Christian Women in the Greek Papyri of Egypt to 400 CE 9782503552415, 2503552412

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Christian Women in the Greek Papyri of Egypt to 400 CE

STUDIA ANTIQUA AUSTRALIENSIA EDITORIAL BOARD UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE

ANCIENT CULTURES RESEARCH CENTRE MACQUARIE UNIVERSITY

Editors in Chief: Samuel Lieu, FAHA and Alanna Nobbs (Macquarie) Associate Editor in Chief: Paul McKechnie (Macquarie) Board Members: Pauline Allen, FAHA (Australian Catholic University) Peter Brennan (Sydney) Brian Croke, FAHA (Sydney / Macquarie) John Davidson (Wellington) Andrew Gillett (Macquarie) Geoffrey Greatrex (Ottawa) Timothy Gregory (Ohio / Macquarie) Naguib Kanawati, FAHA, AM (Macquarie) Neil McLynn (Oxford) Geoffrey Nathan (University of New South Wales) Boyo Ockinga (Macquarie) Tessa Rajak (Oxford) Claudia Rapp (Vienna) Roger Scott, FAHA (Melbourne) Nicholas Sims-Williams, FBA (London / Cambridge)

VOLUME 6

CHRISTIAN WOMEN IN THE GREEK PAPYRI OF EGYPT TO 400 CE

Erica Mathieson EricaA.Mathieson

BREPOLS F ANCIENT CULTURES RESEARCH CENTRE MACQUARIE UNIVERSITY, NSW, AUSTRALIA

© 2014, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher. D/2014/0095/78 ISBN 978-2-503-55241-5 Printed on acid-free paper.

TABLE OF CONTENTS Series Foreword

vii

Preface

ix

Abbreviations

xi

Introduction

1

1 Texts Written by Christian Women

14

2 Use of Biblical Vocabulary and Imagery

70

3 Theological Positions

102

4 Practice of Prayer

127

5 Interactions with Clergy, Ascetics and the Church

148

6 Marriage and Family

173

7 Documents Written to Christian Women or Referring to Christian Women

204

8 Ascetic Christian Women

232

9 Christian Women and Magic

258

Conclusion

276

Primary Sources

282

Secondary Sources

289

Indices

308

SERIES FOREWORD The Ancient History Documentary Research Centre (now part of the Ancient Cultures Research Centre) was established in 1981 at Macquarie University under the direction of Professor Edwin Judge. Over the years it has become a major focus of research on epigraphy and papyrology, especially in ways in which both these disciplines contribute to the study of the background of the New Testament. Since 1981, New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans) has been a flagship publication of the Centre. With the arrival of Professor Sam Lieu at Macquarie in 1996, the Centre participated actively in a new series, Silk Road Studies, published by Brepols of Turnhout. Work on both series has helped to develop facilities for the preparation and publication of a text and monograph series on the Ancient World reflecting the work of staff and graduate students based in the Southern Hemisphere. The Centre has also hosted many distinguished scholars who have contributed much to the research life both of the Centre and of the Department of Ancient History at Macquarie and the Series Editors are pleased that many of them have agreed to serve on the Editorial Board. The series is based at the Ancient Cultures Research Centre at Macquarie University but many of its authors will be from other universities in Australia and New Zealand as well as from major centres for the study of the Ancient World in other parts of the world. Studia Antiqua Australiensia is a fully peer-reviewed series and the editors are grateful to senior scholars, including members of the Editorial Board, for undertaking the demanding task of reviewing the manuscripts submitted for publication in the series. Their comments, supportive and critical, are both essential to the editors for maintaining the highest academic standard for each of the volumes of the series. Professor Sam Lieu Professor Alanna Nobbs Associate Professor Paul McKechnie

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Cover illustration: The front cover shows P.Macquarie inv. 356, an exchange of land from Aurelius Horigines Quintus, through his daughter Aurelia Thatres who acts with her guardian-husband Flavius Psaces (?). Thatres may be Christian. The papyrus is dated c.330–340 CE. By courtesy of the Museum of Ancient Cultures, Macquarie University. Reproduced with permission.

PREFACE This book is dedicated to the women of the fourth century whose texts appear in it. I am grateful to them for the fragments of their beliefs, practices and experiences that they committed to writing and which have made this research possible. The book arose from a doctoral thesis entitled The Perspectives of the Greek Papyri of Egypt on the Beliefs, Practices and Experiences of Jewish and Christian Women from 100 CE to 400 CE under the supervision of Professor Alanna Nobbs of the Ancient History Department of Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia. The documentary papyri are an unparalleled source for the study of women in antiquity providing information about their lives and relationships. Among the papyri are numbers of femaleauthored texts which, I argue, allow access to women’s own voices and which form the core of the source material for this book. The material related to the Christian women’s religious lives has been taken from the thesis to form the book’s contents. The research findings on the lives of Jewish women are to be published separately. As sources, the papyri function in distinctly different ways for the two religious groups in terms of time period, manner of authorship and content. The earliest text authored by a Christian woman appears only in the fourth century while only two texts referring to Jewish women occur after the Jewish war of 115–117 CE and none is dated to the fourth century. No text authored by a Jewish woman was able to be identified in the period while twentysix texts by Christian women form the major source for the research on Christian women’s religious lives. None of the Jewish papyri referred to the transcendent dimension of Jewish women’s religious lives. None referred to God or prayer, and none addressed women’s place in worship. Insight into Christian women’s practice of prayer, theological thought and familiarity with biblical vocabulary and imagery was possible from the women-authored texts. While the thesis title avoided use of the word ‘religion’ in acknowledgement of the danger of assuming an equivalent to the modern term in the ancient world of 100 to 400 CE, the adjective ‘religious’ is used for the sake of clarity and brevity in the book

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title while still avoiding use of a word that may imply that fourthcentury Christianity had developed into the integrated system of beliefs and ethics denoted by the term. The writing of the book owes itself to the generosity of the Rundle Fellowship which enables the publication of theses in the field of Ancient History. I want to thank Dr Val Rundle for the opportunity to rework my thesis and present it as a book. I also want to thank all those who have supported and encouraged me in my study and writing, and assisted in various ways, especially my husband Ray Williamson, and my sister Jane Mathieson, and also Harry and Rhonda Evans, Rhondda Fahey and Elisabeth Harrison. I want to thank as well the many friends who have travelled with me on the journey represented by the development of this book from an idea for a thesis to a publication. Canberra January 2013

ABBREVIATIONS Abbreviations for papyri Documentary Papyri.

follow

the

Duke

Databank

of

Abbreviations for inscriptions are according to generally used conventions. Abbreviations for books of the Bible, apocrypha and works of the Apostolic Fathers follow the conventions of the Society for Biblical Literature. Abbreviations for journals follow the conventions of L’année philologique. AP BAGD BL CJ CS CT DDBDP HE LDAB LH LSJ LXX m. ND NT NTh PG PGM PL PO Suppl.Mag. s.v. TDNT TLG

Apophthegmata Patrum Bauer, Arndt, Gingrich and Danker Berichtigungsliste der griechischen Papyrusurkunden aus Ägypten Code of Justinian Sirmondian Constitutions Code of Theodosius Duke Databank of Documentary Papyri Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica Leuven Database of Ancient Books Historia Lausiaca Liddell and Scott, revised and augmented with supplement by Jones (McKenzie and Barber) Septuagint manus New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity New Testament Novels of Theodosius Patrologia Graeca Papyri Graecae Magicae Patrologia Latina Patrologia Orientalis Supplementum Magicum sub voce Theological Dictionary of the New Testament Thesaurus Linguae Graecae

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Textual sigla used are as follows: D•E•

letters not completely legible

….

4 letters missing

[DE]

letters lost from the document and restored by the editor

[6]

6 letters lost

letters omitted by the scribe and added by the editor

(DE)

abbreviation in the text resolved by the editor

{DE}

letters wrongly added by the scribe and cancelled by the editor

ÃDEÄ

a (still legible) erasure by the scribe

‘DE’

letters written above the line

INTRODUCTION This book explores the religious beliefs, practices and experiences of Christian women as they are revealed in the Greek papyri of 1 2 Egypt to 400 CE . Historically, but with a few notable exceptions , women’s voices have not been heard at first hand, but as ‘Other’ in the writing of men. In contrast, this book concentrates on sources that reveal women’s own voices relating their experiences. In this way it follows in the new feminist tradition which seeks to recover the experiences and contributions of women in and to their social contexts. The distance between their context and our own, and the modern tendency to group and re-group the past require that some terminology and some principles of selection be explained. DEFINING THE TOPIC The Women The ‘women’s voices’ are from those who identify themselves, or are identified by others, as women by the use of female names, by words such as woman/wife JXQKYsister DMGHOIKYmother PKYWKU and daughter TXJDYWKU, and by feminine grammatical forms. A methodological issue using texts written by women in antiquity to examine their experiences and expressions concerns the extent to which a woman’s voice is heard in the texts she ‘writes’. ‘Texts written by women’ describes documents that arise at women’s initiatives but which may be penned by literate members of the family, friends, associates, or professional scribes who almost 3 always are male , and not necessarily by the women themselves. If not autograph, the texts may be dictated to a scribe or in some cases largely composed by a secretary from an oral outline. Given the uncertainty about the identity of those physically writing the women’s texts, and the high probability that the actual writers are not the women authors, it cannot be assumed that it is the women’s voices that are heard or that they are heard in an unmediated way. Nevertheless, the majority of texts in this book 1

Subsequent date references are CE unless otherwise specified. Exceptions include Sappho, Poems (C7/6 BCE); Egeria, Egeria's Travels to the Holy Land (c.390). See also Kraemer (1991); Lefkowitz and Fant (2005). 3 Youtie (1975c) 216, n.41. But note BGU 6.129 (C3). 2

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bear the marks of the orality of dictation, that is, vividness of expression, lack of grammatical refinement, paratactic style, lack of 4 order in construction and repetition . It seems that the scribes have only slight influence on the vocabulary, grammar and construction 5 of the texts and that it is the women’s voices being heard . Scribal influence on the women’s texts can be expected to be most marked in the more formulaic sections such as the preface and opening and closing prayers and farewell of letters. These, however, show a remarkable variety in formulation, suggestive of the women’s own wording, knowledge of epistolographic conventions and freedom to make the formulae their own. Dictation word by word seems likely to be the norm for women’s letters, which are generally to family and friends dealing with immediate concerns, matters of relationship and personal information. It is unlikely that a woman would have regular access to a secretary whom she could expect to understand her purposes and produce a letter expressing them. While the content of a letter may be largely a woman’s own, its appearance on a papyrus sheet may well reflect the knowledge and preference of the person acting as scribe. Use of nomina sacra, for example, may express scribal knowledge of the convention more than the woman author’s. Having said this, it would make sense for a scribe to use nomina sacra only where the form is meaningful to 6 the writer . Ignorance of the convention is impossible to discern. Religious Expressions The phrase ‘the beliefs, practices and experiences’ of women makes explicit that this is an historical analysis not a theological study. The focus is on what ‘real women’ think and do in relation to God, religious institutions and those areas of their lives where the influence of their beliefs might be expected. The analysis uses recent sociological findings on the multifaceted nature of identity with social, ethnic, cultural and political dimensions alongside the gendered and theological. The adjective ‘religious’ is intended to 4

Bagnall and Cribiore (2006) 62f. Cribiore (2001a) 233, draws the same conclusion. See also Bagnall and Cribiore (2006) 60. An exception here may be P.Oxy.48.3407, see 46f below. 6 On nomina sacra and the religious identity of an addressee, see 230f below. 5

Christian Women in the Papyri to 400 CE

3

avoid misapplying the modern concept of ‘religion’ founded in 7 doctrine onto the ancient understanding of cult , and, although ‘religion’ applies to Christianity in the period, avoidance of the term reflects more accurately the historical situation. The years to 400 cover the period of religious change described as the shift from paganism to Christianity, or the ‘triumph of Christianity’. Such expressions, while generalised summaries, ignore the complexities of the religious scene: the substantial minority practice of Judaism in the first century and its reemergence after 117; paganism as a continuing religious option to 8 and beyond the sixth century ; and the broad mix of ‘orthodox’ and 9 ‘heterodox’ theologies that Christianity encompasses in the period. The fact that paganism becomes an ‘option’ points in turn to its transformation as it becomes articulated doctrinally through the 10 influence of Christianity, which it also influences . The choice of 400 as an end date is associated with no particular events in recognition that traditional periodisation has little relevance to women’s history. The date, however, marks the point at which Greek texts written by women virtually disappear and those in Coptic assume a larger proportion of the total. Coptic, which becomes an option in the late fourth and especially the fifth century, emerges as the preferred language for women’s letters although Greek remains the language of public life. The implications for this study might be that Greek letters written by women are dictated and translated, distancing the women’s voices from the texts. However, there is no evidence of translation in the documents, suggesting an oral bilingualism among women as 11 among men, at least among those who initiate texts . 7

See E. A. Judge, ‘Did the Churches Compete with Cult Groups?’ in Judge (2008a) 597–618; ‘The Beginning of Religious History’, in Judge (2010) 11–31. The term ‘religion’ has no equivalent prior to 200. Betz (1991); (1994) argues Christianity was a religion alongside and comparable with other religions from the beginning. 8 MacMullen (1984); (1986); (1997); Wipszycka (1988); Trombley (1993). 9 The terms are anachronistic but descriptive. 10 For the integration of pagan ritual and belief into Christianity, see Trombley (1993) 1.98–186; Frankfurter (1998). 11 Kraus (2000) 332, notes the occasional need for interpreters in courts, but this may pertain more to fluency and levels of language.

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A Contextual Approach to Religious Expressions In the women’s texts, overt religious references are located within the general content of the documents to allow the religious aspects of their lives to be explored within the broader framework of their relationships, occupations and concerns. To relate the women’s religious sense to what is known of their social world, the tools developed by social-scientific and anthropological research have been employed. These identify 12 patriarchy with the gendered polarities of honour:shame, public:private and authority:power as a framework providing insight into the values and behaviour of both modern and ancient 13 Mediterranean societies . Men are associated with honour, the public world and legitimate power which is authority; women with shame, the private, domestic sphere and illegitimate forms of power which are nonetheless recognised. This does not imply an absolute segregation, nor the strict seclusion of women, but a complementary separation of male and female spheres according to socially prescribed norms. The gendered allocation of space is an important means of enabling honour:shame to function. Some scholars argue against the use of anthropological studies in 14 historical analysis of Egypt . However, its gendered polarities are evident. For example, Philo uses the rhetoric of honour:shame in 15 his condemnation of women’s involvement in public activity , and honour:shame values are enshrined in marriage contracts from the Roman period where stipulation of women’s behaviour regularly 16 consists in one requirement only, that she not shame her husband . 12

‘Patriarchy … means the institutionalisation of male dominance over women and children in the family and … in society in general. It implies that men hold power in all the important institutions of society and that women are deprived of access to such power. It does not imply that women are either totally powerless or totally deprived of rights, influence, and resources’, Lerner (1986) 239. 13 Eg Rosaldo (1974, 1983); (1980); Malina (1981); (1990); Kraemer (1992); Torjesen (1993); MacDonald (1996). 14 Bagnall (1993a); E.A. Judge, ‘Social Identity of the First Christians: A Question of Method in Religious History’, in Judge (2008b) 131. For responses, see Rosaldo (1980); Cohen (1991) 38–41; Rowlandson (1998) 156f. 15 Philo, On the Special Laws 3.169–175. 16 Arnaoutoglou (1995) 12.

Christian Women in the Papyri to 400 CE

5

Recent scholarship has questioned the validity of studies of the ‘position of women’ type, arguing that such research separates the 17 category ‘women’ from general history . Particularly questioned are studies that reduce women to a single entity ‘woman’, as though gender is a sufficient category to represent all women without regard to the variety in women’s social, economic, cultural, religious and political specificity. The texts that form the basis of this analysis, by their nature, help overcome these legitimate criticisms. They are official documents and private letters that locate women within their relationships with other women and with men who are husbands, brothers, sons, friends, spiritual advisors and government officials. The nature of the sources and the use of a contextual methodology mitigate a false detachment of women from their gendered milieu. The Papyri Whereas the source materials generically named ‘papyri’ include texts in ink on moveable material, such as parchment, wooden tablets, potsherds/ostraca, leather, linen, and those inscribed on wax tablets as well as papyrus, the women’s texts used in this investigation are all written on papyrus, with the sole exception of an official document written on the less expensive potsherd. This study is indebted to the Duke Databank of Documentary Papyri (DDBDP), searches of which enabled papyri with religious references written by, to, or referring to women to be identified. Additional texts came to light through the Wörterlisten (WL) and serendipitous reading. Magical papyri initiated by women derive from the major volumes of published magical texts. Much has been written on the criteria for the religious classification 18 of papyri . Classification is frequently uncertain. For example, a number of texts are ambiguous of classification; that is, they have elements that in the past have been regarded as ‘certain criteria’ for Christian or pagan classification but which now occur together in one text. Classification then is made on the basis of epistolographic influences and social probabilities. Other texts have no clear criteria but are classified on the basis of accumulated probabilities. 17 18

Scott (1988, 1999); Fikhman (2001). A summary with comment appears in the appendix to this Introduction.

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Of 57 texts identified as Christian and involving women, women write 26 and in a further 9 the gender of the writer cannot be determined, while men write the remaining 22 texts. Four magical texts initiated by Christian women have also been identified. The papyri studied here provide insight into the lives of ‘ordinary’ women. In the first instance, papyri written by women offer direct access to their own experiences. Two other sets of papyri provide necessarily indirect but useful information about women’s religious lives: those written to women and those referring to women. They are included on the basis that expressions of prayer and belief communicate meaningfully where there is a common religious understanding. These latter texts, however, indicate nothing of women’s religious subjectivity. There are several difficulties in interpreting the content of the papyri studied here. First, they can refer to situations known to their author and addressee but obscure to modern readers. Second, they can be damaged, making reconstruction of meaning uncertain. Third, the chance and uneven nature of the survival of papyri means that conclusions can only be drawn with caution and are necessarily provisional, awaiting more finds and further study. Nonetheless the papyri are a rich source of social, linguistic and religious information about the women. WOMEN AND LITERACY Literacy in Late Antique Egypt Use of scribes in Egypt is well documented, allowing the illiterate 19 majority to function in an essentially literate society . In official documents, women’s and men’s illiteracy or poor literacy is made explicit using the formulae ‘not knowing letters JUDYPPDWD PK HLMGHYQDL’ ‘illiterate DMJUDYPPDWR’, and ‘slow writing EUDGHYZ JUDYIZQ’. In private letters the use of scribes is almost never 20 acknowledged and is, with rare exceptions, impossible to discern . 19

Literate, in that literate communication is common and people function in it, eg census and tax documents, registrations, contracts, eg P.Oxy.34.2705 (275); P.Yale inv.299 order official letters to be displayed for the public to read. 20 But eg P.Giss.19 (116) from Aline is in the same scribal hand as a letter from Eudaimonis to Apollonios.

Christian Women in the Papyri to 400 CE

7

Scholars argue that there is no social stigma attached to illiteracy in 21 22 Egypt . But the pride of Thaisous in her literacy , and of Aurelia 23 Charite in her repeated ‘knowing letters HLMGXL D JUDYPPDWD’ , and the emphasis on personal subscription, X-SRJUDYIZQLMGLYDFHLULY 24 orLMGLYRL JUDYPPDVLQ suggest that literacy is valued. Whether pessimistic or optimistic about literacy rates in late antique Egypt, scholars agree that the majority of people are 25 illiterate , particularly among the rural population and lower 26 27 artisan class , and that there are more illiterate women than men . Duncan-Jones suggests a literacy rate for men of less than 30 per 28 cent for the Roman Empire, less among women . The figure is 29 confirmed for Egypt by other measures . The suggestion has emerged in recent research that adding a 30 subscription to a private letter is a common epistolary courtesy . In 31 a survey of more than 160 letters which include the closing greetings, prayer and address, 12.6 per cent indicate a second hand. If all literate people subscribe and subscribe on every occasion the figure would suggest a literacy rate among letter writers of about 12–13 per cent. Given that letters frequently reflect an economic context that is at least middle class, and that literacy and wealth positively correlate, this suggested rate would imply an even lower literacy rate if applied to the general population. 21

Youtie (1973a) 169f; (1973d) 261; Kraus (2000) 341. P.Oxy.12.1467 (263). 23 P.Charite.1–44 (not 40) especially 8 (348); 33 (331/2 or 346/7). 24 P.Mich.10.585 (87); P.Oxy.16.1894 (573); 19.2237 (498). 25 Eg Bowman and Thomas (1987); Harris (1989); Beard (1991) 39, n.6; Bowman (1991); Horsfall (1991); Bagnall and Cribiore (2006). 26 Youtie (1975c) 202; Harris (1983) 89; Pomeroy (1983, 1985) 312. 27 Eg women sign less often than men, Youtie (1975c) 213; eg P.Oxy.17.2134 (170); P.Amh.2.102 (180); P.Tebt.2.399 (C2); P.Mich.9.554 (C3/4). For a literate woman with an illiterate husband, see P.Oxy.12.1463 (215). 28 Duncan-Jones (1977) 334. 29 66% of male recipients of the corn dole (late C3) are illiterate, P.Oxy.50, pp.2– 5. The men are not poor as the dole is a privilege. Also 33% of census returns for 19/20 with useful signatures include own subscriptions, Youtie (1975c) 205. 30 Hanson (1991) 166. Also Bowman (1994) 124; Cribiore (1996) 4. 31 From the P.Oxy. series. 22

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Literacy of Women Any estimate from the papyri of the rate of women’s literacy is 32 impossible . However the number of letters written by and to women shows that women have a need for written communication. The papyri also provide numerous examples of requests to women 33 to write . However, literacy is not a necessary consequence. Bagnall and Cribiore place the women writers of letters in the top economic quintile of society and suggest that about 33 per cent 34 write their own texts although the basis of their statistic is unclear . Of the texts examined in this book, only P.Abinn.49 and P.Oxy.50.3581 make explicit the literacy of their authors in that P.Abinn.49 is an autograph text, and Attiaena in P.Oxy.50.3581 subscribes her petition. P.Edmonstone, P.Kell.1.Gr.32 and P.Lips.28 plainly are written by people other than the women authors who are stated to be illiterate. Of the remaining 21 texts it is not possible to determine whether any text is autograph or penned by a scribe or literate friend/family member. THE HISTORY OF STUDY Scholars have increasingly recognised the papyri as sources for women’s lives in late antiquity and a number of sourcebooks have resulted. Bagnall and Cribiore’s publication of women’s letters from Egypt from 332 BCE to the eighth century, presented in translation, examines the texts for their handwriting and authorship, 35 with an introduction for each . Documents written by women other 36 than letters are excluded by definition. Rowlandson’s collection covers a range of document types and topics including family life, economics and religion, in translation with an introduction. 37 Kraemer’s volume focuses on women’s religions and includes

32

Wipszycka (1984) 112; (1996b) 129; Bagnall and Cribiore (2006) 6f. Eg P.Oxy.10.1293 (C2); and 6.937; 8.1157; 59.3994; PSI 8.899 (all C3). 34 Bagnall and Cribiore (2006) 42. 35 Bagnall and Cribiore (2006); e-book (2008) with additions by Evie Ahtaridis. 36 Rowlandson (1998). 37 Kraemer (1988). 33

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literary, inscriptional and papyrological material, with one 38 Christian papyrus. Lefkowitz and Fant give no Christian papyri . There are an increasing number of papyrological studies focussing on specific aspects of women’s lives, religious, social and 39 economic . In relation to religious issues, studies have focussed on 40 ascetic women. Elm’s Virgins of God explores the development of Christian women’s asceticism in Syria and Egypt and includes the evidence of the papyri. Her methodology is descriptive of the ascetic elements in the texts. Wipszycka also examines women’s 41 asceticism , analysing its forms of organisation to the seventh century, and notes the evidence of the papyri. Her study is not comprehensive of all the published documents. Emmett Nobbs’ 42 research in the papyri includes women’s monasticism . None includes non-ascetic women by definition. A number of studies explore the papyri for information on early 43 Egyptian Christianity . Some include women’s texts incidentally. The ten volumes of New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity (ND) have produced scholarly material using papyrological and epigraphic sources. They include a number texts written by, to and referring to Christian women without being comprehensive. This study focuses on Christian women in Egypt using the papyri as sources, embedding the women’s religious beliefs, practices and experiences in the broader context of their lives and attempts a comprehensive coverage of texts published to date. 38

Lefkowitz and Fant (2005). Eg Mondini (1917); Sijpesteijn (1965); Montevecchi (1981); Emmett (1982); (1984); Hobson (1983); (1985); Pomeroy (1983, 1985); (1984); Kraemer (1986); Beaucamp (1990–1992); (2002); Bassiouni (1992); Sheridan (1996); (1998); Barker (1997); El-Mosalamy (1997); Cribiore (2001a); Bagnall (2001b); Balconi (2001); Fikhman (2001); Parca (2002). 40 Elm (1994, 2000). 41 Wipszycka (2002). 42 Emmett (1982); (1984). 43 Ghedini (1923); Cavassini (1954); Naldini (1968, 1998); Harris (1975); Youtie (1975b); (1978); Judge and Pickering (1977); Tibiletti (1979); Bagnall (1982); (1987a); (1987b); (2001a); E. A. Judge, ‘The Earliest Use of monachos for “Monk” (P. Coll. Youtie 77) and the Origins of Monasticism’ in Judge (2010) 156–177; ‘Fourth-Century Monasticism in the Papyri’ in Judge (2010) 178–184; ‘The Magical Use of Scripture in the Papyri’ in Judge (2010) 198–208. 39

APPENDIX CRITERIA FOR CLASSIFYING TEXTS AS CHRISTIAN 1

The following criteria are generally accepted . Author’s Self-identification as a Christian Expression of Christian Belief

or Explicit

Use of Nomina Sacra and Christian Symbols Nomina sacra refer to the abbreviated form of a group of sacred words. Abbreviation is usually by contraction and, occasionally in early texts, by suspension. A horizontal line above the word signals the abbreviation. Most frequently contracted are ,KVRX ,³³ &ULVWRY&³³ .XYULR.³³ and4HRY4³³ Nomina sacra are not exclusively Christian but occur in pagan magical papyri, Manichean texts and, rarely, in Jewish sources. Their appearance in magical texts constitutes a borrowing from Christianity. Jewish use is attested after the beginning of the 2 Christian Era , most frequently with .XYULR and 4HRY Nomina 3 sacra are not attested in certainly Jewish documentary papyri . 4 Their occurrence in Manichean texts is consistent with Manichean 5 claims to be Christian . While the occurrences in non-Christian documents indicate the need for caution, nomina sacra remain an almost certain criterion for Christianity and are accepted as such except where a text contains clearly Manichean elements.

1

Ghedini (1923); Naldini (1968, 1998); Wipszycka (1974); Tibiletti (1979); G. Horsley, ‘Cannibalism at Alexandria?’ in ND 4.57–63, here 58–63; S. Llewelyn, ‘Ammonios to Apollonios (P. Oxy. XLII 3057): The Earliest Christian Letter on Papyrus?’ in ND 6.169–177, here 175. 2 Abbreviations occur in copies of the LXX before the period CE but neither NXYULR nor THRY is used for the Tetragrammaton, Bedodi (1974); G. Horsley, ‘Some Recently Published Fragments of the Greek Old Testament’ in ND 2.111– 122 here 112; Kraft (2001). A Palestinian text dated C6, B. Lifshitz (1974), Euphrosyne 6, 27–29 = G. Horsley, ‘Nomina sacra in Synagogue Inscriptions’ in ND 1.107–112, here 107f, includes NXYULR . See also ND 3.95ff, here 96. 3 Kraft (2001). 4 Eg P.Kell.5.Copt.15; 16; 22; 25; 29; 32. 5 P.Kell.5.Copt., Introduction, 73.

Christian Women in the Papyri to 400 CE

11 6

Christian monograms, acrostics and isopsephisms are clear criteria 7 8 , an isopsephism or a for classification; &0* may be an acrostic 9 visual symbol of the Hebrew for ‘One’ , but while the meaning of &0* is still uncertain, its Christian association is not questioned. Such monograms as the cross, the chi-rho monogram, and the ‘cross monogram’ or modified ‘anhk’ symbol are less reliable as 10 criteria since they occur in pagan texts  Use of the Bible and Other Christian Works Biblical references and citations of other Christian works generally provide uncertain criteria. Harris suggests three categories of biblical references: ‘biblical citations’ are quotations of the LXX and NT; ‘verbal echoes’ recall scriptural vocabulary; ‘biblical 11 reminiscences’ involve ‘conjecture’ . Reference to the Christian Community, Its Officials or Liturgical Practices Reference to specifically Christian officials and liturgical practices generally provides certain criteria for classification. However, the early church used the vocabulary of secular rather than religious society for its practices so that common Christian words, for example ‘servant/deacon GLDYNRQR’, ‘elder SUHVEXYWHUR’ ‘bishop/ overseer HMSLYVNRSR’ ‘reader DMQDJQZYVWK’ and ‘meeting/church HMNNOKVLYD’ had secular meanings which were only gradually displaced by Christian use. The language and practice of Christian prayer and worship are only rarely useful as criteria. While sometimes distinguished by the use 6

Isopsephisms occur in pagan texts eg P.Oxy.45.3239 (late C2) which has been identified as a table of isopsephisms. See also Skeat (1978). 7 &ULVWRQ0DULYD *HQQD is preferred to FHLURYPRXJUDIKY or&ULVWR 0LFDKO *DEULKYO. See di Bitonto Kasser (1998). 8 See S. Llewelyn, ‘The Christian Symbol &0*, an Acrostic or an Isopsephism?’ in ND 8.156–168, here 168 following G. Lefebre, ‘Receuil des inscriptions grecques-chrétiennes d’Égypte’, cited in G. Horsley, ‘The Origin of the Abbreviation &0*: A Christian Cryptogram?’ in ND 2.177–180, here 178. 9 Such a doctrinal statement is unlikely. See the comments on P.Oxy.6.940. 10 For examples, see Naldini (1968, 1998) 23–26. 11 Harris (1975).

12

Erica Mathieson

of nomina sacra the common words for prayer HX>FRPDLHXMFKYare found regularly in both Christian and pagan texts. The less frequentSURVHXFKYtends to be used by Christians, although the word occurs in the certainly pagan BGU 4.1080 (C3). Use of Christian Language Research in papyrology reveals a common linguistic framework for referring to the divine and worship across Christian and pagan texts in the third and fourth centuries, rejecting the hypothesis that there is a distinct Christian vocabulary in the period. References to god 12 in the singular are common in pagan, Christian and Jewish texts . The phrases ‘in God HMQTHZ ’, ‘in the LordHMQ NXULYZ’ and ‘in the Lord God HMQ NXULYZTHZ ’ in the papyri were once regarded as certainly Christian. This remains the case when expressed using 13 nomina sacra except when Manichean elements are present . More recent publications have raised questions about the phrases’ necessary Christianity when nomina sacra are not present. The following discussion addresses this issue. The phrases, while occurring in Jewish literary texts, are not attested in Jewish documentary papyri. Nonetheless this suggests 14 they were known in Jewish circles . Recently HMQTHZ HMQNXULYZ andHMQNXULYZ THZ  have been found in texts that might otherwise be classified as pagan. SB 14.12173 and 15 P.Oxy.59.3998 include HMQTHZ  alongside proskynema statements 16 once taken to exclude the possibility of a text’s being Christian . Similarly the wish for protection against the evil eye, DMEDYVNDQWR whichoccurs frequently in pagan letters and was understood to be a criterion for pagan classification, has been found in certainly Christian papyri such as PSI 8.972= SB 12.10841 (C4) with nomina sacra, and P.Mich.8.519 (C4) with FPJ. It also occurs in P.Oxy.20.2276 and P.Wisc.2.76 with HMQTHZ  andHMQNXULYZTHZ  In 12

See Versnel (1990); Athanassiadi and Frede (1999). Eg P.Harr.1.107; see also the Introduction to P.Kell.5.Copt., p.73; Wipszycka (1974) 205; Tibiletti (1979) 29f. 14 The phrases occur in the LXX, see 98 below. (QTHZ  occurs also in Philo of ‘the “in God” life’, ‘the “in God” power’. (TLG). 15 For P.Oxy.59.3998, see 218f below. 16 Tibiletti (1979) 55. On proskynema, see Geraci (1971). 13

Christian Women in the Papyri to 400 CE

13

relation to abaskanta it appears likely the word became part of general vocabulary, losing its religious significance, and came to 17 denote simply protection from evil . Epp considers HMQTHZ  HMQNXULYZ andHMQNXULYZTHZ written without nomina sacra to be uncertain criteria of Christianity because of their occurrence in texts with abaskanta and proskynema 18 formulae . It seems less likely, however, that the theologically significant phrases would appear in a pagan text than that abaskanta and proskynema formulae might occur in a Christian text in a period of social and linguistic transition and/or one deriving from a recent convert. 4HRYandNXYULRTHRYwith or without the article, VXQTHZ THZ  FDYUL THRX THYORQWRK-THLYDSURYQRLDand SDUDWZ NXULYZ THZ  19 have been identified in pagan documents . Similarly designations of god as ‘X^\LVWRmost high’or ‘SDQWRNUDYWZUall 20 powerful’occur in texts of Christians, Jews and pagans and are insufficient criteria on their own. Use of Biblical Names Christians, Jews and those of pagan religion draw on a largely 21 common stock of names. Following the work of several scholars , biblical names after 300 are generally accepted as Christian. Theophoric names derived from pagan gods retain religious significance in some instances at least into the third and fourth 22 centuries . However, the bearer of a theophoric name may be a Christian convert and there is little evidence for name-change as a result of conversion.

17

Tibiletti (1979) 46. Epp (2004), 24f. 19 See Naldini (1968, 1998); Wipszycka (1974); Tibiletti (1979). 20 S. Mitchell, ‘The Cult of Theos Hypsistos between Pagans, Jews and Christians’ in Athanassiadi and Frede (1999) 81–148; Teeter (2007). 21 CPJ 1.xvii–xix; Bagnall (1982); (1987a); Wipszycka (1986); Horsley (1987); Fikhman (1996). 22 Frankfurter (1998) 106f. 18

TEXTS WRITTEN BY CHRISTIAN WOMEN Twenty-six papyri form the main corpus of source texts in this 1 book . The earliest is dated to the third/fourth century. While 2 certainly Christian documents exist from the early third century , none is by a woman, although one of the six arguably Christian 3 third-century letters is written to a woman . Essential to the approach in this study is to set each woman’s religious life in the context of her broader life. This is to avoid two dangers: that of abstracting a woman’s religious life from its connections with her relationships, health and work; and that of assuming a category ‘woman’ by grounding the analysis in the lives of individual women. At the same time this approach allows a level of generalisation by identifying common themes. For each papyrus the heading gives the siglum, date and provenance; the text is written in Greek with an English translation; the reasons for classification as Christian and any other religious elements are outlined; and points of interest are noted. BGU 3.948, C4/5, Provenance: Herakleopolis; BL 3.15; 6.13f; 7.16; 8.37; 9.24. 1

5

10

1

FPJFPJFPJ WZ XL-RX PRX4HRGRXYORXSDUDWK PKWURYVRX.RIDKY QDNDL=KYQZQRFDLYULQSURPHQSDYQWZQHX>FR PHWRQSDQWRNUDYWRUDQTHRQWDSH[ULW]K X-JLYDVRX NDLR-ORNOKULYDVRXFDLYULQJLQZYVNLQH•[T]H•YOZR^WLHLMSHYQ VRLR-SUDJ9PDWHXW[KR^]WL{KPWU}K-PKYWKUVRX.RIDKYQD DMVTHQL HLMGRX GHYNDWUL PK QHNDLND@QHMSLVWROKQ RXMNHMWRYUPKNDHMPRLJUDY\HQR^WLRL?GDNHVHDXWRX  R^WLNDOLRRYҕWHUHQWZ Q[ ] LZQX[] LZQXHMSRLYKVD PHWDVRX NDLRXMNHMWRYUPKVDYVRLDMNRXYVDR^WL QRVZ RXMNHMWRYUPKVDSHYP\HQPRLND@QHM[RMOLY JRXWLYSRWHTHYOKVRQRX?QSHYP\HQPRLGHYNDOLY WUDOLQDYUZQNDLSRLZ VRLHL-PDYWLDSURWRGXYQR

Texts written by women which are not accepted as Christian are: P.Abinn.56; P.Brook.73; P.Cair.Isid.63; 114; 115; P.Charite; P.Kell.1.71; P.Koln 5.239; P.Nag.Ham.72; P.Oxy.14.1720; 31.2599; 36.2770; 48.3403; P.Wisc.2.74; O.Douch 137; 148; 149; 150; 151; 152. 2 P.Bas.1.16 (early C3, c.200), see Judge and Pickering (1977). 3 P.Oxy.20.2276, see 212 below.

Christian Women in the Papyri to 400 CE

15

PHR^WLRXMGHQH>FZWLYSRLKYVZVRLTHYOKVRQRX?Q SRLKYVHQPRLPHNKQVLWDUFLYDQNDLHMJZDMSRVWHOZ  15 VRLPHNDLPD[]SURVDJRUHXYHLVH D>PPDV[RX]NDLHMJZ.RIKYQDNDLR-XHL-RYVRX =KYQZ[QNDLK-DM]GHOIKYVRX.XULYOODNDLWDSHGLYD DXMWK THYOKVRQ[R]X?QXL-HYPRX4HRYGRXOHDMJRUDYVLQ PRLࠛOLY(WUD HMULGLYRXPHYOD[QR]K^QDSRLKYVZPDWK PDIRY ULRQNDLDMSRVWHOZ [VR]LWRNHYUPDR^VRXDXMWDDMJRUD  20 HMUUZ VTHY[VHH]X>FRPHSROORL  FURYQRL VersoDMSRYGRWDXYWKQ4HRGRXYORX SD[U]D.RIDKYQK s + 1 l. XL-Z PRX4HRGRXYOZ2 l. FDLYUHLQ2–3 l. HX>FRPDL l. XMJLHLYD l. FDYULQ JLQZYVNHLQ l. DMVTHQHL LMGRX  WUHL  PK QD l. HMWRYOPKVDJUDY\HLQ NDL VX DXMWR l. NDOOLRYWHURQ l. HMWRYOPKVD (also 10) l. SHYP\HLQ(also 11) 2 l. 4 OLQDULYZQ L-PDYWLD2–13 l. GXYQDPDL l. SRLKYVHLQ PLNUDYQ  possiblyPHN>D 5 = PLNUD EOZPL@DL >D@ PD>JLYGR@ .  l. .RIDKYQD XL-RY l. SDLGLYD l. 6 DMJRUDYVHLQ l. L^QDHMPDXWK DMJRUD  not DMJRUDY 21 l. HMUUZ VTDLY HX>FRPDL 23 l. 4HRGRXYOZ To my son Theodoulos, from your mother Kophaena and Zenon, greetings. Before all things, I pray to the all powerful God about your health, and for your well-being. I want you to know that the steward told you, ‘Kophaena, your mother, is ill, see, 13 months’. And you did not have the grace to write a letter to me because you yourself know that I treated you better … and you did not have the grace, having heard that I am sick, you did not have the grace to send me anything at any time, even something little. Therefore please send me 10 pounds of linen and I will make a garment for you as far 7 as I am able, because I have nothing that I can do for you . So please give me a small maintenance and I will send you [small loaves of cheese cake?]. 8 Your mother greets you, even I, Kophaena , and your son Zenon and your sister Kyrilla and her children. So please, my son Theodoulos, buy for me 6 pounds of black wool so that I may make for myself a cloak and I will send you the money whatever the cost. I pray you may be well for a long time. 4

PHNKQ PLNNKQ PLNUDQWinter (1933) 154; BL 3.15. BL 6.13; 7.16. 6 O'Callaghan (1963) 35; Winter (1933) 155, n.2. 7 O'Callaghan (1990) argues that RXMGHYQ functions as RXM; WLYas R^WLR^; BL 3.15. 8 Winter (1933) 154, n.4; Naldini (1968, 1998) 361. O'Callaghan (1963) 32, 34; Cribiore and Bagnall (2006) no.101, interpret D>PPDVRXas a different person. 5

16 Verso

Erica Mathieson Deliver this to Theodoulos from Kophaena.

Kophaena’s Christian belief is evident in the decorative threefold 9 FPJ at 10the top of the sheet and the cross on the verso beneath the address . The Christian classification is strengthened by the name of her son, ‘Theodoulos’, which occurs in possibly pagan texts but becomes expressive of Christian piety in the fourth century. Kophaena’s prescript uses the rare formula ‘to B from A, greeting’ found only here and in P.Berl.Zill.12 (C3/4) below, combining the common ‘A to B, greeting’ of private letters with ‘to B from A’ of official documents. Kophaena knows the official form although it cannot be ruled out that the phrase reflects the influence of a scribe. Such a ‘mistake’, however, would be most unusual as the evidence indicates. The papyrus was destroyed in a fire making examination of the hand impossible but the strongly oral character, unpolished grammar and colloquialisms suggest Kophaena’s own writing or a scribe’s who has not smoothed her dictation. The form of prescript suggests that she is adopting a high tone. Theodoulos’ son, Zenon, is named in the prescript although he has no part in composing the letter which uses first-person singular forms throughout. Kophaena uses the letter to rebuke Theodoulos for his lack of care when she is ill. She uses DMVTHQHYZ and QRVHYZ the latter term 11 expressing severe illness as does her statement that she will make a garment ‘as I am able’, ll.13f. Despite this Theodoulos ‘has not had the grace’, l.7, to contact her, a rebuke she repeats twice, ll.9, 10. If the reconstruction of the damaged l.8 is correct, R^WL NDOOLRYWHURQ WZ Q D>>O@OZQ R- S>DYQ@WZQ XL-H@LZ Q PRXHMSRLYKVD PHWD VRX  Theodoulos’ behaviour is the more reprehensible as he has 12 received better treatment than Kophaena’s other children . The only other child mentioned is Theodoulos’ sister, Kyrilla. The second matter in the letter is Kophaena’s request for supplies including a ‘basic maintenance VLWDUFLYD’, l.14, which suggests that she is in need. Kophaena appears to be a widow or divorced. 9

See 10f above. Naldini (1968, 1998) 359, reads a chi rho symbol. O'Callaghan (1963) 32f, reads a cross with ‘s’ above the top right-hand quadrant. 11 Barrett-Lennard (1994) 23f. 12 Ghedini (1923) no.44; Winter (1933) 154; Naldini (1968, 1998) no.93, 360. 10

Christian Women in the Papyri to 400 CE

17

She does not mention Theodoulos’ father, any husband or any male apart from Zenon. This is largely a family of women and children. P.Abinn.34=P.Lond.2.410, 342–351, Provenance: Philadelphia 1

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10

15

20

WZ GHVSRYWKPRX NDLSDYWUZQLSUDLSRVLYWZ K-PKYWKUWRX 0RXVK  H>SHP\DHMSL^+UZQD NXYULHSDYWUZQDMSK OTHQ RX?QPHWDWR QEDUEDYURQ PHWDWRQTHRQRXMGLYQDQ H>FRPHQK-PK ERKTRQ X-PZ QH>SHP\DYVRXRX?Q NXYULHYPRXWRQM$TLRYHLQ· DM[LZ WRXSRYGDVRX NXYULHSDYWUZQLHMSLGK RL>GKNDLVXR^WLK-SHYQWK K-PHYUDLR-HMQLDXWRR^OR HLMVLYDM[LZ VHNDLSDUDNDOR VH NXYULHL^QDVXQFZUKYVK DXMWRX WDRMOLYJDK-PHYUD K^WLNHOHXYHLNXYҕU>ҕL]HHL?SRQ WRX ҕM$TLRYHL HMUUZ VTDLYVHHX>FRPDL NXYULHSDYWUZQL

6 l. WZ QEDUEDYUZQ7 l. RXMGHYQD8 l. K-PHL 9 l. VRL 12 l. SDYWUZQHMSHLGK13 l. RL>GD DL-SHYQWH 15 l. SDUDNDOZ  17 l. DXMWZ  18 l. HL>WL19 l. WZ 21 l. SDYWUZQ To my lord and patron, the praepositus, the mother of Moses. You sent for Heron, lord patron. Therefore he left with the army. After God we have no help but yours. So, my lord, I have sent Athioeis to you. I beseech your feet, lord patron, since you know, even you, that ‘five days are a whole year’, I beseech you and I entreat you, lord, that you grant him the few days. If you order anything, lord, tell Athioeis. I pray you may be well, lord patron.

The unnamed praepositus to whom this semi-official letter is addressed is Flavius Abinnaeus, a military officer, known from his archive of 82 documents. The abruptness of style alongside the 13 professional orthography suggests the mother’s dictation. The form of the prescript ‘to B A’is regular in the period. The mother has chosen the epistolary form for what could as well have been a 13

Bagnall and Cribiore (2006) no.251.

18

Erica Mathieson

petition, suggesting that she opts for a more personal tone. The letter closes with the standard prayer for healthl.20. The woman does not name herself but styles herself only in relation to her son Moses. His name, being biblical, indicates that his parents are Christian or Jewish but names from the LXX which 14 occur after 300 are generally regarded as Christian , context depending; therefore, the mother is understood to be Christian. It is likely that she is widowed or divorced since she makes no reference to a husband. She, a woman, writes the request to the praepositus, acting without an assistant or guardian. The titles which the mother gives to Abinnaeus convey respect. She uses ‘lord GHVSRYWK’which takes up the honorific sense that 15 NXYULR tends to lose in the fourth century . It implies submission. 16 'HVSRYWK occurs frequently with SDYWUZQ , conveying as here the sense of deference appropriate to a patron/client relationship. The mother requests leave,l.17, for Athioeis who, it seems, is also a son. The reason for the leave is not given. Either Abinnaeus is expected to know, or Athioeis may explain. Whatever its nature the request is urgent, ‘I beseech your feet’, ll.11f, a form of petition which is not attested elsewhere in the period, but which conveys 17 humility . The mother asserts her powerlessness and dependence 18 19 on Abinnaeus in ‘after God we have no help but yours (pl)’ , ll.7f . P.Abinn.49=P.Lond.2.403, Philadelphia 1

5

14

5

July

346,

Provenance:

)ODRXLYZM$ELQQDLYZHMSDYUFZHL>OK VWUDWLZWZ QNDYVWUZQ'LRQXVLDYGRSDUD$XMUKOLYD 0DULYDJDPEUD M$NLD UVWUDWLZWZ QWZ QHMQ0HYP ILGLDNLPHYQZQX-SR.ROORX TRQSUHSRYVLWRQ JHRXFRX ҕQҕWLHMQNZYPK4HR[HQLYGLNDWDWHQGHX WHYUDQWRX R>QWRPKQRҕM(S[H]LYI[NXYUL]HRXMҕNҕX?GDWLY

Fikhman (1996) 227ff. See 13 above. Tibiletti (1979) 33. 16 The combined terms have a spiritual sense in P.Heid.1.6=SB 1.2266 (C4). 17 See also P.Lond.6.1926.17–19; ‘by your feet, we implore you …’, HL 14.5. 18 Interchange of singular and plural is common although only here in this letter. 19 For a similar statement expressed positively, see P.Herm.17, 33f below; negatively as here, P.Ant.2.93 at 205f below. Also P.Giss.68 (117), pagan. 15

Christian Women in the Papyri to 400 CE

10

15

20

25

19

Q[LORY]JRXNҕ[D]Lҕ[OK]VWULNZ WURYSZ[QXNWR]FUKVDYPH QRLYWLQHNҕDҕNҕRX UJRLHMSK OT[DQWZ HMPZ ]DMJUZ WZ Q [S]UREDYWZQNDL[NH]LYҕUDQWHYPRX[S]UҕRҕEY >ҕDW]DWRQDMULT PRQHMQQҕKYDDMIKUNHYQDLD>OODWULYDSURYEDWD ]Z QWDNDLDMJURIXODYNZQWK NZYPK4HR[HQLY GRWKQWZ QSUREDYWZQNRXUDQNDLDMSHODVLYDQ DMQD]KWRXYQWZQHX^UDQHMQWZ DMJUZ WK 1DUPRXY THZ[M,Z]DYQQKQNDLM+OHLYDQZ-WRXYWZQWKQ NRXUDҕ[QND]LDMSHODVLYDQSHSRLNHYQDLGLDDXM WRWRX WRDM[LZ NDLGHYRPDLYVRXWK ILODQTUZSLY DR^SZWRXYWRXVXQODEZYPHQR{NDL}NDWD QDJNDYVKDXMWRXWKQWZ QSUREDYWZQNRXUDQ NDLDMSHODVLYDQR-PRORJK VHHL?WDJUDIHYQWDX-SH HMPRX HLMJQZ VLQ[W]RX NXULYRXPRXGRXNRDMQD QLYNK·[D]XMҕWҕRX JDYUHMVW[L]QWDWRLDҕ[X ]WҕDҕ WROPRX QWH[] HMN>ҕGLNL QNDLWRX WRWXF]ZQFҕ[D]UҕҕLҕWҕDҕYVRLR-ҕ[P]RORJKYVZ [NXYULH]GLHXWXYFHL M$XUKOLYD0DULYDJDPEUDM$NLD UVWUDWLZYWRX HMSLGHYGZND X-SDWHLYDWZ QGHV[S]RWZ QK-PZ Q.ZQVWDҕQҕWLYQRX WRGYNDL.ZYVWDQWRWRJYM$JRXYVWZQ M(SHLILDY

3–4 l. 0HYPIHL4 l. GLDNHLPHYQZQ SUDLSRYVLWRQ5 l. JHRXFRX QWR6 l. RL?GD 7 l. ORYJZ10 l. HMQQHYD11 l. DMJURIXYODNH13 l. DMQD]KWRX QWH15 l. SHSRLKNRYWZQ 17 l. VXOODERYPHQR19 l. R-PRORJK VDLX-SM20 l. DMQHQHYJNK 21 l. WROPZ QWD 22 l. HMNGLNHL QWRXYWRX26 l. .ZQVWDQWLYRX To Flavius Abinnaeus eparchos of the troop of soldiers of the camp of Dionysias, from Aurelia Maria, sister-in-law of Akiar, one of the soldiers situated at Memphis under Kollouthos, the praepositus, being a landowner of Theoxenis. On the second of the present month Epeiph, lord, I do not know for what reason, but using the method of a robber by night, certain evil-doers invaded my field of sheep and having shorn my sheep, in number nine, they snatched three other sheep alive. The field-guards of Theoxenis, investigating the shearing of the sheep and the snatching, found, in the field of Narmouthis, John and Elias as those thought to have done the shearing and snatching. Because of this I beseech and beg your human-kindness that, having captured these men, you force them to confess the shearing of the sheep and the snatching, then that you bring what has been written by me to the knowledge of the lord dux, for it belongs to him to take revenge on those who have the effrontery to do such deeds. Gaining this I will confess my gratitude to you, lord. Farewell. I, Aurelia Maria, sister-in-law of Akiar

20

Erica Mathieson

soldier, have stated this. In the consulship of our masters Constantinus for the 4th time and Constans for the 3rd time, Augusti, Epeiph 11.

Classification of this petition from Maria against John and Elias is based on the names of the three. The men may be Jewish but ‘John’ and ‘Elias’ are rare in Jewish papyri and given a date after 300, a 20 Jewish classification is unlikely . ‘Maria’ is regular in Christian texts but it too may be Jewish although again the date makes this 21 unlikely. The name occurs in Manichean texts , and while the petition is devoid of Manichean elements, none are to be expected. ‘Maria’ can be pagan, derived from the Roman gens, but this is unlikely given the circumstances of Maria’s letter. On the balance of probability, and given the conjunction of the names, Maria is accepted as Christian, as are John and Elias. There are no other religious elements in the text. Maria acts in her petition without a male assistant and appears to write the text herself, there being no second hand at the subscription. P.Benaki 4=SB 26.16686, C4, Provenance: Fayum; BL 12.9 1

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15

NXULYZPRXD-JLZWDYWZXL-K  VXTHZ GLMHMVHHMVSRXYGDVDHMUT[L QH>SHP\DY VRLFҕORXERQNZUVHOKYQKNDҕLҕFҕҕOҕ[RXERQTD OLYZNDLFORXER  ҕ[Z Q SOX QRDXMWDNDLEDYҕOHKMWҕRQK^Oҕ[LRQ RX_KMDQH>FKHMNL WRH>[RPHWDEDYO[HKMF ZQҕҕLNDLGXYRE[D]XҕNDYO[L]DNQLYGLD NDҕLJUDY\RPRLKMHMGHYG[R]XDXMWDYK^Q[DʊD> OHXURQD>ODPKYSZP[H]WDEK NDY[WZGL DWX WRRXMNH>SH

\DYVRL[J]UDY\ZVR[L {VRL}D>ODRMOLYJDHMSH

\DYVRLWHҕ[ ]DLNRQҕ[ JU[DY]\RPDLGHWLYOD

EҕDYQL[]W[ R^W[LK>]NRXVDR^WLH>OҕDEHҕ[ R^Wҕ[L]K?UTDҕKMGҕ[L ]VҕHHRL[ [±3] . . . [ . ] . . . . . . [ . . ] . . [

1 l. XL-Z l. GLDYVHHMOTHL Q3 l. NORXERQ(also 4). 5 l. HLM6 l. HMDQY HMNHL  H>[Z HLM 8 l. HLMHMGLYGRX L^QD 10 l. WRX WR12 l. PRL ODPEDYQHL14 l. K?OTRQ LMGHL Q. To my most holy lord son. With God’s help and for your sake I have been quick to come. I have sent you a basket of parsley roots, a basket of shoots 20

See 13 above. Both names become frequent in C4. See P.Harr.1.107.

21

Christian Women in the Papyri to 400 CE

21

and a basket of some small raisins. Wash them and put them in the sun wherever you have somewhere outside. Then put them in a funnel and two Knidian jars. Write to me when you get them milled into flour. But, in case you come down, for this reason I have not sent you anything else. I will write to you about a few other matters. I sent to you … Write to me what you receive … because I heard that you received … because I came to see you …

This letter occurs on the recto of a letter from a son to his mother, P.Benaki 5=SB 16.26687. The addressee of one is evidently the 22 sender of the other . The content and tenor of the letters favour the mother and son being kin rather than that this is a spiritual 23 relationship. The text is written in an unskilled hand with uneven letters, lines and left margin. The spelling is phonetic. It may be the mother’s own hand or her dictation to an inexperienced scribe. P.Benaki 4 does not provide sufficient evidence to identify the mother as Christian. She uses ‘most holy D-JLZYWDWR’ of her son, a title of respect in pagan and Christian texts. She uses ‘with God VXQ THZ ’ , without nomen sacrum, which is also not exclusive to Christian texts. The son in P.Benaki 5 is certainly Christian. He greets his mother ‘in the Lord HMQNXULY Z’, l.2, using the nomen sacrum, gives thanks ‘to Christ WZ &ULVW Z ’ and glory ‘to God WZ TH Z ’, ll.3f, 22f, using nomina sacra, and uses a biblical quotation, ‘the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with your (pl) spirit K-FDYžULWRX  NXULYR X K-PZ Q,KVR X &ULVWR X PHWDWRX

24 SQHXYPDWR  X-PZ Q’  and a cross monogram, ll.33–35. The son’s Christianity does not necessarily require that the mother also be Christian but his use of Christian vocabulary and formulae, nomina sacra and biblical quotation suggests that these are meaningful to her and that she shares his belief. 25

Unusually among the papyri, no names appear in either letter , 26 which, together with the vague place references , led the editor to 22

This appears unique among the papyri, ed.pr., 95, suggested by the styles of address,4.1;5.1, 2; use of DMJLZWDYWZwith the son’s biblical majuscule and NT vocabulary and citation; and the contents which suggest P.Benaki 5 answers 4. 23 Bagnall and Cribiore (2006) no.207. 24 Gal 6:18; Phil 4:23; Phlm 25. 25 The end of 4.1 is damaged and may have contained the son’s name. The lack of address for either letter suggests the letter-bearer knew the addressees. 26 ‘down NDYWZ’4.9; ‘hereHMQWDX TD’, 5.6; ‘here DXMWRYVH’5.9.

Erica Mathieson

22

propose that the correspondents aimed at secrecy and were writing prior to 325. The editor finds confirmation of ‘danger’ in the son’s relief at his mother’s safe return, P.Benaki 5.3–10. However, these features are regular and do not require a context of persecution. In favour of a later date is the cross monogram which comes into common use only in the second half of the fourth century. The mother’s letter gives no suggestion of danger. P.Berl.Zill.12, C3/4, Provenance: Unknown; BL 6.23; 7.29; 12.32 1

5

10

15

20

WDL NXULYDLPRXPKWHYUDLSDUDM$TD QҕDҕVҕLҕD Y ҕҕFDLYUHLSURPHQSDYQWZQHX> FRPHWZ [[.]]NX!ULYZK-PZ QTHZ R-ORNUKUHL Q NDLX-HYQHQVHPDTHRX?QNXULYDPRXPKY WKUR^WLSURVVNXQZ  R>\LQK-PZ Q. PKDMJZQD RX?QHMSHMPRX>±6] HXMFDULVWRX PHQWZ NXULYZ>K-PZ Q@ THZ R^WLWDZ-D>UWLVXQWKUHL DMVSDY ]RPHWRQNXYULRYQPRX3DLYVLҕDNDLWKQ NXULYDPRXPKWKYU\ DQ/NDLWKQDMGHOIKYQ PRX-:ULJHQLYDQ>N]DL4DHL QNDL6RILYDQ R NDL/XNLYODQNDL(XMGDLYPRQDNDL-+UD NOHLYGKQNDL'LRQXYVLRQDMVSDY]RPH WRQNXYULRYQPRXDMGHOIRQ3HYNXORQ NDLWDWHYNQDDXMWRX DMVSDY]RPH=ZYVL PRQNDL.DYORSRQNDL-+OODYOLEHQNDL W 0DNHGRYQLQNDL4DOK QNDL3HLSHY ULQNDL1LYNKQNDL=ZVLYPKQNDLSDYQ >>Q]]WDWRXX-PZ QNDWMR>QRPD HMUZ VTHYVHHX>FRPHNXULYDPRX PKYWKUSURVDJRUHXYZR^URXWRX X-PZ QNDWMR>QRPD'LHXWXYFHL Verso WK NXULYDPRXPKWULSDUMM$TDQDVLYD>] WK TXJDWURY 27

1 M$TDQҕDҕVҕLYҕDҕҕ , l. PKWUDYVL2 l. FDLYUHLQ2–3 l. HX>FRPDL R-ORNOKUHL Q. 4 l. X-JLDLYQHLQ 4–5 l. PK WHU 5 l. SURVNXQZ X-PZ Q 6 l. DMJZQLYDHMSHMPRX8 l. WD Z- 28 D>UWL VXQWKUHL  8–9 l. DMVSDY]RPDL(also 13, 15)10 l. NXULYDQ PKWHYUD 12 l. /oXNLYODQ17 l. 4DWUK Q l. HMUUZ VTDLHX>FRPDL22 l. R^ORX 27

Youtie (1974) 41, n.25, not $TDQD VLYRXed.pr. Similarlyverso. BL 6.23. Youtie (1973b) 898, proposes VXQWKUHL !for VXQ!DSK UH, ed.pr., the latter verb not attested elsewhere; also WDZ-D>UWL= H^ZD>UWL for 7DZ D>UWL, ed.pr.

28

Christian Women in the Papyri to 400 CE

23

To my lady mothers from Athanasia, greeting. Before all things I pray to the Lord our God that you be well and healthy. Be aware, my lady mother, that I kiss your face. Do not be anxious for me … We give thanks to the Lord our God because he keeps us up till now. I greet my lord father and my lady mother and my sister Horigenia and Thais and Sophia and Lucilla and Eudaimon and Herakleides and Dionysius. I greet my lord brother Pekylos and his children. I greet Zosimus and Kalopos and Hellaliben and Makedonios and Thatres and Piperis and Nike and Zosime and all your people by name. I pray for your health, my lady mother. I greet all your people by name. Farewell. Verso

To my lady mother, from Athanasia her daughter.

Athanasia’s Christian belief is indicated by her prayer ‘to the Lord 29 our God’  l.3, without nomina sacra. While prayer WZ NXULYZTHZ  is not necessarily Christian, the phrase with the possessive pronoun 30 occurs only in Christian texts . #+PZ Q signals that the mothers also 31 are Christian. Athanasia’s name further supports the classification . Athanasia writes, ‘We give thanks to the Lord our God’, l.7, again without nomina sacra. To whom ‘we’ refers is unknown and may 32 be an example of the text’s fluid use of singular and plural forms . The nature of the maternal relationships cannot be determined, but the mother in the address may be literal given no accompanying 33 34 name for identification . Clearly not all uses are literal . The letter is dated to the late third or early fourth century on the 35 36 basis of the handwriting and names , a number of which are 37 attested for the first time in this text . 29

For this reading, see Note di Aggiornamento, 434, in Naldini (1968, 1998). ‘The Lord our God’ occurs only in this text and the Christian P.Abinn.5 (342– 351). ‘Our gods’ appears only in ‘our ancestral gods’, eg P.Oslo 3.159 (C3). 31 ‘Athanasios’ appears exclusively Christian, G. Horsley, ‘Athanasios’ in ND 3.90. It is probable that the feminine name is also Christian. 32 Ed.pr. suggests the plurals are expressions of respect but notes that such use would be unique to this text. Similarly Naldini (1968, 1998) 148, note to l.1. 33 Kinship terms without names in a prescript or addresses are regularly literal to the end of C3. From C4, particularly in Christian letters, ‘rules’ for their use are less certain, Dickey (2004) 165. Given that ‘mother’ and ‘daughter’ are more frequently literal than ‘father’ or ‘brother’, a literal sense is likely. 34 On the use of familial terms for non-kin, see Naldini (1968, 1998) 15f; Tibiletti (1979) 31f; Arzt-Grabner (2002); Dickey (2004); E. A. Judge, ‘Rank and Status in the World of the Caesars and St Paul’ in Judge (2008b) 137–156. 30

24

Erica Mathieson

Youtie notes that in l.5 there is insufficient space for the first 38 editor’s reconstruction SURVVNXQZ WRXSRYGDX-PZ Q . He proposes SURVVNXQZ  X-SHUK-PZ Q  X-PZ Q , ‘I do obeisance on your behalf’. 3URVNXQHYZis only rarely attested in the papyri and does not appear to be equivalent to ‘do obeisance SURVNXYQKPD SRLHYZ’. 39 Its construction with X-SHYUis not otherwise attested and makes the proposal unlikely. 3URVNXQHYZoccurs most often in relation to 40 people, meaning ‘greet’ or ‘kiss’ . Naldini without explanation 41 proposes ‘I greet you SURVNXQZ K-PZ Q  X-PZ Q ’ but SURVNXQHYZ is not attested with the genitive. A photograph of the papyrus indicates a gap between SURVVNXQZ  and K-PZ Q, making it possible 42 to read SURVVNXQZ  R>\LQK-PZ Q  X-PZ Q , ‘I kiss your face’ . The phrase is addressed explicitly to ‘my lady mother’ but uses the plural pronoun, an example of the text’s linguistic confusions. The opening formula ‘to B from A, greeting’ uses a construction combining official and non-official forms which occurs elsewhere only in BGU 3.948. Athanasia closes her letter with ‘Farewell GLHXWXYFHL’, l.22, a word that is regular in petitions to people with authority and high status but which is replaced by ‘farewell H>UUZVR’ or ‘I pray you be well HMUUZ VTDLY VH HX>FRPDL’ in letters. Athanasia uses both GLHXWXYFHLandHMUUZ VTDLY VH HX>FRPDL. It may be that a scribe interpolated these forms, but such a confusion of 43 conventions would be unusual and the hand reflects limited skill with unevenly spaced lines and right margin, and phonetic spelling. The editor concludes that the letter is penned by Athanasia 44 herself , and while this is possible the most that can confidently be 35

Bagnall and Cribiore (2006) no.279, class it ‘chronologically undistinctive’. Athanasia greets 18 people by name, plus unnamed children and ‘all yours’, ll.21f. Youtie (1974) 41 accepts FRPHWZ  TH Z X-JLHYQRXVDYQ VHNDLHXMTXPRX VDQDMSRODEL QWDSDUMHMPRX  JUDYPPDWD·DX^WKJDYUPRXYHMVWLQHXMFKYJHLY QZVNHGHYNXULYDPRXR^WLDMSRWZ Q3DYVFZ  K-PKYWKUPRXK-DMGHOIKYVRXHMWHOH[XYWK]VHQ R-[W]HGHWKQPKWHYUDPRXHL?FDPHT[H-]DXWK  R^ORQWRJHYQRPRXDX^WKK?Q·DMIMRX_G[H]HMWH H OHXYWKV[[D]]QH>PLQDH>UKPRP[K]GHYQDH>YFRXVD HMSL[HYQRLWRYSRLPQKPRYQHXHRX?Q THLYDZ-]ZYVKWK PKWURYPRXHL^QDHL>WL QDHX-ULYVNLSHYPSHSURHMPHYSURVD JRYUHXHSD VDQWKQVXJJHYQLDQK-PZ Q HMUUZPHYQKQVHR-NXYULR GLDIX ODYWWRLPDNURL NDLHLMUK QLNRL FURYQRLNXULYDPRX Verso DMSRY]GRWKQHMSLVWROKQ -:UHLYQDDMGHOIK M$SROOZQLYRX.RSWLWLYVDSDUD 7DYUKTXJDWURDMGHOIK DXMWK DMSRM$SDPLYD 45

4 l. HX>FRPDL X-JLDLYQRXVDYQ5 l. DMSRODEHL Q6–7 l. JLYJQZVNH9 l. PHW HMPDXWK  . 10–11 l. HMWHOHXYWKVHQ11 l. H>PHLQD13 l. L^QD 14 l. HX-ULYVNHL15 l. VXJJHYQHLDQ20 l. .RSWLWLYVVK To my lady and longed-for aunt, Tare, daughter of your sister Allous. Greeting in God. Before everything I pray to God that you receive the letter from me well and in good cheer. For this is my prayer. Know, my lady, that my mother, your sister, died at the Pasch. When my mother was with me, she was my whole family. From when she died I have remained desolate, having no one in a foreign place. Therefore remember, aunt, as if my

45

On the reconstruction of PHT>H-@DXWK as PHWHMPDXWK  and punctuation of ll.9–10, see Schubart (1928) 222; O'Callaghan (1963) 90.

26

Erica Mathieson

mother was alive, to send to me [?] if you find someone. Greet all our family. The Lord keep you well for a long and peaceful time, my lady. Verso Deliver to Horeina, sister of Apollonios, from Koptos, from Tare, daughter of her sister, from Apameia.

Tare’s use of TH Z , ll.3, 4, and R-NXULYR  l.16,with nomina sacra, indicates that she is Christian. She also reckons time by a Christian 46 festival, ‘at the Pasch DMSRWZ Q 3DYVFZQ ’ , l.7. The greeting ‘in God’, use of nomina sacra and Christian time reference imply that the addressee, Horeina, is also Christian. Tare opens with a common variation of the standard opening prayer but adds an unusual and emphatic ‘for this is my prayer’, l.6. The variation of the standard closing prayer is regular from the fourth century. The letter shows careful composition with a variety of connectives, use of rhetoric and complex syntax, though with errors. The hand is 47 competent . The original editor dated the letter palaeographically to the fifth century. Schubart, on the same grounds, dates it to the 48 fourth century as do Naldini, Tibiletti and Bagnall and Cribiore . 49 O’Callaghan dates it again to the fifth century but gives no reason . Given the uncertainty of palaeographical dating and until more certainty is achieved, the letter is included here. The quality of the grammar and handwriting in this text suggests that it is the work of a scribe and it cannot be ruled out that the tropes associated with death are the scribe’s. However the sentiment is clearly Tare’s. Tare sends one greeting to her family as a group, and includes no greeting from anyone with her. Horeina is identified in the address by her relationship to her ‘brother’, a male relative who is perhaps better known and more easily located. The ‘brother’ is no doubt Horeina’s husband. P.Edmonstone=Chr.Mitt.361, 12 January 355, Provenance: Elephantine; BL 7.123; 11.137 1 46

[PHW]DҕWҕKҕQҕX-SDWHLY[D]QWZ QGHVSRWZ QK-PZ Q.ZQVWDQWLYRX $XMJRXYVWRX

On WRSDYVFD, see 166 below. The plural may allude to the multiple days of the festival. 47 Bagnall and Cribiore (2006) no.140. 48 Schubart (1928) 222; Naldini (1968, 1998) 307–309, no.78; Tibiletti (1979) 17; Bagnall and Cribiore (2006) no.140. 49 O'Callaghan (1963) 88, no.16.

Christian Women in the Papyri to 400 CE

5

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WR]YNDL.ZQVWDQWLYRXWRX HMSLIDQHVWDYWRX .DLYVDURWRJY 7X ELL]YYWK LJYLMQGLNWLYRQRHMQM(OHIDQWLYQKSRYOHLWK  D>QZ 4KEDLYGR $XMUKOLYD7KURXWKYURX3DVPK WRPKWUR7VHQSDFQRXYPҕHZDMSR M(OHIDQWLYQKSRYOHZPHWDVXQHVWZ W[R] [W]RX NXULYRXDXMWK DMQGUR$XMUKOLYRX'ZURTHYRX6HUKYQRXDMSR WK DXMWK  SRYOHZ$XMUKOLYZ6DUDSDYPPZQL PKWUR7DSDPZ QRNDL7NҕDOK WҕLHMNPKWURTDKYVLRNDL K  WDXYWKTXJDWUL$XMUKOLYD/RXVLYDJHQRPHYQRL[] PRLGRXYORLX-SHUWRX HMSLEDYOORQWRPHYURXFDLYUHLQR-PRORJZ  H-NRXVLYZNDLDXMTDLUHYWZNDL DMPHWDQRKYWZDMILNHYQDLX-PD HMOHXTHYURXWRX HMSLEDYOORQWRYPRLPHYURX X-SR*K QNDL2XMUDQRQNDWM HXMVHELYDQ W[R]X SDQHOHKYPRQRTHRX HMOTRYQWRHLMHMPHDMSRNOKURQRPLYD WK  PKWURYPRXDMSRWRX QX QHMSLWRQD^SDQWDFURYQRQ NDLDMQTMZ_QHMQHGHLY[ZVTHYPRLNDWDFURYQRQHXMQRLYDNDLVWRUJK H>WLWH NDLX-SKUHVLYDUHSHVTHҕRX?QX-PD  NDWDW[R]SURNHLYPHQRYQPRXPHYURNDTZSURHL SRQNDLQHYPHVTH HLMRX` HMDQERXYOKWHWRYSRXDMNZOXYWZ NDLDMQHSLOKYPSWZHXMGRNHL QJDUNDLSHLYTHVTDLHMPHWKQ HMOHXTHURX QWD WRL HMOHXTHURXPHYQRLHLM WKYQGH[W]KQHMOHXTHYUZVLQK^NHLQWRL HMOHXTHURXPHYQRLNDTZ SURGHGKYORXWDLNDLWRL HM[DXMWZ Q HMVRPHYQ[R]LHL>WHHMSLTKOHLYRLWHYNQRLHL>WHHMSLHMWHYURL HMNJRYQRL PKYWH PKQRL_HMDQNWKYVKVTHWURYSҕ[Z] PK[GHQL]SDUHXUHYVHLPKGHPLD HMQWHX THQDMNZYOXWRQH>VWDLWK  GRXOHLYD NDLPKH>[HVWDLGHPKGHQLWZ Q HMPZ QNOKURQRYPZQD-SD[DSOZ DMQWLOHYJHLQPRXWDXYWKWK HXMVHEHLYD SHULPKGHQRNDWDPKGHYQDWURYSRQ HMNPKGHPLD DMIRUPK WZ NDTRYORXGLMK`QNDLDXMWRLWZ FURYQZ HMQHYGHL[ZYQPRLHX>>QRLDQNDLILORVWRUJHLYDQ ND[L]DXMWKDMPRLERYPHQRWDDMPRLEDH-NZQNDLSHSLVPHYQK K_NRQ HLM WKYQGHWKQHMOHXTHULYDQK^QSHU HMTHYPKQNXULYDQNDLEHEDLYDQD-SOK QJUDIHL VDQSDQWDFRX  HMSLIHURPHYQKQ HMIMX-SRJUDIK HMPRX 'ZUR THYRXWRX DMQGURDXMWK SURDLMZQLYDQX-PZ QDMVIDYOHLDQNDL HMSHUZWKTHL VDZ-PRORYJKVD (m.2) M$XMUKOLYD7KURXWKYURX3DVPK WRK-SURNHLPHYQKHMTHYPKQ WKQ HMOHXTHULYDQNDLHXMGRNZ SD VLWRL HMQJHJUDPPHYQRL Z-SURYNHLWDL$XMUKYOLR'ZURYTHR6HUKYQRXR-SURJHJUDPPHYQR DMQKU DXMWK VXQHYVWKQWK JXQDLNLYPRXNDLH>JUD\D X-SHUDXMWK JUDYPPDWDPKHLMGKHLYK(m.3) $XMUKYOLR 7LQLVDҕHL  M$PPZQD WRPDUWXUZ (m.4) $XMUKYOLR M$PPZYQLR 6ZNUDYWRXPDUWXUZ (m.5) $XMUKYOLR)LORXVLYDM$QWZQLYRXPDUWXUZ 

28

Erica Mathieson (m.6) $XMUKYOLR.XYULOOR3DKVLYRXPDUWXUZ  (m.7) $XMUKYOLR7LPRYTHRM$SROOZQLYRXDMSRSURHVWZYWZQM(OHIDQWLYQK PDUWXUZ 

5. 7NDOK WL or 7KDOK\L6 l. PRX7 l. HXMVHYEHLDQ. 9 l. HMQHGHLY[DVTHWUHYSHVTDL? 10 l. QHYPHVTDL ERXYOKVTH11 l. HMOHXTHURX VDQ12 l. SURGHGKYOZWDL16 l. HMQHYGHL[DQ17 l. DMPHLERPHYQKH-NRX VD22 l. HLMGXLYD24 l.SURHVWZY After the consulship of our masters Constantius, Augustus for the 7th time, and of Constantius, the most illustrious Caesar for the 3rd time, 17th Tybi of the 13th indiction, in Elephantine city above Thebes. Aurelia Terouterou, daughter of Pasmes, her mother being Tsenpachnoumis, from Elephantine city with, as assistant, her guardian and husband Aurelius Dorotheos son of Serenos from the same city, to Aurelius Sarapammon whose mother is Tapamon, and to Tkales whose mother is Thaesis, and to her daughter Aurelia Lousia, being my slaves, in respect of the share falling to me, greeting. I acknowledge freely and of my own volition and without change of mind that I have released you, in respect of the share that falls to me and came to me from the inheritance of my mother, free under earth and heaven, in accordance with piety towards the all-merciful God, from now for all time and in return for what you showed me of good will and love and, more, service over time. Therefore go forth, in respect of my share as outlined above, as I said before, and live in whatever places you want without hindrance or constraint. For I, the one freeing, am resolved and have been convinced by those being freed to have come to this manumission with respect to those being freed, as has been made clear, and to those who will be born from them whether female children or other offspring. Let them, if you acquire them, not be encumbered by slavery in any way or on any excuse. And it is not allowed to any one of my heirs to speak anything against me for this piety in any place and on any pretext in general because of the good will and love they showed me in the process of time. And I myself, recompensing the recompense, freely and convinced, have come to this manumission which I have made valid and guaranteed wherever it is brought forward, written once, over the signing itself of Dorotheos my husband, to your eternal security. And having been asked the question, I consented. (m.2) I, Aurelia Terouterou daughter of Pasmes as above, have made this manumission and approve all that has been written above. I, Aurelius Dorotheos son of Serenos, her husband as above, assisted my wife and wrote for her as she is illiterate. (m.3) I, Aurelius Tinisaeis son of Ammon, witness. (m.4) I, Aurelius Ammonios son of Sokrates, witness. (m.5) I, Aurelius Philousias son of Antonios, witness. (m.6) I, Aurelius Kyrillos son of Paesios, witness. (m.7) I, Aurelius Timotheos Apollonios, from the leaders of Elephantine, witness.

Christian Women in the Papyri to 400 CE

29 50

This text is classified as a manumissio per epistulam but also has features of a manumissio inter amicos, particularly with its five witnesses. The manumission, on the basis of a part share, of 51 Aurelius Sarapammon, Tkales and her daughter, Aurelia Lousia 52 suggests that they are a family group . The part ownership of slaves is attested in Egypt from Ptolemaic times and is frequent in 53 the Christian Era . The use of Aurelius/a for Sarapammon and 54 Lousia indicates that they were at one time free citizens . Lousia’s age is unknown. The slave or free status of the other portion/s of the slaves is not indicated, nor is their ownership if they are slave, although the owner/s are likely to be members of Terouterou’s family since her share came through her mother’s will, l.8. Terouterou’s Christian belief is established by her reference to the ‘all-merciful God’, ll.7f, without nomen sacrum, who, she implies, sets the standards for her behaviour. ‘All-merciful’ is attested only in Christian texts. It is noteworthy that Terouterou frees her slaves ‘under earth and heaven’, a spacial reference which is a reformulation, avoiding pagan associations, of the common 55 formula of manumission calling on ‘Zeus, Earth and Sun’ . Terouterou does not refer to a ransom, the regular payment to 56 compensate an owner for the loss of a slave’s labour . Terouterou grants her slaves freedom also without operae and obsequium common in Roman manumissions and expressed in Egypt as

50

Biezunska-Malowist (1977) 2.143f. Roman manumission was informal or formal, Coleman-Norton (1966) 1.72. The latter involved a ransom, resulted in citizenship and took the forms manumissio censu, manumissio vindicta, manumissio testamento (most frequent) and, in C4, manumissio in ecclesia. In Egypt, manumissions before the agoranomos under Graeco-Egyptian law were also frequent, Taubenschlag (1955) 97f. Informal manumission, manumissio per epistulam, manumissio inter amicos, or by invitation, did not lead to citizenship. 51 The naming of slaves by their mothers is regular in slave-documents. 52 On the vulnerability of slave-families to separation, see Bradley (1987) 47–80. 53 Eg PSI 5.452 (C4); Biezunska-Malowist (1977) 1.139; 2.123f. 54 Slavery could result from poverty, kidnapping, warfare and infant exposure, Harrill (1995) 30. Self-sale was infrequent. 55 Biezunska-Malowist (1977) 2.144. The formula is regular in manumissions before an agoranomos. See eg P.Kell.1.Gr.48.5 (C4). 56 Digest of Justinian 40.7.3.1; 40.7.4.2, 4; Biezunska-Malowist (1977) 2.147.

Erica Mathieson

30

SDUDPRQKY contracts . Freedom without compensation is generally 58 a reward for a particularly meritorious act but Terouterou does not refer to a specific deed, rather to long-standing service. It is noteworthy that she anticipates criticism from her heirs, l.15. 57

The text states that Terouterou is illiterate and her husband signs for her. Within the framework of a manumission document, the florid language, self-congratulation and unusual formulations point to the intrusion of Terouterou’s voice. 59

P.Grenf.1.53=Chr.Wilck.131 , C4, Provenance: Unknown; BL 3.70; 6.46f; 7.62 1

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M$UWHPHL 4HRGZYUZWZ  NXU LYZPRXVXPELYZHMQTHZ FDLYUHLQ SURPHQSDYQWZQHX>FRPDL WZ NXULYZTHZ R^SZR-ORNOKURX Q WDYVHDMSRODYERPHQH>SHP\DYVRLGLD >$SZQRWRX VXQVWUDWLZYWRXVRXJUDYP PDWDNDLPDIRYUWLQHMUUZ VVTDLY VHHX>FRPDLDMVSDY]HWDLVHWDSDL GLYDVRXNDLM$OORX SROODYVRLDMSHLOL HMSL JDUSROODYNLJUDY\DNDLSDYQWD DMVSDVDYPHQRDXMWKQPRYQKQRXM NKMVSDYVRXDMVSDY]HWDLYVH M$•O•O•RҕX  M$UWHPL 6DUDSLYZQLNDLM,VLGZY UZJUDYIHL HMDQKM VWUDWLZYWKNDLDMSRYQRL DQIRUHL R-K-JHPZQGHWDDMSR QRLYDWDFXWDSHLQRL JUDYI[HL]GH K-PL QZ-HMFTDPEZ QK-PD OHY JZQR^WLR-K-JHPZQRXMTHYOHLRLMNR ITRYURXHLMGHTHYOHLWDSRUQHXY PDWDWZ QTXJDWHYUZQVRXVXQDY JHLQPKHMPHQHM[HYWD]HDMOODW[R]X[] SUHVEXWHYURXWK HMNNOKVLYD SZ HM[HSKYGKVDQDL-GXYR OHYJRXVDLR^WLD>>QGUHTHYORPHQ NDLSZ HX-UHYTKK-/RXYNUD

Eg P.Oxy.3.494 (C2); Wiedemann (1981, 1988) 3, 42–44, 46–49, 105, 120. Digest of Justinian 40.2.15.1. 59 Significantly corrected by Winter (1933) 156–158, BL 3.70, and Naldini (1968, 1998) 241–244, BL 6.46. 58

Christian Women in the Papyri to 400 CE

30

35

31

SDUDWRQPRLFRQDXMWK SRLRX  VDH-DXWKJDHLWDYQDQHM[Z_Q ITRQRX VLQR^WL6RXFDYUZDXM WDSURVWHTHLYNDPHQHMDQK?Q GHRMQRPDY]HLQSHULJHYQRX NDLWDX WDSDYOLQITDYQRPHQ DMSRYGHL[HWLYHXMJHQRYVWH URYHMVWLK-PHL JDURXMNHM[JHQRY]PHTDDMSRGRXYOKDM Perpendicular in the margin. JHQQKTHYQWHWDX WDGHYVRLJUDYIZ 4HRYGZUZR•^WLSDYQWDSRLYHLGLDWRX-SDYUFRQNDLGHL •WDJUDYPPD WDDXMWZ LGK[OZVDL] Verso DMSRYGR 4HRGZYUZVWUDWLZYWKSDUD WҕRX XL-RX 

6 perhaps >$SZQR(ed.). 7 l. HMUUZ VTDLY 9 l. HMSHL15 l. K?VTD. 22 l. HMPH33 l. DMSRGHL [DL HXMJHQHYVWHURY Artemis to Theodoros, my lord husband, greeting in God. Before all things I pray to the Lord God that we receive you back well. I am sending you through Apion your fellow-soldier a letter and a cloak. I pray you may be well. Your children greet you and Allous threatens many things against you, for you wrote on many occasions greeting everyone, only her you did not greet. Allous greets you. Artemis writes to Sarapion also called Isidoros. If you are a soldier you are mad. The governor soon brings down madness. You write to us as if intimidating us, saying, ‘The governor does not want seducers’. If you want to draw conclusions about the fornications of your daughters, do not question me but the elders of the church; how the two girls burst out saying, ‘We want husbands’ and how Loukra was found beside her lover making herself a harlot. So they bear a grudge because we have attributed these things to Soucharos. If it be a matter of naming names about family, we again are first to show these things. Who is superior by birth? For we were not born of a slave, and deny it absolutely. Perpendicular in the margin I write these things to you Theodoros. Do everything about the present situation. Indeed it is necessary to show him the letter. Verso. Deliver to Theodoros, the soldier, from his son.

Artemis’ greeting, ‘in God HMQTHZ ’ l.1, without nomen sacrum, 60 61 implies her Christian faith and that of Theodoros on the basis

60

See 10 above.

