentiments 170 ‘Theses on Feuerbach’ 309 thing-in-itself 240, 297 thinking/thought 27, 238, 241, 309, 402 Thirty Years War (1618–48) 147 Thiselton, A. C. 339–40 Thomas à Becket 413 Thomas Aquinas 110, 233 Thorndike, Herbert 118 Three Cantos 390 Three Families 406 Three Great Pillars of Chinese Catholicism 98, 99 Thucydides 38 Thus Spake Zarathustra 318, 320, 321, 326 tian (Heaven) in the Analects 98, 119–23 compatibility of with the biblical ‘God’ 97, 98 Jesuit use of 95 ren and 175 Ricci’s use of 93, 96, 119, 120, 121, 122, 125 term 122

INDEX

Tiananmen protests 198, 271 tiandi (heaven-earth) 95, 120 tianming (The Mandate of Heaven) 33, 122, 123 tianxue (heavenly matters; theology and astronomy) 119 Tianzhu Shiyi (The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven) 96, 97, 120 Tiberius, Emperor 73 Tiele, Cornelis P. 330 Tillich, Paul 464–7 Tillotson, John 118 Timaeus 113, 379 Timár, Andrea 207 Time and Free Will 427 Time and Narrative 361, 471 Timothy 342 Tindal, Matthew 116 ‘Tintern Abbey’ 211, 212 Titian 64 Tito, Marshall 433 Titus, Emperor 76 ‘To a Lady on Her Passion for Old China’ 172–3, 181 Tocqueville, Alexis de 218, 226 Toland, John 116 Tolstoy, Leo 283, 420 Tongcheng school of literary Chinese 286 Toth, Laszio 69 Tournachon, Gaspard-Félix. See Nadar Townshend Revenue Act (1767) 189–90 Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus 469 Tractatus Theologico-Politicus 141, 142 Tracy, David 269 trade Asia and 264 Canton System 264 international 198 opium 264, 275–6 Sino-European 164 tea 186, 242–3 trade wars and economic competition 200 trans-Atlantic 200 tradition as a form of art 403 The Judeo-Christian anamnetic 397–407 as a legacy 369 li and 403, 405 as liberating 406 Modernism and 361, 376 power of ancient traditions 6 the present and 402 ritual as an agent of 405

677

T. S. Eliot and 350–1 texts and 360 ‘Tradition and the Individual Talent’ 25, 350, 369 The Tragic Sense of Life in Men and Nations 421, 422 Traité de Police 188 Traité sur quelques points de la Religion des Chinois 144 Traité sur quelques points importants de la Mission de la Chine 144 Traités Nouveaux et Curieux du Café, du Thé et du Chocolat 188 traits 4 transcendence 254–5, 480 transcendental idealism, of Kant 194, 197, 208 translation(s) 19th century 329 of the Analects 244 Chinese translation of the Bible 139–40 cross-cultural 371 of Dickens 285–6 enhancing meaning and social relevance 326 eroding Christian orthodoxy 284 inter-cultural 269 mistranslation 394 Pound and 386–7, 394 of Robinson Crusoe 287 translation theory 387 Translations from the Original Chinese 267 Tratado das cousas da China 94 travel, Chinese to Europe 198 travelogues 116, 138, 153, 156, 160, 277 Travels in China 201, 267 The Travels of Peter Mundy 199 The Travels of Sir John Mandeville 184, 266 Treatise concerning the Principles of Human Knowledge 162 A Treatise on Human Nature 169 Treaty of Nanking (1842) 264 Trigault, Nicholas 50–1, 92, 97, 100, 104, 108, 112 Trinitarianism 453–4 Trinity, the 79 Tristan and Isolde 264, 294–5 Troeltsch, Ernst 330 The Trouble with Confucianism 5 ‘True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven’ 119 ‘The True Word’ (Alethe Logos) 53 trust and trustworthiness 242, 251–2, 336–7, 340, 341, 342, 343 Truth and Method 470

678

truth and truthfulness Absolute Truth 318, 327, 339 in Analects 331–8 art and 2, 368 authentic 370 biblical 340 certainty and 312 Christian 92–3, 304, 330 Christocentric interpretation of 312 as compromised 265 in Confucianism 333 cross-cultural literary insights into 284–5 George Eliot and 274, 276, 279, 280, 299 God and 339, 340, 341 in the Gospels 338–43 Hebrew notion of 339 ‘hermeneutic of suspicion’ and 329 interrelated problems posed by 263 Jesus and 257–8, 340 Li Shicen and 327 literature and 403 moral 283 music and 298 narrative 282 Nietzsche and 317, 318–21, 332 philosophy and 339 power and 302, 321, 334 questioning, confusion and creativity about 273 realism and 348 reality and 340–1 reason and 115–16 religion and 305, 306 Schopenhauer and 298, 304–5 as self-actualization 324 subjective and objective 309, 312, 473 of texts 329 theological basis for 341 transcending culture and tradition 269 true knowledge and 306–7 trust and trustworthiness and 340, 341 Wagner and 294, 295, 296, 298 xin and 334, 336 Tschirnhaus, Ehrenfried Walther von 133 Tu Weiming 244 Turin Shroud 63 Turner, H. E. W. 71 Turner, J. M. W. 347 Twice-yearly Confucian Offering (shih-tien) 43 Twilight of the Idols 317 Two Addresses to the Freeholders of Westmoreland 211