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Erica Mathieson

that shared Christian formulations reflect shared belief. Confirming evidence for a Christian classification appears in the letter to Sarapion in Artemis’ reference to ‘the presbyters of the church’, ll.22f, as authorities known and respected by Sarapion and herself. It suggests that Sarapion also is Christian. Artemis opens her letter with a variation of the standard prayer for health ‘to the Lord God’, ll.3–5, without nomina sacra. It is consistent with Christian belief but not an indicator of it. The standard closing prayer, ll.7f, occurs in the middle of the letter. The overt content of Artemis’ letter concerns the sending of the letter and a cloak to Theodoros. The real content evidently is the letter to Sarapion which Theodoros is to read and show him. The structure of the text is unusual. The letter to Theodoros acts as an inclusio to the second letter which appears embedded rather than copied, given Artemis’ request that it be shown to Sarapion. However, while Artemis addresses Sarapion, she does not greet him or offer prayer, as she does Theodoros. This seems to follow the pattern of quoted letters which omit or abbreviate greetings and 62 prayer , or it may be a function of the anger she displays in the text. Embeddedness seems likely. The content of Sarapion’s letter is obscure. Artemis rehearses what apparently is common knowledge about his daughters’ behaviour, ll.24–27. The trading of recriminations in strong language, ‘madness’, ll.15, 17, ‘seducers’, ll.19f, ‘fornications’, ll.20f, ‘harlot’, l. 28, ‘grudge’, l.29, and the insinuations of ll.30–36 with their denigration of slaves speak of relationships among Christians that are unsurprising but far from the ideals of Scripture. The daughters of Sarapion are likely to be Christians given their father’s belief and their appeal in the presence of the presbyters. A standard of behaviour is expected of them that does not include demanding men/husbands, l.25, or being ‘beside her lover SDUD WRQPRLFRQ’, l.27. The sexual connotation in SDUDYis clear.

61

This letter is evidence of Christians in the military in C4. See P. M. Brennan, ‘Jupiter Dolichenus and Religious Life in the Roman Army’ in ND 4.118–126. 62 For more on the categories ‘quoted’ and ‘embedded’, see White (1981b) 12.

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Winter notes that the same hand writes both the recto and verso of the letter, ending with SDUD WRX XL-RX ; that is, the son has acted as scribe. The simple syntax and swift movement of the letter point to his mother’s dictation. P.Herm.17, C4, Provenance: Lykopolis; BL 10.85f 1

5

WZ NXULYZPRXTHZVHEK  >$SD,ZDYQKQ/HX FL0DYODPR K-FUKVWZYWKWDYVRXNDWHYODEHQSDYQWDWRXPXGXQDPHYQRX· NҕDMPHITҕDYVLK-HMҕOҕHҕKҕPZVXYQҕKQVRXNXYULHPHWDWZQ4HRQ WKQVҕKQ ERҕKYTLDQSURVGZNZ L^QDDM[LZҕYVҕLҕҕWZQWUL ERX QZҕQWҕZQ*RX QTRQNDLD>UKDXMWDDMSRWK RLMNLYD PRXHMSLFKYUDJXQKYHLMPLNXYULHYPRXGLDWZQ4HZQSXYHL

1 l. THRVHEHL ,ZDYQQK0DYODPRX l. FUKVWRYWKPK l. ITDYVK HMOHKPRVXYQK WRQ 4 l. ERKYTHLDQSURVGRNZ WRQL^QDDM[LZYVK 5 l. WULERX QRQWRQ 63 *RX QTRQ 6 l. HMSHL WRQ4HRQSRLYHL.  To my lord, the devout Apa Johannes, Leuchis, daughter of Malamos. Your kindness embraces all who are powerless. Let your compassion reach to me too, lord. After God, I await your help, that you ask the tribune, Gunthus, that he remove the women from my house since I am a widow woman. My lord, do this for God’s sake.

Leuchis’ Christianity is not overtly stated. Her references to God, PHWDWRQ THRYQ GLDWRQTHRYQ ll. 3, 6, without the nomen sacrum, are consistent with Christian belief but inconclusive. However her approach to Apa Johannes and her attitude of respect for him make it highly likely that she is Christian. >$SD/>$SSDappears in the fourth century as a title of respect for monastics and clergy, 64 particularly in their role as ‘spiritual father’ . Leuchis’ letter contains no opening or closing prayer, greeting or farewell, but the lack is consistent both with the urgent tone and with the decline in 65 the use of prayer statements in the fourth century . The urgent imperative which closes the letter, ‘my lord, do this for God’s 66 sake’, l.6, is found in Christian and pagan texts .

63

Less likely, WULERX QRQWZQ*RX QTZQRémondon (1972). Zuckerman (1995) 188, notes that a Gothic army unit was in Egypt under Theodosius I (c.379). 64 Apa/Appa is derived from the semitic ‘Abba’ meaning ‘father’. See 155 below. 65 Harding (1985). On changes in prescripts and addresses, Koskenniemi (1956). 66 It is frequent in demotic appeals to Zenon from C3 BCE. Other examples include P.Abinn.19 (C4) at 204f below; P.Giss.54 (C4/5).

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The date of this text has been debated. The original editor dated it palaeographically to the fifth century. The text on the recto, written prior to Leuchis’ letter, was dated palaeographically to the sixth century. The compromise date for Leuchis’ letter became C5/6. Zuckerman argues that the handwriting ‘could just as well be of the 67 fourth (century)’ . He also considers a fourth-century date for the recto text ‘palaeographically possible’. Gascou likens the script to 68 P.Neph.3 (C4) . A fourth-century date allows this letter to be included in the archive of Apa Johannes dated to the end of the 69 fourth century . Leuchis’ effusive terms of esteem, more common in the fifth and later centuries, also occur in the late fourth century, including the other texts of the archive. The letter shows some skill in composition by someone lacking 70 experience, with rhetorical phrases amidst errors in grammar . The simple syntax is an indicator of a dictated text with Leuchis’ voice heard in the urgent appeal to Apa Johannes about having certain women removed from her house, ll.4f. The editor suggests the women are licensed ‘courtesans HMWDL UDL’whom Leuchis has been forced to billet by the tribune, Gunthus. P.Kell.1.Gr.32, 28 October 364, Provenance: Kellis, BL 12.94 1

5

10

67

$ҕXMUKOLYD0ҕDYUVL DMSRNZYPK.HYOOHZWK 0Z TLWZ QSRYOHZNDWDPHY QRXVDHMQNZYPKM$IUR ÃRÄGLYWKWRX M$QWRXRSROLYWRX QRPRX $XҕMUKOLYZWR NHYOODQҕPLYDQHMSLWK RLMNLYDRX

Zuckerman (1995) 188. From a letter dated 23 April 1989, cited by Zuckerman (1995). 69 P.Herm.7–10, 17; P.Misc.inv. II.70, 98a+I.1334a, 179a, 11a, 20a, Gonis (2008) 69–85; P.Ryl.Copt.268–274, 276 and probably 275, 292, 301, 310–314, 352, 396, Crum (1905) 127; Zuckerman (1995) 188 adds P.Lond.3.981, P.Amh.2.145; possibly also SB 18.13612 below. Zuckerman, 191f, BL 10.86, argues for Apa Johannes’ identity with John of Lycopolis known from LH. 70 See Bagnall and Cribiore (2006) no.86. 68

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35

NDLGZYVZVRLX-SHUHMQRLNHLYRX WDXYWKWRX R^ORXHMQLDXWRX  VLYWRXDMUWDYEDGXYRK- PLYVTZVLNXULYDNDLHM SHUZWKTHL VZ-PRORYJD X-SDWHLYDM,RXDQRX NDL%DUZQLDQRX  SDLGRDXMWRҕX ҕ-$TXUD³m.2? $XMUKOLYD 0DYUVLK-SURNHLPHYQKPÃDLÄH9PLYVTZPDL Z-SURYNHLWDL$XMUKYOLRM,DNZ E%KYVLR SUHVEXWHYURX DMQDJQZYVWKNDTROLNK HMNHҕOKVLYD H>JUD\DX-SHUDXMWK JUDYPPDWDPK HLMGXLYK

4–5 l. M$IURGLYWK5 l. M$QWDLRSROLYWRX. 9 l. PHPLYVTZPDL12 l.HMPRLNLYRX17 l. 71 M,ZRXLDQRX 21 Or SUZWR DMQDJQZYVWK  l. HMNNOKVLYD Aurelia Marsis from the village of Kellis of the Mothites’ city, dwelling in the village of Aphrodite in the Antaiopolitan nome, to Aurelius Psais son of Pamouris dwelling in the same village, greeting. Today I have leased from you for only the current year one room in your house. I will give you for rent of this two artabai of wheat for the whole year. The lease is valid and, being asked the question, I assented. In the consulate of Jovian and Varronianus his son. Hathur 1. (m.2) I, Aurelia Marsis, as stated above, have leased as stated above. I, Aurelius Jacob son of Besis the presbyter, reader of the catholic church, have written for her since she is illiterate.

Aurelia Marsis specifies rent paid in kind, indicating the lease is for 72 storage rather than for living and that Marsis owns or leases 73 agricultural land . The formulation of the lease is regular. Marsis and Psais, though both from Kellis, reside in Aphrodite, possibly among those who migrated among villages in the fourth century for financial reasons. Marsis acts without a guardian or assistant but with Aurelius Jacob, the reader of the catholic church, writing for her, ll.20–23. The involvement of Jacob suggests that Marsis is 74 Christian. Kellis had both a catholic Christian and a Manichean 75 community . There is no hint that Marsis is Manichee. 71

Gascou (1997) 378 in BL vol. 12, 94. But the title is not otherwise attested. H. –J. Drexhage (1991) cited by the editor, 95. 73 Other women who own or lease agricultural land appear in P.Col.7.176 (325); P.Charite 7; 8; P.Neph.18; P.Oxy.6.903; 48.3406; Stud.Pal.20.86 (all C4). 74 Known at least from early C4. A bishop of Kellis is cited in Athanasius’ ‘twelfth festal letter’ so-called although Athanasius did not issue a twelfth letter. 75 Lieu (1994) 87–89. A Manichean community existed from late C3 to the 380s. 72

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P.Lond.6.1926, mid C4, Provenance: Kynopolis; BL 9.149 1

5

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WZ WLPLRWDYWZNDLFUKVWRIRYUZ NDLSDYVKDMUHWK NHNRVPKPHYQZ>$SSD3D IQRXYTL 2XMDOHULYDHMQ&ULVWZ FHYUHLQ DM[LZ NDLSҕDҕUDNDOZ VHWLPLZYWDWHSD WKYUҕHL`QDҕL•VҕIҕKNLQHMWKYVKPRL SDUDWZ &ULVWZ NDLHL>DVLQODYEZ· RX^WZS[L]VWHXYZGLDWZ QVZ QHXMFZ Q HL>DVLQODPEDYQZWZ QJDUDMVNRXQ WZQNDLTUKVNHXRYQWZQDMSRNDOXYQ PDWDGLNQHYRQWHPHJDYOZJDU QRYVZSHULYNLPHGXVSQKYDGLQK  RX^WZJDUSHSLYVWHXNDNDLSLVWHXYZ R^WLHMDQHX>[KHMSDYQZPRXHL>DVLQ ODPEDYQZGHYRPHWZ THZ GHYRPH NHYVRLPQKYVTKWLYPRXHMQWK D-JLYDVRX SURVHXFK HҕLMҕNHHMQVҕZYPDWLҕRXMNL_ND SDUDWRXSRYGDV[R]XHMQSQHXYPDWL HL_NDSUҕRWRXSRY[G]DҕVRXSURVDY J>RQW@DL D>L- TXJDW@HUY H >@PҕRXNDL PQKYVTKWLDXMWZ QHMQWK D-JLYDVRX SURVHXFK %DVVLDQK NDL4HRNOLYD DMVSD[]]HWHYVHSROODNDLR-VXYQEL RYPR•[X]NDLHX>F[RX]HMSDYQZDXMWZ  DMVS[DY]]HWHYVHGHNDLR^ORR-RL?NRY PRX[ ] HMUZ VTHYVHHX>FRPH [W]LPLZYWDWHҕSDWKYU Verso WZ WLPLRWDYWZSDWUL>$SSD3D/ /IQRXW[LYZ]  SDҕUDҕWK

TҕXJ ҕ ҕDҕWUҕ R2XMDOHULYD

1 l. WLPLZWDYWZ(also 28)FULVWRIRYUZ2–3 l. 3DIQRXTLYZ l. FDLYUHLQ5–6 l. SDYWHU (also 27). 6 l.L`QDDLMWKYVK 7 l. L>DVLQ(also 9, 14) 10–11 l. DMSRNDOXYPPDWD 11 l.GHLNQXYRQWDLPHJDYOK12 l. SHULYNHLPDLGXVSQRLYD GHLQK  15 l. GHYRPDLtwice. 16 l. NDLY (also 17). 17 l. NDLK_ND(also 19). 19–20 Or 76 SURVDJ•RUHžXY•Z•W•D•TXJDWžH•YU•DžP•RX . 23 l. DMVSDY]HWDL(also 25). 24 l. DXMWRX 26 l. HMUUZ VTDLHX>FRPDL To Appa Paphnouthios, the most honoured and Christ-bearing and adorned with every virtue, Valeria, greeting in Christ. I ask and beseech you, most honoured father, that you request for me … before Christ and that I may receive healing. In this way I believe that through your prayers I will 76

‘I mention my daughters’, BL 9.149, but that meaning is otherwise unattested.

Christian Women in the Papyri to 400 CE

37

receive healing, for through those practising and observant of religious discipline revelations are manifested. For I am beset with a severe illness in a breathing difficulty. In this way I have believed and do believe that if you pray for me I will receive healing. I pray to God, I pray also to you, remember me in your holy prayer. Even if in body I have not come to your feet, in spirit I have come to your feet. My daughters embrace you. Remember them also in your holy prayer – Bassiana and Theoklia. My husband sends you many greetings. Also pray for him. My whole house greets you. I pray you be well, most honoured father. Verso To the most honoured father Appa Paphnouthios, from his daughter Valeria. 77

This letter is one of seven in the archive of Paphnouthios . Valeria is a Christian. She greets Appa Paphnouthios ‘in Christ’, l.4, without nomen sacrum, a rare phrase in greetings in the period, as is her description of Paphnouthios as ‘Christ-bearing’,l.1. She alludes to the NT in ll.17–19, ‘even if in body I have not come to your feet, in spirit I have come to your feet’, recalling 1Cor 5:3 and Col 2:5. Alongside ‘father’, ll.27, 28, Valeria styles herself ‘daughter’, l.28. The content points to a spiritual relationship. Valeria asks Paphnouthios to pray ‘to Christ that I may receive healing’, l.7, for ‘a severe illness QRYVZ’, l.12. Paphnouthios is, for her, a person with spiritual power, ll.9–11. Valeria also asks prayer for her daughters, ll.21f, and her unnamed husband,l.24, though with no specific content. She closes with a standard prayer, l.26f. Bell notes that the letter exhibits the poorest orthography and grammar in the archive, that the same hand writes the body of the letter and the final greeting, and that Valeria is the only woman writer and likely to be less educated. He concludes that Valeria 78 herself writes the letter, being educated but unpractised . Bagnall 77

P.Lond.6.1923–1929. Bagnall (1993a) 308, Goehring (1997) 68–73, and Kramer and Shelton in P.Neph. classify the community as Melitian; Bell, ed.pr., as ‘orthodox catholic’, 100–103; Vivian (2004) as uncertain. The Melitian schism arose from a rigorist rejection of the more lenient catholic readmittance of lapsi during the Diocletian persecution. Melitians did not differ doctrinally. Distinguishing Melitian from catholic texts relies on the word ‘Melitian’ or reference to the Church of the Martyrs. Other possible criteria, eg use of Jas 5:14f, 21–24, are extremely uncertain. See also Hauben (2000); (2001). 78 Ed.pr. considers R^ORR-RL?NRYPRX, ll.25f, implies wealth, so access to scribes.

Erica Mathieson

38

79

and Cribiore class this as ‘a good letter hand’ but do not discuss Valeria’s literacy. Whether autograph or not, the pleading and urgency, the jerkiness and colloquialisms reflect Valeria’s voice. 80

P.Neph.18, C4 , Provenance: Unknown; BL 9.173 1

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25

NXUYLZPRXDMGHOIZ (XMGDLY PZQLNDLWK DMJDSKWK DMGHO IK PRXM$SLYDVXYPELRYVRX 7DRXDNHMQNXULY ZFHYUHLQ SURKJRXPHYQҕZҕҕHX>FRPDL HMQWDL SURVHXFҕH

PRXX-PҕD ҕ(  DMSRODEL QZ ҕX-JHLHYQRQ  WDNDLHҕXMҕTҕXҕPҕRҕX ҕQҕWDDMSR ODEL QGLDHQWDWRX  WRGHXYWHҕUҕRҕQҕ ҕPҕLҕ QJUDYIZ SHULWK DMURXYUKPLD ·Z-JDU L>GDWHYPHHҕMQҕWҕRҕLҕRҕXYҕWҕZNHUZ  NDLWDX WDRXMNDR^WLWRQNH URQVKYPHURQH>FHWHYPRXWZ Q  DMQDFHL UDVLYWRXDMUWDYED NDLYWRLRL> GDWHWKQWLPKQWRX VLYWRXR^WҕLҕ JXQKYHLMPҕLRXMGXYQDPDLDMJRUDYVDL RXMGHSDYOLQHMJUDY\DWHR^WLRXMTHY ORPHQWKQD>URXUDQH>VWLQRSL ND]ҕDXMWKODEL QK@(ULVLYDGRX  QDLNDLD`GHYGZNDGLMX-PD Z>IL OHDMSRVHDXWRX DMSRVWL ODLYPRLWD H`[DMUWDYEDK@R`GKYSRWHGLDWD WUHҕMDQDMSRVWHUL WHYPH GKOZYVҕDҕWҕHYҕPRLNDLR^\HWHSUR WRQTHRYQ·R-JDUTKVDXURWRX TH RX K-PL ҕ Perpendicular, left margin DMVSDY]RPDLSDYQWDWRXK-PZ QNDWM R^QRPDNDL3RXK ULDMVSDY]HWDLX-PD SDYQWDHMUU[ Verso NXULYZDMGHOIZ (XMGDҕLҕYPҕZҕQҕLҕ

3 l. VXPELYZ 4 l. FDLYUHLQ 6 l. SURVHXFDL 7 l. DMSRODEHL Q(also 8–9), HMQWZ  NXULYZ? eds pr. 7–8 l. X-JLDLYQRQWD 12 l. L>GHWHNDLUZ 13–14 l. NDLURQ 20 l. 79

Bagnall and Cribiore (2006) no.87. Most letters of the archive are undated. Dated letters are from 336/7?, 329, 335, 344. The editors suggest undated texts most likely derive from after 344. Bagnall (1989) 74f, prefers after 352, BL 9.173. 80

Christian Women in the Papyri to 400 CE

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ODEHL Q 21–22 l. Z>IHLOH 22 l. DMSRVWHL ODL24 l. DMSRVWHOOK WH 25 l. R^\HVTH27 l. K-PHL . To my lord brother Eudaimon and my beloved sister Apia your wife, Taouak, greeting in the Lord. First I pray in my prayers that you are well as you receive … and of good cheer as you receive … This is the second time I am writing to you about the one aroura. For as you see me in such a situation … because you have at the present time 6 artabai of wheat from my store; and further, you know the price of wheat, that I am a woman and am not able to buy. Again you did not write, ‘we do not want the aroura’. It is … to take or to give to Erisia. And what I have given for your sake you ought to send from yourselves to me, the six artabai or whatever. If you send [them] to me, tell me, and you will see God. For we are God’s treasure. [Perpendicular in the margin] I greet all yours by name and Poueris greets you all. Farewell(?) Verso To my lord brother Eudaimon.

Taouak indicates her Christianity in her greeting ‘in the Lord’, l.4, using the nomen sacrum. ‘Beloved sister DMJDSKWK DMGHOIKY’, most frequent in Christian texts, supports the classification. The text was purchased with the rest of the Nepheros archive suggesting that Eudaimon, Apia and/or Taouak are associated with the monastery 81 and therefore Melitian . The content of the letter, particularly Taouak’s pronouncements, argues against DMGHOIRY and DMGHOIKY, ll.1, 2, verso, expressing kinship, rather that the three are members 82 of the same community , and confirms that Taouak is Melitian. Taouak opens her letter with a variation of a standard prayer for health and good cheer, ll.5–9, made unique by the tautology ‘I pray in my prayers’. The incomplete sentence construction and poor grammar are indicative of dictation to a scribe. The hand is ‘not 83 elegant … [but] experienced’ . The letter closes with a greeting that is substantially lost, l.28, possibly H>UUZVTH or the conventional final prayer, HMUUZ VTDLX-PD  HX>FRPDL. The letter gives little information about Taouak’s situation. The one aroura for lease or sale is a small holding if this is Taouak’s total 81

The archive consists of 49 documents in Greek and Coptic. On the Melitian Church, see 37 above and 166 below. 82 Kinship terms in a prescript, being for the addressee’s eyes, act as politeness terms. Their non-literal use increases with Christian use, Dickey (2004) 163. 83 Bagnall and Cribiore (2006) no.89.

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Erica Mathieson 84

land ownership, but there is no indication that it is . Six artabai of wheat, 60% of the harvest85 from one aroura in a year and about three months’ food supply , which she has advanced to Eudaimon and Apia, imply a more substantial amount of property. If Taouak is a woman of the landowning class whose harvest is sufficient to allow her to trade in grain, the limitation because of her gender may be real but is relative rather than absolute. The editors understand ll.24–26 as ‘… if you defraud me, tell me (your response about the aroura) and you will see God’, alleging fraud and connoting threat, which the letter’s affectionate tone 86 makes unlikely . M$SRVWHUL WHmay be read asDMSRVWHOK WH using 87 the substitution of O andUcommon in this period . The sentence can then be understood as ‘… if you send (them = the six artabai of wheat) to me, tell me and you will see God’, connoting blessing 88 and consistent with other references to ‘seeing God’ . It provides a better reading also in requiring no change in subject as is necessary in Kramer and Shelton’s suggestion, where ‘tell me’ refers to Eudaimon and Apia’s decision about the aroura. The reason Taouak is confident about seeing God is that ‘for we are God’s treasure’, ll.26f. P.Oxy.6.903, C4, Provenance: Oxyrhynchus; BL 3.133; 11.145 1

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84

SHULSDYQWZQZ_QHL?SHQNDWMHMPRX X^EUHZQ HMQHYNOHLVHQWRXH-[D]XWRX GRXYORXNDLWRX HMPRX D^PDWZ QWURILYP[Z]QPRXNDLWRQSURQRKWKQNDLWRQ XL-RQDXMWRX HMSLR^ODH-[SW]DK-PHYUDHLMWDNDWDYJDLDDXMWRX  WRXPHQGRXYORXDXMW[RX N]DLWKQHMPKQGRXYOKQ=ZKQX-EULYVD DMSRNWLYQDDXMWRXWZ QS[O]KJZ QNDLSX USURVKYQHJNHQWDL WUR ILYPDLPRXJXPQZYVDDXM[WD]SDQWHOZ D`RXMSRLRX VLRL-QRYPRLNDL OHYJZQWRL DXMWRL WURILYPRLR^WLGRYWHSDYQWDWDDXMWK NDLHL?SDQ R^WLRXMGHQH>FHLSDUMK-PZ QWRL GHGRXYORLOHYJZQPDVWLJ {J}RPHYQRL R^WL WLYK?UNHQHMNWK RLMNLYDPRXEDVDQL]RYPHQRLRX?QHL?SDQR^WLRXMGHQ WZ QVZ QK?UNHQDMOODVZ DYHMVWLQSDYQWDWDVDY

1 aroura=0.27ha. The Hermopolite register attests plots of less than 1 aroura. 10 arourai supported a family of 4/5 people, Bagnall (1993a) 68, 116. 86 (DQDMSRVWHUK WHYPH could be read with the previous statement, but makes little sense and leaves the following phrase disconnected. 87 Gignac (1981) 1.102f. I am grateful to J.A.L. Lee for the suggestion. 88 See 80f below. 85

Christian Women in the Papyri to 400 CE

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DMSKYQWKVHQGHDXMWZ =Z[LYO]RR^WLNDLWRQWURYILPRQDXMWRX HMQHY NOLVHQNDLHL?SHQDXMWZ R^W[L]GLDWRQWURYILPRYQVRXK?OTDK@GLDWKQ WRLYDQK?OTDODOK VDLHMSDYQZDXMWK  NDLZ>PRVHQHMSLSDURXVLYDWZ QHMSLVNRYSZQNDLWZ QDMGHOIZ QDXMWRX  [between lines]NDLWRL GRXYORL R^WLDMSHQWHX THQRMPKNUXY\ZDXMWKSDYVDPRXWDNOHL NDLHMSHYFZ [between lines]DXMWRX HMSLYVWHXHQNDMPRLRXMNHMSLYVWHXHQ RX>WHX-EULY]ZDXMWKQDMSHQWHX THQNDLJDPLNRQJHYJRQHQNDLPHWD WDVXQTKYNDWDXYWDNDLWRXR^UNRXH>NUX\HQSDYOLQHMPHWDNOHL  HLMHMPHYNDLDMSHOTRX VD[HLM]WRNXULDNRQHMQVDPEDTZYNDLHMSRLYKVHQ WDH>[ZTXYUDDXMWRX HMQNOLVTK QDLHMSDYQZPRXOHYJZQR^WLGLDWLYDMSK O TDHLMWRNXULDNRYQNDLSROODDMVHOJKYPDWDOHYJZQHLMSURYVZSRYQ PRXNDLGLDWK U-LQRDXMWR[X ],NDLSHULVLYWRXDMUWDYED UWRX GKPRVLYRX WRX  RMQRYPDWRYPRXPKGHQGHGZNZPKGHDMUWDYEKQ PLYDQHMQHYNOHLVHQGH WRXWRYPRXNUDWKYVDDXMW[R]XR^WLGRYWHWKQWLPKQWZ QDMUWDEZ Q  UPKGHQ GHGZ[NZ]Z-SURHL SRQNDLHL?SHQWRL GRXYORLDXMWRX R^WLGRYWHVXPPDY FRXL^QDNDLDXMWKQHMQNOHLYVZVLNDLHMNUDWKYTK&ZRX R-ERKTRDXMWRX  HLMWRGKPRYVLRQNDLSDUHYVFHQDXMWZ (XTDYODPRHMQHYFXURQNDLRXMN KMUNHYVTK K?UNDNDMJZD>OORPLNURQNDLSDUHYVFRQWZ DXMWZ &ZRX WLDMSDQWKYVDGH DXMWZ HLMM$QWLQRYRXH>FRXVDWRSUREDODQL RYQPRXPHTMZ_QH>FZNRVPDUL GLYZQNDLHL?SHQPRLR^WLHL>WLH>FHLPHWMHMVRX DL>UZDXMWDGLMR`GHYGZNHWZ  ERKTZ PRX&ZRX WLHMQHYFXURQGLDWDGKPRYVLDDXMWRX PDUWXUKYVDLGH SHULWRXYWZQSDYQWZQK-PKYWKUDXMWRX NDLSHULM$QLYOODWK GRXYOK DXMWRX H>PHLQHQTOLYEZQWKQ\XFKYQPRXNDLHMQWK M$QWLQRYRXNDLHMQWDX TD R^WLH>NEDOHWKQGRXYOKQWDXYWKQHMSHLGKDXMWKRL?GHQR^VDNHYNWKWDLL>VZ THYOZQPRLNDWDSOHY[DLNDLWDXYWKWK SURIDYVHLD?UDLHL>WLH>FZ NDMJZRXMN KMQHVFRYPKQHMNEDOHL QDXMWKYQNDLH>PHLQHQOHYJZQR^WLPHWDPK QDQ ODPEDYQZSROLWLNKQHMPDXWZ WDX WDGHRL?GHQR-THRY 

3 l. WDL WURILYPDL8 l. WDL DXMWDL WURILYPDL12–13 l. HMQHYNOHLVHQ19 l. 89 VDEEDYWZ 20 l. HMJNOHLVTK QDL. 28 l. DMSKYQWKVD29 l. EDODQHL RYQ 30 l. PHWDY VRX31 l. PDUWXUKYVHL35 l. PH. 36 l. PK QD About all the outrages he spoke against me. He imprisoned his own slaves and mine, together with my foster-daughters and his agent and son, for a whole seven days in his cellars. He acted outrageously towards his slaves 89

Suggested by W. Schubart, Einfürung in die Papyrusforschung (1918) cited in Youtie (1973b) 803, BL 3.133. Ed.pr. understood HMQ6DPEDTZY to denote a place. M(QVDEEDYWZ is frequent in NT eg Mt 12:2; Mk 3:2; also CPJ 16. Youtie notes WK  WULYWKWRX VDYPEDWR in an inscription (581) from Abda, southern Palestine.

42

Erica Mathieson

and my slave Zoe and almost killed them with blows. He attacked my fosterdaughters with fire, having stripped them completely naked which the laws do not allow, also saying to the same foster-daughters, ‘Give over everything of hers’, and they said, ‘She has nothing with us’. To the slaves, while they were being flogged, he said, ‘What did she take from my house?’, so, while being tortured, they said, ‘She has taken nothing of yours, rather all your things are safe’. Zoilos approached him because he shut away his foster-son, and he said to him, ‘Have you come because of your foster-son or because of such a woman to speak against her?’. He swore in the presence of the bishops and his brothers, ‘From now I will not hide from her all my keys – he trusted his slaves and he did not trust me – I will refrain and not act outrageously towards her from now on’. A marriage contract was drawn up, and after these agreements and oaths, he again hid the keys from me; and when I went to the Lord’s house on the Sabbath, he had his outer doors shut against me saying, ‘Why did you go to the Lord’s house?’, speaking many vulgar abuses to my face, even through his nose. And about the 100 90 artabai of wheat for the Treasury in my name , he gave nothing, not one artaba. He seized the books and shut them away, ‘Give the value of the 100 artabai’, while he gave nothing, as I said before. He said to his slaves, ‘Assign helpers to shut her away also’. Choous his assistant was held in prison and Euthalamos went surety and did not have sufficient. I took a little more and gave it for the same Choous. When I met him in Antinoopolis having my toilette bag with the ornaments I have, he said to me, ‘If you have anything with you, I will take it because of the surety you gave for Choous my assistant because of his State debts’. His mother will testify about all these things. And about Anilla his slave, he continues to afflict my soul, both in Antinoopolis and here, ‘Throw out this slave since she knows how much she has acquired’, equally wanting me to be implicated and, on this pretext, to take away whatever I have. And I myself refused to throw her out, and he continued saying, ‘After a month, I will take a mistress for myself’. God knows these things.

This statement for the adjudication of a marital dispute is submitted 91 without a guardian or assistant. The hand is ‘elegant’ but irregular with lines that slope upward and an interlinear insertion by way of Anonyme’s comment between lines 16 and 17. This, with the pace of the text, vividness of description, elements of dialogue and paratactic style, point to Anonyme’s dictation.

90

The land belongs to Anonyme, perhaps part of her dowry. Land as dowry becomes possible in the Roman period, Pomeroy (1983, 1985) especially 304. 91 This is not a draft, Montserrat (1996) 91. Also Arnaoutoglou (1995) 26.

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43

Anonyme is a Christian, evident in her attendance at the Lord’s house on the Sabbath, l.19. She closes her statement with an attestation of truthfulness, ‘God knows RL?GHQR-THRY ’, l.37, with a possible nomen sacrum. The statement without nomen sacrum is 92 consistent with Christian belief but it occurs also in pagan texts . There is an attempt at marital reconciliation including an oath by Anonymos ‘in the presence of the bishops’, l.15. As a result ‘a marriage contract was drawn up’, l.17, suggesting that theirs had been an D>JUDIR JDYPR. The contract no doubt commits to writing Anonymos’ promises. Explicit reference to Anonyme’s attendance at church is an interesting possibility as one of its provisions. Both Anonyme and Anonymos own slaves, signalling that they are sufficiently wealthy to afford them. Two women are named: Zoe, a personal slave to Anonyme, l.5, and Anilla, a slave of Anonymos, 93 l.32f. Anonymos’ threat to acquire ‘a mistress SROLWLNKQ’ , l.37, is contrary to any marriage contract. The threat implies that Anilla 94 95 has been his sexual partner . Her acquisition of goods may be linked with this but a slave required no such compensation. Anonyme’s wealth is confirmed by the size of her tax obligation. Anonymos’ religious belief is difficult to determine. The practice 96 of marriage within a religious community and his oath before the bishops suggest that he is Christian. His attitude to his wife’s church attendance, general behaviour to her and possible sexual 97 relationship with the slave Anilla suggest otherwise . P.Oxy.8.1161, C4, Provenance: Oxyrhynchus; BL 6.100 1

92

] DҕҕNDL WҕZ DMJDT[Z K-PZ ]QҕVZWK UL NDLWZ RL[L-]Z ҕDXMWRX WZ KMJD SKPHYQZRҕ^SҕZRX_WRL

Eg P.Iand.2.11 (C3); SB 22.15560 (C3/4); P.Strasb.1.35 (C4/5). On SROLWLNKY, see 208 below. 94 For slaves, male and female, as sexual partners to owners, see Pomeroy (1975) 192; Brown (1991) 23f. 95 NWDYRPDL ‘acquire’ does not imply stealing, LSJ, s.v. 96 See 175 below. 97 Caution needs to be exercised in presuming a strong link between behaviour and a person’s status as a Christian in this period. See 121f below. 93

Erica Mathieson

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SDYQWHE[R]KTKYVZVLQK-PZ Q WZ VZYPDWLWK \XFK WZ ÃSҕQҕHXPDW LҕÄ SQHXPDW LWDX WDGHYVRLH>JUD\D QRVRX VDGH•[LQ]Z H>FRXVDSDY QXPKGXQDPHYQKDMQDVWK  QDLHMNWK NRLYWKPRXR^WLSDY QXGLQZ H>FZSHULGHRX_PRL H>JUD\DGLDҕ0ҕHYҕQLQR^WLHMSLY JHDXMWRQWҕZ QHL>NRVLK-PHUZ Q K-QHYKDX?SULQQRVKYVZX-SK  JҕHҕQNDLH[ Perpendicular, left margin DMVSDY]RQWDLX-]PD SDYQWHRL-HMQWDX T[D Verso WK DMGHOIK 6ҕ[

2 TH ZN@DL is also possible, ed. 3 l. XL-Z . 11 l.GHLQZ . 12 l. 0K QLQ12–13 l. HMSHLYJH(O’Callaghan (1969) 324). 14 l. QHYDHMQRVKVD … and to our good Saviour and his beloved Son, that these all may help us in body, soul and spirit. I write these things to you being sick, having [an illness] terribly and not at all being able to get up from my bed, because I have [an illness] very terribly. About what you wrote to me via Menis that the new illness overtook him for twenty days, moreover before I became ill and … Perpendicular in margin All those here greet you. Verso

the sister S…

In this fragmentary letter the names of both sender and receiver are lost, although the address on the verso indicates that the writer is ‘the sister S…’, and the final greeting suggests the recipients are plural XM@PD , left margin, although the body of the text is written to an individual, ll.7, 12. The reference to a Saviour in terms of, or in apposition to, ‘his beloved Son’, ll.2–4, marks the writer as Christian. The formulation is unusual and an example of the effort98 at syntactical complexity in the text. The hand is inexperienced with poor linearity. The sense of complaint, repetition and incoherence are consistent with dictation or an autograph text. Anonyme’s prayer incorrectly uses the nomen sacrum SQHXPDW L, l.7. The nomen sacrum confirms her Christian identity although it suggests that Anonyme or her scribe only partially understands its

98

Bagnall and Cribiore (2006) no.150.

Christian Women in the Papyri to 400 CE

45

significance. Unusually, Anonyme includes herself and possibly ‘all those here’, left margin, in the prayer. Anonyme ‘is ill QRVRX VD’, ll.7f, to which she refers five times in the surviving thirteen lines of text1.14, and she seems anxious to communicate the gravity of her situation. The letter refers to an illness of Menis, ll.11f, but any other content is lost. P.Oxy.12.1592, C3/4, Provenance: Oxyrhynchus; BL 7.140 1

5

FDLY]UHLQDLMGH [DY[P]KQVRXWDJUDYPPD WDNXYUL HYPRXSDYWH UNDLSDYQXHM PHJDOXYQTKQNDLKMJDOOHLYD VDR^WHLWRLRX WRYPRXSDW KU WKQPQKYPKQSRLHL WDLDXMWD JDUGH[DPHYQKWRL-HURYQVRX [SURYVZSRQSURVHN]XYQKVD

1–2 l. HMGH[DYPKQ 4–5 l. KMJDOOLYDVD 5 l. R^WL 8 BL 7.140. … greeting. I received your letter, my lord father, and greatly exulted and rejoiced because such a one as my father remembers me. For when I received it, I kissed your holy face …

Anonyme’s Christian belief is indicated by her allusion to the NT, she greatly ‘exulted and rejoiced’, ll.4f. The verbs occur together in 99 the opening of the Song of Mary . Her inappropriate use of nomina sacra for the ‘lord father NXYUL HY PRX SDYWH U’, l.3, confirms her Christianity. Both the woman’s name and her father’s are lost. The 100 hand is formal , of a literary quality with bilinear letter formation, and is likely to be that of a scribe. The vocabulary and grammar also reflect an education, but this same vocabulary and the tone of 101 the letter point to the voice being Anonyme’s own . Anonyme uses WRL-HURYQ VRX of the father, ll.7f. It is unlikely to 103 be a title of respect, ‘your holiness’ . Tibiletti’s proposed ‘I kissed 104 your holy face’, l.9, reflects similar phases in other letters . 102

99

Lk 1:47. Bagnall and Cribiore (2006) no.90. 101 See 71 below. 102 #,HURY is frequent in pagan texts but rare in the NT and LXX, which prefer D-JLRY, G. Schrenk in TDNT 3.221–230. 100

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Anonyme does not pray for the father, who, the content implies, is a ‘spiritual father’ to her, but the prayer statement may be lost. The content of the letter beyond the expression of joy is unknown. P.Oxy.48.3407, C4, Provenance: Oxyrhynchus; BL 8.270; 9.202; 10.153 1

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SDUD WK JHRXYFRX3DSQRXTLYZ SURQRKWK  NDL-$WUK IURQWLVWK  FDLYUHLQ  VSRXGDYVDWDLWRQWDXUH ODYWKQPHWDWZ QPRYVFZQ NDLWRX ]XJRX NDLVFRLQLYZQ  DXMWZ QHM[HODYVHHMQWK  VKYPHURQHLMWRK-PHYWHURQ HMSRLYNLRQM$NLQGXYQRXSUR• VXҕYUVLQOLYTRXWZ QNXULY ZQPRXDMGHOIZ Q1HSZ WLDQRX NDL'LRJHYQRX·RL>GD WHNDLX-PL R^WLRX>NLMVLQ[HY QRLDMOODSDYQWZHMQ WK VKYPHURQHMSHLGKVXQ HYTHQWREDVWDY[DLHMQWK  NXULDNK { Q}K-PHYUDWRXW HYVWLQDX>ULRQLD¯ PKRX?QDMGHOIRLYGRY[KWH DMPHOK VHNDLHMQHGUHXTK  WRH>UJRQWZ QDMQTUZY SZQHMPHYQDQGHRXMNRMOLY JKQX^EULQSURVKQHYJND WHSHULGHWRX WURFRX  DMUNHWRLYHMVWHHMQWK DX>ULRQ R-DMGHOIR/RXYNLRDMSDQWD  SURX-PD 

3 l. VSRXGDYVDWH6 l. HM[HODYVDL 8 l. M$NLYQGXQRQ12 l. X-PHL HLMVLQ19 l. DMPHOK VDL 21 l. HMPHYQX Ql. HMPRLQX Q From the landlady to Papnouthis the steward and Hatres the foreman, greeting. Make haste to send the bull-driver with the bullocks and the yoke 105 and their ropes today to our farmstead, Akindunos , for dragging the stone 103

Naldini (1968, 1998) no.31, 160 cites Augustine, Letter 78.88 with ‘sanctitas tua’, but the phrase is not a title, nor is it among the titles in Dinneen (1927). 104 See Tibiletti (1979) 57; BL 7.140. SB 5.8091 (C3); P.Lond.3.1244 (C4). 105 Or ‘our safe farm retreat’. But see 3ZYOXSRQ62 below.

Christian Women in the Papyri to 400 CE

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of our lords, brothers Nepotianos and Diogenes. You yourselves know that they are not strangers. But by all means do it today since they agreed to handle [them] on the Lord’s day, that is, tomorrow, 11th. So brothers do not think to neglect this so that the men’s work be hindered, and you bring me presently no little injury. About the wheel, you are sufficient. Tomorrow brother Loukios comes to you. 106

This letter is part of the Papnouthis and Dorotheos Archive . 107

The landlady marks time by the Christian day of worship, ‘on the Lord’s day’, ll.15f. KXULDNRY/ KY/RYQ meaning ‘the Lord’s’, is rare in the papyri to the end of the fourth century, and it is unlikely that such a title would be used outside Christian circles. .XULDNKYwith K-PHYUDfurther suggests an early date with NXULDNKY not yet a substantive. The proficient hand and polished grammar signal that the letter is written by a competent scribe, a fact that also argues against a mistaken intrusion of the scribe’s time reference which he feels bound in any case to clarify. The vocabulary is evidently the landlady’s and the conclusion is that she is Christian. The landlady does not open or close her letter with prayer or make any other overt reference to matters of belief. Her letter is unusual in having no concluding formula. It consists of orders to her employees. The landlady’s Christianity does not imply that Papnouthis and Hatres are Christians. Indeed, ‘the Lord’s day’ is clarified for them, ‘that is, tomorrow, 11th’, ll.16f. Nonetheless, the landlady calls both Nepotianos and Diogenes, and her employees, Papnouthis and Hatres, ‘brothers’, ll.10, 18. The former are likely to be kin. 108 ‘Brothers’ of the latter may signal their Christianity . P.Oxy.50.3581, C4/5, Provenance: Oxyrhynchus; BL 11.170 1

106

[)ODRXLYZ]0DUNHYOOZWULERXYQZHMSLWHWDJPHYžQZ .ҕWK HLMUKYQK [SDUD$XMUKO]LYDM$WWLHYQKDMSR[WK M2[XUXJFHLWZ ]QҕSҕRYҕOҕHҕZҕҕ3DX ORY WLR-UPZYPHQR [DMSRWK ]DҕXMWK SRYOHZU-L\RNLQGXY[QZIHURYPHQR]ҕND>ҕWDE]LYDQNDL NDWMDMQDYJNKQDMIKYUSD [VHYQPHNDL]VXQK OTHYQPRLSURJDYPҕ[RQ]GRP[]HM[DXMWRX  TKOXNRQSDLGLYRQ

P.Oxy.48.3384–3429; 49.3480; 56.3875 (331–c.376). The landlady may be the Klematia of P.Oxy.48.3406, a letter in an unskilled hand with poor grammar which may be autograph but is not necessarily so. 108 See 123f below. 107

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Erica Mathieson []H[LM]VDJDJRX VDHLMWRQK-Pҕ[HYWH]Uҕ[RQRL?NR]QҕPKҕ[]QSҕRҕQҕ[] [..] . WKQDMQHOHXYTHURQ DXMWRX SURDLYUHVLQNDLSDYQWDPRXҕWDҕSUDYJPDWDN[]LҕRҕQҕN[. . .][] . VHQNDWDOHLYSZQPH PHWDNҕDҕLWK QKSLYDPRXTXJDWURHMQNDLU[]PZVXQK OTHQ[H-]WDLYUD JXQDLNHLNDLHL>DҕVҕHQY PH FKUHXYRXVDNDLPHWDFURYQRQWLQDSDYOHLQHM[KSҕDY[WKV]HQGLD SUHVEXWHYUZQD>FULRX_SDYOHLQVXQ HLVHQHYJNZDXMWRQHLMWҕRҕQҕK-PHYWHURQRL?NRQJUD\DYPHQRYPRL VXQSҕD[U]DPҕHL QDLWKQVXPELYZVLQҕ HLMGHERXOKTHLYKWDDXMWDDMQHOHXYTHUDSUDYJPDWDGLDSUDY[DVTDLHMNWLYVLQ DXMWRQFUXVLYRXRXMJNLYDGXYR NDLR-WRXYWRXSDWKUHMQJUDYIZDMQHGHY[DWRDXMWRYQNDLHҕLMVDJDJRX VDDXMWRQ [HLM]W[R]QK-PHYWHURQRL?NRQFLYUR QDWZ QSUZYWZQDXMWRX VIDOҕPҕDYҕWZQHMSHFHLYUKVHQGLDSUDY[DVTDL NDWDҕIURQKYVDҕҕWҕK ҕҕRҕMUҕIDQLYD PRXRXMPRYQRQR`WLHMUKYҕPZVLQHLMUJDYVDWRNDWDWRX RL>NRXPRXDMOODNDL VWUDWLZWZ QHMSL[HQHXVDYQ WZQWZ RҕLҕN> ҕZҕPҕ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ҕLҕQHL Q NDWMHMPRX R^THQSDUDNDOZ WKQVKQWRXMPRX VWHUURYWKWDNHOHX VDLDXMWRQ SDUD[V]WҕK QDL NDLDMSDLWKTK QDLDXMWRQNDWDWKQH>QJUDIRQDXMWRX R-PRORJLYDQWDGXYR RXMJNHLYDWRX FUXVRX NDL R^VDHM]KPLZYTKQX-SHUDXMWRX NDLHMSLVWUDIK QDLDXMWRQHMIRL_WHWRYOPKNHQ NDWMHMPRX  (m.2) $XMUKOLYDM$WWLYHQDHMSLGHYGZND

2 l. M$WWLYDLQK7 l. H-WHYUDJXQDLNLY8 l. SDYOLQ(also 15, 17, 19). 10 l. HMNWLYVHLQ 11 l. HMJJUDYIZ11–12 l. FHLYURQD14 l. X^EUHL15 l. VXQFZUKYVZVLQ X-SRPHLYQZ 17 l. JXQDL NDRLMNLYD(also 19). 18 l. VXPSDUDODEZQ19 l. RLMNLYDHMJNXYPZQ 20 l. JXQDLNLY, NLQHL Q21 l. WRX MPRX 22 l. H>JJUDIRQRXMJNLYD24 l. M$WWLYDLQD

Christian Women in the Papyri to 400 CE

49

To Flavius Marcellus, tribune … peace from Aurelia Attiaena from the city of Oxyrhynchus. A certain Paul coming from the same city behaving recklessly abducted me with violence and compulsion, and lived with me in marriage … from him, a female child … taking him into our house … his brutish conduct and all my possessions … abandoning me and my infant daughter in … he lived with another woman and left me destitute. After some time again he beguiled (me) through presbyters until once more I took him into our house, with him putting in writing to me that the marriage endured. If he wished to behave with the same practices fit only for slaves he would pay two ounces of gold. His father went guarantor for him in writing. I took him into our house and he attempted to behave worse than his first errors despising my orphanhood, not only in that he made a waste-place of my house but also, when the soldiers were billeted in my house, he robbed them and fled and I went through insults and damages till they just spared my life. Having been careful not again to risk danger from him, I sent him through the tabularius a divorce certificate through the tabularius of the city in accordance with imperial law. Again, behaving recklessly, having his wife in his house, he brought along with him a crowd of lawless men and abducted me and shut me in his house for a few days. When I became pregnant, he again abandoned me and lived with the same so-called wife. Now he promises me to stir up certain ill-will against me. Therefore I beseech your firmness to order him to appear in court and that there be demanded from him, according to his written agreement, the two ounces of gold and whatever damage I suffered because of him and that he be punished for the things he dared do against me. (m.2) I, Aurelia Attiaena, submitted this.

Both this petition and the repudium to which she refers are within Attiaena’s legal capacity. She lodges the petition without guardian or assistant and signs it herself, l.24, although she has not written the body of the text. Attiaena is at least minimally literate. The text suggests dictation with some attempts to give a more polished style. The vividness of the descriptions and majority use of NDLY and GHY as connectives sit alongside more complex constructions. Attiaena complains that ‘again he beguiled (me) through presbyters’, l.8. The presbyters are church officials, given a late 109 fourth- or early fifth-century date . Attiaena’s compliance suggests that she is a Christian for whom the presbyters are 110 authority figures. It is likely that Paul is also Christian, given his 109 110

For the date, see ed.pr., 201, 203. There is no hint that Paul is clergy for‘Aurelius’ to be omitted, Worp (2005).

Erica Mathieson

50 111

name, the date , his use of the presbyters and their willingness to press his case. Paul’s marriage to the Christian Attiaena, which might itself imply he shares her belief, need not do so given that Paul abducted Attiaena, ruling out choice on her part. SB 8.9746=SB 3.7243, Early C4, Provenance: Unknown; BL Supplement; 2.2.131; 6.159; 11.209f 1

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111

[6RILDYWLP]RXDMJDSKWK [DM]GHOIK  ['LGXYPKNDL]DL-DMGHOIDLHMQNXULY ZFDLYULQ [SURKJRXP]HYQZDMQDJNDL RQK-JKVDY [PHTDSUR]VDJRUHXYHLQVDL[HM]NRPLYVTKPHQ [SDUDWRX ]DMGHOIRX 3LSHUD WDR-[G]RLSҕRҕY ULDNDHSLW QZQ[D>VS]DVRQDXMWKQH^ZHMSҕLҕGҕKPҕKV Y Kҕ K-PL QSOKQJLYQRQWDLHMNRPLYVTKPHQ NDLGLMH-WHYUZQDXMWK NQLY[G]L•DGLSOD ]Y NDL[V]DYNRQWULYFLQRQRMPIDNRX HMDQ HX^UZPHQGLDYWLQRDMSRVWHYORPHYQVRL NDLWRQVDYNRQNDLWDHX^UDPHQNDQHLYGLD WDGHD>OODRX>SZHMNRPLVDYPHTDNDL D`ERXYOLVSRXYGD]DLHL^QDGLDWZ QJ[Q]ZULY PZQDMSRVWLOZ PHQHLMGHYQDLVDLTHYOZ SHULWRX [O]HWLYRXRX DMSHYVWLOD/RXN[LYO]RXR^WL WRX DMUJXULYRXDXMWRX DMSHYVWLODYVRLVDGDY OLDGXYR[H]XMTXWZ QQLQXYIZQDMJRUDV THYQWDWDODYQWZQ GYSHULZ_QPRLRXMNDMQWHYJUD\D NDLGLDWRҕXҕ QDXYWK6LIDYURXWRX 3ORX[VLYR]Xҕ QXYQIKž3DQVRILYRXRMHLRQWURXYT[LRQ]PHYJD NDLVIXULYGLRQPLNURQH>FZQ6LUDNRX IXQ‘LY'NDR[XM]GHSHULWRXYWZQH>JUD\D SURVDJRYUHXHWKQJOXNXWDYWKQ'LGXYPKQ NDLWRQILYOWDWRQ)DERXUL QRQWDH>SLS ODWK JOXNXWDYWK'LGXYPKHX-UHYTKVDQ HLMWRVDYN[L]RQWZ QHMULGLYZQ6HXKYURXSURV DJRUHXYHWDLVDLK-NXYUDNDLK-D>OOKNXYUD 2XMDOHU[LDYQ]KRL SHUL)LORVRYIRQ/RXNLYOD 3DQ[VRY]ILRQSURVDJRYUHXHWKQNDOKQ%L NHXWLYDQHLMHMNRPLYVTKSDUM$ҕLҕMZҕQLYRXWRNH IDORGHYVPLRQNDLNDQZSLNDGXYRNDL

‘Paul’ became popular among Christian parents in late C4, Eusebius, HE 7.25.14. Patterns of inherited belief make it likely that Paul is Christian. See Salzman (2002) 146f, 147–150, 155–157, 158–161.

Christian Women in the Papyri to 400 CE

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SDYQWDSURVDJRYUHXH(LMWDOLYDQ4HRGZYUDQ HMUUZ VTDLYVDLHMQNXULY ZR-NXULRY  VDLGLDIXODY[DLK-PL Q Verso NXULYDWK DMGHOIK 6RILDYWL'LGXYPKNDLDL- DMGHOIDLY

1 l. [NXULYDP]RX, G. Parassoglou cited in Bagnall and Cribiore (2006), no.77. 2 l. FDLYUHLQ4 l. VH (also 15, 28, 34, 35), [D>VS]DVRQdoubtful, Bagnall and Cribiore (2006), no.77. 5 l. SLSHUDQ10 l. VDYNNRQ(also 12), WULFLYQRX 11 l. DMSRVWHOZ PHQ 12 l. D^ NQLYGLD 14 l. ERXYOHLL^QD15 l. DMSRVWHLOZ PHQ 16 l. OHQWLYRXDMSHYVWHLOD17 l. DMSHYVWHLOD 17–18 l. VDQGDYOLD19 WDODYQWZQ, BL 2.2.131. 20 l.QDXYWRX21 l. QXYPIKor perhaps QXYPIK[], Z-RQVWURXYTHLRQ. 22f l. H>FRQ6XULDNRXIRLYQLND 27 l. VDYNNLRQ To my beloved lady sister, Didyme and the sisters in the Lord, greeting. First, we considered it necessary to salute you. We received from the brother, a pepper-pot, the provisions for the journey … greet her until she comes home to us. However, things go on. We received also for her, through others, seven double knidia and a sack of unripe grapes. If we find someone, we will send to you through them both the sack and what knidia we have found. But the other things we have not received yet. Make haste to let us know what you want so that we may send them through known people. I want you to know about the towel which you sent for Loukilos, that I sent to you from his money, two pairs of sandals directly from the weavers bought for 4 talents, about which you did not write back to me; and through the sailor Sipharos, son of Plousios, for the bride of Pansophios a large ostrich 112 egg and a small basket holding Syrian dates. You did not write about these things either. Greet sweetest Didyme and dearest Favorinos. The utensils of sweetest Didyme were found in the sack of the wool of Severos. The lady and the other lady Valeriane greet you and the friends of Philosophos, Loukila and Pansophion. Greet the good Bikeutia [and ask] if she received from Aionios the headscarf and the two cakes. And greet everyone, Italia, Theodora. Go well in the Lord. The Lord keep you for us. Verso To the lady sister Sophias, Didyme and the sisters. 113

P.Oxy.14.1774, Early C4 , Provenance: Oxyrhynchus 1

112

NXUHLYDWL DMGHOIK M$WLHQD WHLYK'LGXYPKNDLDL-DMGHO IDLHMQNXULY ZFDLYUHLQ

In the Byzantine period, ostrich eggs were hung in churches as symbols of light. They were also used as vessels, caps and food, Galavaris (1978); Emmett (1984) 83. The context favours a domestic reference. 113 Dated to 340 by E. Wipszycka (2002) cited in Luijendijk (2008) 62 n.21.

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SURKJRXPHYQZDMQDJNH  RQK?QSURVDJRUHXYHLQVDL HXMFRYPHQDLX-JLHYQLQVDLK-PHL Q JUDYIHK-PHQNXUHLYDPRXSHUL WK X-JLYDVRXNDLZ_QFUKY]HL HMQWROLNZ QHM[RXVLYDQH>FRX VDHLMHMNRPHLYVTKWDHMQWROL NDYVRXGKYOZVRQK-PHL QHMORL SDYVTKGHSDUMK-PHL QHMNWRX  DMUJXUHLYRXWZ QHMQWROLNZ Q VRXZ-QRPHLY]ZGKQDYULD $MW NDQZSKNDYVRLOKPITHYQ WDDXMWZ QDMSRVWHYORQWDL SURVDJRYUHXHWKQNXUHLYDQDM GHOIKQPDNDUHLYDQM$VRX Q NDLWKQPKWHYUDQDXMWK NDL [][][]T•DQWDWRQ VersoNXUHLYDPRXDMGHOIK M$WLHQ•D•WHLYK'LGXYPKVXQWDL DM[GHOIDL ].

1 Dcorrected to read NXUHL l. NXULYD (also verso)WK 4–5 l. DMQDJNDL RQ5 l. VH (also 6). 6 l. X-JLDLYQHLQK-PL Q(also 11, 12). 7 l. NXULYD8 l.X-JLHLYD10 l. HMNRPLYVTK13 l. DMUJXULYRX14 l. QRPLY]Z16 l. DMSRVWHORX QWDL17 l. NXULYDQ 18 l. PDNDULYDQ19 l. PKWHYUD To the lady sister Atienateia, Didyme and the sisters, greeting in the Lord. First, it is necessary to salute you, praying that you may be well for us. Write to us, my lady, about your health and what orders you need since you have credit. If you received your orders, make it clear to us. There remains with us, from the money for your orders, as I reckon it, 1300 denarii. The cakes received for you will be sent out of that. Greet the lady sister, blessed Asous, and her mother and … Verso To my lady sister Atienateia, Didyme with the sisters. 114

These letters show a similar style with no connectives and short sentences consistent with dictation or autograph text. The hand is 115 ‘regular’ and it is possible that the same hand has written both . Didyme and the sisters are Christian. They greet both Sophias and Atienateia ‘in the Lord’, SB 8.9746.2, P.Oxy.14.1774.3, using the nomen sacrum. Nomina sacra also occur in the closing prayer of 114

The letters were published separately but the identity of their authors has been accepted since Manteuffel (1927) BL 2.2.102. 115 Manteuffel (1927) 213; Bagnall and Cribiore (2006) nos 76, 77.

Christian Women in the Papyri to 400 CE

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SB 8.9746.34. ‘Beloved DMJDSKWKY with DMGHOIKY SB 8.9746.1, 116 supports a Christian authorship . In SB 8.9746 there is no opening prayer, rather a second greeting, ll.3f. While an argument from silence is problematic, the lack of prayer is noteworthy when considering the proposal that Didyme 117 and the sisters are an ascetic community . A similar greeting opens P.Oxy.14.1774, l.4f, but with prayer added, l.5. The papyrus is broken at the point where a closing prayer might occur. The main sections of both letters contain no religious references. The relationships among those to whom the letters refer are clearly close and evidence of an extensive network, with seventeen people including men and a married couple giving and receiving greetings. P.Oxy.14.1774 includes greetings to ‘the lady sister blessed Asous’, ll.17f. The adjective PDNDULYD is to be understood in its religious sense of ‘blessed (by God)’. SB 12.10840=PSI 7.831, 27 March C4, Provenance: Unknown; BL 8.362; 9.270 1

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116 117

NҕXULYDPRžXPKYWKU6XUDž (XTDYOLҕNDL0LYNKSROODFDLYULQ SҕURPHQSDYWZQHX>FRPDҕLҕWҕKQ  {KQ}R-ORNO[KULYD]QҕVRXSDUDWR  NXULYZ THZ DLMTHYODLVDQ•HMOTLҕ QSURVDL SҕURWK L-RUWK [NDL]NDWHYVҕFҕHPRL K-]DMGHOIKYPRX0LYNKODLYJRXVD•YQPRX L^]QDITDYVKSURWKQPKWHYUDK-PZҕ Qҕ SҕURWKQOXYVKQҕWK QKVLYD HMNWLYQDVRQWDURYPDWDWDLMWҕRҕVIXULGRҕҒQҕғ S]URVGRYNDWKQDMGHOIKYPRXH>UFRPDLSUR •WKL-RUWKYDLMTHYODLVDSHY\RҕWLQDL^QD H>]F•R•LDXMWDSURWK QLVLYDNDLRXMGDYQ DH>F]ZDMQDNH ZQD>QTURSRXHXMҕTXP R]XSHULWRҕ[X Q]DXYORX0ҕLҕYNҕNҕDL R`H>]FZҕQҕGRX QDLDMQWLX-PZ Q DMVS]DYGZPҕDҕLҕX-PL Q1ҕRYQDDMVSDYGHWDL X-PD ]SROODY6LOEDQKDMVSDYGDLҕWDLX-PK  M$QҕQRX WLNDL4HZQLYODNDLM,VFXULYZҕQҕ Wipszycka (1974) 214; Tibiletti (1979) 44f; also 95f below. Emmett (1984); Elm (1994, 2000) 241. However the evidence is insufficient.

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DMVSDYGZPҕDLX-PD ҕM$SLYZQ’DMVSDY GZPҕDLNDLWRҒQғғDLMSLVWDYWKQNDLWKQVXY EҕLҕZQDXMWRX NDLWDSHGDNDLHMJZ0LYNKҕ DMV[S]DYGZPDLWRQDLMSLVWDYWKQVXWRL  WHYNQXNDLWKQVXELYZDXMWRX  JUDYIHVXRX?Q.DODLYGDSHULWRX  NOXNXRXWHYNQ•RQR^WLQLNKWDLRXM GHQGXQDYPKTDSURWZQTDYQD WRQ· RL?GHNDLVXR>WLDHXҕ>FRPҕDҕLҕY VLNDLR-ҕRL-LRPRX'ZURYTDLRҕҕDMVSDYGZPҕDҕLҕ WRQNXYULZYPRXSDWHYUD)DUPRX WLD  HҕM[UUZ ]VҕTDLYVDLHX>FRPDLS[R]OORL FURYQRҕLҕҕ 118

119

1 PKWUL6XUDWL 2 l. (XTDYOLR0LYNNK (also 7, 22)FDLYUHLQ3 l. SDYQWZQ 4 l. WZ  5 l. HMTHYOKVD(also 12)HMOTHL QSURVH6 l. H-RUWK PH 7 l. OHYJRXVDYPRL 8 l. ITDYVK 9 l. OXYVLQQKVWHLYD(also 13) 10 l. HMNWLYQDVVRQDMUZYPDWD HLM VIXULYGLRQ 11 l. DMGHOIKYQ 12 l. WKQH-RUWKYQSHYP\DL 13–4 l. RXMGHYQD 14 l. DMQDJNDL RQ D>QTUZSRQ 14–15 l. HXMTXYPHL 15 l. 0LYNNK 16 l. H>FZ17 l. DMVSDY]RPDL (also 20–21, 23, 29)X-PD (also 18)1RYQQDDMVSDY]HWDL(also 18) 20 l. DMVSDY]RQWDL 21 l. HMSLVWDYWKQ(also 23) 21–22 l. VXYPELRQ22 l. SDLGLYD 23 l. VXQ 24 l. WHYNQRLWK VXPELYZ26 l. JOXNXWDYWRXWHYNQRX HMQHLYNKWDL 27 l. GXQDYPHTDWRQ 28 l. RL?GD 29 l. VRLXL-RY'ZURYTHR 30 l. NXYULRQ)DUPRX TL 31 l. VH To my lady mother, Syras, Euthalios and Mikke, many greetings. Before all things, I pray for your health before the Lord God. I wanted to come to you before the festival but my sister Mikke detained me, saying to me, ‘Arrive at our mother’s for the completion of the fast’. Shake the … in the basket. Expect my sister. I am coming for the festival. I wanted to send someone so that you might have these before the fast, but I have not one trustworthy person. Do not be anxious about Mikke’s fare which I have to give, instead of you. I greet you. Nonna greets you many times. Silvane greets you. Annoutis and Theonilas and Ischyrion greet you. I greet Apion and the epistates and his wife, with the children. I, Mikke, greet the epistates with his children and his wife. Write, then, to Kala… about his sweetest child that he may bear it. We are not sufficient for death. You yourself know that … I pray for you, with my son Dorotheos. I greet my lord father. Pharmouthi 1. I pray you may be well for a long time.

118

Rea (1970) 360. Ed.pr. proposed 6XUDLQDž  6XULYDLQD 0LYNNKis the more frequent form, Preisigke (1967) s.v. See also G. Horsley, ‘A Unique Mention of Lent in a Papyrus Letter’ in ND 1.132f.

119

Christian Women in the Papyri to 400 CE

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While Euthalios and Mikke appear in the prescript as authors of this letter, ll.1f, it is written entirely in the first person singular by Euthalios, except for a personal greeting from Mikke, ll.22–24. It is possible that her voice continues but, given the uncertainty, later lines are attributed to Euthalios. There is no second hand. Euthalios consistently refers to Mikke in the third person, ll.7, 10, frequently as his ‘sister’ which, alongside the reference to ‘our mother’, l.8, and her proposed visit, points to a literal sense. The letter was dated to the fifth/sixth century but has been re-dated, on the basis of 120 palaeography and style, to the fourth century . The hand is ‘fluent 121 … professional’ . The intrusion of Mikke’s voice indicates her dictation. Her embedded portion of the letter contains no religious references but Euthalios’ letter indicates that she is Christian. The letter opens with prayer ‘before the Lord God SDUDWZ  NXULYZ THZ ’, ll.4f, using early and unusual nomina sacra by 122 suspension , and establishing Euthalios as a Christian, with his mother Syras. He marks time by reference to ‘the fast WK  QKVWHLYD’, l.9, and ‘the festival K-H-RUWKY’, ll.6, 12, which, given the date of 27 March, are almost certainly Lent and Easter. Euthalios includes greetings from a Nonna, l.17. The name is most frequent in, but not exclusive to Christian texts and hints at a Christian circle. The letter closes with a standard prayer, l.31. SB 14.11588=P.Mich.inv.337, late C4, Provenance: Unknown 1

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NXYULHYPRXXҕLHҕ- ҕ[SDUD M$ULYDK-PKYWKUFH UHSҕ[URK JRXPHYQRHX>FZPHW[K THLYD SUR[Q]RLYDSDUDWZ TH(Z ) Vҕ[RLX-JL HYQRQWHLNDLR-ORNOKURX Qҕ[WHLGR TK QHWDSDUMHMPRX JUDYPPҕ[DWDNDL JHLQRYNHLQVHTHYORR^WHLDM[SRWZ Q M$PX ULDYGZQ RXMGHQH>ODEDSD[UD QLDQRX HLMPK WDIMPX ULDYGD HҕMQҕWK  M$ OH[DQWULYDNDLNDTRHL>UKND ODEHL QWDGHLDNҕRҕVҕHLYDPX ULDYGD SD UDWRX PDTKWK M$PHLQDRXMFHX_

Rea (1970). Bagnall and Cribiore (2006) no.273. 122 See Roberts (1977) 27; Youtie (1976b) 66; Paap (1959) 100–113. Other examples, Paap nos 21, 33, 53 (all C3); 123, 161, 233, 251 (all C4); 259 (C4/5). 121

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Erica Mathieson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erso [DMVSDY]HWDLX-PD ]KNDLX-K-PZ QNDWMZ>QRPD DMSRYGR 'ZURTHYZ)HLOHLYSRXSDUDM$ULYDPKWURY

2 l. WK PKWURFDL UH2–3 l. SURKJRXPHYQZ3 l. HX>FRPDL4–5 l. X-JLDLYQRQWL5 l. R-ORNOKURX QWL5–6 l. GRTK QDL7 l. JLQZYVNHLQTHYOZ R^WL(also 18, 23)8 l. H>ODERQ 9–10 l. M$OH[DQGULYD10 l. NDTZ(also 18)11 l. GLDNRVLYD12 l. M$PHLQLYRX13 l. DXMWRYQ14 l. DXMWD(also 16)14–15 l. SHYP\DL17 l. GLD WUHL  17–18 l. K^PLVX(also 26)20 l. GLYGHLVRLDXMWDY21 l. PRLWLY22 l. L^QD23 l. RL?GD SDLGLYRQ23–24 l. RMUIDQLNRQ24 l. HMVWLQ24–25 l. FUHLYDQ27 l. PLVTRX 28 l. HLMWL28–29 l. HL>GK29 l. WHOZ 30 l. OLQHYD32 l. DMVSDY]RPDL33 l. o>QRPD (also 34)34 l. RL-35 l. )LOLYSSRX To my lord son … from Aria, your mother, greeting. First, I pray to the divine providence which is with God that the letter from me be given to you with you well and healthy. I want you to know that from the 1000 myriads I received nothing from …nianos except 500 myriads in Alexandria. And just as you said to get the 200 myriads from the apprentice of Ameinias, I did not find him. And about the 500 myriads, do you want to get them and send them? You know where I got them. I went to the bleacher for the three and a half pounds. And just as you said, ‘Go to Maria, my sister, and give them to her’, I went and she gave me nothing. For what goes right for me? Know also this as well, that the orphan child is in my house and I have need of expenses myself. And about the two and a half pounds, 2 ½ lbs, I owe nothing except the wages for the bleacher. If I owe anything, I spend my

Christian Women in the Papyri to 400 CE

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goods here. For I have sold some of the same linen for 10 myriads per pound. I am amazed how you neglect me. I greet you all by name. Verso …es and our people each by name greet you. Give to Dorotheos son of Philippos from Aria, his mother.

The letter opens with prayer to ‘divine providence which is with GodSDUDWZ TH(Z ) ’, ll.3–6, using an early form of the nomen sacrum abbreviated by suspension, and indicating that Aria is a Christian. Prayer to divine providence, most frequent in Christian texts, strengthens the Christian classification, as does mention of ‘Maria, my sister’, l.19, whose inclusion, given the other evidences of Christianity, suggests that this is a Christian circle. Whether Maria is Dorotheos’ sister who need not be Aria’s daughter, his wife, a friend and/or a member of the church is unclear. Aria informs Dorotheos about an orphan but does not explain her or his relationship to the child. The epithets ‘mother’ and ‘son’, given the content of this letter, are undoubtedly literal. The use of direct speech, paratactic syntax and a jerky stream of thought point to dictation or Aria’s own writing. The hand appears 123 clumsy but is practised. SB 14.11881, C4, Provenance: Unknown 1

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NXULYDPRXPKWUD )DXVWLYQDM$OORX  HMQNXULY ZFDLYUHLQ NDLURQHX-URX VDWRX

 JUDPPDWKIRYUR[X] SURVDJRUHXYZWKQ PKWULNKYQVR[X]GLDYTH VLQNXULYDP[R]XHMSHL WDJUDI[]PRL GKOZYVKҕ[]HҕLҕPҕHҕQҕ GXQDWRQ[]HMO THLQ[]GLD [] [] [] [] SZ[] WDWZ QRҕMUIDQZ QSDLY Bagnall and Cribiore (2006) no.181.

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GZQWRX DMGHOIRX PRX PKGXQD[P]HYҕQKҕDҕXMWRҕLҕ  HMSDUNHL QJXQKRX?VD HLMPHQRX?QHXMSҕRUHL  DMSRYVWHLORYQPRLGLDWRX  JUDPPDWKURYURXVLYS SKOLYWUDGXYRL^QD QKYVZNDLGDSDQKYVZ HLMDXMWDYSROODYVHSURV [DJRU]HXYZDMVSDY]RQWDLY VHWDQKYSLDSDLGLYDDMV SDY]RPDL.XULDNKQWK[Q] PKWHYUD[HMUU]Z VTDLYVHHX>FRPDL

1 l. PKWUL To my lady mother, Faustina, Allous, greetings in the Lord. Having found the opportunity of a letter-bearer, I salute your motherly disposition, my lady. Since … me show … possible … to come … the things of the orphan children of my brother I am not able to assist them, since I am a woman. Therefore if you have plenty, send to me through the letter-bearer two pounds of hemp so that I may spin them and spend them for them. I salute you many times. The young children greet you. I greet Kyriake, my mother. I pray you be well.

Allous’ greeting ‘in the Lord’, l.3, with the nomen sacrum, establishes her as Christian and implies that Faustina too is Christian. Allous also greets ‘Kyriake’, l.30. The name first appears 124 in the papyri in the first half of the fourth century and signals a shift from NXULDNRY/ KY/ RYQ ‘belonging to the Emperor’, to ‘belonging to the Lord (Christ)’, to use as a name. She belongs to a Christian family. Allous closes her letter with the standard prayer, l.31. There is no other religious reference and no opening prayer. Allous informs Faustina that she is not able to assist ‘the orphan children’, ll.18f. The nature of the assistance is not indicated but the inability being due to her gender is clear, ll.20f. 125

Allous addresses both Faustina and Kyriake as ‘mother’ ll.1, 30f . The definite article in WKQPKWHYUDused of Kyriakeacts as a 124

P.Abinn.51, 52 (both 346); O.Douch 2.140 (C4), Preisigke (1967) s.v. None indicates the woman’s belief. Other occurrences are dated C7, C8. The masculine Kyriakos is most frequent in C6–8. 125 Kinship terms with a name can be either literal or extended, Dickey (2004).

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126

possessive in phrases of relationship . She is the only person whom Allous greets and presumably is part of Faustina’s household. .XULYD is not used of Kyriake, which may indicate no more than linguistic awkwardness. The text of this letter is illegible at its central fold, ll.11–17. The 127 evidence of ‘an experienced hand’ and correct grammar combined with simple syntax suggest dictation to a scribe. SB 18.13612=P.Lond.3.1014, C4, Provenance: Lykopolis?; BL 10.85, 221 1

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NXULYZ PRXSDWULHXMHUJHYWK D>SDM,ZDYQQKK-PKYWKU )LODGHYOIRXDMSRWDNWLNRX  PHWDWKQSURYQRLDQSDYQ WDWRXHLMVHNDWDIHXY JRQWDNDLHMOHHL NDLVZY ]HLNDMPHHMOHYKVRQHLM WLPKQWRX DMSRWDNWLNRX  PRXXL-RX ·4HRYJQZVWRJDU R-HM[DYNWZUNDMPHWKQFKY UD[Q]NDLWRXRMUIDQRX []W[ Verso (m.2) SDUDYNOKVLWK PK[WUR)LODGHYOIRXDMSRWDNWLNRX 

To my lord, father, benefactor, Apa Johannes, the mother of Philadelphos, 128 the apotactic . Next to providence, you have mercy on and save all those who flee to you. Have mercy on me too for the honour of my son, the apotactic. For Theognostos, the exactor, both me and the orphans … Appeal of the mother of Philadelphos, the apotactic.

This is a petition in the form of a letter to Apa Johannes who is 129 identified with the ascetic addressed in P.Herm.7–10, 17 . The text is the work of ‘an accomplished writer’with well-formed letters, use of punctuation which is unusual in the period and competent

126

Naldini (1968, 1998) 91. Bagnall and Cribiore (2006) no.250. 128 For apotactic, see 156, 248 below. 129 Suggested by J. D. Thomas cited in Parassoglou (1987) 249, who thinks it possible but unprovable. It is accepted in Zuckerman (1995) 188. 127

Erica Mathieson

60 130

grammar . The mother’s relationship to the text is uncertain but the appeal for mercy so as to honour her son, ll.7–9, suggests her own words and her involvement in its composition. The address is 131 possibly in a second hand suggesting the mother is literate. The final greetings, where her hand is most likely, are lost. The mother is Christian. She uses vocabulary frequent in biblical texts, ‘you both have mercy and save’, ll.6f; refers to (divine) providence (WKQSURYQRLDQ), l.4, most frequent in Christian texts; and appeals to Apa Johannes, an ascetic, as ‘my lord father’, l.1. She is mother of an apotactic, and while Philadelphos may have converted independently, it is more likely that this is a Christian 132 family. The text lacks FDLYUHLQ and an opening prayer, and is broken where a closing prayer might occur. The mother does not name herself but styles herself solely by her 133 relationship with her son, ll.2f, verso . She claims to be a ‘widow’ and connects herself with ‘the orphans’, ll.10f, perhaps brothers 134 and sisters of Philadelphos, or her grandchildren . The reason for her appeal is not specified but concerns the exactor; that is, it is 135 about taxation , with Anonyme seeking Apa Johannes’ mediation with the civic authorities. The papyrus is broken at this point. The text, originally dated sixth century, has been re-dated on the basis of its references to an DMSRWDNWLNRYand an HM[DYNWZU, and on 136 palaeographical grounds, to the fourth century . Stud.Pal.20.86=Chr.Mitt.69=CPR 1.19, 31 January 330, Provenance: Hermopolis Magna; BL 1.451; 2.2.51; 7.260; 10.271; 12.276 1

130

6D•O@O•RXV•W•LYZ[ M2OX]PSLRGZYUZSURSROHLWHXRPHYQZM(UPRX SRYOHZ NDL QRPRX  S[DU]D$XMUKOLYD'KPKWULYDWK NDLM$PPZQLYD3ROXGHXYNRX D>U[DQWRJHQRPHYQRXERXOHXWRX WK DXMWK  SRYOHZ

Bagnall and Cribiore (2006) no.91. Parassoglou (1987) 249; the same hand, Bagnall and Cribiore (2006) no.91. 132 The word is increasingly omitted from C4, ed., 102, n.16; Tibiletti (1979) 31. 133 On teknomyny, see on P.Abinn.34 above. 134 Parassoglou (1987) 250, proposes WRXRMUžIDQRXYPRXXL-RXžW. 135 Lewis and Short (1879, 1980) s.v.; Thomas (1959). 136 Parassoglou (1987) 247. 131

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SUZYKQELEOLYDHMSLGHYGZNDWK VK HMSLPHOHLYDZ-R^WLHMERXOKYTKQWLQD X-SDYUFRQWDYPRXDMSRGRYVTDLZ_QWR NDTMH`QRX^WZH>FHL·DMPSHOLNRQFZULYRQX-SRWHYORXDMURXUZ Q KÓL³³O³E³ NDODPLYDD>URXUDL JKYSZPDULYRXD>URXUD Ó³K³YD^SDQWDQXQL HMQFHYUVZNDLWDHMQDXMWZ RLMNRYSHGDNDLHMNQRYWRXWRXYWRXJHZYUJLRQ NDORXYPHQRQ3ZYOXSRQR^VRXHMVWLQDMURXUKGRX  NDLRXMVLDNK JK X-SRWHYORXD>URXUDL PEÓK³NDLWKQSD VDQFHYUVRQ NDLD>VSRURQWKQHMQDXMWK NDLM(XJXQK6DSULNLYRX DMSRWK DXMWK

SRYOHZSU[R]VK OTHYQPRLERXORPHYQKSULYDVTDLWDX WD NDLVXQHTHYPҕKQSURDXMWKQHMSLSD URXVLYD'LRVNRXULYGRXSUHVEXWHYURXWK HMNNOKVLYDҕHMSLR^URLZ^VWHDMQWL WK WLPK HMSLJQZ QDLSDYQWD WDX-SHUWRXYWZQHXMVHEK WHOHYVPDWDWK HMQHVWZYVKJ³LMQGLNWLYRQR NDLSDUHYVFHQPRLHLMORYJRQDMUDEZ QR FUXVRX R-ORNRWWLYQRXGXYRNDLD>OORPLNURYQWLSODYWXPDFUXVZ NDL SROODYNLWDXYWKKMQZYFOKVDPHWDWRX PHVLYWRX DMSRGRX QDLYPRLD`SDUHYVFRQHLMORYJRQHXMVHEZ QWHOHVPDYWZQNDLODEHL Q DXMWKQWKQNDWDJUDIKQNDLPLYDQHMNPL D X-SHUHWLYTHWRNDLPKNHYWLIHYURXVDDXMWK WKQHMSLYTHVLQKM[LYZVDGLM DXMWZ QWZ QELEOLYZQHMSLVWDOK QDL DXMWKQHL>VZK-PHUZ QGHYNDDMSRGRX QDLYPRLWDVXQIZQKTHYQWDNDLODEHL Q DXMWKQWKQNDWDJUDIKQDMNRORXYTZ RL_HMDQSURVIZQKYVKR-PHWD[XPDYUWX·NDLHMPRX RX>VK[]HMSLNZYPK DMQWHSLVWDYOPDWDYPRLGLHSHYPITKX-SR WK VK HMSLHLNLYDHM[RMQRYPDWR^+UZQREHQH ILNLDULYRX PHVWD \HXGRORJLYDZ_RXMGHQVXQHIZYQKVDRXMGHHL>OKIDYWL SDUMDXMWRX HLMORYJRQDMUDEZ QRZ-NDLR-PHWD[XGXYQDWDL PDUWXYUDVTDLZ-SURGHGKYOZWDLSZ JDUHMGXYQDWR R-Z@QWRYWHHMQWK D>QZ4KEDLYGLHMQWDY[DNDLD>OODPRXX-SDYUFRQWDD`PK VXQHIZYQKVDSURDXMWKYQRXMPKQ DMOODNDLHMQHFDYUD[HQWRL DXMWRL ELEOLYRLSUD JPDSDUDYQRPRQZ- GHL QWRQK-PHYWHURQXL-RQVXQFUKPD WLY]HLQPRLSLSUDYVNRXVDYQPRXWDWZ QJRQHYZQWDX WDGHSDYQWD HMPKFDQKYVDWRPKHX-ULYVNRXVDDMSRGRX QDL WDX-SMHMPRX SURFUKVTHYQWDHXMVHEK WHOHYVPDWDPK[GH] GXYQDVTDL DXMWKQEHOWLZ VDLRLMRPHYQKGXYQDV TDLDMSR[ODE]HL QWRQDMUDEZ QDGLDWRX WRSURKYFTKQHMSLGRX QDLWDYGH WDELEOLYDNDLQX QOXYZQDXMWK  SD VDQSURYIDVLQH>WLPKQHMSLVWDOK QDLDXMWKQHL>VZD>OOZQ K-PHUZ QSHYQWHHMSLGRX QDLYPRLHMSL WK VK SDURXVLYDWDVXQIZQKTHYQWDNDLODEHL QWKQZ-Q HMDQR-PHWD[XPHVLYWKSURVIZQKYVKSDUD WK VK HMSLHLNLYDHLMPKWRX WRSRLKYVLHQDMSROHYJHVTDLDXMWKQWRX  DMUDEZ QRVZ]RPHYQZQPRLWZ QGLNDLY

62 25

Erica Mathieson ZQSURDXMWKQHMSLWK HMDTLYVKHMQDMVSRYUZRXMVLDNK JK 'LHXWXYFHL X-SDWLYD)ODXLYRX*DOOLNDQRX NDL 2XMDOHULYRX7XOOLDQRX WZ QODPSURWDYWZQ0HFHLU³

19 l. SLSUDVNRXYVK 14, 23 RMPHWD[XPDYUWX; RMPHWD[XPHVLYWK l.OXYRXVD

137

21

To Salloustios Olympiodoros, principalis of Hermopolis and the Hermopolite nome, from Aurelia Demetria also called Ammonia daughter of Polydeukos, ex-magistrate and ex-councillor of the same city. Lately I submitted to your diligence documents about how I wished certain property of mine to be disposed of, which is as follows: vineyard land of 8 19/32 arourai subject to tax, corn 3 1/8 arourai, orchard 5/8 aroura, the whole now in dry land, with the buildings in it, and, to the south, the field called 138 ‘Polypos’ , as much as is arable, and estate land 42 5/8 arourai subject to tax, and all the dry land and unsown land in it. Eus, wife of Saprikios, from the same city, came to me wanting to purchase these and I entered an agreement with her in the presence of Dioskourides, presbyter of the church, on the terms that instead of the price she would take on all the imperial taxes for these for the current third indiction, and she provided me as a down payment two gold solidi and another small gold plate. Many times I, with the mediator, pressed her to pay me what she offered for the matter of the imperial taxes and to take the conveyance deed itself, but one day after another she puts it off. No longer being able to bear her deception, I asked through those documents that she be ordered to pay me within ten days what she agreed and to take the conveyance deed in accordance with what the intermediary witness instructs. When I was in the village responses were sent to me by you in the name of Heron, beneficarius, full of lies. I have agreed to nothing with him and received nothing from him in the matter of a deposit, as the intermediary is able to witness, as is made clear above. For how could he, when he was in upper Thebaid? Other property of mine was included which I had not agreed with her to sell. Not only this but also she inserted in the same documents an illegality, that our son must act with me in selling my inheritance. All these things she fabricated because she was not able to pay the imperial tax handed over by me in advance, thinking to receive back the deposit. Because of this I was persuaded to submit these documents, and now, refuting all her pretence, I again ask that she be ordered within another five days to pay me in your presence what was agreed and take the conveyance in accordance with what the intermediary mediator declares before your equity; and if she does not do this, that she 137

Diethart (1992) 226; BL 10.271. Substantive use of PHWD[XYis not attested in LSJ, s.v. 138 Possibly from DMSROXYSRX‘without worry’, cf Akindunos 46 above.

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lose the deposit, the rights being reserved for me against her in relation to the unsown area of the estate land. Farewell. In the consulship of the most glorious Flavius Gallicanus and Valerius Tullianus. Mecheir 6. 139

This document is a memorandum or counter-petition . The text is written in good Greek with a variety of constructions and some use of rhetoric. At the same time, the vividness, pace of thought and 140 sense of outrage suggest the text retains Demetria’s voice . She acts without a guardian or assistant. It is not subscribed. The memorandum concerns land Demetria sold to Eus. The sale agreement took place ‘in the presence of Dioskourides, presbyter of the church’, ll.7f. Both women accept Dioskourides as a trustworthy witness. Demetria refers to other witness figures: a mediating witness can give instructions about implementing the contract, ll.13f; an intermediary can witness that no deposit has been received, l.16; a mediator can advise the principalis, l.23; a mediator has urged Eus to honour the agreement l.10. The relation of these mediating figures to one another and to Dioskourides is unclear but it seems probable that he is to be identified with one or all of them. Whatever his role, Eus does not respond. Given the date, when the role of clergy as secular functionaries was still being established, the cumulative probabilities suggest that Demetria, at least, is Christian. Where clergy act in secular roles and religious belief can be established, at least one of the parties is 141 always Christian . Demetria appears aligned with Dioskourides and her choice of him in light of her father’s past public offices suggests a conscious alignment. She is evidently a woman of some wealth. The beliefs of Eus are less certain. Being in dispute does not clarify the situation. While yielding even when wronged, maintaining peaceful relationships and settling disputes within the 142 community are Christian ideals, the realities of conflict remain .

139

Suggested by DMQWHSLVWDYOPDWD, l.14, Steinwenter (1924) 56ff; BL 2.2.51. The Archive of Aurelia Demetria, also called Ammonia, includes this text, P.Harrauer 38–45 and SB 16.12673 (324/5). The latter refers to Demetria’s rights under the ius liberorum. 141 Eg in C4 P.Lond.2.417 (346); P.Herm.17; P.Lips.1.43; P.Oxy.6.903; 50.3581. 142 Eg 1Cor 3:3; 6:1–7; Phil 2:1–4; 4:1. 140

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TEXTS WRITTEN BY A CHRISTIAN WOMAN AND A MAN P.Lips.1.28 = Chr.Mitt.363, 31 December 381, Provenance: Hermopolis; BL 8.170; 9.124 1

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[X-SDW]HLYD)ODXLYZQ(XMFHULYRXWRX ODPSURWDYWRXNDL6XDJULYRXWRX  ODPSURWDYWRX HMSDYU[F]RX7X ELH [$]XMUKYOLRL7HHX3DKYVLRPKWU[R]4DKYVLRZ-HMWZ Q [RXMOKJRYQDW[L] DMULVWHUZ  [DMSR]NZYPK>$UHZWRX -(UPRXSROHLYWRXPHWDVXQHVWZ WRRX_HMNR[X V]D HMPDXWK  SDUKYQHJNDWRX NDLJUDYIRQWRX-SHUHMPRX PKHLMGXLYKJUDYPPDWD [$XM]UKOLYRX 3UR[R]X WR.RXOZ WRNZPDYUFRXDMSRWK DXMWK []NZYPK>$UHZ[] NDL6LOEDQW[R] 3H[WKY]YVLRXL-RWK SURNHLPHYQK7HHX WRH-[K X-SRJUDYIZQ DMSRWDNWLNR [DM]SҕRҕWҕK ҕDXMWK NZYPK>$UHZDMOOKYORLFDLYUHLQM(SHLGKR-PHL]RYWHUR [X]L-ҕ[R]HMPRX WK SURNHLPHYQK7HHX WRWHOHXWZ Q3DSQRXYTLRҕҕWҕRҕR>ҕQRҕPҕDҕ Nҕ[D]WHYOHL\H[QX]L-RQ3DK VLQWKQSURVKJRULYDQZ-HMWZ Q LSOHLYZ HMODYW[WR]QҕDҕ,HMGHLҕYTҕKҕGH [Z^V]W•MHMPHWRQ[DM]GHO[I]RQDXMWRX 6LOEDQRQNDWMHXMVHYELDQWRX WRQWRQ SDL [G]DH>FHLQ [SUR]XҕLҕR- THVLYDQSURWRGXYQDVTDLDMQDWUHYIHVTDLHXMJHQZ NDLJQKVLYZ NDWҕ[D]W[R]X WR [R-PRO]RҕJҕRҕ[X PHQ]DMҕOҕOҕ[KYORLHM]J••ZPHQK-7HHXSҕ[DU]DҕGHGZNHYQDLVRL[W]Z  6LOEDQZ WRQPQKPRQHXTHYQ WD3D[K VLQ]SҕUҕ[RXL-]RTHVLYDQPHW[D]WK [S]DWUZYDDXMWRX  [N]OҕKҕ[URQ]RPLYDNDLPK[W]UҕZY[ YD]H>QWHJKGLY RLNDLRLMNRSҕH[Y GR]LNDLHMQGRPHQLNRL GLDIRYURLHLMGHVLSU[R]WRHL?QDLY VRXXL-[R]QJQKYVLRQNDLSUZ WRYWRNRQZ-HM[LMGLYRXDL^PDWRJHQQҕKTHYQWDVRLHMJZGHR-6LOEDQR SDUHLOKIHYQDLSDUDY VRXWK PKWURYPRX7HHX WRWRQSURNHLYPHQRQXL-RQ3DSQRXTLYRQSUR XL-RTHVLYDQR>QSHU TUHY\ZNDLL-PDWLY]ZHXMJHQZ NDLJQKVLYZZ-XL-RQJQKYVLRQNDL IXVLNRQZ- HM[HM[P]RX JHQRYPHQRQSDUHLOKIHYQDLGHNDLWDSDWUZ DDXMWRX SUDYJPDWD NDLPKWUZ DH>QWH JK[G]LYRLNDLRLMNRSHYGRLNDLHMQGRPҕHQLNRL VNHXYHVHLHMSLWZ PHWDX WD DXMWZ GLD IXODY[DLNDLDMSRNDWDVWK VDLDXMWZ HMQKYOLNLJHQRPHYQZPHWDNDOK  SLYVWHZҕHL?QDLG’ DXWRQ

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NDLWZ QHMPZ QSUDJPDYWZQNOKURQRYPRQXL-RTHWKTHYQWDPRLZ-SURHLYUKWDL K-XL-RTHVLYDNҕXҕ[ULYDG]LҕVҕVҕK JUDIHҕLҕ VҕDҕR-PҕRWҕXYSZҕSURWRSDUMH-ҕNҕ[DYV]WZK-PZ QHL?QDLPRQDFRQSUR DMVIDYOHLDQN[D]LHMSHUZWKTHYQWH Z-PRORJKYVDPHQ  (m.2)$XMUK[O]LY[D7]HHX3DKYVL[R]K-SURNHLPHYQKHMTHYPKQWKQ XL-RTHVLY[D]QNDLHXMGRNZ NDLSLY[T]RPDLS[D ]VLWRL  HMҕQҕJҕ[HJUD]PҕPҕHYҕQҕ[R]LZ-SURYNHLWDL$XMUKYOLR3URRX.RXOZ W[R] NZPDYUFDR-SURNHLYPH[QR] VXQ[HYV]WKQDXMWK NDLH>JUD\DX-SHUDXMWK JUDYPPDWDPKHLMGXLYK  (m.3)$XMUKYOLR6LOEDQR3H[W]KYVLRR-SURNHLY PHQ[RDM]S[R]W[D]NWLNRHMTHYPKQWKQXL-RTHVLYDQNDLSDULYOKIDWKQ SDWUZYDQDXMW[R]X NOKURQRPLYDQ ND[LP]KWUZYDQNDLHXMGRNZ NDLSLYTRPDLSD VLWRL HMJJHJUDPPHYQRLZ- SURYNHLWDL(m.4)GLMHMPRX )LORVDUDY[SL]GRHMJUDYIK 

10 l. HMGHKYTK. 11 l. HXMVHYEHLDQ. 18 l. L-PDWLYVZ. 20 l. VNHXYHVL. 24 l. SHLYTRPDL. 25 l. NZPDYUFK. 27 l. SDUHLYOKID. 28 l. SHLYTRPDL. In the consulship of the most illustrious Flavius Eucherius and the most illustrious Syagrius eparch. Tubi 5. Aurelia Teeus daughter of Paesis, whose mother is Thaesis, about 60 years old, with a scar on the left knee, from the village of Aris of Hermopolis, with an assistant whom I appointed for myself and who is writing for me since I am illiterate, Aurelius Proous son of Koulos, komarch from the same village of Aris, and Silvanos son of Petesis, son of the above Teeus, who signs below, an apotactic from the same village of Aris, greeting to one another. When the elder son of me, the above Teeus, Papnouthios by name, died and left a son called Paesis about 10 years old more or less, he asked that I, his brother Silvanos, according to godliness, take this child with a view to adoption, to be able to bring him up well and properly. Accordingly we declare to one another: I, Teeus, to hand over to you, Silvanos, the above-mentioned Paesis for adoption with his paternal and maternal inheritances in lands and houses and household stocks of various kinds, that he be your true and firstborn son, as born to you from your blood; and I, Silvanos, to receive from you, my mother the above Teeus, the son of Papnouthios, for adoption, whom I will feed and clothe well and properly as a genuine, natural son, as born from me, and to receive his paternal and maternal affairs in lands, houses and various household stocks and vessels for as long as I guard them for him and hand them to him when he achieves majority, with good faith, and he will be heir of my affairs, being adopted by me as above. This adoption is valid, being written twice in the same wording, so that each of us has a copy for safekeeping. And having been asked the question, we gave our consent. (m.2) I, Aurelia Teeus, daughter of Paesis, as above, make the adoption and agree to and comply with all the things written as above. I, Aurelius Proous son of Koulos

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komarch, as above, assistant to her, I also wrote on her behalf as she is illiterate. (m.3) I, Aurelius Silvanos son of Petesis, as above, apotactic, make the adoption and receive his paternal and maternal inheritance and agree to and comply with all the things written as above. (m.4) It is written through me, Philosarapis.

This document registers an adoption. It is the work of a named scribe, Philosarapis. Teeus is illiterate with an assistant she has chosen to sign for her. Silvanos signs for himself. It is likely that Teeus is a widow or divorced. If she were married, her husband would most probably assist her, although she notes that the assistant will write for her and it may be that her husband is illiterate. Nonetheless, no mention is made of a husband. Rather, 143 Teeus, a woman, gives Paesis in adoption. Teeus’ Christianity is suggested by the Christian belief of her son, Silvanos the apotactic. While Silvanos may have converted independently, in the late fourth century it is more likely that he was born into a Christian family. His choice to be a monk suggests a religious environment of committed piety. A religious basis is given for Silvanos’ adoption of Paesis, ‘according to godliness NDW HXMVHYEHLDQ’l.11. The words are in Silvanos’ first-person statement but evidently come from Papnouthios, strengthening the sense that this is a Christian family. The document uses the standard formulae for adoption in the fourth 144 century . It also specifies that Paesis will inherit Silvanos’ property, l.22. Silvanos, thus, owns property that he has not ceded to relatives or to his community. 145

P.Neph.1, C4 , Provenance: Alexandria BL 9.173; 11.139 1

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2IHOOLY>Z NDLWRL ORLSRL DMžJDSKWRL  DMGHOI>R@L >@3ҕ[D]X O[R]NDL7DSLDPHMQNXULY Z FDLYUHLQ  SURKJRXPHYQZHXMFRYPHTDQXNWR NDLK-PHYUDX-JLDLYQRXVLX-PL Q\XFK NDL VZYPDWLWDSDUMK-PZ QJUDYPPDWDDMSRGRTK QDL H>SHLWDNDLQX QX-SRPQK VDLX-PZ QWKQILODQ

Paesis is named for his maternal grandfather. It raises the possibility that there was/is an older brother, named for his paternal grandfather according to custom. 144 Taubenschlag (1955) 135f, n.19, 142, 407; also P.Oxy.9.1206 (335). Parents’ responsibility to feed and clothe children is legally binding. 145 For the date, see P.Neph.18 above.

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TUZSLYDQR^SZHMQWDL HXMFDL X-PZ Q PQKPRQHXYVKWDLRMQRPDYVDLK-PD GLDWKQ 146 [HQHLWLYDQK-PZ QNDLWZ QSDLGLYZQ K-PZ Q HMJZJDU K-7DSLDP HMQRYVKVDNDL H>WL DMQDYNHLPDLSDUD NDORX PHQRX?QHX>[DVTDLX-SHUWK R-ORNOKULYD K-PZ Q·NDLJDUSURWRXYWRXWDSDLGLYDK-PZ QHMQRYVKVDQ NDLGLDWDHXMFDX-PZ QHMSDXYVDQWR SLVWHXYR PHQ JDU R^WL R-NXYULR X-PZ QGLNDLYZQR>QWZQ DMNRXYVHWDLNDLK-PHL JDUHMQWK RLMNLYDH-DXWZ Q  WRWHYORVFHL QHXMFRYPHTDNDLH>JJLVWD WZ Q LMGLYZQ DMSDOODJK QDL WK  WDODLSZULYD WRX NRYVPRX THYORPHQHL>SHU NDWD[LRL K-PD  R-GHVSRYWK VZTK QDL HMQWK  [HQHLWLYDK-PZ Q  VXGHYNXYULHD>GHOIH1HIHUZYRMOHLYJD K-PL Q\ZPLYDDMSRWRX VLYWRXWRX FUHZVWHL  3DSQRX TLSRLYKVRQNDLDMSRYWHLORQK-PL Q  L^QDHX^UZPHWDWZ QSDLGLYZQPRX·THYOZ JDU VXQTHZ DMQHOTHL Q SURX-PD  NDLHMQWZ SORLYZ H>FHLQDMVSD]RYPHTDWRX DMJDSKWRXDMGHOIRXSDYQWDNDWR>QRPD NDLWD SDUTHYQRXWRX THRX NDLWRQSDWHYUD K-PZ Q :ULYZQDNDLWKQPKWHYUD 7LHQRUNDL3L QDQ NDLWRXORLSRX DMGHOIRX K-PZ Q SDYQWD Perpendicular in the margin NDWMR>QRPDHMUUZPHYQRXX-PD  GLDSDQWR\XFK NDLVZYPDWL K-THLYDSURYQRLD IXODYWWRL Verso Nҕ[X]ULYRLPRXDMJDSKWRL DMGHOIRL 1HIHUZ NDL M2IHOOLYZNDLWRL ORLSRL 3DX O[R

8 l. PQKPRQHXYVKWH. 9 l. [HQLWHLYDQ. 11 l. HX>[DVTH. 19 l. [HQLWHLYD. 20 l. RMOLYJD. 21 WRX  RX

To Ophellios and the other beloved brothers, Paul and Tapiam, greeting in the Lord. Firstly we pray night and day that our letter be delivered to you with you healthy in soul and body, and that then and now your kindness remind you to remember to name us in your prayers because of our exile, and our children’s. For I, Tapiam, have been ill and am bedridden still. Therefore, we beseech you, pray for our health. For indeed, before this, our children were ill and through your prayers they recovered. For we believe that the Lord will hear you since you are righteous. For we pray also to have 146

Eds.pr. suggest WD SDLGLYD based on P.Neph.4.11–13; 9.12–14, and because the children being with their parents can be assumed. But the text is clear and makes sense.

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an end of our lives in our own home and we wish to exchange the hard labour of the world nearer our own people, if the Master should deem us worthy to be preserved in our exile. You, lord brother Nepheros, make a few loaves from the wheat which Papnouthis owes and send them to us so that I may have them with my children. For I wish, with God’s help, to come up to you and have them in the boat. We greet all the beloved brothers by name and the virgins of God and our father Horion and our mother Teinor and Pina and all the rest of our brothers Perpendicular in the margin by name. May divine providence keep you well in body and soul always. Verso To my lords, beloved brothers Nepheros and Ophellios and all the others. Paul [and Tapiam?]. 147

This letter is one of sixteen in the Nepheros Archive . The address on the verso names Nepheros with Ophellios as its recipients, and Nepheros is directly addressed in l.20. Nepheros’ name may have occurred in the damaged prescript but this is uncertain given the variety in Paul’s usage. Paul is sole author of a further eight of the 148 letters of the archive, P.Neph.2–9 . Paul and Tapiam’s Christian status is indicated by their greeting ‘in the Lord’, l.2using the nomen sacrum. They pray for the brothers’ health ‘in soul and body’,ll.4f, 30. Their description of the brothers as ‘beloved DMJDSKWRLY’ and their prayer ‘night and day’, ll.3f, while not exclusively Christian, are most frequent in Christian texts. Given the close association with Nepheros and his monastery, Paul and Tapiam are understood to be Melitian. Tapiam’s status as an author of the letter is problematic. She appears as the first person singular author of the statement ‘for I, Tapiam, have been ill and am bedridden still’, l.10, but her name does not appear with Paul’s on the verso although the editors note that there is sufficient space for it. However, the possessive PRX in 149 the address indicates that Paul alone is author at this point . A first person singular passage occurs again in ll.23–25. ‘For I want, God 147

Nepheros is a bilingual SUHVEXYWHUR with responsibilities in the monastery and a village. The monastery is identified with the Melitian community of P.Lond.6.1913–1922. See P.Neph.18 above. 148 Tapiam perhaps dies from her illness. She is not named in Paul’s other letters. 149 Barrett-Lennard (1994) 72, suggests that Paul is scribe in a joint composition. But there is no evidence that Paul writes his letters. All 9 are in different hands.

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willing, to come to you and have them [the loaves] in the boat’, ll.23–25. The identity of this speaker is less certain but is likely to be Tapiam given her previous personal statement and the proposed visit. There is no change in hand. The request for RMOLYJD\ZPLYD l.20ff, is curious and elicits 150 considerable discussion by the editors . They note the expense of sending bread from Hathor to Alexandria when it is available in the city. The bread would need to be durable for use on a return trip, although they acknowledge instances of storing bread over 151 months . There is no suggestion that persecution has made the purchase of bread difficult. The editors suggest that the bread may be ritually pure, hence the request, and they note such requirements among Egyptian cults. However, there is no evidence of Melitians or other Christians having purity requirements for bread. The only NT use of \ZPLYRQ occurs in Jn 19:26–30, of the morsel given by Jesus to Judas. An allusion to this or any eucharistic association is extremely unlikely. Further, sacramental bread would be available in Alexandria. It appears most likely that there is no religious significance in the request. Tapiam and Paul greet among others ‘the virgins of God’, ll.26f, Christian women vowed to perpetual chastity. The nomen sacrum is not used. The themes arising from these texts are analysed in the following chapters.

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See pp.20f, 25f and notes to ll.24f, 39. Other requests are in P.Neph.2.1–5; 4.25–28; 5.3–12; 6.11–23; 7.1–3. Papnouthis is the source of supply in each. 151 Athanasius, Vita S. Antonii 12 refers to bread for ascetics that is a year old.

USE OF BIBLICAL VOCABULARY AND IMAGERY Vocabulary and imagery with biblical associations occur, with varying degrees of certainty, in nine of the twenty-six texts written by Christian women. As expected, the clearest references are in 1 private letters . 2

Christian literary papyri and codices, canonical and non-canonical , 3 have been discovered along the Nile , the earliest dating from the 4 second century . They are evidence of the role of authoritative texts in Christian formation and life, and of the broad range of texts on which the church in Egypt drew. They include what are now NT texts, the LXX, as well as a number of apocryphal gospels, several 5 ‘Sayings of Jesus’ gospels and apocalypses . The distribution of texts suggests that those which become canonical are not privileged in authority above certain other Christian and Jewish texts in the 6 period providing a broad corpus as the source of the women’s language. The patterns reflect the period when canon formation is 7 in process but not complete . The LDAB indicates that the five works of the Apostolic Fathers, The Shepherd of Hermas, the Epistle of Barnabas, 1 and 2 Clement and the Didache, are the significant and frequent texts additional to the canonical books in 8 Egypt in this period . This broader corpus of authoritative texts is designated ‘NT’ for convenience, and these with the LXX are designated ‘Bible’, ‘biblical’ and ‘scriptural’. Women’s use of biblical vocabulary and imagery is examined according to the reference or type of reference. 1

There are few non-literary papyri, apart from magical and school texts, containing citations of Scripture. Harris (1975) 156, notes two, Chr.Wilck.130 (C4); SB 1.2266 (C4), to which P.Benaki 5 and SB 14.11532 can be added. 2 The categories are anachronistic in this period but useful descriptively. 3 Eg the Arsinoite nome, Coptos, Memphis; from LDAB; Roberts (1977) 6. 4 Jn=P.Ryl.3.457; Mt=P.Oxy.64.4404. LXX MSS date from BCE. (LDAB). 5 In C2–C4, LXX, 174 texts; canonical NT, 114; non-canonical NT, 81. (LDAB). 6 Eg P.Bodmer 5, 7–13, 20 (C3/4) includes Pauline letters, Jude, 1–2Pet, ProtJas, Melitus of Sardis, Acts of Phileas, Letter from the Corinthians, OdesSol 11, Pss. 7 The range of texts in C4 while broad is limited and regular, Epp (2004) 20, 55. 8 Barn (c.130) and Herm (c.110–140) are treated as authoritative as early as Clement of Alexandria and are among the NT texts in Codex Sinaiticus (C4). 1Clem (95–110) is in Codex Alexandrinus (C5).

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THE SONG OF MARY P.Oxy.12.1592 is Anonyme’s response to her father’s letter acknowledging that she ‘exulted HMPHJDOXYQTKQ greatly and rejoiced KMJDOOLYDVD’, ll.4f. 0HJDOXYQZ and DMJDOOLDYZ open the Song of Mary, Lk 1:46f, according to Luke’s account of Mary’s joy at a message from God. The coincidence of the verbs constitutes this as 9 a biblical reminiscence . The vocabulary may derive from a scribe 10 but is more likely Anonyme’s own . Given the small number of citations or allusions to Scripture in the papyri, Anonyme emerges as one of the few with a working knowledge of biblical text. #$JDOOLDYZ is rare, attested only here in addition to the LXX, NT and early Christian literature where it denotes exclusively the effect of God’s gracious action. The reason for Anonyme’s joy is that her father, apparently a spiritual father and possibly a monk or cleric in 11 light of the nomina sacra , has remembered her, ll.5f. Naldini attributes Anonyme’s phrase to ‘ingenuità di mente 12 semplice’, Ghedini to ‘esaltazione cosciente di animo femminile’ , but the identification is not so easily dismissed. The choice of verbs suggests Anonyme’s identification with Mary and provides an early example of the role of Mary in shaping women’s identity that 13 becomes commonplace in the fifth century . Use of Mary’s words to express her own joy at receiving news points to an appropriation of Mary’s experience as the framework within which to articulate her own. The identification suggests further that the father stands in the place of God for her, an understanding strengthened by the use of D-JDOOLDYZ Mary states that she is a ‘servant GRXYOK’ of God, marked by ‘humility WDSHLYQZVL’. While it is impossible to tell if humility and servanthood describe Anonyme’s relationship to her father, it would accord with the demand, in the third century, for 14 respect for the bishop who is identified with God . 9

See 11 above. The question in Luijendijk (2008) 76 n.67 whether Anonyme’s use is ‘biblical or liturgical’ may be a false dichotomy. 10 Such vocabulary in the mouth of another seems an unlikely assumption. Luijendijk (2008) 78 concludes that Anonyme penned the letter herself. 11 NXYUL HY PRX SDYWH U’my lord father’: see 96f, 160f below. 12 Naldini (1968, 1998) 159, no.31; Ghedini (1923) no.14, respectively. 13 Cameron (1991) 72, 100; Limberis (1994) 59, 101–107, 145; 245 below. 14 Didascalia Apostolorum 2.26, 30 (IX).

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BODY, SOUL, SPIRIT The trichotomy body/soul/spirit (VZ PDe\XFKYeSQHX PD) occurs in P.Oxy.8.1161 and the more common VZ PDe\XFKYdichotomy in P.Neph.1, while P.Lond.6.1926 refers to VZ PDeSQHX PD. In P.Oxy.8.1161, the trichotomy appears in Anonyme’s prayer for God ‘to help our body, soul and spirit’,ll.4–7. It recalls 1Thess 5:23, although the word order is different. The trichotomy appears 15 in Christian literature from the first century , in all possible permutations and with variations occurring in any one writer’s works, suggesting that word order is not significant. Anonyme’s variation, however, is the most frequent. The trichotomy appears in 16 Christian liturgical material but not in the LXX, and is rare in 17 pagan literature . Recent discoveries suggest that elaboration of the 18 trichotomy characterises Manichean texts while Anonyme’s use is unembellished. In her prayer, the terms of the trichotomy together stand for the whole person and have a hyberbolic character. For herself and her addressees, she wants God’s help in all the accepted Christian dimensions of personhood. 1Thessalonians 5:23 expresses the same desire and provides the matching context. It seems a likely source of Anonyme’s vocabulary. Tapiam and Paul in P.Neph.1 pray for health ‘in soul and body’ ll.4f, 30, for the brothers. This dichotomy occurs three times in the NT with different meanings. In Mt 6:25, \XFKY(soul) by itself refers to a person’s life as a whole, as does VZ PD (body). In Mt 10:28 and 2Clem 5:4, \XFKY refers specifically to the spiritual aspect of human life in contrast to the physical VZ PD. In Tapiam and Paul’s prayer the dichotomy connotes the whole human person. The dichotomy occurs in contemporary liturgical texts also to 19 20 21 connote the whole person , and is common in pagan , Jewish and 15

Eg Ignatius, Origen, Hippolytus, Eusebius, Chrysostom. (TLG). Eg Patrologia Orientalis 18, 442–443 (C4); Sacramentarium Serapionis, both in Lodi (1979) nos 645, 581 respectively. 17 Only Comarius C1 (TLG). 18 P.Kell.5.Copt.25; 29; 32; inv.P.81C (all C4). See P.Harr.1.107. 19 P.Würzb.3 (C3); Sacramentarium Serapionis, in Lodi (1979) no.568. 20 Eg P.Herm.5 (C4); also the Hermetic corpus. (TLG). 21 Eg with both word orders, C1 BCE Philo c.50 times. (TLG). 16

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22

Christian sources , suggesting the phrase is regular in the Christian community and general society. Tapiam and Paul’s use may derive from any of these sources and demonstrates the frequent continuity of pagan and Christian vocabulary. In P.Lond.6.1926 Valeria writes, ‘even if in body I have not come to your feet, in spirit I have come to your feet’,ll.17–19. Here the 23 elements of the spirit/body dichotomy are not complementary but contrastive, recalling 1Cor 5:3 and Col 2:5, with each standing for the whole person from a particular perspective. The categories of presence and absence become blurred using the distinction between body and spirit so that the category of spirit makes physical absence immaterial. The biblical passages provide the conceptual framework that allows Valeria to express her conviction. The dichotomous and trichotomous constructions of the human person are conventions the women adopt to express their experience of themselves and others. Notably the women identify a spiritual as well as a physical dimension to their lives. 3URVHXFKY Two of the women use SURVHXFKYof their prayer, Valeria in P.Lond.6.1926, and Taouak in P.Neph.18. 3URVHXFKY is the 24 common word for prayer in the NT but it is infrequent in the 25 papyri . (XMFKY is the usual word for prayer in the papyri but occurs 26 in the NT in this sense only in Jas 5:15 and Did 15:4 . Both words occur in the LXX and in Christian, Jewish and pagan literature of the period with relatively equal frequencies. Valeria uses SURVHXFKYof Paphnouthios’ prayers, ‘remember me in your holy prayer’ ll.16f, ‘remember [my daughters] in your holy 22

Eg C3 Origen c.30 times; C4 Athanasius c.25 times. (TLG). The dichotomy not attested before C2 when it occurs in 3 pagan texts. It is less frequent than the trichotomy, and appears in pagan and Christian texts eg C4 Chrysostom 59 times. (TLG). 24 37 times in canonical texts; Barn 19:12; 2Clem 2:2; 16:4; Did 4:14; Herm 5:3. 25 Christian, P.Lond.6.1917; 1926; 1929; P.Neph.10; 12; 18; P.Herm.9; Chr.Wilck.130 (all C4), mostly monastic; Jewish, P.Lond.3.1177 (113) of the synagogue; pagan, BGU 4.1080 (C3). 26 (XMFKYmeaning ‘vow’ occurs in Acts 18:18; 21:23; 1Clem 52:3. 23

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prayer’ (both SURVHXFKY), ll.21f. She uses HXMFKY also of receiving healing GLD WZ QVZ 27QHXMFZ Q l.8. The words, for Valeria, appear to be interchangeable . Given the popular use of HXMFKY,it is unlikely 28 that Jas 5:13–16 is the source of Valeria’s request for prayer . It is more likely that SURVHXFKY reflects recall of a significant biblical/ liturgical word heard in church and a conscious positioning of herself within a Christian linguistic framework. Valeria’s use demonstrates a rich vocabulary for prayer: HXMFKYl.8; SURVHXFKY ll.17, 22; HX>FRPDL ll.14, 24, 26; DLMWHYZ l.6; GHYRPDLl.15. In P.Neph.18 Taouak elaborates the conventional opening prayer formula with ‘I pray HX>FRPDL in my prayers SURVHXFDL ’, ll.5f. The editors note that with two exceptions, this text and the pagan BGU 4.1080 (C3), SURVHXFKYoccurs in the papyri to designate the prayers of men (sic) of high religious standing, to which Valeria’s use conforms, and never of the writer’s own prayers. From this, they suggest that Taouak is claiming a high value for her prayers, 29 and perhaps indicating her status as a nun . While the editors dismiss their own suggestion on the basis of the ‘worldly’ tone of the letter, it is, in addition, based on texts of limited number. Of the eight Christian papyri using SURVHXFKY seven, and arguably all 30 eight , have a monastic context and, of these, three are in the Melitian Nepheros Archive. P.Lond.6.1926 and BGU 4.1080 alone use both SURVHXFKY and HXMFKY. The pattern suggests that use of SURVHXFKYreflects an individual’s, and particularly a monastic, reclamation of a NT term and identification with Christian practice, and sheds light on Taouak’s choice of vocabulary. HEALING PRACTICE AND BIBLICAL VOCABULARY Three of the women refer to prayer for healing. Valeria has a severe breathing difficulty. She consistently uses L>DVL(healing) ll.7, 9, 14, of what she seeks from Christ. ,DVLQ ODPEDYQZ (receive healing) does not occur in the NT although 27

Also Pachomius, Rule, recension A3 SURVHXFKY; recension B IX = Rule 9 HXMFKY Contra R. Barrett-Lennard, ‘Request for Prayer for Healing’ in ND 4.245–250, especially 249. The idea is absent from his later book, Barrett-Lennard (1994). 29 The editors suggest SURVHXFDLYdiffer from HXMFDLYin theological content or in meaning continuous prayer, a style unlikely for ordinary Christians, 67f, 86. 30 Chr.Wilck.130 may belong to the Apa Johannes archive, see 34 above. 28

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L>DVL/LMDRY PDL occur of both Christ’s and the apostles’ healing . In these contexts it refers almost always to physical not spiritual 33 34 healing and, in this, follows the pattern in Greek literature . A 35 similar pattern occurs in the LXX , but Philo prefers the spiritual 36 sense . Among the papyri dated 100–400, L>DVL is attested only in this text, and L-DRY PDL not at all, although LMDWURYis frequent. Christ 37 is LMDWURY(healer) in contemporary liturgies . The word group also 38 occurs in both senses in Jewish and Christian literature . From this pattern of useL>DVL is of a literary order and not regular in common speech. It suggests that Valeria’s use is a biblical allusion, not to any particular story but generally to accounts of healing 39 mediated through Scripture reading or healing liturgy . It functions to identify Valeria with those who obtain L>DVL from God/Christ. The pattern of use confirms the hypothesis that accounts of Christ’s and the apostles’ healing provide the tradition for healing in early liturgical and literary texts rather than Jas 5:13–16. 31

32

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Against argument for Valeria’s dependence on Jas 5:13–16 is the absence from her letter of any mention of confession of sin and 41 prayer , the context for healing in James, or reference to anointing 42 with oil . Valeria’s emphasis on believing (SLVWHXYZ SHSLYVWHXND NDLSLVWHXYZ) ll.8, 13, also in Jas 5:15 ‘the prayer of faith 43 K-HXMFKWK  SLYVWHZ’, is common in gospel healings . The virtual 31

L>DVL:Lk 13:32; Acts 4:30; LMDYRPDL: eg Mt 8:8, 13; 15:28; Acts 9:34. L>DVL: Acts 4:22, 30; LMDYRPDL: Acts 10:38. 33 A spiritual sense is more frequent in later NT texts, eg Heb 12:13; 1Pet 2:24; Herm 29:11; 1Clem 16:5; Barn 5:2.M,DWURY Mt 9:12 has a spiritual meaning. 34 It refers to physical healing in Homer, Plato and frequently so in Galen (TLG). See also LSJ, s.v.; A. Oepke, ‘L>DVL LMDYRPDL’ in TDNT 3.194–215. 35 Particularly in the Psalms, eg 6.1; 30.2 (LXX 29.2); 38.3, 7 (37.3); 41.4 (40.4). 36 Philo does not use L>DVLbut has LMDWURY mostly of God. 37 Of physical and spiritual healing, P.Würzb.3 (C3); BKT 6.6.1 (C3). 38 Jewish: 3En, T12P, Philo, Josephus; Christian eg ActsJn; ActsThom. (TLG). 39 Sacramentarium Serapionis, in Lodi (1979) no.585. 40 R. Barrett-Lennard, ‘Request for Prayer for Healing’ in ND 4.245–250. 41 Jas 5:16. ‘Prayer for the Sick, Using Oil’, Sacramentarium Serapionis in Lodi (1979) no.585, emphasises forgiveness of sin. Public confession was practised in the early church, Did 4.14, 14.1f; Barn 19; Irenaeus, Against Heresies 1.22. 42 Jas 5:14f. 43 Eg Mt 8:5–13; 9:27–30; 15:21–28; Mk 2:1–12; 5:24–34, 35–42; 9:14–29. 32

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absence of Jas 5:13–16 from discussions of healing in Christian literature in the second and 44third centuries and only its gradual adoption in the fourth century confirms the likelihood that Valeria draws on gospel accounts of healing, particularly stories of Christ 45 healing at a distance . Identification with biblical narrative provides a mode of personal definition for Valeria. She uses FULVWRIRYURl.1, of Paphnouthios, a rare adjective in the papyri, and greets him HMQ&ULVWZ , l.4, a rare formula, so giving a strong Christological focus to the letter. Valeria further specifies Christ as the object of Paphnouthios’ prayer and the source of her healing, ll.6f. Valeria’s focus on Christ, with Paphnouthios as ‘Christ-bearer’, and her repeated requests for prayer using DM[LRYZ(ask),l.5 SDUDNDOHYZ(beseech), l.5andGHYRPDL(pray), l.15, serve to further identify her with those who seek healing in the gospel stories, and Paphnouthios with Christ. It is noteworthy that both God and Paphnouthios are the objects of Valeria’s prayer in ll.15–17. Tapiam and Paul ask the brothers for prayer HX>[DVTH for their health ll.11f. They recall the cure of their children, ‘through your prayers HXMFDY … For we believe SLVWHXYRPHQ that the Lord will hear you since you are righteous GLNDLYZQ’, ll.13–15. There are similarities in vocabulary to Jas 5:13–16: use of HXMFKY; the emphasis on belief (SLYVWL/SLVWHXYZ); and the reference to being righteous (GLYNDLR). However, the similarities are insufficient to constitute a 46 biblical reminiscence . Each of HXMFKY SLYVWL and GLYNDLRis common in the papyri and the latter two terms are common in the NT. The editors argue for dependence on James, connecting also 47 the role of presbyters in Jas 5:14 with Nepheros as SUHVEXYWHUR . However, all the brothers in P.Neph.1 are connected with healing prayer in the plural forms, GLD WDHXMFD X-PZ Q X-PZ Q GLNDLYZQ R>QWZQ, ll.13–15, PQKPRQHXYVKWH HX>[DVTH, ll.8, 11, making an appeal to Nepheros as a SUHVEXYWHUR unlikely. There were, no doubt, Melitian priests in Alexandria to whom Tapiam and Paul 44

Jas 5:13–16 is cited only twice according to the Biblia Patristica, but not of physical healing, Barrett-Lennard (1994) 54. 45 Mt 8:5–13; 15:21–28; Jn 4:46–53. 46 See 11 above. 47 P.Neph.12.3. Also the Introduction of the archive, 15.

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could turn if a priest as such was needed. Against dependence on Jas 5:13–16 also is the lack of reference to anointing with oil and public confession of sin, central actions in the biblical passage. It is more likely that the healing of their children, the ongoing relationship with the brothers and the asceticism that renders them righteous are the bases for Tapiam and Paul’s request, supported by stories of healings in the gospels and Acts, with their emphasis on believing. The stories would provide the context for identification 48 with people who are sick, including women , those unable to rise 49 50 from bed and those whose friends bring them to Christ . Anonyme in P.Oxy.8.1161 prays that God and his Son ‘may help ERKTKYVZVLQ’, l.5. %RKTHYZ occurs in gospel appeals for help from 51 Jesus . In each instance, the person’s request is rewarded with healing. %RKTHYZ, however, is regular in pagan, Jewish and 52 Christian literary texts including liturgical texts and the LXX , and 53 is frequent in pagan papyri indicating the word is part of common speech. Anonyme’s familiarity with Christian vocabulary, nonetheless, suggests a NT connection is possible. While ERKTHYZ cannot be linked with any particular gospel healing, a recollection may occur at the level of identifying with need and appeal for help. There is no allusion to Jas 5:13–16. PRAYER ‘NIGHT AND DAY’ Tapiam and Paul’s statement that they pray ‘night and day QXNWR NDLK-PHYUD’, P.Neph.1.3f, for the brothers uses a phrase that occurs 54 in the NT to denote continuous, that is, regular prayer . The phrase 55 occurs in the LXX and in pagan papyri though with matters other 48

Lk 8:43–48, 49–56; Acts 9:36–43. P.Neph.1.11; Mk 2:1–14; Lk 8:49–56; Acts 3:2–9; 5:12–16; 9:32–35. 50 Mk 6:53–56; Acts 5:12–16; 9:36–43. 51 Mt 15:25; Mk 9:22, 24, both of healing. See also ERKTRY 1Clem 36:1; 59:3, 4. 52  3DJDQ HJ 3OXWDUFK *DOHQ -HZLVK ҏHJ ,VD  (Q 3KLOR &KULVWLDQ HJ apocryphal Acts. (TLG). Sacramentarium Serapionis in Lodi (1979) no. 553. 53 Eg P.Hamb.1.84 (182–192); P.Ryl.1.22 (127); BGU 7.1588 (222). 54 Eg Lk 2:37; 1Thes 3:10; 1Tim 5:5. It also qualifies crying out (Mk 5:5); work (1Thes 2:9); teaching (Acts 20:31); meditation (Barn 19:10; Did 4:1). 55 Eg Isa 34:10. K-PHYUDNDLQXNWRis more frequent, eg Ps 32:4 (LXX 31:4). 49

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than prayer . In Christian papyri , QXNWRNDLK-PHYUD may be a biblical reminiscence but its general use makes this uncertain. Nonetheless, its regular appearance in Christian and Jewish literary sources, though not liturgical texts, makes a biblical derivation 58 possible . It remains unclear whether Tapiam and Paul are shaping their religious practices on the biblical model. 56

57

DEATH AS WHYORAND RELEASE, LIFE AS HARDSHIP AND EXILE Tapiam and Paul in P.Neph.1 pray ‘to die WR WHYORVFHL Q in our own home and we wish to be released DMSDOODJK QDL from the hardship/hard labour WDODLSZULYD of the world near our own people’, ll.15–18. They ask for prayer because they live in exile [HQLWHLYDQ in Alexandria, ll.8f, and they hope to be counted worthy of preservation during it (HMQWK [HQLWHLYD) , l.19. Much of Tapiam and Paul’s imagery has resonances with Scripture. The desire to die at home, however, has no biblical parallel, reflecting instead a common fear in Christian and pagan papyri about absence 59 from home, illness and its consequences . Death as a WHYOR (completion/fulfilment) of life has NT echoes 60 particularly in Christ’s statement at his death, WHWHYOHVWDL . 7HYOR occurs elsewhere meaning ‘death’ only of Melchizedek who has no 61 WHYOR . 7HYORH>FHLQ(to die) is attested regularly in pagan 62 63 literature from Plato , and in Jewish and Christian texts . It is 64 infrequent in the papyri , suggesting that it is not part of everyday speech but is of a literary order. Tapiam and Paul’s use of the phrase seems likely to be drawn from the vocabulary of their 56

P.Tebt.3.1.706 (c.171 BCE) dyke repair; SB 14.11371 (C1 BCE) transport of grain tax; 16.13014 (C2 BCE) agriculture. Both word orders appear. 57 P.Herm.9; P.Lond.6.1917; P.Neph.1; 4; P.Oxy.34.2731; SB 6.9605, (all C4). 58 Both word orders occur in each of 3En, Josephus, apocryphal Acts, Origen, Clement of Alexandria, Athanasius, suggesting order is not significant. (TLG). 59 Eg PSI 10.1161; P.Neph.4; P.Bour.25 (all C4); P.Oxy.8.1154 (C1). 60 Jn 19:30, ‘It is finished’. 61 Heb 7:3. See G. Delling, ‘WHYOR’ in TDNT 8.49–57, especially 54–56. 62 See LSJ, s.v., eg Strabo C1 BCE; C2 Hermetic corpus, Galen. (TLG). 63 Jewish eg C1 Philo, Josephus; Christian eg C2/3 Clement of Alexandria, Origen; also as ‘come to the end’, eg Athanasius (C4), of a kingdom. (TLG). 64 Eg BGU 8.1857 (64–44 BCE); SB 6.9254 (C2) but not referring to death.

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Christian community, and association with Christ’s death is likely. While the evidence does not establish a direct source in Scripture, death as a WHYORis a theological position consistent with the NT. $SDODYVVZ as death has a parallel in ‘released DMSKOODYJK from the world’, 1Clem 5:7, of the apostle Paul’s death but does not occur elsewhere in the NT in this sense. 7DODLSZULYD occurs three times, 65 66 of the effects of sin , but is more common in the LXX . It occurs 67 in pagan and more frequently in Jewish and Christian literature . Life as ‘hardship’ contains a number of NT echoes particularly in 68 the Pauline letters and may reflect persecution as Melitians in Alexandria although no overt mention is made of it. Persecution is the context of the apostle Paul’s discussion of longing for death. The idea of death as release from suffering occurs in early 69 Christian literature but is not uniquely Christian. It appears also in 70 pagan inscriptions , although it functions perhaps more as an amelioration of death from the writer’s perspective than as a reflection of the dead person’s views while living. Tapiam and Paul’s sense is common to Christian and pagan society. Tapiam and Paul’s use of [HQLWHLYDas ‘exile’ does not immediately recall biblical vocabulary but may use biblical imagery with a twist, applying the NT idea of Christians as [HYQRL (strangers/exiles) in the world with heaven as their home to Tapiam and Paul’s life in 71 Alexandria away from family and friends . ;HYQRhas both literal 72 and metaphorical uses in the NT. In the fifth century, [HQLWHLYD 73 gains the technical monastic nuance of ‘solitude’ , but the sense here is negative and the meaning ‘exile’ is consistent with Tapiam 74 and Paul’s concern to be with their people. In the LXX [HQLWHLYD 65

Jas 5:1; Rom 3:16; 1Clem 15:6. 29 times, eg Job 30:3; 2Mac 6:9. 67 Pagan eg Galen 4 times; Jewish eg Philo 9 times, Josephus 5 times; Christian eg Eusebius 27 times; Acts of Xanthippe and Polyxena twice. (TLG). 68 2Cor 5:2–4, 8; Phil 1:23. See also 1Clem 5:7. 69 Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis 5.14.103. 70 IG XIV Suppl. 2461 (Imperial); IGUR 1146 (Imperial). 71 Eg Phil 3:20. For [HQLWHLYDof the Melitian church’s status, see 166 below. 72 Literal, Mt 25:35–44; metaphorical, Heb 11:13–16; Herm 50:1. 73 Vivian (2004) 257, n.98. The word also retains its original meaning. 74 WisSol 18:3. 66

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occurs once, not in the NT, and is rare in Jewish and Christian 75 in pagan, especially astrological, texts77where literature but appears 76 it has a literal sense . The word is infrequent in the papyri . The imagery of [HQLWHLYDis highly evocative and may, for that reason, lie behind Tapiam and Paul’s use, while lacking the particular theological perspective of the NT. Tare in P.Bour.25 uses ‘in foreign placesHMSL[HYQRLWRYSRL’, l.12, of Apameia. Her meaning is literal. SEEING GOD In P.Neph.18 Taouak writes, ‘… if you send DMSRVWHUL WHY  DMSRVWHOOK WHY them (the six artabai) to me, tell me and you will 78 see God R>\HVTH SUR WRQTHRYQ’ ,ll.24–26. 2\HVTH SUR WRQ THRYQ is not biblical but has reminiscences in the NT. It is not attested in pagan, Jewish or Christian literature of the period in this form or as R-UDYZHL WRQ THRYQ. However, R>\RQWDL/R>\HVTH WRQ THRYQ, 79 80 with the direct object, occurs in the LXX , NT and Christian 81 literature with growing frequency to the fourth century , almost exclusively as a blessing for the pure of heart and otherwise always as blessing. Further intransitive and transitive R-UDYZwith SURYor 82 HLM appear generally to be equivalent . It seems likely, then, that Taouak intends the beatific vision of the NT and that it constitutes a biblical reminiscence. She uses the blessing as an incentive for Eudaimon and Apia to comply with her wishes. Taouak’s reason for confidence in seeing God, ‘for we are God’s treasure R-JDU TKVDXUR WRX THRX K-PHL ’, ll.26f, is not a biblical 83 citation although it recalls similar sentiments . In the NT, 75

Acts of Xanthippe and Polyxena, with literal and symbolic senses. (TLG). Eg C2 45 times eg Valens 29 times; C4 93 times eg Hephaestion 68. (TLG). 77 Elsewhere only in P.Neph.4.13 with the same meaning. [HYQRis frequent. 78 For the reading, see 40 above. 79 Hab 3:10, of mountains seeing God, connoting threat. 80 Mt 5:8. See also Jn 1:18; 1 Jn 3:2 of Christ; Rev 1:7; 22.4. 81 Eg ActsPaul, Clement of Alexandria, Origen; Eusebius. (TLG). 82 Eg compare Zech 12:10, Jn 19:37, Rev 1:7. On the interchangeability of SURY and HLM, see Moulton and Turner (1906, 1976) 3.256f; Moule (1953, 1959) 67f. 83 Eg2Cor 6:16; Eph 2:10;5:30. Also Ps 100:3. 76

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TKVDXURYis used of the kingdom of heaven and the gospel , as 85 well as literally . People are not so described. The expression is not attested in contemporary liturgical texts or with this meaning in the LXX, and while TKVDXURY is frequent in pagan, Jewish and 86 Christian literature, it is never used in Taouak’s sense . Her usage is apparently original. 84

CHRISTIAN VIRTUES The women’s letters refer to a number of virtues. The sources of the vocabulary vary. The Mother, P.Benaki 4: Most Holy The mother in P.Benaki 4 addresses her son as D-JLZYWDWRThe word occurs only once and not of a person in each of the NT and 87 88 LXX . However, D^JLRis common of people, Christ and God . In the papyri, D-JLZYWDWR is most frequent in, but not exclusive to, 89 Christian texts . The superlative occurs with increasing frequency in literary sources, the majority Christian, and comes to be used as 90 a form of address by the fifth century , mainly for bishops and less 91 frequently for high-ranking monks . It does not appear in liturgical material. It is noteworthy in relation to the mother’s use of the term for her son that it is mostly used by those of lower status for 92 ecclesiastical superiors . The son in P.Benaki 5 closes with a biblical citation, ‘the grace of 93 our Lord Jesus Christ be with your spirit’ , ll.33–35. The prayer 84

Mt 13:44; 2Cor 4:7, respectively. Eg Mt 6:19, 20; 12:35; 19:21 and parallels. 86 Eg C3 Origen 208 times; C4 714 times (TLG); not of people as God’s treasure. 87 It qualifies faith SLYVWL in Jude 20; the temple in 2Mac 5:15. 88 NT 250+ times; LXX 400+ times; Moulton, Geden, Moulton (1897, 1978) s.v. 89 Christian: P.Lond.6.1917 (330–340); P.Herm.8 (C4) both of prayer; PSI 13.1342 (C4), a title. Pagan: P.Harr.1.69 (C3); PSI 10.1128 (C3) both of gods. 90 C5–C2 BCE 10 times; 1 BCE eg Philo 11 times; C1 25 times eg Josephus 4 times; C2 24 times; C4 184 times eg Eusebius 31 times. (TLG). 91 Eg P.Herm.16 (C5); SB 20.15192 (C5/6). See Dinneen (1927) 4. 92 Dinneen (1927) 3. 93 K•- FDYžUL WRX NXULYR XK•-P•Z• Q•,•KVR X &•ULVWR X PHWD• WRX• SQHXYPDWR  X-PZ Q. See Gal 6:18; Phil 4:23; Phlm 25. 85

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gains significance for the mother if she recognises its origin. The son’s choice implies that she is sufficiently familiar with Scripture to identify the source and appreciate its meaning. The mother, however, does not use biblical vocabulary herself though it would appear suitable. It may indicate that Scripture is not so much a part of the mother’s verbal landscape as to make its use natural. Terouterou, P.Edmonstone: Piety, Good Will, Love, Service, Affection In P.Edmonstone Terouterou considers her act of manumission to be ‘in accordance with piety NDWMHXMVHYEHLDQtowards the allmerciful God’,l.7, and she charges that none of her heirs criticise her for ‘this piety WDXYWKWK HXMVHEHLYD’ , l.15. (XMVHYEHLD is frequent 94 in the later books of the NT, otherwise occurring only once . It is 95 common in the LXX, especially in 4Mac . It appears in both 96 Christian and pagan papyri , and is frequent in Jewish, pagan and 97 Christian literature , indicating that it is part of the vocabulary of both pagan society and the Christian community. In pagan literature, HXMVHYEHLD denotes reverence for the divine and the divine 98 order, and appears to have a general content . In the NT, it denotes the particular way of life which is consistent with biblical teaching. Terouterou’s phrase, NDW HXMVHYEHLDQ, itself occurs twice in the NT, where it defines genuine Christian truth as that which accords with 99 HXMVHYEHLD . The concept, paradoxically, both determines what is genuine teaching and is determined by it. .DWHXMVHYEHLDQ occurs 100 in Jewish, Christian and pagan literary sources . The phrase has 101 the specific meaning ‘almsgiving’ in Manichean literature . It is not possible to determine to what extent Terouterou’s use of HXMVHYEHLD derives from Scripture or from the common language of 94

Acts 3:12; Pastoral Epistles 10 times; 2Pet 5 times; 1, 2Clem 11 times. It occurs in this book 60 of the 96 occurrences in the LXX. 96 Christian: eg P.Herm.7 (C4); pagan: P.Giss.22 (98–138); P.Oxy.6.907 (276). 97 Jewish texts eg Philo 198 times; pagan texts eg the Hermetic corpus 28 times; Christian texts eg Origen 279 times; Chrysostom 808 times. (TLG). 98 W. Foerster, ‘HXMVHYEHLD’ in TDNT 2.175–185, especially 178. 99 1Tim 6:3; Tit 1:1. 100 Jewish eg Josephus once; Christian eg Origen twice; Eusebius 6 times; Chrysostom 12 times; pagan, Posidonius twice; Strabo once. (TLG). 101 BeDuhn (2000) 82, 128, 145, 200, 305 n.24, 306 n.32. 95

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piety in fourth-century Egypt. Hence, it is not possible to determine its content for her. (XMVHEHL Q describes family obligations in 1Tim 5:4, the context of Terouterou’s use, and may signal her assessment of her action as consistent with biblical teaching. Terouterou uses the language for virtues of her society to describe the behaviour of her slaves, ‘good will, love and, in addition, service HXMQRLYD NDLVWRUJK H>WLWHNDL X-SKUHVLYD’, l.9; ‘good will and affection HX>QRLDQ NDLILORVWRUJHLYDQ’, l.16. (X>QRLD occurs once only in the NT, interestingly, as here, in a context of 102 103 slavery , and only in the later books of the LXX . )LORVWRUJLYD 104 and VWRUJKYdo not occur in the NT , but again in the late books of 105 the LXX . (X>QRLDVWRUJKY and ILORYVWRUJRare relatively 106 frequent in pagan, Jewish and Christian literature , and attested in both Christian and pagan papyri, where they appear in formulaic 107 descriptions of slaves’ behaviour . The words appear once in 108 liturgical material . Terouterou’s vocabulary reflects Christian literary, perhaps liturgical, and broad societal influences and is an example of the integration into Christian use of non-biblical terms. Leuchis, P.Herm.17: Devout, Compassion, Kindness Leuchis ascribes the virtues ‘devout THRVHEKY’, ‘compassion HMOHKPRVXYQK’ and ‘kindness FUKVWRYWK’ to Apa Johannes. 4HRVHEKYin ‘the devoutTHRVHEHL Apa Johannes’, l.1, occurs only 109 twice in the NT where it denotes the truly pious . The word is 110 infrequent in the LXX but more common in intertestamental 102

Eph 6:7. Esth 3 times; 1, 2, 3, 4Mac 15 times. (TLG). 104 )LORYVWRUJR appears in Rom 12:10. 105 )LORVWRUJLYD, 2, 3, 4Mac 9 times; VWRUJKY 3, 4Mac 3 times. (TLG). 106 (X>QRLD C3 BCE 211 times, C4 1254 times; ILORYVWRUJR, C3 BCE 14 times, C4 610 times; VWRUJKY, C3 BCE 3 times, C4 81 times. See also LSJ, s.vv. 107 (X>QRLD: pagan eg P.Rainer Cent.64 (212); Jewish, P.Oxy.4.705 (199/200) but of non-Jews; Christian eg P.Kell.1.Gr.63 (C4).6WRUJKY: pagan eg P.Fouad 54 (C2); Christian eg P.Lond.6.1916 (C4).)LORVWRUJLYD: pagan eg P.Grenf.2.71 (244–248); no Christian example. (DDBDP). 108 BKT 6.6.1 (C3). 109 Jn 9:31; 1Clem 17:3 of Job. 110 Genesis 20:11; Job 28:28; 4Mac 7:6, 21f; 17:15; WisSol 10:12. 103

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Jewish texts and later inscriptions . The cognate noun also occurs 112 rarely in the NT . 4HRVHEKY continues to be113infrequent in early Christian literature until the fourth century when the word groupbecomes a synonym for ‘Christian’ and a title for 114 115 116 ecclesiastics . 4HRVHEKY is rare in pagan and Jewish literature . In the papyri of the period it is attested only in two Christian 117 texts . The pattern suggests that Leuchis uses a word drawn from the Christian community’s developing ecclesial literary vocabulary. Leuchis requests that ‘your compassion HMOHKPRVXYQKreach to me 118 too’,l.3. The word in the NT denotes people’s acts of mercy and 119 120 is not used of God’s mercy . It is used of both in the LXX . The noun occurs elsewhere in the papyri of the period only in P.Abinn.19 of Abinnaeus. It appears regularly in early Christian literature, but not in liturgical material, and is virtually absent from 121 pagan texts . Leuchis’ use again reflects a background in Scripture and Christian literature. Leuchis writes, ‘your kindness FUKVWRYWKembraces all who are 122 powerless’, l.2. The virtue occurs in the letters of the NT , and is used of both human and divine kindness. It is common in the LXX, 111

Eg Job 1:1; 4Mac 15:28; Jdt 11:17. In inscriptions, it denotes ‘Jews’ or ‘godfearers’; Deissmann (1923, 1978) 446; Reynolds and Tannenbaum (1987). 112 THRVHYEHLD 1Tim 2:10; 1Clem 17:3; 2Clem 20:4. 113 C1 Clement of Rome 8 times; C2 Clement of Alexandria 9 times; C3 Origen 5 times; C4 Eusebius 30 times; Chrysostom 53 times. (TLG). 114 Dinneen (1927) 6; Lampe (1961, 1968) s.v.; BAGD (1957, 1979) s.v.; G. Bertram, ‘THRVHEKYTHRVHYEHLD’ in TDNT 3.123–128. 115 In C5–C1 BCE 8 times; C1 Plutarch once; C2 Cassius Dio once; C4 Hephaestion Astrologer twice. (TLG). 116 In C1 Josephus once, TAb twice. (TLG). 117 This and P.Kell.1.Gr.63 (C4). 118 13 times in the gospels and Acts, not in the canonical letters or Rev, eg Mt 6:2, 4; also 2Clem 16:4; Did 1:6; 15:4. 119 The cognate verb is used of God, eg Mk 5:9; and Jesus, eg Mt 20:30f. 120 71 times, of divine mercy, eg Isa 1:27; 28:17; Ps 33:5 (LXX 32.5); of human mercy, eg Sir 3:14; Tob 1:3. See R. Bultmann, ‘HMOHKPRVXYQK’ in TDNT 2.485f. 121 C4–C1 BCE 3 times. In C1 23 times, all Christian, eg Clement of Rome; C4 1424 times eg Chrysostom more than 1000 times; Julian once. (TLG). 122 11 times, eg Rom 2:4; 2Cor 6:6; 2Clem 15:5; 19:1.

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especially the Psalms , and attested in Christian, Jewish and, less 124 . It occurs in early Christian liturgical frequently, pagan literature 125 material . It is, however, rare in pagan papyri but becomes more 126 frequent in Christian papyri from the fourth century . &UKVWRYWK especially of God, carries the sense of condescension also evident in Leuchis’ use. The word appears to be part of the church’s developing Christian vocabulary consistent with the NT and drawn from/overlapping with the literary language for virtues of society. Given Apa Johannes’ identity as a Christian ascetic, it may be that Leuchis takes words heard in the public reading of Scripture and the church’s developing paranaesis, and uses them to trigger his sense of duty and press her case. The words flatter Johannes and at the same time remind him of the virtues an ascetic ought to display, and from which Leuchis can benefit. Valeria, P.Lond.6.1926: Honoured, Christ-bearing, Virtue, Practise, Discipline The virtues that Valeria ascribes to Appa Paphnouthios ‘most 127 honoured WLPLZWDYWZ’, ‘Christ-bearing FULVWRIRYUZ’, l.1 , and ‘all virtue SDYVKDMUHWK ’, l.2, do not have a biblical background, while ‘practising DMVNRXYQWZQ’, ll.9f, and ‘observing religious discipline TUKVNHXRYQWZQ’, l.10, have links to the NT. 7LPLZYWDWRoccurs only twice in the NT, of inanimate objects, and 128 once in the LXX of the ‘land’ . It occurs frequently in pagan and 129 Christian papyri dated 100–400, of objects and people , and has a 130 similar pattern of use in pagan and Jewish literature . It is most 123

Eg Pss 14:1 (LXX 13:1); 21:4 (20:4). Pagan: C1 eg Plutarch 26 times; C4 eg Libanius 26 times; Jewish: C1 BCE Philo 9 times; C1 Josephus 22 times; Christian: C1 eg Ignatius 6 times; C4 eg Chrysostom 133 times. (TLG). 125 Eg BKT 6.6.1 (C3). See also K. Weiss, ‘FUKVWRYWK’ in TDNT 9.489–491. 126 Pagan: eg SB 20.14662 (154); Christian: eg P.Ant.2.93; SB 1.2266 (both C4). 127 FUKVWRIRYUZin the papyrus. &UKVWRis the most common spelling, eg FUKVWLDQRLYP.Lond.6.1919; FUKVWLDQKYP.Laur.2.42, see 209ff below. See Luijendijk (2008), 140f; Horsley, ND 1.119. 128 Rev 18:12; 21:11; WisSol 12:7. 129 Pagan, c.230 times; Christian, c. 60 times. See Koskenniemi (1956) 100ff. 130 C4–C1 BCE 101 times eg Philo 9 times; C2 Galen 7 times. 124

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frequent in Christian literature as it becomes a term of address in the fourth-century church, for bishops primarily, other clergy and 131 ascetics, and lay civil authorities . Valeria’s use exemplifies the Christian community’s adoption of pagan vocabulary for its life. &ULVWRIRYUR is not found in the NT or in Christian liturgical texts. 132 It is not among the titles of address in Dinneen’s listing . It occurs 133 elsewhere in the Greek papyri of this period only in four texts , but is more frequent in the Coptic papyri. The pattern of use has been taken to suggest a Melitian preference for the term and a Melitian milieu for the Paphnouthios archive. However, while FULVWRIRYUR is rare in very early Christian literature, it is used by 134 catholic Christians . $UHWKYis uncommon in NT , rare of ‘virtue’ in the LXX , 137 138 regular in Jewish literature and frequent in pagan writing and 139 later Christian texts . It is a word of Valeria’s society taken into Christian vocabulary. 135

136

$VNHYZ occurs twice in the NT referring to spiritual training . The 141 word is rare in the LXX but appears in Jewish literature . The meaning ‘discipline to contain the passions’ is frequent in Greek 142 143 literature . The verb is also regular in Christian writings . Valeria’s absolute use here appears to have particular reference to 140

131

Dinneen (1927) 73ff; Lampe (1961, 1968) s.v. Dinneen (1927). Lampe (1961, 1968) s.v., classifies Valeria’s use as a title. 133 This text and P.Neph.11; Stud.Pal.20.109 as a name; SB 1.2266, (all C4). 134 C1 Ignatius 6 times; C3 Phileas once; C4 Gregory Nazianus, Chrysostom each 10 times. (TLG). See also Lampe (1961, 1968) s.v. 135 10 times eg Phlm 4:8; 1Pet 2:9; 2Pet 1:3; Herm 26:2; 2Clem 10:1. 136 Eg 2Mac 10:28; 4Mac 7:22. 137 Eg C1 BCE Philo 983 times; C1 Josephus 331 times. (TLG). 138 Eg C1 BCE 895 times; C2 3500+ times; C4 588 times. (TLG). See also O. Bauernfeind, ‘DMUHWKY’ in TDNT 1.457–461. 139 C2 1028 times; C4 8000+ times. (TLG). 140 Acts 24:16; Herm 38:10. 141 2Mac 15:4. In C1 BCE eg Philo 6 times; C1 eg Josephus 16 times. (TLG). 142 C1 eg Plutarch 14 times; C2 eg Galen 51 times; C4 eg Libanius 6 times; (TLG). See also H. Windisch ‘DMVNHYZ’ in TDNT 1.494–496. 143 In C1 eg Clement of Rome 7 times; C2/3 eg Origen 37 times; C4 eg Athanasius 17 times; Chrysostom 41 times. (TLG). 132

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ascetic practice, a sense that emerges in the fourth century . The word is not otherwise attested in the papyri of the period, suggesting that it is part of literary not everyday discourse. 4UKVNHXYZappears in the NT once in 1Clem 45:7, and its cognates six times denoting ‘religion/religious’ in both good and bad 145 senses . Both meanings are attested in Greek literature but only 146 147 148 infrequently . It is rare in the LXX , regular in Jewish and 149 Christian literature , but appears not to occur in other Christian 150 papyri of the period . Valeria, again, derives her vocabulary from a literary register shared by the church and pagan society. Didyme and the Sisters, P.Oxy.14.1774: Blessed Didyme and the sisters in P.Oxy.14.1774 greet ‘the lady sister blessed PDNDULYDQAsous’, ll.17f. 0DNDULYR/ D occurs some 85 times in the NT and generally connotes sharing in salvation and its 151 152 joy . It is frequent also in the LXX . The word’s place in Mt 5:3– 12 becomes definitional for its Christian meaning, although it can also carry the less overtly religious sense ‘happy’ as in 1Cor 7:40. 0DNDULYDin Didyme’s greeting, almost certainly has its religious 153 sense. Its use of someone living is unusual . The word occurs 154 frequently in pagan texts and in Jewish texts where it describes a 155 particular style of life . It becomes most common in Christian literature, descriptive of living people but rarely as individuals, and 144

Athanasius, Vita S. Antonii 12; 14. See also Lampe (1961, 1968) s.v. TUKVNHLYDActs 26:5; Col 2:18; Jas 1:26; 1Clem 45:7; 62:1; TUK VNRJas 1:26. See K. L. Schmidt ‘TUKVNHLYD TUK VNR’ in TDNT 3.155–159. 146 C1 BCE 3 times; C2 eg Cassius Dio 7 times; C3 eg Porphyry 5 times. (TLG). 147 WisSol 11:15; 14:17. TUKVNHLYD4 times; TUK VNRtwice. 148 Eg C2 BCE Sibylline Oracle twice; C1 Josephus 21 times. (TLG). 149 C1 Clement of Rome 6 times; C4 eg Athanasius 30 times. (TLG). 150 Pagan: eg P.Oxy.42.3018 (C3). Cognates occur in pagan not Christian papyri. 151 F.Hauck, ‘PDNDYULR’ in TDNT 4.367–370; BAGD (1957, 1979) s.v. It occurs of all classes, at times as the weakened ‘dear’, Dinneen (1927) 81ff, 93f. 152 Ninety-nine times and is especially frequent in Psalms. 153 Synesius, X 1348 A of Hypatia,cited in Dinneen (1927) 81f. 154 Eg Europa, a Hellenistic Egyptian priestess, is PDNDULYDinI.Rhod.Peraia 21. 155 In the formulae, ‘The person is/you are blessed who/if …’ eg C2 BCE Apocalypse of Esdras; 3En; SibOr; C1 BCE Philo. (TLG). 145

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the dead as individuals . In the papyri, it occurs in Christian texts and is not 157 attested qualifying a person in certainly pagan texts of this period . Its use by Didyme and the sisters is likely to derive from scriptural sources, and suggests that Asous is recognised for her sanctity. The fact that Asous’ mother is still alive suggests that Asous is a relatively young woman and does not receive the honour simply as a factor of age. The mother, SB 18.13612: Have Mercy, Save The mother asks Apa Johannes for mercy (HMOHYKVRQ), l.7, and characterises his response to petitioners as ‘you both have mercy on and save NDLHMOHHL  NDLVZY]HL all who flee to you’, ll.3–7. Both 158 HMOHHYZ and VZY]Z are frequent and theologically significant words . (OHHYZ occurs more than 90 times in the NT of both divine and human mercy. In the LXX, H>OHRtranslates h•esed, the central concept of God’s covenant faithfulness and mercy. In both the LXX and the NT, mercy is mandated for human relationships and is thought of as proceeding from God’s mercy. The mother flatters Apa Johannes that he fulfils this ideal and invokes his Christian virtue for herself. Of the occurrences of HMOHHYZin the NT and LXX, 159 most are the imperatival HMOHYKVRQ, as used by the mother . (OHHYZ 160 161 occurs in pagan and Jewish writing , and is common in Christian 162 literature but infrequent in the papyri to 400 where it appears 163 164 almost always in Christian texts . It occurs in liturgical material .

156

Eg C1 Clement of Rome 57 times; C4 9916 times. (TLG). Pagan: as a name eg P.Congr.XV 22 (C4); as an adjective not of people eg CPR 1.30.Fr.1Fr2 (184); Christian: as a name, P.Laur.4.190 (C4); as an adjective not of people, P.Lond.6.1915 (C4); of people, eg P.Princ.2.95 at 221 below. 158 See R. Bultmann, ‘H>OHRHMOHHYZ’ in TDNT 2.477–487; W. Foerster and G. Fohrer, ‘VZ]ZVZWKULYD’ in TDNT 7.965–1003. Also BAGD (1957, 1979) s.vv. 159 Eg Mt 9:27; Lk 17:13; 1Clem 18:2; Lk 16:24. 160 C1 23 times eg Plutarch 12 times; C4 62 times eg Libanius 48 times. (TLG). It was assessed negatively in Stoicism, R. Bultmann, ‘H>OHRHMOHHYZ’ in TDNT 2.478 161 C1 BCE Philo 12 times; C1 38 times eg Josephus 31 times. 162 C1 56 times eg Clement of Rome 41 times; C2/3 eg Origen 212 times; C4 eg Chrysostom 1538 times. (TLG). 163 23 times; eg BGU 4.1024 (C4); P.Lond.6.1917 (C4), but SB 16.12509 (103). 157

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Anonyme uses vocabulary shared by the Christian community and the pagan literary world. Her appeal is likely to recall biblical use and identifies Anonyme with the needy who cry to God/Jesus for help. Apa Johannes stands to her like Christ. 6ZY]Zoccurs in the NT more than 200 times with meanings from ‘save’ to ‘make healthy’ and ‘protect’, with the objects being both physical and spiritual life. The word is frequent in the healings of 165 166 the gospels of Jesus’ action . It is common in Christian literature 167 and found in liturgical texts . 6ZY]Z, however, is not exclusive to 168 the Christian community. It occurs in Jewish and pagan literary 169 170 texts and papyri of god/s rescuing from danger and preserving 171 life beyond death. It is frequent in the LXX . 6ZY]Z, then, is an example of the vocabulary shared by the Christian community and others, with Anonyme drawing on the language of her society and 172 the Bible . Maria, P.Abinn.49; Tapiam and Paul, P.Neph.1: Kindness Tapiam and Paul in P.Neph.1 and Maria in P.Abinn.49 appeal to the ‘human kindness ILODQTUZSLYDQ’, ll.6f, of their addressees, a virtue which is not specifically Christian. The word occurs twice in 173 the NT, once of pagans, once of God’s action in Christ , and only 174 in the late books of the LXX . It is frequent in pagan, Jewish and 175 Christian literature , and is attested in papyri and inscriptions from 164

BKT 6.6.1 (C3); Id. 4, 195 (C3) in Lodi (1979) no.312; Sacramentarium Serapionis in Lodi (1979) no.560; 341, no.568; Liturgy of St Mark 48, 49. 165 16 times eg Mt 9:22. THUDSHXYZ ‘heal’, 33 times andLMDYRPDL‘heal’, 15 times. 166 In C1 84 times eg Clement of Rome 78 times; C4 2000+ times. (TLG). 167 P.Yale.inv.1360 (C3/4); Patrologia Orientalis 18.442–443 (C4) in Lodi (1979) no.645; Liturgy of St Mark, 62, 71 etc. 168 Eg C1 BCE 5 times; C1 193 times eg Josephus 78 times. (TLG) 169 C1 eg Plutarch 333 times; C2 eg Galen 370 times; C4 500+ times. (TLG). 170 Eg P.Mich.8.499 (C2); P.Sarap.89 (C2); P.Oxy.31.2561 (293–305). 171 More than 400 times. (TLG). 172 See also the discussion of VZYWKU, 93f below. 173 Acts 28:2; Tit 3:4 respectively; U. Luck, ‘ILODQTUZSLYD’ in TDNT 9.107–112. 174 Esth once; 2, 3Mac 4 times. (TLG). 175 In C1 BCE 156 times eg Philo 56 times; C1 178 times, eg Josephus 28 times; C2/3 128 times eg Origen 71 times; C4 4000+ times. (TLG). See also, LSJ, s.v.

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the third century BCE into the Christian Era . It appears in 177 contemporary liturgical material in relation to God . )LODQTUZSLYD originally denotes divine love for human beings, then a king’s beneficence, and human relations characterised by kindness and courtesy. It nearly always retains a sense of ‘kindness done by a superior’, as appears in both Maria’s and Tapiam and Paul’s use. The word seems almost to be avoided by the early post-apostolic Christian writers, occurring initially in the sense of God’s action, and comes to describe Christian behaviour only from the second 178 century . This pattern suggests that Tapiam, Paul and Maria are drawing from the vocabulary of virtue of their society, mediated perhaps through Christian liturgy. LANGUAGE FOR GOD Generally the women writers do not use specifically Christian language for God but words common to their society, almost 179 180 universally as unqualified nouns: (R-)THRY (R-) NXYULR R-NXYULR 181 182 K-PZ Q THRY and R-GHVSRYWK . 2&ULVWRY occurs once only in 183 P.Lond.6.1926. Three women use qualifying descriptors . TITLES The titles R-THRYR-NXYULRand R-&ULVWRYare frequent in the NT 185 and R-GHVSRYWK uncommon . All occur in contemporary liturgical texts and are frequent in Christian literature. -2THRYR- NXYULRand R-GHVSRYWKoccur regularly of God/the gods in the LXX and pagan

184

176

Eg IG.Aeg.9284 (270–46 BCE); ISE 77 (Delphi, 256/5 BCE); P.Strasb.606 (C2), cited in G. Horsley, ‘ILODQTUZSLYDand Related Forms’ in ND 1.87f. 177 Sacramentarium Serapionis, in Lodi (1979) eg nos 562, 578. 178 Eg Clement of Alexandria; Origen (TLG) 179 BGU 3.948; P.Abinn.34; P.Benaki 4; P.Bour.25; P.Edmonstone; P.Grenf. 1.53; P.Herm.17; P.Lond.6.1926; P.Neph.1; 18; P.Oxy.6.903; SB 14.11588. 180 P.Bour.25; P.Neph.1; 18; P.Oxy.14.1774; SB 8.9746; 14.11881. 181 P.Berl.Zill.12; P.Grenf.1.53. 182 P.Neph.1. 183 BGU 3.948;P.Edmonstone;P.Oxy.8.1161, 184 R-THRY 1350+ times;R-NXYULR 1250+ times; R-&ULVWRY 550+ times. (TLG). 185 Of God: 54 times eg Lk 2:29; Rev 6:10; Barn 1:7; of Christ: 2Pet 2:1; Jude 4.

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literature , and the papyri.#2NXYULR K-PZ Q THRY is regular in the 187 from LXX but does not occur in the NT. It is to be distinguished 188 .XYULRR-THRY, in which .XYULR signifies the divine name , and which the women do not use, opting for one compatible with pagan 189 nomenclature found in pagan texts from the late third century . 186

Descriptors: All-powerful, All-merciful, Good Saviour, Beloved Son Kophaena in BGU 3.948 addresses her prayer for Theodoulos to ‘all powerful God WRQ SDQWRNUDYWRUDTHRYQ’ll.2–4. 3DQWRNUDYWZU 190 is rare in the NT , though frequent in the LXX as the translation of 191 192 Sabaoth , and occurs in contemporary liturgical manuscripts . It is rare in the papyri, attested only after 300 in eight certainly 193 194 Christian texts , three of uncertain religious milieu , and not at all in certainly pagan non-magical texts. Of the Christian uses, four are in monastic contexts, consistent with regular exposure to the LXX. 3DQWRNUDYWZU, however, is not exclusively Judaeo-Christian, being 195 used, for example, of Zeus, Sarapis, Isis and Hermes , and in 196 magical texts . The pattern in literary sources suggests that 186

W. Foerster, ‘NXYULR’ in TDNT 3.1039–1098; K. Rengstorf, ‘GHVSRYWK’ in TDNT 2.44–49; H. Kleinknecht, G. Quell, ‘THRY’ in TDNT 3.65–89. 187 About 200 times mostly as .XYULR4HR,VUDKYO, eg Josh 14:14. 188 Gospels 15 times; Rev once; LXX 700+ times. 189 Then infrequently, eg P.Oxy.14.1670 (C3/4); P.Mich.3.216; 219; 221 (296); but Hadrian is R-NXYULRK-PZ QNDLTHRYin 120, Parassoglou (1974). 190 2Cor 6:18 quoting the LXX; in apocalyptic contexts influenced by the LXX in Rev 9 times; 1Clem 7 times; Herm 11:5; Did 10:3. 191 181 times, most frequently in prophetic books, eg Zechariah 56 times; Malachi 24 times; not in Isaiah. 192 BKT 6.6.1 (C3); Id. 4, 195 (C3); Sacramentarium Serapionis, both in Lodi (1979) nos 312, 580 respectively; Liturgy of St Mark, 49. 193 BGU 3.948; P.Haun.2.25; P.Herm.7, 8; P.Kell.1.Gr.24; P.Lips.1.40; P.Lond.6.1929; P.Neph.10. 194 P.Abinn.22; P.IFAO 2.23 damaged; P.Herm.5 but may be Christian. 195 I.Nikaia 2.2.1512 (C2/3); P.Berl.inv.21227 (C3/4), both cited in G. Horsley, ‘The Greek Documentary Evidence and NT Lexical Study: Some Soundings’ in ND 5.67–93, here 72; ‘Credal Formula in a Christian Amulet Against Fever’ in ND 3.114–119, here 118. See also W. Michaelis, ‘SDQWRNUDYWZU’ in TDNT 3.914f. 196 Eg PGM IV 968, 1375.

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SDQWRNUDYWZUbecomes increasingly popular in Christian writing , as the church itself gains power. The background to Kophaena’s use is probably scriptural and liturgical. Her choice to use SDQWRNUDYWZU in prayer focuses God’s transcendent power into Theodoulos’ life. It is noteworthy that all the papyri using SDQWRNUDYWZUare written by men except this one. The pattern raises the possibility that there is a gendered preference for the word, that the focus on transcendent power, which becomes a motif for Byzantine Christian art, held less significance for women. It is interesting that much of Kophaena’s letter involves subtle manipulations of power in relation to Theodoulos and a sense of powerlessness on her part to elicit a response from him. 197

Terouterou in P.Edmonstone refers to God as ‘all-merciful SDQHOHKYPRQR’, ll.7f. 3DQHOHKYPZQdoes not occur in the LXX or the NT while HMOHKYPZQoccurs in the NT, although it is not used of 198 199 God . Further, while ‘merciful’ is also used of Isis and Hermes , 200 ‘all-merciful’ appears to be restricted to Christian texts . Terouterou’s choice of SDQHOHKYPZQ implies that she understands herself as a recipient of God’s H>OHR(mercy), although the circumstance is not indicated. It is noteworthy that the Exodus story, foundational to Jewish theology, concerns liberation from 201 slavery in Egypt and is definitional of God’s H>OHR . Similarly in the NT, salvation in Christ is imaged as liberation from slavery to 202 sin and is understood as H>OHR . 3DQHOHKYPZQ is uncommon, belonging to the vocabulary of the Christian community rather than the broader society, so that, with this as her source, Terouterou draws on the biblical emphasis on God’s mercifulness for her thought. Hers is an example of the church’s elaboration of NT language and of the Byzantine preference for hyperbole.

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C2–C1 BCE 13 times almost all Jewish texts eg SibOr; C2 110 times eg Irenaeus 5 times; C4 1183 times eg Eusebius 101 times. (TLG). 198 Of people, Mt 5:7; of Christ, Heb 2:17. 199 R. Bultmann, ‘H>OHRHMOHHYZ’ in TDNT 2.478; eg I.Kyme 41 (C1/2, C3). 200 In literary sources, only Acta Martyrum 452 and Chrysostom, Commentary on 2 Corinthians in Lodi (1979), PG 61/10, no.489; among papyri, eg this text (the earliest); P.Col.Teeter 7 (C4); P.Oxy.48.3421 (C4). None is certainly pagan. 201 Eg Ps 136 (LXX 135); Ex 34:6f; Num 14:18f. 202 Rom 8:21; Gal 4:24; 5:1; Eph 2:4.

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In P.Oxy.8.1161, Anonyme addresses her prayer, ‘… and to our good Saviour WZ DMJDTZ  K-PZ Q VZWK UL and his beloved KMJDSKPHYQZ Son’ ll.2–4. The phrases may refer to two members of the Christian Trinity or only to Christ. The language ‘echoes’ biblical phrases but does not quote any. God as ‘Saviour’ in the NT always has a possessive ‘my’ or ‘our’ as appears here, but also always qualifies THRY and is not found with the adjective ‘good’. Usage suggests a late popularity for the 203 title . There are references mostly in the later NT to Christ as 204 205 Saviour and contemporary liturgical texts refer to both . None uses the appositional construction. The primary revelation of God as VZWKYUin the NT is in Jesus. In the LXX, VZWKYU is used almost exclusively of God, rarely of people and then only of those God has 206 raised up . It can suggest the idea of a national liberator. This and 207 its frequent use of the gods of paganism , the kings and queens in the Hellenistic ruler cult, and, most frequently, the emperors in the 208 imperial cult may account for its infrequency in the earliest NT books. The term is frequent in pagan, Jewish and later Christian 209 literature . Potential sources for Anonyme’s vocabulary are many. The theological significance of VZWKYUfor Anonyme, lying in her expectation of divine intervention to save/heal her, is biblical. God as ‘good DMJDTRY’ is a central doctrine of the LXX but the 211 212 description is rare in the NT . Jesus is called DMJDTRY once . The 210

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Lk 1:47; 1Tim 1:1; 2:3; Tit 1:3; 2:10; 3:4; Jude 25; 1Clem 59:3. 16 times, often lacking the theocentrism of earlier texts, Jung (2002) 350ff. 205 God: Sacramentarium Serapionis in Lodi (1979) eg nos 552, 560; Christ: Patrologia Orientalis 18.442–443 (C4) in Lodi (1979) no.645; both: Sacramentarium Serapionis in Lodi (1979) no.585. 206 Eg Judg 3:9, 15; Esth 5:1; 8:12; Isa 17:10. 207 Zeus, the Dioscouroi, Apollo, Athena, Isis, Sarapis and Asclepius. See Apuleius, Asinus Aureus 11.4f cited in Bleeker (1962) 11f; Bricault (1999). 208 For examples, see W. Foerster, ‘VZWKYU’ in TDNT 7.1003–1012; Jung (2002); J. den Boeft, 'Saviour' in Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible, s.v. 209 C1 BCE 17 times; C2 750 times, C4 2872 times of God, Christ, and emperors. 210 Eg 1Chron 16:34; Ps 106:1 (LXX 105:1); 118:1 (117:1). 211 God is R-DMJDTRY in Mt 19:17, but DMJDTRYin the parallel Mk 10:18, Lk 18:19. 212 With GLGDYVNDORMk 10:17. The parallel Mt 19:16 avoids it. In Jn 10:11 Jesus is R-SRLPKQR-NDORYperhaps reflecting a shift from DMJDTRYto NDORY 204

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term is frequent of pagan gods, and Anonyme’s theology in DMJDTR VZWKYU appears to borrow from Hellenistic use which applies ‘good’ 213 to deities from whom salvation can be expected . The title may for this reason be avoided in the NT and in contemporary Christian 214 215 literature although it occurs in liturgical material . $JDTRY is frequently used of people in the papyri but its use of god/the gods 216 is rare . Anonyme’s use of DMJDTRY, then, suggests that she draws on conventional ideas of the divine from pagan and/or Jewish sources, adopting a description that belongs more to the world of literature than to common vocabulary. The title XL-R Y signifying ‘Son of God’ is frequent of Jesus in the 217 NT . 8 - LRY occurs with ‘beloved DMJDSKWRY’ three times in the 218 gospels, while KMJDSKPHYQR is used of Jesus in the NT rarely . Reference to the Son is frequent in contemporary liturgical texts 219 220 with a variety of epithets but is rare in the papyri . It is likely that Anonyme’s use is a recollection of the biblical phrase. If a reference to the first two members of the Trinity is Anonyme’s intention, she reflects a theological position in linking the Son with the ‘Saviour’ Father as a focus of prayer and source of help. Whether this is a conscious stance in relation to Arianism or the unconscious adoption perhaps of a liturgical formula is unknown. The Holy Spirit, third person of the Trinity, does not appear in Anonyme’s formula. This need not signal a lack of Trinitarian orthodoxy. The explicit inclusion of the Spirit, which occurs in

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W. Grundmann, ‘DMJDTRY’ in TDNT 1.10–17, especially 11. Only Eusebius, HE 1.13.6; Commentary on Psalms 23.228.6, 1321.51. (TLG). 215 Sacramentarium Serapionis in Lodi (1979) no.561. 216 Only in this text in C2–C4. (DDBDP). 217 See Moulton, Geden & Moulton (1897, 1978) 966–970; also Barn 14 times; 1Clem 3 times; Did 3 times; Herm 49 times; mostly as XL-RWRX THRX . (TLG). 218 DMJDSKWRY: Mt 3:17; 12:18; 17:5; KMJDSKPHYQR: Eph 1:6; Barn 3:6; Herm 89:5. Use of KMJDSKPHYQRis not exclusively Christian eg the Rosetta stele (196 BCE) 3WROHPDLYRXDLMZQRELYRX KMJDSKPHYQRXX-SRWRX )TD OGIS 90.4. 219 Eg ‘most holy child’, BKT 6.6.1 (C3); Prex Eucharistica 260–261 in Id. 4, 195 in Lodi (1979) no.643. Trinitarian formulae prefer XL-RY. 220 See 135 below. 214

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later texts, corresponds to fifth-century debates . Anonyme’s formulation reflects the current concerns of the church. LANGUAGE FOR THE PEOPLE OF GOD DMJDSKWKDMGHOIKYDMJDSKWRDMGHOIRYBeloved Brother / Sister Three of the women refer to their addressees as ‘beloved brother/ sister’. Tapiam and Paul in P.Neph.1 write ‘to the rest of the beloved brothers’, ll.1f, and greet ‘all the beloved brothers by name’,l.25. Taouak in P.Neph.18 writes to Eudaimon and ‘my beloved sister Apia’,l.2. Didyme and the sisters in SB 8.9746 write ‘to Sophias my beloved sister’, l.1. $JDSKWRY (beloved) in the NT and later Christian writing bears a weight of meaning conditioned by the use of DMJDYSK/DMJDSDYZ for 222 God’s love and people’s responsive love for God and neighbour . In the LXX, DMJDYSK/DMJDSDYZmost frequently describes human love 223 for God, and neighbour because of God . God’s love, occasionally 224 DMJDSDYZ  is more usually expressed with the verbs RLMNWHLYUZ (pity) and HMOHHYZ (have mercy). $JDSKWRYis infrequent in the pre225 Christian period in pagan literature and papyri . It covers a wide 226 semantic range from ‘preferred’ to ‘beloved’ . It appears in Jewish 227 texts in the period BCE/early CE and becomes increasingly 228 frequent in Christian literature to the fourth century . It also occurs

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But eg 1Clem 46; Did 7:1; P.Oxy.15.1786 (C3); Patrologia Orientalis 18, 442–443 (C4) in Lodi (1979) no.645; P.Nessana (C4), Lapis Daninos, both in Lodi (1979) nos 641, 642. 222 Eg Jn 3:16; Herm 55:6The word group is common in NT, c.400 times. See E. Stauffer, ‘DMJDSDYZDMJDSKWRY’ in TDNT 1.21–55; Naldini (1968, 1998) 19. 223 25 times in the LXX eg Deut 6:5; Jdt A 11:34. (TLG). 224 Eg Hos 3:1; 9:15; Zech 10:6; Mal 1:2. 225 C3 BCE 3 times; C2 BCE 20 times; C1 BCE 66 times. (TLG). In the papyri before C3, only PSI 6.577 (248 BCE) meaning ‘dear’ not ‘beloved’. (DDBDP). 226 Lee (2003) 193–211; BADG (1957, 1979) s.v.; LSJ, s.v.; Lampe (1961, 1968) s.v.; E. Stauffer, ‘DMJDSDYZDMJDSKWRY’ in TDNT 1.21–55. 227 Eg C2 BCE eg T12P 4 times; C1 BCE eg Philo 29 times; C1 CE, eg Josephus, TAb each 5 times. (TLG). 228 Eg in C1 10 times; C4 2864 times. (TLG).