INDEX

Tylor, Edward B. 391 Tze Kung 489 Über das höchste Gut (On the highest good) 239 Über den Fleiss in mehreren gelehrten Sprachen (On diligence in several scholarly languages) 228, 229 Über den Wert des Lebens (On what gives value to life) 239 Über die Freiheit (On freedom) 239 Über die neuere deutsche Literatur (On recent German literature) 228–9 Über die Religion: Reden an die Gebildeten unter ihren Verächtern (On Religion: Speeches to its cultured despisers) 239, 241 Über Pädagogik (On Pedagogy) 193 Über Wahrheit und Lüge im aussermoralischen Sinne (On Truth and Lies in a Nonmoral Sense) 319, 320 Übermensch 321 ukiyo-e prints 3 Ulkers, W. 188 Ultimate Pattern 381 Ulysses 348, 353 Unamuno, Miguel de 421–2 unity, truth and 340 ‘Universal Chronology’ 222 universalism 147, 234, 247, 255, 266, 468 unthought-of 360 The Unwobbling Pivot 393 Unzeitgemässe Betrachtung (Untimely Meditations) 318 Upon the gardens of Epicurus 161 Upward, Allen 386 urban growth 200 Urban VIII, Pope 106 Ursis, Sabatini de 99 Ussher, James 111–12 Utilitarianism 208, 479 Valignano, Alessandro 13, 96, 119 values 203, 498 van Gogh, Theo 1, 3 van Gogh, Vincent 1, 2–4, 5, 7, 20, 349–50 Van Hamme, Pieter Thomas 100 Van Kley, E. J. 102, 112, 200 Van Norden, B. W. 29, 30 Vanity Fair 282 Varen, Bernhard 103, 137–8 The Varieties of Religious Experience: A Study in Human Nature 330

INDEX

Varo, Francisco 140 Vedas, religion of the 305 Un di velt hot geshvign (And the World Remained Silent) 443–56 Venerable Bede 48 Veneto, Francesco Giorgi 113 Verbiest, Ferdinand 13, 144 ‘Vergine madre, figlia del tuo figlio’ (Virgin mother, daughter of your son) 136 De Veritate 115 Verstehen (understanding) 416 Vico, Gianbattista 148, 233–4 Vietnam, US action in 433 A View of China 206 Villiers, Barbara 133 Vincent, Nathaniel 109 A Vindication of Natural Society 218 violence anti-missionary 347 creative 296 Viret, Pierre 114 virtue(s) in the Analects 17 Christian 205 complete virtue 28 Confucian 204, 251 Doctrine of Virtue 192 humility 27 literature and 403 power of 335 ren and 137, 247 rules/habits and 246 six virtues 27, 32 virtue ethics 191 Voci, Paola 68 La Voix et le Phénomène (Voice and Phenomena: And Other Essays on Husserl’s Theory of Signs) 362 Voltaire 117, 145, 149–51, 154, 155, 165, 224, 226, 447 Vom Erkennen und Emfinden der menschlichen Seele (On the Cognition and Sensation of the Human Soul) 231 Von Balthasar, Hans Urs 47 Von Ranke, Leopold 234, 328 Vorticism 388 Vos, Rein 191 Vossius, Isaac 113, 115, 141 Voyage á Péking, à travers la Mongolie, en 1820 et 1821, par M. G. Timkouski 201 Voyage Round the World 199 Voyages et Missions Apostolique 188