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as a title for Isis in the second century , but this use may reflect a Jewish or Christian influence. $JDSKWRDMGHOIRYis attested in the LXX but is absent from other intertestamental literature, Philo and Josephus. It comes to prominence in the canonical NT where it occurs frequently, 231 describing members of the Christian community , but is infrequent 232 in literary sources . In the papyri DMJDSKWRDMGHOIRY is attested 233 from the late third century and indicates Christian authorship of a 234 text . The feminine DMJDSKWKDMGHOIKY first occurs in the fourth 235 century . It seems that members of the Christian community regularly called one another ‘beloved brother/sister’, at least in correspondence. Tapiam and Paul, Taouak, and Didyme and the sisters are among those who follow the NT pattern mediated through the church’s customary address for community members. 230

SDWKYU Father Anonyme in P.Oxy.12.1592.3, 5f, Valeria in P.Lond.6.1926.5f, 27f and the mother in SB 18.13612.1 call their addressees ‘father’, all doubtless using the familial term to refer to spiritual fathers. 3DWKYU is used rarely of God in the LXX but designates the patriarchs and later bearers of the tradition with increasing frequency in 236 intertestamental texts . 3DWKYUis used frequently in the NT of 237 God, but Jesus forbids Christians calling their superiors SDWKYU . Paul describes his relationship to the churches using SDWKYUonly 238 twice, on each occasion as a metaphor not a title . There is no evidence to suggest that the apostles were addressed as ‘father’. 229

In P.Oxy.11.1380 (C2), Isis is DM•JDYžSKQ•T•H•Z Q not DMJDžTKQ4HRYQSee Griffiths (1978); G. Horsley, ‘A Philosopher-nun’ in ND 4.257ff, here 259. 230 Tob 3:10; 10:13. 231 10 times eg 1Cor 15:58; Eph 6:21; not in the non-canonical NT texts. 232 C1 Ignatius once; C3 11 times, all Christian texts eg Origen once; C4 59 times, all Christian texts eg Athanasius 6 times. (TLG). 233 In P.Alex.29 (C3). 234 G. Horsley, ‘Beloved Brothers’ in ND 4.250–55; Tibiletti (1979) 44f; Nobbs (2004) 146–49. Contra Judge and Pickering (1977) 69. 235 P.Neph.18; P.Col.Teeter 9, with DMJDSKWKY without DMGHOIKY; SB 8.9746. 236 G. Quell and G. Schrenk, ‘SDWKYU’ in TDNT 5.945–1014, especially 976ff. 237 Mt 23:9. 238 1Cor 4:15; 1Thes 2:11; see also Phlm 10.

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3DWKYUis attested in Christian literature as a title from the second 239 century and appears to be used exclusively for ecclesiastics, the biblical apostles and patriarchs. 3DWKYU also appears regularly in both Christian and pagan papyri in a non-literal sense for respected 240 men who are older than the writer , and in Christian texts, when 241 used for monks and ecclesiastics, for men of any age . The Christian use of SDWKYU is likely to be an appropriation of the common practice, facilitated by the church’s early custom of meeting in homes and adopting familial terms for community 242 relationships , and following the patterns of the LXX. It may also reflect the church’s borrowing of its status designations and organisational structures from its society, a phenomenon that 243 becomes particularly prominent in the third century . 3DWKYUas a title for those in authority was a custom in the Greek world from 244 the classical period . The mother of Philadelphos, Anonyme and Valeria follow the practice and adopt titles, and hence an ecclesiology, derived from their Christian community conditioned by their society. HXMHUJHYWK Benefactor The mother’s term ‘benefactor HXMHUJHYWK’ in SB 18.13612 occurs once in the NT, in Lk 22:25, in a warning about the wrong exercise of power. It is never used of God or Christ, although both are seen 245 to be givers of benefits . The place of the term in the religiopolitical life of the Greek and Roman empires may have led the 246 writers and translators of the Bible to avoid it . The title appears 247 for God, however, in liturgical material . It is not used in Christian literature for those with spiritual authority and is not among the 239

For examples, see Dinneen (1927) 12f; Lampe (1961, 1968) s.v. Tibiletti (1979) 32. 241 Luijendijk (2008) 120 n.156. 242 Eg 1Cor 16:19; 1Tim 5:1, 2; also Meeks (1983) 29f, 75–77. 243 Torjesen (1993) 155–176. 244 Dinneen (1927) 12f. 245 Eg Pss 78:11 (LXX 77:11) 116:7 (114:7); Acts 10:38. 246 R. A. Kearsley, ‘A Civic Benefactor of the First Century in Asia Minor’ in ND 7.233–241; J. R. Harrison, ‘Benefaction Ideology, Christian Responsibility for Widows’ in ND 8.107–116; G. Bertram, ‘HXMHJHYWK’ in TDNT 2.654f. 247 P.Würzb.3 (C3); Sacramentarium Serapionis in Lodi (1979) nos 562, 578. 240

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titles listed by Dinneen . The mother’s use of the word is drawn from the vocabulary of her society and determined by her expectation that Apa Johannes will act as a benefactor for her. HMQTHZ HMQNXULYZHMQ&ULVWZ IN GOD, IN THE LORD, IN CHRIST 249

Seven of the women use these phrases , but none, ‘in the Lord God HMQ NXULYZ THZ ’. All use them in opening greetings, all but P.Grenf.1.53 use nomina sacra, and two repeat the phrase in their prayer. In the NT, HMQ &ULVWZ  is distinctly Pauline, occurring more 250 than 90 times in the Pauline and post-Pauline corpus . M(Q NXULYZ 251 252 occurs 48 times and HMQTHZ  once . The latter phrases occur in the 253 LXX but not with the theological content of later Christianity , 254 and in Jewish literature . They appear frequently in Christian 255 writing from the first century . M(QTHZ also occurs in certainly 256 Manichean texts . The phrases appear with increasing frequency 257 in the papyri from the late third century . They do not occur in pagan literature. The women, therefore, draw their language from the NT and their Christian community. CONCLUSION This examination of Christian women’s use of vocabulary and imagery with biblical associations indicates that, while nearly half, that is, eight, of the women writing private letters do not use 248

Dinneen (1927). HMQTHZ  P.Bour.25 twice, P.Grenf.1.53;HMQNXULYZ, P.Neph.1; 18; P.Oxy. 14.1774; SB 8.9746 twice; SB 14.11881; and HMQ&ULVWZ , P.Lond.6.1926. 250 Eg Rom 3:24; 6:11; 1Clem 11 times. (TLG). 251 Eg Eph 4:17; 5:8; 1Clem 13:1 quoting Paul. 252 1Clem 30:6. 253 (QTHZ c.10 times eg Hos 12:6; HMQNXULYZc.15 times eg 1Sam 2:1; HMQNXULYZ THZ c.10 times eg 2Kgs 18:5; HMQNXULYZWZ THZ 1Kgs 1:17, 30. (TLG). 254 See 12 above. 255 (QTHZ  C1 eg Ignatius 29 times; C4 352 times. M(QNXULYZC1 eg Ignatius 22 times; C3 eg Origen 56 times; Porphyry twice; C4 671 times. M(Q NXULYZTHZ C2 Clement of Alexandria once; C4 10 times, all Christian texts. 256 Eg P.Kell.1.63. See 12 above. 257 (QTHZ 17 times; HMQ NXULYZ  times;HMQ NXULYZTHZ 9 times;HMQ &ULVWZ  times. (DDBDP). 249

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biblical allusion, the nine who do almost always do so more than once. The pattern suggests that the women who do use biblical vocabulary and imagery have a facility in biblical allusion, deriving from a greater familiarity with the authoritative texts. Of the nine women using biblical material, six have an ascetic connection. The pattern, then, suggests further that the women’s choice of language may be determined in part by the identity of their addressees, as well as reflecting the socio-religious world of the woman. The evidence indicates that use of biblical vocabulary and imagery correlates with a more overtly Christian environment and consciously Christian identity. Use of biblical material is inherently less likely in formal documents and is not to be expected from the eight women writing them. A second conclusion is that the women’s use of biblical vocabulary and imagery is consistent with an oral transmission of Scripture. The women’s biblical allusions are mostly inexact and general in 258 nature . Access to a private copy of a biblical text is unlikely, 259 given their expense and scarcity . The most likely source of the women’s familiarity with biblical material is the public reading of 260 Scripture which was an integral part of Christian services and confirms women’s membership of worshipping communities. The pattern in the women’s allusions reflects recall of key words, for example the trichotomy, dichotomy and words to do with healing, death and God, as emblems of broader biblical themes. The particular ideas appropriated are not arbitrary or speculative but those with which the women identify. A third conclusion concerns the role of biblical material in shaping the identity of Christian women. The women’s use of HMQTHZ  HMQ NXULYZand HMQ &ULVWZ  (in God/the Lord/Christ)with their inherent theology suggests a new sense of identity as Christians and of connectedness within the Christian community. The women identify with biblical characters whose circumstances parallel their own. They appropriate the characters’ words, actions, hope, healing and/or self-definition. The identification shows a process of active 258

This is not to imply that memory need always be inexact eg HL 4. See Roberts and Skeat (1982) 45; Lane-Fox (1994) 139. For a list of biblical texts to 400, see LDAB. 260 Martin (1995) 68–73. 259

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Christianisation. The women also make use of biblical concepts that allow them to articulate their situations to each woman’s best advantage and to place those whose help they seek in a position parallel to the biblical rescuer. Identification is a process observable among readers of sacred 261 texts. It is taught in the Hebrew Scriptures and the NT . The apostle Paul constructs the meaning of his work by identifying 262 himself with the Suffering Servant and Jeremiah . In the postapostolic church, women identify and are identified with others to articulate understanding. Perpetua expresses the meaning of her 263 sufferings through identification with Christ . Eusebius identifies 264 Blandina with Christ on the cross . More than a century later, 265 Eugenia is identified with Thekla in her martyrdom . A similar process is evident in naming one person in terms of another, for 266 example K- GHXWHYUD)RLYEK, ll.2f , in an inscription for Sophia, deacon, a second Phoebe. Identification is a way of establishing identity, of giving meaning to circumstances and articulating their significance. It makes a past set of circumstances present and imaginatively powerful. The evidence of the women’s texts confirms that identification was a way by which the biblical material became an active shaper of women’s lives. A fourth conclusion concerns the range of the women’s religious vocabulary and the evidence it provides for the development of Christian vocabulary beyond the NT in the post-apostolic period. The NT vocabulary for God, fellow-Christians and the virtuous life has certain distinctive emphases but mostly displays a significant 267 overlap of terms with Greek and Jewish society . The women’s vocabulary suggests a broadening of the overlap with time. The women use their society’s vocabulary of language for God and tend 261

Eg the Passover, Ex 12:26f; 13.14f; Deut 6:20–23; baptism, Rom 6:1–8. Gal 1:15 compared to Isa 49:1; Jer 1:5. 263 Acts of Perpetua and Felicitas 4, 15. 264 Eusebius, HE 5.5.41. 265 Acts of St Eugenia 158. 266 Guarducci, EG 4.445 republished in G. Horsley, ‘Sophia, “the Second Phoibe”’ in ND 4.239–244. 267 See G. Horsley, ‘The Greek Documentary Evidence and NT Lexical Study: Some Soundings’ in ND 5.67–93. 262

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to use vocabulary for the virtuous life not found or rarely found in Scripture and sometimes occurring in liturgical texts. This is the case for Kophaena in BGU 3.948, the mother in P.Benaki 4, Terouterou in P.Edmonstone, Valeria in P.Lond.6.1926, and Paul and Tapiam in P.Neph.1. While it is apparent that the NT writers avoid certain words, Leuchis in P.Herm.17 uses several drawn from the vocabulary of Greek ideals and virtues. The women largely 268 ignore the vocabulary for principal virtues in the NT . Valeria in P.Lond.6.1926, Anonyme in P.Oxy.12.1592 and the mother in SB 18.13612 use titles contrary to scriptural teaching but common in their society. Some of the women’s vocabulary, for example the mother in P.Benaki 4, Valeria in P.Lond.6.1926 and Leuchis in P.Herm.17, reflects the Byzantine preference for superlatives, the language of flattery and elaborate use of descriptive terms. The women’s practice illustrates the developing enculturation of Christianity into mainstream society during the fourth century. An observation in addition to the conclusions above is the women’s failure to use biblical vocabulary for God, especially language about God’s fatherhood which is frequent in the NT and early church literature. The anomaly is explored in the following chapter.

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D-SORYWK HMSLVWKYPKDMNDNLYDVHPQRYWKDMJDYSK SLYVWLIRYER R-PRYQRLD GLNDLRVXYQK DMOKYTHLDX-SRPRQKYILORY[HQRK-VXYFLR, SUDX" PDNURYTXPR DMJDTRY VZIURVXYQK HMSLHLNKYILOR[HQLYDJQZ VL VHPQRY D-JQRY X-SRWDJYK (for women), DMOKYTHLDSDUUKVLYD SHSRLYTKVL HMJNUDYWHLD PHWDYQRLD PDNURTXPLYD WDSHLQRIURQHYZ FDUDYHLMUKYQK.

THEOLOGICAL POSITIONS ‘Christian women’s theology’ refers to the understandings of God evident in the women’s writings and to the attitudes and behaviours that are informed by their beliefs. Theological material occurs in a variety of forms in the women’s texts, in overt statements about God and religious life and more covertly in language used for God and references to behaviour. The subjects of the women’s theologies vary from God to marriage, prayer to orphans and widows, and from healing to death. THEOLOGY OF GOD AND PROVIDENCE The women’s theology of God appears in their titles for God, examined in the previous chapter, and in their understandings of God’s activity expressed as ‘divine providence K-THLYDSURYQRLD’. The concept of divine providence occurs in Jewish, Christian, 1 Manichean and pagan texts with a variety of understandings , although it is invariably conceived to be for human benefit. 3URYQRLD has a wide semantic range. It can signify legal judgement, military expertise, medical prognosis, administration of the Nile, benefactors’ attention and human forethought, as well as the divine ordering of the universe in either transcendent or immanent terms. In addition to K-THLYD SURYQRLD the concept of providence is carried in such formulae as ‘with God[’s help] VXQTHZ ’ , ‘God willing THRX

THYORQWR and their plural equivalents, and also in thanks for divine care. 3URYQRLD appears to be avoided by the writers and translators of the Bible. It occurs in the LXX of God only once and in the late 2 3 NT twice , although the concept appears in other guises . In Christian paranaesis, the appropriate response to providence is 4 obedience and lack of anxiety . Appeals against anxiety, however, 1

See J. Behm, ‘SURQRHYZ SURYQRLD’ in TDNT 4.1009–1017; Naldini (1968, 1998) 14; Tibiletti (1979) 118f; Duffy (1983) 291f; J. R. Harrison, ‘Benefaction Ideology and Christian Responsibility for Widows’ in ND 8.106–116. It is prominent in Stoicism: eg Cicero, De natura deorum, 2.73f. See also Philo, Flaccus 125 (Jewish); P.Kell.1.Gr.71 (Manichean). 2 LXX: Job 10:12. NT: 1Clem 24:5; Herm 3:4. 3 Eg Gen 50:19–21; Mt 6:25–32. 4 Mt 6:25–34; Phil 4:6, using PHULPQDYZ(be anxious).

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5

are not exclusively Christian . Reference to providence occurs in 27 6 , 11 of which are Christian papyri of the third and fourth centuries 7 and 2 are pagan . In all but 5, the context is prayer. The concept of divine providence occurs in six of the texts written by Christian women. Aria in SB 14.11588 opens with prayer to divine providence, HX>FRPDL WK THLYDSURQRLYDSDUDWZ THZ  , ll.3–6, for Dorotheos’ health. She understands K-THLYDSURYQRLD as an entity to which it is 8 possible to pray , that is, as an aspect of God that has personal characteristics similar to the intertestamental treatment of the 9 divine wisdom . Aria’s expression distances her from direct address to God but does not arise from a reluctance to name God, since she adds SDUDWZ THZ  . The linking of providence with prayer is noteworthy. It shifts the notion of providence from God’s rule according to God’s will, to a power that can be accessed and directed through prayer. The conventional religious sentiment masks the paradoxical nature of the connection. #+THLYDSURYQRLDis the object of Tapiam and Paul’s prayer at the conclusion of P.Neph.1, ‘divine providence keep (K-THLYDSURYQRLD IXODYWWRL you well’, in the margin. #+THLYDSURYQRLD appears in the place of the ‘good luck/fate/fortune HXMWXYFLD/WXYFK’in pagan texts, making protection God’s activity and introducing a more directly 10 relational dimension, although falling short of R-THR IXODYWWRL . The mother in SB 18.13612 flatters Apa Johannes that he stands ‘next to providence’ in showing mercy to, and saving people in need, ll.4–7, using the unusual PHWDWKQSURYQRLDQ, l.4. It is difficult to determine the extent to which the mother believes in a 5

Using DMJZQLDYZ P.Oxy.8.1154 (C1); PSI 1.94 (C2); SB 12.10772 (C2/3); P.Meyer 20 (C3); PHULPQDYZP.Tebt.2.315 (C2); P.Lips.1.111 (C4). 6 For a list, see G. Horsley, ‘Divine Providence in a Letter of Judas’ in ND 3.143f, to which can be added from this book, P.Kell.1.Gr.71; P.Oxy.46.3314; 59.4001; SB 14.11588; 18.13612; 22.15359. 7 Pagan: P.Laur.2.41; P.Oxy.27.2477 (289) K-THLYDSURYQRLDwas once regarded as a certain criterion for Christian classification, eg Naldini (1968, 1998) 14. 8 The phenomenon is regular in the papyri, eg P.Neph.1 immediately below; SB 22.15359 at 224 below. 9 WisSol 7–11. 10 Eg P.Abinn.6; 8; 19; P.Lond.6.1923; 1924 (all C4). Also Tibiletti (1979) 64.

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merciful providence or uses the term as a convention for her flattery. Her choice of HMOHHYZ(have mercy) and VZY]Z(save) as the qualities that most define providence favours a conscious theological position, but this does not erase the flattery in the phrase or its quality of pressing Apa Johannes to comply. A similar perspective is apparent in two uses of PHWDWRQTHRYQ The mother in P.Abinn.34 writes ‘after God PHWDWRQTHRYQ we have no help but yours’, ll.7f, and Leuchis in P.Herm.17 writes ‘after God PHWDWRQTHRYQ I look for your help’, ll.3f. The women assert God’s helpfulness as a doctrine, at the same time affirming their addressees as their primary source of effectual help. The expressions have the effect of identifying providence with the human source of help, and function to emphasise the women’s helplessness and place pressure on Abinnaeus and Apa Johannes to respond positively. Tare closes P.Bour.25 with prayer that ‘the Lord keep R-NXYULR  GLDIXODYWWRL’ her aunt in health,ll.16–18. Similarly Didyme and the sisters close SB 8.9746 with ‘the Lord keep you R- NXYULRY  VH GLDIXODY[DL’, ll.34f. Prayers for divine keeping are generally 11 addressed to divine providence -2NXYULR occurs as a variant and appears to be a development beyond K-THLYDSURYQRLDaway from impersonal ‘fate HXMWXYFLD/WXYFK’, and contrary to the trend among some to distance God. Tare states one result of providential care, ‘peaceful times HLMUKQLNRL FURYQRL’. Unlike Athanasia in P.Berl.Zill.12, for whom belief in providence eliminates anxiety, Tare expects an external peace. While she alone among the women writers mentions this central NT concept, her meaning misses its 12 primary focus on spiritual peace . Athanasia’s position reflects NT 13 theology more closely than Tare’s . Tare, Didyme and the sisters and Athanasia believe life is ordered by God for human good and that the ordering is susceptible to prayer. The women use other expressions to indicate their belief in the operation of providence. 11

Other variants: the Lord God, P.Abinn.6; God.P.Abinn.8, 19; P.Lond.6.1924. 100+ times, eg Jn 14:27; 20:19–21; Phil 1:2; 4:7; Moulton, Geden and Moulton (1897, 1978) 297f. In Christian papyri it is a regular subject of prayer. 13 Prayer for a peaceful society eg Rom 13:1–7 is not the NT emphasis. 12

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Athanasia in P.Berl.Zill.12 writes, ‘we give thanks to the Lord our God because he has kept VXQWKUHL (us) until now’, l.7f. 3URYQRLD is not used but God’s keeping expresses its content. Athanasia evinces a worldview where the events of life express God’s providence. The response that she proposes is conventional: the mother should ‘not be anxious PKDMJZQLYD’,l.6. Athanasia implies 14 that lack of anxiety , manifested in thanksgiving, characterises her own life in response to God’s providence. Her theological position 15 expresses a NT ideal . Tapiam in P.Neph.1 writes, ‘for I want, with God’s help VXQTHZ , 16 to come to you’, ll.23f. 6XQ THZ  is the most frequent expression for God’s providence in fourth-century papyri. It dates from the Ptolemaic period and, with ‘god/the gods willing THRX THYORQWR THZ QTHORYQWZQ’, passes into Christian writing. The phrase in the 17 singular is uncertain in reference, occurring in Christian and 18 pagan texts . There is debate about the religious significance of the 19 expressions, whether they are conventional or whether beyond the 20 cliché there is a genuine religious sentiment . It is not established that conventionality excludes religious expression in any or all cases and the choice of a religious statement remains. The religious sense, then, should be accepted. The religious content of Tapiam’s letter makes the theological significance of VXQTHZ  almost certain. The mother in P.Benaki 4 writes, ‘with God’s help VXQTHZ  and for your sake I was quick to come’, l.2. The ecclesial identity of the 21 son and his assumption that the mother knows Scripture suggest VXQTHZ  carries theological significance and expresses the mother’s belief in God’s active providence. 14

$JZYQ/DMJZQLDYZ is frequent in the NT as ‘struggle’ not ‘anxiety’. The latter is attested in Greek literature, LSJ, s.v. and papyri. The regular term for ‘anxiety’ in NT is PHYULPQD/ PHULPQDYZeg 2Cor 11:28; 1Pet 5:7, Herm 19:3; 23:4, 5. 15 Eg 1Thes 5:18. 16 3 senses are possible: i) ‘by the grace of God’; ii) ‘with God’s help’; iii) ‘necessitated by God’s will’, Rees (1950) 94. The second is Tapiam’s meaning. 17 Eg P.Grenf.2.73 (C3/4); P.Lond.6.1919 (C4). 18 Eg SB 8.9903 (C2/3); P.Oxy.9.1220 (C3); P.Strasb.4.233 (C3). 19 On the use of prayer formulae, 127f below. See also eg Rees (1950) 95. 20 Eg Tibiletti (1979) 108. 21 See 21, 81f above.

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‘God knows’ in P.Oxy.6.903.37 and ‘my lord, do this for God’s sake’ in P.Herm.17.6 are further expressions of the women’s theologies. Neither phrase occurs in the NT and neither is exclusive to Christian texts. Both appear largely formulaic. Nonetheless, they suggest the women’s belief in God’s power, God’s awareness of events and God as One to whom life should be directed. HEALING AND MIRACLES The complex relationship between medicine, magic and religion 22 forms the background to the women’s theologies of healing . 23 24 Sickness as divine punishment and demonic attack are popular ideas attested in the papyri and inscriptions of the period, as is the 25 link between sickness and the god/gods who heal . Whether or not miracles occurred in the early church is not a question for this study of women’s theology. The historical record indicates that there was a general acceptance of miracles, and an 26 expectation that miracles can result from prayer, ritual and magic . 27 In the period to 400, this belief is evident among Christians and 28 pagans , the educated elite and the general population. Miracles are 29 attested in Christian ‘lives’ and ‘ecclesiastical histories’ , in pagan 30 31 ‘lives’ and ‘histories’ , and by the evidence of votive offerings . 22

Barrett-Lennard (1994); Kee (1986); A. Oepke, ‘LMDYRPDL’ in TDNT 3.194–215. Eg Herm 63:3f; P.Herm.2 (317–323); inscriptions to Men cited in G. Horsley, ‘Expiation and the Cult of Men’ in ND 3.27–31; Barrett-Lennard (1994) 328. 24 Eg P.Oxy.8.1151 (C5?); P.Lund.4.12; P.Oxy.6.924 (both C4). Fevers and chills are particularly linked to the demonic, Barrett-Lennard (1994) 292. 25 Evidenced in prayers and vows: Christian texts eg P.Lond.6.1928; 1929; P.Oxy.6.939 (all C4); pagan texts eg P.Giss.20 (C2/3); P.Mich.8.514 (C3). 26 See Barrett-Lennard (1994) especially chapters 2, 3; Kee (1986). On Christian compared with pagan healing practice, MacMullen (1997); Frankfurter (1998). 27 Eg Hippolytus, Apostolic Tradition 5; 15 (C3); HL 12.1; 42 (C4/5); Irenaeus, Against Heresies 2.32.4 (C3); Serapion, Sacramentary 22 (VII); 30 (VIII). 28 Strabo, The Geography 17.1.17; Diodorus Siculus, Library of History 1.25.3, 5. The cults of Asclepius, Isis and Sarapis practised healing. 29 For a list, see MacMullen (1997) 165f. Miracles feature in apocryphal Acts. 30 MacMullen (1997) 208; Frankfurter (1998) 46–52; Cotter (1999). 31 Eg P.Giss.20 (C2); SB 1.15. 23

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Three of the Christian women writers refer to healing. Valeria in P.Lond.6.1926 believes in miraculous healing through prayer. She asks Appa Paphnouthios to ask Christ ‘that I may receive healing L>DVLQ ODYEZ/ODPEDYQZ’, ll.6f, ll.9, 14f. Valeria expresses a theology of Christ as alive, one whom it is possible and appropriate to access in prayer, and who responds consistently as in 32 gospel stories. She is not expecting direction to medical treatment , nor spiritual healing. Valeria expects Christ to cure her breathing problem and believes in his willingness, if not through her own prayer, at least in response to an ascetic. It is noteworthy that the immediate object of Valeria’s trust is not Christ’s healing power but Paphnouthios and his spiritual authority: ‘I believe that through your prayers I will receive healing’, ll.8f, and ‘I have believed and 33 do believe that if you pray for me I will receive healing’, ll.13–15 . Another aspect of Valeria’s theology of healing appears in her understanding that her absence from Paphnouthios is not significant. Implicitly she indicates belief that healing can occur independently of physical presence and the rituals of Christian 34 healing, the laying-on of hands and anointing with oil , which give 35 a material, and sometimes a magical, dimension to healing and a material support to belief. Valeria’s confidence derives not from material things but from her understanding of Paphnouthios’ spiritual power. Whether Valeria believes in healing at a distance or in Christ’s omnipresence to which Paphnouthios’ presence is marginal is not clear. Valeria’s belief contrasts with the importance of physical presence in the temples of the healing gods in Egyptian/Greek religion. Valeria holds a strongly interventionist theology formulated in material terms. She expects physical healing. Her theological position is consistent with a literal reading of the gospels. It is consistent, too, with pagan beliefs about the healing gods, 36 especially, in fourth-century Egypt, Asclepius and Sarapis . The 32

As may be the case with holy men’s ‘healing’, Brown (1982) 142. Use of the perfect, SHSLYVWHXNDpoints to Paphnouthios’ reputation as healer. 34 On the rites, see Sacramentarium Serapionis, in Lodi (1979) no.585; Kee (1986) 2; Barrett-Lennard (1994) 54ff, 122ff; (2005) 155f; P.Lond.6.1928. 35 Water, soil, stone at sacred sites as healing media, Frankfurter (1998) 46–52. 36 Kee (1983) 78–104. 33

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simplicity of Valeria’s approach stands in contrast to pagan healings with their incubation rites, complexity of spells and use of 37 media such as oil and water . Valeria’s reference to Christ, use of biblical allusion and identification with the sick of the gospels suggest her theology is Christian in formulation. Tapiam and Paul in P.Neph.1 ask Ophellios and the brothers ‘to pray for our health HX>[DVTDLX-SHUWK  R-ORNOKULYDK-PZ Q’, l.11. The request is conditioned by their belief that their children were 38 healed through the brothers’ prayers, ll.13–15 . Tapiam is sick and, while using a general expression, looks for a similar miracle for herself. Tapiam, like Valeria, holds an interventionist theology in relation to physical healing. Her belief in the need to be present with the brothers is unclear. She and Paul are absent but Tapiam plans to travel to Hathor. It may be that she seeks a more immediate ministry from Ophellios and the brothers but she39 does not explicitly connect the travel with healing and its rituals . The travel is perhaps linked to the desire to die among family. It suggests that Tapiam believes in the possibility of healing at a distance, independently of the common Christian rituals, but allows that healing may not occur. Anonyme in P.Oxy.8.1161 prays to God and God’s beloved Son ‘that they all may help ERKTKYVZVLQ our body, soul and spirit’, ll.4– 7, and refers five times to illness. There are four points of theological interest in relation to sickness and healing in this text. Firstly, Anonyme may be an example of those Christians whose interest in illness, according to Barrett-Lennard, is greater than that 40 of people in other religious groups . Barrett-Lennard’s evidence rests on the diversity of terms used and frequency of mention. His sample size, however, is small and other explanations are 41 possible . Secondly, Anonyme’s use of the trichotomy indicates 37

A. Oepke, ‘LMDYRPDLL>DVL’ in TDNT 3.194–215. Barrett-Lennard (1994) 73, cites this as the only claim of healing in the private letters. In P.Neph.10 it is unclear if healing has occurred. 39 But see P.Neph.3 for ‘blessed’ (HXMORJHLYD) oil Vivian (2004) 258, n.107. 40 Barrett-Lennard (1994) 31, n.129; (2005). 41 Christian letters: 9 of 104; pagan letters: 3 of 92. Greater institutionalisation of Christianity may account for more references to sickness and healing in the Canons of Hippolytus than in the earlier the Apostolic Tradition. 38

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her understanding that both the physical and spiritual aspects of existence need God’s help and are susceptible to God’s power. The type of help is not indicated and, while physical healing is certain, what healing of her soul and spirit might entail is unclear. Thirdly, Anonyme seeks no intercessory prayer in the extant portion of this letter. Whether such a request occurred in the lost section is not known. Nonetheless, it is evident that she believes in her own ability to access God’s healing. A fourth point: Anonyme affirms the goodness of the divine and the divine nature as ‘saviour’ at the same time as she has an illness which is not healed. Mondini finds here evidence of the ‘spirito grande serenità e pace’ that arises from 42 Christian hope . Naldini notes ‘lei è di conforto una fede sincera, 43 rassegnata’ . Both allude to sentiments perhaps more exalted than the fragmentary text allows. Nonetheless, Anonyme’s attitude is far from the contractual relationship with the divine which is 44 sometimes found in Christian and pagan texts and practices . All three women believe that miraculous healing is possible and actively seek it. They do not connect sickness with sin, punishment or demonic attack to which they could be expected to refer if they held such beliefs. Although an argument from silence, it seems likely that these are theological views the women do not hold. Further, the women do not regard it as necessary to ask if their healing is God’s will. They assume it. GRACE AND MERIT A theology of grace and merit is explicit in only one letter, the Melitian text P.Neph.1. Tapiam and Paul write that death among their own people may happen ‘if the master should deem us worthy NDWD[LRL to be preserved VZTK QDL during our exile’, ll.18f. 6ZTK QDLis unlikely to carry its spiritual meaning ‘to be in a state of salvation’, or mean ‘to be healed’, but is more likely to have its 45 material sense, ‘to be kept alive’ ; that is, Tapiam and Paul ask for preservation in Alexandria so that death may occur at home. The 42

Mondini (1917) 38. Naldini (1968, 1998) 254. 44 Eg P.Oxy.7.1065 (C3); P.Brem.63 (C3); see Rees (1950) 87; Bell (1953) 95; MacMullen (1984) 13, 116 ; (1997) 9, 113ff, 165f, n.22. 45 LSJ, s.v. 43

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passive VZTK QDLsuggests that they expect God to keep them alive, which God will do if God deems them worthy. The meaning Tapiam and Paul give to NDWD[LRYZis illuminating. The word can be objective with a sense of ‘deem worthy’, or it can be subjective, 46 ‘deign’ . The NT theology of grace favours the latter meaning but Tapiam and Paul’s hesitancy about whether they qualify for the master’s intervention favours the former meaning. The logical inconsistency between grace and worth recalls similar ambiguity in 47 the NT and early liturgies . Indirect references to grace and merit occur in three other texts. Taouak in P.Neph.18 writes to Eudaimon and Apia, ‘for we are the treasure of God R-JDUTKVDXURWRX THRX K-PHL ’, ll.26f. The significance of the phrase for Taouak’s theology of merit and grace depends on who is included in the term. The editors propose a number of possibilities, from reference to Taouak as a martyr (sic) to members of the monastery at Hathor, based on their assumption that ‘you will see God’ connotes threat and that the separation between those who constitute the ‘treasure’ and those who do not includes Taouak and excludes Eudaimon and Apia. Given that the 48 sense of threat is unnecessary and unlikely , the basis for inclusion and exclusion is most probably membership of the Melitian church and includes both Taouak and her addressess. The reference may be to all Christians, but the Melitian conception of Christianity involved a sharp distinction between Melitians and the ‘catholic’ church which Melitians regarded as tainted by compromise. The possibility that Taouak includes all people in the ‘treasure’ represents a universalistic theology this is unlikely in a Christian, let alone Melitian, context in this period. Taouak illustrates the exclusivist view that saw salvation belonging primarily to the 49 Melitian church . The consequence of being God’s treasure is that a person will see God. Hebrew and Christian Scriptures state that seeing God is not 50 possible for human beings . In the NT, seeing God forms part of 46

LSJ, s.v. Lk 20:35; 2Thes 1:5; BKT 6.6.1 (C3); P.Würzb.3 (C3). 48 See 40 above. 49 See Hauben (2000) 332f. 50 Ex 33:18–23; 1Jn 4:12. See also W. Michaelis, ‘R-UDYZ’ in TDNT 5.331–334. 47

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the eschatological hope and is possible now only in a figurative 51 sense . Taouak’s promise that Eudaimon and Apia will see God if they send the wheat implies a more immediate fulfilment than the eschatological hope but what this entails is not indicated and points to a shared understanding not available to the modern reader. That Taouak feels she can pronounce spiritual blessing is noteworthy, as is the fact that she makes it contingent on Eudaimon and Apia’s doing what she wants. For both Kophaena, BGU 3.948, and Terouterou, P.Edmonstone, reciprocity rather than grace is the predominant ethic. Kophaena offers material goods in exchange for any help her son may give her, perhaps to alleviate a sense of dependence. Terouterou grants manumission explicitly in exchange for her slaves’ loyal service. In theological terms, either there is a discontinuity between the women’s spiritual and material modes of functioning, or their spiritual worlds in reality do not operate on the value of grace. SLAVERY Slave-owning by Christian women is attested in P.Edmonstone and P.Oxy.6.903. The culture of slavery in Egypt and the NT treatment of the practice provide the context for examination of the women’s 52 theologies . Slavery was less common in Egypt than elsewhere in late antiquity, 53 due most probably to the cheapness of labour . Slaves, at about 54 3.4% of the population of cities and 8.5% of villages , were a 55 significant part of both rural and urban life . Slaves had no legal rights, could not own property or enter into marriages, bear children without permission or have authority over their children who were their owners’ property. Women in particular were 51

Eg Mt 5:8; 1 Jn 3:2; 1Clem 19:3; Barn 5:10; Epistle to Diognetus 8.5f; 10.2. On slavery, see Gülzow (1969); Biezunska-Malowist (1977); (1984); Bradley (1987); (1994); Harrill (1995); S. Llewelyn, ‘Slaves and Masters’ in ND 6.48– 81. The NT assumes slave-owning by Christians, Eph 6:9; Col 4:1. 53 Winter (1933) 57. 54 Bagnall (1993a) 208; (1993b) 220–227; (1997) 126. 55 Slaves in village households eg P.Cair.Isid.64 (298); 141 (C4); elite households eg P.Lips.1.97 (338); P.Oxy.6.903 (C4); 43.3146 (347). 52

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vulnerable in slavery. Not only their labour but also their bodies 56 belonged to their master . Slave-owning is widely attested among early Christians. The NT accepts the practice and exhibits no interest in overturning slavery, 57 instead urging slaves to obedience . Ignatius of Antioch, in the second century, advises churches not to assist in the manumission 58 of Christian slaves . His statement indicates that manumission was practised by churches and confirms the paraenesis of other writers that ransoming slaves is a ‘proper’ exercise of charity and useful in 59 facilitating slaves’ conversion . 60

The attitude of the church to slavery is complex and varied . There 61 is no suggestion that Christian owners should manumit slaves . Westermann notes a retreat from the early acceptance of slaves as equals in the church and, instead, a growing insistence on slaves’ 62 inferiority compared to the master . The manumissio in ecclesia 63 64 316 and 321 cannot be taken as a sign of the church’s rejection 65 of slavery but rather illustrates its participation in the system . Terouterou in P.Edmonstone frees the portion she has inherited of 66 three slaves giving two reasons . The first is as a reward, ‘in exchange for what you have shown me of good will and love and, 56

Eg SB 14.11277 (225); P.Oxy.6.903 (C4). Eg Eph 6:5–9, Col 3:22–4:1, Barn 19:7; 1Tim 6:1ff; 1Pet 2:8–20. Advice to masters eventually disappears. Also Canon 3, Council of Gangra (c.340). 58 Ignatius, To Polycarp 4.3. For reasons of power, Harrill (1995) 161f, 189ff. 59 Apostolic Constitutions 2.62.4; 4.9.2; Coleman-Norton (1966) 1.301. On Christian corporate and individual manumission, see Harrill (1995) 178–182. 60 Eg saints and martyrs own slaves, yet display saintliness in freeing them; eg Melania the Younger frees 8000 slaves, cited in Westermann (1955) 135. 61 But Jews must sell Christian slaves to Christians, CT 3.1.5 (384). 62 Hippolytus, Apostolic Tradition 16.4, 5; Leo the Great, Letter 4.1 (443); Canons of Basil 63. 63 CJ 1.13.1 (316) confirming an earlier ruling now lost, possibly dated 313–315. See Coleman-Norton (1966) 1.72f; Bradley (1994) 158. 64 CJ 1.13.2=CT 4.7.1 (321). See also Coleman-Norton (1966) 1.84f. 65 Bradley (1994) 158. Westermann (1955) 154, notes that manumissio in ecclesia spread slowly in C4. 66 Bradley (1987) 83. He notes two other reasons that occur regularly: an owner’s desire for esteem; and generosity for its own sake, the latter being least frequent. 57

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in addition, service’, l.9, and ‘because of the good will and love they showed me’, l.16. Freedom as a reward for slave compliance is common in manumission documents and appears to have been an effective means of ensuring submission. Terouterou recognises its value. In P.Edmonstone the sense of reward is strengthened by ‘I, myself [Terouterou] recompensing the recompense … ’,l.17. Terouterou, consciously or not, by her use of ‘good will and love HXMQRLYD VWRUJKY ILORVWRUJHLYD’ recognises her slaves as persons 67 ‘in the image of God’ like herself, capable of exercising virtue . However, it does not motivate her to manumit them. While 68 freedom was recognised as a good and the desire for it a basic 69 human instinct , it clearly was not regarded as a right nor, for 70 Christians and Jews, as theologically essential . Sarapammon, Tkales and Lousia’s real attitude to Terouterou cannot be determined. They may have felt genuine affection for her. Their love may also be Terouterou’s interpretation of their compliance. In addition to the ethic of reward, Terouterou gives a further reason for the manumission, ‘for I … have been convinced by those being 71 freed’, ll.11f . The initiative for this manumission, then, comes from the slaves rather than from Terouterou’s gratitude or her theological conviction. Nonetheless, Terouterou twice states that she regards her action as being ‘in accordance with the piety NDWM HXMVHELYDQ towards the all-merciful God’, ll.7f, and which she asks her heirs not to criticise, l.15. (XMVHYEHLD signals a secondary, distinctly theological, dimension to her action. Terouterou may be an example of the religiosa mens referred to in Constantine’s 72 provision of manumissio in ecclesia , albeit, in Terouterou’s case, a ‘religious conviction’ that consists only in the persuasive argument of her slaves. A similar link between Christian belief and manumission is evident in P.Kell.1.Gr.48 (C4), in which Valerius frees Hilaria ‘because of (my) outstanding Christianity X-SHUEROKQ 67

The regular designation of slaves as VZYPDWDdenies their full humanity. The absolute value of freedom is recognised in favor libertatis from C1 BCE, eg Digest of Justinian 29.2.71; 31.1.14; 35.2.32.5; 40.5.24.10. 69 Eg ILS 3427; 3491; 3526; 3944, cited in Bradley (1987) 81f. 70 Eg Philo considers slaves inferior and deserving of slavery, Every Good Man is Free 19.136–20.137. See also Bradley (1994) 154; Harrill (1995) 167. 71 For slaves’ efforts to gain freedom, eg P.Oxy.12.1423 (C4); 14.1643 (298). 72 CJ 1.13.2. 68

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FULVWLDQRYWK•W•R••’. Terouterou’s reckoning of her manumission as something owed and earned removes it from the arena of mercy as understood in the NT. The fact that the text does not mention the payment of a ransom nor state a SDUDPRQKY(paramone) clause may suggest mercy at least at this level. The text does not indicate whether Terouterou owns other slaves nor whether the portion not owned by her of the slaves she frees is freed or slave. In P.Oxy.6.903, Anonyme refers to multiple slaves whom she and 73 Anonymos own . The slaves are among those whom Anonymos 74 has abused (X-EULYVD), ll.2–4, 6, 9f . Anonyme implies that she is powerless to prevent it. A theological basis for her opposition is not formulated. There is no evidence that Anonyme regards slaveowning as unacceptable. On the contrary Anonyme has a personal slave, Zoe (WKQHMPKQ GRXYOKQ=ZKQ), l.5, and while the other slaves belong to Anonymos, Anonyme has power over Anilla at least. Explanations of the attitude of early Christianity to slavery range from appeals to eschatology, to mitigating the harsh realities of 75 slavery, to various socio-political concerns of the church . Within this Terouterou and Anonyme consciously or unconsciously adopt theological positions in relation to slavery: Anonyme, consistently with the contemporary church, accommodates it; and Terouterou, while accommodating slavery, sees the granting of freedom as a ‘godly’ merciful act. CARE OF WIDOWS AND ORPHANS The vulnerability and neediness of widows and orphans are a 76 commonplace in ancient literature . The papyri give evidence of 73

A slave represents an investment of about six months’ income, Bagnall (1993b) 229. Anonymos and Anonyme are wealthy. 74 Legislation protecting slaves had little impact. See Westermann (1955) 114f; Bradley (1987) 126–129. 75 For a summary, see S. Llewelyn, ‘The Sale of a Slave-Girl: the New Testament’s Attitude to Slavery’ in ‘Slaves and Masters’ 48–55 in ND 6.48–81, here 54. 76 Eg Homer, Iliad 6.432; Sophocles, Ajax 653; Euripides, Andromache 348; Lam 1.1. The apocryphal Acts represent widows/virgins as powerful figures, eg ActsPaul 3:29–31, 41. See G. Stählin, ‘FKYUD’ in TDNT 9.440–465; H. Seesemann, ‘RMUIDQRY’ in TDNT 5.487f. On social position, McGinn (1999).

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the real difficulties they faced and appeals for help are common . 78 The ideal of protecting them also occurs widely in ancient sources including the idea that widows and orphans enjoy divine 79 protection . In Jewish and Christian literature widows and orphans, usually cited together, are those who should arouse pity and whom 80 the community should protect . True religion, in Christian terms, consists in caring for widows and orphans and the failure to do so 81 constitutes a denial of faith . Widows feature as the recipients of 82 Christian charity from the earliest days . Care of Widows Evidence for church assistance to widows is absent from the papyri although the editors argue for it in P.Neph.36 which refers to Tauris the widow receiving seven artabai of wheat supposedly for distribution to other widows, but there is little evidence in the text. None of the papyri written by Christian women discusses widows in the third person, offering a disinterested theology of care for the widowed ‘other’. The only references are to the widowed authors themselves. The women’s theology becomes evident in their expectations of others and the use they make of their status. Leuchis in P.Herm.17 appeals to Apa Johannes for help in relation to the tribune, ‘for I am a widow woman FKYUD JXQKY’, l.6. Her disadvantage as a widow is compounded by the pleonastic statement that she is a woman, a claim of further disadvantage. The themes of female weakness and the disadvantage of widowhood are 83 common in the papyri . Several possibilities present themselves. 77

Eg P.Sakaon 36 (c.280); P.Oxy.8.1120 (C3); 12.1470 (336); P.Amh.2.141 (350). Not all widows are poor eg P.Coll.Youtie 2.83 (353); also Mantas (1997). 78 Eg Plato, Laws 11.926D; Homer, Iliad 6.432; 24.725; Code of Hammurabi, 24.59–62 cited in G. Stählin, ‘FKYUD’ in TDNT 9.441, n.12; 443, n.31. 79 Eg Ptah, G. Stählin, ‘FKYUD’ in TDNT 9.443; Deut 10:18; Pss 68:5 (LXX 67:5). 80 Ex 22:22; Deut 10:18; 2Mac 3:10; Jas 1:27, Mk 12:40; Barn 20:2; Herm 17. 81 Jas 1:27; 2:14–17; 1Tim 5:3–16. 82 Acts 6:1–6; 1Tim 5:3; Barn 20:2; Herm 38:10; Hippolytus, Apostolic Tradition 20.1, 26.16, 27. Only good widows receive assistance; the bad do not. Sexual continence distinguishes them. Also in Roman law, Winter (2003) 133–140. 83 Eg P.Oxy.34.2713 (c.297); 1.71 (303); CPR 7.15 (c.330); P.Amh.2.141 (350); P.Lond.3.971 (C4); Beaucamp (1990–1992) 2.46. Women’s weakness is enshrined in law, CT 9.1.3 (322); 9.24.1 (326); CJ 2.12.21 (315).

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Leuchis’ statement may reflect genuine disadvantage, due perhaps to her lack of experience in the public world of the authorities, or to her vulnerability at the hands of the women she wants evicted and their military protectors. It may be a device to press Apa Johannes to meet her request, reminding him of his Christian duty. It may be that Leuchis draws on a convention. That she cites widowhood indicates that Leuchis expects her status to influence Apa Johannes in her favour and it is likely, given his identity, that she draws on biblical theology to urge him to his duty. This, then, represents theology from the viewpoint of the disadvantaged and Leuchis uses it to assert her claim. The mother in SB 18.13612 gives as the reason for requesting Apa Johannes’ mercy in connection with Theognostos the exactor, ‘both me, a widow, and the orphans NDMPHWKQFKYUDQNDLWRX RMUIDQRX’, ll.9–11. As with Leuchis, Anonyme may use conventional language to secure the help she wants but is more likely, given Johannes’ status, to draw on biblical theology to remind him of his Christian obligations. Again, the mother presents her theology from the perspective of the disadvantaged. Kophaena in BGU 3.948 is probably widowed or divorced and writes of her need for a ‘small provision’, l.14. She appeals to Theodoulos as his mother, not mentioning her marital status. Kophaena’s uncertain status as widowed or divorced raises the issue of the relative needs of the two groups and the church’s attitudes to them. The needs of widowed and divorced women are not compared in ancient literature, pagan or Christian, and divorced women rarely appear in paraenetic discourse as a distinct group. The question arises as to whether their absence is because of moral 84 85 86 disapproval , relatively low numbers , assumed transient state , 87 inclusion in the category ‘widow’ or for some other reason. Treggiari argues that there is no evidence in Roman society of stigma attaching to either party in divorce automatically, although 84

Tertullian, De pudicitia 16, explicitly rules out divorce for Christians. Among the elite, Treggiari (1991) 41, 44, finds a divorce rate of perhaps 1:6; with fewer likely among the poorer classes. See also Pomeroy (1975) 204. 86 On divorce and the encouragement, requirement and discouragement of widows and divorcées to remarry, see 182f below. 87 ‘Widow’ meaning ‘living without a husband’ can apply to virgins, Methuen (1997), so, presumably, to divorcées. 85

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she notes social disapproval of unjustified divorce . Gardner 89 argues that ‘divorcées were never entirely approved of’ . Divorce documents from Egypt indicate a tendency towards not attributing 90 blame even with unilateral repudiation . It suggests a framework for divorce of no fault with no resulting stigma. Both widows and divorcées in antiquity are seen as disadvantaged due to the lack of the financial, legal and social support of a husband and are encouraged, even required, to remarry, although 91 the period before penalties differs . By contrast, in the church, a divorced woman was expected to remain unmarried until the death of her ex-husband. The reality was often different and remarriage 92 occurred . Nonetheless, the church’s attitude no doubt rendered some divorced women’s situations extremely difficult. The silence of early Christian literature on the needs of divorced women and the lack of clarity as to whether they are subsumed under the category ‘widow’ make their standing, and Christian community 93 attitudes to them, difficult to determine . In BGU 3.948 while Kophaena’s theological position in relation to the care of widows and divorced women is not formulated, her belief that her son should care for her is inseparable from her sense of what is owed to her as a mother, conditioned by social expectation and organisation that obliged sons to care for their 94 widowed mothers . The mother in P.Abinn.34 approaches Abinnaeus with a request for leave for her son, Heron. She indicates urgent need, saying ‘after God we have no help but yours’, ll.7f. The mother, as initiator of the appeal, is likely to be widowed or divorced but she does not refer to her status to press her case although it may form part of 88

Treggiari (1991) 40, 46. Gardner (1986) 51, 261f. 90 Divorce by mutual consent is common. From C4 the device of demonic causation avoids blame, eg P.Grenf.2.76 (305/6); P.Strasb.3.142 (391). 91 See 182 below. 92 In the post-Constantinian period, even where penalties for remarriage apply, the marriage itself is never regarded as invalid, Bagnall (1987b) 50. 93 Arjava (1996) 257–266, concludes that Christianity did not change women’s legal position, nor society’s attitude even in ‘church-interested’ areas, eg divorce. 94 On sons’ duty to care for widowed mothers, see 188f below. 89

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Athioeis’ explanation when he delivers the letter. The text gives no information on the mother’s theology of the care of widows. Teeus in P.Lips.1.28 gives her grandson, Paesis, in adoption to her apotactic son. She does not indicate her marital status, although, in acting alone she is probably widowed or divorced. Consequently there is no indication of her theology of care of widows. Teeus’ status does not appear a significant factor in the decision to ‘hand over’ Paesis which is sufficiently accounted for in the request of her dead son. His reasons, however, are not given. Demetria in Stud.Pal.20.86, in undertaking legal procedures without a husband, is by implication either widowed or divorced but she does not refer to her marital status. She also gives no information on her theology of care of widows. Care of Orphans ‘Orphan’, in the ancient world, can mean a person who has lost 95 both parents or either parent . The death of the father leaves children sui iuris, even as minors, in the care of a male guardian/tutor. This applies even if the mother is living with the 96 children in her care . All five Christian women who refer to orphans refer to their vulnerability. Attiaena in P.Oxy.50.3581, detailing her husband Paul’s abuses, writes, ‘he despised my orphanhood’, l.12. The statement is the climax of Attiaena’s claims functioning to express the ultimate heinousness of Paul’s behaviour. It reveals Attiaena’s view that orphans are vulnerable and ought to be protected. It is noteworthy that Attiaena’s sense of disadvantage continues in her adult years, consisting, perhaps, in not having a father whose retributive power 97 might dissuade Paul from his actions . Attiaena’s claim of orphan status undoubtedly is to alert the tribune to her need and to elicit a positive response. Her attitude to orphans is consistent with biblical teaching, but it is not possible to determine the extent to which it is theologically formulated given the frequency of the trope. The influence of the presbyters argues in favour of church affiliation 95

G. Horsley, ‘RMUIDQRY’ in ND 4.162ff; eg CIJ 2.1510 (5 BCE); P.Tebt.2.326 (c.266); P.Col.7.173 (c.335). 96 Gardner (1986) 147. 97 On the role of families in marital conflicts, see Arnaoutoglou (1995) 26.

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and perhaps an informed theology. If this is so, Attiaena is another example of a woman presenting her theology from the perspective of the disadvantaged. Aria in SB 14.11588 writes, ‘Know this also that the orphan child WRSDLGLYRQWRRMUIDQLNRYQ is in my house and I myself have need of expenses’, ll.21–25. The relationship of the child to Aria is not 98 indicated but is likely to be family . The child’s presence adds to Aria’s need, a fact she implies by juxtaposing the ideas rather than stating the link overtly. Her attitude to care for the orphan can only be inferred by her willingness to provide a home for him/her despite the disadvantage. It is consistent with biblical theology and the ideals of her society. Whether it derives from Christian conviction, family feeling or societal expectation is unknown. Aria uses the child to garner help. Allous in SB 14.11881 writes to Faustina, ‘… of the orphan children RMUIDQZ QSDLYGZQ of my brother, (I am) unable to assist them being a woman’, ll.18–21. ‘Orphan’ most probably means ‘the loss of both parents’ since Allous finds herself responsible for assisting the children although unable in some respect. Both QKYSLD 99 andSDLGLYRQ, l.29,imply these children are minors . Allous acts in some aspects of the children’s lives. They are with her and she will sell Faustina’s hemp ‘for them HLMDXMWDY’l.27. But Allous is not able to ‘assist them’ about which she expresses no opinion. Her attitude to the orphans is complicated by their status as family, and, given the primary call of family on a person’s care 100 101 as part of biblical teaching and broader social expectation , the extent to which Allous’ attitude derives from her beliefs is unknown. Her theology concerning the orphans is not formulated. The mother’s theology of the care of orphans in SB 18.13612 is implicit. She states her need in relation to the exactor as ‘both me, a widow, and the orphans’, ll.10f, but the papyrus is broken at this point. The text does not indicate whether the mother has care of the orphans, although it is likely. She clearly regards her association 98

See 198 below. Possibly less than 7 years, LSJ, s.v. 100 1Tim 5:1, 8, the teaching is about widows but is more broadly applicable. 101 Bagnall (1993a) 206. Also 201 below. 99

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with them as evidence of disadvantage additional to widowhood and another reason for Apa Johannes to respond to her request. Her appeal to him, which may be conventional, is more likely, given his status, to be theologically informed and to function to pressure Apa Johannes to remember his Christian duty. It follows that the mother’s own association with the orphans is at least informed by Christian theology. In P.Lips.1.28 Teeus’ theology of the care of orphans is found in her action to give Paesis in adoption to her son, Silvanos, but is difficult to identify amidst competing considerations. No doubt Teeus’ concern for Paesis arises as much from family feeling as from concern for an orphan and reflects her society’s sense of family solidarity. Teeus gives Paesis in adoption to his uncle at his father Papnouthios’ request. She has taken initial care of him and the discontinuance is not a rejection of Christian duty. The adoption is likely to have been requested for practical reasons of 102 guardianship, education and family financial interest . CHRISTIAN COMMUNITY Exhortations to unity and forbearance in the Christian community within certain limits of doctrine and behaviour are regular in the 103 NT , including the ideal that Christians should suffer wrong rather 104 than take fellow Christians to a public court . The directive does not deny the need for a mechanism for securing justice but urges that it be within the community. The motivation appears to derive from concern for the community’s reputation and parallels the role played by such concern in regulating family life in honour:shame 105 societies . The language of household and family for the Christian community strengthens this concern and provides the conceptual framework for internal discipline and for relations with those outside the community. The exhortations themselves indicate that,

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On a woman’s possible guardianship of orphans, see 193f, 199 below. Eg Rom 14:1–15:6; 1Cor 1:10–17; 3:1–9; Eph 4:25–5:2; Phil 2:1–4; 4:2f; Col 3:12–15; Barn 18–20; 1Clem 3; 13–15; Did 14; 15; Herm 75; 76; 109. 104 1Cor 6:1–8. 105 Cohen (1991) 49ff, 161. 103

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from the beginning, the reality of Christian community life was 106 often other than the ideal . P.Abinn.49 provides an example of conflict which leads to public litigation, recording the dispute between Maria and two men, Elias and John, who have shorn nine of her sheep and stolen three others. The wrong and subsequent claim for justice involve members of 107 the Christian community . Maria lodges her petition with Abinnaeus seeking the men’s arrest, a forced confession and referral to the Prefect to bring about judgement, l.22. Maria emerges as a woman who is not afraid to pursue justice in the public legal system and who does not conform to the NT ideals of forgiveness and suffering wrong. If she has followed the NT protocols of direct approach to Elias and John and appeal to the 108 presbyters of the church she does not refer to them. Whether an 109 episcopal court was available is not known . CONVERSION P.Oxy.50.3581 contains Attiaena’s account of her abduction by her husband Paul, his subsequent abandonment of her and their child, a second abduction and probable rape, his theft of her property and 110 threat of slander. It is likely that Paul is a Christian . Paul’s behaviour, plainly contrary to Christian moral teaching, 111 raises the question of conversion in the early church . The definitions of conversion that specify theological understanding 112 and change of belief may be appropriate before 324 but are unhelpful in the post-Constantinian period. Certainly Paul would number among the unconverted by such standards. However, to class Paul as non-Christian is too simple. 106

On P.Oxy.6.903 and 50.3581, see 177–181 below. See 20 above. 108 Mt 18:15–35. 109 On the episcopalis audientia, see 239f below. 110 See 49f above. 111 See Nock (1933, 1972); MacMullen (1984); (1986); (1997); Frankfurter (1998); Salzman (2002); E. A. Judge, ‘The Conversion of Rome: Ancient Sources of Modern Social Tensions’ in Judge (2010) 211–231. 112 Eg Nock (1933, 1972) 7: recognition that ‘the old was wrong and the new is right’; MacMullen (1984) 5: ‘change of belief’. 107

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A Christian status in the fourth and later centuries is likely to have resulted from a number of possible causes: birth into a Christian family; ‘conversion’ due to conviction; the influence of accounts of miracles; other factors such as the inducements of tax exemptions and opportunities for promotion; and negative inducements such as 113 violence and exclusion . In addition, major social and intellectual changes including the institutionalisation and spread of the church, the development of monasticism and a new individualism created a 114 context which facilitated the adoption of Christianity . Many people no doubt had little understanding of Christian doctrine and morality, and yet would have been counted Christian. Within this framework it is useful to place two observations. The first relates to the absence of a strongly conscious Christian identity 115 in the women’s language for God and practice of prayer . Conversion as the result of a complex mix of forces that may only marginally include doctrine provides the framework within which such phenomena find explanation, in part at least. The second observation concerns the absence of biblical allusions from almost half the letters of the Christian women. The possible reasons for not including biblical allusions are numerous, from their unsuitability to the content of the letter to the individual woman’s lack of compositional skill. Nevertheless, the absence may suggest a lack of knowledge and theological formation. The complexities surrounding conversion shed light on the domestic realities of Attiaena and Paul in P.Oxy.50.3581, and Anonymos and Anonyme in P.Oxy.6.903. Paul, it seems, identifies himself and is identified as a Christian, approaches the presbyters and gains their mediation, and yet does not integrate Christian moral teaching into his life. In P.Oxy.6.903 Anonyme’s identity as a Christian is sufficiently strong for her to attend church in the face of her husband’s opposition. Her husband does not appear to attend church, questions Anonyme for doing so, mistreats her and the other members of his household, yet swears an oath before the bishops to amend his behaviour. A conversion that has involved a social shift provides an explanation for these anomalies. 113

MacMullen (1997) 33. The prominence he accords to miracles is debated. E. A. Judge, ‘The Conversion of Rome’ in Judge (2010) 211–231. 115 See 90f above and 142ff below. 114

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STATUS DESIGNATION The Christian landlady in P.Oxy.48.3407 refers to Papnouthis, her steward, and Hatres, the foreman, as ‘brothers DMGHOIRLY’, l.18. This may be an example of the status discounting attested in Christian 116 communities . The letter is probably written by a scribe but the choice of familial language, especially of employees, is likely to be the landlady’s own. The non-literal use of familial terms is common in pagan and Christian papyri and within this convention 117 DMGHOIRY generally designates status peers . This is not the case between a landlady and her employees. It may be that Papnouthis and Hatres are members, with the landlady, of the Christian community and that the landlady acknowledges the theological proposition of spiritual equality in Christ. If this is correct, her use of DMGHOIRY would be the only positive evidence for the Christian belief of Papnouthis in the archive. However, there is papyrological evidence of status discounting unrelated to Christian belief. In BGU 1.248, 249; 2.531; 3.850 (C1), Chairemon, gymnasiarchos, addresses Apollonios as DMGHOIRY. Apollonios never uses DMGHOIRY of Chairemon, BGU 2.594, 595. The letters concern business and it is likely that the men are business partners. However, their status inequality, which allows Chairemon to use the familial title for his social inferior, 118 prevents Apollonios from reciprocating . The basis on which the landlady, as social superior, calls Papnouthis DMGHOIRY may be other than Christian theology. She also tells Papnouthis and Hatres to go ‘to our farm … [to] drag the stone of my lords brothers WZ Q NXULYZQ PRX DMGHOIZ Q Nepotianus and Diogenes’, ll.7–11. The reference to ‘our farm’ suggests that Nepotianos and Diogenes are her kin. If Papnouthis and Hatres are Christian, the landlady apparently does

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E.A. Judge, ‘Rank and Status’ in Judge (2008b) 149. See also P.Col.Teeter 7 at 206 below; 1Cor 1:26; Phlm 16. Of 343 uses of DMGHOIRYin the canonical NT, 260 refer to non-kin of differing ecclesial and social status, Arzt-Grabner (2002) 202. 117 It is used between officials, friends and business partners, Arzt-Grabner (2002) 186, 191, who, however, does not find it used in guilds or mystery cults, 199. 118 Arzt-Grabner (2002) 195f.

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not consider removing the rocks on the Lord’s Day, with the men’s 119 probable absence from worship, a problem . CONCLUSION While the Christian women’s prayer, use of the Bible, attitudes to asceticism, interactions with ecclesial institutions and people, and attitudes to marriage and family are explored separately, the findings inform the conclusions here. The nature and number of the documents and the often individual expression of theology allow conclusions only at an abstract level. The first conclusion relates to the women’s theology of God. The texts attest the women’s belief in God as an active presence in the lives of their addressees and themselves. The conviction is most frequently expressed in prayer statements and in references to providence. Some of the women articulate their belief as a faith position drawn from personal experience such as Athanasia’s sense of providential keeping in P.Berl.Zill.12 which frees her from anxiety, and Tapiam’s conviction in P.Neph.1 that God healed her children. The mother in P.Abinn.34, Leuchis in P.Herm.17 and Valeria in P.Lond.6.1926 affirm God’s active presence and help, while locating the source of actual help in their addressees. For other women, belief in God’s active presence, while still highly personal, exists on the level of theological conviction, such as belief in God’s ability to protect others expressed in their prayers. The women’s texts attest their belief that God’s power can be accessed, activated and directed through prayer. These beliefs are consistent with scriptural theology at the same time as they belong to the common religious culture of late antiquity. The texts attest the women’s belief in God’s goodness, and that God’s ordering of the world and action in it are for human benefit. The women’s prayers are evidence of their conviction that blessing, protection, healing and helping are according to God’s nature and that God’s willingness to intervene can be assumed. The women’s theology of God’s relationship to less immediately personal aspects of life, that is, to the broadly political, economic, 119

Agriculture was exempt from the ban on Sunday work, see 168f below.

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social and environmental, is not articulated in their documents. The absence is noteworthy and is discussed in the chapter on prayer. The second conclusion is alluded to in the first. The women generally do not give evidence of formulating their theological positions in distinctly Christian terms but rather in articulations that belong to the common religious culture of the society. The same formulations of prayer, the same general vocabulary for God and the same expectation of answers to prayer for healing and protection occur in Christian and pagan papyri. There are three exceptions to this general conclusion of non-distinctiveness. The first concerns the attitude to asceticism articulated by some of the women, that asceticism is a superior way, giving greater access to God than is possible for ordinary Christians. The women share this belief with men and illustrate a significant development in thought in the Christian church. Asceticism as a way of life for life 120 and for anyone was not part of pagan religious culture . The Vestal Virgins in Rome and occasional virginal priestesses and prophetesses in Greek religion gain their prestige from their 121 exceptionality . Ascetic discipline for short periods is attested, for example, in preparation for initiation into the mysteries and to enter 122 certain temples , but prolonged virginity and celibacy, and discipline in food and sleep are rare. Brown notes the uniqueness of the Christian attitude also in regarding asceticism as the pinnacle of human nature and representing a lost perfection that people should 123 seek to regain and so inaugurate the life of the world to come . The second distinctively Christian element is an absence. In the 124 extant texts, the Christian women do not practise proskynema for the recipients of their letters. Either their theology of God and prayer makes the practice inappropriate, or the opportunity to do proskynema is lost in the physical arrangement and liturgy of the church. The latter explanation appears unlikely as proskynemata 120

Brown (1991) 8. Beard (1980). Virginal chastity is generally limited to women with only occasional reference to virginal male priests, Lane-Fox (1986) 347. 122 Eg 1–2 days’ abstinence from intercourse, Lane-Fox (1986) 347. 123 Brown (1991) 8. 124 Proskynema is an act of obeisance before the representation of a god. 121

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occur in texts written by Christian men . The women’s texts are examples of the change in consciousness and religious practice introduced by Christianity. The Christian women also do not include abaskanta formulae. The wish for protection against the evil eye, at one time considered a certain indication of a pagan text, is attested in letters written by 126 Christian men . Abaskanta wishes most frequently occur in relation to children and their absence from the women’s letters is noteworthy. However, the conclusion is offered with caution as its statistical basis is small. Nine of the letters include greetings in their extant portions. Of these, only two greet children. However, a further eight mention children, all without the abaskanta wish. While abaskanta may have largely lost its literal significance, its absence from all the women’s texts is marked and illustrates the influence of Christianity on this level of religious formulation. A third example of distinctiveness, while evident in only one text, builds on the second finding just cited, the absence of traditional formulae of piety. Terouterou in P.Edmonstone appears to modify a common formula of manumission to omit reference to the sanction 127 of pagan deities, ‘subject only to Zeus, Earth and Sun (Helios)’ , and introduces instead a common biblical spatial expression for universality. She makes her slaves free ‘under earth and heaven in accordance with piety towards the all-merciful God’, l.7. The modification of the formula suggests a theological conviction that naming pagan deities is inconsistent with invocation of the ‘allmerciful God’.

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P.Oxy.59.3998 (C4) at 218f below. Eg P.Oxy.20.2276 (C3/4) at 212 below; P.Wisc.2.76 (C4) at 222f below. 127 Eg P.Oxy.1.48 (100); 3.494 (156); 4.722 (91 or 107). 126

PRACTICE OF PRAYER Prayer features in thirteen of the twenty-six texts written by Christian women. Of the thirteen that do not mention prayer, seven 1 are official documents where prayer is not to be expected. The remaining six are private letters. The final sections of three, where 2 a closing prayer might have occurred, are lost . Of the remaining three letters, one is Mikke’s short, embedded greeting in Euthalios’ letter which does contain prayer statements, SB 12.10840. Another is Leuchis’ letter, P.Herm.17. Its late fourth-century date suggests that Leuchis follows the tendency in this period not to include 3 prayer formulae . The third text is the landlady’s letter, P.Oxy.48.3407, which, while private, is a business letter. There is debate concerning the significance of opening and closing prayer formulae in the papyri, whether they are social conventions or have religious significance. Naldini assumes that the expressions 4 are religious in intent . Tibiletti does not discuss the prayer formulae, but considers whether proskynema formulae are purely 5 conventional . Primarily on the basis of variety of expression, he 6 concludes with Geraci that the use of proskynema is not formulaic in every instance. Similarly in relation to ‘the gods willing THZ Q THORYQWZQ, VXQ THRL ’ and their singular equivalents, Tibiletti finds 7 that there is, ‘beyond the cliché, a living religious sentiment’ . A similar argument can be made for a genuine religious expression in the opening and closing prayer formulae in letters, ‘before all things I pray SURSDYQWZQ HX>FRPDL’and ‘I pray you be well HMUUZ VTDLY VH HX>FRPDL’Further, a genuine religious sentiment is more likely in letters that refer to religious matters in addition to the conventional formulae and also where there is variation in the standard formulae, suggesting conscious choice. This is not to suggest that all occurrences of the basic formulae are purely 1

Petitions, P.Abinn.49; P.Oxy.6.903; 50.3581; Stud.Pal.20.86; a lease, P.Kell.1. Gr.32; a manumission, P.Edmonstone; an adoption, P.Lips.1.28. 2 P.Benaki 4; P.Oxy.12.1592; SB 18.13612. 3 From analysis of P.Oxy. papyri, vols 1–49, Harding (1985). 4 Naldini (1968, 1998) 11f. 5 Tibiletti (1979) 54. 6 Geraci (1971) 174. 7 Tibiletti (1979) 108.

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conventional. Yet while some conventionality may occur, it remains the case that writers choose a religious expression of concern. By no means all or a majority of writers choose a religious option. The religious significance of the prayer statements, therefore, can be accepted but this need not imply that all expressions of prayer carry the same level of conviction. The NT contains frequent references to prayer including 8 9 injunctions and encouragements to pray , instruction on prayer , 10 subjects for prayer and examples of Jesus, the apostles and other 11 significant believers praying . Similarly, prayer features frequently 12 in Hebrew Scripture . Examples of contemporary prayers indicate 13 both liturgical and private practice . Prayer, of course, is not 14 exclusively Christian and, while differences in theology may inform it, the practice is regular in Christian and pagan society as reflected in the papyri. Kophaena, BGU 3.948 In BGU 3.948, Kophaena opens her letter, ‘I pray to the all powerful God about your health and for your well-being HX>FRPDL WRQ SDQWRNUDYWRUD THRQ WDSHUL WK XMJLHLYD VRXNDL R-ORNOKULYD VRX FDLYULQ’,ll.3f. Health is the most frequent subject of opening 15 prayers in the papyri . Kophaena uses two common terms, X-JLYHLD 16 and R-ORNOKULYD . Where both terms occur, R-ORNOKULYD tends to retain

8

Eg Mt 5:44; Mk 13:33; Lk 18:1; 2Clem 15; Herm 58.5.4. Eg Mt 6:9ff; Lk 18:11; 1Cor 11:13; Phil 4:6; Did 8:2f, 9, 14; Herm 39, 43.9. 10 Eg Mt 5:44, 6:9–13; 1Tim 2:1–4; Jas 5:13ff; 1Clem 64. 11 Eg Mk 6:46; Col 1:9; 1Clem 59:3–61:3. 12 J. Herrmann, ‘HX>FRPDLHXMFKYSURVHXYFRPDLSURVHXFKY’ in TDNT 2.785–800. 13 BKT 6.6.1 (C3): P.Oxy.15.1786 (late C3); P.Würzb.3 (late C3); P.Bodmer 12 (C3/4); P.Amst.1.20 (C3/4); P.Kiseliff 3 (C3/4); P.Ryl.3.470 (C3/4). 14 On pagan, Jewish and Christian prayer, see Charlesworth (1994); Kiley et al. (1997). On Christian and Jewish prayer, see van der Horst (1998). 15 All 10 texts with opening prayers have health as their subject. Other prayers are for ‘good cheer’ or ‘well-being’. 16 The double expression can be verbal or nominal, eg P.Oxy.12.1493 (C3/4); 14.1680 (C3/4); P.Lips.1.111 (C4); P.Oxy.10.1299 (C4); PSI 14.1423 (C4). 9

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something of its original sense of ‘completeness, perfection’ , but from the third century the words are generally interchangeable. The construction Kophaena uses is based on the regular formula 18 but with considerable variation. Its reading is debated . Whichever is correct, the construction appears to be intended to express Kophaena’s creativity even if it results from a confused combination of forms that she has heard. Kophaena’s originality suggests a consciously formulated statement for her prayer. The opening greeting, likewise inventive and drawing on the conventions of official documents, appears designed to convey an elevated tone. Kophaena’s prayer continues her desire to impress. She uses her prayer, at least in part, to assert her maternal dignity in the face of Theodoulos’ neglect and her need to ask for his assistance. Kophaena’s focus on the sovereign powerfulness of God as ‘all powerful SDQWRNUDYWZU’ provides the conceptual framework for her prayer. Her use of the title suggests her exposure to the concept of 19 God as all powerful in biblical and/or liturgical contexts . God’s power and the prayer for Theodoulos’ health stand in tension with Kophaena’s own illness, to which she alludes twice using DMVTHQHYZ (be ill) and the stronger QRVHYZ, but Kophaena is silent about any connection between her illness, God and prayer. Kophaena closes her letter with the standard ‘I pray you be well HMUUZ VTDLYVHHX>FRPDL’ modified by the frequent ‘for a long time SROORL FURYQRL’, l.21. The Mother, P.Abinn.34 The mother in her semi-official letter to Abinnaeus does not write an opening prayer but couches the farewell as prayer using the standard ‘I pray you be well HMUUZ VTDLYVHHX>FRPDL’ l.20, with the common inclusion of the title or name of the person in the vocative, here, ‘lord, patron NXYULHSDYWUZQ’, l.21. Assessment of the religious 17

Tibiletti (1979) 47. O'Callaghan (1988) reads FDLULQ as FDLYUHLQ with God its subject and WD SHULYits object. The editor reads FDLULQas FDYULQ in a chiasmus. This has fewer difficulties and is adopted. FDLULQ may also occur by mistake, repeated from l.2. 19 On SDQWRNUDYWZU, see 91f above. 18

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significance of the prayer draws on a number of factors. Naming a child ‘Moses’ indicates20 that his parents’ belief is a significant aspect of their identity . P.Abinn.34 is dated 342–351 so that, if 21 Heron is in his early twenties , he was named in c.320–330, the period shortly before or after the Edict of Toleration. The mother emerges as a member of a family that identified itself as Christian in a time of uncertainty. This makes it more likely that prayer is part of her religious practice. However, her prayer appears as an intrusion in a letter which is otherwise brief, business-like and obsequious. It is unlikely that a scribe would mistakenly introduce a concluding formula more suited to a private letter into an official one or presume to express a religious sentiment where an author has not indicated it. The prayer, then, can be taken to represent the mother’s dictation. It appears as a device to create the appearance of personal relationship or re-establish an existing acquaintance, with resulting obligations for Abinnaeus, and is consistent with the use of a letter structure for the appeal. With goodwill and prayer marking the relationship from the mother’s side, the implication is that Abinnaeus should reciprocate by acceding to her request. The effect is heightened by Abinnaeus’ likely Christian status. Athanasia, P.Berl.Zill.12 In P.Berl.Zill.12, Athanasia opens her letter with prayer for her mother, ‘I pray to the Lord our God HX>FRPDLWZ NXULYZK-PZ Q THZ  that you be healthy and well’, ll.3f. Athanasia uses the commonly paired infinitives R-ORNOKUHL Q NDL X-JLDLYQHLQas a variation of the conventional formula. The title R-NXYULRK-PZ Q THRY with the plural possessive pronoun confirms the assumption that prayer statements indicate shared belief that renders the statement meaningful. The phrase establishes a consciously personal relationship between Athanasia, her recipients and God, which provides the context for her prayer. Athanasia closes with the standard ‘I pray you be well HMUUZ VTDLY VH HX>FRPDL’, l.20, with the common variation, the vocative of the person, ‘NXULYD•PRX PK WHU my lady mother’.

20

On use of religious names, Bagnall (1982) 107; (1987a) 243; Wipszycka (1986) 173; Horsley (1987). 21 P.Oxy.7.1022 (103) is a list of recruits whose ages are given as 20–25 years. See Watson (1969, 1985) 42.

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Athanasia alone of the Christian women writers gives thanks for God’s action: ‘we give thanks HXMFDULVWRX PHQ to the Lord our God that he has kept us until now’, ll.7f. The identity of ‘we’ is unknown. It may be an example of the varied singular and plural forms throughout the letter. It is unlikely to include the recipients, since Athanasia has just urged them not to be anxious, l.6, anxiety rather than thanksgiving being their current disposition. Thanksgiving is a central response to God in the NT and is particularly associated with the doctrine of providence, the context of Athanasia’s thanksgiving. Athanasia’s belief in God’s providential care is confirmed in her mind by her experience and indicates, with the sense of personal relationship, the framework within which she prays. Whether God’s keeping has occurred as a result of prayer is not stated. Tare, P.Bour.25 Tare opens her letter, P.Bour.25, with a common variation of the standard formula, ‘I pray to God HX>FRPDLWZ TH Z that you receive the letter from me well and in good cheer X--JLDLYQRXVDYQNDL 22 HXMTXPRX VDQ’, ll.4–6, making the aunt’s emotional well-being as well as physical health a matter for prayer. While Tare does not indicate what cheerfulness consists in, whether an inner disposition or the result of beneficent circumstances, she holds that experience of it is open to God’s action and a suitable matter for prayer. Tare adds an emphatic ‘for this is my prayer DX^WKJDYU PRXY HMVWLQ HXMFKY’, l.6. She appears to want to convince her aunt of the genuineness of her prayer. Perhaps Tare fears that Horeina will doubt the religious substance of her prayer without the affirmation. Be this as it may, it is also likely, given the content of her letter, that Tare uses the statement to assert, and perhaps re-establish, her relationship with her aunt following her mother’s death. Tare closes her letter with a fourth-century elaboration of the regular formula, ‘the Lord keep you well HMUUZPHYQKQ VH R-NXYULR  23 GLDIXODYWWRL for a long and peaceful time’, ll.16–18 , indicating her belief in God’s providential care, and the conviction that providence can be directed through prayer. The use of the optative 22

HXMTXPHL Q Jas 5:13; in pagan texts, eg P.Fouad 80 (C4); P.Herm.5 (C4); in Christian texts, eg P.Oxy.14.1683 (C4); 56.3860 (C4). 23 For another example, P.Abinn.28 (C4); also Tibiletti (1979) 64f.

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in statements of prayer is less frequent than the imperative in this 24 period, but increases in the fourth century . It appears to be a linguistic convention without particular significance; that is, it does not signal a lack of confidence in prayer. Artemis, P.Grenf.1.53 In P.Grenf.1.53, Artemis’ opening prayer, ‘I pray to the Lord God HX>FRPDLWZ NXULYZTHZ that we receive you back well R^SZ R-ORNOKURX QWDYVH DMSRODYEZPHQ’, ll.3–5,is an unusual form of what 25 is a common variation of the conventional formula  adapting its construction to suit her purpose. Theodoros is a soldier away from home. Artemis prays for health and protection until his return. Most probably the children and Allous who greet Theodoros later constitute the ‘we’. Artemis’ shift from singular HX>FRPDLto plural DMSRODYEZPHQ serves to exclude the ‘we’ from the act of praying. The singular HX>FRPDL may simply reflect the conventional word but the unusual formulation and the shift are suggestive either of Artemis’ private prayer practice and/or that this prayer is offered during the act of dictation. Artemis prays again for Theodoros using the common closing prayer, ‘I pray you be well HMUUZ VTDLYVH HX>FRPDL’, ll.7f. The prayer is unusual, though not unique, in occurring in the body of the letter. 26

Artemis’ letter to Sarapion, a fellow-Christian , contains no greeting or prayer for him. The absence of both greeting and prayer cannot be explained by supposing this to be a quoted rather than embedded letter and is too marked to be without significance. Their absence may be due to the anger which Artemis makes evident. If so, her silence supports the hypothesis that statements of prayer function to express relationship, and in this case the absence of prayer expresses broken relationship. Valeria, P.Lond.6.1926 Valeria’s letter to Appa Paphnouthios, P.Lond.6.1926, contains numerous references to prayer but little about Valeria’s own practice. Most references relate to her request for Appa 24

Moulton and Turner (1906, 1976) 3.120; Mandilaras (1973) §604, 272f. Common variations, HX>FRPDLR-ORYNOKURQ DMSRODEHL Q; R^SZ R-ORYNOKUR DMSRODYEK[letters], eg P.Mich.3.219 (297); P.Oxy.14.1773 (C3); P.Bour.25 (C4). 26 See 32 above. 25

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Paphnouthios’ prayers and indicate her elevated view of ascetic piety. Valeria does not open her letter with prayer for Paphnouthios but with her urgent request for his prayers, ‘I ask and beseech DM[LZ

NDLSDUDNDOZ you … that you request DLMWKYVKfor me’ ll.5f. She refers to her own prayer in the body of the text, ‘I pray to God, I pray also to you GHYRPDL WZ THZ  GHYRPDLNDLYVRL, remember me in your holy prayer SURVHXFK ’, ll.15–17. Both Paphnouthios and God are the recipients of Valeria’s prayer. The unusual expression suggests that Valeria’s prayers to God have the same beseeching character, driven by need, as marks her approach to Paphnouthios. It suggests further the effectiveness that Valeria attributes to Paphnouthios’ prayers and the exalted estimation she has of his person. Valeria makes a final statement of prayer using a common variation of the standard closing formula, ‘I pray you be well most honoured father HMUUZ VTDLYVH HX>FRPDL WLPLZYWDWH SDYWHU’, ll.26f. Valeria asks Appa Paphnouthios, ‘request for me before Christ DLMWKYVK PRLSDUDWZ &ULVWZ that I may receive healing’, l.7. 27 Prayer to Christ is rare in the papyri . It does not occur in the NT 28 but appears in liturgical texts . Valeria is explicit about what she wants, a miraculous physical cure for her breathing illness. She believes this is possible through Paphnouthios’ prayer: ‘thus I believe SLVWHXYZ that through your prayers I receive healing’, ll.8f; ‘thus I have believed, and believe SHSLYVWHXNDNDLSLVWHXYZ, that if you pray for me I receive healing’, ll.13–15; ‘for by those practising and observant of religious discipline revelations are shown’, ll.9–11. Valeria’s need to reiterate her confidence in Paphnouthios’ prayer speaks of a lack of confidence in her own, even as it increases the burden of Paphnouthios’ obligation to pray. Valeria also asks Paphnouthios, ‘remember PQKYVTKWL them (her daughters) in your holy prayer’, ll.21f, but she does not indicate what he is to pray. Most probably she intends a general ‘doing good’ on God’s part. Her request is in contrast to the specificity of the appeal for herself. Similarly she asks Paphnouthios, ‘pray HX>FRX for him (her husband)’, l.24. These imperatival statements continue the insistent tone of Valeria’s requests and provide further 27

P.Lond.6.1925; 1928; SB 6.9605 at 223f below; P.Oxy.8.1161 at 135 below. Eg Patrologia Orientalis 4/2, 207–209 (250–350) in Lodi (1979) no.309. Pliny the Younger, Letter 96.7. 28

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evidence for her confidence in Paphnouthios’ prayer. Where prayer for others is frequent29 in the papyri and requests for prayer for 30 oneself are infrequent , requests for prayer for others are rare and Valeria emerges as one of the few to make such a request. Valeria’s reticence in relation to God contrasts with the assertiveness of her requests to Paphnouthios. It is argued that Valeria’s phrase ‘my whole household’, l.25f, indicates that she is a 31 woman of wealth accustomed to authority and responsibility in which case her lack of confidence is anomalous. However, Valeria’s timidity in her prayer is likely to be due to her status as an ‘ordinary’ Christian in contrast to the ascetic Paphnouthios who is ‘practising and observant of religious discipline’ and who receives ‘revelations’, ll.9–11. Her gender may also be a factor. Taouak, P.Neph.18 In P.Neph.18, Taouak opens her letter with a variation of a conventional formula, ‘I pray in my prayers HX>FRPDL HMQ WDL  SURVHXFDL PRX that you are well X-JLDLYQRQWD … and of good cheer HXMTXPRX QWD …’, ll.5–9. ‘I pray in my prayers’ is not 32 attested elsewhere in the papyri and appears as an emphatic device to stress Taouak’s genuineness and the strength of her relationship with people who are treasures of God with her, one of whom she describes as ‘beloved DMJDSKWKY’, and whose compliance she wishes to gain. Her assertion also implies that she believes in the effectiveness of prayer in general and her prayers in particular. Her confidence is consistent with her other statements on spiritual matters: her quasi-prophetic blessing, ‘you will see God’, ll.25f, and her assertion, ‘for we are God’s treasure’, ll.26f. Taouak’s prayer gives both physical and emotional well-being as arenas for God’s activity and potential subjects of prayer. The letter closes with a greeting which is substantially lost, HMUU[, l.28, and may have been the simple ‘farewell H>UUZVTH’, the conventional ‘I pray you be well HMUUZ VTDL X-PD HX>FRPDL’, or a variation.

29

Eg this text; P.Lond.6.1928; P.Neph.1, 4, 9, 10; P.Herm.8, 9. But eg Paul asks prayer for his children, P.Neph.4.11–13; 9.12–14. 31 Bell (1924) 108. 32 From a search of the DDBDP using both HXMFKYand SURVHXFKY. 30

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Anonyme, P.Oxy.8.1161 Anonyme’s fragmentary letter, P.Oxy.8.1161, begins with a statement about God in the dative, ‘… and to our good Saviour DMJDTZ  K-PZ Q VZWK UL and to his beloved KMJDSKPHYQZSon’ ll.2–4, followed by ‘that they all may help ERKTKYVZVLQ our body, soul and spirit’, ll.4–7. This is almost certainly a prayer addressed to two persons of the Christian Trinity whether the surviving phrase is an appositional construction or not. Prayer addressed to the Son alone or in conjunction with God is rare in the papyri though regular in 33 liturgical texts and signals that Anonyme is a Christian woman familiar with institutional forms of Christian prayer and theological formulation. The construction and vocabulary do not follow the standard pattern of opening prayer formulae suggesting this may occur in the body of the text. If it is an opening prayer, the form is unusual again in that Anonyme uses ‘our K-PZ Q’, and so includes herself and perhaps ‘all those here’ mentioned in the left margin, along with the addressees, in the prayer. Anonyme prays that God and his Son ‘may help’, l.5. She does not indicate to her readers or God the kind of help she seeks, although physical and spiritual dimensions are named. The context for the prayer is her illness to which she refers five times in thirteen lines, and which makes physical healing an implicit priority. However, the trichotomy indicates that Anonyme seeks an experience of God that touches every aspect of her and her addressees’ being and that she regards all aspects as susceptible to God’s action and suitable 34 subjects of prayer. In this she follows NT models . Anonyme’s use 35 of ERKTHYZ recalling gospel stories of appeals for help from Jesus , suggests that her prayer may be formulated with them as a model. In her prayer, Anonyme places herself in the position of the gospel characters in calling on God and Christ to help. Didyme and the Sisters, SB 8.9746, P.Oxy.14.1774 In SB 8.9746 Didyme and the sisters omit an opening prayer for Sophias, opting rather to write a second greeting,ll.3f. The use of a 33

See 94f above. DDBDP attests no other examples of prayer to Jesus to 400. But see SB 6.9605 for prayer to the providence of Jesus Christ at 223 below. 34 Eg Eph 1:15–19; Phil 1:9–11; 1Clem 59:3. 35 See 77 above.

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greeting in the place where prayer might be expected suggests that the greeting and prayer fulfil, at least in part, the same function. Didyme and the sisters close the letter in prayer, ‘(I pray) you be well in the Lord, the Lord keep you for us’ HMUUZ VTDLY VHHMQ NXULY Z R-NXYULRY VH GLDIXODY[DLK-PL Q, ll.34f. The prayer formula is unusual, combining two constructions. The first varies the standard by omitting HX>FRPDLand adding the theological affirmation HMQNXULY ZThe seconduses the infinitive GLDIXODY[DL as an imperative God’s providential care is secured for others through prayer. Didyme and the sisters open P.Oxy.14.1774 also with a second greeting, ‘first it is necessary to salute you’, l.4f, however, adding, ‘praying that you are well for us HXMFRYPHQDLX-JLDLYQHLQVH K-PL Q’, l.5. The inclusion of prayer in this letter where it was omitted in SB 8.9746 and its unusual form suggest a deliberate rather than conventional statement. (XMFRYPHQDL(pl) may reflect a deliberate inclusion of the sisters in the offering of the prayer, raising the possibility of a corporate exercise, but the frequent shifts between singular and plural forms in both letters, common in the papyri, make any significance uncertain. The papyrus is broken at the point where a closing prayer might occur. Aria, SB 14.11588 Aria in SB 14.11588 does not pray to God for Dorotheos but to divine providence: ‘I pray to the divine providence which is with God HX>FRPDL WK THLYDSURQRLYD SDUD WZ THZ  that the letter from me be given to you with you healthy and well X-JLDLYQRQWLNDL R-ORNOKURX QWL’, ll.3–6. Prayer to divine providence occurs in fourteen third- and fourth-century texts, of which six are certainly 36 Christian . Itoccurs most frequently in the closing prayer formulae of private letters, commonly in third-person imperatival commands seeking divine protection for the addressee and representing a shift 37 from the pagan ‘blind fate’ of HXMWXFLYD/WXYFK . In Aria’s letter, the 38 phrase is oddly qualified by SDUD WZ THZ  Its purpose is unclear but, intended or not, it strengthens the ‘orthodoxy’ of the formula in that Christian prayer is normally addressed to God, not to God’s 36

Eg P.Oxy.46.3314; P.Lond.3.982; SB 6.9605 (all C4). None is certainly pagan. Eg P.Lond.6.1929; P.Abinn.12; 28; P.Neph.1, 14, 17 (all C4). 38 But see also P.Oxy.17.2156 (C4/5), WK THLYDWRX THRX SURQRLYDHX>FRPHQR 37

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attributes or functions. The effect of the formulation is to emphasise the providential aspect of God’s nature which can be directed according to a pray-er’s wish and provides the context for prayer. The effect of the formulation is also to distance Aria slightly from direct address to God, suggesting perhaps that God is not to be approached. The content of Aria’s prayer again is the addressee’s health, using the frequent double description X-JLDLYQZ and R-ORNOKUHYZhealthy and well). There is no closing prayer. Aria prays for Dorotheos even though she charges him with neglect. The prayer may function to confirm Aria’s relationship of maternal care for Dorotheos and be intended to provoke a filial response from him, particularly his sense of duty in relation to her need of expenses, her commercial difficulties and the orphan. Allous, SB 14.11881 As with Didyme and the sisters, SB 8.9746, Allous in SB 14.11881 opens her letter not with prayer but with a second greeting, ‘having found … a letter-bearer, I salute your motherly disposition’, ll.4–7. Allous’ practice provides a further example in support of the proposal that opening prayer in letters has a role in expressing and maintaining relationship. The standard prayer formula closes the letter, ‘I pray you be well HMUUZ VTDLYVH HX>FRPDL’, l.31. Tapiam and Paul, P.Neph.1 Tapiam and Paul’s letter, P.Neph.1, to Ophellios and the brothers contains multiple references to prayer, their own prayer and requests for prayer from the brothers. Tapiam and Paul open the letter, ‘we pray night and day HXMFRYPHTD QXNWR NDLK-PHYUD’, ll.4f, for the brothers. They imply that their practice is consistent with the NT ideal of continuous, that is, 39 regular prayer . The statement hints at regular prayer as a couple, possibly as a family. While the frequency of prayer is unknown, ‘night and day’, as well as being formulaic, suggests a morning and evening practice. The phrase expresses not only a committed prayer practice in general but a committed intercession for the brothers in particular. It functions also to articulate a strong relationship with the brothers. The focus of their prayer is the brothers’ health 39

See 77f above.

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(X-JLDLYQRXVL, HMUUZPHYQRX) ll.4, 31, ‘in soul and body’ll.4f, 31 . The phrase demonstrates the belief encountered in other letters that both the spiritual and physical dimensions of the human person are susceptible to God’s action and can be affected through prayer. The sense of X-JLDLYQZ as ‘being in a state of salvation’ is probably intended here in relation to ‘soul \XFKY’ as physical health is desired for ‘the body WRVZ PD’. 40

Tapiam and Paul refer to their own prayer a second time: ‘we pray/wish HXMFRYPHTD to die in our own home and we wish THYORPHQ to be released from the hardship of the world near our own people’, 41 ll.15–18 . (XMFRYPHTDand THYORPHQ are parallel, suggesting HX>FRPDL may have its other regular meaning, ‘wish’. However, in such an overtly Christian letter, and with Tapiam and Paul having used HX>FRPDL, l.12, and HXMFKY, l.14, of ‘prayer’, it is unlikely that HX>FRPHTD in l.16 has no ‘prayer’ connotation. Rather it suggests the overlap of the concepts of wishing-before-God and praying. Concern for home, family and community is a recurrent theme in both Christian and pagan papyri and is frequently expressed as 42 prayer . The fear of dying alone and in a foreign place, however, is 43 not common in the papyri and infrequent as a matter for prayer . Tapiam and Paul close their letter with ‘the divine providence keep you well HMUUZPHYQRXX-PD K-THLYD SURYQRLD IXODYWWRL’, written perpendicular to the main text. Closing prayer to divine providence is more frequent than opening prayer and occurs generally with IXODYVVZ or GLDIXODYVVZ either in the imperative or, as here, in the 44 optative. It appears from the fourth century . There is a certain conventionality in the phrase with either mood so that no particular meaning can be inferred from the use of the optative. Tapiam and Paul make two prayer requests of the brothers. They ask that the brothers ‘remember PQKPRQHXYVKWHto name’, l.8, them in their prayers. It appears to be a general request for God’s 40

Similarly P.Neph.2.10–13; 5.23–26; 7.12f. Also, L^QDK-PL QR-THRWRWHYORHMQWRL LMGLYRL FDULYVKWDLP.Neph.4.14f 42 Eg SB 3.6263 (C2); P.Bour.25 (C4); see Winter (1933) 48; Rowlandson (1998) 84–95. 43 Eg PSI 10.1161; P.Bour.25 (both C4). 44 BGU 3.984; P.Abinn.8; 19; 28; P.Lond.6.1929; P.Neph.5; 7 (all C4). 41

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45

blessing and providential care . The second request is that the brothers ‘pray HX>[DVTH for our health R-ORNOKULYD’, l.11f, the context providing both reasons and obligation: Tapiam’s statement that she is ill, using the strong HMQRYVKVD, l.10; a reminder to the brothers that their prayers were effective in healing Tapiam and Paul’s children; and a reminder that their prayers, as ascetics, enjoy favoured status with God. The requests give little insight into Tapiam’s own practice of prayer but insight into her beliefs about prayer, healing and asceticism. Her experience of prayer’s potency provides a basis for her and Paul’s practice ‘day and night’. CONCLUSION This examination of the practice of prayer by Christian women leads to a number of conclusions concerning the subject matter of their prayers, the women’s personal practice and their confidence in prayer. It also suggests different possibilities for the function of prayer in their letters and points to developments in epistolography. The evidence of the women’s letters consistently suggests that their prayer statements function as more than prayer, having a role in expressing, maintaining and ordering relationships. x

In BGU 3.948 Kophaena’s prayer confirms her maternal relationship with her neglectful son. Its elevated tone suits an intention to establish her status and dignity which then become the basis for her requests for help.

x

Athanasia in P.Berl.Zill.12 prays ‘to the Lord our God’l.3, the first-person plural pronoun immediately establishing a bond with the mothers, evoking their mutual relationship with God.

x

Tare in P.Bour.25 adds an emphatic ‘for this is my prayer’Y, l.6. It stresses the genuineness of the prayer, and thereby the genuineness of the relationship with her aunt. It strengthens the call to family connection and the likelihood of eliciting help.

x

Artemis in P.Grenf.1.53 greets and prays for her husband but omits both greeting and prayer for Sarapion, reflecting their broken relationship.

45

Similarly P.Lond.6.1923; Rom 1:9; 2Tim 1:3. 

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x

Taouak in P.Neph.18 stresses the fact of her prayers in ‘I pray in my prayers’, l.6, so adverting to a level of relationship with, and commitment to, Eudaimon and Apia in which the help she needs and the compliance she wants can be expected.

x

Tapiam and Paul in P.Neph.1 refer to their prayer ‘night and day’ ll.4f, for the brothers, indicating concern for and commitment to the brothers and providing the relational context for their requests for prayer and material help.

x

Aria in SB 14.11588 affirms through her statement of prayer her relationship with her son, Dorotheos, and her care despite his neglect. The relationship is the basis for her requests.

x

Didyme and the sisters, SB 8.9746, and Allous, SB 14.11881, in the position where an opening prayer might be expected, give instead a second greeting. In P.Oxy.14.1774, Didyme and the sisters add prayer to the second greeting.

This evidence supports the proposal that opening prayer has a relational function alongside its religious intention. It serves to (re-) establish or confirm the relationship between the writer and addressee which provides the context for the matters that follow. The constructions of Didyme and the sisters’ letters and Allous’ letter make explicit the relational function of prayer that is implicit in the other women’s letters. However, while there may be an overlap in function, it is too large a conjectural leap to conclude that prayer and greeting are equivalents. Reference to prayer adds a religious dimension to the women’s caring and communicates a constant care despite the addressee’s absence or neglect that is otherwise not possible. The second conclusion concerns the subject matter of the women’s 46 47 48 prayers. The subjects include health , happiness , healing , divine 49 50 51 protection , peace , death at home and unspecified prayer for 46

BGU 3.948; P.Abinn.34; P.Berl.Zill.12; P.Bour.25; P.Grenf.1.53; P.Lond. 6.1926; P.Neph.1; 18; P.Oxy.8.1161; 14.1774; SB 8.9746; 14.11588; 14.11881. 47 P.Bour.25; P.Neph.18. 48 P.Lond.6.1926; P.Neph.1; P.Oxy.8.1161. 49 P.Berl.Zill.12; P.Bour.25; SB 8.9746. 50 P.Bour.25. 51 P.Neph.1.

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52

general blessing , that is, subjects limited in scope to the highly personalised areas of health and individual well-being. Prayers articulated in the NT suggest both a more narrowly 53 spiritual focus to their content and also a broader range of topics 54 including the strategic, social and political , a pattern repeated in 55 early liturgies . At the same time the NT encourages prayer about 56 anything, especially any source of anxiety . No doubt health and well-being were pressing issues in the ancient world, and, while the situation would have been the same for the writers of the NT letters, the NT letters are less personally focussed. Also missing from the women’s prayers are the language and concerns of the Lord’s Prayer, although independent copies of it are known to have 57 circulated widely . 58

Health is the most frequent subject of prayer in the letters . The thirteen texts mentioning prayer all include prayer for the health of their addressees. In addition three women request prayer for health 59 for themselves . Health occurs as at least part of the content of all the opening prayers, and the expression of the prayer for health and accompanying greetings can be the sole reason for writing a letter. A health emphasis can be expected in the private letters of the papyri given their focus on family and friendship. Prayers about many of the other matters to which the letters refer – business affairs, crops, needs, travel and conflict – do not occur nor do prayers for spiritual aspirations. It may be that health, well-being and protection are the only subjects conventionally sanctioned for written expression. If other subjects were actual matters for prayer among Christian women, including the wider issues of political and community concern, they are not formulated in these papyri. Christian men, at least in their letters to women, display the same 52

P.Lond.6.1926. Eg Eph 1:15–20; Phil 1:9–11; Col 1:9–12; 1Clem 59–60; 74; these occur in Coptic Manichean letters, eg P.Kell.5.Copt.29; 32. 54 Rom 16:30–32; Eph 6:18–20; 2Thes 3:1f; 1Tim 2:1ff; 1Clem 59:4; 61. 55 Eg Sacramentarium Serapionis in Lodi (1979) nos 551–586. 56 Phil 4:6. 57 Eg P.Ant.2.54 (C3); P.Oxy.3.407 (3/4); PGM 2.04 (C4); PSI 6.719 (C4/5). 58 See also Tibiletti (1979) 47f. 59 P.Lond.6.1926; P.Oxy.8.1161; P.Neph.1. 53

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pattern. Greek magical papyri similarly focus on the highly personal, that is, relationship, health, and protection of people and property. A dissimilarity is that vengeance, common in magical texts, does not appear in the women’s prayers. A personalised focus also occurs in pagan letters although the economic and social spheres do appear in statements for example that relate the divine to the Nile flood, crops and natural disasters, and that associate the divine and the cult with government and justice. The third conclusion concerns the formulation of the women’s prayers. Personal prayer can be expected to reveal people’s most deeply held and actual conceptions of God. The women’s prayer formulae tend not to use specifically Christian terms. The women do not pray to God as Father with the possible exception of Anonyme in P.Oxy.8.1161, or as Creator, or invoke God as the source of grace, peace, compassion, comfort, hope etc., 60 following the pattern of the NT prayers and extant contemporary 61 62 liturgical prayer . They do not allude to God as Trinity , invoke 63 the Spirit , or pray to God through Christ, while such formulations 64 are evident in liturgical texts . Names of God appear in the opening prayers of six letters, in only two of which is the reference explicitly Christian, with a third 65 indicating biblical/liturgical influence . Only in P.Lond.6.1926 is a request made ‘before Christ SDUDWZ &ULVWZ ’. The element of 66 praise, frequent in liturgical texts , is absent in all but Athanasia’s thanksgiving in P.Berl.Zill.12.

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Rom 15:13; 2Cor 1:3; 2Thes 3:16; 1Clem 60; 61; 64. God is ‘Father’, holy, immortal, source of light, life etc., eg BKT 6.6.1 (C3); P.Amst.1.20 (C3/4); P.Kiseliff (C3/4); Patrologia Orientalis 4/2, 207–209 (250– 350) and Sacramentarium Serapionis, in Lodi (1979) nos 309, 551 respectively. 62 Eg P.Oxy.15.1786 (C3); P.Nessana (C4) in Lodi (1979) no.641; Patrologia Orientalis 18, 442–443 (C4) in Lodi (1979) no.645; frequent in Sacramentarium Serapionis in Lodi (1979); Liturgy of St Mark, 48, 49, 50 etc. 63 Sacramentarium Serapionis, in Lodi (1979) no.551; Liturgy of St Mark 49. 64 P.Würzb.3 (C3); Liturgy of St Mark, 49. See also 1Clem 61:3; BKT 6.6.1 (C3). 65 Explicitly Christian: P.Berl.Zill.12; P.Oxy.8.1161; biblical/liturgical, BGU 3.948 Other names: P.Grenf.1.53; P.Bour.25; SB 14.11588 See 90–95 above. 66 BKT 6.6.1 (C3); P.Würzb.3 (C3); P.Bodmer 12 (C3/4); P.Mich.inv.6427 (C4). 61

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This finding indicates that in prayer as portrayed in their letters, the women tend not to articulate their relationship with God in strongly Christian terms derived from the NT and Christian liturgy. Their forms of prayer and names of God with few exceptions are identical to those of their general social milieu and the conventions of epistolography. This gives rise to a number of explanatory possibilities. It is likely that different registers of language in relation to prayer operate 67 depending on context . The formal and more elaborate namings of God and subjects for prayer in liturgical and scriptural texts are not those which find expression necessarily in personal, intimate prayers written in the context of letters to family and friends where more private concerns and unelaborated ‘personal’ names can be expected. Pagan and Christian vocabulary for God is identical at its most simple. A Christian understanding of God and framework for prayer is consistent with the language the women use but is not explicit in the private epistolary context. The lack of Christian distinctiveness may point to a corresponding lack of a distinctly Christian theology on the women’s part. However in support of a Christian understanding is the evidence for 68 the process of identification that the women’s prayers contain . Appeals to Jesus for help and healing in the gospels provide the models for the prayers and requests for prayer and help, in particular of Valeria in P.Lond.6.1926, Tapiam in P.Neph.1, Anonyme in P.Oxy.8.1161 and the mother in SB 18.13612. Further, support for a general biblical and liturgical framework is evident in the significant lack of proskynema and abaskanta formulae in any of the women’s texts. The name of God is generally omitted from the closing prayers of the women’s letters, the pattern in both pagan and Christian texts. The women’s closing prayers also contain the most formulaic of their prayers with two examples of the standard closing prayer 69 formula and three examples of its use with the person’s name in 70 the vocative . The formulaic nature of these statements suggests 67

Butt et al. (2009). See 100 above. 69 HMUUZ VTDLY VHHX>FRPDLP.Grenf.1.53; SB 14.11881. 70 P.Abinn.34; P.Berl.Zill.12; P.Lond.6.1926. 68

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that they may be the work of the scribe, lacking as they do the variety and individuality of every opening prayer. If this is the case, it may be that in some instances at least, dictation ceases before the closing prayer statement and farewell, to be completed by the scribe or passed to a literate author for greeting and subscription. The finding would be consistent with the suggestion that literate 71 authors subscribe their letters . The possibilities are speculative but provide an explanation for the greater frequency of formulaic expressions in the women’s texts at this point. A fourth conclusion concerns convention and the women’s prayers. The inclusion of the opening prayer in some texts, its omission in others and its possible replacement with a greeting in some confirm among the women’s texts the decline in use of the religious formulae ‘before all things I pray SURSDYQWZQ HX>FRPDL’ and ‘I pray you be well HMUUZ VTDLYVH HX>FRPDL’ that becomes increasingly evident in the late fourth/early fifth century. This pattern affirms that there is a conventional element to the inclusion of prayer in letters. Nonetheless in eleven of the thirteen letters that include prayer, the formulations suggest, with varying degrees of certainty, that the prayers express genuine religious sentiment and that the women actively practise praying. x

Kophaena in BGU 3.948, Valeria in P.Lond.6.1926 and Anonyme in P.Oxy.8.1161 use titles for God that reflect liturgical and/or biblical influence and make practice likely.

x

Tare in P.Bour.25 and Taouak in P.Neph.18 emphasise the fact of their praying.

x

Athanasia, P.Berl.Zill.12, and Tapiam, P.Neph.1, use multiple references to prayer suggesting it is part of their practice.

x

Other women’s various elaborations of basic prayer formulae, Artemis in P.Grenf.1.53, Didyme and the sisters in SB 8.9746 and P.Oxy.14.1774, and Aria in SB 14.11588, point to choice in language and the intention to express practice.

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See 7 above.

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The mother in P.Abinn.34 and Allous in SB 14.11881 use only the standard closing prayer formula. Nothing further is known about their practice. They do, however, choose to close their letters with a religious statement of farewell. It is clear from the formulae for the women’s prayer statements that conventions in expression operate in their texts. The degree of scribal influence on the mode of expression of the women’s prayers is difficult to determine but it is notable that standard prayer formulae, such as might be expected were the prayer statements the sole work of a scribe, occur in only two texts. The variety in the modes of expression remains the strongest argument for the prayers being statements of the women’s own composition expressing their religious conviction and practice. A fifth conclusion focuses on confidence in prayer among the women who pray. Prayer is an exercise of agency in spiritual matters on behalf of others and for oneself. It is significant that most of the women pray without any evident sense of incapacity because of their gender. This is not specifically Christian. It is noteworthy that the confidence of the women, however, stands in various degrees of tension with their sense of competency in matters of ordinary life. For some of the women, Anonyme in P.Berl.Zill.12 and Didyme and the sisters in SB 8.9746 and P.Oxy.14.1774, their confidence in prayer and their ordinary activity appear to be consistent. For some of the women, their confidence in prayer is in tension with evidence of reticence, uncertainty and powerlessness in aspects of everyday life. x

In BGU 3.948 Kophaena stands in an uncomfortable relationship of dependence on the uncaring Theodoulos.

x

Tare in P.Bour.25 finds herself unable to form supportive relationships in Apameia.

x

Artemis in P.Grenf.1.53 speaks of powerlessness in the face of charges of misconduct.

x

Taouak in P.Neph.18 experiences disadvantage due to her gender in business activities, although she still conducts business.

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Aria in SB 14.11588 reports her inability successfully to achieve her activities or garner Dorotheos’ support.

Nonetheless all five women pray, and Taouak especially, in announcing God’s blessing, displays boldness in spiritual matters. Each letter, and the prayer within it, is a strongly assertive act in relation to its addressees. The tension that emerges among the different aspects of the women’s lives illustrates the complexity of women’s experience of power and powerlessness. Valeria’s lack of confidence in prayer contrasts with the confidence of the other women and differs sharply from the assertiveness of her approach to Paphnouthios and from her confidence in his prayers. Questions arise. Does Valeria feel the need of a mediator whose prayers she is confident God will hear while God may not hear her own? Is it important that the mediator be a male and/or an ascetic? Letters to ascetics requesting prayer for healing in the fourth century occur in three texts in addition to Valeria’s: P.Lond.6.1928 from Heraclides to Paphnouthios; P.Neph.1 from Tapiam and Paul to Ophellios and the brothers; and P.Neph.10 from Horion to Nepheros. Two further texts contain requests for prayer for other matters: P.Herm.8 from the son of Abraham to Apa Johannes; and P.Herm.9 from Chaeremon to Apa Johannes. The letters show different levels of spiritual dependence and confidence. x

Tapiam and Paul refer to their own prayers with no sense that the brothers’ intercessions are a substitute for their own but the brothers’ prayers are more likely to be heard and be effective.

x

Heraclides’ trust, like Valeria’s, is ultimately in Christ but immediately in Paphnouthios. Heraclides, unlike Valeria, prays for Paphnouthios’ health, asserting some mutuality.

x

Horion, like Valeria, displays a high dependence on Nepheros’ prayers. He asserts mutuality in the material realm, offering to acquire whatever Nepheros needs.

x

The son of Abraham expresses trust in, and dependence on, Apa Johannes’ prayer but also prays for him.

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Chaeremon, like Valeria, expresses dependence on and an immediate trust in Apa Johannes’ spiritual power. He does not refer to his own prayer or pray for Apa Johannes. He does, however, call Johannes ‘lord my father’ and ‘lord my brother’.

This sample of letters is too small to allow firm conclusions but their evidence is suggestive. There appears little difference between the men and Valeria in their belief in the effectiveness of the ascetics’ prayers and their dependence on them. The male writers differ among themselves in the confidence, or lack of it, that they express about their own prayer in a way that suggests personality rather than gender is determinative. The common relative lack of confidence in prayer in contrast to their confidence in the ascetics’ prayer appears, therefore, to arise from the women’s and men’s status as ordinary lay-people. This may be the beginning of the trend in later centuries for Christians to consider God distant and to turn to intermediaries, to saints and martyrs, for everyday 72 assistance .

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Eg Augustine’s preaching indicates such a trend, Augustine, City of God 6.1; Enarrationes in Psalmos 26.2.19; 34.1.7; 40.3. See also Derda and Lajtar (1994); MacMullen (1997) 121.

INTERACTIONS WITH CLERGY, ASCETICS AND THE CHURCH Interactions with clergy, ascetics and the church occur in 15 of the 26 texts written by Christian women. INTERACTIONS WITH CLERGY Five of the women’s texts refer to clergy. Each is examined in turn. Artemis, P.Grenf.1.53 Artemis remonstrates with Sarapion about his daughters’ demand for husbands, l.25, and their sexual misconduct which she labels harlotry, l.28. She then calls on Sarapion to confirm her story with ‘the presbyters of the church WRX SUHVEXWHYURX WK  HMNNOKVLYD’, ll.22f. Artemis casts them as figures of authority recognised for their trustworthiness, the first line of appeal in a serious matter of conflict. She expects Sarapion and implicitly her husband, Theodoros, to respect them and defer to their opinion. It is likely that, along with the gravitas of a clerical position, there is a gendered dimension to Artemis’ appeal. The presbyters’ maleness, their stability and reliability according to the constructs of gender in ancient society, are factors which make it more likely that they will convince Sarapion. By that construct Artemis, as a woman, is inherently less reliable and trustworthy, sexually and in terms of 1 truthfulness . The obscure exchange in the letter about birth status confirms the implication. Artemis expects the presbyters to support her story and speaks of them as authorities she knows and who know her. Implicit is a pastoral relationship within the faith community. The daughters’ demand for husbands occurs in the presence of the presbyters, hence their role as witnesses. It raises the possibility 1

The contemporary male view finds regular expression: eg ‘… these women (ie subintroductae) make [men] softer, more hot-headed, shameful, mindless, irascible, insolent, importunate, ignoble, crude, servile, niggardly, reckless, nonsensical, and, to sum it up, the women take all their corrupting feminine customs and stamp them into the souls of these men’, Chrysostom, Instruction and Refutation 11. Wilken (1984) notes the view of women as unreliable among apologists and critics of Christianity. P.Oxy.17.2073 (C4) is a homily against women. See also P.Oxy.13.1603. Also Epp (2004) 41f.

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that the presbyters have a role in arranging Christian marriages for their community but this is the only papyrus from this period hinting at the practice. Other papyri indicate presbyters have a role 2 as mediators in marital conflict . The plural RL- SUHVEXYWHURLis noteworthy, evidence in this period of the adoption in the Egyptian church of the patterns of leadership in 3 the NT churches where multiple presbyters lead a congregation . Marsis, P.Kell.1.Gr.32 Jacob, ‘the reader of the catholic church DMQDJQZYVWK NDTROLNK  HMNNOKVLYD’, l.21, signs a lease for Aurelia Marsis since she is illiterate, ll.22f. The description of Jacob indicates that being reader 5 is his occupation . Readers appear frequently in the third- and fourth-century papyri, not always associated with the church but in 6 secular, for example legal, contexts . The explanatory NDTROLNK  HMNNOKVLYD establishes Jacob as an ecclesial reader, a minor order of 7 clergy and, in Egypt, not ordained . Jacob retains the civil status marker ‘Aurelius’ which comes to be omitted by clergy in later 8 centuries . It is interesting that Jacob is son of a presbyter ($XUKYOLR ,DNZE%KYVLR SUHVEXWHYURX ), ll.20f, and raises the possibilities that Jacob works with/for his father, and that ministry like other occupations is inherited. However, there is no other example, and a single text can only be suggestive. There is no 9 indication of Jacob’s age . Marsis uses Jacob for his literacy in a way many women use a male relative. 4

2

Eg P.Oxy.6.903; also the role of bishops in P.Oxy.50.3851. 1Tim 4:14; Tit 1:5. 4 Possible meanings of NDTROLNKY: i) an actual church; ii) one with a bishop’s direct oversight; iii) the local church as an expression of the universal, Wipszycka (1994b) 205–209; (1996a) 173. A combination of ii) and iii) is likely. 5 See Canons of Athanasius 58, 78; Wipszycka (1993) 194–204. 6 Church, eg P.Ant.2.93; P.Lond.6.1914; P.Neph.12 (all C4); other eg P.Oxy.24.2421; 55.3787 (both C4). See Wipszycka (1993) 195. 7 Canons of Hippolytus 7 (C4) revised from Hippolytus, Apostolic Tradition 12. Apostolic Constitutions 8.22 (C4, Syria) describe readers’ ordination. 8 Worp (2005). Worp dismisses Jacob as clergy citing Wipszycka (1993) 195. However, Wipszycka does not regard all references to readers in C4 as secular. 9 Decrees in C4 and C5 show children were appointed readers but this was not the norm. Papyri references are clearly to adults. See Wipszycka (1993) 199. 3

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Anonyme, P.Oxy.6.903 Bishops appear as judges in Anonyme’s statement against her husband Anonymos for his abuse of her and their household. Anonyme and Anonymos have attempted a marital reconciliation. Anonymos ‘swore in the presence of the bishops HMSLSDURXVLYD WZ Q HMSLVNRYSZQ and his own brothers’, l.15, to amend his behaviour. 10 The bishops play a judicial rather than pastoral role , receiving a legal undertaking from Anonymos, sworn by oath. Anonyme points to an example of the episcopalis audientia operating in a civil matter. Its function and authority are not explained but assumed as 11 a known judicial instrument . A marriage contract resultsl.17. However, Anonyme’s side of the contract, if she has obligations, is not mentioned. She clearly considers the process before the bishops legally binding and expects Anonymos to honour his oath. Whether the bishops play a passive role in hearing Anonymos’ oaths, or actively persuade Anonymos to make them and perhaps 12 Anonyme to accept them, is not stated . There is no indication who initiates the proceedings. It is unlikely to be Anonymos but may be Anonyme or Anonymos’ brothers. The reference to bishops in the plural acting in a marital dispute is unusual and the situation unclear. Monarchical episcopacy emerges 13 as the preferred structure of the church in its first centuries and descriptions of bishops as judges and mediators generally refer to 14 the bishop in the singular . The presence of more than one bishop may reflect the presence of family from a different area come with 15 their bishop, or the chance occasion of a brother bishop’s visit . It 16 is unlikely to result from ecclesiastical politics . Anonyme’s statement is not addressed but would suit preparation for the bishop’s court. This would be consistent with contemporary 10

Contra Bagnall (1993a) 195, who does not address the fact of the oath. On the episcopalis audientia, see 239f below. 12 The presbyters play an active role in P.Oxy.50.3581; see 151f below. 13 Did 15:1f (C1/2): Ignatius, To the Ephesians 1.3; To the Trallians 1.1, etc. See Lietzmann (1938, 1958) 1.143–146, 192–195, 247f; 2.58–61. 14 Didascalia Apostolorum 2.1–2.25 (IV–VIII) (C3). 15 He may be invited to act alongside, Didascalia Apostolorum 2.58 (XII). 16 Eg Melitian/catholic tensions, Hauben (2000) 329. 11

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practice and also be in line with the history of the dispute and with Anonyme’s ‘God knows WDX WDGH RL?GHQR-THRY ’, l.36. The reference to the bishops in the third rather than the second person need not argue against this proposal. The statement is not written as a petition nor is there reason to assume the presiding bishop/s would be the same as in the original hearing. Attiaena, P.Oxy.50.3581 Presbyters appear as active interventionists in Attiaena’s petition against her ex-husband Paul. Attiaena states that after Paul’s first abandonment of her ‘again he beguiled (me) through presbyters GLD SUHVEXWHYUZQ’, l.8, to re-establish the marriage. Presbyters by the 17 late fourth, early fifth century are church officials , and here are shown to play an active role in a marital negotiation, representing Paul at whose initiative they come, and persuading Attiaena to take him back. Whether the presbyters wittingly share in the beguiling is not stated, just as the reality of Paul’s deceit is uncertain. Only Attiaena’s account remains. The presbyters, however, are clearly aware of Paul’s past behaviour and it is difficult to avoid the implication of ‘again SDYOLQ’ that they have been involved in previous reconciliation/s and know the ongoing abuse. On this occasion Attiaena associates the presbyters with a written undertaking from Paul in which he acknowledges that his marriage to Attiaena is still valid and that any continuation of his illegal behaviour, l.10, will result in a penalty. Attiaena mentions no requirements of her. The reasons for the presbyters’ advocacy for Paul, beyond his request, are not stated. It may be that Paul’s wish accords with their understanding of the indissolubility of 18 marriage . It may be that, as socio-anthropological studies of Mediterranean society conclude, the presbyters’ concern for the church’s reputation focuses on the right behaviour of its female members, in this case Attiaena’s return to, and submission within, 19 her marriage . Attiaena’s submission to the presbyters and to her husband both 20 accord with biblical teaching . Her compliance, however, is not 17

The office of village elder disappears at the end of C3, Tomsin (1952) 524. Mt 19:7; 1Cor 7:10f. 19 MacDonald (1996) 150, 180, 258. 20 To officials: eg 1Pet 5:5; Did 4:1; to husbands: eg Eph 5:22–24; 1Clem 1:3. 18

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immediate. The language points to resistance and a period of 21 following previous experiences of failed beguiling reconciliation/s. Her compliance contrasts with her later assertiveness against Paul, the presbyters and the ideals of Scripture, evident in issuing a repudium and in writing this petition. Attiaena’s initial response to the presbyters identifies them as authority figures. She uses the plural SUHVEXYWHURL which, in terms of ecclesial organisation, follows the NT model of multiple presbyters in each church community. The presbyters approach Attiaena as a group, which, even if only two, carries the sense less of a pastoral visit than of a matter of church order and discipline. Demetria, Stud.Pal.20.86 This memorandum concerns Aurelia Demetria’s conflict with Eus over a land sale. The original contract had been agreed ‘in the presence of Dioskourides, presbyter of the church SUHVEXWHYURX WK  HMNNOKVLYD’, ll.7f. Dioskourides’ occupation, given as 22 presbyter, indicates that he is paid by the Christian community . The text is an example of a clerical role being recognised and used for the assumed reliability of its incumbent, here Dioskourides, as a witness. As the role becomes established, clergy increasingly appear in secular functions used by the whole village, but there is no evidence of this in the first half of the fourth century. While 23 Demetria is accepted as Christian, Eus’ belief is less certain , yet she recognises Dioskourides’ position and reliability. Demetria expects the principalis also to accept him as reliable. She claims that the ‘mediating witness’, most probably a further reference to Dioskourides, can be called to verify the truth of her claims in other matters, ll.14,16, 23. Demetria and Eus do not approach Dioskourides to settle their dispute. Certainly he lacks the legal 24 capacity to judge the conflict formally , but it suggests this dispute has gone beyond mediation.

21

SDYOLQHM[KSDYYWKVHQD>FULRX SDYOLQVXQHLVHQHYJNZ, l.8f. See 181 below. Evidence for paid clergy increases after 324, Harnack (1908, 1972) 1.474. 23 See 63 above. 24 The interpretation dated 333 of CT 1.27.1 (the original law dated 318) allows bishops to act as civil judges. Dioskourides is a presbyter. 22

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CONCLUSION This examination of Christian women’s interactions with clergy suggests the following three conclusions. The first conclusion concerns the women’s attitudes to clergy. The texts generally articulate respect for clergy. The women refer to clergy as trustworthy witnesses, advisers and mediators. Even Attiaena in P.Oxy.50.3581 does not charge the presbyters with wrongdoing despite their evident failure to protect her interests. The women’s texts imply that they are not alone in their high estimation of clergy. The appeals for confirming testimony, for example by Artemis, P.Grenf.1.53, and Demetria, Stud.Pal.20.86, rely on the fact that others, including the secular authorities, recognise the clergy’s trustworthiness. It is significant that the women appeal to clergy when their own truthfulness is questioned. The women’s accounts indicate that clergy are regarded as figures with authority. Women submit to clergy in obedience. It is noteworthy, however, that Anonyme in P.Oxy.6.903 and Attiaena in P.Oxy.50.3581, who both initially submit to clergy brokering marital reconciliations, finally assert themselves against their husbands’ abuse. Anonyme lodges a complaint. Attiaena issues a repudium and seeks the agreed penalty. The women’s texts provide evidence of limits to authority that the women concede to clergy. The second conclusion relates to the role of clergy as alternate family, especially for women who do not otherwise refer to men in 25 their documents . The texts give evidence of women approaching clergy for assistance with secular tasks as women generally approach male relatives. Marsis in P.Kell.1.Gr.71 has Jacob write for her, and Demetria in Stud.Pal.20.86 looks to Dioskourides for supportive witness against Eus. The presbyters in P.Oxy.6.903 appear as family negotiators or arbitrators in the marital reconciliation between Anonymos and Anonyme, and in P.Grenf.1.53 possibly have a role in arranging marriages. A third conclusion concerns clergy acting in secular functions. Sources indicate that clergy increasingly exercise secular functions

25

For a more detailed discussion, see 202f below.

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in the fourth century . These texts illustrate this trend. Clergy act in the women’s business and personal dealings: as witnesses for Artemis in P.Grenf.1.53, and Demetria in Stud.Pal.20.86; as scribe for Marsis in P.Kell.1.Gr.32; as judges in P.Oxy.50.3851. The appearance of clergy in papyri of the period frequently derives from this trend, being incidental to a personal or commercial transaction that generates a written text. INTERACTIONS WITH ASCETICS Seven of the women’s texts concern interactions with ascetics. In four, the women ask for help. Of the other texts, two involve mothers with their ascetic sons and one is a letter from a woman to her spiritual father. The texts are examined in turn. The Mother, P.Benaki 4 The mother writes to her son whom she describes as ‘most holy DMJLZWDYWZ’, l.1. The adjectivemarks the son as a bishop or a high27 ranking monk . The son’s knowledge of Scripture supports this ecclesiastical status as does the writing in biblical majuscule, which, even if done by a monk-scribe, locates the son in an ecclesial context. The evident education of the son favours his 28 status as a bishop , since bishops were drawn from the wealthier classes in the fourth century. However, education is not 29 inconsistent with asceticism . Ascetic status is suggested by the reference, among the foods the mother sends, to ‘parsley root 30 FORXERQ NZUVHOKYQK’, l.3, known to be part of an ascetic diet . Further, the mother refers to a visit by the son by ‘down NDYWZ’, 31 regularly used of travel from monasteries in the desert . The son’s 26

They are mediators, witnesses, judges and scribes, eg P.Kell.1.Gr.32; P.Lips.1.43; P.Oxy.6.903; CT 1.27.1 (318). Coleman-Norton (1966) 1.74f. 27 See 81 above. 28 The editor contrasts this with ‘his “mother’s” apparently poor social, financial and educational status’, 116, for which he provides no evidence. 29 While ascetic illiteracy is a trope for virtue, Antony is taught to be literate directly by God, Athanasius, Life of Antony, 72f. 30 The Life of St Pachomius cited in P.Mich.3.212 (C2/3) note to l.3. The only other occurrence, P.Oxy.6.936 (C3). See also Goehring (1999) 53–72. 31 Eg DMQHYOTZPHQP.Lond.6.1927 (C4). Travel outside a monastery to visit family and conduct business is frequent in literature and papyri, Wipszycka (2001a) 49.

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use of ‘here HMQWDX TD’ of his mother need not imply the exact same location but can refer to the same local area where both reside. The fact that they write letters indicates that there is some distance between them. The content of the letter concerns the interaction of a mother with her son rather than with an ascetic or cleric as such. If the son is an ascetic, this text provides evidence of a living situation which allows a mother considerable contact with her son through visits, letters and gifts, and he with her. Leuchis, P.Herm.17 Leuchis asks Apa Johannes to appeal to the tribune on her behalf to remove certain women from her house. Apa Johannes is a leading ascetic, known from other sources as an intercessor with God and a 32 mediator with secular authority, civil and military . $SDwith D>SSD andDMEED  transliterates the Semitic ‘father’, and first appears in the papyri as a title for clergy and ascetics in the 330s. It connotes respect and, while certainly Johannes’ recognised title, 33 expresses the honour expected in a patron/client relationship . Leuchis approaches Apa Johannes to intervene with the secular authority using his spiritual authority which she represents in terms of Christian qualities. She expects the secular powers to recognise and comply with what he asks. Leuchis represents those who understand an ascetic’s role as having an extension to the secular sphere of the original conception of the ‘holy man’ as one who is able to intercede effectively with God, being closer to the divine 34 power because of his asceticism . Leuchis’ approach makes use of the effusive rhetoric of late fourthand fifth-century letters: ‘the devout Apa Johannes’, l.1; ‘your compassion’, l.3; ‘your kindnessembraces all who are powerless’, l.2, among whom Leuchis reckons herself. Leuchis uses the conventional flattery of an inferior to a superior but her actual 32

On the archive and Apa Johannes’ identity as John of Lycopolis, see 34 above. Eg P.Abinn.6; 7; 8; P.Herm.7; 8; 17; P.Lond.6.1916–1919; 1924–1929; P.Neph.12; 15(all C4); also Lampe (1961, 1968) 2, 169. The title is used for clergy and monks. It is rare in pagan texts from C2. 34 ‘Holy men’ function as healer, intercessor, patron, Brown (1982) 141–143; facilitator of the transition to Christianity, Brown (1995) 60, 63f, 74; spiritual agent, networker, Brown (1998); agent of transformation, Frankfurter (2003). 33

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powerlessness is belied by her appeal. Her words may express genuine respect for Apa Johannes’ piety. They certainly elucidate the qualities she hopes to elicit for herself. Leuchis makes a spiritual claim on the ascetic Johannes, stating her powerlessness and dependence, ‘after God I await your help’l.3. Her imaginative organisation of the spiritual world reflects the class structures of society with its layered hierarchy. Her attitude confirms the image of the ‘holy man’ as a patron who will act in 35 relation to higher authority for his clients . Leuchis bases her powerlessness on her marital status and gender, ‘for I am a widow and a woman’, l.6. Her statement reminding Apa Johannes of his Christian duty to widows also obligates him to comply with her request. Whatever its nature, Leuchis’ appeal is a powerful act. Teeus, P.Lips.1.28 In this document jointly written by Teeus and her apotactic son, Silvanos, Teeus gives her grandson, Paesis, in adoption to Silvanos and he agrees, l.7. ‘Apotactic DMSRWDNWLNRY’ suggests that Silvanos 36 is an ascetic living in community . The obligations to which he agrees commit him to raise his nephew who is ten, to feed and clothe him, treat him as his own first-born son, have him as his 37 heir and manage his parental inheritance, ll.12, 15f, 18, 21, 22. The text confirms that being an apotactic does not necessarily involve renunciation of family ties, involvement with commerce and agriculture, or personal property. The practical meaning of Silvanos’ undertaking in the context of an ascetic community raises possibilities that nuance models of detachment drawn from literary sources. The document suggests an adoption by an apotactic is not unusual. Paesis apparently will live with his uncle, presumably in the ascetic community. It is not clear whether the intention is that Paesis will (eventually) become an apotactic or whether he will stay with Silvanos, being educated and cared for, until his majority. There is evidence that some monasteries developed schools where orphans and children brought

35

Brown (1982) 116, 120. See 248 below. 37 Silvanos apparently possesses property of his own. 36

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38

by their parents could be educated . It may be that this adoption is an early example. In later centuries, the donation of children to monasteries for financial reasons, especially in the case of girls, proved a problem for the church. Entry to the monastery and its resources, in Paesis’ case, is through adoption rather than donation. Valeria, P.Lond.6.1926 Valeria asks Appa Paphnouthios to pray for her healing, l.7. She addresses him, using the exalted language of Byzantine letters, as ‘most honoured, Christ-bearing and adorned with all virtue’,ll.1–3. Valeria’s understanding of Appa Paphnouthios’ power appears in her statement ‘through those practising and observant of religious discipline revelations are manifested’, ll.9–11. Valeria is an example of those who consider ascetics closer to God because of their practice. Valeria, in addition, uses one language of prayer for both Paphnouthios and God, ‘I pray to God, I pray also to you GHYRPDL WZ THZ GHYRPDLNDLY VRL’ ll.15–17. Valeria’s statement confirms the significance of an ascetic as a man ‘who makes God 39 present’ . Appa Paphnouthios is a ‘Christ-bearer’, his masculine gender no doubt significant in facilitating his identification with Christ and therefore with his power. Valeria describes her relationship with Appa Paphnouthios in terms of father/daughter. The title $SSD l.2, itself means ‘father’ but Valeria writes, ‘father, Appa Paphnouthios’ in the address on the verso She demonstrates the fourth-century development of Apa/Appa into a title, denoting ascetics and clergy in their role as 40 ‘spiritual fathers’ and institutionalising family terminology . Valeria describes herself as ‘daughter’ verso, claiming for herself a 41 close relationship which, as the letter’s content indicates, is a spiritual one and provides an explicit example of such use. The 38

St Basil’s Regulae Fusius Tractatae 15 (Asia Minor, C5). The experience in Egypt was likely to be similar. Pachomius, Vita Prima Graeca 24 refers to children being tested. See Goehring (1999) 50; also Elm (1994, 2000) 71. 39 Brown (1995) 58. 40 For the use of Apa/Appa, see 33 and 155 above. 41 Brother/sister are regularly used for people of the same age, father/mother for those older and son/daughter for those younger. In Christian use people of all ages are daughter/son to monks and clergy. Dickey (2004) notes that ‘daughter’ is used only when there is a close relationship involved.

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language suggests a hierarchical relationship involving affection and respect. The focus of Valeria’s interaction with Paphnouthios is her request for prayer. By contrast with her lack of confidence in her own prayer, Valeria states her confidence in Paphnouthios’ prayer three times in terms of belief (SLVWHXYZ), ll.8f, 9–11, 13–15. Her attitude finds explanation in her theology of asceticism: that ascetics gain 42 privileged access to God . Valeria’s attitude provides a counterexample to proposals that the polarity between ascetic and lay spiritual confidence was not as marked as once thought, that ‘one did not have to sit on a sixty-foot column for one’s prayers to be 43 considered acceptable …’ . Valeria’s lack of confidence, further, is not a factor of personality. Her reticence in relation to God contrasts with the assertiveness of her requests to Paphnouthios. In relation to the other women in the letter and their relationship with Appa Paphnouthios, the situation is not clear. The editor’s reconstruction, ‘I greet my daughters SURVDJ>RUH@XY•Z• W•D•> TXJDW@HY•U•D>@ P•RX’ ll.19–21, places Valeria’s daughters with Paphnouthios, among those women and men who live in the 44 company of holy men . Among such women, some were themselves ascetics; some were seekers of counsel and healing. Against such a reading is the fact that Valeria does not ask the daughters to pray for her as might be expected. The daughters are more naturally thought of as being with Valeria and the reconstruction adopted here, ‘SURVDYJ•>RQW@D•L• D•>L- TXJDW@H•UY H• •>@ PRX my daughters embrace (you)’, places the daughters with Valeria. Valeria’s communication includes prayer for Appa Paphnouthios using the standard ‘I pray you be well HMUUZ VTDLYVHHX>FRPDL’, ll.26f. She offers no opening prayer for him. Her reticence is consistent with, but does not prove, a lack of mutuality in the relationship.

42

See 145ff above, on gender and confidence in prayer. The same attitude by a woman appears in Athanasius, Vita S. Antonii 61.1–3. 43 Brown (1998) 374. 44 HL 7.4; 10.2; 11; 17.3 etc. Holy men could gather, for example, 100 persons needing food and water, Brown (1995) 62; (1982) 113f.

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Tapiam, P.Neph.1 Tapiam and Paul’s letter to Ophellios and the brothers reveals a 45 relationship which has both material and spiritual aspects . Tapiam and Paul ask the brothers to send them supplies of bread from wheat owed by a certain Papnouthis. They expect the brothers to arrange for transport and delivery. They write of a proposed visit, at least by Tapiam and the children, fully expectant of access and welcome. They also ask for prayer while confident that the brothers pray for them, and they pray for the brothers. The relationship represents what is evidently possible between a monastic community and a lay family of closeness and support, further demonstrated in the additional eight-letter correspondence from Paul, possibly after Tapiam’s death, and no doubt strengthened by Tapiam and Paul’s conviction that their children were healed through the brothers’ prayers. If the proposed visit is correctly attributed to Tapiam, ll.24f, it suggests that there is no barrier to her meeting with the brothers. The avoidance of women that characterises many of the desert 46 fathers and some monastic communities evidently does not apply . Prayer appears to constitute a significant dimension of Paul and Tapiam’s relationship with the monastery, ll.7ff, 10ff. The basis for their conviction about the efficacy of the brothers’ prayers indicates that they share the popular understanding that asceticism engenders a righteous life with greater access to divine power than is possible 47 for ‘ordinary’ Christians : ‘for we believe that the Lord will hear you since you are righteous’, ll.13–15. The fact that Tapiam and Paul pray, and not in a perfunctory way, ll.15–18, suggests they perceive this to be a relative and not an absolute difference. Tapiam and Paul relate to the brothers as a community as well as to specific individuals within it. The request for bread is to Nepheros. The requests for prayer, and the attributions of righteousness and of 45

On Paul’s business dealings with and for the monastery, see P.Neph.4; 6; 8; 9. Eg AP Abraham 1; Cyrus 1; Olympios 1f; Poemen 11, 14f, 114f; Paphnutis 4; HL 71.2; Pachomius allowed visits of opposite-sex relatives, Vita Prima Graeca 32; Rule 143 in Pachomius, Pachomian Koinonia; Shenoute, Canons 5 cited in Krawiec (2002) 193f, n.30, did not. Women are greeted in P.Neph.1; 3; 7; 10. 47 See also P.Lond.6.1926 at 157f above, and 145ff above. 46

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effectiveness are plural. Tapiam and Paul are perhaps aware of the practice in this monastery whereby requests 48for prayer are circulated among monks in their cells, NDWDPRQKQ . Tapiam and Paul address Ophellios and the brothers with the 49 adjective ‘beloved DMJDSKWRY’ ll.1, 27 . The term conveys not only affection but status of some kind. It distinguishes the monks from ‘all the rest of our brothers’, l.29, whose identity is unclear. Tapiam and Paul address Nepheros specifically as ‘lord brother NXYULHD>GHOIH’, l.20, with no further qualification. They do not use the more respectful ‘lord father’ which may reflect a sense of shared status, indicate Nepheros’ vocation as a brother or point to his relative status within the monastery, that he is not yet in a 50 leadership role . Among those whom Tapiam and Paul greet are ‘the virgins of God 51 WDSDUTHYQRX WRX THRX ’, ll.26f . Tapiam and Paul ask nothing of these consecrated ascetic women; in particular they do not seek their prayer. Anonyme, P.Oxy.12.1592 This fragmentary letter is to ‘my lord father NXYUL HYPRX SDYWH U’ l.1, whom Anonyme holds in high honour expressed using nomina 52 sacra , and in response to whom she uses the opening words of the Song of Mary, ‘I greatly exulted and rejoiced’, ll.3f. Anonyme’s response indicates a warm and deeply respectful relationship on her part, though perhaps one not regularly maintained on the father’s part. There is no explicit indication that the father is a cleric or 53 ascetic but the language of Anonyme’s response, her elevated respect and the father’s evident familiarity with Scripture support it. The relationship, both in intimacy and irregularity, appears more 48

P.Lond.6.1917.24. See 95f above. 50 See P.Neph.3.4; 6.11f compared to P.Neph.2.2 and this text. 51 These women are discussed at 241, 246f, 251 below. 52 Other examples of nomina sacra for people occur but are uncommon eg SB 12.10773 (C5); 14.11532 (C4); P.Genova 1.26 (C4); P.Stras.1.35 (C4/5). 53 Naldini (1967) and B. Kramer (P.Neph. ‘Introduction’) cited in Luijendijk (2008) 75 n.64 conclude that nomina sacra of a person indicates a senior monk or cleric. Wipszycka (1974) 213 says only that such use indicates respect. 49

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consistent with a spiritual connection with an ascetic than a pastoral bond with clergy. No titles survive. Anonyme’s language of self-identification with Mary in Lk 1:47ff locates this ascetic in the place of God to her. Her use of nomina sacra strengthens the connection. Humility and obedience are Mary’s idealised response, but unfortunately any such expression on Anonyme’s part, beyond her extreme gratitude, is lost in the missing portions of the letter. Anonyme and her father illustrate the patterning of spiritual relationships within the church on patriarchal biblical models of extreme hierarchy. The extant fragment of the text does not allow a conclusion to be drawn about any mutuality in the relationship between Anonyme and the father. The Mother, SB 18.13612 The mother uses the conventional rhetoric of flattery in her appeal to Apa Johannes: ‘my lord father, benefactor’, ll.1–3; giver of mercy and salvation, ll.4–7; source of mercy, l.7. The kind of mercy the mother seeks is not related to spiritual need but concerns the exactor. The mother’s language marks her as an inferior approaching a superior, a client her patron, the powerless the powerful, a layperson an ascetic. It recalls biblical appeals to God 54 for mercy , and draws a parallel between Apa Johannes and God. The parallel is made explicit in the mother’s statement that Apa Johannes stands ‘next to providence’, l.4, in showing mercy. The mother’s titles for Johannes, ‘Apa’ and ‘lord father, benefactor’, l.1, establish him as a powerful ascetic. The title ‘benefactor’ is not 55 generally used of ecclesiastics but regularly describes donors of 56 money who benefit a community in exchange for honour . It is associated with wealth and its accompanying power. It is unlikely that material wealth applies in Apa Johannes’ case, although this 57 cannot be ruled out . It is more likely that the mother identifies Johannes with the prestige and influence of a benefactor. Her use is an example of the introduction of secular titles into the church. 54

See 88 above. The title is not listed in Dinneen (1927). 56 Lk 22:25; G. Horsley, ND 1–5, s.v., ‘benefactors’; Danker (1982); R. Kearsley, ‘A Civic Benefactor of the First Century in Asia Minor’ in ND 7.233–241. 57 On ascetics and property, see 250f, 254f below. Clergy and especially bishops could be wealthy, Wipszycka (1972) 95, 156; Bagnall (1993a) 292. 55

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The mother positions herself among the powerless in contrast to ascetic Apa Johannes. Her language about mercy emphasises her undeserving and his generosity. Further self-effacement, culturally conditioned or not, is evident in her naming style, ‘the mother of Philadelphos, apotactic K-PKYWKU )LODGHYOIRX DMSRWDNWLNRX ’, ll.2f. Such a focus on the son and his vocation functions to establish a link with Apa Johannes and so to maximise the effectiveness of her request. The emphasis on the link is also evident in the mother’s proffered motivation for Apa Johannes’ response, namely her apotactic son’s honour (HLM WLPKQWRX DMSRWDNWLNRX PRXXL-RX ), 58 ll.8f . The mother expects Apa Johannes to respond to her preferentially because her son is DMSRWDNWLNRY. Her attitude indicates that she recognises a group identity among ascetics that 59 elicits privileged action, and being DMSRWDNWLNRY has high status . It is noteworthy that the mother does not regard Philadelphos, though an apotactic, as powerful in relation to secular authority. Spiritual power does not necessarily reside in asceticism itself but in a distinguished minority of ascetics which does not include her son. In a further claim of powerlessness, the mother styles herself as a ‘widow with the orphans’, l.10f. The mother casts herself as the epitome of the needy to whom Apa Johannes, as a Christian, owes a response. The self-designation functions to persuade Apa Johannes to respond favourably to her request and as such is an example of the paradoxical exercise of power by one claiming to be powerless. The nature of the mother’s relationship with her apotactic son is not described, although she names herself by her relationship to him. Whether there is ongoing contact is not indicated. If Philadelphos is her only or indeed her eldest son, it may be that his ascetic practice has robbed her of her primary support since her husband’s death and been the cause of her need to appeal to Apa Johannes. The loss of sons to ascetic practice points to a significant effect of the 60 ascetic movement on the social lives of women .

58

W. Arndt and F. Gringrich (1957), A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament, s.v., cited in Parassoglou (1987) 250. 59 It appears at times as a title at which to aim, Wipszycka (2001b) 168. 60 On sons as the primary providers for widowed mothers, see 188f below.

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CONCLUSION This examination of women’s interactions with ascetics invites the following five conclusions. The first concerns the women’s attitudes to ascetics. The women’s language gives evidence of high respect. Some attribute Christian 61 and pagan virtues to ascetics . Some accord the ascetic the 62 honorary title ‘Apa’ . Some use the family titles ‘father’/ 63 ‘daughter’ . Some use language for ascetics equally suited to God 64 or Christ . With the evidence pointing to dictation of the texts, the effusiveness of respect on the part of some women and their selflocation in the dependent and lesser role alert to their knowledge of rhetorical conventions suited to a patron/client relationship and their application of them to an ascetic/petitioner relationship to achieve their ends. Manipulation and flattery are factors alongside genuine sentiment. The women’s language indicates that power conditions at least some interactions with ascetics. The second conclusion concerns the women’s theology of asceticism. Valeria in P.Lond.6.1926 and Tapiam in P.Neph.1 exemplify the understanding of asceticism as a superior Christian discipleship giving preferential access to God evident in literary sources: Two ways of life were thus given by the Lord to his Church. The one is above nature, and beyond common human living; it admits not marriage, child-bearing, property nor the possession of wealth … Like some celestial beings, these gaze down upon human life, performing the duty of a priesthood to almighty God for the whole race … And the more humble, more human way prompts men to join in pure nuptials, and to produce children, to undertake government, to give orders to soldiers fighting for right; it allows them to have minds for farming, for trade and for the other more secular interests as well as for religion. Eusebius, The Proof of the Gospel 1.8c, d 61

P.Benaki 4; P.Herm.17; P.Lond.6.1926; SB 18.13612. See 81–90 above. 62 P.Herm.17; P.Lond.6.1926; SB 18.13612. 63 P.Lond.6.1926; P.Oxy.12.1592; SB 18.13612. 64 P.Lond.6.1926; P.Oxy.12.1592.

P.Oxy.12.1592;

P.Neph.1;

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Asceticism elicits other women’s esteem but implicitly rather than explicitly. Anonyme in P.Oxy.12.1592 holds her spiritual father in the place of God. Leuchis in P.Herm.17 places the ascetic Apa Johannes next after God in her estimation of sources of help as does the mother in SB 18.13612. The women’s own place in their constructed spiritual hierarchy is necessarily lower in terms of value and spiritual power, and their Christian lives, by implication, relatively compromised and worldly. The third conclusion concerns the women’s readiness to access the ascetics’ authority and their assertiveness in doing so. Leuchis in P.Herm.17 refers to her disadvantage as a widow and a woman in approaching the tribune but her inability is not such as to prevent her approaching Apa Johannes or urging him to do so for her. The mother in SB 18.13612 seeks Apa Johannes’ help in relation to tax matters. She also emphasises her powerlessness with language of mercy and rescue, widowhood and care of orphans, yet her approach to Johannes and the construction of her appeal constitute acts of power. Valeria in P.Lond.6.1926 and Tapiam in P.Neph.1 remind the ascetics of their spiritual power which the women hope to direct to their advantage. The women’s sense of occupying an inferior spiritual place does not prevent their approaches or lessen the assertiveness of their requests. The women’s texts are consistent with the papyri more generally in confirming the evidence of literary sources that male and not female ascetics, with a very few exceptions, receive requests for spiritual and practical assistance. This is particularly noticeable in P.Neph.1 where Tapiam and Paul greet the virgins of God but do not request their prayers. The preference for male ascetics may derive from identification with the maleness of Christ but it may also derive from masculine advantage in negotiating public secular authority, continuous with the gendered division of space in the Mediterranean world. In these texts, this advantage appears to operate also in the spiritual realm. It may be that, with the institutionalisation of the church as a public space in the fourth century, God’s power came to be thought of as public power, with

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a resulting lessening of women’s spiritual confidence not only in 65 themselves but also in other women . A fourth conclusion concerns ascetics’ function in society. The women’s letters confirm the picture in literary sources that ascetics are seen as a means to access power to supply what is lacking in an individual’s or community’s life, and the ascetic is held to 66 participate in that power : God and divine power; the governing authorities and secular power; resources and social power. Appa Paphnouthios in P.Lond.6.1926 in relation to God, and Apa Johannes in P.Herm.17 and SB 18.13612 in relation to secular authority illustrate this phenomenon. The women’s texts also illustrate the increasing use of clergy and ascetics in secular functions in the fourth century. A fifth conclusion concerns the impact of men’s ascetic practice on women’s social experience. The women’s letters do no more than hint at the difficulties that the absence of sons and brothers raised for women in the loss of male support. The widowed mother of an apotactic son in SB 18.13612 turns to non-kin for the assistance a son might provide. Teeus in P.Lips.1.28 has lost one son through death, is without another through ascetic practice and now is without a grandson adopted into ascetic practice. She draws on the assistance of non-kin in executing the adoption. The women’s experience parallels that of women whose sons are absent because of military service as in P.Abinn.34, or neglect as in BGU 3.948. The problem, though incipient in the women’s texts, confirms the evidence of other sources that point to social difficulties arising because of ascetic practice. It may have contributed to the 67 development of the church as an alternative family . INTERACTIONS WITH THE CHURCH References to interactions with the church occur in six of the 68 women’s documents . 65

See 255f below. Brown (1982) 109, ‘holy men [are a] device people used to cope with living’. 67 See 202f below. 68 P.Bour.25; P.Neph.1; 18; P.Oxy.6.903; 48.3407; SB 12.10840. Women’s interactions with clergy and ascetics are excluded, being explored above. 66

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Tare, P.Bour.25 Tare dates her mother’s death from Easter which she describes as 69 the Pasch DMSRWZ Q3DYVFZQ , l.7, without explanation . Her organisation of time is shaped by Christian religious observance and Tare presumes that her aunt’s is also. 7R3DYVFD is rare in the papyri in the period and may reflect usage in Apameia, Syria, from where Tare writes. She assumes her aunt’s familiarity with the term. The time reference further suggests that Tare is, or has been, a member of a church. However, she makes no mention of church as a source of comfort and connection in her loneliness. Her interaction with the church in Apameia is not indicated and notable 70 for the lack . Tapiam, P.Neph.1 Tapiam and Paul ask the brothers in the Melitian monastery of 71 Hathor to remember them in their prayers ‘because we and our children are in a foreign place [HQLWHLYDQ’, l.8f. The reference is to 72 Alexandria where Paul is a soldier . ;HQLWHLYD here refers primarily to absence from family and friends, ll.16–19. It is unlikely to result from a lack of fellow-Melitians since a Melitian church is known to 73 have existed in Alexandria . The Melitian church in Alexandria, however, held a tenuous position, no doubt adding to Tapiam and Paul’s sense of alienation. The decision of the Council of Nicaea to 74 accept Melitians into fellowship with catholic Christians did not end either the existence of the Melitian church or the violence between Melitians and catholics, at least not during the episcopacy 75 of Athanasius . It may be that Tapiam and Paul, in addition to being far from home, are vulnerable to actual or potential violence 76 and persecution in Alexandria , although they do not allude to it. 69

Use of WRSDYVFD for Easter dates from Hippolytus, De Pascha, cited in Dix’s notes to Hippolytus’ Apostolic Tradition, 74. See also Lampe (1961, 1968) s.v. 70 Ed.pr; O'Callaghan (1963) 90; Naldini (1968, 1998) 309. Churches existed in Apameia, Syria prior to 325, Harnack (1908, 1972) 2.212, 188, 221, 136f. 71 Eds, 11–14. 72 P.Neph.8. 73 P.Lond.6.1914 refers to Melitians meeting at the Parembole, 27. 74 Socrates, HE 1.9; Sozomen, HE 1.24. 75 On charges against Athanasius, see Sozomen, HE 2.22; P.Lond.6.1914. 76 Eds, 27.

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Taouak, P.Neph.18 Taouak’s letter to Eudaimon and Apia was purchased with the rest of the Nepheros archive making it likely that they are connected with the monastery and also Melitian. Taouak writes, ‘for we are God’s treasure TKVDXUR’, ll.26f. The statement has both an inclusive and exclusive function most easily understood as a statement that privileges the Melitian church in relation to God and which is consistent with the evidence of literary sources that indicates the Melitian church saw the catholic church as tainted by 77 compromise . Taouak is representative of the attitude. Anonyme, P.Oxy.6.903 Anonyme reports that she attends ‘the Lord’s house WR NXULDNRYQ’ on the Sabbath (HMQ VDEEDYWZ), l.19. 7RNXULDNRYQ is known from the 78 third century and establishes that Anonyme attends a Christian 79 gathering rather than the synagogue . Anonyme’s WR NXULDNRYQis evidence of a dedicated building that is known including by those 80 for whom her statement is intended, and requires no explanation . Anonyme attends on the Sabbath, the Jewish day of rest and worship. The Canons of Laodicea, perhaps reflecting the more active Jewish Christian presence in Phrygia and Galatia, condemn 81 observance of the Sabbath by Christians . At the same time the Canons allow services of worship on the Sabbath provided there are readings from the gospel, that is, that they are distinctly 82 Christian . Such services, however, were not to replace Sunday 77

See 37, 110 and 166 above. Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis 3.18. See also Rev 1:10 and P.Oxy.48.3407 (C4); Eusebius, HE 9.10.10; Did 14:1; SB 14.11881. Lampe (1961, 1968) s.v. 79 No synagogue is known in Oxyrhynchus at this time but P.Oxy.9.1205 (29 April 291), a manumission, refers to payment by ‘the community of the Jews’; P.Oxy.4.705 (199/200) refers to an annual festival of victory in the Jewish War implying an ongoing Jewish presence. Chrysostom, Adversus Judaeos 1.5 notes people attend both church and synagogue. See also Luijendijk (2008) 47. 80 Such buildings are known from Commodos (180–192). See Harnack (1908, 1972) 2.85–88; Torjesen (1993) 155–176; Hopkins (1998) 203, 222. 81 Council of Laodicea (345–381) otherwise unknown, Canons 29. 37, 38. Condemnations appear from C1, Ignatius, To the Magnesians 9.1, to C5 eg Chrysostom, Adversus Judaeos 1.8.1, 3.3.1; Augustine, On Charity. 82 Canon 16; also 49, 51; Apostolic Constitutions 8.33.1f. 78

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worship. While Sabbath observance was established in Egypt from Jewish practice, there is only slight evidence for Christian observance of the Sabbath compared with other places in the 83 Empire . From the mid-fourth century WRVDYEEDWRQ is used occasionally by Christian writers to denote Sunday but the shift in 84 meaning is made clear . 7RVDYEEDWRQ can also refer to a general 85 day of rest but this is not Anonyme’s meaning, which is to a specific day. The pattern of gathering, for worship or other activity, in Anonyme’s community involves both Saturdays and Sundays. Anonyme attends the Lord’s house on her own, and in the face of Anonymos’ active opposition. The text suggests that Anonymos’ response is connected with their marriage contract, but whether this forbad her attendance or explicitly allowed it is unclear. Anonyme’s appeal to the injustice of the situation suggests the latter. Her determination to follow her own spiritual path marks her as a committed member of the congregation even as it opens a window on early church life. The imbalance in the sexes to which 86 critics of the church refer may, in part, be attributed to women like Anonyme whose husbands are either not Christian, not churchgoers, or not Sabbath-attenders. Women whose husbands attend church may have had less freedom to choose not to attend. The honour:shame system of the ancient Mediterranean world suggests that women’s church attendance without their husband’s approval 87 was likely to incur a charge of immorality and so to bring dishonour to the husband. Anonymos’ potential loss of honour provides an explanatory framework for the strength of his opposition. The Landlady, P.Oxy.48.3407 The landlady orders her employees to conduct agricultural labour on her land ‘on the Lord’s Day HMQWK NXULDNK K-PHYUD’, ll.15f. The reference marks time in terms of Christian liturgical observance. Constantine’s edict of 321 explicitly exempted agricultural workers from the requirement that most businesses cease on venerabili die 83

Simon (1996) 329. Lampe (1961, 1968) s.v. 85 Eg Justin Martyr, Dialogue 12.3. See also Lampe (1961, 1968) s.v. 86 See 175 below. 87 Torjesen (1993) 112f, 122, 142f. 84

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solis . The landlady makes use of the exemption. However, she clearly knows the day as the day of Christian worship. KXULDNRY/ KY/RYQin the sense of ‘the Lord’s’, is rare in the papyri to the end 89 of the fourth century and marks the landlady as a member of a 90 Christian community that has adopted the term . Mikke, SB 12.10840 A similar reckoning of time by Christian festivals occurs in this letter. Mikke tells her brother Euthalios not to visit their mother, Syras, ‘before the festival SURWK  H-RUWK ’, l.6, but to go ‘for the end of the fast SURWKQ OXYVLQWK QKVWHLYD’, l.9, ‘for the festival SURWK QH-RUWKYQ’, l.12. Given the date of 27 March, these 91 references are evidently to Lent and Easter and indicate that Mikke, Syras and Euthalios regulate their activity by observance of the church’s liturgical calendar, complying with the penitential 92 preparation for the feast . Their practice marks them as members of worshipping communities and devout. It is interesting to speculate whether Mikke’s restraint of Euthalios’ visit is an indication that her observance is more rigorous than his. Two of the letters are by women who are members of the Melitian 93 church . The texts offer hints about the Melitian church and its conflict with the catholic church. The information is at best tentative and is suggested with caution. In addition to these six texts, seven women indicate that they are members of worshipping communities by their use of biblical vocabulary and imagery heard most probably in the context of 88

CJ 3.12.3 (321). The earliest dated papyrus reference to ‘the Lord’s day’ is P.Oxy.54.3759 (2 October 325). See S. R. Llewelyn and A. M. Nobbs, ‘The Earliest Dated Reference to Sunday in the Papyri’ in ND 9.106–118.  89 The only other occurrences are P.Oxy.54.3759, note above, and P.Oxy.6.903, ll.19, 21, at 167 above In P.Oxy.48.3407 the term is an adjective, not yet a substantive. 90 See 47 above. 91 Other references to Lent, P.Ant.2.92.26 (C4/5); P.Flor.3.384.55f (489?) (DDBDP). In P.Bour.25 (C4), P.Ross.Georg.3.10 (C4/5) Easter is WDSDYVFD 92 Early observance was a 40-hour fast, Irenaeus in Eusebius, HE 5.24.12; extended to a week (early C3) and to a 40-day fast about 300–325, Canon 5, Council of Nicaea. Either a 7-day or 40-day fast may be intended here. 93 On the Melitian schism and the Melitian church, see 37, 110 and 166 above.

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worship . Two further women appear as members of the Christian 95 communities whose clergy act in secular capacities for them . CONCLUSION The texts which record women’s interactions with the church give rise to conclusions which shed light on what is known of the church in fourth-century Egypt from other sources. The first conclusion concerns women’s participation in the church. The women writers’ formulations indicate that they are members of worshipping communities, both catholic and Melitian. Some of the women demonstrate that their attendance at church is sufficiently frequent and their attention to the reading of Scripture sufficiently focused for them to recall and use biblical words and imagery, among whom are Anonyme in P.Oxy.12.1592, Valeria in P.Lond.6.1926, Anonyme in P.Oxy.8.1161, Tapiam in P.Neph.1 and the mother in P.Benaki 4. The texts are silent about any formal ministry roles of the women, their attitudes to the church and the nature of their involvement beyond attendance at worship. The only reference to a religious role for women is that of ‘the virgins of God DL-SDUTHYQRL WRX THRX ’, P.Neph.1. The silence about women’s roles, apart from that of consecrated virgin, may mirror reality, so that, despite the small sample size, these texts reflect a situation in fourth-century Egypt where the only roles in the church open to women are those associated with asceticism. There is little extant literature on the roles of women in the Egyptian church. Clement of Alexandria and Origen in the second and third centuries write about the roles of widows and women 96 deacons as past, not present, realities . Origen allows that women may prophesy and teach, but not in the church, and only to 97 women . The Apostolic Church Order written in fourth-century Egypt shows hostility to the ministry of women through the device of the apostles’ conversation with Mary and Martha. The women 94

P.Benaki 4; P.Edmonstone; P.Lond.6.1926; P.Herm.17; P.Oxy.8.1161; 12.1592; SB 18.13612. 95 P.Kell.1.Gr.32; Stud.Pal.20.86. 96 Clement of Alexandria, Instructor 3.12.97.2; Stromateis 3.6.53.3–4; Origen, On Prayer 28.4. 97 Origen, Fragments on 1 Corinthians 74 cited in Gryson (1976) 28f.

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are made to acknowledge their unsuitability for ministry. The text 98 clearly seeks to constrain women’s roles which, by implication, are a current issue in the church, suggesting some women hold ministry positions. Consistent prohibitions of women’s ministry and restriction of allowed functions are evident in official church 99 statements and documents outside Egypt and, again, indicate that women are actively engaged in ministerial roles in the church. The papyri examined here give no evidence of these roles. A second conclusion concerns the composition of congregations. P.Grenf.1.53, with its reference to Sarapion’s daughters’ demand for husbands, raises the possibility of an imbalance in the numbers of men and women in congregations with the result that the daughters are unable to find Christian husbands. A criticism of the early church in literary sources was that it was an institution for 100 women, children and slaves . The picture that emerges from P.Oxy.6.903 of a woman attending the Lord’s house without her husband is consistent with the suggestion of an imbalance in numbers and offers a scenario that may reflect the reality of local church life. A third conclusion does not concern women specifically but notes the growing influence of Christianity evident in the reckoning of time by Christian festivals and in the naming of property as Christian without explanation. In P.Bour.25, Tare refers to the Pasch, and in SB 12.10840 Euthalios and Mikke refer to the fast of Lent and the festival of Easter. P.Oxy.48.3407 includes the landlady’s reference to ‘the Lord’s Day’, and Anonyme in P.Oxy.6.903 refers to a building as ‘the Lord’s house’. While P.Bour.25 and SB 12.10840 are letters within Christian families

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Apostolic Church Order 1.24–28, Agrapha 9; Canons of Hippolytus 7, 32. Canons of Athanasius attest no ministry for women although 142 suggests a role in baptism. The list of offices in Canon 10 do not appear to include women. 99 Women may not teach or administer sacraments, Tertullian, De baptismo 17; De virginibus velandis 9.1. Widows’ and deaconesses’ roles become more constrained in C4 until they disappear, Didascalia Apostolorum 3.1–12 (XIV– XVI) (Syria C3); Apostolic Tradition 1–19 (Rome). Apostolic Constitutions 3.9 (C4), Canon 19, the Council of Nicaea (325), and Canons 11, 44, Council of Laodicea limit priestly ministry to men. 100 Eg Origen, Contra Celsum 3.44, 55.

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where such vocabulary might be expected, P.Oxy.48.3407 is not, and P.Oxy.6.903 is a public document. A fourth conclusion follows. The texts illustrate some of the significant shifts in the theology and organisation of the church in Egypt in the third and fourth centuries which contributed to the 101 marginalisation of women . 1. The church came to be regarded as public rather than private space where women became increasingly more constrained. 2. The church became more institutionalised, modelled on the structures of Roman social and political life with its gendered hierarchy, and the distinction between clergy, from whose number women were excluded, and laity became more marked. 3. The concept of church leadership shifted from ministry to governance, and from a charismatic to an institutional base. Monasticism came to offer women an alternative vocational path to the ordained roles of bishop, priest and deacon that were closed to them, and to the roles of ecclesiastical widow and deaconess which became increasingly constrained until they finally disappeared.

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Hippolytus, Apostolic Tradition 7; Didascalia Apostolorum 9; Torjesen (1993) 155–176.

MARRIAGE AND FAMILY References to marriage and family occur in 20 of the 26 texts written by Christian women. In this way the women’s texts are typical of the broad corpus of the papyri, particularly the letters, 1 where references to family, greetings , complaints about failures to 2 3 write , and requests for letters are evidence of the importance of family and of the role of letters in maintaining connection at least among certain strata of society. ‘2L?NR household’ in the ancient world refers to a wider circle than husband, wife and children, for which group there is no specific word although there is evidence of 4 a consciousness that it forms the core structure of the family . 5 Research concludes that the RL?NR is the foundational unit in ancient society, not the individual, and that family harmony is the 6 ideal , a significant factor of which is common religious belief. A wife ought not to make friends of her own, but to enjoy her husband’s friends in common with him. The gods are the first and most important friends. Wherefore it is becoming for a wife to worship and to know only the gods that her husband believes in, and to shut the front door tight upon all queer rituals and outlandish superstitions. For with no god do stealthy and secret rites performed by a woman find any favour. Plutarch, Moralia 140D

Plutarch’s urging and his reference to women’s secret religious behaviour suggest that reality did not always align with the ideal. WOMEN AND MARRIAGE Two attitudes to marriage emerge in the early Christian period, both deriving from the NT and evident in literary sources. One 1

Eg P.Mich.3.214–221 (C3); P.Giss.20–24, 67, 78 where lack of greeting is noted with distress; 80 (C2); also P.Grenf.1.53.11f at 31 above. 2 Eg P.Mich.15.751 (C2); P.Oxy.6.937 (C3); 55.3819 (C4). 3 Eg P.Mich.8.481 (C2); P.Oxy. 8.1157 (C3); PSI 8.899 (C3), all to women. 4 Moxnes (1997a) 29. For a definition of ‘family’, see Dixon (1992) 1–35. 5 Eg Cameron and Kuhrt (1983, 1993); Beaucamp (1990–1992); Dixon (1991); (1992); Rawson (1991); Hunter (1992); (2003); Evans-Grubbs (1995); (2002); Moxnes (1997a); Gardner (1998); Pomeroy (1998); Jacobs (1999); Gourevitch and Raepsaet-Charlier (2001) 88–115. 6 See Hunter (1992) 8. Brown (1991) 16f notes that marriage represented social concordia in microcosm. See also Dixon (1991) 113.