679

Wagner, Richard (see also individual works of) Confucius and 336 European Romanticism and 294–8 Feuerbach and 299–301, 308 George Eliot and 277, 278 Legge and 289–94 Nietzsche and 317–18 Schopenhauer and 306 ‘Siegfried Idyll’ 27 Tristan and Isolde 264, 294–5 truth and truthfulness and 294, 295, 296, 298 Wagner, Tamara 267 Wahrheit und Methode (Truth and Method) 330, 331 Waley, Arthur 285, 387 Wallace, Alfred Russel 135 Walpole, Horace 155, 171 Walter, Tony 414 ‘Der Wanderer und sein Schatten’ (The Wanderer and his Shadow) 320 Wang Bao 185 Wang Chong 174 Wang Guangqi 198 Wang Guowei 301, 364 Wang Hui 290, 292 Wang, John 37 Wang Ling 186 Wang Qi 314 Wang Shouchang 285 Wang Sun Jia 406 Wang Tao 291, 292 Wang Wei 66, 387, 389 Wang Xinpeng 371 Wang Yangming 19, 123, 163 Wang Yinglin 203 Wanli, Emperor 51, 97 War of Independence (1775–83) 200 War Requiem 414 Warens, Françoise-Louise de 222 Warham, William 133 Warring States period (403–221 BC) 19, 42, 99 Wars of Religion (c.1524–1648) 147 Warton, Joseph 166, 205 Warton, Samuel 205 The Waste Land 25, 26, 351, 353, 354, 366, 369, 383 Watts, Isaac 126 wave theory 380, 381 Way of Heaven (dao) Analects and 180 Confucius and 23, 24, 28, 29, 30, 33, 34, 44 death and 483 the junzi and 249, 332–3

680

li and 245 losing of the 29 memory and 404, 407 rediscovery of the 30, 33 translation of 137 the Will and 178 in the wisdom of ancient sages 405–6 ‘Ways of Being Idle Hacks’ 314 Ways of Seeing 63 Webb, John 111, 112, 113 Weber, Max 330, 392 Webster, J. B. 454 Wedgwood family 130, 131, 209 Wedgwood, Josiah 129, 130, 131, 133, 134, 135, 173, 182, 196 Wedgwood, Sarah 134 Wedgwood, Thomas III 131 Wegeler, Franz 197 Wei, state of 41 Wei Yi 285 Wei Yuan(da) 271 Weiss, Johannes 80, 81 Weisskopf, Victor 378 Wells, David 55 Wells, H. G. 50 Die Welt als Wille und Vorstellung (The World as Will and Idea/ Representation) 297, 298 wen (warm-heartedness) 247 wen (culture/d) 24, 31, 43, 122, 250, 403–4 Wen, Duke 375 Wen, King 24, 29, 32, 33, 122, 404 Das Wesen des Christentums (The Essence of Christianity) 276, 298, 299 Wesley, John 118, 220 West changing attitudes to China 183–4, 199, 200 China and in an age of revolutionaries 213–14 Western Han period (206 BCE–9 CE) 19 Westminster Review 276, 298 Weston, Stephen 140, 200, 206 Weyl, Hermann 358 Whieldon, Thomas 133 Whiston, William 162–3 Whitefield, George 220 Whitefield, John 118 Whitehead, John 154 Whitman, Walt 157, 158, 348 Wickham, Richard 186 Wicks, R. 305 Wie die Philosophie zum Besten des Volks Allgemeiner und Nützlicher Werden Kann

INDEX

(How philosophy can become more universal and useful for the benefit of the people) 228 Wiesel, Elie 443, 445–6 Wilberforce, William 134, 182, 213, 258 Wilkes, John 155 Wilkins, John 109, 110, 111 Wilkinson, James 205 Will of Heaven (see also dao) 175, 176, 178, 305, 408 Will to Power (der Wille zur Macht) 320, 321, 347, 417, 449 Willey, Basil 273–4 William III and II (William of Orange) 107 Williams, Clifford 457 Williams, William Carlos 387, 392 Willis, W. Waite 446, 448 Wilson, Colin 358 Wilson, Stephen 405 Wilson, T. 18 Winstanley, Henry 99 wisdom (see also zhi) xi, 1, 2, 4, 6–7, 9, 13, 23, 25, 27, 39, 61, 79, 86, 176, 498 wisdom literature 6 Wissenschaft der Logik (The Science of Logic) 312 Witherington III, Ben 56 Wittgenstein, Ludwig 329, 469–70, 471 Wolff, Albert 4–5 Wolff, Christian 139, 147, 148–9, 192, 237 Wollaston, William 117 Wollstonecraft, Mary 170 women china and 172–3 Jesus’s inclusion of 181 Wong, Laurence 286 Wood, Antony (à) 101 Woods, James Haughton 354 Woolf, Virginia 348 Word of God 74, 75, 461, 462, 473 Wordsworth, John 210 Wordsworth, William 157, 210–12, 216, 478 The Work of Mourning 477 Workers’ Educational Association 282 The Works of Confucius 203 The World as Will and Representation 304, 315 world religions 330 World War I 263–4, 366, 378, 387, 411, 413, 414 World War II 63–4, 263–4, 347, 378, 389, 411–12, 414, 442, 471 Wotton, William 109 Wrede, Wilhelm 462, 463 Wright, Arthur F. 19 Writing and Difference 476