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affirms the goodness of marriage as the norm for most people . The other advocates celibacy, seeing marriage as8 a legitimate but lesser way and a concession to human weakness . While the Christian women’s texts do not discuss these issues in abstract they deal with the realities they concern: marriage, family, widowhood, celibacy, remarriage, marital conflict, reconciliation and divorce. In examining marriage in ancient texts, it cannot be assumed that 9 modern conceptions of romance and intimacy are significant , that the husband/wife relationship is the most important to either party 10 or to the society , or that the construction of gender within marriage is coincident with contemporary ideas. The functions of marriage in late antiquity show wide variation including physical and social production and reproduction, material and emotional 11 support, protection and transmission of property, honour and cult . The Mother, P.Benaki 4 The mother does not refer to her husband in the extant portion of her letter. Knowledge of him comes from P.Benaki 5.13f, a greeting from the son. The son, moreover, does not write to his father though it seems mother and father live together. It is unclear whether the father has visited the son given the mother’s ‘I came to see you’, 4.14. However the son writes ‘glory to God that you (pl.) came back healthy, my lady mother’, ll.22–26, and immediately adds ‘all with me greet you (pl.)’, ll.27–29. The editor presumes these are plural forms for the singular. However, in this text the plurals may include the father. This uncertainty makes what may be an example of independent travel unclear.

7

1Cor 7:9; Eph 5:21–33; Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis 7.12.70; Tertullian, Adversus Marcionem 1.29; Augustine, De bono coniugali. Martin (1997). 8 1Cor 7:4–11; ActsPaul 3:5; Origen, Commentary on the Song of Songs 2.5; Methodius, Symposium 1, 2; Eusebius, Proof of the Gospel 1.8; Athanasius, On Virginity 10; First Letter to Virgins 19, 24; Chrysostom, On the Necessity of Guarding Virginity 51–72. 9 Peskowitz (1993) 10–12, whose statements on the lack of universality in marriage construction apply generally. 10 Companionate marriage is argued in Dixon (1991) 104ff; (1992) 70. Contra Hallett (1984) 241; P. Garnsey and R. Saller in Garnsey and Saller (1987) 131ff. 11 Dixon (1992) 30; Moxnes (1997a) 30; Rupprecht (1998); Hunter (2003).

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Terouterou, P.Edmonstone Terouterou manumits her slaves with her husband, Dorotheos, assisting (PHWDVXQHVWZ WR), l.3. He signs for her as she is illiterate. It is reasonable to assume that Dorotheos concurs in the manumission, but Dorotheos does not own the slaves with his wife. Artemis, P.Grenf.1.53 Artemis’ letter is the only text written by a Christian woman to her 12 husband: she writes to the absent Theodoros, a soldier . Her greeting HMQTHZ , l.1, implies that Theodoros is a Christian, and that this is a marriage of shared religious beliefs. The structure of the text indicates about the marriage that Artemis is as eager to justify herself to Theodoros as to Sarapion, in that she makes Sarapion’s letter an inclusion in that to her husband, so that he must read it. Her action suggests the value she gives to her marriage. It may also reflect the provisions of a marriage contract, that she not shame her 13 husband , whereas Sarapion has charged her with being a seducer, ll.19f. In a society with a gendered honour:shame value, Sarapion’s charge would have negative implications. Her desire for relational 14 harmony, however, is not specifically Christian . Other points of interest about marriage arise. Artemis records Sarapion’s daughters’ demand, ‘we want husbands D>QGUH’, l.25. The outburst raises the issue of marriage being restricted to the 15 Christian community , a possible imbalance in numbers of women 16 over those of men and the difficulty this raised . The NT encourages Christians to remain in mixed marriages because of the evangelistic potential, while urging believers not to 17 enter new mixed marriages . The church discouraged marriages 12

Soldiers are able to marry from c.197. See Campbell (1978); Phang (2001). The regular stipulation for women, Arnaoutoglou (1995) 12ff; n.26 below. 14 A husband’s concern for harmony, eg P.Mich.3.214–221 (C3); a wife’s concern for harmony and her husband’s good opinion, eg SB 14.11644 (C1/2). 15 Early Councils indicate mixed marriage was a recurrent issue, but evidence of mixed marriages is less clear. See MacDonald (1990); Salzman (2002) ch.5. 16 Canon 15, Council of Elvira (c.312), ‘Christian girls are very numerous … not to be married off to pagans lest their youthful prime relax into an adultery of the soul’. Also Origen, Contra Celsum 3.44, 50, 55; MacDonald (1996) 109–115. 17 1Cor 7:12–16, 39; 2Cor 6:14–16; 1Pet 3:1. 13

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between Christians and pagans from the apostolic period yet 18 . In later centuries, attitudes against mixed recognised their reality 19 marriage hardened and, in the West, the Council of Elvira (c.312) 20 21 banned them . Continued bans reflect continuing intermarriage . The Council of Hippo (393), however, limited the ban to clergy 22 families , pointing to compromise in the light of continued failure. While the apostle Paul’s discussion of mixed marriage addresses both husband and wife, 1 Peter 3:1–6 and later treatments show the 23 problem mainly concerned Christian women . Sarapion’s daughters voice their demand before the presbyters, exhibiting considerable frustration, certainly with a lack of husbands, possibly with the church’s discouragement of mixed marriage, possibly with the presbyters’ role, if such is the case, in helping organise the marriages of their community. Artemis, nonetheless, holds Sarapion at least partially to blame for the 24 daughters’ situation, an attitude attested in Christian literature . Artemis does not indicate her own attitude to the girls’ lack of husbands, but she considers their behaviour, without using the word, shameful, incurring loss of honour for their father and the church. Chastity is the alternative to marriage. Artemis’ attitude is not exclusively Christian but illustrates an honour:shame value. Valeria, P.Lond.6.1926 Valeria does not name her husband but asks Appa Paphnouthios to pray for him and writes a warm greeting from him to Appa Paphnouthios, indicating their friendship. Valeria’s request for prayer for her husband suggests loving care, but she does not articulate any specifically Christian dimension to her attitude.

18

Eg 2Cor 6:14; Tertullian, De monogamia 2; Eusebius, HE 8.14.16. Eg Tertullian, ‘believers who marry pagans are guilty of fornication’, De monogamia 2; also Apologeticum 3; Cyprian, Ad Quirinum 3.62; De lapsis 6. 20 Canons 15–17. Dating is debated, Evans-Grubbs (1995) 15. 21 Ambrose, Abramo 1.9.84; Zeno of Verona, Tractatus 2.7.8.14–16. 22 Canon 12 (Greek Canon 24). 23 Apostolic Constitutions 3.16; Justin Martyr, Seconda Apologia 2; 1Clem 6:2f. 24 Parents were to provide spouses at an early age to prevent fornication, eg Didascalia Apostolorum 4.11 (XXII); Canons of Athanasius 94. 19

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Tapiam, P.Neph.1 Tapiam in P.Neph.1 appears to live in a harmonious marriage with Paul. Taking ‘we’ to express a shared opinion consistent with her active participation in the letter-writing, l.10, they pray together, are members of the Melitian church and share common attitudes to healing, death and life, the brothers, asceticism and salvation. The letter indicates Paul’s concern for his wife’s health and his concurrence in her travel to the brothers and family while he remains in ‘exile [HQLWHLYD’. Tapiam’s attitude to her marriage 25 includes that she opts not to stay with Paul in her illness . Anonyme, P.Oxy.6.903 This affidavit is part of a marital adjudication of what appears to 26 have been a marriage without contract, D>JUDIRJDYPR . The marriage is conflicted. Anonyme refers to Anonymos’ torture, verbal abuse, reprisals, opposition to church attendance, and failure 27 to give the keys . She classifies Anonymos’ behaviour as ‘outrage X^EUL’, l.1, 17, one of three standard terms for abuse in marital 28 disputes . A previous marital adjudication resulted in sworn undertakings by Anonymos before the bishops to amend behaviour which he, Anonyme and the bishops recognised as unacceptable. The undertakings formed a contract, the regular outcome of adjudication, stipulating behaviour and financial penalties for non29 compliance . It is noteworthy that Anonyme does not mention separation from Anonymos. It suggests a commitment on her part to reconcile, already evident in what is likely to have been her, not 30 Anonymos’, initiation of the first hearing . Seeking reconciliation is consistent with church teaching on the indissolubility of 25

Paul, as a soldier, P.Neph.8, may be unable to leave Alexandria. Such marriage is common. Where contracts exist they refer not to a ceremony but to finance and behaviour negotiable at any time, Montevecchi (1936); Wolff (1939); Taubenschlag (1955) 115–120. Stipulations for the man include that he provide for his wife, not maltreat her, not take a concubine; the one regular stipulation for the woman is that she not shame her husband. 27 On the abuse of women in Egypt in the period, see Parca (2002). 28 ‘Cast out HMNEDYOOHLQ’, ‘wrong NDNRXFHL Q’,X-EULY]HLQ Arnaoutoglou (1995) 23. 29 P.Cairo.Masp.3.67295; Arnaoutoglou (1995) 26; Taubenschlag (1955) 120f. 30 Anonymos is not likely to have arraigned himself. Involvement from family is regular in marital disputes eg P.Mich.8.514 (C3), and friends eg SB 1.4658. 26

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marriage . The ideal of lifelong union, however, exists also in 32 paganism as does the reality of divorce in Christianity. The reasons for Anonyme’s commitment to the marriage may not be Christian conviction. The dating of P.Oxy.6.903 is no more precise than the fourth century, during which divorce legislation 33 underwent a number of developments . Divorce before Constantine was without penalty for both unilateral repudiation and divorce by 34 mutual consent, with few restrictions . Constantine introduced penalties against unilateral divorce for all but a few causes. Women could divorce without penalty where the husband was a murderer, 35 sorcerer or grave robber . Divorce because he was a drunkard, gambler or philanderer led to loss of the woman’s property and exile. Julian rescinded Constantine’s penalties in about 363, and 36 sources suggest that they were not re-imposed until 421 . Depending on dating, Anonyme’s initiating divorce may have resulted in loss of property and liberty. Her motivation for staying in the marriage, therefore, cannot be determined. Anonymos’ misconduct may reflect her inability to divorce. In contrast to Plutarch’s ideal, Anonyme practises her religion in the face of her husband’s hostility. Her unauthorised absence from home is likely to be a source of shame, accounting for Anonymos’ punishing behaviour. The marriage bears the hallmarks of the strife 37 to be avoided by the compliant wife . Anonyme’s assertiveness in attending ‘the Lord’s house’ is consistent with other examples of her independence. She helps Choous, Anonymos’ assistant, financially, against her husband’s wishes. She refuses to dismiss Anilla, Anonymos’ slave-woman. Anonyme is far from the ideal submissive wife of the NT. Her independence is also evident on an 31

Mk 10:5–9; Lk 16:8; Mt 5:31f; 19:9; 1Cor 7:10–16; Herm 29:1; Justin Martyr, Prima Apologia 29; P.Würzb.3 (C3). Whether the ‘Matthean exception’ allows remarriage or only divorceis debated, as is the ‘Pauline privilege’, 1Cor 7:15. 32 See 182 below. 33 See Bagnall (1987b); Evans-Grubbs (1995). 34 Lex Iulia, 18 BCE, lex Papia Poppaea 9. See Gardner (1986) 81–95; Treggiari (1991); Dixon (1992) 61–97; Evans-Grubbs (1995) 203–260. 35 CT 3.16.1 (331). 36 CT 3.16.2. 37 1Pet 3:2. Compliance may end in divorce, Justin Martyr, Seconda Apologia 2.

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economic level. She refers to ‘my’, in contrast to ‘his’, slaves, and 38 to her considerable debts to the state , which Anonymos refuses to pay. Anonyme’s property suggests that she is wealthy in her own right, making economic dependence an unlikely factor in her decision to stay in the marriage. Anonyme’s independent actions contrast with her limited authority within the household. Anonymos withholds the household keys from her while allowing them to his slaves. The keys have 39 symbolic as well as practical significance . The gendered division of space in the ancient world, which gave women authority in the domestic sphere, is suspended here at Anonymos’ say-so. Anonyme’s appeal to her mother-in-law as a witness suggests she lives with the couple and that the marriage is conducted within a 40 vertically extended family on the husband’s side, as was common . Attiaena, P.Oxy.50.3581 Attiaena’s petition seeks arbitration on personal and property issues after her divorce from Paul. Attiaena refers to abduction, theft, abandonment, reconciliation/s, further theft and abandonment, divorce she initiated, a second abduction, probable rape, and a third 41 abandonment. The reconciliation on which this text focuses , probably an adjudication with subsequent contract, occurs through Paul’s ‘beguiling’ through the mediation of the presbyters. The beginning of Attiaena’s marriage lies in Paul’s abduction of 42 her . Harsh legislation to prevent abduction marriage was 43 promulgated in the early fourth century . Abduction could be a means of forcing families to acquiesce in a disapproved marriage 44 since the woman’s reputation was damaged . The law assumed that if a woman allowed herself to be abducted, forcibly or not, she had 38

100 artabai of wheat, enough for an adult for 16 years, Bagnall (1993a) 116. Withholding keys is part of divorce procedure in the Twelve Tables, Cicero, Philippics 2.28.69. See also Gardner (1986) 84. 40 Dixon (1992) 7–11; Bagnall (1993a) 118, 199. 41 SDYOLQ, l.8, indicates previous reconciliations. 42 On abduction, Gardner (1986) 118–121; Clark (1993) 11f, 36–38. 43 CT 9.24.1 (326). See also Evans-Grubbs (1989); (1995) 183–193. 44 Penalties aim not to protect the woman and punish the abductor but to protect the father’s rights. Constantine’s legislation presumes the woman’s fault. 39

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consented to it . Willing participation on the woman’s part was not always the case as this text indicates. Attiaena, however, describes 46 her relationship as marriage, that is, with consent . An abducted girl’s marriage prospects, being damaged, no doubt made ‘consent’ the only viable alternative. Attiaena claims to be an orphan and is, therefore, presumably without protection. Paul abandons Attiaena and cohabits with another woman, l.7. While married men with mistresses appear frequently, cohabitation 47 with the mistress indicates the end of a marriage . In leaving Attiaena, Paul takes all her property, l.6, most probably her dowry, 48 perhaps indicating that he claims she has acted wrongly . She asserts that she is left with nothing (HL>DVHYQ PHFKUHXYRXVDQ), ll.7f, 49 yet continues to live in ‘our house’, l.9, which she owns . Attiaena does not write about divorce, the restoration of her dowry or any legal procedures against Paul at this point. Given a late fourth- or early fifth-century date, no current penalties against unilateral repudiation prevented her from initiating divorce had she chosen it. Her disinclination may reflect a Christian commitment to marriage 50 or the disadvantages of the divorced state . Paul initiates reconciliation through the presbyters who broker a marriage contract and are an example of clergy mediating in marital disputes. They perhaps also represent the church’s concern for social respectability in the stability of Christian marriages. Paul offers in writing that the original marriage is still valid, l.9, and undertakes, if he behaves in the same way, l.10, to pay a penalty. Paul’s father is surety for him, and evidence of the involvement of extended family in marital arrangements, and of Paul’s father’s 51 support for the marriage’s continuance . The written document is not called a marriage contract but no doubt functioned as one. It 45

Evans-Grubbs (1995) 185f. Intention, consent and cohabitation form marriage, Gardner (1986) 46f, 50. 47 A new marriage by cohabitation demonstrates divorce has happened, Cicero, De oratore 1.40.183, 56.238; Treggiari (1991) 35. 48 A dowry was forfeit only as a penalty, Evans-Grubbs (1995) 226–234. 49 ‘Our’, ll.5, 9, does not include Paul. The house may be inherited from Attiaena’s parents. Seven such cases are known from C3, Barker (1997). 50 See MacDonald (1990) 233f. 51 Paul’s name reflects his parents’ Christianity. The attitude would be consistent. 46

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stipulates the behaviour required of Paul but Attiaena is silent about any requirements of her. Attiaena acquiesces in Paul’s ‘beguiling’. She is still committed to the marriage for reasons that are unknown but may include the approval of the church and the status and support of the married state, although Attiaena appears to have some independent means. It may again be that reconciliation is consistent with Attiaena’s own Christian convictions. Attiaena obeys the presbyters’ advice/demand that she take Paul back. Her ideal of Christian womanhood, at least at this time, is consistent with the submission 52 urged in church teaching and coincident with pagan self-control (VZIURVXYQK). The submission, however, is not unmixed. Attiaena reflects that Paul ‘again beguiled SDYOLQHM[KSDYYWKVHQ me through the elders until D>FUL I again took him into our house’, ll.8f. Attiaena uses the aorist of the beguiling, while D>FULsuggests a period of time during which the beguiling occurred. Use of the aorist for ongoing action in the past, now complete and considered as a unit, is regular. The construction suggests reluctance or at least hesitancy on Attiaena’s part, withstanding Paul and the presbyters for a time, and their repeated approach. She finally concedes. The reconciliation fails. As self-protection, l.15, Attiaena sends to 53 Paul ‘a repudium … in accordance with Roman law’, ll.15–17 . Attiaena’s submission gives way to self-assertion in initiating divorce contrary to the church’s ideals. Further assertive action is evident in Attiaena’s petition for redress, without guardianship or male assistance. Both actions are within her legal capacity. WIDOWHOOD, DIVORCE AND REMARRIAGE Two of the women writers state that they are widows, the mother in SB 18.13612 and Leuchis in P.Herm.17. Attiaena in P.Oxy.50.3581 is divorced. Five other women are likely to be widowed or divorced 52

Eg Eph 5:22–24; Col 3:18; 1Pet 3:1–6, 1Clem 1:3; 21:6f. The Church Fathers describe relationships in terms of power/submission; eg husband is king ruling wife and children, Chrysostom, Homilies in 1 Corinthians 34.7; Clark (1979) 2. 53 Ed.pr. equates EDVLOLNRQRYPR with CJ 5.17.8 (449), perhaps CT 3.16.2 (421; 438 East) or NTh 12 (439). But CT 3.16.1 (331) presumes repudia. See Taubenschlag (1955) 122; Gardner (1986) 85f; Bagnall (1987b) 43, n.7.

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but do not say so: Kophaena in BGU 3.948, the mother in P.Abinn.34, Aria in SB 14.11588, Demetria in Stud.Pal.20.86 and Teeus in P.Lips.1.28. Their experience has for its context the church’s teaching on marriage, divorce and remarriage, and contemporary pagan attitudes. The church’s teaching is not uniform across time or place. The NT 54 urges young widows to marry and have children , and encourages 55 them not to . Older widows, if married only once, may enrol for church support if they remain celibate, pray for the church and 56 teach other women to become the church’s ideal wife and mother . Discouragement of widows remarrying occurs in early Christian 57 literature and in post-Constantinian legislation, especially for 58 widows with children . Tertullian, in his later writing, rejects the 59 possibility of remarriage altogether . Jerome regards it as close to 60 prostitution . The Christian discouragement of remarriage is generally articulated in terms of faithfulness to Christ. The parallel concept in late Roman antiquity, though conceived differently, is 61 the ideal of the univira , which persisted alongside the social 62 freedom, and at times requirement, to remarry . Remarriage of divorced women and men was discouraged and in some places and at different times forbidden by the church, based 54

1Tim 5:14. Methuen (1997) argues that the category ‘widow’ may include virgins. 55 1Cor 7:27–35 and Herm 32 discourage remarriage. 1Cor 7:39 permits it. 56 1Tim 5:3–16. They are enrolled at 60 years, ie after childbearing and rearing. 57 Eg Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis 3.12; Justin Martyr, Prima Apologia 15. 58 CJ 5.37.22.5 (326); CT 8.13.1 (349); 8.13.4 (358); 3.17.4 (390). The legal requirement that widows remarry ceased in 320, CT 8.16.1. 59 Tertullian, De exhortatione castitatis (c.212); De monogamia (c.217). Ad uxorem (200–206) allowed second marriages. 60 Jerome, Against Jovinian 1.13–15. 61 Gardner (1986) 50ff; Treggiari (1991) 49; Dixon (1992) 67, 89, 212, n.123. Evans-Grubbs (1995) 66–68, notes that in pre-Christian inscriptions univirae almost always predecease their husbands. Christian univirae refuse to remarry. 62 Widows could remarry after 10 months or childbirth. Before 320, it was required after 24 months (lex Iulia, lex Papia Poppaea). See Gardner (1986) 51f; Evans-Grubbs (1995) 66–68; Arjava (1996) 77. Divorcées/widows over 30–35 tended not to remarry, Bagnall and Frier (1994) 153f, fig.6.1.

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63

on NT condemnation . This attitude contrasts with the prevailing 64 social practice which allowed it and, in Augustan law, required it . In the West, even the ‘innocent’ partner in a case of adultery could 65 not remarry, despite separation being sometimes mandatory . The early fifth-century apocryphal canons of Nicaea, written in Egypt, allow a spouse unjustly accused to divorce and remarry. However 66 remarriage after divorce for adultery was not permitted . Leuchis and the mother of Philadelphos do not discuss widowhood in terms of the fourth-century debates, nor Attiaena her divorce. Leuchis, P.Herm.17 Leuchis, in stating that she is ‘a widow woman’, l.6, reliant on Apa Johannes for help, gives no indication of her spiritual understanding of, or attitude to, widowhood, or whether she has 67 made a conscious decision to remain a widow . The Mother, SB 18.13612 The mother calls herself a widow, ll.10f, pleading her neediness to Apa Johannes in relation to the exactor. If the mother constructs her widowhood as a consciously chosen state rejecting second marriage out of Christian conviction she does not say so. Kophaena, BGU 3.948; the Mother, P.Abinn.34; Aria SB 14.11588; Teeus, P.Lips.1.28; Demetria, Stud.Pal.20.86 These women do not refer to their marital status although all seem to be without husbands. Whether their continued status as widowed or divorced arises out of Christian conviction is not known. CONCLUSION The texts examined in relation to marriage and the Christian women’s beliefs and practices suggest a number of conclusions. 63

See 178 above. Origen, Commentary on Matthew, 14.23, discouraged remarriage but saw the need to prevent fornication. 64 After 18 months (lex Iulia, lex Papia Poppaea); see also Arjava (1996) 77. 65 Christian law unlike Roman law required the innocent partner to separate in order not to condone the sin. They then had to receive a repentant partner back. 66 Bagnall (1987b) 46–50; Evans-Grubbs (1995) 246f. 67 In the papyri FKYUDis never a ministry position.

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The first relates to the expression of marital status. Only five women indicate that they are married. In addition, the mother in P.Benaki 4 is married but does not state it. Five other women have been married, no longer are, but do not mention their status. Two further women are widows and one is divorced. In the remaining twelve texts the women do not indicate marital status. Of these, nine are private letters, two are public documents and one a semiofficial letter. Only Mikke, referring to her brother, implies that she lives with a man. These women do not describe their lives in terms of close relationships with men or day-to-day dependence on them, nor do the seven widowed/divorced women. There is expression of material need only from Kophaena, BGU 3.948, and Allous, SB 14.11881, and of practical need only from Leuchis, P.Herm.17, and the mother of Philadelphos, SB 18.13612. The silence about marital status and omission of reference to husbands by three-quarters of the women are striking but their significance requires caution, firstly because the sample is small, and secondly because arguments from silence are problematic. Nonetheless, the statistics invite consideration. It seems unlikely that such a high proportion of women not mentioning marital status is an accident of source preservation. It may be that these texts confirm the proposal that among Christians 68 marriage was not a primary status category . It may be that the silence reflects singleness, and the high number of documents mirrors the women’s need to act for themselves. It may be that mention of husbands was inappropriate in these particular texts, although with the private letters some mention of husbands would seem natural and, in the cases of Tare, Taouak, Aria and Allous, appropriate to their concerns. There is no positive evidence to suggest that the women are ascetic. It has been argued that Christianity, by its attitude to marriage, remarriage and asceticism, 69 gave women choices that previously had not been available . The women’s self-descriptions suggest the influence of such choices. Marriage appears to be the accepted norm among those women who mention it. It is the preferred status of Sarapion’s daughters in P.Grenf.1.53. Asceticism is also clearly valued as a superior 68 69

Moxnes (1997a) 38. Herrin (1983, 1993) 179; Clark (1993) 140.

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Christian discipline by those who refer to it, although the evaluation is of male asceticism and applied to others. The second conclusion concerns the married women’s commitment to their marriages. The mother in P.Benaki 4, Terouterou in P.Edmonstone, Valeria in P.Lond.6.1926 and Tapiam in P.Neph.1 give no information on the nature of their commitments beyond being in marriages. Artemis in P.Grenf.1.53 indicates commitment to the quality of her marriage, and Anonyme in P.Oxy.6.903 and Attiaena in P.Oxy.50.3581 to the continuance of theirs despite abuse until, in Attiaena’s case, the abuse exceeds her limits. The women’s commitments are consistent with Christian teaching on the indissolubility of marriage and contrast with the more ready practice of divorce and remarriage in pagan society, although commitment and marital arbitration are attested also among pagans. It may be that the Constantinian penalties are a factor in the women’s decisions to remain married, at least in Anonyme’s case. Attiaena’s decision to divorce Paul represents significant personal assertion in the face of the church’s ideals. The third conclusion concerns the married women’s behaviour within their marriages in light of Christian teaching on women’s submission. Two do not conform to the ideal. In P.Oxy.6.903 Anonyme pursues her Christian praxis independently, despite Anonymos’ opposition, and defies her husband. In P.Oxy.50.3581 Attiaena asserts herself in resisting the presbyters and Paul, and ultimately divorcing him. The women represent a reality of Christian marriage that differs from the literary ideal. How representative they are is impossible to tell. The sample size is small and the nature of the papyri is such that marriages in conflict are those which create written records while generally harmonious marriages appear only incidentally. For the other five women known to be married in P.Benaki 4, P.Edmonstone, P.Grenf.1.53, P.Lond.6.1926 and P.Neph.1, marriage is incidental to the women’s purposes and the texts give no insight into the nature of their marriages or their relation to NT teaching. A fourth conclusion concerns the women and asceticism. That asceticism is practised among fourth-century Christian women is certain but renunciation of marriage finds no overt expression among the Christian women writers. Kophaena in BGU 3.948, the mother in P.Abinn.34, Leuchis in P.Herm.17, Teeus in P.Lips.1.28,

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the mother in SB 18.13612 and Demetria in Stud.Pal.20.86, once married, appear to live without husbands. They do not reveal their reasons or, it follows, the role of their beliefs in the reasons. Asceticism may be a factor in the apparent absence of husbands from the sixteen texts of the women who do not mention marital status but, again, there is no evidence for it in their documents. Didyme and the sisters in particular may live ascetically, but their marital status and their convictions about it are not expressed. A fifth conclusion concerns the Christian distinctiveness of the women’s attitudes to marriage and derives from the conclusions above. The women exhibit behaviours both consistent and inconsistent with Christian ideals, both wifely submission and independent assertiveness, commitment to the permanence of marriage and willingness to divorce. The church’s distinctive positions on widowhood, divorce, remarriage and asceticism are not articulated and do not always determine the women’s actions. WOMEN AND FAMILY Early Christian attitudes to family derive from Jewish traditions and the customs of Greek and Roman society, the concurrence of Christian teaching and that of Greek philosophical schools long 70 being recognised . Hebrew Scripture gives a high priority to family, including that honour of mothers and fathers correlates with 71 honour of God , and nurture of children is a responsibility from 72 73 God . NT teaching largely endorses the principle and similarly 74 75 commands care for extended family . The Haustafeln , which address the relationship between fathers and sons, cannot be 70

Eg Aristotle, Politics 1.2; Seneca, Epistolae Morales 94.15; De beneficiis 2.18.1ff; Epictetus, Discourses 2.10.3–13. Dibelius (1953) 48–50, argues for a Stoic background to the Haustafeln; Moxnes (1997a) 2. 71 Ex 20:12; Lev 20:9; Prov 17:25; 19:26. 72 Deut 6:7; Prov 13:24; 22:6; 29:17. 73 Mk 7:9–13; 2Cor 12:14; Heb 12:9; 1Clem 1:3; Did 4:9. 74 1Tim 5:4. 75 Eph 6:1–4; Col 3:20f. Also Heb 12:5–11; 1Clem 21:6, 8; Ignatius, To Polycarp 4.1–6.1. The Haustafeln are household codes which specify non-reciprocal, hierarchical, paired relationships within the household and assign asymmetrical duties to both the superior and inferior party.

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automatically applied to mothers and daughters since symmetrical relationships cannot be presumed between fathers, mothers, sons 76 and daughters . In the NT the role of mothers receives explicit attention only in the Pastoral Epistles where women are told to love 77 their children and be good managers of the household , an ideal common in ancient societies. Timothy is to relate ‘to older women 78 as mothers’ but this is given no content. Mothers in the gospels, 79 80 apart from Jesus’ mother , are mentioned without comment . The idealised picture of the Holy Family in Mt 1:18–2:23 and Lk 2:39–52 indicates that family, mutual care and harmony were significant values in the early church. As its theology developed, the family became a model for the church as the household of 81 God . This model carries inherent expectations about children’s submission to, and respect for, fathers and about the father as ruler 82 of the household . The place of mothers is expressed only in terms of submission as wife alongside children and slaves. Articulation of the relationship of God to believers in terms of fatherhood, together with the status of believers as children of God, and brothers and sisters to each other, reflects the early Christian understanding of, and preoccupation with, family and gendered hierarchy. 83

The NT, however, is not univocal in its discussion of family . Ambivalence about family with its distractions appears in language 84 about hatred of family and leaving family for discipleship . The 85 attitude re-emerges in the later apocryphal Acts and in the practice

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Hallett (1984) 32; (1989) 60; Malina (1990) 57–59. Tit 2:4f. 78 1Tim 5:2 79 Mary is a model of motherhood in Lk 2:4–7, 51; Mk 3:31–35; Jn 19:25–27; of chastity in ‘biographies’ from C2 eg Protoevangelium of James. She is more a model of virginity than motherhood in C4, Cameron (1991) 93, 100, 175. 80 Mt 8:14f; 27:55f; Mk 1:29–31; 7:24–30; 15:40f; Lk 4:38; 7:11–17. 81 A family pattern is assumed by the time of the Pastoral Epistles, Barclay (1997) 77. See also Moxnes (1997a); (1997b); Harding (2001) 50–54. 82 1Tim 3:1–5; Heb 3:1–6; Gal 6:10; Eph 2:19–22. 83 On these contradictory attitudes, see Barclay (1997) 73–78. 84 Eg Mk 10:29ff; Lk 14:26. 85 Eg Thekla rejects her fiancé and parents, ActsPaul 3:5–7. See Uro (1997). 77

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of renunciation, both sexual and familial, in the ascetic movement 86 of the third and later centuries . Family sentiment as it is conceived in the modern Western world cannot be presumed in antiquity, evidenced, for example, in the 87 exposure of children , their sale into slavery, sexual exploitation 88 and apprenticing at young ages . Family feeling as applied to 89 parental loss of children is debated . Denied by some as a common feature of life, inscriptions commemorating the deaths of infants 90 indicate emotional investment and grief . Eighteen of the women writers refer to children, parents and extended family. Kophaena, BGU 3.948 This family comprises Kophaena, widowed or divorced, her son Theodoulos and his son Zenon, and Kyrilla her daughter who has children but whose husband is not mentioned, so that she too may be widowed or divorced. Theodoulos’ wife is not mentioned and may be dead or divorced. Kophaena has clear expectations, consistent with scriptural and societal norms, that Theodoulos express his sonship by caring for her and maintaining their relationship through letters and support. Kyrilla’s presence, notably, is insufficient. Kophaena’s expectation of Theodoulos illustrates what is revealed in studies of ancient Greek families, that sons carry the responsibility of providing for 91 their widowed mothers . Theodoulos’ lack of care causes hurt and

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The Council of Gangra (340/341) condemned abandonment of family, witnessing to the practice. Some ascetics placed female relatives in communities, eg Pachomius, Basil of Caesarea, Antony. Others continue family contact, eg Abba Sylvanus 3, 4; Carion 2; Poemen 5, AP 123f, 100f, 138. 87 Part of a father’s ius vitae necisque. The practice was not prohibited until 374. 88 Brown (1991) 261, 438; Dixon (1992) 131; Bagnall (1997). 89 Garnsey and Saller (1987) ch. 7, ‘Family and Household’, 126–147; Dixon (1991) 109; (1992) 99f, 107ff, 123; Bagnall (1993a) 202. 90 Bagnall (1993a) 202; eg IGUR 1323; SEG 22.355; 29.1190; I.Smyrna 519. 91 Pomeroy (1998) 194; Winter (2003) 126. Where a daughter is eldest of sisters, the duties of eldest son fall to her, El-Mosalamy (1997) 271. For parents’ expectations in old age, see Dixon (1992) 108–111. For children’s obligations,

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shame . Kophaena accuses, ‘you did not have the grace RXN HMWRYOPKND to …’, l.7. She embodies the situation of widows in 1Tim 5:4 whose children fail to provide for them. Theodoulos’ neglect places her in a difficult situation economically, reflected in the letter’s requests for material support, and emotionally, in needing help and bearing shame. 92

Using Winter’s reconstruction, Kophaena has favoured Theodoulos her son, over Kyrilla her daughter, an attitude common in the 93 ancient world . Male children were preferred for the continuance of the household, for property and financial reasons, and for future social security. Kophaena understands family relationship as a system of obligation. She has cared for Theodoulos, favoured him, and therefore he ought now to show consideration for her. Kophaena’s resentment, evident in RXNHMWRYOPKND is stated three times in ll.7, 9, 10, in syntax that borders on the inarticulate. Kophaena’s devotion to Theodoulos continues despite his lack of response. She prays for him, giving a religious dimension to her motherhood. She follows her rebukes with requests for costly 94 linen from which she will make him a garment, grain and she will send him food, and wool for a cloak for herself and she will send him the money. The family is such that Kophaena expects Theodoulos’ support and yet, in having to ask, wants nothing for which she cannot give some exchange. She needs Theodoulos’ help but complains of lacking opportunity to help him, l.14. Kophaena’s conception of motherhood, in accordance with Christian and pagan ideals, places her in the role of carer and giver. She displays an uncomfortable awareness of dependence on Theodoulos, at the same time as she asserts her motherhood and ability to give to her 95 son, seen in her unusual formulation of prayer and offers of see eg P.Oxy.8.1121 (295). Malina (1990) 60, argues that the mother/son relationship is the closest in intensity to the modern idea of love in marriage. 92 On neighbours monitoring family relationships, see Cohen (1991) 48–50, 52. 93 Eg P.Oxy.4.744 (C1 BCE); P.Giss.77 (C2); P.Oxy.9.1216 (C2/3). Favouring males is evident in the number of girl-babies exposed, a bias inferred from the 2:1 ratio of female:male slaves. See Gardner (1986) 156–158; Lane-Fox (1986) 48, 343; Bagnall (1997). The main reason for exposure is economic, Brown (1991) 261. 94 Wool is common, flax expensive, used for the wealthy, Bagnall (1993a) 33. 95 See 129 above.

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exchange. Kophaena oddly does not mention Zenon as an added reason for Theodoulos’ obligation but relies solely on her motherhood. Her sense of ideal motherhood and ideal family is at odds with the reality of her situation. Kophaena evidently raises her grandson, Zenon, at least during the thirteen-month absence of his father and after the likely death or divorce of the mother. It was law that children remain in their father’s household, being in his potestas, following the ending of a marriage, although there is evidence that this was not always 96 followed and that women could petition for custody . Kyrilla, notably, appears, from the greeting, to live in her familial home with her children after possibly being divorced or widowed. This family is typical of the vertically extended family which appears 97 frequently in the papyri and in census returns in Roman Egypt . The Mother, P.Abinn.34 The mother, who is probably widowed or divorced, has at least two children in the army, Moses and Heron. She styles herself solely by teknomyny of her elder/eldest son, a self-designation which occurs 98 elsewhere in the papyri but is not common . She clearly considers her name irrelevant for identification and success in her purpose. The mother adopts a humble yet urgent pose, ‘I ask your feet …’, ll.11f, ‘I ask you and I beg you …’, l.15, seeking leave for Athioeis who must surely be another son. The need for the ‘five days’ is unexplained but important. If it is for the mother’s benefit, the text illustrates the vital role of sons to a widowed/divorced mother; if for Athioeis’ benefit, it indicates the extent of a mother’s advocacy that takes her into the public world. The differing possibilities do not allow a firm conclusion about the mother’s purpose. On either interpretation, the text attests the significance of family. The Mother, P.Benaki 4 The mother writes to ‘my most holy son’, l.1, a letter which implies preoccupation with him with its instructions about food she has sent and references to mutual visits. The son in P.Benaki 5 thanks 96

Gardner (1986) 146–152. Bagnall (1993a) 199. 98 Eg SB 18.13612. The mothers of Moses and Philadelphos identify themselves by the relationship most likely to elicit the response they want. 97

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Christ and praises God for his mother’s safe arrival, ll.3–7, and for 99 her good health, ll. 22–24 . The editor suggests the relationship is a spiritual one but gives no reason. On the contrary, the content and 100 tone of the letters point to kinship . Her maternal care bypasses an opening prayer, instead announcing immediately her safe return ‘for your sake GLDYVH’, l.2. Whether her care expresses itself in a closing prayer is lost in the broken portion of the papyrus. The son writes P.Benaki 5 to his mother alone, although he refers to his father in ll.13f and possibly in the plural forms of ll.23–25, 28. Nonetheless, the mother emerges as his primary, independent contact with the family. Athanasia, P.Berl.Zill.12 Athanasia writes ‘to my lady mothers’, l.1. 0KYWKU in the papyri of 101 the period can denote an older female friend, a spiritual mother or 102 the superior of a convent although the list of persons greeted argues against such a meaning here. Athanasia also greets ‘my lord father and my lady mother and my sister Horigenia’, ll.9ff, who appear to be a distinct family grouping. She further greets ‘my lord brother Pekulos’, l.14, fourteen other people without familial epithets, and an unnumbered ‘all your people (whom I greet) by name’, ll.18f. It may be that one of the mothers in the prescript, later addressed as ‘my lady mother’, is Athanasia’s natural 103 mother , and that the prayers using VH ll.4, 20,and the singular imperatives, ll.4, 6, address her. The non-literal use of ‘father’ and ‘mother’ for the distinct family grouping, without accompanying names, is unusual and represents a development under Christian influence of the conventions that 104 applied prior to the fourth century . Whether Pekulos is a natural brother is unknown. The letter’s content, appeal against anxiety and 99

The son also writes about joy in relation to his father but the reason is lost. Suggested by use of kinship terms without names as identifiers, use of XL-RY and PKYWKU between a woman and a church official, her instructions about food etc 4.3–9, reference to ‘my lord father’, 5.13f, (ed.). Contra Dickey (2004) 142. 101 Eg Chrysostom, Homiliae in Matthaeum 44.2. Also Lampe (1961, 1968) s.v. 102 Eg Gregory of Nyssa, La vie de Sainte Macrine 26.30. 103 PKYWKUused non-literally does not occur before C2, is unusual in C3 but more frequent in C4. Non-literal use with no name in a prescript is rare. 104 Dinneen (1927); Tibiletti (1979) 32; Dickey (2004). 100

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greetings illustrate the significance of relationships, family and non-family in antiquity, and Athanasia is typical of those who make efforts to maintain them including through the religious dimension of prayer. This text carries a sense of a community of people, family and others, gathered in the mothers’ home hearing Athanasia’s news and greetings. Her elevated tone in the greeting 105 and farewell is oddly at variance with this. Tare, P.Bour.25 Tare is a woman for whom family is of primary importance and lack of family a grief. Her language is emotive and colourful: she refers to her aunt as ‘longed for’, l.1; her mother was her ‘whole family’, l.10; Tare is now ‘desolate H>UKPR, having no-one’, l.10. Tare writes as though she has a strong family connection with Horeina, but the reality seems otherwise. Tare establishes her identity as family in the prescript, explaining that she is ‘Tare, daughter of your sister Allous’, l.2, and repeating it in the address, ll.20f. Such identification by the writer is rare. The usual formula qualifies the name of the addressee with a relational epithet while the writer’s name is not qualified. Tare’s formula occurs in two other letters of the late fourth, early fifth century, both emphasising 106 the relationship the epithet claims . Tare’s appeal for contact suggests the aunt’s relationship with Allous may not necessarily extend to her: ‘therefore, remember (me), aunt, as though my mother were living’, ll.12f. Tare for her part claims belonging, ‘greet all our family’, ll.14f. Tare calls Horeina ‘Apollonios’ sister’, a regular description of a wife; otherwise it would be striking that Tare does not also appeal to Apollonios as Allous’ brother/half-brother. Tare’s sense of family includes the common religious dimension of prayer, ll.4f. The unusual and emphatic statement, ‘for this is my prayer’, l.6, establishes the reality of the prayer and the family 107 connection , and on this basis, Tare appeals for an expression of family solidarity in return. She asks her aunt to remember her and ‘if she finds anyone, to send to [her]’, most probably a letter. For 105

See 24 above. P.Ross.Georg.3.10; BGU 3.948. 107 See 131 above. 106

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Tare, kinship clearly carries the obligation to give the family bond practical expression. Artemis, P.Grenf.1.53 Artemis sends greetings to her husband from his children, (DMVSDY]HWDL WDSDLGLYDVRX), ll.8f. ‘6RX’ may suggest that Artemis is not the children’s mother but a subsequent wife but such use of 108 the singular pronoun for a father of his children is regular . Artemis does not reveal her attitudes towards the children. Her understanding of parental responsibility and children’s behaviour emerges in her statements about Sarapion’s family. Daughters are to be modest, chaste and submissive; and a father is ultimately responsible for his daughters’ circumstances and behaviour and should act so. Her ideal is common to Christians and pagans. Teeus, P.Lips.1.28 Teeus, a 60-year-old grandmother, gives Paesis, her ten-year-old grandson, in adoption to his uncle, Teeus’ son, Silvanos an apotactic, according to Paesis’ father Papnouthios’ verbal request. Papnouthios, Teeus’ older son, has died, as has Paesis’ mother. Paesis is in his father’s household, with Teeus as his primary carer and with the authority to give him in adoption, along with his paternal and maternal inheritances. The adoption secures Paesis’ 109 care and both his and Silvanos’ property within the family . Teeus’ authority in giving Paesis for adoption is noteworthy, if technically not allowed. It is noteworthy also that there is no 110 mention of patria potestas . In Egyptian and Greek law prior to the Constitutio Antoniniana, grandmothers could become guardians 111 of their grandchildren while in Roman law prior to 390, women were forbidden to be guardians but had to apply for guardianship if 108

Singular possessives of children are less common than the article or plural possessive and are almost always used of the father as here, eg P.Mich.3.216; 218 (C3). Death of the mother in childbirth is common, eg SB 16.12606 (C3). 109 Devolution of wealth from families to monasteries was a problem in late C4, CT 16.2.20; 16.2.27 (390), but the ban was soon repealed. See D. Hunt, ‘The Church as a Public Institution’, in Cameron and Garnsey (1998) 238–276. 110 Arjava (1998) 160, notes confusion about patria potestas in C3–4 papyri. 111 Eg P.Fouad 35 (48); P.Lond.3.1164 (212); P.Mich.inv.2922 (172/3). Justinian later legislated the right, Novella 118.c.5 cited in Taubenschlag (1955) 156.

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there was no provision in the father’s will . It is likely, however, 113 that there was widespread confusion as to the rules . Teeus acts as matriarch in the family. Her attitude to her dead son’s request and the future absence of Paesis is unknown, but Teeus has taken initial charge of him. Teeus is almost certainly a widow or divorced, acting without a guardian but with a self-appointed 114 assistant who is not kin as scribe . Little is evident of Teeus’ relationship with Silvanos except that they maintain their family bond despite his apotactic status and they cooperate in the adoption of Paesis. It may be that Silvanos is usually Teeus’ assistant but, 115 being party to this agreement, is unable to act . It may also be that Silvanos is not Teeus’ usual assistant because of his vocation. Teeus’ use of non-kin to assist suggests that Silvanos is her only surviving son. Valeria, P.Lond.6.1926 Valeria asks Appa Paphnouthios to pray for her two daughters, both of whom are (still) unmarried, Bessiana and Theoklia, as for her husband. The kinship terms are undoubtedly literal and her 116 request gives a religious dimension to her maternal care . The daughters ‘embrace’ Paphnouthios and Valeria writes that her ‘whole household’, ll.25f, greet him. Valeria does not ask for prayer for the household, which clearly stands in a more distant relationship to her and attests the identity of the nuclear family within the RL?NR. Valeria uses kinship language of her relationship to Paphnouthios, ‘most honoured father’, l.27, verso and ‘from your daughter, Valeria’, verso, the latter indicating a particularly 117 close relationship . 112

Gardner (1986) 146–148; CJ 5.35.1 (225), 2 (373); CJ 2.12.18; CT 3.17.4 (390). But see P.Med.Bar.1 (142); P.Oxy.3.495 (181–189), though possibly Egyptian law. See also Taubenschlag (1955) 156; Gardner (1986) 149f; Clark (1993) 59f; Arjava (1998); Dixon (2001) 83, 181; Vuolanto (2002) 214–224. 113 Law differs from practice; eg from late C2 women control children’s property with only nominal guardians, Clark (1993) 59; Evans-Grubbs (1995) 332, n.50. 114 Most women’s guardians and assistants are male relatives. 115 Conflict of interest was recognised in Roman law, Taubenschlag (1955) 174. 116 Valeria’s use of PRXraises the question whether the daughters are also her husband’s. See 193 above. 117 See 157 above.

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Tapiam, P.Neph.1 Tapiam and Paul ask the brothers for prayer ‘because of our exile and our children’s’, ll.7ff. The request emphasises the children’s inclusion in their parents’ lot. The children will accompany Tapiam on her visit to Hathor rather than stay motherless with their father, 118 maybe also to ensure their care among family should Tapiam die . The children clearly have a special status for Tapiam and Paul because of their healing. Tapiam and Paul’s prayer to die ‘in their own home’, l.15, and ‘near their own people’, ll.16f, illustrates the value placed on family as support in a world of ‘hardship’, l.18. Anonyme, P.Oxy.6.903 Anonyme in P.Oxy.6.903 provides a description of a large household. She refers to slaves, ‘his’ and ‘mine’, ll.2f; her fosterdaughters, l.3; Anonymos’ agent and his son, l.3; Choous, Anonymos’ assistant, l.26; and Anonymos’ mother. The fosterdaughters typically would be the children of poor relatives brought 119 120 up in the household by Anonyme . Among other purposes , fostering could be a device to remedy childlessness and there is no reference to Anonyme and Anonymos’ children, although they may be adult. Being foster-daughters implies that the children remain in their own father’s or guardian’s potestas or they are sui iuris. Yet Anonyme’s foster-daughters appear to come under the potestas of Anonymos in that he imprisons, strips and tortures them as he abuses his slaves. If the girls are far from their families or sui iuris there may be no one to protect them. Anonyme’s disapproval of the treatment of the household suggests concern but powerlessness against Anonymos. Nonetheless, she has some power evident in her assistance of Choous against Anonymos’ wishes and her refusal to dismiss Anilla. The household for their part show her loyalty even under torture. Anonyme cites Anonymos’ mother as witness against her son. The solidarity of the women in light of the mother’s vulnerability should she alienate her son, the closeness of mothers and sons in 118

Paul is a soldier in Alexandria, P.Neph.8, eds.pr. 7URYILPDLare not slaves nor adopted. Women could not adopt, having no potestas, except by imperial rescript, Gardner (1986) 144; Balconi (2001) 246. 120 Eg enabling mothers and children to work, Dixon (1992) 11, 128f. 119

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the ancient world and natural family loyalty are noteworthy and no doubt carried significance for the recipients of the statement. It is interesting to note that the core of this family is largely female, consisting of Anonyme, a number of foster-daughters, female slaves and Anonymos’ mother. The women stand together against their male head, revealing a household that is far from harmonious. The Landlady, P.Oxy.48.3407 The landlady addresses Papnouthis and Hatres, her employees, as ‘brothers DMGHOIRLY’, l.18. She again uses DMGHOIRLYof Nepotianos and Diogenes who are likely to be her natural brothers where the former are not. The landlady’s reminder, ‘you yourselves know that they are not strangers’,ll.11–13, suggests that Nepotianos and Diogenes are not well known to Papnouthis and Hatres, perhaps living on another part of the family property, with this an example of cooperative family agricultural work that enables greater 122 productivity through sharing resources . Attiaena, P.Oxy.50.3581 Attiaena refers only to an immediate family: a daughter whom she has borne to her abusive husband, Paul, and a pregnancy after her divorce as a result of a second abduction, although she says nothing about the child or its birth. The petition may serve to secure the child’s legitimacy but Attiaena does not request it or ask for maintenance. A deterrent may be that the potestas of a father, established through legitimacy, included the right to custody. It is notable that Paul does not avail himself of this right in relation to the daughter. His attitude to the second child, were it a son, may be different. Attiaena does not refer to her attitudes to her children but she has the care of them. She states that she is an orphan, makes no reference to a wider family, and submits the petition without a guardian or male assistant, signing herself. Attiaena’s isolation from the regular social structural supports of family is marked. Didyme and the Sisters, SB 8.9746, P.Oxy.14.1774 The relationships among Didyme and the sisters, the beloved sister Sophias, and the lady sister Atienateia are debated. The proposal 121 122

On the role of sons in caring for widowed mothers, see 188 above. See eg P.Cair.Isid.24–26 (C4); P.Sakaon 50 (322); also Bagnall (1993a) 118.

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that the women are members of an ascetic community receives only slight support in the texts mainly in the lack of reference to any husbands and children, and while there is a hint of corporate prayer in ‘we pray you be well’, P.Oxy.14.1774.6, there is no other evidence of a common life. It is equally likely that the women run a family business, similar to that known in the archive of Dryton and 124 Apollonia (174–95 BCE) . The quantity of goods listed accords with individual customers and the nature of the business, being procurement of goods and dispatch rather than production, supports a non-monastic setting. Didyme and the sisters have close relationships and Didyme writes as their representative, using repeated plural pronouns. The women run the business together. Other family epithets refer to ‘the lady sister, the blessed Asous, and her mother’, P.Oxy.14.1774.17f, and ‘the brother’, SB 8.9746.5. These relationships are also uncertain in nature, although Asous and her mother are likely to be kin. The women’s attitude to family does not appear to give priority to the traditional structure of husbands and children. Mikke, SB 12.10840 Mikke in SB 12.10840 is living with her brother, Euthalios. They and their mother, Syras, form a close-knit family. The father is mentioned in a final greeting, ll.29f, but the letter is addressed to Syras alone, and the opening and two closing prayers are for her, with singular verbal and pronominal forms. Mikke, Euthalios and Syras are Christian, with a common practice, observing liturgical festivals and determining family arrangements by them. The father appears marginal to the family, but the basis of this is unknown. The letter indicates that the family maintains connection through visits, letters and goods sent. Mikke has influence over her brother, reorganising his visit to their mother, ll.6f, and telling him when he should go. Euthalios concedes. Euthalios will pay for Mikke’s trip to their mother, to save her the expense. Mikke’s power to influence Euthalios is noteworthy beside her financial dependence on him. 123

Emmett (1984); Elm (1994, 2000) 241. Apollonia, three sisters and five daughters together run a business, owning property jointly; see Pomeroy (1998) 209f; Rowlandson (1998) 105–112.

124

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Aria, SB 14.11588 Aria writes to her son, Dorotheos, charging him with neglect of her and expressing disappointment, l.31. The tone of the letter is consistent with a kinship relationship. Aria has clear expectations of a son’s responsibilities. She refers to business difficulties and implies that Dorotheos should be more helpful in recovering moneys and goods. Dorotheos, for his part, has contacted his mother with advice, but Aria is not satisfied. Her statement of prayer for him serves to emphasise her maternal care and Dorotheos’ obligations. Aria writes of ‘the orphan child in my house’, ll.23f, for whom she has responsibility. Orphans most frequently appear in the care of 125 relatives , making it likely that this child is family, possibly a grandchild, and if so, Aria indicates her commitment to family solidarity. She uses the reference to the orphan to heighten her need for financial relief but does not ask Dorotheos for help directly. Allous, SB 14.11881 Allous uses kinship language for her ‘lady mother Faustina’, l.1, and her ‘mother Kyriake’, ll.29–31. Clearly both women are not her mother and this is an example of the use of family epithets in the Christian community for non-kin. Whether either woman is her mother is uncertain. Allous, further, refers to Faustina’s ‘maternal disposition WKQPKWULNKYQ VRX GLDYTHVLQ’, ll.6ff, and on this basis asks for hemp as a gift. There is no hint of reciprocity and no justification beyond the statement of need. #+PKWULNK GLDYTHVL is 126 unique in the papyri and, as Allous’ only description of Faustina, expresses the characteristic she considers most likely to elicit the generosity she wants. Allous styles Kyriake K-PKWKYUbut says nothing beyond the greeting. The article can be equivalent to a possessive adjective but does not necessarily signify a different relationship. Kyriake is the only person Allous greets, presumably part of Faustina’s household. The descriptions shed light on Allous and her circle’s ideal of womanhood which is motherly, hence domestic, devoted, nurturing and virtuous. The description accords 125

Eg P.Tebt.2.326 (266); P.Lips.1.28; SB 14.11881. This is the case especially if the orphans own property, Bagnall (1993a) 206. 126 DDBDP; but possibly P.Lond.5.1789 (C6), see Gonis (2003) 167.

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with Christian and pagan ideals . Allous uses a conventional prayer to close, giving a religious dimension to the relationship. Allous cares for her brother’s orphan children whom she says she is not able to assist, ll.18–21. The brother may or may not be dead but her need suggests that he is, the children remaining in the care of his extended family. The nature of the assistance Allous cannot give is not indicated but the reason cited is her gender. Allous may refer to the children’s need for a tutor which she, as a woman, 128 cannot fulfil , or she may be declaring herself unable to care for the orphans at all because of poverty as her request and plan to spin hemp for sale suggest, although this accords less directly with her stated reason. Family connection rather than orphanhood is no doubt of greater significance in determining Allous’ response. The Mother, SB 18.13612 The mother identifies herself solely by the teknomyny of her son Philadelphos the apotactic, ll.2f, verso. She is a widow caring for orphans and turns to Apa Johannes for help with the exactor, in a 129 society where widows normally turn to their sons . Her choice of Apa Johannes may be due to Philadelphos’ strict renunciation of family, or more probably to his relative lack of authority. It is not because of a broken relationship since the mother urges Johannes to respond ‘for the honour of my apotactic son’, ll.7–9. She is proud of his status and uses it to press her case. The regular appearance of orphans in the care of relatives makes it likely that these orphans are family. Demetria, Stud.Pal.20.86 Demetria refers to ‘our son’ in denying Eus’ claim that the son should have acted with his mother in the sale of land. The issue is 130 unlikely to concern guardianship , but Eus’ statement would accord with a conviction that the land is the son’s or jointly 127

1Tim 5:10–14; Tit 2:3–5;Tacitus, Dialogus de oratoribus 28f; Plutarch, “Advice to Bride and Groom”, Moralia, 138A–146F, especially 142; Pomeroy (1975) 150; Hallett (1984) 7, 29f n.46, 38–46, 211–262 with references. 128 See 199 above. 129 See 188 above. 130 Women’s sale of land did not require a guardian’s consent, but confusion between local and Roman law is evident, Arjava (1996) 112–123; (1997) 28.

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owned to which Demetria’s claim that it is ‘my inheritance’, l.18, forms a response. Her ‘our son’, l.18, is strange, there being no reference to the father, and her sole pursuit of justice implying the 132 absence of a husband . Nothing is known of the mother/son relationship. It is noteworthy, however, that the son does not act for his mother in her claim. He may be too young or absent. CONCLUSION The family situations of the Christian women vary from those married with and without children, to widows and divorcées with and without children, to the apparently never-married with and without children, and with various configurations of extended family. The variety among the small number of texts is surprisingly representative of the social possibilities. The analysis suggests a number of conclusions. The first conclusion concerns the relationship between the women’s attitudes to their families and the teachings of the early church. All the women express care and commitment to their families, which take a variety of forms. The letters that eight women write to family demonstrate their commitment and their active participation in maintaining family connection. Six of the 133 eight indicate care by praying for their families . Two request 134 ascetics’ prayer for family . Two women write about gifts of food 135 136 and clothing to family , two about visits . Four women care for 137 children who are not their own but are probably family . Five women demonstrate family solidarity: writing a petition for a 138 139 family member’s benefit ; making an adoption ; objecting to the 131

If a fidei commissum operates, Demetria is not free to dispose of the capital. Beaucamp (2002). 133 BGU 3.948; P.Berl.Zill.12; P.Bour.25; SB 14.11588; 14.11881; 8.9746 and P.Oxy.14.1774. 134 P.Lond.6.1926; P.Neph.1. 135 BGU 3.948; P.Benaki 4. 136 P.Benaki 4; SB 10.10840. 137 BGU 3.948; P.Lips.1.28; SB 14.11588; 14.11881. 138 P.Abinn.34, if the petition is for Athioeis’ benefit. 139 P.Lips.1.28. 132

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140

abuse of household members ; demonstrating consideration for 141 142 religious practice and reassuring against anxiety . The women also hold expectations that their families, most frequently sons, will 143 follow biblical injunctions about honour and support . The women’s concern for family, articulations of care and expectations are not formulated in distinctly Christian terms. Rather the women’s expressions are drawn from contemporary social models which attest the same nurturing ideals. The women appear to hold the general biblical values of love, family unity and children’s obedience, but only Athanasia in P.Berl.Zill.12 explicitly states that she derives her attitude from Christian belief, giving God’s providence as her reason for urging against maternal anxiety. The women attest the value of family solidarity and express the need for, and comfort of, family. They also speak of the anxiety that family, or lack of it, generates. x

Kophaena in BGU 3.948 and Aria in SB 14.11588 express distress at their sons’ lack of support.

x

Tare’s desolation without her mother leads her to seek connection with her aunt in P.Bour.25.

x

Tapiam and Paul in P.Neph.1 wish to be with family and friends when they die, and describe their absence as exile.

x

Attiaena in P.Oxy.6.903 highlights her vulnerability in being an orphan and expresses distress that her household is abused.

x

Allous speaks about difficulties with orphans, probably family, in SB 14.11881, whom she nonetheless cares for, as does Aria in SB 14.11588 and the mother in SB 18.13612.

x

The mother in P.Abinn.34 and Teeus in P.Lips.1.28 attest measures taken to demonstrate family solidarity and, in Teeus’ case, to preserve family property.

140

P.Oxy.6.903. SB 10.10840. 142 P.Berl.Zill.12 probably family; P.Benaki 4. 143 BGU 3.948; P.Abinn.34 if the petition is for the mother’s benefit; P.Bour.25; SB 14.11588. Also P.Grenf.1.53, in relation to Sarapion and his family. 141

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Family are the women’s source of honour, objects of love and first line of support, emotional, physical and financial. As such family is also a source of disappointment and frustration, and the women’s texts illustrate the spiritual dangers of family life against which the NT, apocryphal Acts and Church Fathers warn. They also illustrate the complex of expectations and obligations that mark both ancient and modern family life. A second conclusion concerns the women who appear to be without family. The texts suggest that the Christian community takes on the functions of an alternative family. x

In P.Kell.1.Gr.32, Jacob, reader of the Catholic church, signs for the illiterate Marsis who is away from family in Kellis. Husbands, brothers and sons most frequently act in this role, the 144 close relationship intended to guarantee trustworthiness .

x

In P.Herm.17, Leuchis appeals to Apa Johannes for mediation citing gender and widowhood as the bases of her need. In the gendered division of space, women most frequently act in the public domain through a male relative as guardian or assistant.

x

The mother in SB 18.13612 approaches Apa Johannes to act for her in relation to the exactor. Her son, Philadelphos, who would normally be expected to do this, is unable either because he is apotactic or insufficiently powerful as one.

x

Demetria in Stud.Pal.20.86 submits her petition against Eus. Dioskourides, the presbyter of the church, witnessed the contract. She now calls on him to support her in the conflict as one would call on family.

x

Tapiam and Paul in P.Neph.1 request the brothers at Hathor for 145 bread (\ZPLYD) . The brothers are to obtain the grain, make the bread, and arrange delivery from Hathor to Alexandria. There is no offer of payment, only the expectation of agreement.

If the hypothesis that the church functions as an alternative family is correct, it would indicate that the NT use of kinship language developed a concrete expression. 144

Youtie (1975c) 215, notes the primary principle in signing documents that literates sign for themselves and, with the illiterate, a relative signs, if possible. 145 There are multiple requests, see 69 above.

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The hypothesis also sheds light on some of the texts. x

In P.Oxy.50.3581 Attiaena is an orphan and refers to no one who might protect her interests. The presbyters of the church who represent Paul broker a reconciliation which Attiaena negotiates alone. If the church acts as an alternate family, the presbyters have the authority of fathers/heads of household, giving their representations weight they might not otherwise bear. It helps explain Attiaena’s unlikely decision to comply. Again, if the hypothesis is correct, it raises the question why the presbyters fail to act for Attiaena, taking the role of protective and retributive alternate family for her.

x

In P.Bour.25 Tare is a woman on her own, far from family in Coptos, l.20, and desolate following her mother’s death. Tare’s sense of isolation raises questions about her relations with the church in Apameia, Syria, where a Christian community is 146 known to have existed before 325 . The hospitality identified 147 among Christian communities in enabling travel might be expected to have extended to someone in Tare’s circumstances. Moreover, Tare is resident in Apameia, though for how long is not stated. Her Christian practice, evident in her emphatic statement of prayer, reference to the Pasch and use of nomina sacra suggest she is a member of the church and that the church might act as alternative family, moderating her desolation. However, Tare makes no mention of support or of a lack of support. It may be that Tare presents her circumstances in their most austere light to elicit her aunt’s sympathy. It may be that her circumstances, work or marriage, prevent attendance at church.

146 147

See 166 above. E.A. Judge, ‘The Conversion of Rome’, in Judge (2010) 216.

DOCUMENTS WRITTEN TO CHRISTIAN WOMEN OR REFERRING TO CHRISTIAN WOMEN The papyri written to Christian women or referring to Christian women contain much information but they are considered here only in relation to the women’s religious lives. Texts where reference is made to women in passing so that nothing can be learned of their belief are not included, nor are texts where the women mentioned bear what may be a Christian name but there is no further 1 information . Women receiving letters which include Christian prayer formulae and symbols are accepted as Christian on the assumption that the conventions are used and meaningful when the women share the authors’ beliefs. Thirty-one texts are written to or 2 refer to Christian women . Eight refer to ascetic women and are discussed in the next chapter. P.Abinn.19=P.Gen.1.51, 342–351, Provenance: Philadelphia; BL 7.2 This petition is from Anonymos to ‘my beloved brother WZ  DMJDSKWZ DMGHOIZ  Abinnaeus’, verso, asking that the brother of his wife Naomi be released from military service or at least not serve overseas. It is asked ‘because of God GLDWRQTHRY Q’, l.18, and ‘because of me’, l.19, ‘since his mother is a widow and has no one 3 except him’, ll.19–21 . Naomi’s presence is clearly insufficient. The petitioner is Christian. He uses four nomina sacra, WZ TH Z  l.12, WRQTHRY Q l.18, R-THRY ll.24f, 35, and a conflated NT citation, ‘…a drink of water to one of these little ones shall not lose 4 his reward’, ll.8–10 ; opens with prayer, ]Q HX>FRPDL [, l.3; closes 1

Esther P.Oxy.31.2599; Hagia P.Oxy.10.1349 (C4); 24.2421 (312–313); Kyria SB 14.11532; Makaria P.Oxy.1.123 (C3/4); Maria CPR 13.4 (C3); P.Berl.Bork. 1.2 (298–330); 1.13 (298–330); P.Col.8.238 (C4); P.Erl.53 (C4); P.Gen.1.69 (386); P.Herm.46 (C4); P.Oxy.44.3184 (297); 55.3787 (301/2); P.Prag.1.14 (C3); P.Sakaon 39 (318); 73 (328); P.Wash.Univ.2.95 (C4/5); SB 1.1727 (C3/4); Chr. Wilck.381, (374); O.Strasb.658 (C4/5); O.Waqfa 78 (C4); Rachel P.Kell.1.61 (C4); Sousanna CPR 13.4 (C3); P.Oxy.31.2599 (C3/4); 60.4091 (352). 2 P.Ant.3.192; P.Kell.1.48 are Christian texts but there is insufficient evidence to classify the women in them as Christian. P.Harr.1.107; P.Oxy.14.1682; 27.2474; 48.3384; 55.3819; 59.4001 are not accepted as Christian, nor the women in them. 3 It is not clear if Naomi and her brother share a common father, mother or both. 4 Mk 9:41f. Abinnaeus is expected to understand the reference.

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with prayer, ‘God keep you R-THR  GLDIXODY[K VH’, l.35, and uses 5 DMJDSKWR DMGHOIRY verso. The writer suggested is Apa Mios . It is reasonable to assume that Naomi is a Christian. She is married 6 to a Christian , and her biblical name indicates a Christian family. The letter does not mention her attitude to the widow but no doubt she shares its sentiments. Its use of biblical allusion, nomina sacra and other Christian references say nothing of her theology and knowledge. The religious beliefs of the widow are not indicated. P.Ant.2.93, C4, Provenance: Antinoopolis; BL 11.7 Papais writes his letter ‘to my most honoured WK WLPLZWDYWK Nonna’, l.1, about his marriage to Nonna’s unnamed daughter and the acquisition and location of a house. The letter has no opening prayer, but concludes with a variation of the standard prayer for health, ‘I pray you (pl) be well for a long time’, ll.44f. Nonna’s name suggests that she is Christian but it is insufficient for 7 Christian classification in the fourth century , as is WLPLZYWDWR/K which, while most frequent in Christian texts, is also attested in 8 pagan texts . ‘&UKVWRYWK’ in ‘I made clear to your goodness’, l.5, strengthens a Christian classification, but again the word occurs in 9 pagan papyri though rarely in the period . ‘Serenos the reader 10 DMQDJQZYVWRX’, ll.5f, may be a minor church cleric and strengthen the Christian connection, but he may also be the literate person who will read the letter to Nonna and Papais’ use of him circumstantial. Papais says of Nonna, ‘for next to God PHWDJDU WRQ THRYQ I have you as mother and as sister’, ll.10f, without nomen sacrum. 0HWD WRQ THRYQ is common to Christian and pagan texts but calling a future mother-in-law PKWHYUDand DMGHOIKYQ appears to be an example of the discounting of status distinctions that occurs in 11 Christian texts . On the balance of probability Papais is accepted as Christian, and on the basis of his Christianity, the shared reference 5

Ed., 64; Judge and Pickering (1977) 57. Apa Mios appears in P.Abinn.6, 7, 8. See 175 above for marriage within religious communities. 7 See 244 below. 8 See 85f above. 9 See 83f above. 10 See 149 above. 11 See also P.Col.Teeter 7 immediatetly below; also 123f above. 6

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to God and the prayer, his bride and her mother are also taken to be Christian. Nothing further is known of their Christian practice. P.Col.Teeter 7=P.Col.11.299, C4, Provenance: Unknown This letter from Anonymos/e is to ‘my mistress GHVS[RY]W•K and most honoured [W]LPL•Z•[WDYWK) sister’, l.1. 'HVSRYWK appears as an honorific title in literature of the fourth and fifth centuries and is 12 commonly used for bishops and elite laymen . Its use for a woman 13 is unusual, with GHYVSRLQD more frequent . In the papyri GHVSRYWK/ GHYVSRLQD retain more of the honorific sense that NXYULR/NXULYD lose in the fourth century although they too can become expressions of 14 affection or politeness . The unusual usage here appears designed to communicate status and respect. The letter is Christian. The writer opens with prayer ‘to the allmerciful God WZ SD•Q•HOHKYPRQL THZ ’ , ll.3f, a title found only in 15 Christian texts , and refers to ‘the monk R- PRQDFRY’ l.7, who is unnamed but known to both the mistress and the writer. The mistress is accepted as Christian, to whom appeal to the ‘allmerciful God’ is meaningful. She is wealthy, as indicated by her 16 possession of a paragaution . Her practice accommodates a garment that announces her wealth, and a discounting of status distinctions whereby she is both K-GHVSRYWK and K-DMGHOIKY. P.Got.11, C3/4, Provenance: Unknown; BL 2.2.69 This is a letter of recommendation, specifically an HMSLVWROK 17 18 VXVWDWLNKY  from Anonymos/e to Anonymos/e . Letters of 12

Dinneen (1927) 56f. Dinneen (1927) 76. 14 Eg ‘my lady bride WKQGHYVSRLQDYQPRXQXYPIKQ’, P.Ant.2.93.3f. 15 See 92 above. 16 The wealthy of the cities of Egypt include Christians in C3 and C4, Judge and Pickering (1977) 69f. 17 Two types of introductory letters developed: the letter of recommendation (HMSLVWROKVXVWDWLNKY) and the letter of peace (HMSLVWROKHLMUKQLNKY). The former required episcopal approval and were for elite clergy and laity giving access to communion and support; Canon 42, Council of Laeodicea (343–381); Council of Elvira (c.312); Canons 11, 13, Council of Chalcedon (451), Seven Ecumenical Councils, s.v.; Keyes (1935); Teeter (1997); S. Llewelyn, ‘Christian Letters of 13

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introduction from one church to another are regular but the practice 19 is not exclusively Christian . Here the writer’s use of HMQ NXULY Z ll.3, 4, 9, with nomen sacrum, establishes his/her Christianity. The writer asks assistance, l.4, in the form of ‘love [W]K•QDMJDYSK•Q’, l.6, for ‘these women who are being taken to the epitropos’, ll.5f, just as the recipient’s custom has been ‘to help all the brothers in the Lord’, ll.3f, the latter group being certainly Christian. The identity of the women is not given, but the use of an HMSLVWROK VXVWDWLNKY establishes them as Christian and implies that they are distinguished members of the church. Their Christian status is confirmed by the request for DMJDYSKand treatment similar to the Christian brothers. The women, however, are not called DMGHOIDLY 20

The date of the text has suggested that these women are being 21 taken for trial during the Diocletianic persecution . The identity of the HMSLYWURSR does not clarify the situation. The term may 22 designate the prefect of Egypt but is also used for guardians of 23 women , making a background in persecution unnecessary. An HMSLVWROKVXVWDWLNKYfor confessors would be appropriate but the evidence for the status is too slight to be accepted. P.Grenf.2.73=P.Lond.3.713=Chr.Wilck.127, late Provenance: Great Oasis; BL 2.72; 9.97; 10.80; 11.87

C3,

This letter from Psenosiris, presbyter, to Apollon, ‘presbyter and beloved brother SUHVEXWHYUZDMJDSKWZ DMGHOIZ ’, l.2, forms part of 24 the gravediggers’ archive from Kysis . It relates that ‘the

Recommendation’ in ND 8.169–172. See P.Oxy.36.2785, a letter of peace at 215f below. 18 An HMSLVWROKVXVWDWLNKY from a woman would be unusual not impossible. 19 Eg P.Oxy.51.3643 (C2); P.Tebt.Tait 51 (C2 or C3). See Keyes (1935) 32–38. 20 Palaeographically, perhaps late C3 rather than C4, van Haelst (1976) 498. 21 Naldini (1968, 1998) no.23; Bell (1944) 206; D>JZ of prisoners, LSJ, s.v. 22 Possibly procurator, BL 2.2.69, praeses or KMJHPZYQ, or more accurately H>SDUFR. The Diocletianic reforms make nomenclature uncertain, Lallemand (1964); Naldini (1968, 1998) 139, n.6; Lenz (1992); Bagnall (1993a) 57–67. 23 Eg P.Oxy.14.1645 (308). 24 SB 1.4651–3; 4654–4657; 5679; 3.7205–7206; P.Grenf.2.68–78 (240–310).

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gravediggers QHNURWDYIRL have brought here to Toëto the politike 26 27 sent SHPITHL VDQ to the Oasis by the authorities ’, ll.7–11, and she is now given ‘into the protection HLM WKYUKVLQ’, l.14, of ‘good and 28 faithful men WRL NDORL  NDL SLVWRL ’ , ll.12f, awaiting her son Neilos. The author uses three nomina sacra, HMQ NXULY Z HMQ TH Z

HMQNXULY Z TH Z , ll.3, 6, 22. He and the addressee are Christian. 25

The woman’s Christianity is accepted on the balance of probabilities, particularly the concern of the presbyters for her and 29 the likelihood that the woman’s son is Christian , but also on interpretation of an obscure situation. The descriptor, ‘politike SROLWLNKY’, has caused considerable debate and suggested meanings 30 31 include a proper name , a ‘citizen of Alexandria’ , and an immoral 32 woman . Of 31 uses of SROLWLNKY in the papyri from 100 to 400, 29 33 refer to citizenship; one instance in P.Oxy.6.903 connotes immorality; the other is this text. The meaning ‘prostitute’ appears unlikely here given the presbyters’ care. There is no attested use of 34 Politike as a name in Egypt , and the grammatical construction, WKQ SROLWLNKQ WKQ SHPITHL VDQ, ll.9f, argues against it. Use of the term suggests that the woman is not known to the presbyters and the possibility that the presbyters care for the woman for her son’s sake casts some doubt on her Christianity given the early date. 25

It is argued that gravediggers, NRSLD WDLare a minor clerical order, J. Zeiller cited in Naldini (1968, 1998) 134. The term is not listed in Wipszycka (1993). 26 The Great Oasis functioned as a place of banishment but the usual terms are HM[RULY]HLQand SHYPSHLQ HMQHM[RULYDLlewelyn and Nobbs (1997) 622. Kysis is the site of a necropolis and gravediggers’ workshop, Lukaszewicz (1998) 87. 27 K-JHPRQLYDmay be the prefect or governor; a bishop, O'Callaghan (1987) 126f; or the president of a guild. It is used of guarding prisoners, keeping bodies and caring for living persons, Llewelyn and Nobbs (1997) 625, 628f. 28 The phrase, appropriate for Christians, can mean ‘those who do a task well’. 29 Implied by the presbyters’ respect and their use of VXQTHZ , l.16, of his arrival. 30 Bell (1944) 206; Llewelyn and Nobbs (1997) 621f. 31 F. de’ Cavalieri, Una ultima parola su la lettera di Psenosiris, cited in Naldini (1968, 1998) 132. In this sense politike occurs in eg P.Oxy.1.117 (C2/3); 8.1146 (C4), but always with a name. 32 Eds pr. note SROLWLNKY as SRYUQK, but cite Theophanes Continuatus (C9–C10). 33 See 43 above. 34 The name occurs in Chios, eg JÖAI 15, 47 nos 5, 10 (184/5); IG XII [8] 503 (imperial). Politikos occurs in P.Ross.Georg.2.42 (C2); P.Oxy.42.3045 (314/5).

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Suggestions as to the situation fall into two groups: the transport of 35 ; and the transport of a a confessor of the Diocletianic persecution 36 Christian woman’s body for funeral . The latter attracts most contemporary favour. A major and unresolved difficulty with the former is the role of the gravediggers as quasi-police. Also problematic is the woman’s lack of voice and action. A difficulty with the second proposal is that the text does not suggest that the 37 woman is dead apart from the mention of gravediggers. Of interest is the woman’s possible involvement in the Diocletianic persecution. Her status as dead or alive becomes evidence of the nature of the persecution. Central to Lukaszewicz’s reconstruction is ‘he (Neilos) will witness to you about the things they have done to herPDUWXUKYVLVRL SHULZ_Q DXMWKQ SHSRLKYNDV•L•Q’• , ll.16ff, which he understands as Neilos’ witness to his mother’s suffering as a Christian. However, while this is possible, the antecedent to ‘they’ need not be a persecuting power. Llewellyn and Nobbs, with their proposed mistaken delivery of a body, account for most features of the letter without a context of persecution, and they point out that 38 the supposed hidden Christian references , which may indicate a 39 persecutory context, do not stand examination . The major difficulty with Llewellyn and Nobb’s reconstruction is the lack of reference in the letter to the mistake that is central to their thesis. While this woman’s Christian belief is accepted, there is not sufficient information to classify her as a martyr/confessor, or this text as a source for the Diocletianic persecution. P.Laur.2.42, 366/7–368/9, Provenance: Oxyrhynchite Nome; BL 7.76; 8.164; 9.310; 10.92, 224 This letter, written in one hand, begins on the verso of a papyrus sheet and is completed on the recto between the columns of a list of 35

Deissmann (1902); Harnack, cited in Naldini (1968, 1998) 132; Lukaszewicz (1998). 36 Bell (1944) 206; Judge and Pickering (1977) 55; O'Callaghan (1987); BL 9.97; Llewelyn and Nobbs (1997), who argue that the body has been sent to the wrong destination; Lukaszewicz (1998). 37 Eg there is no reference to VZ PDorWDIKY 38 3HPITHL VDQfor banishment, WRL NDORL  NDL SLVWRL for Christian. 39 Llewelyn and Nobbs (1997) 622f.

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goods and amounts, SB 18.14039. The names of the author and 40 addressee are lost but the recipient is probably male . Anonymos/e rebukes the addressee because of behaviour which 41 causes grief, l.1, ‘to Atheatis who is a Christian, because even though she is a laywoman, she has never been found doing the things of the world $TKD WL FUKVWLDQK  FULVWLDQK RX?VD RX?VK  GLRYWLNDL ODH•[L]NK  ODLNK RX?VD  RX?VK NDL 42 PKGHYSRWH HX-UHYTK SUDYJPDWD WRX NRYVPRX’ recto ll.2f . The idea that unworldliness singles Atheatis out as a ODLNKY is 43 noteworthy, although SUDYJPDWD WRX NRYVPRXare not defined . The clause suggests that laywomen regularly do worldly things whereas Atheatis’ behaviour is similar to women in another category, most probably ascetics, while denying that she is one. /DLNRY/ -KYoccurs 44 but becomes increasingly only once in early Christian literature 45 frequent from the second century and denotes lay people as 46 distinct from clergy or ascetics . In the papyri FULVWLDQRY/KY occurs from the third century in mainly official contexts, being 47 48 used of believers by non-believers unlike its use here , unique in 40

Reading SZ as a conjunction and DMNRXYVDas a participle, ll.1f. $TKD WLmost likely has the nominative $TKD WL BL 7.76. 42 The grammar is puzzling. The participles and nouns imply a female addressee but no change is signalled. A lost change is possible in the broken bottom of the sheet but the intact list argues against such loss. There are other mistakes in cases which, while corrected interlineally, indicate a scribal difficulty with case agreement and make errors here quite probable. G. Horsley, ‘FUKVWLDQKY in a Christian Letter’ in ND 2.172–174, takes FULVWLDQKRX?VDwith the addressee and accepts ODLNKRX?VK of Atheatis, but the phrases seem intended to qualify the one referent. Pintaudi, ed.pr, takes both phraseswith ‘Atheas’ but does not discuss the case problem. Tibiletti (1979) no.34; Bagnall (1993a) 282; Elm (1994, 2000) 236; Choat (2006) 47f; Luijendijk (2008) 39, also take the phrases to refer to Atheatis. R. Pintaudi in Miscellanea Papirologica (1980) does not mention case. 43 In NT NRYVPR generally connotes immorality, eg 1Cor 1:20f; Rom 3:19. 44 1Clem 40:5 of the laity in contrast to priests in Judaism. 45 C2 Clement of Alexandria 3 times; Origen 10 times; C3 5 times eg Hippolytus 2; C4 167 times, eg Athanasius 19 times; Eusebius 5 times. (TLG). 46 Lampe (1961, 1968) s.v., does not list ODLNKY 47 P.Oxy.42.3035 (256); 43.3119 (259/60). See G. Horsley, ‘FUKVWLDQKYin a Christian Letter’ in ND 2.172–174, here 173; cf Acts 11:26; 26:28. 48 Also in 1Pet 4:16, Did 12:4. 41

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the fourth century, by one member of the church of another. Elm suggests that Atheatis may be an ascetic and thatFULVWLDQKY , l.2, 49 ‘bears [this] specific meaning’ in contrast to ODLNKY However, FULVWLDQRY/KYis nowhere attested with this sense. The word clearly is intended to denote a status that warrants a defined standard of behaviour from the addressee. There are no other religious elements in the text whose main concern is the arrest of a drunken sailor. P.Leid.Inst.64, C4, Provenance: Unknown This fragmentary letter is written to a ‘sister’, l.1, by Anonymos/e and opens with prayer for health and well-being ‘to the Lord God SDU]D• WZ NXULY ZTH Z ’ , l.4, using nomina sacra. The writer is Christian and the presence of nomina sacra implies that the sister 50 also is Christian . Nothing further is evident about her beliefs. The writer complains that she has not written and refers to a purchase. P.Oxy.6.939=Chr.Wilck.128=Sel.Pap.1.163, C4, Provenance: Oxyrhynchus; BL 6.99; 7.133; 9.182 Demetrius opens his letter to Flavianus with expressions of thanks to God for the recovery of Anonyme who is Flavianus’ wife and Demetrius’ unnamed ‘mistress NXULYD’, ll.5, 9. The letter is Christian 51 on the basis of cumulative probabilities . It contains NT reminiscences: ‘the recognition JQZ VL of you by the master God GHVSRY]WRXTHRX has appeared DMQHIDYQK to us all so that the mistress 52 53 has recovered DMQDVIK ODL’, ll.3f ; God is ‘gracious L^OHZ’l.7 ; 54 and illness is TOL \L l.13 . Demetrius writes, ‘in her [the mistress] 55 all we have hope WD HMOSLYGD’ , ll.9f, and attributes the healing in part to ‘our prayers HXM]FDL )’, l.8. The letter closes with prayer ‘to

49

Elm (1989) 212; (1994, 2000) 236, 240. See the excursus on nomina sacra at 230f below. 51 Contra Epp (2004) 22, n.54. 52 Tit 2:11, with a sense of acquaintance not in NT or Lampe (1961, 1968) s.v. 53 Mt 16:22; Heb 8:12. 54 Used 56 times in the NT and 183 times in the LXX but of ‘trouble’ in general not illness specifically, H. Schlier ‘TOLYEZTOL \L’ in TDNT 3.143–148. 55 Hope is a primary virtue in the NT but the object of hope is almost always God or Christ, eg Col 1:27; 1Thes 1:3. It is used of human beings only in 1Thes 2:19. 50

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the Master of all (WZ WZ QR^OZQGHVSRYWK)’, ll.29f, a phrase linked 56 with Arianising views but also found in ‘orthodox’ literature . Flavianus presumably shares Demetrius’ Christianity and his interpretation of the mistress’s recovery. Anonyme’s Christianity also can be inferred, being mistress in an overtly Christian house. Her healing implies nothing about her beliefs since she is not perceived as its ‘cause’, and there is no information on her view. Anonyme appears an extension of Flavianus’ ego to Demetrius. Her recovery is God’s favour to Flavianus not Anonyme herself. 57 The remainder of the letter concerns Demetrius’ anxiety . P.Oxy.20.2276, C3/4, Provenance: Oxyrhynchus; BL 4.65; 6.107; 7.146 Aurelius Artemidoros writes this letter to the wife of Aurelius Apollonios to report on Apollonios’ trial. Only the final part of the 58 woman’s name survives in the address, [ ]Z•QDULYZverso l.31 . The classification of this text as Christian rests on the closing greeting and prayer, ‘I greet your children by name, may the evileye not touch them WD• DMEDYVN•[DQ]W•D•Y[VR]X SDLYGLD, and I pray for 59 the health of you and them in the Lord God HMQ N•X•[ULYZ]¼[T]H•Z ’, ll.28–30, without nomina sacra. M(Q NXULYZTHZ  makes Christian 60 belief most likely, with this an example of a Christian abaskanta . The wife of Apollonios is taken to be Christian on the basis that Christian prayer is meaningful to her. Her beliefs evidently accommodate the abaskanta wish but nothing further is known about her religious life. The letter points to the woman’s concern for her husband. The small 40 dr. contested suggests a date before the inflation of the fourth century, but the trial involves theft, and there is no suggestion that it relates to Diocletianic persecution. 56

Eg Eusebius HE 10.4.9, De vita Constantini 3.53.3. The phrase is likely to be a synonym of SDQWRNUDYWZU 57 Demetrius begs Flavianus to pardon him because he had summoned Flavianus to his sick wife who has now ‘taken a turn for the better’, l.17. 58 Apollonarion or Ammonarion, ed. 59 Mandilaras (1973) 371; BL 7.146. 60 See 12f above. Also Naldini (1968, 1998) 279.

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P.Oxy.31.2601, Early C4, Provenance: Oxyrhynchus; BL 9.196; Supplement, 155 Copres writes this letter ‘to his sister Sarapias’, ll.1f. He is a Christian. He uses a nomen sacrum incorrectly in his opening prayer ‘to the Lord God SDUDWZ NXULYZ T[H Z ’, ll.4f, and the 61 isopsephism ÒT , verso, unusual in the early fourth century. He closes with a standard prayer, l.33. Copres says, ‘those who present 62 themselves in court are being made to sacrifice’, ll.8–11 , but he easily evades the necessity by giving a ‘power of attorney’, ll.11ff, to his ‘brother’ and expresses no awareness of the anomaly. ‘Sister’ is a regular designation for a wife, and Sarapias is probably Copres’ wife, and a Christian for whom the ‘Amen’ isopsephism 63 and nomina sacra are meaningful. It is not known whether she shares Copres’ nonchalant attitude to sacrifice. Copres urges Sarapias to let Anonymos/e come with Sarapias’ mother ‘so that the leukoma may be cured THUDSHXTK , for I myself have seen others cured’, verso ll.32f. 4HUDSHXYZ is used most 64 65 frequently of divine healing in the NT and in liturgical texts and 66 only twice of healing by a doctor , but in the ancient world, these 67 categories, with magical healing, are not mutually exclusive . The editor notes that cures for eye disease were known in Egypt and argues that Copres is referring to a medical cure by doctors. However Copres’ confidence appears to go beyond the known efficacy of medical treatments, and the claim of personal eyewitness implies an immediate cure. Copres appears to have in mind a divine healing for which it is essential that Anonymos/e be present. He does not specify how the healing is to be effected. 61

ÒT= 99, D+P+K+Q= 1+40+8+50 = 99; also P.Oxy.8.1162 (C4); PSI 13.1342 (c.330–340); P.Mich.6.378. ‘Amen’ is not attested in C3 and C4 letters, ed. 62 The First Edict recorded in Lactantius, De mortibus persecutorum, 23 February 303, has such a requirement. The sacrifice is possibly incense. 63 See the excursus at 230f below. 64 THUDSHXYZis used of Jesus’ and the disciples’ healing 26 times, eg Mt 4:24; 8:7, 16; 9:35. See H. Beyer, ‘THUDSHXYZTHUDYSZQ’ in TDNT 3.128f. 65 Eg P.Würzb.3 (C3). 66 Lk 4:23; 8:43. 67 Kee (1986) 2–4.

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Copres’ emphatic ‘for I have seen’ appears designed to allay Sarapias’ doubts, and suggests that she may be less convinced about the possibility of the divine healing he suggests. P.Oxy.31.2609, C4, Provenance: Oxyrhynchus; BL Suppl., 155 This letter opens, ‘Mebrio? to my lady sister in the Lord (HMQ 69 NXULY Z) greeting’, ll.1ff , using the nomen sacrum. A barely visible chi-rho appears after Z. Mebrio?’s use of Christian symbols implies that the lady sister is also Christian. 68

Mebrio? writes about the illness of a son, Helenos, who ‘has recovered already with God K>•G•K•[V]X[• QTH]Z  HMS•D•X•YV•D•W•R•’, ll.8f. Whether Mebrio? regards this as a divine healing, a medical cure under God’s providence or a simple recovery with God’s help is not clear. Mebrio? expects the sister to share the belief and it is reasonable to assume that she does. The body of the letter, now largely lost, appeals for news about health (VZ•W•K•U[• LYD]), ll.11f, and refers to household matters. P.Oxy.34.2731, C4/5, Provenance: Oxyrhynchus Maximos writes to ‘my lady mother, Zenobia’, l.1, and urges ‘once, twice, three times I have told you to send my wife, and you were not willing. Now, do not neglect night and day to send me my wife’, ll.9–13. The praepositus, Maximos says, stops him coming 70 to them, ll.16f . He includes greetings from ‘my mother Rufina’, ll.7f, and closes with a variant of the standard prayer ll.21ff. Maximos is a Christian. He greets Zenobia ‘in the Lord God HMQ NXULY Z TH Z ’, l.2, using nomina sacra, and interprets the availability of a letter-bearer as ‘an answer to prayer NDWHXMFKYQ’, l.3. He expects Zenobia to appreciate the sentiments and nomina 71 sacra and so establishes her as Christian . Salamai also is probably Christian, married to Christian Maximos. 68

0KEULZQ, ed., but not attested elsewhere. The gender is uncertain. With HMQNXULYZ qualifying DMGHOIKYBarrett-Lennard (1994) 33; modifying FDLYUHLQ Naldini (1968, 1998) no.74, 297. 70 The praepositus was in charge of an administrative district to supervise taxes, appoint village officials, and do ‘almost anything else’, Bagnall (1993a) 62. 71 See the excursus at 230f below. 69

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Why Zenobia determines Salamai’s movements, Maximos writes to her not Salamai and Zenobia prevents Salamai’s departure are unclear. Salamai herself apparently has no say in the matter. Maximos bears Zenobia no ill will. He greets her ‘inimitable disposition’, ll.4f, and ‘begs’, ll.17f, for news about her health so that he may cheer up, l.19. P.Oxy.36.2785, C4, Provenance: Oxyrhynchus; BL 7.153; 10.150; 11.164f This is a standard letter of peace beginning, ‘rejoice in the Lord HMQ 73 NXULY Z, beloved Papa Sotas, we, the presbyters of Heracleopolis, greet you many times’, ll.1f. The letter closes, ‘I pray you be well in the Lord HMQ NXULY Z beloved father SDYSD’, ll.13–15. The nomen sacrum is used on both occasions signalling that the presbyters and Sotas are Christian. 72

The letter establishes Taion as a Christian laywoman. It introduces her as ‘our sister’, ll.4f, whom Sotas should receive ‘in peace’, 74 75 ll.6f , together with a man or Anos , ‘NDTKFRXYPHQRQbeing instructed’ in Genesis whom he should receive ‘for edification’, l.9. The catechumen is not designated DMGHOIRY while Taion is DMGHOIKY 76 which here connotes baptised membership of the church . The letter does not indicate the purpose of Taion’s visit. Her name occurring first may indicate that she is a person of significance 77 although not sufficient to warrant a letter of recommendation , HMSLVWROK VXVWDWLNKY, or it may simply reflect that she is baptised 72

Teeter (1997). This is one of 9 HMSLVWRODL HLMUKQLNDLY: also P.Alex.29 (C3); P.Berol.8508 (C3/4); PSI 3.208 (C3/4); 9.1041 (C3/4); SB 10.10255 (C3/4); 16.12304 (C3/4); P.Oxy.8.1162 (C4); 56.3857 (C4); SB 3.7269 (C4/5). They were for lay people, did not require episcopal approval, and were for material support only. Canon 81, Council of Elvira forbids women writing or receiving them without their husbands’ approval. On structure, see P.Oxy.vol.56, 112–114. Also S. Llewelyn, ‘Christian Letters of Recommendation’ in ND 8.169–172. 73 BL 7.153. SUHVEXYWHUH ed.pr. 74 That is with a kiss of peace, Penn (2005) 44. 75 DQRQ•, Hanu, ed.; Annous, P.Sakaon 48; Anos, not otherwise attested, Martin (1996) 706, n.256; BL 11.164f; Annos, Foraboschi (1967–1971) Supplement. 76 K. Treu, ‘P.Berol.8508’ (1982), cited in S. Llewelyn, ‘Christian Letters of Recommendation’ in ND 8.169–172, here 171. Also Luijendijk (2008) 115. 77 See P.Got.11 at 206f above.

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while the catechumen is not, or that her name is known and his is 78 not. The letter closes with VG=204, a unique isopsephism  P.Oxy.46.3314, C4, Provenance: Oxyrhynchus; BL 8.269 This letter opens, ‘Judas to my lord father, Jose, and my wife, Maria’, ll.1f, but Judas’ singular forms in all but the prayers, ll.4, 24, address Maria whom he also calls ‘my lady sister NXULYDPRX DMGHOIKY’, ll.5f, 12. 79

Maria evidently lives in her father-in-law’s house with Judas’ 80 daughter,l.20. The letter is an urgent request that Maria send help in the form of her brother, ll.6, 13f, because Judas is ‘in a foreign place HMSL [HYQK and ill HMQQRYVZ’, l.17, following a riding accident. The brother is expected to comply. Judas tells Maria, if she needs money, to ‘get it from Isaac the cripple’, l.23. The four biblical names indicate that this is a Jewish or Christian text, and while the date after 300 favours classification as 81 Christian , the rate at which Christians adopted Hebrew biblical 82 names is uncertain . ‘Maria’ may be Jewish or Christian. ‘Judas’ is frequent in Jewish literature, after the hero of the Maccabean revolt, 1Mac 3ff. The name seems unlikely for a Christian, being that of Jesus’ betrayer, but the Letter of Jude may have rendered it 83 acceptable , and it may be that Judas, a Jew, converted. ‘Jose’ and 84 ‘Isaac’ occur in both Jewish and Christian texts . The letter includes an opening prayer for health,l.4, ‘to divine providence WK TLYD THLYD SURQRLYD’, l.3, and a standard closing prayer, HMUUZ VTDL X-PD  HX>FRPDLSROORL  FURYQRL, ll.24f. 78

It may denote HLMUKQLNDY=204=5+10+100+8+50+10+20+1, Llewellyn (1995); S. Llewelyn, ‘Christian Letters of Recommendation’ in ND 8.169–172, here 172; BL 11.164f. BL 10.150 proposes that VSGmay be meant. 79 Kinship terms are not used systemically for in-laws. 80 Better than ‘come yourself as well and help me’, ed. See Nachtergael (1981) 157; G. Horsley, ‘Divine Providence in a Letter of Judas’ in ND 3.142. 81 Following Fikhman (1996). See 13 above. 82 E. A. Judge, ‘Rank and Status’ in Judge (2008b) 155. 83 An almost certainly Christian Judas appears in Eusebius, HE 6.7. 84 ‘Jose’ eg P.Lond.6.1914 (335) Christian; P.Herm.52 (398) Jewish. ‘Isaac’ eg P.Col.7.171 (324) Christian; eg P.Lond.2.258 (94) Jewish.

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Judas writes, ‘I have no one to give me even a cup of water’, ll.10f, 85 recalling NT phrases but not86sufficiently to warrant categorisation as a ‘biblical reminiscence’ . The imagery does not appear in 87 Jewish literature but references to a drink of cool water as a metaphor for life after death feature in funerary contexts in the 88 Osiris myth . Judas’ statement may be a cultural cliché for being 89 near death and having no one to arrange a burial , but no example for such a non-funerary use is attested. Judas also states that he has tried to find a ship but has no one to search for him, ‘for I am in Babylon’, l.19, probably in the Egyptian delta. The names and religious elements in this letter do not allow 90 classification as either Jewish or Christian with certainty . The cumulative probability favours Judas as a Christian, particularly his prayer to divine providence which is most frequent in Christian 91 texts . The scarcity of Jewish private letters, with no certain examples from the third and fourth centuries, strengthens the 92 classification. It follows that Maria also is Christian and that prayer to divine providence is a theology she shares. The doubtful biblical allusion in ‘a cup of water’ says little about Maria’s capacity to recognise a reference, just as Judas’ lack of a request for prayer for healing leaves Maria’s view unknown. Judas’ appeal to Maria’s sympathy is consistent with both pagan and Christian understandings of family obligation and provides no distinct evidence about Maria’s beliefs. 85

Mk 9:41; Mt 10:42. Judas’ statement is not literal as two people turn him in bed, ll.9f. He is wealthy, rides a horse and has money. His appeal suggests a lack of support from the Christian community. It illustrates the importance of family. 86 The least certain of Harris’ categories; see 11 above. 87 E.A. Judge, ‘Rank and Status’ in Judge (2008b) 154f, quoting H. Strack and P. Billerbeck (1926), Kommentar zum Neuen Testament aus Talmud und Midrasch. 88 See Brandon (1962) especially 26f 89 G. Horsley, ‘Divine Providence in a Letter of Judas’ in ND 3.141–148, here 145. 90 Christian: ed.pr.; G. Horsley, ‘Divine Providence in a Letter of Judas’ in ND 3.141–148; Horsley (1987); Luijendijk (2008) 52; Jewish: Tibiletti (1981) 409; Nachtergael (1981) 157; Epp (2004) 26, n.68; E. A. Judge, ‘Rank and Status’ in Judge (2008b) 154f; BL 8.269. 91 See 102f above. 92 Marriage within religious communities is the norm; see 175 above.

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P.Oxy.56.3857, C4, Provenance: Oxyrhynchus; BL 9.205 93

94

This is a letter of peace from Anonymos to ‘the beloved brothers and fellow-ministers in every place WRL NDWDWRYSRQ DMJDSKWRL  DMGHOIRL  NDLVXQOHLWRXUJRL ’, ll.2f. The letter introduces ‘our daughter, Germania’, ll.4f, asking that she be received ‘in peace HMQ HLMUKYQK’, l.9, with a kiss of peace. The writer’s Christian belief is 95 evident in the isopsephism, ÒT, l.13, (PPDQRXKY Ol.13 , and the final prayer, ‘I pray you be well in the Lord HMQNXULY Z beloved brothers’  ll.14–16, with nomina sacra. Germania is a Christian laywoman in receipt of an HMSLVWROK HLMUKQLNKY. She is perhaps a member of the congregation of which the writer is a OHLWRXUJRY, ‘our daughter’ expressing the spiritual pastoral relationship. The address without a name and the phrase NDWDWRYSRQ indicate that this is a general letter and that Germania will travel from place 96 to place . The writer says that she asks for help (HMSLNRXULYD GHRPHYQKQ), ll.5f, without specifying what is involved. Presumably certain material assistance, shelter and food were conveyed by the 97 term . There is evidence that some women practised asceticism by 98 [HQLWHLYD, a wandering lifestyle , but there is no evidence that wandering involved visiting. P.Oxy.59.3998, C4, Provenance: Oxyrhynchus This is a letter from ‘Thonis to my lords children Syras and Kallinikos’,ll.1f. The greeting is in the singular, l.3, addressed to Syras who is later called ‘my lady daughter’,ll.15, 34f, similarly l.28, and who is the referent for the singular pronouns and verbs. 99 The content indicates they are kin and concerns a family dispute . 93

See P.Oxy.36.2785 at 215f above. The sender is unlikely to be a woman given the VXQOHLWRXUJRLY  95 Only two occurrences of the contracted form occur, here and in P.Oxy.8.1162. 96 For WRYSR as an institution, see E. A. Judge, ‘The Earliest Use of monachos’ in Judge (2010) 167f. But in 1Mac 12:4 NDWDWRYSRQ means simply ‘in each place’. 97 What is required is rarely specified, ed., but the exact phrase appears in Canon 11, Council of Chalcedon. A similar phrase occurs only in P.Oxy.36.2785 above 98 See 254 below. 99 Thonis is in dispute with the brother of the dead husband of Theodora, Syras’ sister, over Theodora’s daughter’s affairs, who would be with her father’s family, Gardner (1986) 146–152. Her grandfather defends her interests not the mother. 94

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Thonis is accepted as Christian on the basis of the opening greeting 100 ‘in the Lord God HMQ THZ NXULYZ’ , l.2 . He also writes ‘I do obeisance for you each day before the Lord God WRSURVNXYQK•P•D X-PZ Q SRLZ NDT H-NDYVWKQ K-PHYU[D]Q SDUD WZ NXULYZTHZ ’, l.5. No nomina sacra are used and the word order of the name is evidently interchangeable. The proskynema formula occurs in the possibly Christian SB14.12173 (C4) and has become a doubtful indicator of paganism. Thonis ends with a standard but broken prayer, l.34. With Thonis accepted as Christian, so also is Syras for whom HMQ THZ NXULYZis taken to be meaningful. She accommodates the usually pagan proskynema but nothing else is known of her beliefs. P.Oxy.63.4365, C4, Provenance: Oxyrhynchus; BL 11.173 This is a letter from Anonymos/e to ‘my dearest ILOWDYWK lady 102 sister’, l.1. The names of both writer and addressee/s are omitted, a rare occurrence in the papyri where names are required for identification and delivery. The editor suggests that a situation requiring ‘discretion’ prior to 325 may account for the omission. A 103 parallel to invitations has also been suggested , but the formulaic inclusion of inviters’ names makes them an uncertain parallel, and a general invitation to multiple addressees stands more in contrast than in parallel to the specificity both of the addressee and of the content of this letter. A sufficient explanation may be that the writer, addressee/s and letter-bearer know each other. 101

The editor notes a possible similarity between the handwriting in this text and the subscription of Aurelia Soteira also called 104 Hesychium to the petition on the recto of P.Oxy.63.4364 (C3/4) . However, the identification is too unsure to be accepted.

100

See 12f above. ILYOWDWR is not frequent in Christian papyri. See Naldini (1968, 1998) 69; Tibiletti (1979) 32, 42. It is rare in Christian literary texts, Dinneen (1927) 91. The more usual word is DMJDSKWKYand suggests this relationship is not close. 102 The singular person occurs in the opening and body of the letter but it closes with greetings ‘from us’, hinting at a broader family or community milieu. 103 Epp (2004) 27f. 104 The letter forms are ‘rather similar’, but the identification is ‘speculation’, ed., 44. It is accepted in Epp (2004) 28f. 101

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The letter opens with greetings ‘in the Lord HMQNXULY Z’, l.2, and closes with a farewell ‘in God HMQTH Z ’ , l.6, using nomina sacra, and establishing the writer as Christian. S/he urges the sister, ‘lend the Ezra (VGUDQ since I lent you the little Genesis WKQ OHSWKQ *HYQHVLQ’, ll.3–5. While the exact identity of the books is uncertain, 105 they are texts in the LXX . Use of the Christian formulae indicates that the sister also is Christian. She is educated sufficiently to read biblical text and her reading includes the LXX. The reason for sharing the texts is no doubt their scarcity and Luijendijk’s suggestion that the sister may 106 be involved in copying them is interesting . If the books are to be identified as Ezra IV and Jubilees it suggests the sister shares the 107 interest in apocalyptic works evident in Egypt in the period . There is no other content to the letter. It is difficult to ascertain from its brevity whether the writer appeals to a reciprocal ethic to urge the sharing of the texts, or whether s/he urges his/her own example to inculcate the Christian value of generosity. Possession of biblical books is more likely in a community than for an individual, although personal ownership of Christian texts is 108 attested . Christians lending books is attested especially among 109 monks, although from a later period . However, there is no clear evidence that the sister is a member of a religious community. P.Prag.2.191, C3/4, Provenance: Unknown Kalemeros writes this letter ‘to my lady mother’, l.1, of whom he says, ‘I have you for a mother X-SHUPKWHYUD’, ll.7f, implying a social use of kinship language. His ‘I greet my daughter in the Lord HMQ NXULY Z’, ll.8–10, using the nomen sacrum, indicates that he is Christian. He names neither woman, and there is no opening greeting or prayer. Kalemeros closes with a standard prayerll.10f. 105

Perhaps Ezra IV, ed.pr. ‘Little OHSWKY’ in C4 suggests a codex, Hilhorst (2000), who argues that the pseudepigraphal Book of Jubilees is meant; also Hagedorn (1997); BL 11.173. 106 For examples of the practice, see Luijendijk (2008) 72. 107 Frankfurter (1993) especially 35–44; 270–278. 108 See P.Lips.1.43 at 238ff below. 109 R. Dostálová, ‘Der “Bücherkatalog” Pap.Wess.Gr.Prag.1.13’, Byzantina, (1985) 13, 537–547 cited by the editor.

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The daughter’s Christianity is established by HMQ NXULY Z and its meaningfulness to her, as also is the mother’s in whose letter the phrase occurs. The text gives no information about the nature of the relationships among Kalemeros, ‘my lady mother’ and ‘my daughter’, nor about the women’s beliefs and practices. The letter concerns the dispatch of grapes. P.Princ.2.95, C4, Provenance: Unknown; BL 3.150; 9.220; 10.165 This text is a list of stolen property submitted by Anonymos/e, of the ‘things left by my blessed daughter Tloulla WK  PDNDULYD PRX TXJDWUR7ORXYOOD’, ll.1ff. The concern about property points to a kinship relationship. The adjective PDNDULYD suggests the writer and daughter are Christian and that Tloulla is dead. The hypothesis of death is 110 strengthened by the use of ‘NDWDOHLYSZleave’, l.1, of her goods , and PDNDULYD occurs most frequently among Christians as a 111 descriptor of the dead . There is no information about the nature of Tloulla’s Christianity and the regular use of PDNDULYD means there is no reason to assume outstanding practice on her part. It is noteworthy that the word occurs here in an official document. The father states that the items in his list were taken ‘violently ELDLYZ’, l.3, by Tloulla’s husband, Paul. They include money, clothing and other property which might have constituted Tloulla’s 112 dowry. If Tloulla’s marriage was typical of the fourth century , occurring without manus, she remained in the potestas of her father, and, on the ending of the marriage in this case by death, her 113 dowry should be returned . The name ‘Paul’ suggests that he is 114 from a Christian family and can be classified as Christian .

110

Most frequently of what is bequeathed in deceased estates, LSJ, s.v. Eg CPR 1.30 (184). See Lampe (1961, 1968) s.v.; G. Horsley, ‘A family feud’ in ND 3.149–155, here 153. P.Oxy.14.1774 at 53 above uses it of a woman living. 112 Bagnall (1993a) 43, n.215, BL 10.165, suggests C5 but gives no reasons. 113 Gardner (1986) 97–116; S. Llewelyn, ‘Paul’s Advice on Marriage and the Changing Understanding of Marriage in Antiquity’ in ND 6.1–18 here 4, n.6. 114 See P.Oxy.50.3581 at 49f above, and 121f above. 111

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P.Sakaon 48=SB 6.9622, 6 April 343, Provenance: Theadelphia; BL 8.301; 11.192 This petition to Aurelius Ision, praepositus, is from Aurelius Zoilos 115 ‘deacon of the catholic church G[L]DYNRQR WK NDTROLNK  HMNNOK[V]LYD[]’, l.2. It concerns the alleged lawless behaviour of Sakaon and his family which is part of an ongoing feud including the past abduction of Zoilos’ own wife, Taeus, Sakaon’s 116 daughter . According to Zoilos, Sakaon abducted his great-niece Nonna, wife of Zoilos’ son Gerontios, as Gerontios was dying. Sakaon took her to his house with the co-operation of Nonna’s mother, Annous, and Sakaon’s brothers. Nonna’s marriage into a Christian family and to the son of a deacon points to her own Christianity. Her name is most frequent in 117 Christian circles, although it is not exclusive to them . The involvement of the women in the family feud is noteworthy. Nonna’s co-operation in her abduction is suggested by Zoilos’ comment that he expected ‘good will and affection HX>QRLDQ ND[L] VW[R]UJKYQ’, l.6, but she brought ‘the opposite’, l.6. Zoilos asserts the Christian Annous’ active participation in the abduction. The women’s practice does not include the submission demanded of wives in the NT nor adherence to its teaching on indissoluble 118 marriage . Zoilos denies knowing the reason for the abduction, l.7. Nonna’s departure while her husband is dying is, according to Zoilos, ‘improper and illegal … a blatant transgression of decency … reckless’, ll.10, 12f. Zoilos tells only his side of the story. P.Wisc.2.76, 350–400, Provenance: Unknown; BL 7.282; 8.512, 11.291 This fragmentary letter from Anonymos/e opens ‘to the sisters … Taarpaesis and Tausiris in God H•MQTHZ ’ , ll.1–3, and includes ‘I greet your children in God, may the evil eye not touch them’ DMVSDY]R[PDL WD]DMEDYVNDQWDRL-PZ Q X-PZ Q WDLY[NQD] WHY[NQD 115

Zoilos is illiterate,l.28. On deacons, G. Horsley, ‘A Deacon’s Work Contract’ in ND 1.121–124. Omission of ‘Aurelius’ by clergy is erratic in C4, Worp (2005); see also Keenan (1973) (1974). 116 P.Sakaon 38 (312), because of inadequate marriage gifts. 117 See 244 below. 118 Eph 5:22–24; 1Cor 7:10–16; Col 3:18; 1Pet 3:1–6; 1Clem 1:3.

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HM]Q THZ , ll.25–27, both without the nomen sacrum. The letter opens and closes with standard prayers, ll.5f, 35ff. Use of HMQTHZ  enables the writer to be classified as Christian, with 119 this an example of a Christian abaskanta formula . It is likely that the sisters are Christian for whom HMQTHZ is meaningful and whose belief accommodates the abaskanta wish. Only the sisters’ children receive the abaskanta wish though other children are mentioned, ll.29, 31, 32. Whether the sisters are kin to each other and the writer is not stated. Their husbands are greeted after the children, ll.27f. The content of the letter, beyond asking for hospitality for the letter-bearer, deals with family matters. SB 6.9605, Early C4, Provenance: Unknown; BL 5.117f; 6.156; 7.212 Anonymos/e writes this letter to $SD[, l.26, but the reading is 120 121 uncertain . It opens with prayer ‘to the most high God and to the 122 divine providence of our Lord Jesus Christ WK THLYD SURQR•LYD WRX  123 NXULYRX K-PZ Q,KVRX &UKVWRX  &ULVWRX night and day about your health together with my sweetest sister, Thebais’, ll.3–8. The letter includes thanks to God (HXMFDULVWZ GH WZ THZ ), l.15, for Copreas’ recovery and a slightly elaborated closing prayer, ll.27– 30. There are no nomina sacra. The writer is Christian and so, it can be assumed, is Apa… Thebais' membership of the household suggests that she also is Christian and shares a belief that gives an explicitly Christian naming of God, holds a strong Christology attributing divine providence to Jesus, and attributes recovery from illness to God’s action. ‘Sister’ rather than ‘daughter’ suggests she is not a child and the lack of greeting to a husband or children suggests that she is unmarried. 119

See P.Oxy.20.2276 at 212 above. ]H•QVLDSD•[The text in Naldini (1968, 1998) 231, is followed. 121 4HRX^\LVWRoccurs in the LXX for the God of Israel, and in eg Lk 1:32; Heb 7:1; 1Clem 29:2. Teeter (2007) notes 1 pagan, 2 Christian and 4 uncertain but ‘probably Christian’ references in C4 papyri, 677f. See G. Horsley, ‘Dedications to “The Most High God”’ in ND 1.25–29, here 27; also 2.46; 4.128; 5.135f. 122 The earliest use of ‘Jesus Christ’ in a letter, Naldini (1968, 1998) n.53, 231. 123 See 77f above. 120

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The letter concerns Anonymos/e’s failure to send Copreas, the intention to send him, and a request for medicine, ll.19f. SB 14.11437, C4/5, Provenance: Unknown; BL 9.274 This letter opens, ‘to my lady daughter Sousanna from your father Martyrios’, ll.1ff. It has no opening prayer but ends with a variation of the standard closing prayer, ll.23f. Martyrios is accepted as Christian on the basis that his name is attested only in Christian 124 125 texts , and he named his daughter with the biblical ‘Sousanna’ . She is accepted as Christian on the basis of her family background. 126

Martyrios asks Sousanna to come with her husband as her mother is ill and longs for her. Martyrios does not ask Sousanna to pray for her mother’s healing but the significance of the lack for Sousanna’s theology is uncertain. Martyrios states that he has written a previous letter asking Sousanna to come to which she has not responded. Whether she was/is unwilling or did not receive the letter is not known. SB 22.15359=P.Oxy.Desc.11=P.Oxy.1.182, Provenance: Oxyrhynchus; BL10.136

Mid

C4,

This letter opens ‘to my wife and sister Thekla, Thonios sends many greetings in the Lord God HMQNXULYZTHZ ’, ll.1–3, without nomina sacra. He prays to divine providence (HX>FRPDLWK THLYD SURQRLYD) to receive her letter, ll.4f. Thonios is accepted as 127 Christian on the basis of these two statements . Thekla also is classified as Christian, for whom the formula and reference to providence are meaningful. Her name occurs in the second-century Acts of Paul and Thekla and comes be an indicator 128 of Christianity, but in the fourth century the situation is uncertain . 124

The name occurs first in C3. Foraboschi (1967–1971) s.v.; Preisigke (1967) s.v.; G. Horsley, ‘A cryptic Christian letter?’ in ND 2.174ff, here 175; 5.141. 125 An eponymous book, LXX; Lk 8:3. In the papyri the name occurs only in this letter and CPR 13.4 (C3); P.Oxy.31.2599 (C3/4); 60.4091 (352). See G. Horsley, ‘Sousanna’ in ND 4.183. P.Oxy.60.4091 and this text supplement Horsley’s list. 126 Possibly Antoninos, l.21. If so, they live with his mother and family. 127 See 12f above; 102ff above. 128 The name is not attested in C1 or C2. In P.Oxy.12.1464 (250), T•HNY O• •D• is now considered unlikely, Davis (1999) 74; (2001, 2003) 83–141, especially 84. The

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Thonios interprets receipt of Thekla’s letter as an act of divine providence, but whether this refers to the safe delivery of the letter or, more probably, is a device to encourage her to write is unclear. The letter concerns money given to Papnouthis, who is possibly but uncertainly the Papnouthis of P.Oxy.48.3384–3429. CONCLUSION This examination of texts written to and referring to Christian women suggests a number of conclusions about Christian women’s religious lives, and about the papyri as sources for them. The first conclusion is obvious but important to state. In texts not written by women, it is difficult to say anything about their Christianity beyond its likelihood. In three cases examined here it is impossible: the mistress in P.Oxy.6.939, Tloulla in P.Princ.2.95 and Sousanna in SB 14.11437. A second conclusion concerns the capacity of some women whose Christianity is accepted to accommodate pagan elements in their beliefs. x

P.Oxy.20.2276 and P.Wisc.2.76, with prayer and greetings HMQ NXULYZ THZ  andHMQTHZ , include abaskanta wishes for the women recipients’ children.

x

P.Oxy.59.3998 mentions proskynema/obeisance immediately after greeting Syras HMQTHZ NXULYZ.

These texts are accepted as Christian on the basis of probability, taking into account theology, the realities of conversion in the 129 fourth century, the possibility that the writers are new Christians whose conversion is yet to modify their language, and the fact that proskynema and abaskanta formulae are stock phrases of a ‘religious’ nature but with fading dogmatic content. Thonis’ confusion about the conventional word order in HMQTHZ NXULYZ supports the hypothesis of a Christian with limited understanding, and the failure of all three to use nomina sacra is consistent with it. name appears in 7 other texts dated C4 of which this is the earliest (DDBDP). Most are of uncertain religious milieux: Herm.Landl.2.28.624 (C4); CPR 7.22 (C4/5) are additions to Davis’ list. 129 Youtie (1981) 451–454.

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If the writers are new Christians, the pagan elements may reflect their own ‘unwitting’ syncretism and say nothing about the women’s beliefs. Such a possibility cannot be determined. However, on the assumption that a writer expresses a religious statement when it is meaningful to, and shared by, the recipient, it is more likely that the pagan elements in these texts are acceptable to the women either as formulae of social communication or as legitimate, though ill thought out, expressions of Christian belief. A third conclusion concerns the evidence of these texts for the significance accorded some women within their communities in granting them letters of introduction. x

Taion in P.Oxy.36.2785 and Germania in P.Oxy.56.3857 carry letters of peace, HMSLVWRODL HLMUKQLNDLY, indicating that they are recognised members of their congregations although not considered of the highest distinction. The texts do not indicate the reasons for the women’s travel. Germania’s letter presents her as a Christian woman who will travel alone, widely. She expects and will access hospitality from a number of institutions. Taion’s letter follows the more usual pattern being specific to one destination. She does not travel alone but is accompanied by a male catechumen, but she is presented as the more important of the two. The letters give evidence of a 130 network of hospitality to which women have access .

x

A letter of recommendation, HMSLVWROKVXVWDWLNKY is given to a group of women in P.Got.11. It implies that the women are of high status in the church, perhaps holding ministerial positions, perhaps being wealthy or notable in some other way, possibly as confessors. They are not called ‘sisters’ in contrast to ‘all the brothers’Y, referring perhaps to non-ascetic practice, being unbaptised or not known personally.

x

P.Grenf.2.73, while not a letter of recommendation or peace, is a report on the politike such as might be a response to one. It 131 implies the woman’s significant status but the possibility remains that her significance rests in her son Neilos’ status.

130 131

See Didascalia Apostolorum 29.3–6. The politike being alive or dead does not alter this conclusion.

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A fourth conclusion concerns the theological positions held by the Christian women in these texts. A preliminary observation needs to be noted. Knowledge of the women’s theological positions depends on mention of them by the writers and can only be inferred from the writers’ perspectives. Three women are presented as believers in divine healing. x

Copres in P.Oxy.31.2601 expects Sarapias to share his theology of healing, though perhaps without his conviction.

x

Mebrio? in P.Oxy.31.2609 expects the lady sister to share his/her interpretation of Helenos’ recovery as divine healing.

x

In SB 6.9605, Thebais is part of a circle that attributes recovery from illness to God’s action.

Failures to request women to pray for healing in circumstances where it might be expected, Judas of Maria in P.Oxy.46.3314, and Martyrios of Sousanna in SB 14.11437, are notable. It may be that the women’s prayers are considered ineffective simply because they are women, but Judas does not ask prayer of Jose his father, nor Martyrios of Sousanna’s husband. The failures to seek the women’s prayer are not because of a lack of belief in prayer as both texts contain prayer statements. They may be due to a lack of belief in divine healing on the men’s part, or on the women’s; they may be an oversight, or reflect a lack of confidence in non-ascetic prayer. The reasons are not known but the failures here are part of a pattern that makes requests for prayer for others rare in the papyri. The concept of divine providence appears in four of the letters, in each case, linked to prayer: x

P.Oxy.46.3314, in Judas’ prayer for Maria’s health;

x

SB 22.15359, in Thonios’ prayer about the arrival of a letter;

x

SB 6.9605, in Thebais’ community’s attribution of divine providence to Jesus Christ and that providence as an object of prayer;

x

P.Oxy.43.2731, in Maximos’ assessment of a letter-bearer as God’s response to prayer

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The writers expect the women to share their theology of providence, including the understanding that providence can be directed through prayer. The texts reflect cultural attitudes to widowhood consistent with Christian teaching but give no indication of the women’s theological understandings. x

In P.Abinn.19 Naomi’s husband uses conventional attitudes to widowhood to press an appeal for the release of Naomi’s 132 widowed (step)mother’s son . Naomi can be expected to share the attitude but whether it, or her husband’s, is also theologically informed is unknown.

x

Nonna in P.Ant.2.93, the politikein P.Grenf.2.73 and Zenobia in P.Oxy.43.2731 may be widows but their status is not indicated and their attitudes therefore are unknown.

The texts provide examples of the discounting of status distinctions 133 that appear in some Christian texts . x

In P.Col.Teeter 7, ‘mistress’, ‘most honoured’ and indicators of wealth place the woman in a position of higher status than the 134 writer. He also styles her ‘sister’ indicative of equal status .

x

In P.Ant.2.93, Papais addresses Nonna, his future mother-inlaw, as both ‘mother’ and ‘sister’. The former epithet expresses respect, the latter equality.

The women apparently accept the status discounting. A fifth conclusion concerns the evidence of the texts for women’s commitment to Christian discipleship. x

The lady sister in P.Oxy.63.4365 studies biblical texts. Her reading suggests an advanced stage of learning. There is no evidence that she is an ascetic but such a status would be consistent with her education and access to books.

x

The letters of recommendation and peace for the women in P.Got.11, Taion in P.Oxy.36.2785 and Germania in

132

Abinnaeus’ Christianity adds the sense of Christian duty to the petition. See 123f above. 134 Naldini (1968, 1998) 15f; Arzt-Grabner (2002) 186, 191. 133

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P.Oxy.56.3857 suggest their significant and recognised Christian commitment. x

Thebais in SB 6.9605 belongs to a group with a high Christology which, it is reasonable to assume, she shares.

x

Atheatis in P.Laur.2.42 is recognised for her exemplary behaviour as a laywoman.

x

The politikein P.Grenf.2.73 may be a Christian woman of recognised commitment, but the care expressed about her may also arise from her son’s standing.

The texts, with the possible exception of the last, witness to the seriousness of these women’s Christian commitment and the recognised standing they have in the community. None makes explicit a ministry position. A sixth conclusion stands in tension with that just discussed. The texts provide evidence of women behaving contrary to the ideals of Christian discipleship. Nonna and her mother, Annous, in P.Sakaon 48, in co-operating in Nonna’s abduction, contradict Christian teaching on women’s submission, family care and the indissolubility of marriage. The women actively perpetuate the feud between two apparently Christian families. A number of the themes which emerge from the texts written by Christian women also appear in texts written to and referring to Christian women, particularly belief in healing, providence and prayer. The nature of the women’s prayer practice, knowledge of Scripture and sense of power in spiritual matters are not evident.

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EXCURSUS Nomina Sacra and Isopsephisms in Letters to Women 135

Texts written to women which contain nomina sacra raise the question of the relation between reading literacy and their use, whether their appearance indicates literacy and a knowledge of nomina sacra on the part of the women addressees, and whether on this or other grounds nomina sacra can be used to classify the women as Christian. Six of the fourteen Christian texts written to 136 137 women include nomina sacra ; two include Christian symbols . Nomina sacra are a form of communication among Christians which readers recognise and decode. They communicate not only the unabbreviated word in abbreviated form, but also a shared knowledge. The communication of both these levels of meaning would seem to require reading literacy on the women’s part which is unlikely, given rates of women’s literacy in Egypt even among the wealthy. If the women can read, it implies their knowledge of nomina sacra and their significance. If the women cannot read, it raises the question as to why the writer would use them. Three associated questions arise: whether Christian conventions are known among pagan as well as Christian literates; whether nomina sacra are simply a device for writing efficiency and lack symbolic significance; and whether nomina sacra, while significant, are also conventional, and are used for pagan addressees. In response to the first question, it cannot be ruled out that some nomina sacra are known among the small community of literates in fourth-century Egypt. From recognisability their use by pagan scribes can be posited but is unknowable. Nonetheless, it is reasonable to assume that scribes employ conventions appropriate to a text’s author, and that nomina sacra in a text reflect the author’s religious conventions rather than the scribe’s. 135

Research focuses more on literary than documentary texts eg Paap (1959); Traube (1967); Treu (1973); Bedodi (1974); Blanchard (1974); Roberts (1977); Roberts and Skeat (1982); D. Mazzoleni, ‘Nomina Sacra’ in Encyclopedia of Early Christianity, s.v.; Millard (1994); Hurtado (1998); Tuckett (2003). 136 P.Leid.Inst.64; P.Oxy.31.2601; 31.2609; 34.2731; 63.4365; P.Prag.2.191. 137 P.Oxy.31.2601; 31.2609.

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In response to the second question, the absence of nomina sacra from certainly pagan texts suggests that there is a symbolic significance in their use recognised by Christians and pagans and that they are not merely a device for efficiency. In response to the third question, there is no certain evidence of nomina sacra and Christian isopsephisms in non-magical texts written to pagans or by pagans in the period to 400 CE; that is, they are not used outside Christian or Manichean circles except in magical papyri. The evidence indicates that nomina sacra were becoming established as a Christian epistolographic convention in the papyri during the fourth century. Their use in this period is unlikely to be purely formulaic. Nomina sacra and Christian isopsephisms are visual signs in a text recognisable to an addressee regardless of literacy status. They communicate shared understanding in and of themselves and support the hypothesis that their use would be restricted to Christian addressees. They can, therefore, at least in the fourth century and with reasonable probability be taken to imply the Christianity of the addressee of a letter. Use of nomina sacra cannot be taken to indicate the reading literacy of addressees without presuming a significant increase in literacy for which there is no evidence. The use of nomina sacra to the illiterate raises the interesting question as to whether there was some means of conveying their presence other than through reading such as bowing the head at the sacred word, as is the custom in some modern churches. It may also be that the presence of nomina sacra, and knowledge of their presence, could be assumed.

ASCETIC WOMEN INTRODUCTION 1

Asceticism and its institutional form, monasticism, are major developments for Christian women in the fourth century. The popularity of the movement, its place within the structure of the institutional church, and its significance for women render it an important source of information on the religious lives of one group of women in early Christian Egypt. The essence of Christian asceticism lies in renunciation, particularly of sexual activity, and 2 often also of property and other aspects of physical life such as 3 food and sleep , for the pursuit of spiritual goals. Monasticism involves a moderated asceticism exercised within a community and emphasising order, work, prayer, obedience and stability. Asceticism generates a complex of understandings. It is a way of participating, while on earth, in the perfection of heaven where 4 there is no marriage . As the perfect state, virginity functions as a symbol for Christianity itself, and virgins come to carry the burden 5 of the church’s purity . Ascetic women embody values prized by 6 7 masculine authority and serve to display a bishop’s power .

1

Eg Clark (1981); (1986); Emmett (1982); (1984); Willem-Drijvers (1987); Kraemer (1988); (1992); Brown (1991); Elm (1994, 2000); Francis (1995); Wipszycka (1996a); (2001b); (2002); Goehring (1997); (1999); Methuen (1997); Krawiec (1998); (2002); Shaw (1998); Stramara (1998); Bagnall (2001a); Davis (2001, 2003); (2002); Swan (2001); Choat (2002); (2007); Brakke (2003); Frankfurter (2003); Jacobs and Krawiec (2003); Harmless (2004); Parker (2004); Vivian (2004); E. A. Judge, ‘The Earliest Use of monachos’ in Judge (2010) 156–177; ‘Fourth-Century Monasticism in the Papyri’ in Judge (2010) 178–184. 2 Evidence for property ownership is complex. The papyri attest it. Canons of Athanasius 102 and Pachomius allow it; but not Shenoute, Wipszycka (2002) 393, n.60, nor Rule of St Augustine 3, 4. Monasteries generally require disposal of property or its cession to family. Notably, however, no deeds of cession exist. 3 Eg Athanasius, Second Letter to the Virgins 4, 11–13, 15ff; On Virginity 1, 3, 8f. The authorship of these texts is debated, see Brakke (1994). 4 Mt 22:30. 5 For the church as a ‘virgin’, see Herm 781f; 2Cor 11:2; Cameron (1991) 175. 6 ‘Holiness/true religion’, Athanasius, Apologia ad Imperatorem Constantium 33. 7 Brown (1991) 260.

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Asceticism in Christianity has its origin in ascetic movements in 8 9 Judaism and philosophic Greek and Roman society . It appears as early as the Pauline letters of the NT. 1 Corinthians 7 contains a clear ascetic element in its advocacy of celibacy and its appraisal of marriage as a legitimate but lesser Christian way, a concession to 10 human weakness, and a distraction . Later advocates of asceticism add a misreading of Paul’s spirit:flesh dichotomy, interpreting ‘flesh’ as ‘body’ and ‘sexuality’. Significant for women is the interconnectedness of the polarities current in late antique philosophic and religious writing constructed by men to define reality: spirit:flesh, male:female, culture:nature, public:private. Women in all cases are associated with the less desired element. Asceticism is not the whole of Paul’s thought in 1 Corinthians 7. 11 Paul commends marriage with sexuality as an essential aspect . 12 This pro-marriage position is taken up in the later NT writings and given theological interpretation in the husband:wife, Christ:church metaphor. The ascetic aspect of Paul’s thought is rejected in these later texts and, instead, finds expression in the apocryphal Acts where celibacy becomes the ideal, and much of the drama centres 13 on the defence of women’s, and significantly not men’s, virginity . The style of ascetic women’s leadership evident in the apocryphal Acts, essentially independent of male ecclesial authority, signals 14 that they belong to a time of transition . Ultimately the ascetic movement of the third century comes firmly within church control, 8

Eg the Therapeutai, Philo, On the Contemplative Life. The Essene and Qumran communities practised asceticism but the role of women is unclear. See eg Philo, Hypothetica 11.14–17; Pliny the Elder, Natural History 5.15.73; Josephus, The Jewish War 2.160–1; Brown (1991) 34–41; Elder (1994). 9 Eusebius, HE 2.17.19. Pagan society designated asceticism philosophy, Jensen (1996) 19f. Brown (1991) 8, argues that virginity was anomalous and not an ideal; also Clark (1993) 130. Laws penalising the unmarried and childless were only overturned in 320, CT 8.16.1. See also Coleman-Norton (1966) 1.77–79. 10 1Cor 7:9, 33f. 11 1Cor 7:4–11. 12 Eph 5:21–33; 1Tim 5:1–16; 1Pet 3:1–7. 13 Eg ActsPaul 3. Davies (1980) asserts female authorship/readership of the Acts. 14 Davies (1980) 100. The Pastoral Epistles and apocryphal Acts appear to be contemporary and opposing developments of the Pauline tradition. See MacDonald (1979); (1983); Davies (1991); Dunn (1993).

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and with it, ascetic women’s independence. The independent, 15 active, ascetic woman, personified by Thekla , becomes the withdrawn virgin whose sole task is to pray. The actual experience of women ascetics, both within and outside Egypt, is difficult to determine. Information comes mainly from 16 literature written by men in writings that are highly rhetorical and polemical. The writers describe and instruct female monastics, mostly those of their elite, educated women friends who found and lead important monastic institutions. The descriptions cannot be taken as necessarily typical of Egyptian monasticism, nor the life of 17 the women founders as typical of the life of those they lead . The voices of women are heard in these texts with difficulty. Asceticism is understood to offer women an alternative to the traditional roles of wife and mother, allowing a degree of freedom 18 and spiritual focus unavailable to the married . Evidence confirms 19 that some women gain new independence, freedom to travel and 20 opportunities for education . Women so often opt for this life that the Council of Gangra (c.340) ruled that women who leave their husbands (Canon 14) and/or their children (Canon 15) for the ascetic life are anathema; and children must not abandon their parents (Canon 16). Asceticism becomes a tacit requirement for 21 ministry as ecclesiastical widow, virgin and deaconess . Monasticism emerges as an alternative vocational path to the ministerial roles of bishop, priest and deacon closed to women, and 15

ActsPaul 3. Most major Christian writers in C4 and C5, Athanasius, Augustine, Ambrose, Chrysostom, Jerome, Basil of Caesarea, Gregory Nazianzus, Gregory of Nyssa, write on asceticism. See Brown (1991) 449–464; Jensen (1996) 312–323. 17 There is little evidence that Egyptian ascetics were wealthy. Exceptions occur, eg Antony in Athanasius, Vita S. Antonii 1; Isidore in HL 1.4. Most ascetics were poor or middle-class eg herdsmen, builders, robbers, HL 8.3; 19.1; 22.1; 35.1. 18 Chrysostom, La virginité 40 states female ascetics enjoy freedom from slaves, money, marital conflict, violence, childbirth and anxiety caused by children. 19 As pilgrimage eg Jerome, Epistula 108; HL 35; Athanasius, Second Letter to Virgins (c.350–370); Egeria, Travels (C4/5). See Elm (1994, 2000) 331–336; Bagnall and Cribiore (2006) 81. 20 See n.86 below. 21 No requirement is made explicit in Didascalia Apostolorum (C3) or Canon 19, Council of Nicaea (325). Canon 15, Council of Chalcedon (451) presumes it. 16

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an alternative to the roles of ecclesiastical widow and deaconess 22 which disappear through constraint . As constructed in the fourth century, asceticism is ambivalent in its outcomes for women, bringing benefits largely at the expense of female identity. Transcending sexuality is a goal for both male and female ascetics, but desexualisation for women almost always 23 means masculinisation . Thus, women ascetics are said to exercise 24 ‘manly virtue DMUHWKY’ with ‘(masculine) courage DMQGUHLYD’ . They 25 ‘cease to be a woman and will be called a man’ . The increasing 26 emphasis in the third century on discipline in food and sleep , and 27 neglect of personal appearance become particularly associated with female asceticism. Strict discipline in food and dress allows women to achieve undifferentiated, no longer overtly female bodies. Desexualisation, however, does not mean feminisation for 28 29 men , which rather is feared. Men’s virtues continue unaltered . Women’s desexualisation works to eliminate them as a source of temptation to men by eliminating them as women, rendering them sexless through fasting and neglect, and thus constructed for men’s 30 benefit . Palladius is noteworthy among early writers on asceticism 31 in explicitly making women subjects of the Lausiac History along 22

The increasing restriction is clear in role-descriptions: Eusebius, HE 2.16f; 2.18.9; 3.37.1; 4.27.1; 6.43.11; 8.8.1 etc (c.300); Didascalia Apostolorum 3.1–12 (XIV–XVI) (Syriac, C3); Hippolytus, Apostolic Tradition 11, 13, 18.5 (Rome, d.235); Apostolic Constitutions 3.9 (Antioch, C4); Osiek and MacDonald (2006). 23 Notably only certain desexualisation is approved eg cropped hair for women is condemned as claiming equality with men, Canon 17, Council of Gangra (c.340); Canon 13 condemns women dressing as men. See also Jensen (1996) 43. 24 HL 41; AP Bessarion 4. 25 Jerome, Commentary on the Epistle to the Ephesians 658, on 5.28a. In gender theory of performance women ascetics do become men, Brakke (2003) 390. 26 Eg Origen, Eusebius, HE 6.3.9; Pachomius’ Rule; Brown (1991) 217f. 27 Holiness is linked with dirt after Antony, Athanasius, Vita S. Antonii 47. Rule of St Augustine 9 requires women to bathe once a month. Augustine, Letters 211.13 warns desire for clean clothes soils the soul. See also Clark (1986) 66. 28 Chrysostom, Instruction and Refutation. But the idealisation of female virgins and the self-identification of men with them are also clear, Boyarin (1999) 87. 29 Vidén (1990) 148ff. 30 Willem-Drijvers (1987) 261, 264f. 31 HL pr. 2. Palladius devotes a chapter to JXQDLNDLDMQGUHL DLHL 41.The same perspective is missing from the almost contemporary HM.

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with men, although they are ‘female fathers SDWHYUH TKYOHLDL’. 32 Both equally practise ascetic discipline to transcend sexuality . The language of sexual asceticism is highly paradoxical and particularly powerful for women who come to be the sole bearers of the title 33 ‘virgin SDUTHYQR’ . The virgin is the ‘bride of Christ’ and virginity itself is ‘true marriage’ to Christ. The language of ascetic devotion 34 is highly erotic, deriving its legitimacy from the Song of Songs . ASCETIC WOMEN IN THE PAPYRI

35

O.Douch 3.190, C4–Early C5, Provenance: Kysis; BL 10.290 1

GLD3HWH FZ QWR DMUWDYEDL [ WZ %LNWZULYQZ [ WK PRQDFK  PDYWL [ VLYWRX DMUWDYEDL PDYWLRQ D[

… through Petechon ? artabai for Viktorinos … for … the nun, … mation … , 8 artarbai of wheat, one mation …

This text is a fragment of a list of people receiving grain. An unknown quantity of wheat, lost in the damaged right-hand side of the ostracon, is given to Anonyme, WK PRQDFK , l.3. The distribution may be charitable, for personal or communal use, or for agricultural cultivation. The source of the grain is also not known. P.Iand.6.100, Second Half C4, Provenance: Unknown; BL 3.87; 6.57 1

5

32

[WRL ]DMJ[D]S•[KWR]L SDWUDY[VL]'RL"OZNDL M2XDOHULYZNDLWRL DMGHOIRL [-+U]D•NOHLYGKNDL 3DKVLYZNDL-$WUK %KV[RYG]Z[UR]•FDLYUHLQ SURSDYQWZQHX>FRPDLWZ TH•[Z ]SHULWK R-OR NOKULYDX-PZ QDMVSDY]RPDL>$•[UZQ]NDL0DULDPNDL 7DPRX Q•LNDLWRXDMGHOIRXSDY[QWD]WRXHMQWZ  PRQDVWKULYZX-SRPQKYVZVRLN•[XY]ULHSDYWHU'RYLO! H SHULWZ QHLMGZ QZ_QGHYGZN[DYP]RLSZOK VDL PHJDYOKHMVWLQDMSUDJLYDDMQW[ZQHL WDLY]WLWHWUD

HL pr.; 34; 41. Cameron (1991) 175. 34 Eg Origen, Song of Songs (C3). 35 Not accepted: P.Laur.2.42; P.Neph.36; P.Oxy.56.3862; SB 8.9746; P.Oxy.14.1774; SB 14.11532=P.Strasb.1900; SB14.12173 = P.Mich.inv.346. 33

Christian Women in the Papyri to 400 CE 10

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NLVFHLYOLDWDYO•D•QWDGR•[XNDWD]J•HYQRNDLFZUL WK JQZYPKVRXRXMSHYSUD[ND]NDLSHULWRX  NRORELYRXVHVLQZPHYQRQHM[VWL]QNDLRXMNHMGX QKYQGHL [DL•DXMW[R]WRNDTRYORQ[NDL]SHULWZ Q WXULYZQK>G•KDMSRVWHYOOZVRL[HMQ]WDYFHLTDXPDY ]ZR^WLW•HYZ•RXMNHMJUDY\•DWH[SU]RHMPHSHUL WK X-PZ [Q]R-•ORNOKULYDX-PZ [Q]HLMPHQH^WRL PRLH•>[VHVTHNDWH]OTHL QSUR[K-PD]SURGKOZY V[D]WH[NDLK-GHYZ]•HMNGHYFRPDLH•[LMGHHMQH]Q•R•KYVDWH W•[

3 l. %KVƒVƒKYƒPƒ[LR]BL 6.57%KV[RYG]Z[UR]•ed.pr. 5 l. M$ƒ•[ULYDQ], >$•[UZQ] ed.pr. 9f l. WHWUDNLVFLYOLD To my beloved fathers Zoilos and Valerios and the brothers Herakleides and Paesios and Hatres, Bessemios, greeting. Before all things I pray to God about your health. I greet Aria and Mariam and Tamounis and all the brothers in the monastery. I should remind you, lord father Zoilos, about the goods which you have given to me to sell. It is a great futility. Someone bids against four thousand talents, for each kind, and apart from your knowledge I have not acted. And about the tunic, it has been damaged and I have not been able to display it whole. And about the cheeses, I am already sending them to you quickly. I am amazed that you did not write before to me about your health. If you are ready to come down to us, make it clear and I will await you willingly, but if …

In this letter Bessemios singles out ‘Aria and Mariam and Tamounis’, ll.5–7, for particular mention before ‘all the brothers in 36 the monastery’ . The original editor constructed $[ ] as >$•[UZQ] but the name is more likely to be a woman’s, creating a more 37 logical grouping . AriaM$[• ULYDQ] fits the space. The relation of the three women to those in the monastery is of interest. It may be that they are in a different category to ‘all the brothers’ but the greeting to them and the brothers reads as a continuation of the opening address, picking up the naming of community members after the prayer; that is,38 the structure favours the women’s membership of the monastery . It is possible that the women are associated with the monastery in another capacity, perhaps as textile workers, yet 36

This is an early example of PRQDVWKYULRQ in the papyri. The word occurs in 4 other texts dated C4: P.Kell.12.Fr2; P.Neph.12; SB 10.10522; 14.11972FrA. 37 I am grateful to Dr J. S. Sheldon for the suggestion. 38 Elm (1994, 2000) 237, 245, accepts the women as ascetics without argument.

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live sufficiently closely to be included in the one greeting, but in this case, naming them before ‘all the brothers’ in a letter to the ‘fathers’ and some ‘brothers’ is unlikely. It may be that the women are Bessemios’ natural family although unusually not identified as such but this again does not ease an unusual greeting structure nor clarify their relationship with the monastery. It is more likely that Aria, Mariam and Tamounis are community members and it raises 39 the possibility that it is a mixed-sex monastery . 40

P.Lips.1.43=Chr.Mitt.98, C4, Provenance: Lycopolis ; BL 10.95 1

5

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)DUPRX TLLKHMQWZ SXOZ QLWK N[DT]ROL NK HMNNOKVLYDWK X-SR3ORXVLDQRQHMSLGLPZY WDWRQHMSLYVNRSRQGLHYWKJHQRPHYQKPHWD [X4DKYVLRDMHLSDUT[HYQR]XNDLWZ QNOK UR[Q]RYPZQ%KVDULYZQR[WRGLHW]KWLNR[QS]URV HGRYTKX-SRWRX DXMWRX HMSLVNRYSRX3ORXVLDQRX  GLHWKYVDQWRSDU[RYQWZQ]'LRVN[R]U[LYGRX]-8PQLYZ QRERXOHXWRX NDL([ WRX ]NDL [-+]UDNOHLYRX(LMT[ NDL]RX [ ]WRXGLDNRY[Q]RXZ^VWHK@WRXNOKUR[QRY]PRX [%KV]DULYZQRS[D]UHQHJNHL QPDYUWXUDW[RX] HMOOHYJFRQWD4DK VLQSHULDMIDLUHYVH[Z] QL ELEOLYZQFUH[LVW]LDN•Z QZ•-[J]HQRPHYQKX-[SM]D•XM WK NDLWDX W[D]DXMWKQHLMVHQHJNHL Q K@DXMWKQR^UNR[QGLG]RYQDLSHULWRX PKG[H]PLYDQ DMIDLYUKVLQSHSRLK VTDLNDL[R]X^WZSDYQWD WDHMSLWK RLMNHLYDNDWDOLITHYQWDHLMGXYR PHYUKNDLW[K]QPHQTDK VLQH`QPHYUR HM[DVTDLWRXGHNOKURQRYPRXWRH^WHURQ P[HY]URWRX WRGHJHQHYVTDLHL>VZWULDNDYGR WRX DXMWRX )DUPRX TL

2 l. HMSLWLPZYWDWRQ3 l.GLDLYWK5 l.GLDLWKWLNRQ7 l.GLDLWKYVDQWR13 l. FULVWLDQLNZ Q16 l.DMIDLYUHVLQ17 l. NDWDOHLITHYQWD Pharmouthi 18. In the forecourt of the catholic church under the most honoured bishop Plousianos. Being the arbitration between Thaesis, ever39

Textiles are a regular monastic work, with wool-working the task of the women, as in Pachomian monasteries, Clark (1993) 104; Elm (1994, 2000) 296. 40 Ed.pr. proposed Hermopolis Magna. Worp (1994) 286, n.10, argues Lycopolis as the place of origin, with subsequent transfer of the text to Hermopolis.

Christian Women in the Papyri to 400 CE

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virgin, and the heirs of Besarion. The decision was handed down by the same bishop Plousianos who arbitrated in the presence of Dioskorides son of Hymnion, the councillor, and E … also called Heracleios son of Eith… and … son of … the deacon, that either the heirs of Besarion bring witnesses to charge Thaesis about the removal of Christian books, that she did it, and she restore them, or she give an oath that no removal took place, and that everything left at the house (be divided) in two parts, Thaesis to take one part and the heirs the other part, and this to happen by the thirtieth day of the same Pharmouthi.

Thaesis appears in a formal court report of proceedings held before Plousianos, a bishop, ll.1f. Thaesis’ name occurs without a patronymic but with the epithet ‘ever-virgin DMHLSDUT[HYQR]X’ which functions as an identifier and is legally sufficient and recognised. The description indicates that Thaesis is a Christian ascetic. Her Christian status is supported by the fact that she is accused of taking Christian books, and by her appearance before the bishop’s court. Thaesis appears without a guardian. An implication of the removal of the books is that Thaesis is educated. Plousianos has arbitrated the case between her and the (other) 41 heirs of Besarion, ll.3–5. His court has met in the presence of a number of officials, including a councillor and a deacon,ll.7–10. The charge against Thaesis is of removing Christian books, ll.12f, that is, before the distribution of the inheritance. These books are 42 no doubt codices and, although cheaper than papyrus rolls, are plainly valuable materially as well as spiritually. Plousianos is probably to be identified as the bishop of Lycopolis 43 who died c.350 CE . The early date for this hearing of the 44 episcopalis audientia does not necessitate that both Thaesis and 41

Ed.pr. The judgement favours that this dispute concerns an inheritance. Perhaps Scripture, literature or church documents. See Roberts and Skeat (1982) 53; S. Llewelyn, ‘The Development of the Codex’ in ND 7.249–262. 43 Martin (1996) 708. Elm (1994, 2000) 235, n.24, considers this ‘unlikely’. The proposal that the letter is from Lycopolis strengthens the likelihood. Plousianos is not listed in Morris (1994). 44 This is the earliest reference to, and record of, the court, with little information on procedure, but indicating setting, form of judgement, the use of oaths and presence of witnesses. During C4 bishops gained authority to hear church cases (313), Eusebius, HE 10.5.18–50; any private suit, CT 1.27 (318), CS 1 (333); not criminal matters, CT 16.2.23 (376); any clergy, CS 3 (384). 42

Erica Mathieson

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the heirs agree to its function and it gives no information on the 45 heirs’ beliefs . Their concern about the Christian books also need not imply Christian faith, only recognition of the books’ value. P.Lips.1.60, C4 Before 371, Provenance: Panopolis; BL 1.209 1

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15

$XMUKYOLR[0LY]N•[D]ORNDLK-[WRXYWRX] DMGHOIK'LGXYPKDMHLSDYUTHQRDMPIRYWHURL HMNSDWURM$ITRQLYRX[JHQ]RPHYQRXERXOHXWRX D>U[DQWR  WK 3DQRSROLWZ QODPSUD SRYOHZ JHQ[RP]HYQRX[HM]SLPHOKWRX HMVTK WRVWUDWLZWL NK [W]K WULVNDLGHNDYWKLMQGLNWLYRQRHMNPK WUR7QRXYTLR)ODXLYZM,VLGZYUZRMIILNLDOLYZ  WDY[H[Z]K-JHPRQLYD4KEDLYGRFDLYUHLQ -RP[RORJRX P]HQX-SR•GH• •GHY[F]TDLSDUDYVRXWD HMNGRTHY[QWD]HMQWDYJL[D]HMSL•WK M$OH[DQGULYD X-SHUHMSLP[H]O[HLY]DWRX K-PZ QSDWURWK  SURHLUKPHYQKWULVNDLGHNDYWKLMQG[L]NWLRYQ[R] FODPXYGZQVWUD[W]LZWLNZ QH-[KYNR[Q]WDHMQ QHYDNDLVWLFDULYZQWHWUDNRVLYZ[Q]WULDYNRQWD WHVVDYUZQNDLS[HUL]DXMWZ QPK•[GHY]QDO•RY•J•R•Q• Verso (m.2) 0L]NNDYORXHLM[

6 l. WUHLVNDLGHNDYWKalso 13). Aurelius Mikalos and his sister Didyme, ever-virgin, both children of the father Aphthonios, former councillor and ex-magistrate of the illustrious city of Panopolis, former commissioner for military clothing for the thirteenth indiction, their mother being Tnouthis, to Flavius Isidorus, officialis of the troops of the praeses of the Thebaid, greeting. We acknowledge having received from you the orders issued for Alexandria with respect to the commission of our father for the aforesaid thirteenth indiction: sixty-nine military cloaks and three hundred and thirty-four tunics and we make no claim for them.

This receipt names ‘Didyme, ever-virgin’, ll.1f. $HLSDYUTHQR signals that she is an ascetic and that her status is recognised administratively and socially. The omission of ‘Aurelia’ may be an example of the tendency identified among clergy and ascetics to omit the civil status marker, the omission operating as a religious

45

Consent was not necessary but came to be required, CJ 1.4.8 (398). See Coleman-Norton (1966) 2.475f; G. Horsley, ‘A Family Feud’ in ND 3.149–155, here 152. Bagnall (1993a) 224, considers this a private dispute.

Christian Women in the Papyri to 400 CE

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status marker. There are no other references to religion. Didyme appears without a guardian. The receipt concerns the supply of military clothing that are part of the tax obligation of Mikalos and Didyme’s father who may be dead. The receipt in joint names indicates that Mikalos and Didyme are both active in the business. Mikalos’ name has no descriptor, such as an occupation, equivalent to Didyme’s ‘ever-virgin’. Didyme’s name occurs in the nominative as a co-writer of the document but if >WRXYWRX], l.1, is correct, Mikalos is the actual writer. The end of the papyrus which might have indicated 46 Didyme’s literacy status is lost . P.Neph.1, C4, Provenance: Alexandria, BL 9.173; 11.139 47

Tapiam and Paul in their letter to Ophellios and the brothers write: ‘We greet all the beloved brothers by name and the virgins of God’, ll.27f. This is the only reference to consecrated women in the Nepheros archive. The relationship between the virgins and the monastery is unknown, but is such that they are greeted in the same letter. The virgins form a distinct group, with the greeting to them following the greeting to the brothers and being followed by greetings to ‘our father Horion and our mother Teinor and Pina and all the rest of our brothers’, ll.27–29, who appear not to be monastics. The virgins are not qualified by ‘beloved DMJDSKWRY’ which is used in both references to the monks, ll.1, 27, and appears to distinguish monks from ‘all the rest of our brothers’, l.30, the family group and from the virgins as well. P.Oxy.44.3203, 25 June Oxyrhynchus; BL 8.267 1

5 46

–

24

July

400,

Provenance:

P]HWDWKQX-S•D•W[• HLYDQ)ODRXLYRX 4HRGZYURX WRX ODPS•[URWDYWRX M(SHLI $•XMUKOLYD•L4•H•R•G•Z•YU•[DNDL 7•DXYUL{Q}HMNSDWUR6L•OEDQRX  DM]SRWK ODPSUD NDLODPSURWDYWK

An Aurelia Didyme, daughter of Aphthonios, from Panopolis appears in P.Lips.1.45 (371), also addressed to Flavius Isidoros, now officialis. Aphthonios is in charge of clothing for the thirteenth indiction. It is likely that this is the same woman. She is not identified as DMHLSDYUTHQRand has the title ‘Aurelia’. 47 For the text, see 66ff above.

242

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Erica Mathieson M2][••XUXJFLWZ QSRYOHZP•RQDFDL DMSRWDNWLNDL  SDUD$XMUKOLYRXM,ZVKM,RXYGDM,RXGDL Z DMSRWKDXMWK SRYOH•Z••H-NRXVLYZ HMSLGHYFRPDLPLVTZYVDV•TDLDMSRQHRPKQL•YD•[ WRX H-[K PKQR0HV•R•UKWRX HMQHVWZ WR H>WRXR³³P³H³DMUFK WK•[ ]WHVVDUHVNDLGHN[DYWK LMQGLN[W]LYRQR•DMSRWZ Q•X-SDUFR•YQ•W•Z•Q• X-P•L QHMQWK DXMWK M2[•XUXJ•F•LWZ QSRYOHL HMSMDMPIRYGRX-,SSHYZ•Q3DUHPEROK  HMSLYSHGRQWRYSR•QH•^QDHM[HYWUDQND[L W]K•[Q]HMQWZ N•D•W•DJ•H•LYZN•DPDYUDQPLYD[Q VXQ]FUKVWKULYRL•SD VLQNDLWHO•[HYVZ X-SHU]HMQR•L•N•LY•R•XDXMWZ QHMQLDXVLYZ DM•U•[JX]ULYRXPXULD•YGDFLO•L•Y[D]GLDN•RVLYD JLYQRQWDL GKQDULYZQPXULDYGH M$NDLHMSDYQD[J]N•[H]DMSRGZYVZ WRH•MQ•RLYNLRQ•• GLMH-[DP•KYQRXW•R•K^PL•[V]X•DMQXSHUTHYWZ•• NDLR-•SRYWDQERXOKTK •[W]D•LSDUDGZYVZWRX DXMWRXWRYSRXNDTD[UR]XZ-NDLSDUHL•YO•K•I•D• jNXULYDK-PLYVTZVLGLVV[K] JUDIL VDNDLHM•S•HUZWKTHL Z-P(• RORYJKVD  (m.2)$³X³MU³KYOLRM,ZVKM,RXYGDR-SURNLYPHQR PHPLYVTZPDLWRVXPSRYVLRQNDLDMSRGZY VZWRHMQRLYNLRQZ-SURYNLWDL$XMUKYOLRM+OLYD M2•S•H•E•D•L•YR•X•H>JUD\DX-SHUDXMWR•X 9JUDYPPDWDPK•H•L•MG•RWR 

7 l. M,RXGDLYRX15 l. HM[HYGUDQ22 l. ERXOKTK WH24 l. JUDIHL VD. 25 l. SURNHLYPHQR. 27 l. SURYNHLWDL. After the consulship of the most illustrious Flavius Theodorus, Epeiph ?. To Aurelia Theodora and Aurelia Tauris, whose father is Silvanos of the illustrious and most illustrious city of Oxyrhynchus, apotactic nuns, from Aurelius Jose son of Judas, Jew from the same city. I freely undertake to lease from the first day of the next month, Mesore, of the present year 76 = 45 at the beginning of the fourteenth indiction, of your property in the same city of Oxyrhynchus in the quarter of the Cavalry Camp, one room on the ground floor, a hall and one cellar in the basement with all their fittings. I will pay as rent for them annually one thousand two hundred myriads of silver, being 1 200 myriads of denarii. I will pay over the rent half each six months as a fixed rule and promptly and whenever you wish I will hand back the aforesaid spaces clean, as I also received them. The lease, written twice, is valid. On being asked the question, I consented. (m.2) I, Aurelius Jose son of Judas, Jew, as above, I have leased the dining hall and will pay the rent as above. I, Aurelius Elias son of Opebaios, wrote for him as he is illiterate.

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This lease refers to property in Oxyrhynchus owned by two 48 ‘apotactic nuns’, l.6 . The women are Christian ascetics. There is no other reference to their religious life. The women act without guardians or male assistants. PSI 6.698, 25 January 392, Provenance: Oxyrhynchus; BL 8.400; 10.243 7

 QRYWR]X•GKPRVLYDU-XYPKDMSKOLZYWRX>$QQLWRPRQDFK OLER NOKURQRYPZQM$SLYZQRDMSRSULPLSLODULYZQ]

On the south public land, on the east (the property) of Annis, nun, on the west (the property) of the heirs of Apion …

This text concerns the division of property inherited by two men 49 and two women . The description of the property includes that it 50 borders land owned by Annis ‘nun’ . 0RQDFKY indicates that 51 Annis is a Christian ascetic and that this epithet identifies her. She appears without a patronymic. The description of the land implies that it is agricultural. It is most likely that the property bordering it is similar; that is, Annis owns agricultural land. The other landowners, the heirs of Apion, are named with patronymics, ll.1-3. SB 16.12620 = P.Mich.inv.431, C4, Provenance: Unknown 1

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10 48

Break N[][ ][ SHULGHWRX VLGKYURXTDYUVL SROODWKQPKWHYUDQ.R•Y PZQRSDUMHMPRX SURV DJRYUHXHNDLHMSLFULYD HMVWLQWRL SHGLYRLPKDMPH OKYVK1RYQDQPHWD WK DMHLSDUTHYQRXTXJDWUR Z SROODSURVDJRUHXYHHMUUZ V THYVHHX>FRPHNXYULHD>GHO

See G. Horsley, ‘Nuns as Lessors of Property’ in ND 1.126–130; BL 8.267. On women and land ownership in Roman Egypt, see Pomeroy (1983, 1985). 50 The remainder of the text makes no mention of Annis and is not reproduced. 51 >$QQLWR is read as a feminine genitive, ed. The name is not attested elsewhere, DDBDP, Foraboschi (1967–1971) and Preisigke (1967). 49

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244 IH VersoM$JDTLYQZ DMžSRYGR

2 l. TDYUVHL3 l. PKWHYUD5 l. HMSHLFUHLYD6 l. SDLGLYRL7 l. 1RYQQDQ9–10 l. HMUUZ VTDL11 l. HX>FRPDL … about the iron tools, take courage. Greet from me the mother of Komon many times. Since there is need for the children, do not be neglectful. I greet Nonna with her ever-virgin daughter many times. I pray you be well, lord brother. Verso Deliver to Agathinos.

The surviving fragment of this letter includes a greeting to ‘Nonna with her ever-virgin daughter’, ll.7f. $HLSDYUTHQR indicates that Nonna’s daughter is not just unmarried but a Christian ascetic. The name ‘Nonna’ is used by Christians but is not itself sufficient in the 52 fourth century to classify someone as Christian . However, as the mother of an DMHLSDYUTHQRit is likely that this Nonna is Christian. ANALYSIS Nomenclature The papyri attest a range of terms for ascetic women. DMHLSDYUTHQR $HLSDYUTHQR is doubtfully cited once in Greek literature in the 53 seventh century BCE but is otherwise not attested before the 54 second century CE. It is used of the Vestal Virgins in Rome . The 55 word occurs in Philo but not in other Jewish literature and occurs 56 in Christian literature possibly from the second century . In the early fourth century, Eusebius uses DMHLSDYUTHQRof a choir of 52

The name first appears in SB 14.11575 (C3), with no indication of religious affiliation. Of 16 occurrences dated C4, 2 suggest a Christian milieu, P.Ant.2.93; P.Sakaon 48; 4 refer to Abinnaeus’ wife, P.Abinn.25; 62; 63; 64, and are accepted by this author as Christian; the rest cannot be classified. 53 TLG; LSJ, s.v.; Supplement, s.v., citing with a query Alcaeus, 304.5 L.-P. 54 Cassius Dio, Roman History 56.5, 59.3. 55 Philo, 12 times, the only writer to use the word in C1 BCE, (TLG). 56 WDDMHLSDUTHYQRXNDLWDFKYUD, Ignatius, To Smyrna 13.1, TLG text, WD SDUTHYQRX WDOHJRPHYQDFKYUD, Schoedel, Loeb and Lightfoot editions.

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57

virgins and in Pachomius’ Rule, the word designates the women 58 in his community . $HLSDYUTHQR, however, commonly describes the Virgin Mary and becomes almost exclusively used of her by the 59 fifth century . This appears to be a development of its use for 60 consecrated virgins . The pattern of exclusive use for Mary is later 61 repeated in the papyri . $HLSDYUTHQR occurs in three papyri in the fourth century: P.Lips. 1.43, 1.60 and SB 16.12620. In none does it designate the Virgin Mary. In P.Lips.1.43 and 1.60, it qualifies a proper name, Thaesis and Didyme respectively, unlike its earlier uses in literary sources. Both are public documents in which the term appears where a patronymic or occupation might be expected. $HLSDYUTHQR is a recognised and accepted identifier. In SB 16.12620, a private letter, the term occurs without a name but with the epithet ‘daughter’. The meaning of DMHLSDYUTHQRis debated. Youtie gives the meaning ‘a Christian woman who, in imitation of the Holy Virgin Mary, 62 took a vow of perpetual virginity, hence a nun’ . Given the nonecclesial, non-monastic contexts for the DMHLSDYUTHQRL, Emmett suggests that the word may mean simply ‘still virgin/unmarried’, 63 with ‘virgin of God SDUTHYQRTHRX ’ designating consecration . Elm argues for the meaning ‘nun’, maintaining that SDUTHYQRis 64 sufficient of itself to signify ‘still virgin’ . In Christian literature of the period, DMHLSDYUTHQR always appears to have an ecclesial connotation, and in pagan and Jewish sources, a religious reference. A religious sense no doubt also applies in P.Lips.1.43, 1.60 and 57

Eusebius, De vita Constantini 4.28.3; also In Praise of Constantine 17.6. Pachomius, Rule 143 = Rule B CXLIII. See also Lampe (1961, 1968) s.v. 59 In C3, only Hippolytus, Contra Beronem et Heliconem 325.33, and it refers to Mary; in C4, of 55 uses, 51 refer to Mary; in Epiphanius 19 of 20 uses refer to her; in Chrysostom 3 of 4; in Theodoret once in 2; in Ephraim 3 of 4, (TLG). 60 Mary’s perpetual virginity is argued from C2 and becomes official doctrine at the Lateran Council DS 503 (649), Benko (1993) 203; Limberis (1994). 61 Eg SB 1.4762, 4767, 4862, 4870, 5254, 5319 (after C4). 62 Youtie (1980) 580. Imitation of Mary by virgins is a theme of Athanasius’ First Letter to Virgins 12 (c.350–370). 63 Emmett (1982) 508. However, ‘still virgin’ seems impossible. M$HLrefers to the future not ‘up to the present’. 3DUTHYQRunqualified is the usual designation. Choat (2006) 176, also takes DMHLSDYUTHQRhere as ‘unmarried daughter’. 64 Elm (1994, 2000) 239. 58

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SB 16.12620, and, given the fourth-century date, implies that the ever-virgins are Christian ascetics. The lack of immediate ecclesial or monastic reference suggests the texts reflect an early form of asceticism located in ordinary village and family life, or possibly 65 that the term refers specifically to such women . SDUTHYQRWRX THRX  3DUTHYQR unqualified is the most frequent designation of ascetic 66 67 women in Christian literature . 3DUTHYQRLare not ordained but 68 dedicate themselves by a vow . Clothing manufacture, wool work and other tasks traditionally allocated to women appear frequently 69 as the occupations of SDUTHYQRL indicating that strict hierarchies remain for ascetic women. Virgins’ roles focus on prayer and 70 charitable works . In early writings, SDUTHYQRis used for men and 71 women but comes to designate women almost exclusively. 3DUTHYQRWRX THRX occurs rarely in Christian literature to the end 72 of the fifth century , with no discernible difference in meaning. Among the papyri, SDUTHYQRWRX THRX is attested only in P.Neph.1. Unqualified SDUTHYQRoccurs in the papyri of unmarried girls, but 73 with decreasing frequency and never of an ascetic woman. There is a gap in the papyrological evidence during the fifth century until 74 SDUTHYQRemerges as a term for ascetic women . 3DUTHYQR 65

Balconi (2001) 251. Pachomius’ reference to DMHLSDYUTHQRLargues against the term’s specific designation of such women, Rule 143 = Rule B CXLIII. 66 Of more than 3000 occurrences, C3–5, the majority refer to ascetic women, eg Pachomius, Vita Prima Graeca 32; HL 6.1; 18.11. See Lampe (1961, 1968) s.v. 67 Hippolytus, Apostolic Tradition 11, 13; Canons of Hippolytus 7 (C4). 68 Canons of Athanasius 97 refers to women who vow their daughters to virginity, 98 to a virgin’s own vow; also Canons of Basil 5, 36. 69 HL 33; Elm (1994, 2000) 289–296; Krawiec (2002) 92–118. 70 1Tim 5:5; Canons of Hippolytus 32; Athanasius, On Virginity. 71 Eg Canons of Athanasius 94; 102; Canons of Hippolytus 7. Only Canon 102 uses SDUTHYQR. Canon 19, Council of Ancyra, refers to male and female virgins. 72 No occurrences in C1–C4; 2 in C5, in Epiphanius and Chrysostom, (TLG). 73 In C2, in 10 texts including an L-HUDSDUTHYQR, P.Mert.2.73 (163/64); in C3, P.Oxy.44.3177 (247); in C4, 3 times, P.Flor.3.309; P.Lond.3.983; P.Rainer Cent.85. The word need not connote literal virginity but any unmarried woman, LSJ, s.v.; G. Horsley, ‘A Jewish Family from Egypt in Rome’ in ND 4.221–229. 74 Stud.Pal.8.1069 (C5/6).

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possibly occurs of the Virgin Mary in a prayer in the fourth 75 century, but the date is uncertain . The SDUTHYQRLWRX THRX in P.Neph.1 are Christian virgins 76 committed to perpetual chastity . Given Tapiam and Paul’s likely identity as Melitians and the virgins’ association with the Melitian monks of Hathor, it is almost certain that the virgins are members of the Melitian church. This text then provides evidence for groups, 77 perhaps organised communities, of consecrated Melitian women . PRQDFKY 0RQDFKYof ascetic women is the feminine of PRQDFRY , a term 79 which appears in the papyri from the early fourth century . Unqualified it is found in two papyri in the fourth century: PSI 6.698 of Annis, and O.Douch 3.190 of Anonyme. The term occurs in each text with a name and functions as an identifier, recognised and accepted at this early date in official documents. In contrast to the papyri, PRQDFKYdoes not occur in Christian literature of nuns 80 until the ninth century . The reason for this difference is unclear. It is possible that, in literary sources, PRQDFRY was regarded as a masculine term, answering to ‘virgins and widows’ for ascetic women, and so led to the avoidance of PRQDFKY. The PRQDFDLY in the papyri all own property, in the form of agricultural land and a 81 house, and engage in commerce . 78

75

P.Ryl.3.470, C3/4, ed. But prayer to Mary and ‘THRWRYNR’ signals C5. See A. M. Emmett, ‘A Fourth-century Hymn to the Virgin Mary?’ in ND 2.141–146. 76 A woman ‘is named a virgin who has willingly consecrated herself to the Lord, and has renounced marriage’, Basil of Caesarea, Epistola 199. By contrast, in Canons of Athanasius 97 parents’ dedication of their daughter is primary. 77 Elm (1994, 2000) 344, finds the evidence uncertain but her book was originally published prior to the Nepheros archive. 78 See Goehring (1999) 53–72; Wipszycka (2001b) 147f; Choat (2002); E. A. Judge, ‘The Earliest Use of monachos’ in Judge (2010) 156–177; LSJ, s.v. It connotes renunciation of sex and marriage more than property, with the adoption of religious practices. 79 The earliest certain occurrence is in P.Col.7.171 (6 June 324). P.Neph.48 may precede it (323) if the formula in l.1, proposed by Worp (1989) 135, is correct. 80 Theodorus Studita cited in Lampe (1961, 1968) s.v., confirmed by the TLG. The word is not listed with the meaning ‘nun/ascetic woman’ in LSJ. 81 The same involvement with property and commerce does not appear in papyri referring to PRQDFRLY. Of 17 C4 texts in E. A. Judge, ‘Fourth-Century

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PRQDFKDMSRWDNWLNKY The meaning of the combined term ‘apotactic nun PRQDFK DMSRWDNWLNKY’,of which that in P.Oxy.44.3203 is the only 82 occurrence, is debated, as is the meaning of DMSRWDNWLNRY/KY . The editor concludes that the PRQDFDLDMSRWDNWLNDLYare ‘anchorites/ eremites DMQDFZUKWDLY’, but, as Horsley notes, this conclusion is ‘surprising’ given that the women in P.Oxy.44.3203 appear to live 83 in the city, possibly together . The central sense of DMSRWDNWLNRY concerns renunciation and its application to ascetics is established 84 by the fourth century . Recent surveys of its occurrencesin the papyri suggest that it refers to ascetics with a communal dimension to their practice, although without defining its nature or the degree 85 of renunciation . They suggest further that neither PRQDFRLY nor DMSRWDNWLNRLY are necessarily remote from society, they can live outside a monastery or in one, and own and administer property. There is no reason to think that the meanings of the feminine forms are different. The evidence of the papyri to date does not allow a conclusion about the meaning of the double term PRQDFDL DMSRWDNWLNDLY. However, it confirms that such women can live 86 outside monastic communities or at least not be secluded , own Monasticism in the Papyri’ in Judge (2010) 178–184, referring to male ascetics, only 4 use PRQDFRY and none concerns property and commerce. Of 14 usesdated C4 in Choat (2002) 9f, two concern property. 82 See Emmett (1982) 510ff; Goehring (1999) 53–72; Wipszycka (2001b); Choat (2002) 12–15. The word occurs in 9 C4 papyri. The majority deal with property as is expected since ownership generates records. 83 G. Horsley, ‘Nuns as Lessors of Property’ in ND 1.126–130, here 128. 84 Pachomius, Rule 49 = Rule A 17 (B XLIX). See also Emmett (1982) 510. 85 Emmett (1982) 510ff, suggests that it may specify a particular kind of monastic; Choat (2002) 14, that the term is not specific; E. A. Judge, that DMSRWDNWLNRYrefers to ascetics who live in local communities, self-sufficient and owning property, ‘The Earliest Use of monachos’ in Judge (2010) 156–177. See also Goehring (1999) 59, 68, 71; Wipszycka (2001b) 159–168. 86 Regulation of virgins’ movements is common, from enclosure eg Pachomius, Rule 84 = Rule A 28 (B LXXXIV) 143, in Shenoute’s White Monastery, Krawiec (1998), and Canons of Basil 36; to relative restriction eg Canons of Athanasius 92; 98; 99; 101, Evagrius of Pontus, Exhoration to a Virgin 24, 26, and HL 33 but here enclosure is idealised, 60.1. Wipszycka (2002) 360 warns that Pachomius’ Rule is undoubtedly idealised, written after his death. Similar caution applies in interpreting the Canons.