INDEX

Wu, Duke 375 Wu, Empress Regnant 93 Wu Gefei 427 Wu, King 24, 29, 32, 33, 404 wu wei (effortless, spontaneous) 42, 251, 258, 305, 334, 406, 407 Wuzong, Emperor 93 Wycherley, William 169 Wylie, Alexander 92 Xavier, Francis 49 xenophobia 200 Xi’an 12 Xiang Gong, Duke 30, 33 xiao (filial conduct) 247 Xiao He 99 xiao ren (petty/little person) 33, 250, 251, 334, 405, 406 Xie He 65–6, 163 Xie Wenyu 333 xin (heart, mind, desire, disposition) Analects and 178, 247, 249, 251, 252, 332, 333, 334, 337 Classics and 175, 336 junzi and 247, 249, 252, 336 in Mencius 176 trustworthiness and 336, 337 truthfulness and 334, 336 xing (life, nature) 174, 176, 177 Xiong Shili 39 xiqu drama 301, 302 xiu dao (cultivation of the Way) 137 xu (empathy, understanding; see also shu) 248, 338 Xu Guangxi 98 Xu Zhimo 301 xue (teaching, learning) 19, 30–1, 249, 250 Xunzi (also Xunzi) 31, 39, 43, 165, 174, 486 Yahweh 398, 399 yan (speech) 332, 334 Yan Fu 271, 274, 286, 293 Yan Hui 41, 175, 484, 486, 488 Yan Zhengzai 41 Yan’an Forum on Literature and Art 198, 310 Yang Hu 41 Yang Huilin 13, 268, 269–70, 272, 281, 288, 291, 294, 327 Yang Rongguo 7 Yao, Emperor 24, 33, 112, 120–1, 130, 175, 249 Yao Nai 286 Yao Xinzhong 254, 487 Yeats, W. B. 386

681

Yellow House, Arles 1, 349 Yellow River valley 29 Yeung, Daniel 13 yi (virtue, righteousness, justice) 18, 122, 137, 178, 245, 248, 250, 483 Yihetuan Movement (Boxer Rebellion) 288, 347 yin-yang (balanced poles; see also complementarity) 381, 382 yong (courage, boldness) 247, 334 yong gong (diligence) 334 Yongjin Zhang 105 Yu, King 24 Yu Dafu 212 Yuan Chang 227 Yuan dynasty (1271–1368) 131 Yuan Kejia 25 Yuan Mei 286 Yuan Shih K’ai, President 346 Yuan Si 28 yue (music) 177 za¯kar (remembrance) 398 Zacchaeus 181 Zai (Wo) Yu 28, 334 Zen Buddhism 465 Zen-Existentialism: The Spiritual Decline of the West 460 Zeng Shen (Ziyu) 39, 486–7 Zhang Dainian 122 Zhang Lisheng (Lit-sen Chang) 460 Zhang Xianliang 196, 272 Zhao Dunhua 13 Zhao Luorui 25 Zhao Zichen (T. C. Chao) 307 Zhaoshi guer (The Orphan of the House of Zhao) 150 Zhejiang 131 Zheng Xuan 39 zhengming (rectification of names) 250–1, 333 zhi (will, integrity, intention, commitment) 177–8, 334 zhi (practical wisdom) 18, 176, 405 Zhifang Waiji (Record of the world) 99 zhong (middle, the mean) 245, 247, 248, 250–1, 252, 337 Zhong You (Zilu). See Zilu Zhongguo Jiaoyu Zazhi (The Chinese Educational Review) 327 Zhongyong (Doctrine of the Mean) 32, 97, 250–1, 292, 390, 393 Zhou, Duke of 29, 175, 490

682

Zhou dynasty (c.1042-249 BCE) 17, 24, 29–31, 95, 98, 112, 120, 122, 123, 487 Zhou Emperor 402 Zhou tradition 483 Zhu Xi 19, 38, 97, 146, 297, 393, 472, 483 Zhu Xueqin 227 Zhuangzi 34, 121, 123 Zhuangzi 244 Zhuo Xinping 13 Zhuowu (Li Zhi) 91

INDEX

Zigong 32, 43, 44–5, 121, 122, 175, 404, 406, 488 zikka¯rôn (memory, remembrance) 400 Zilu 27, 28–9, 33, 41, 43, 176, 178, 483 Zisi 39 Zixia 28, 31–2 Zou Yi (Qufu) 17, 490 ‘Zum Problem der Einfühlung’ (On the Problem of Empathy) 357 zun (respect) 178 Zuozhuan (Zuo Commentary) 29, 37–8, 39