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and administer property, and engage in commercial activity that will produce income. LIVING SITUATIONS The papyri attest a range of living situations for ascetic women. DMHLSDYUTHQR P.Lips.1.43 offers no information on Thaesis’ living arrangements. However, she owns or can own personal property, as the outcome of her case indicates. She is also not immune from legal suit. Given her education, Thaesis may come from a family that could afford to educate a girl-child, or she may be a member of an ascetic 87 community where she has received an education . If Thaesis is a member of such a community, it raises the possibility that the books she is accused of stealing may have been bequeathed to the community rather than to her. However, this is unlikely in that she, not a community, gains the majority share in Besarion’s inheritance which presumably is the provision of Besarion’s will and raises questions about the relationships among Thaesis, Besarion and the (other) heirs. Thaesis is clearly in a special category. She may be a relative of Besarion, although it is strange that this is not stated. It may be that Besarion provides for her because she is an 88 DMHLSDYUTHQR , in recognition of her need or as an expression of honour. It may also be that Thaesis is a virgo subintroducta who has lived with Besarion chastely. The practice derives from the 89 90 NT and continues despite repeated condemnation . The custom among Christians of leaving money to ascetics is attested from the fourth century in the provisions of the Edict of Valentinian in 370, which seek to curtail the practice of ascetics soliciting such 87

Augustine, Letters 211.7f; 13; 16 presume monastic women’s literacy. Pachomius, Rule 139, 140, requires community members to become literate; similarly Evagrius of Pontus, Exhortation to a Virgin 4. 88 For a similar idea, see Elm (1989) 210. 89 1Cor 7:36–38. 90 Eg Athanasius, Second Letter to Virgins 20–29; Councils of Elvira (c.312) Canon 27; Ancyra (315) Canon 19; Nicaea (325) Canon 3; Chrysostom, Instruction and Refutation Against Those Men Cohabiting With Virgins; On the Necessity of Guarding Virginity in Clark (1979) 158–248.

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inheritances . Elm plausibly suggests that if Thaesis is not a relative of Besarion, this makes 92the antipathy of the other heirs to her ‘all the more understandable’ . P.Lips.1.60 presents Didyme, the ever-virgin, as an example of an early type of asceticism whose practitioners live with their families or in small communities, and are part of village life. Didyme is involved in her (probably dead) father’s business with her brother, with its attendant commercial activities and concerns. She apparently lives in her brother’s household. Her consecrated life most probably consists in a chaste existence, with an intensified commitment to prayer, but in other respects is indistinguishable. In SB 16.12620, Nonna and her ever-virgin daughter evidently live together, sharing a common greeting. ‘Daughter’ may carry a literal or spiritual sense or both. In literary sources, one of the early forms of ascetic community is that of a mother and her daughter/s living 93 together . Whether Nonna is an ascetic is unknown. Nonna’s daughter lives a consecrated life in her family home, greeted alongside others at the same time as her dedicated status is known and acknowledged. PRQDFKY/PRQDFKDMSRWDNWLNKY Annis, ‘nun PRQDFKY’ in PSI 6.698, owns land. In this, she resembles the two PRQDFDLDMSRWDNWLNDLYof P.Oxy.44.3203. Annis’ land is agricultural, implying that she is responsible to farm 94 the land herself or lease it to tenants and pay the appropriate taxes . Annis may, but does not necessarily, live on the property. Her ownership involves her in commerce and social obligation. In P.Oxy.44.3203 the ‘apotactic nuns’, Theodora and Tauris, own at least part of a house which they lease. The women make the contract without guardians, assistants or mediators, in person, suggesting that they live in Oxyrhynchus. The fourth/fifth-century 91

PL 13. CT 16.2.20. CT 16.2.4 (321) allowed the church to accept legacies. See also Coleman-Norton (1966) 1.326f; 85f; Clark (1981) 242, nn.14, 15. 92 Elm (1989) 210. 93 Eg HL 60.1. See also Emmett (1982) 509. 94 Women are lessors of land more than lessees, and husbands generally work their wife’s land and pay tax, eg P.Ryl.2.154 (66); Pomeroy (1983, 1985) 308. Some women work agricultural land, eg P.Col.8.218; O.Bodl.2.1435–7 (c.150).

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Historia Monachorum has the bishop of Oxyrhynchus remark that the city and environs are home to 20,000 virgins and 10,000 95 monks, and that monasteries outnumber houses . The statistics are to be treated with caution but suggest a substantial population of ascetics. The women may be members of a community who retain their property and are able to move outside their monastery; or they may live independently. Whatever its form their ascetic expression does not preclude this commercial and legal involvement. SDUTHYQRWRX THRX  The ‘virgins of God’ in P.Neph.1.27f whom Tapiam and Paul greet are a group distinct from, but associated with, ‘the beloved brothers’ and ‘all the rest of our brothers’. Omission of the descriptor ‘beloved DMJDSKWRY’ from the virgins apparently signals that they are to be distinguished from membership with the brothers in the monastery as is the family. Tapiam and Paul know the virgins as a group rather than as individuals, not greeting them ‘by name NDWR>QRPD’ as they greet both of the other groups, ll.27, 30, and individuals. It strengthens the suggestion that the virgins of God and the brothers are not a single community, and that the women may have a lesser status or be less well known. The lack of individual greeting favours the latter and raises the possibility that the women lead a more enclosed life. The monastery at Hathor may be a double monastery but it is surprising that the virgins receive no other mention in the archive. They may constitute an ascetic community in their own right, but then it is surprising that they are greeted in the same greeting and letter. ASCETIC WOMEN’S STATUS The papyri give insight into the status of ascetic women. All the terms describing Christian ascetic women function as identifiers in texts ranging from private letters to legal and commercial documents. The terms are socially and legally recognised. In the case of Nonna’s daughter in SB 16.12620, DMHLSDYUTHQR substitutes for her name. The use of the identifiers suggests that the women have a status, role and function that their communities recognise.

95

HM 5.

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In P.Lips.1.43, it is possible that there is a connection between Thaesis’ standing as an ever-virgin and the hearing before a bishop. While the privilegium fori comes into effect only in 539, evidence suggests that the privileged jurisdiction for clergy developed in the 96 late fourth century . It may be that this privilege applies in Thaesis’ case, and that as an ever-virgin she is regarded, if not as ordained clergy, at least as having a privileged status in the church. Thaesis also holds a privileged status in relation to Besarion’s estate but if the disproportionate inheritance is related to Thaesis’ status as an ever-virgin, it is not stated. CONCLUSION This examination of the papyri referring to ascetic women suggests several conclusions and raises questions that await further research. The first conclusion is more an observation on the papyri as a source of information about female asceticism in the fourth century. The number of papyri referring to ascetic women is small, namely eight texts. The reasons for this paucity are complex. The chance nature of preservation cannot be ignored. However, the majority of texts that generate an historical record, namely commercial and legal documents related to property and business, are, by their very nature, less likely to have been written by ascetic 97 women . Ascetic women at home would have male family to write for them. Private letters require ascetic women’s connection to absent family and friends, and identification as ascetics in that context. Those whose ascetic path involves renunciation of family and property leave no trace in the papyrological record. At the same time, more than half of the texts referring to ascetic women concern property. The absence of evidence for ascetic women’s communities is strange and raises the possibility that such groups devolve responsibility for interaction with the public world to men. Evidence from double monasteries indicates that women’s communities are subordinate, reliant on the men’s community for administration. The evidence suggests that women’s asceticism perpetuates the traditional gendered divisions of space and role. 96

Jones (1964) 487, n.14. The majority of texts referring to ascetic men and property come from ‘semianchorites’, a style infrequent among women. See Wipszycka (2002) 394.

97

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There are no papyri written by female ascetics or at least none where ascetic women identify themselves, none written to female ascetics, and none that document ascetic women’s relationships with each other or with the world. Of the references that survive, women’s asceticism is incidental to the text. The papyri, therefore, offer valuable but limited insight into the lives of ascetic women. A second conclusion concerns the range of terms used for ascetic women. The fourth-century papyri give no information on how ascetic women named and understood themselves. Nomenclature arises from male-authored texts which attest a narrow range of terms that differ from those in Christian literary sources. The terms DMHLSDYUTHQR, SDUTHYQRWRX  THRX PRQDFKY and PRQDFK DMSRWDNWLNKYappear in the papyri while SDUTHYQRSDUTHYQRTHRX  FKYUDSDUTHQHXYRXVD andPRQDY]RXVD occur in literature, and DMHLSDYUTHQR occurs only occasionally of women other than the 98 Virgin Mary . While SDUTHYQRwithout further qualification and FKYUDappear frequently in the papyri of the fourth century, no 99 occurrence has a clearly ascetic reference . The significance of the different terms for ascetic women is uncertain. Each may designate a specific form of ascetic practice that is unclear to the modern reader but it is more likely that nomenclature in the fourth century 100 is fluid , as is the structure of ascetic practice. The language of the papyri confirms that sexual continence is an essential element in Christian asceticism and is emblematic of Christian women’s asceticism. 3DUTHYQR WRX THRX and DMHLSDYUTHQR label women, and in general not men, by this aspect of their practice. As noted in relation to asceticism in literary sources, the language of virginity paradoxically combines with the language of marriage and eroticism. It also uses metaphors that the NT uses for the church, and by this lays the foundation for ascetic women to bear the symbolic weight of the idealised church, a 98

Coptic sources refer to SDUTHYQRL DMSRWDNWLNRLYand DMQDFZUKWDLY The pattern of terminology differs from that for men. See E. A. Judge, ‘The Earliest Use of monachos’ in Judge (2010) 176f. 99 The evidence of P.Neph.36 is too uncertain to be accepted. Widows receive Christian charity in eg SB 22.15528–30=P.Oxy.16.1954–1956 (C6). 100 The Gnomes of the Council of Nicaea (377 or 400) use PRQDFKYand SDUTHYQRinterchangeably, Wipszycka (2002) 378, n.40. See also Goehring (1999) 53–72; Choat (2002) on nomenclature.

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process that reaches its height in the later Byzantine period and 101 ensures a stricter regulation of ascetic women’s lives . A third conclusion concerns the nature of ascetic women’s practice expressed in their living situations. The papyri illustrate, with different degrees of certainty, the evidence of literary sources that ascetic women in the fourth century live in a variety of situations, 102 103 from family homes and living independently at home , to living 104 in ascetic communities, which, in the papyri, are either a mixed 105 or a double monastery . Evidence for virgines subintroductae is 106 slight . Literary sources attest women’s ascetic communities in 107 fourth-century Egypt , including those attached to Pachomius’ 108 109 communities for men , those addressed by Athanasius , and those 110 directed by the Canons of Athanasius . The papyri give no 111 evidence for ascetic women with a wandering lifestyle . Didyme in P.Lips.1.60 and Nonna’s daughter in SB 16.12620 who live with family may be examples of the practice to which the Canons of Athanasius 98 refers:

101

On a similar role for the Vestal Virgins, see Parker (2004). P.Lips.1.60; SB 16.12620 cf HL 8; 20; 31; 60; HM 22; Socrates, HE 4.23; Sozomen, HE 1.14.1–8; Evagrius of Pontus, Exhortation to a Virgin, C5; Canons of Athanasius, Athanasius’ First Letter to Virgins 13; Second Letter to Virgins 8. 103 Eg P.Oxy.44.3203; P.Lips.1.43 cf HM 10.3; HL 5. 104 This best fits the situation in P.Iand.6.100. 105 This best fits the virgins of God in P.Neph.1. 106 P. Lips.1.43 cf Athanasius, Second Letter to the Virgins 20–29; Epiphanius, Panarion 67.8.3; Canons of Basil 32; Canon 3, Council of Nicaea (325). 107 HL 29; 59. Athanasius, Life of Antony 3 refers to a community ‘of pious virgins’ in C3. It may not resemble the organised communities of C4. 108 HL 32–34.The first women’s community was established soon after the men’s in 329, Pachomius, Vita Prima Graeca 32. See Wipszycka (2002) 356; Rousseau (1985). 109 Athanasius, On Virginity, First Letter to Virgins, Second Letter to the Virgins. 110 Canons of Athanasius 98, 99 (c.350–450). 111 Literary sources attest the practice; eg Elias of Athribe founds a monastery for 300 women with a wandering practice (C4/5), HL 29. The number and the account may reflect church policy; AP 193–197; HM 14.5; HL 34; Evagrius of Pontus, Exhortation to a Virgin 13. See also Veilleux (1986) 302–304. 102

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In every house of Christians, it is needful that there be a virgin, for the salvation of the whole house is that one virgin. When wrath comes upon the whole city, it shall not come upon the house wherein a virgin is. An ascetic woman, thus, can carry a prophylactic value as one who 112 attracts God’s mercy and ensures protection and prosperity . In the gendered polarity of authority and power as a descriptive device, the power of virgin ascetics in the local community is evident. The majority of ascetic women in the papyri are active in their communities. They own property, pay taxes and are involved in legal proceedings and commercial activities. They generate income. They live with family, possibly with each other, and are connected to friends. In fifth-century texts, such urban ascetics come to be condemned for their independence from ecclesiastical control and ‘degeneracy’, and appear under the pejorative names 113 remnuoth in Jerome’s writings and sarabaitae in Cassian . A fourth conclusion concerns the status of ascetic women in their communities. Ascetic women appear before the bishop’s court which may signal a privileged standing within their community but this is uncertain given the imprecise date. They appear as the favoured beneficiaries of wills, perhaps the objects of people’s veneration and care. Their ascetic role is acknowledged. The women, however, do not appear as the recipients of requests for prayer, advice or intervention with civil authority as do male 114 ascetics and certain elite Roman ascetic women . The papyri provide numerous examples of men’s and women’s petitions to 115 monks for spiritual and practical help . Notably Tapiam and Paul, in P.Neph.1, ask the monks at Hathor for prayer but do not also ask the virgins of God whom they merely greet. The gendered division of space in the Mediterranean world disadvantaged women in education and experience in negotiating public power. It may be that, with the institutionalisation of the church as a public space in 112

Piamoun prays and protects her village, HL 31. A similar value attaches to monks who live near villages and whose prayers act as protection, HM pr. 113 Jerome, Select Letters 22.34; Cassian, Conferences 3.18.4–7. On the nomenclature, Wipszycka (1994a) 285; Choat (2002) 17–21. 114 In Pachomius’ writings, women never appear as examples, good or bad. 115 Eg P.Herm.7–10; 17; P.Lond.3.981; SB 18.13612; P.Lond.6.1923–1929.

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the fourth century, God’s power came to be thought of as public power, with a resulting lessening of women’s spiritual confidence not only in themselves but also in other women. There are few references in literary sources to ascetic women as spiritual advisers. In the AP for example, three women’s names, Amma Theodora, Amma Sarah and Amma Syncletica, occur 116 among almost 150 men’s names . These women, if they are not 117 literary fictions , most probably lived in the late fourth or fifth century. Their apophthegmata suggest that they understand themselves as spiritual leaders and that others acknowledge them in this role. The women give spiritual counsel and teach. There is evidence for women as spiritual authorities in Palladius’ Lausiac 118 History . The elite, educated women of Western monasticism, 119 120 such as Melania the Elder , Melania the Younger and Marcella 121 of Rome , are consulted as spiritual guides. Jerome notes that Marcella made it seem that her answers to questions from clergy came from Jerome himself. She did not want to appear to contravene the injunctions of 1Tim 2:12. In the cases of these women, their wealth and status, as much as any spiritual wisdom, 122 appear reasons that people approach them . The masculine gender of the holy man is almost certainly significant for the ‘highly public and conflictual role’ that such men, not women, were expected to occupy. The evidence does not support the hypothesis that the holy man as an ‘angelic’ figure ‘transcended the categories of gender as 123 normally defined’ . The holy man, as male, is important.

116

AP Theodora, Sarah, Syncletica. See Harmless (2004) 440–445. Brakke (2003) argues that women, ascetic and ‘worldly’, in the AP are emblems of controversies or devices to shame ascetic men. Wipszycka (2002) 381–392, argues that the ammas are literary constructs, not reflecting women’s concerns or communities. See also Swan (2001) 32–70. The ammas appear at least to reflect the memory that ascetic women lived in the desert. 118 See Piamoun, HL 31. 119 HL 38.8f; 46.6. 120 Gerontius, Life of Melania 29, 36, 39, 51, 54, 56. 121 Jerome, Select Letters 127.7. She also corrected clergy, 127.9. 122 Also Clark (1998) 413. 123 Brown (1998) 371. 117

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A fifth conclusion concerns ascetic women’s independence. The papyri give ambivalent evidence for ascetic women’s ability to transcend the patriarchal structures of their society through their practice. The women who live in ascetic communities, Aria, Mariam and Tamounis in P.Iand.6.100 and the virgins of God in P.Neph.1, if their communities mirror the patterns of Pachomian and Shenoutian double monasteries, live in strict hierarchies that perpetuate patriarchy, with women performing tasks traditionally allocated to the domestic sphere. Their lives are administered and controlled by men who provide the interface between them and the world. Among the other ascetic women, only Didyme in P.Lips. 1.60 is explicitly associated with a man, in this case her brother, Mikalos, with whom she is involved in business and with whom she apparently lives, presumably within the gendered hierarchies of his household. It is a slight possibility that Thaesis lived with Besarion as a virgo subintroducta. The other women are named only in connection with women, or alone. All the ascetic women 124 appear without patronymics except Didyme in P.Lips.1.60 , and all act without male guardians and assistants. The evidence suggests a degree of independence for these ascetic women. A similar independence of action, however, is evident among ordinary women who increasingly act without guardians and assistants in the fourth century, but such independence of identity is less frequent. Ascetic women have an acknowledged status deriving from a social role and function which is unclear from the evidence available but which is acknowledged by their communities. If it is the women’s belief and practice, that is their fasting, prayer and celibacy, that are acknowledged, it suggests that these activities are regarded as a legitimate and respectable alternative to marriage and motherhood. The public outrage at transgressing the traditional female role that meets the ascetic women of the apocryphal Acts is not evident. The ascetic practice that developed in the fourth century, illustrated in the papyri, regulates women in the traditional hierarchies of the home. Ascetic women remain in the private sphere at home or in their community, performing ‘women’s tasks’ such as wool work and, it seems likely, giving the administration of their lives to men. 124

It establishes her and Mikalos’ right to administer Aphthonios’ affairs.

MAGIC This chapter examines the Greek magical papyri used by Christian 1 women to 400 CE since magic is an integral part of the religious culture of late antiquity. While magic is attested from pharaonic 2 times , it reaches its peak in the first two centuries of the Christian 3 era with forms that continue into the fifth century and beyond . The suppression of magic in the late imperial and early Christian periods makes it likely that the four texts which are considered 4 represent only a small proportion of the original corpus . The magical papyri are those which contain magical spells, 5 formulae and rituals . The distinction between pagan and Christian texts is at its most problematic among the magical papyri. The categories ‘Christian’ and ‘pagan’ exist on a continuum and classification is frequently uncertain. Nonetheless, Christian magical papyri are classified as those which include Christian biblical texts or concepts and/or prayer which are addressed to the 6 Christian God and which contain magical signs and phrases , but 7 which do not include explicitly pagan elements . Examples of 8 Christian magical texts include copies of the Lord’s Prayer , credal 9 10 11 statements and biblical quotations used as amulets . In pagan 1

Demotic, Coptic and bilingual magical texts are not examined but form the wider context, eg Lexa (1925) 1.156–166; Bonner (1950) 8, 22f; ‘Greco-Roman and Coptic Magic’ in Brier (1981) 253–265; Johnson (1986); Brashear (1995) 3391; Ritner (1995) 3334ff; Frankfurter (1998). 2 Brier (1981); Jacq (1985); Brashear (1995) 3390–395. 3 Bagnall (1993a) 27. Magic was a return to past wisdom, Betz (1986) xlvii. 4 Evidence of suppression eg P.Coll.Youtie 1.30 (198/199); Cassius Dio, Roman History 56.25.5; Suetonius, The Deified Augustus 31.1; Ammianus Marcellinus, Rerum Gestarum 28.1.16; 29.1.41. Also Betz (1986) xl; Frankfurter (1998) 25. 5 Major collections are: Lexa (1925); PGM, also in TLG; Betz (1986); Suppl.Mag. See also the Index, s.v., ‘magic’ in ND; Brashear (1995). 6 See Maltomini (1982) 150, n.3.  7 Preisendanz identifies 38 Christian magical texts, PGM P.1–24. A further 9 pagan texts contain Christian elements. Daniel and Maltomini identify 21 texts as Christian, Suppl.Mag.20–36; 59–62. A further 23 contain Christian elements. 8 P.Ant.2.54 (C3); P.Oxy.3.407 (3/4); PGM O.4 (C4); P.Oslo inv.1644 (C4/5); PSI 6.719 (C4/5); P.Koln 4.171 (C5). For examples to C13, G. Horsley, ‘The Lord’s Prayer in a Necropolis’ in ND 3.103ff. 9 Eg P.Turner 49=Suppl.Mag.31 (C5/6); P.L.Bat.19.20 (C6?), against illness.

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12

texts Christian name/s for God , biblical angels and Christian saints, if these occur, appear commonly13 in lists of other beings considered powerful for magical purposes . The magical papyri attest the highly syncretistic religious world of 14 late antique Egypt . The syncretism, however, appears to be more than a haphazard mix of different religions. It frequently has the character of a new religious system with unified beliefs, 15 particularly its appeals to the forces of death to negotiate life . The definition of magic adopted here is that magic is a ritual activity of words and actions performed in this world which are designed to affect another world in order to work results in this 16 world . The most frequent objects of practice are aspects of common life: health, wealth, love, victory and revenge, and occasionally knowledge of the divine and immortality. Materials used include magical gems, lead tablets, images and papyri. Users of magic come from all classes of society and are not restricted to 17 the poorer and less educated strata . Magical texts are not written by their users but by practitioners of magic following recognisable, relatively strict formulae copied 18 from model texts . The gender of the magician is never indicated. 10

Eg P.Harr.1.55 (C2); BKT 8.17 (C3); P.Giss.Univ.Bibl.4.34 (C4); P.Oslo.inv. 1644 (C4); P.Oxy.2.209 (C4). Of 38 Christian magical texts in PGM, 15 use biblical material. For other examples, see Seven Ecumenical Councils (1900) 94. 11 On amulets, see Bonner (1950) 2, but with few papyri cited; Metzger (1967). 12 ‘Iao’ is the most frequent divine name, Betz (1986) xlvii. Magic associated with foreign religion was considered especially powerful, Bonner (1950) 27. 13 Eg pagan: P.Berl.inv.21165=Suppl.Mag.10 (C3/4); PGM I.295–347, II.122– 124, XII.101; Christian: P.Oxy.8.1151=PGM P.5b (C5). See Rees (1950) 88. 14 Texts with Jewish, Christian and pagan elements eg PGM III.76f, 80 (C4); the love charm (C3) edited by S. Kambitsis in BIFAO 76 (1976) 213–223. 15 Evident, for example, in the frequent focus on the gods of the underworld, Hecate, Ereschigal, Betz (1986) Introduction, xlvi. 16 See Jacq (1985) 4; Brier (1981) 10f ; ‘Introduction’, Janowitz (2001) 1–8; also ‘Greco-Roman, Christian and Jewish Concepts of “Magic”’, 9–26; Frenschkowski (2009);. On words/images, David (1985) ix; for defensive/ offensive magic, Crasta (1979) 32. 17 Contra Aune (1980) 1521. Eg BGU 4.1026 (380s); PSI 1.22–24 (c.376–385). 18 Eg PGM IV, with multiple texts written for R-GHL QD. The models probably belong to magicians who are the actual scribes.

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The gender of the person initiating the magical text is the basis of inclusion in this analysis and only magical texts initiated by women are considered. Magical texts initiated by men to operate on women, for example love charms or curses, do not require a shared belief in magic on the woman’s part to be effective from the point of view of the initiator. They therefore provide no information about the woman’s belief and are not included. P.Koln inv.2861=PGM C=Suppl.Mag.20, C4/5, Provenance: Unknown 1

5

D/// HHKKKLLLLRRRRRXXXXXXZZZZZZZ $EODQDTDPDODHZ[$]N•UDPPDFDPDULNDLFD NDLDNXYULHTH HYNXYUL DLTHZ SDYQWZ•THUDYSHXVRQ 4DKVD•[][]H•[c.10]HFD•L•PD KORRXHDDMSRYOXVRQRMQRYPDWL•M,•K•VR X  &ULVWR X EEEEEE(magical signs) (magical signs) THUDYSHXVR[Q]4DKVD[]K>GKK>GKWDFXWDFXY 19

3 Reconstruction, Suppl.Mag., 1.55f , l. NXYUL H (magical letters and words) Lord God, Lord of all gods, heal Thaesa … release in the name of Jesus Christ (magical letters and signs) heal Thaesa, now now, quickly quickly.

The nomina sacra in the invocations of God and Christ, l.3, in this text support, but do not prove, a Christian classification, as nomina 20 sacra occur in pagan magical texts . A Christian classification is 21 established by the command, ‘release in the name of Jesus Christ’ , l.5, and there being no invocation of pagan gods. Thaesa evidently has access to a practitioner in magic who is Christian or provides Christian amulets, but who exhibits, from the variability and inconsistency of the nomina sacra, only a partial understanding of their use. 19

Ed.pr., NXYULH TH HNDLTHZ SDYQWD, but suggests TH H {NDL} THZ , citing eg PGM II.53; XXIIb.20. Daniel and Maltomini note SDYQWD is SDYQWD•, and that SDYQWD THUDYSHXVRQ 4DKVD is unidiomatic. NDL NH NXYUL H in P.Rainer Cent.39.16, 23, 26. ‘Lord of all gods’ recalls PGM V.134f; XII.74. 20 Eg of Anouth, PGM VII.243, 247; Helios, VII.537; Apollon, VII.735. See the list, PGM 2.270. Also SB 14.12113 at 266ff below. 21 2QRYPDWLnot with HMQor HMSL eg PGM LXXVIII; P.Heid.inv.G 1101= Suppl.Mag.32 (C5/6). Ed.pr., RMQRYPDSD•W•U•R••F³U³X³corrected in Suppl.Mag., 1.56.

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Daniel and Maltomini propose 4DKVD Qž, ll.4, 7, be read, that 23 is, ‘Thaesas 4DKVD ’, a man’s name , on the basis that a feminine form is elsewhere unattested. However, SB 6.9428 contains the 24 name 4DKVD though Daniel and Maltomini argue this is an incorrect listing for 4DKVD  and that in the text 4DKVD  should be regarded as a nominative for the genitive. They give no reason apart from the supposed lack of other occurrences. 4DLYVDis also 25 attested with this a possible variant. ‘Thaesa’ is accepted. 22

The magical features of the amulet include: opening with magical vowels in a NOL PD, the number of each increasing by one; the 26 27 magical words DEODQDTDPDOD , l.2, and DNUDPPDFDPDUL ; a series of signs and letters, ll.6f; and the magical formula, ‘now now, quickly quickly’ l.7. The text offers insight into the processes of ancient magic. The magical signs are drawn by the same hand twice in a way that indicates the papyrus sheet was immersed in water after the manner of magical stele, so that the power of the magical words might wash into the water and be used. The papyrus sheet could then either be re-used by the magician or be taken for use as an amulet, as the folds indicate for this text. The charm has Thaesa pray in the imperative for release, l.5, presumably from her current illness. The charm continues after the magical signs, with ‘heal THUDYSHXVRQž’ l.7. 4HUDSHXYZis frequent 28 in the synoptic gospels of Jesus’ healing and occurs regularly in 29 Greek literature and the papyri meaning ‘heal’ . The word’s general frequency makes any derivation from the NT uncertain. P.Lund.4.12=PGM LXXXIX=Suppl.Mag.13, C4, Provenance: Unknown 1

VZVZ$EUDVD[(magical drawing) $EUDVDY[HMJZYLMPHL

22

Suppl.Mag., 1.55f. 4DKVD c.25 times, Foraboschi (1967–1971) s.v. and Preisigke (1967) s.v. 24 Foraboschi (1967–1971) s.v. 25 4DLYVDeg P.Fouad 15 (C2). 26 A variant ofDEODQDTDQDOEDeg P.Michael 27=Suppl.Mag.9 (C3/4). 27 Possibly ‘uproot the magic spells’ from Aramaic, Suppl.Mag., 1.28. 28 Eg Mt 4:23; 9:35; Mk 1:41; Lk 7:21; not in the Epistles. 29 See H. Beyer, ‘THUDSHXYZ’ in TDNT 3.128–131. 23

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262

5

10

15

20

25

$EUDVD[DEUDVLFZ RX %RKYTKVRQWK PHLNUD  6RILYDK-NDL3UHLVNHLYO (magical drawing) OK™NDWDYVFKVRQ NDLNDWDYUJKVRQ (magical drawing) WRQHMUFRYPHQRQWK  PHLNUD 6RILYDK-NDL 3UHLVNHLYOOKK>WDL U-L JRNDWDYVFKVRQDXM WRYQK>WDLVNHLDYQNDWDYV FKVRQDXMWRYQK>WDLGHPRY QLRQNDWDYVFKVRQDXMWRYQ VZ™VZ™$EUDVD[™$EUD VDY[™HMJZYLMPHL$(magical drawing) EUDVD[DEUD VL™FZ™RXNDWDY[V FKVRQNDWDYVFK[VRQ] NDLNDWDYUJKV[R]Q(magical drawing) WRQHMUFRYPHQRQWK  PHLNUD 6RILYDK-NDL 3UHLVNHLYOOKHMQWK  VKYPHURQK-PHYUD™ K>WDLU-L JRNDWDYU JKVRQK>WDLGH•P•[RY] QLRQNDWDYUJKV[R]Q• (magical drawing) 30

2 l. HLMPL(also 17). 3 DEUDVL FZRX . 5 l. PLNUD  (also 10, 23). 6 l. 6RILYD WK  (also 10, 23)–7 l. 3ULVNLYOOD (also 11, 24)–11 Or WK L PLNUD L6RILYDLWK L 31 NDL 3ULVNLYOOKL 11 l. HL>WH(also 13, 14, 26, 27). 13 l. VNLDYQ. –15 l. 32 GDLPRYQLRQ (also 27–28). 16 perhaps ,Z,Z$EUDVDY[  so so Abrasax. I am Abrasax abrasi cho ou. Help little Sophia also called Priscilla. Seize and destroy him who is coming upon little Sophia also called 30

Letter divisions are given by punctuation at l.19. $EUDVLORXDPGM XII.112. K. Preisendanz, Überlieferung 212, cited in Brashear (1995) 3565, but ERKTHL Q with the genitive is attested in ‘late popular Greek’, Suppl.Mag., 1.37, and 6RILYDas a false nominative occurs in PGM XLIII. 32 K. Preisendanz, Überlieferung 212, cited in Brashear (1995) 3565. 31

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Priscilla; whether he is shivering, seize him; whether a phantom, seize him; whether a demon, seize him. so so Abrasax. I am Abrasax abrasi cho ou. Seize, seize and destroy him who is coming upon little Sophia also called Priscilla, on this very day; whether shivering, seize him; whether a demon, seize him.

This is a protective charm against fever for Sophia. Her name is 33 attested only in Christian texts , a classification strengthened by Sophia’s alternate name ‘Priscilla’. While Priscilla occurs in both pagan and Christian texts, in association with Sophia it is likely to be derived from Prisca/Priscilla, fellow-worker of the apostle 34 Paul . Further strengthening a Christian classification is ‘seize NDWDYUJKVRQ’, ll.8, 21, 26f which, unlike ‘destroy NDWDYVFKVRQ’, l.7, which is frequent in pagan exorcisms, is not otherwise attested in the Greek magical papyri. The background to the verb’s meaning 35 here appears to be the Pauline uses in the NT . The word is common in later Christian literature and frequent in Christian 36 exorcisms . Its use here suggests that Sophia has consulted a Christian magician or one versed in Christian practice. The editors of Suppl.Mag. classify this text as pagan because of the magical names and words it contains, ll.1f, 3f, 16f, 17–19. These, however, need not preclude a Christian classification. The meaning of VZis uncertain. It may be a magical word typically repeated or 37 the name of the Egyptian god Shu . A magical word need not be inconsistent with a Christian classification. The editor, Knudtzon, 38 and also Kotansky read VZYVZ and translate, ‘I, Abrasax, shall deliver’. The translation is possible and first-person declarations by 39 the divinity occur in other magical texts . The punctuation at l.16, however, indicates that a magical name or word is meant.

33

Bagnall (1982) 111; Wipszycka (1986) 175. Acts 18:2; Rom 16:3. 35 1Cor 6:13; 15:24, 26; 2Thes 2:8. See also G. Delling, ‘DMUJRYDMUJHYZ NDWDUJHYZ’ in TDNT 1.452–454. 36 Eg L. Delatte, Un office byzantin d’exorcisme, 59.21; 90.11 cited in Suppl.Mag., 1.38, with other examples. 37 Suppl.Mag., 1.37. 38 PGM LXXXIX in Betz (1986) 302. 39 Eg P.Mich.3.156 (C2). 34

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$EUDVDY[Abrasax, also spelt Abraxas, appears to be a name by 40 which a Christian with ‘Gnostic’ tendencies might invoke God in the fourth century. Abrasax is a popular deity attested in Egypt, 41 Syria and Judea/ Palestine and is a common name for the divine, especially in the magical papyri. The name, it is argued, was created to replace the unmentionable name of the Supreme Being 42 and, in Syria, is a form of Iao, the Hebrew name of God . In PGM V.363–369, $EUDVDY[ occurs with DZ and in a sequence with ,DHZ Kenyon understands the name as a corruption of the 43 Hebrew blessing habberakhah dabherah . The name is also explained as having an equivalence in the magical number 365 and to correspond to the 365 heavens that Basilides in the second century taught exist between the Supreme Being and the world, 44 with Abrasax their ruler . Tertullian states that Basilides used 45 ‘Abrasax’ for God . It is noteworthy that the phrases $EUDVD[ $EUDVDY[, ll.1f, and $EUDVD[ DEUDVL FZRXll.3f, precede and follow the words HMJZYHLMPLll.2, 17, which in the NT have the 46 significance of the Hebrew divine name , although the phrase also 47 occurs in relation to other gods . While the balance of probability 40

For Gnosticism, see Williams (1996); Waldstein (2000) among an extensive literature. The usefulness of the term is questioned as it fails to carry a reliably identifiable meaning. Both prefer a term descriptive of the common feature of most texts eg ‘biblical demiurgical traditions’, and elimination of texts better labelled with another term. Holzhausen (2001) argues that Apologists use JQZVWLNLY]HLQJQZVLNRY JQZVWLNLVPRYof false knowledge. The status of ‘Gnostics’ as a religious grouping outside Christianity is not supported by papyrological or literary evidence. Christian use of ‘Abrasax’ appears possible. 41 A snake-footed or legged creature, a man’s body, armoured, a cock’s head, Bonner (1950), 162f; Betz (1986), 331. See Merkelbach and Totti (1989–1995). 42 Coulter and Turner (1997), 8. 43 Cited in K. F. Smith, ‘Magic: Greek and Roman’ in Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics (1908–1927), 8.278. 44 T. McFadden, ‘Abraxas’ in Encyclopedic Dictionary of Religion, 1.16; Suppl.Mag. 2.12. 45 Tertullian, Adversus omnes haereses 1.5. 46 Jn 8:58. (JZYHLMPLis coupled in John’s gospel with descriptors in a format similar to this charm, Jn 6:35; 8:12; 10:7, 11; 11:25; 14:6. 47 Eg P.Mich.3.156, HMJZJDYUHLMPL$EUDVDY[; (L?VLHMJZYHLMPL, I.Kyme 41.3a (Kyme C1/2, Thessalonike, C1/2, Ios C3)See G. Horsley, ‘A Personalised Aretalogy of Isis’ in ND 1.10–21, here 18f; Zabkar (1988) 140, also M7; 41; 42 where HMJZYHLMPLhas, as complement, functions attributed to Isis, 149, 151.

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suggests a Christian classification for this text, the lack of other naming of God means the classification is uncertain. Sophia is described as PLNUDYon each occasion her name appears, ll.5f, 10, 23. The word occurs as a term of endearment for both young and old. Its use regularly indicates that a person carries a name common in a family and that there is an older Sophia from whom ‘little Sophia’ is distinguished. The alias, Priscilla, confirms the need for a distinguishing name. Nothing can be implied about Sophia’s age. Sophia is not specified by the name of her mother, contrary to usual magical practice. The editors of Suppl.Mag. 48 suggest that this may be due to Christian influence . The charm, using a verbal doublet typical of magical texts, asks that God ‘seize and destroy’, ll.7f, the cause of illness designated by the personal ‘him who is coming’, l.9. The text is followed by a 49 drawing of what might be a prostrate figure . P.Oxy.6.924=PGM P.5a, C4, Provenance: Oxyrhynchus; BL 1.329 1

5

10

15

48 49

K•?P•K•Q•IXODY[KNDLVXQWK UKYVKM$ULYDDMSRWRX HMSLKPHUL QRX IULNRNDLDMSRWRX NDTKPH ULQRX IULNRNDLDMSRWRX QXNWHUL QRX IULNRNDLDMSRWRX OHS•WRX•  {WROHSWR•X}• SXUH[WRX WRX WK NRUX IK WDX WDHXM•>PHQZ @•>S@U•D•Y>[ HLR^OZNDWDWRTHYOKPDY VRXSUZ WRQNDLNDWDWKQSLYV WLQDXMWK R^WLGRXYOKHMVWLQ WRX THR X WRX ]Z QWRNDLL^QD WRR>QRPDYVRXK?GLDSDQWR {K}GHGR[DVPHYQ[RQ []L•• DM,KVR X SDWKYUXL-RYPKYWKU&ULVWR X R K•X LSQHX P DDZD^JLRZ M$EUDVDY[

Suppl.Mag., 1.38. It is indecipherable, Suppl.Mag., 1.38.

Erica Mathieson

266 Verso

M$ULY•

2 l.M$ULYDQWK . 2–3 l.HMSLKPHULQK . 3–4 l.WK NDTKPHULQK . 4–5 l. WK  QXNWHULQK 17 l. D^JLRQ Truly guard and keep Aria from daytime shivering and from daily shivering and from night-time shivering and from slight fever. These things you will willingly do entirely according to your will first and according to her faith because she is a slave of the living God, and so that your name may be glorified for ever. (magical vowels) Of Jesus Christ Father Son Mother Holy Spirit $: Abrasax Verso

Aria’s

This charm is classified as Christian from the complex display of Christian names of God, some with nomina sacra, below the text. 50 The names include ‘mother’, l.15. The magical vowels exclude H . The name ‘Abrasax’suggested to the editors that the amulet is 51 Gnostic rather than Christian . However, such a categorisation into ‘orthodox’ and ‘unorthodox’ elements that can be labelled ‘Christian’ and ‘Gnostic’ in the fourth century does not reflect the religious realities. The text opens with petitions, expressed in the subjunctive with the force of imperatives, ll.1f, using a verbal doublet typical of magical texts, ‘guard and keep’. The charm aims to ward off fever also typically elaborated in terms of its different types, ll.2–8. It cites multiple bases for Aria’s appeal: God’s will, her faith, her discipleship and God’s glory, ll.7–14. These add a highly individual dimension to the charm and strongly raise the possibility of Aria’s dictation or at least influence over its production. SB 14.12113=P.Yale inv.989=P.Yale 2.130=PGM CXIV.1–14, C3 or C4, Provenance:Unknown; BL 10.212 1

5

50 51

[IXYOD][••RQWK•[QG]H•L QDNXYUL H[DMSRSDYQWZQ [SRQ]K•UZ QSUDJPDYWZ•[QNDLDMSRSDQ [WR]VXQDQWKYPDWRN[DLc.5–8  []VHNWKVLRXNDLDMSR SDYVKVNL [DV]PRXSWZYVHZž•S•[c.9–12  []ZVHZX-SQR[c.9–12  On magical vowels, see Bonner (1950) 12; Daniel (1983). For a discussion of ‘Abrasax’ and ‘Gnosticism’, see 264f above.



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[]NZIZ QGHPRYQ[ZQNDLDMSRSDY [VK]HMSLOKYP\HZ•[NDLDMSRSDQ [WRV]HOKQL•DV • PRX N•[DL DMSRSDQWRQRY [VRX VZY]PDWRNDLDM[• SRc.7–11  [HM]S•L•S[R]PSK [c.7–11  [c.8–11 ]NDW [c.10–14 [ c.8–11 ]VH [c.10–14 [ c.8–11 ]GXQ [c.10–14

1–2 Or VWHQDYž]RQWL•HM[DYSžLQD NXYUL HR-HM[DOHžLY•IZQ SUDYJPDWD• WDHMPRX

52 53 SRQKUDY  4–5 Or DMSRSDYVKWK PKYWUDžPRXSWZYVHZž 7 l. GDLPRYQZQ. 8 l. HMSLOKY\HZ. Guard a certain woman, Lord, from all evil acts and from all encounters and … from every attack of a phantom … from every epileptic fit and from all epilepsy and from every disease of the body and from … enchantment …

In this text, the female user’s name is to be inserted, l.1. According 54 to Daniel’s reconstruction , the text conforms to the general pattern 55 of a IXODNWKYULRQ , a charm characterised by a command to a god 56 to protect a person from evils which may or may not be specified . 57

The Christian classification is suggested by the use of the nomen sacrum, NXYUL H, l.1. While nomina sacra are not necessarily 58 conclusive of Christianity in magical texts , in this text there is no invocation of other divine beings. The text may be Jewish but there are no explicitly Jewish elements and nomina sacra are not attested 59 in Jewish documentary papyri of the period in Egypt . This IXODNWKYULRQ is, then, accepted as Christian. It is unusual in its 52

A prayer for forgiveness, Proulx and O'Callaghan (1974) 84f. R. Merkelbach cited in Daniel (1977) 147. But Daniel’s argument that the first 7 lines deal with attacks by types of demons is persuasive. 54 Daniel (1977), re-edited from Proulx and O'Callaghan (1974), using common magical formulae. Maltomini (1980) 174f notes to ll.6f, 9f, amended Daniel’s text but not so as to change the interpretation substantially. 55 Daniel (1977) 145. The text is classified as an atypical magical Christian prayer by Proulx and O'Callaghan (1974). 56 EgPGM IV.923f, LXXI.6f; P.Rein.2.89=Suppl.Mag.80. Bonner (1950) 45f. 57 Rejected due to insufficient evidence in Daniel (1977) 145; accepted but with no reasons given in Proulx and O'Callaghan (1974) 84. 58 See on P.Koln inv.2861=Suppl.Mag.20 at 260f above. 59 Roberts (1977) 29–35 refers to C4 Jewish examples but cites none. 53

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simple naming of God since in this period Christian magical papyri commonly follow the60 pattern of pagan magical texts in elaborate namings of the divine . The woman seeks protection from various demons and types of illness. The reading ‘guard IXYODž[•RQ’or equally ‘guard carefully GLDIXYODž[•RQ’ l.1, is likelybut not certain since many words would 61 fit the available letters. Maltomini suggests ‘set free DMSDYOODž[•RQ’ . Daniel’s reconstruction of this text has the charm designed for use by a woman, WK•Q GHžL QDl.1. Maltomini notes that this is the only example he knows where a model IXODNWKYULRQ specifies the person seeking protection in the feminine and he agrees that RGHL QD is not possible given the letter traces. Current publications 62 attest model charms for K-GHL QD . CONCLUSION Christian attitudes to magic in late antiquity are not the focus of 63 this analysis , which is rather to examine the magical papyri for the information they provide on Christian women’s religious lives. It is sufficient to note that the attitudes are complex and fluid. The early 64 church did not deny the power of magic but officially condemned 65 66 its use , thus providing evidence of its practice at a popular level .

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Eg PGM P.3=P.gr.5 (C3–4); PGM P.5a=P.Oxy.6.924 (C4); PGM P.5b= P.Oxy.8.1151 (C5); PGM P.13=P.Cairo 10263 (C4–5); PGM P.14= P.gr.1359 (C3/4); PGM P.21=Pap.Blatt. (300). Simple naming eg PGM P.16 (C4). 61 PGM V.125, 130, Maltomini (1980) 173. Also PGM XCVIII.1–7. 62 Eg pagan: P.Rein.2.89=Suppl.Mag.80 (C4); Christian: P.Coll.Youtie 2.91= Suppl.Mag.30 (C5/6). See also G. Horsley, ‘Christian Amulet’ in ND 1.102f. 63 See Goldin (1976); Aune (1980); ‘Appendix: Egyptian Magic and Christian Magic’ in Jacq (1985) 151–154; Frankfurter (1998) 219–237. 64 Eg HL 17.6–9, St Macarios’ magical transformation of a woman who had become a horse; that this is a story about perception, see Frankfurter (2001). 65 Eg Acts 19:19; Did 2:2; 3:4; 5:1; Hippolytus, Apostolic Tradition 16.21f; Augustine, City of God 10.9f; Council of Ancyra (315) Canon 24; Council of Elvira (312) Canon 6; Canons of Athanasius 71–73. Council of Laodicea (mid C4) Canon 36, forbad clergy to be magicians or makers of amulets. 66 CT 9.16. 7, 8, 11, 12 (364, 370/373, 389, 409); 11.36.7 (348); 9.42.2 (356); CJ 9.18.2–9 (c.300, 312; 321; 357; 358; 365; 389). Frankfurter (1998) 215–217.

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Evidence of popular practice also exists in the actual examples of Christian symbols, Scripture and substitution of the names of the Christian God, angels and saints for the names of pagan gods in 67 ritual magic which is not otherwise pagan . Judge’s analysis of magical texts indicates that 14 percent of all Christian literary texts from Egypt, in the opinion of their editors, contain magical elements. As early as the turn of the third and fourth centuries, magic appears in 10 percent of Christian documentary texts, rising to a peak of 25 percent in the sixth century. The rate falls to 10 68 percent in the eighth century . This examination of magical texts used by Christian women leads to a number of tentative conclusions, tentative in the sense that the number of texts on which they are based is extremely small. The small number is counter to the presentation of women in Christian 69 literature as the main practitioners of magic . Nonetheless, the conclusions contribute evidence specifically of Christian women’s use of magic to current scholarship. The first conclusion concerns the complex relation between magic and religion in the ancient world. Thaesa’s charm, P.Koln inv.2861, uses the aorist imperative twice in prayer, ‘heal THUDYSHXVRQ’l.3, and ‘release DMSRYOXVRQ’l.5. Such imperatives are frequent in both magical and non-magical prayer, and in both Christian and pagan texts. The prayer form is unexceptional in Christian terms, at the same time as the text is plainly magical. Thaesa exhibits a lack of confidence in the effectiveness of her prayer and a need to strengthen her ability to influence God through magic. Whether this uncertainty is genderrelated is not easy to determine. Christian men also use magic in combination with what might otherwise be considered non-magical

argues that Egypt was a centre for magic in C4–7. But magic features in only 2% of ‘beneficial tales’ during the period, Wortley (2001) 293. 67 See 258f above; Crasta (1979) 35f; Papaconstantinou (1994); Frankfurter (1998) 180–183, 193–197. Eg P.Oxy.6.925 (C5/6); PSI 1.22–24 (c.376–385). 68 E. A. Judge, ‘The Magical Use of Scripture in the Papyri’ in Judge (2010) 198–208. 69 See Janowitz (2001) 86–96.

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prayer . Nonetheless, the sense of powerlessness to influence public authorities, frequently attested among women in literary and papyrological sources, may enhance the attractiveness of magic. A further aspect of the complex relationship between magic and religion is evident in this text. While the NT encourages prayer ‘in the name of Jesus Christ’, Thaesa’s charm appears to understand this more in the sense of ‘Jesus’ as a name to conjure with. Sophia in P.Lund.4.12 and Aria in P.Oxy.6.924 invoke Abrasax, in Sophia’s case six times. They are examples of those who are classified as Christian in the fourth century and whose vocabulary for God includes a generally magical name, Abrasax, and who accommodate the use of magic to bind God to do as they want. Sophia’s amulet uses the aorist imperatives typical of both nonmagical and magical prayer, asking that God will protect her from demonic activity ll.7f, 12, 13f, 15, 26f, 28. The charm is witness to Sophia’s lack of confidence in prayer unaided by magic. P.Oxy.6.924 reveals the sophisticated and non-mainstream Christian belief of its author, Aria, which accommodates a magical dimension. The opening section of the charm exhibits what has the appearance of an ‘orthodox’ prayer for protection against illness, specifically fever. Prayer for protection expressed in the imperative and using ‘guard IXODY[Z’occurs regularly in Christian texts. Aria exhibits her knowledge of Scripture and biblical theology in her appeal to a series of reasons for her confidence that God will respond to her prayer. Her reasons all echo grounds named in 71 72 73 Scripture: God’s will , her faith , her discipleship and God’s 74 glory . The display of the names of God and of vowels beneath the prayer signals that this is a magical text rather than an ‘orthodox’ prayer. The ‘being’ designated ‘mother’ may be Mary, mother of Jesus, but her inclusion within the display of God’s names would be unusual 70

Eg P.Koln 6.257=Suppl.Mag.21 (C4/5) combines magical elements with THUDSHXYVDWH addressed to the Trinity, l.1f, 8f. 71 Rom 8:27; 1Pet 3:17. 72 Mt 9:29; Lk 7:50; 18:42. 73 Lk 12:37f; 19:17. See also PGM LI. 74 1Cor 10:31; Eph 1:12, 14.

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in this period . It may be a reference to the church . It may also be that the Father/Mother name reflects an understanding of God as a dyad who embraces both masculine and feminine elements and can 77 be named both Father and Mother . Such an understanding of God is considered heretical by church authorities but again cannot be excluded from the broad category ‘Christian’ in the fourth century. It is interesting that this text includes explicit magic, prayer and reasons why God should do as Aria asks. Aria does not consider the magic sufficient in itself to bind God. There is need also for persuasion that recognises God’s freedom to act according to God’s will, although Aria is certain that she knows God’s will. The text attests Aria’s Christianity and her uncertain belief in the power of prayer without magic and persuasion to elicit God’s help. The texts both illustrate the complexity of the relation between magic and religion, and confirm, in the fourth century, the continuum along which they exist. The modern distinction between magic and religion as unapproved and approved practice in 78 spiritual matters is anachronistic in examining ancient sources . The differential suppression of magic and pagan religion by successive Christian emperors in the fourth century, however, indicates that the ancient world distinguished magic and religion at 79 least in certain respects . Evidence also indicates that the church labelled Egyptian and Greek religion, that is, the traditional religion 80 they sought to suppress, as magic . 75

Invocations of Mary from C5 and later typically address Mary as K-GHVSRLYQK K-THRWRYNR DMHLSDYUTHQR, eg SB 1.4763, 4767, 4816, 4862. P.Berl.inv.21230 (C5) is a prayer addressed to Mary in her relation to Christ. 76 The church is ‘mother’ from C3, Lampe (1961, 1968) s.v., eg P.Bodmer 12. 77 Pagels (1979) 49f. Eg Irenaeus, Against Heresies 1.11.1; Hippolytus, Refutatio Omnium Haeresium 5.6. 78 See Barb (1963); Lexa (1925) 1.123–129; Nock (1972) 1.341f; Goldin (1976) 122. Proposed distinctions: magic coerces, religion submits, Frazer (1922, 1950) 48–60; Bell (1953) 12; Barb (1963) 101; magic is deviant, religion sanctioned, Aune (1980) 1512f, 1515; magic is prior to religion eg Frazer (1922, 1950) 48– 60, posterior to it eg Crasta (1979) 33; Aune (1980) 1515; magic is not illegal or deviant but used by the gods and a gift; illegality came with Roman rule, Ritner (1995) 3353–355. 79 Barb (1963) 109f. 80 Crasta (1979) 34f ; Frankfurter (1998) 235f.

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A second conclusion is perhaps a subcategory of the first, about the relation between magic and religion, in this case specifically the issue of classification. Caution needs to be exercised in analysing the Christian magical texts, as it cannot be presumed that a magical dimension always applies. It is not necessarily the case that Christian amulets, for example, function in a magical way for the wearers, considered powerful to effect outcomes in and of themselves. It may be that amulets are used for personal reassurance or public witness. The motivation of a particular wearer is not indicated and is impossible to determine. SB 14.12113 is interesting in this regard. It cannot be classified as magical with certainty. The woman’s imperatival ‘guard IXYOD[RQ’ may allow a different interpretation from the magical command of a pagan IXODNWKYULRQ and may signal that this is a Christian prayer that uses the forms of a IXODNWKYULRQ Christian prayer frequently involves imperatives, for example the petitions of the Lord’s Prayer: ‘give us GR K-PL Q’ ‘forgive us D>IHK-PL Q’, ‘do not lead 81 usPKHLMVHQHYJNKK-PD ’, ‘deliver us U-X VDL K-PD ’ . Christian letters among the papyri use direct command to express prayer for divine protection, although the verbal form is regularly the 82 infinitive functioning as an imperative . There is no magical connotation to these petitions. It may be that SB 14.12113 is not a charm but a prayer for divine protection, the written text serving as 83 a reminder for personal assurance . It is noteworthy that Graf’s examination of prayer (HXMFKY) in PGM and in religious texts and ritual finds that there is no essential difference in form and 84 intention between them . However the difference in verbal form between this text and the prayers of certainly Christian letters may 81

Mt 6:12f. See Moulton and Turner (1906, 1976) 78f. Eg SB 8.9746; P.Heid.1.6=SB 1.2266 (C4); P.Ross.Georg.3.9 (C4). The DDBDP attests no letter with a prayer containing IXYOD[RQor GLDIXYOD[RQ 83 Reference to demons need not imply a magical expectation but may reflect common belief. For a similar difficulty, see eg SCO 22, 1973, 27–29, cited in G. Horsley, ‘The “Prodigal Son” Parable Spiritualized’ in ND 3.99f (C6). 84 Graf (1991) 194f, but he notes difference in the function of ritual, 196. Ten elements identified in magical prayers include compelling (not requesting), repetition, enumeration and reference to authorities, Szepes (1976). Where few elements are present, as here, it is difficult to make classification with certainty. 82

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be significant, and the use of the imperative may signal that this is a charm, but it is uncertain. SB 14.12113, therefore, leaves open the question as to whether it is a prayer or a charm, and whether a woman acquiring and personalising a copy of it would have a magical or non-magical understanding of its operation. It also raises the possibility that the distinction between ‘prayer’ and ‘charm’ is anachronistic. The text indicates that there was either a model prayer or a charm for use by Christian women for their protection from demonic attack and from the physical manifestation of demonic activity in epilepsy and 85 bodily illness . It confirms Christian belief in the demonic and in human vulnerability to demonic influence, a belief women hold no differently from men. It also confirms Christian belief in God’s superior power to demons and God’s active opposition to demons in order to protect suppliants. If the text is a prayer without magical connotation, it indicates that Christians adopted pagan forms of dealing with the supernatural, but reinterpreted them within the limits of ‘orthodoxy’. If the text is a charm, it reveals the magical understanding of God’s actions in the world held by the women using it and, indirectly, serves to highlight the non-magical nature of the beliefs of the Christian women already studied. A third conclusion concerns the women’s belief in demons as the cause of illness, a view attested in Christian, Jewish and pagan 86 texts , and the women’s belief in the potential of magic to restrain demonic powers by compelling the help of a more powerful being, the Christian God or Jesus. Thaesa’s prayer in P.Koln inv.2681 indicates that she understands her illness as a contrary power over which the Lord God, as Lord of 87 all gods, has superior power . By the water infused with magical power, and by the amulet itself, she can direct God’s power to ‘release [her] in the name of Jesus Christ’, ll.5f. It may be that Thaesa prays to God in the name of Jesus Christ or that she prays that God will act in the name of Jesus Christ, an unusual theological position but one not to be dismissed from magical texts 85

Common in the NT, eg Mt 17:14–20; Lk 11:14. See also Proulx and O'Callaghan (1974) 87, note to l.8. 86 See 106 above. 87 A frequent idea in the NT, eg Mk 7:34–36; Lk 11:22f; 13:10–12.

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and suggesting that Jesus’ name acts as a conjuring device. The NT 88 attests the effectiveness of prayer and action in Jesus’ name . Sophia in P.Lund.4.12 understands illness as caused by the 89 demonic , her fever due to ‘him who is coming R-HMUFRYPHQR’, l.9, ‘the demon WR GDLPRYQLRQ’, ll.14f, ‘a shivering U-L JR’l.12, and ‘a phantom VNLDY’ l.13, understood in personal terms. Sophia’s command that Abrasax ‘seize and destroy’, ll.7f, 12, 13f, 15, 26, 28, the demon is an example of magic which prevails upon a more 90 powerful spirit to thwart the less powerful . A fourth conclusion concerns the limited evidence for Christian women’s use of magic. This examination of the Greek magical papyri has identified three certainly magical texts, P.Koln inv.2861, P.Oxy.6.924 and P.Lund.4.12, which appear to have been used by Christian women. The small number is undoubtedly affected by the chance nature of textual preservation but invites further explanation. The existence of Christian magical texts attests the use of magic in the Christian community and there is no reason to think that women used magic less than men. Indeed it may be that magic became a favoured domain of women in answer to their exclusion from ministry in the church. It may be that other known magical texts were initiated by women but are not identifiable as such. Magical texts, by their nature, frequently do not identify the user. Of the 34 Christian magical papyri included in PGM, 27 do not 91 specify the gender of the user, 3 are initiated by men and 4 by women. In Suppl.Mag. of 21 Christian magical texts, 10 are initiated by men, 5 by women, 2 allow for either a man or woman to wear the amulet, and 4 do not specify gender, while most 92 anonymous texts are excluded . Nonetheless, in the majority of texts where the gender can be identified, the initiator is a man. A fifth conclusion concerns the function of magic in giving confidence to the women who use it in their dealings with God. Aria in P.Oxy.6.924 composes what has the appearance of a non88

Eg Mk 9:38; Jn 14:13, 14; 15:16; 16:23, Acts 3:6. Similarly P.Oxy.8.1151=PGM P.5b (C5). 90 See also Nock (1929) 226Barb (1963) 122. 91 PGM P.6b (C4/5), P.8b (C6), P.9 (C6) 92 A criterion of selection, eds, ix. Nearly all of the texts listed in van Haelst (1976) are excluded. 89

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magical prayer to which she appends a magical display of divine names. Her prayer, to her mind it seems, is insufficient to secure God’s intervention to protect her from illness. Prayer needs the additional power of magic to bind God to act. Aria’s use of magic is noteworthy alongside the reasons she cites for attracting God’s intervention, her faith and devotion and God’s will and glory. Aria’s reasons differ from the more common ‘for you are able GXYQDVDLJDYU’ topos, by which a person seeking God’s help 93 reminds God that God has the power to do the thing being asked , but both function to persuade. Her reasons indicate that Aria considers herself worthy of God’s intervention. She has a positive assessment of her Christian piety and is confident of her theological understanding. Nonetheless, Aria secures her prayer with magical formulae and secures the magic with persuasive arguments. Thaesa in P.Koln inv.2861 displays a similar ambivalence in confidence of approach to God. She supplements her prayer with magical signs, letters and words to conjure God’s power. There is also evidence that she adopts magical practice in using water infused with the power of the words on her amulet to enhance the potency and effectiveness of her approach. Sophia in P.Lund.4.12 asks for Abrasax’s intervention using aorist imperatives that she repeats eight times. Prayer requires the supplement of magic and the logic of magical formulae gives Sophia the confidence to badger Abrasax with her requests. If Knudtzon’s and Kotansky’s reading of VZYVZ is correct, Sophia is sufficiently confident to name Abrasax’s response as the positive, ‘I, Abrasax, shall deliver’. However, the reading is unlikely. The women’s attitudes do not differ markedly from the lack of confident approach to God of, for example, Valeria in P.Lond.6.1926 who uses Appa Paphnouthios as an intermediary rather than magic. With magic, however, the women’s confidence resembles that of Taouak in P.Neph.18 who can declare, ‘you will see God’.

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Common in Christian writing, eg P.Coll.Youtie 2.91=Suppl.Mag.30 (C5/6); P.Turner 49= Suppl.Mag.31 (C5/6).

CONCLUSION The Greek papyri of Egypt provide fresh and valuable information on the religious lives of Christian women. As sources the texts locate women in broader contexts, allowing their religious lives to be embedded in social and economic networks. The picture that emerges is of Christian women who are integrated members of their society. They neither describe themselves nor are they described as a separate and distinct group. The difficulty in classifying many texts as certainly Christian illustrates the degree of integration, as does the problem of assigning a date to many Christian texts with a greater specificity than ‘fourth-century’; that is, the Christian texts cannot be dated in relation to the Edict of Milan, so that integration rather than separation marks the Christian community both before and after this date. The evidence of the papyri confirms what is known from literary sources that integration in society is an early source of Roman difficulties with Christians. Christians are peoples’ neighbours, yet they refuse to sacrifice and do not have exempt status. They are a religio illicita. Their religious customs are a novelty, discontinuous with Jewish traditions from which they originate. The picture of an integrated Christianity need not contradict the hypothesis of Christians’ early close connection with the Jewish community but suggests a (re)development in Egypt after 117 on the basis of an 1 identity independent from Judaism . Christian women reflect this integrated paradigm in a number of their religious practices and attitudes which lack a distinctively Christian formulation. On the other hand, ascetic practice and its associated theology mark Christianity and many Christian women’s lives as distinct. If greater integration correlates with less strict regulation of 2 women , the papyri confirm the new choices that Christianity 1

In the period immediately prior to and during the Jewish War, 117–119, the papyri give the impression of the Jews as a distinct, identifiable group within the broader community. 2 In societies with an honour:shame system, women are a focus for scrutiny in minority groups and their behaviour a measure of the group’s respectability, MacDonald (1996) 150, 180, 258. See also MacDonald’s analysis of Celsus’ criticism of early Christian women, 94–120.

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offered women to live independently of men as consecrated virgins in an ascetic alternative to marriage and motherhood. Christian women also appear as widows but the theological dimension of their status is unclear in the papyri. Paradoxically, it is precisely ascetic women who later become most strictly regulated and bear the church’s ideals of purity, silence and submission. Monasticism perpetuates patriarchal structures with control of women’s lives vested in men who exercise authority, administer women’s communities and mediate with the world while ascetic women continue domestic and private. The ascetic women in these papyri represent what appears to be a relatively early stage in monastic development, evidenced in the range of terms used and living situations attested. The papyri show Christian women to be active participants in their faith communities. They attend church which some state explicitly and others imply through allusions to the Bible and liturgical practice. Their use of Scripture is consistent with an oral transmission suggesting exposure to public Bible reading. Women are commended by one faith community to others, indicating their recognised membership of churches, with most letters being letters of peace HMSLVWRODL HLMUKQLNDLY not the letters of recommendation HMSLVWRODLVXVWDWLNDLYof the elite. Such letters signal that the women are not clergy. The one HMSLVWROKVXVWDWLNKY, P.Got.11, commends women being led to the HMSLYWURSR. Use of such a letter is noteworthy, indicating the women’s high status in the church, their possible identity as martyrs or confessors, holders of ministry positions or being in some other way notable. The papyri indicate that the women are also personally active as Christians. They pray, use biblical language, identify with biblical characters and situations, possess Christian books, consult spiritual fathers, use clergy and ascetics to achieve goals in the spiritual and secular realm, dedicate themselves as ever-virgins, believe in healing and providence, and adopt theological positions consistent with the NT about marriage and family obligation, slave ownership, and care of widows and orphans. The women’s attitudes and practices, however, are frequently not articulated in ways that distinguish them from their pagan society. In particular, the women’s formulations lack a clear Christian identity in prayer and naming of God. References to God as Father

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and as Trinity are missing, except one possible invocation in P.Oxy.8.1161.2–4. The lack of Trinitarian references may be due to the time of the documents’ composition, prior to the major Trinitarian controversies of the fifth century. However, the absence of references to God as Father, in light of the prominence of the invocation in the Lord’s Prayer and the evident knowledge of that prayer, is less easily accounted for. It is possible, but unknowable, that the conventions of epistolography and/or the influence of scribes led to the use of formulae that are consistent with Christianity rather than those that are distinctive. Moreover, also missing are references to God as the source of grace, hope, love, peace etc., and prayers reflecting both a broader concern than the merely personal and a more specific concern with the inner life. It may be that the operation of registers in language, the influences of context and functionality in grammar affect the women’s choices of vocabulary, leading them to select less elaborate namings and descriptions of God for their private letters while more elaborate namings are the reserve of public and formal worship. It remains the case that the women’s religious beliefs and practices, as these are articulated in the papyri, lack the transformational perspective of the NT directed towards personal and social change, and appear consistent with the pagan cultic aim of safeguarding the status quo, a theme not entirely absent from the NT but less marked than the theme of challenge. Christian women’s vocabulary, particularly in their naming of virtues, similarly shows a lack of distinctiveness with the absence of key NT words and an increasing adoption of the vocabulary for values and virtues of pagan society. This process is the parallel face of integration and enculturation. Nonetheless, in the texts that survive, the women initiating texts do not use abaskanta and proskynema formulae although these formulations appear to be accommodated by the women receiving texts. The women also give evidence of adopting the church’s theology of asceticism as a superior way, an attitude not found in paganism. Where the papyri may yield evidence for Christian distinctiveness in alluding to reasons for action arising from faith, the women generally offer no formulations of their motivation. Nonetheless, the papyri indicate distinctive perspectives in the women’s use of biblical allusion and in their identification with biblical characters and situations. This

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information is evident only in the texts written by women themselves. The papyri offer no certain evidence of Christian women in formal ministries in the church, except for those who are ‘virgins of God’, that is, consecrated ascetic women. The finding supports the evidence of literary sources which indicate that asceticism represented an alternate vocational structure for women to that of being ordained clergy restricted to men. The papyri offer no examples of women or men consulting ascetic women for prayer, advice or mediation, suggesting the gendered roles of male public authority are rehearsed in the ascetic world which is rhetorically configured as symbolic of gender transcendence. Embedding women’s ‘religious’ statements in the framework of their relationships and lives reveals certain conclusions about their lives as religious women. The Christian women are generally assertive and at the same time live and understand themselves within the honour:shame, public:private, authority:power paradigm 3 4 of the Mediterranean world and early church . The very act of writing documents to ask for help, assert need and maintain relationship establishes the women as active agents in their lives, families and communities. Their uses of the convention of women’s weakness function as acts of power for their benefit, remind (male) ascetics of their NT obligations and pressure the ascetics to respond favourably. At the same time the papyri confirm the evidence of other sources that attest women’s real legal and social disadvantage. This sense of agency is reflected in some women’s spiritual lives but is lacking in others, while some exhibit confidence in the spiritual realm that is less apparent in their ‘ordinary’ lives. For example, Valeria in P.Lond.6.1926 and Taouak in P.Neph.18 provide evidence, from opposite positions, that Christian women’s 3

Negative appraisals of women from classical literature formed part of the corpus of copy-texts given to children, eg P.Bour.1 (C4) ‘sea, fire, woman, a triple evil’; MPER, NS, 1.18 (C1); MPER, NS, 3.24 (C1); P.Ant.2.60 (C2/3); P.Oxy.15.1880 (C2/3); P.Amh.2.26 (C4), cited in Ibrahim (1992). The formal inculcation of such attitudes began in childhood. 4 Eg from church teaching in Egypt P.Oxy.17.2073 (late C4); P.Oxy.13.1603 (C5/6).

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sense of themselves and their power in their religious and ‘ordinary’ life may be distinct. The solution for which some Christian women opt is magic where powerful agency is exhibited, with magic supplementing prayer, sometimes further supplemented by reason. The infrequent reference to marital status among the Christian women’s texts is noteworthy. The finding may support the hypothesis that marriage was not a primary status category among Christians. Certainly, if these women are married, it indicates that they have no sense of needing to refer to, or identify themselves by the men in their lives. Other explanations are possible. If the lack of reference to men reflects their real absence from the women’s lives it may mirror an imbalance in the numbers of women over men in the church hinted at in these papyri. It may reflect ascetic conviction to which the texts also bear witness. There is insufficient evidence to draw a conclusion among these alternatives. The finding is in tension with other evidence in the papyri for the primary place of family among the women’s needs and concerns. Even the practice of prayer functions frequently in the women’s texts to express, maintain and order their family relationships. The apparent absence of men in the texts is matched by the emergence of the church and clergy as alternate family for women, with (male) ascetics and clergy assisting women in public tasks most frequently performed by close male family members. These same ascetics and clergy adopt, and are endowed with, the roles of patriarchal authority. The extent to which Christian women’s self-understanding as women is informed by biblical and church teaching is not formulated in the papyri. However, the very statement assumes that there is a univalent Christian understanding of what being a woman may be, and, on the contrary, biblical literature presents a multivalent understanding. The image from the household codes (Haustafeln), sections of the gospels, Pauline corpus, Pastoral Epistles and The Shepherd is consistent with the honour:shame, public:private, authority:power paradigm, with social ideals of modesty, obedience and silence. Other sections of the gospels and Pauline corpus give rise to the image of women’s equal personhood and active leadership developed in the apocryphal Acts. The

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evidence of the papyri confirms the variety of Christian women’s religious beliefs, practices and experience. Excepting active leadership roles in ministry, the Christian women in the papyri display the range of biblical possibilities. The papyri written by Christian women give an access to women’s voices which, though not unmediated, is unavailable elsewhere. They nuance and sometimes reconfigure the pictures of women that emerge from literary, almost universally male-authored, texts. The study has allowed an examination of the ways in which ‘real women’ articulate their relation to God and religious institutions, their identities as Christian women and the interaction between their religious beliefs, practices and experiences and their ‘ordinary’ life. The perspectives offered by the papyri provide a unique dimension to the study of women in the ancient world.

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INDEX OF PAPYRI BGU 3.948, 14–17, 24, 90, 91, 101, 111, 116, 128f, 139, 140, 142, 144, 145, 165, 182, 183, 184, 185, 188ff, 192, 200, 201 O.Douch 3.190, 236, 247 P.Abinn.19, 33, 83, 204f, 228 P.Abinn.34, 17f, 60, 90, 104, 117, 124, 129f, 140, 143, 145, 165, 182, 183 , 185, 190, 200, 201 P.Abinn.49, 8, 18ff, 89, 121, 127 P.Ant.2.93, 18, 83, 149, 205f, 228, 244 P.Benaki 4, 20ff, 81, 90, 101, 105, 127, 154, 163, 170, 174, 184, 185, 190f, 200, 201 P.Berl.Zill.12, 16, 22–25, 90, 104f, 124, 130f, 139, 140, 142, 143, 144, 145, 191f, 200, 201 P.Bour.25, 25f, 78, 80, 90, 98, 104, 131f, 138, 139, 140, 142, 144, 145, 165, 168, 171, 192, 200, 201, 203 P.Col.Teeter 7, 92, 123, 205, 206, 228 P.Edmonstone, 8, 26–30, 82f, 90, 92, 101, 111–114, 126, 127, 170, 175, 185 P.Got.11, 206f, 215, 226, 228, 277 P.Grenf.1.53, 30–33, 90, 98, 132, 139, 140, 142, 143, 144, 145, 148f, 153f, 171, 173, 175, 184, 185, 193, 201 P.Grenf.2.73, 105, 207ff, 226, 228, 229 P.Herm.17, 18, 33f, 63, 83ff, 90, 101, 104, 106, 115, 124, 127, 155f, 163, 164, 165, 170, 181, 183, 184, 185, 202 P.Iand.6.100, 236ff, 254, 257 P.Kell.1.Gr.32, 8, 34, 127, 149, 154, 170, 202 P.Kell.Gr.32, 35

P.Koln inv.2861, 260f, 267, 269, 274, 275 P.Laur.2.42, 85, 209ff, 229, 236 P.Leid.Inst.64, 211, 230 P.Lips.1.28, 64ff, 118, 120, 127, 156, 165, 182, 183, 185, 193, 198, 200, 201 P.Lips.1.43, 63, 154, 220, 238ff, 245, 249, 252, 254 P.Lips.1.60, 240f, 245, 250, 254, 257 P.Lond.6.1926, 18, 36ff, 72f, 73f, 74ff, 85ff, 90, 96, 98, 101, 107, 124, 132ff, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 157f, 159, 163, 164, 165, 170, 176, 185, 194, 200, 275, 279 P.Lund.4.12, 106, 261–265, 270, 274, 275 P.Neph.1, 66–69, 72, 76f, 77f, 78ff, 80f, 89f, 95, 98, 101, 103, 105, 108, 109f, 124, 134, 136, 137ff, 140, 141, 143, 144, 146, 159f, 163, 164, 165, 166, 170, 177, 185, 195, 200, 201, 202, 241, 246f, 251, 254, 255, 257 P.Neph.18, 35, 38ff, 66, 68, 73f, 80, 95f, 98, 110, 134, 140, 144, 145, 167, 275, 279 P.Oxy.6.903, 35, 40–43, 63, 90, 106, 111f, 114, 121, 122, 127, 149, 150f, 153, 154, 165, 167f, 169, 171, 177ff, 185, 195, 201, 208 P.Oxy.6.924, 106, 265f, 268, 270, 274, 275 P.Oxy.6.939, 106, 211f, 225 P.Oxy.8.1161, 43ff, 72, 77, 90, 93, 95, 108, 133, 135, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 170, 278 P.Oxy.12.1592, 24, 45f, 71, 96, 101, 127, 160f, 163, 164, 170

Christian Women in the Papyri to 400 CE P.Oxy.14.1774, 51ff, 87f, 90, 98, 135f, 140, 144, 145, 196f, 200, 221, 236 P.Oxy.20.2276, 12, 14, 126, 212, 223, 225 P.Oxy.31.2601, 213f, 227, 230 P.Oxy.31.2609, 214, 227 P.Oxy.34.2731, 78, 214f P.Oxy.36.2785, 207, 215f, 218, 226, 228 P.Oxy.44.3203, 241ff, 248, 250, 254 P.Oxy.46.3314, 103, 136, 216f, 227 P.Oxy.48.3407, 2, 46f, 123, 127, 167, 168f, 171f, 195 P.Oxy.50.3581, 8, 47–50, 118, 121f, 127, 150, 151f, 153, 179ff, 185, 196, 203, 221 P.Oxy.50.3851, 149, 154 P.Oxy.56.3857, 218, 226, 229 P.Oxy.59.3998, 12, 126, 218f, 225 P.Oxy.63.4365, 219f, 228 P.Prag.2.191, 220f, 230 P.Princ.2.95, 88, 221, 225 P.Sakaon 48, 215, 222, 229, 244 P.Wisc.2.76, 12, 126, 222f, 225 PSI 6.698, 243, 247, 250

309

SB 6.9605, 78, 133, 135, 136, 223f, 227, 229 SB 8.9746, 50–53, 90, 95f, 98, 104, 135f, 137, 140, 144, 145, 196f, 236, 272 SB 12.10840, 53ff, 127, 165, 169f, 171, 197 SB 14.11437, 224, 227 SB 14.11588, 55ff, 90, 103, 119, 136f, 140, 142, 144, 146, 182, 183, 198, 200, 201 SB 14.11881, 57ff, 98, 119, 137, 140, 143, 145, 167, 184, 198f, 201 SB 14.12113, 260, 266ff, 272f SB 16.12620, 243f, 245, 250, 251, 254 SB 18.13612, 34, 59f, 88f, 96f, 97f, 101, 103, 116, 119, 127, 143, 161f, 163, 164, 165, 170, 181, 183, 184, 186, 190, 199, 201, 202, 255 SB 22.15359, 103, 224f, 227 Stud.Pal.20.86, 35, 60–63, 118, 127, 152, 153, 154, 170, 182, 183, 186, 199f, 202

SUBJECT INDEX Abaskanta, 13, 126, 143, 212, 223, 225, 278 Apotactic, 59f, 65f, 118, 156, 162, 165, 193f, 199, 202, 242f, 248, 250f. Asceticism, 9, 33f, 36f, 53, 59f, 65f, 68f, 71, 74, 77, 81f, 83ff, 85ff, 98, 99, 103f, 107, 114–118, 120, 124, 125, 132ff, 139, 146f, 154–165, 170, 177, 184f, 186, 188, 193f, 197, 199, 200, 210, 211, 218, 226, 227, 228, 232– 257, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280 Beloved brother / sister, 95f

Bible, use of, 9, 11, 13, 18, 21, 32, 37, 41, 45, 60, 69, 70–101, 102, 104, 105, 106, 108, 110, 111, 112, 114, 116, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 126, 128, 129, 131, 133, 135, 137, 141, 142, 143, 144, 149, 151, 152, 154, 160, 161, 170, 173, 175, 178, 182, 183, 185, 186, 187, 188, 201, 202, 204, 205, 210, 211, 213, 216, 217, 222, 224, 228, 229, 233, 239, 249, 253, 258, 259, 261, 263, 264, 270,

310

Erica Mathieson

273, 274, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281 Bishop, 11, 35, 71, 149, 150, 151, 154, 172, 208, 232, 234, 238, 239, 251, 252, 255 Church, 11, 31f, 35, 43, 49, 57, 62f, 70, 74, 79, 85, 86, 87, 92, 95–97, 100, 101, 106, 110, 112, 114– 118, 120f, 122, 125, 148–152, 157, 161, 164, 165–172, 175f, 177, 180f, 182, 185, 186, 187, 200, 202, 203, 205, 207, 211, 215, 222, 226, 232, 233, 238f, 247, 250, 252, 253, 255, 268, 271, 274, 277, 278, 279, 280 Classification of papyri, Christian, 10–13 Clergy, 33, 49, 63, 71, 86, 148–155, 157, 160, 161, 165, 170, 172, 176, 180, 205, 206, 210, 222, 239, 240, 252, 256, 268, 277, 279, 280 Conversion, 121f Deacon, 11, 100, 172, 222, 234, 239 Dictation. See Literacy Divorce, 16, 18, 49, 66, 116f, 118, 152, 153, 174, 178f, 179ff, 181– 186, 188, 190, 194, 196, 290 Family, 1, 2, 4, 8, 17, 25f, 29, 31, 40, 58, 60, 66, 79, 108, 119, 120, 122, 124, 130, 137, 138, 139, 141, 143, 150, 153, 154, 156, 157, 159, 163, 165, 169, 173, 174, 177, 179f, 186–203, 205, 217, 218, 219, 221, 222, 223, 224, 229, 232, 238, 241, 246, 249, 250, 251, 252, 254f, 265, 277, 280 Festival, Christian, 26, 54f, 166, 167f, 168f, 169f, 171 God, vocabulary used, 90–98, 122, 125 Healing, 37, 74–77, 99, 106, 109, 124, 125, 133, 135, 139, 140, 143, 146, 157, 158, 177, 196,

211f, 212, 213f, 217, 224, 227, 229, 261, 277 Honour:Shame, 4, 120, 168, 175f, 177f, 189, 256, 276, 279, 280 Illiteracy, see Literacy 'in God, in the Lord', 13, 98 Letters of recommendation and peace, 206f, 215, 218, 226, 228, 277 Literacy, 1, 6–8, 28, 30, 35, 38, 44, 47, 49, 52, 57, 60, 65f, 144, 149, 154, 175, 202, 205, 222, 229– 231, 241, 242, 249, 291, 300, 308 Magic, 106, 258–275, 280 Marriage, 4, 42f, 49f, 111, 116, 117, 118, 124, 149, 150, 151, 153, 156, 163, 168, 173–186, 189, 190, 203, 205, 221, 222, 229, 232–236, 247, 253, 257, 277, 280, 301 Melitian Church, 37, 39, 68, 74, 76, 79, 84, 109f, 150, 166, 167, 177, 247, 298 Monasticism, 9, 39, 68, 110, 122, 154, 157, 159f, 166, 232, 234, 237f, 241, 248, 251, 254, 256, 293 Name, biblical, 13, 18, 20, 23, 50, 59, 130, 142, 180, 191, 205, 208, 216f, 221, 224, 225, 259, 263 New Testament, see Bible, use of Nomina sacra, 10, 229ff Orphan, 56f, 58f, 59f, 114ff, 118ff, 137, 156, 162, 164, 180, 196, 198, 199, 201, 203, 277 Prayer, 2, 6, 7, 11f, 15, 17f, 23f, 25f, 31f, 33, 37, 39, 44f, 46, 47, 52f, 54f, 56f, 58, 60, 67f, 72, 73ff, 74–77, 77f, 81f, 91f, 93f, 98, 102–106, 106–109, 122, 124f, 127–147, 157f, 159f, 176, 177, 182, 189, 191f, 194, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 203, 204, 205, 206, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216f, 218, 219, 220, 223, 224, 225, 227f, 229, 232, 234,

Christian Women in the Papyri to 400 CE 237, 244, 246, 247, 250, 255, 257, 258, 261, 267, 269– 275, 276f, 279, 280, 287 Presbyter, 11, 32, 35, 49f, 62f, 76, 118, 121, 122, 148–154, 176, 179–181, 185, 202f, 207, 208, 215 Proskynema, 12f, 125, 127, 143, 219, 225, 278, 296 Providence, 56f, 59f, 68, 102–106, 124, 131, 135, 136, 138, 161, 201, 214, 216f, 223, 224f, 227f, 229, 277 Reader, 11, 35, 149, 202, 205, 253 Remarriage, 181ff Scribe, 1, 2, 6, 8, 16, 21, 24f, 26, 33, 38, 39, 44, 45, 47, 59, 66, 68,

311

71, 123, 130, 144, 145, 154, 194, 230, 259, 278 Slavery, 28f, 31f, 41ff, 83, 111– 114, 126, 171, 175, 178f, 187, 189, 195, 234, 266, 277 Status Designation, 98, 124f, 206, 207, 229 Virtues, biblical derivation, 81–90 Widow, 16, 18, 33, 60, 66, 114– 118, 119, 156, 162, 164, 165, 172, 181–183, 184, 188, 190, 194, 196, 199, 204f, 228, 234f Woman, gender disadvantage, 4, 40, 58, 115f, 134, 145, 147f, 156f, 158, 164, 172, 175, 179, 187, 199, 202, 214, 235, 252, 256, 257, 269, 279