Christian Maps of the Holy Land: Images and Meanings 2503585264, 9782503585260

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Christian Maps of the Holy Land

CULTURAL ENCOUNTERS IN LATE ANTIQUITY AND THE MIDDLE AGES General Editor Yitzhak Hen, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem Editorial Board Angelo di Berardino, Augustinianum, Rome Nora Berend, University of Cambridge Leslie Brubaker, University of Birmingham Christoph Cluse, Universität Trier Rob Meens, Universiteit Utrecht James Montgomery, University of Cambridge Alan V. Murray, University of Leeds Thomas F.X. Noble, University of Notre Dame Miri Rubin, Queen Mary, University of London

Previously published volumes in this series are listed at the back of this book.

Volume 28

Christian Maps of the Holy Land Images and Meanings

by

Pnina Arad

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

© 2020, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISBN: 978-2-503-58526-0 e-ISBN: 978-2-503-58527-7 DOI: 10.1484/M.CELAMA-EB.5.117770 ISSN: 1378-8779 e-ISSN: 2294-8511 Printed in the EU on acid-free paper D/2020/0095/9

Contents

List of Illustrations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii Colour Plates. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xii Acknowledgements. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxiii Abbreviations.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxiv Timeline. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxiv Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

Part I. Iconic Landscape, Iconic Map Chapter 1. Formation of a Holy Land. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Chapter 2. Madaba Map: A Visual Portrait of the Holy Land from the Byzantine Period. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13

Part II. The Map of the Holy Land in the Latin Christian West Chapter 3. Innovative Western Spiritual Icono­graphies.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 Chapter 4. Fifteenth-Century Pilgrims’ Maps: Late Medi­eval Instruments of Devotion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63

Part III. Between Pilgrimage and Scripture, Catholicism and Protestantism Chapter 5. Friedrich III’s Carto­graphical Pilgrimage Imagery. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 Chapter 6. Map and Scripture. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95

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CONTENTS

Part IV. Map as Icon: Greek Orthodox proskynetaria from the Ottoman Period Chapter 7. Icon of a Land. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123 Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133

Appendices Appendix I.

Inscriptions on the Madaba Map. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137

Appendix II. Sites Mentioned in the Pilgrimage Guide Gesta Francorum Iherusalem expugnatium. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141 Appendix III. Inscriptions on Three Twelfth-Century Maps of the Holy Land.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143 Appendix IV. Inscriptions on London, British Library, MS Add. 27376, fols 188v–189r. . . . . . . 151 Appendix V. A List of Places in William Wey’s Pilgrimage Account.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 Appendix VI. Sites in and around Jerusalem in Bernhard von Breydenbach’s Map of the Holy Land. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161 Biblio­graphy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163 Index of Maps/Map-Based Imagery of the Holy Land. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173 Index of Places. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 174 General Index.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175 .

Illustrations

Plates Plate I. A map of the Holy Land attached to a pilgrimage guide to the Holy Land, Gesta Francorum Iherusalem expugnatium, Saint Omer, Bibliothèque d’Agglomeration de Saint-Omer, MS 776, fols 50v–51r. Beginning of the twelfth century. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xii–xiii Plate II. A map of Sinai Peninsula and Lower Egypt, Gabriele Capodilista’s Itinerario di Terra Santa, 1458 (detail of Figure 21).. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xiv Plate III. The right-hand section of Venice, Biblioteca Marciana, MS Lat. X 116 (= 3783) showing Jerusalem and the Mount of Olives with the scene of the Agony in the Garden at its top (detail of Figure 31).. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xv Plate IV. A wooden panel showing Friedrich III in the Holy Land (Figure 36), detail showing Jerusalem and the Mount of Olives.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xvi Plate V. A wooden panel showing Friedrich III in the Holy Land (Figure 36), detail showing the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem with the parents adoring the baby Jesus and the Murder of the Innocents; the Annunciation to the Shepherds is depicted in front of the church; the encounter of Mary and Elizabeth, and the fight between David and Goliath are depicted left of the church.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xvii Plate VI. A wooden panel showing Friedrich III in the Holy Land (Figure 36), detail showing the port of Jaffa; pilgrims are seen in the cellars behind the galley and also approaching and leaving the city of Rama. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xvii Plate VII. A proskynetarion of the Holy Land, Château-Musée de Saumur, B. A. LAir 283. 1704.. . . . . . . . . . . . xviii–xix Plate VIII. A proskynetarion of the Holy Land, Byzantine and Christian Museum, Athens, BXM 1837. 1793. . . . . . . xx Plate IX. A proskynetarion of the Holy Land, State Hermitage Museum, Saint Petersburg, I 537. 1876. . . . . . . . . . . xxi Plate X. A proskynetarion of the Holy Land, Coptic Museum, Cairo. 1847.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxii Plate XI. A proskynetarion of the Holy Land, Monastery of the Holy Cross, Jerusalem. 1770.

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List of Illustrations

Figures Figure 1. The Madaba mosaic map, Church of Saint George, Madaba. Third quarter of the sixth century.. . . . . 14–15 Figure 2. Reconstruction of the location of the Madaba mosaic map in the sixth-century Byzantine church. . . . . . . 16 Figure 3. The Madaba mosaic map (Figure 1), details showing architectural signs that mark towns, villages, and holy places. Gaza is represented by an elaborate sign of a town, with an intersection of colonnaded streets, two basilical structures with red roofs (churches), and a theatre. Jericho is represented by a section of a wall with some buildings seen beyond it. The holy places of Gilgal, Bethabara, Bethagla, and Elisha’s fountain are represented by basilical structures with red roofs. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 Figure 4. The Madaba mosaic map (Figure 1), detail showing the meeting place of Abraham and the angels under the tree at Mamre and the place of baptism of the Ethiopian eunuch. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 Figure 5. The Madaba mosaic map (Figure 1), detail showing the city emblem of Jerusalem and a scheme showing the centralization of the Holy Sepulchre in the emblem; the basilical structures represent churches. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 Figure 6. The Madaba mosaic map (Figure 1), detail showing the Dead Sea with two boats and two pairs of sailors (later erased by iconoclasts). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22–23 Figure 7. A wooden box containing stones, wood, and earth from Palestine. Vatican City, Museo Sacro, inv. 61883. Sixth century. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 Figure 8. A scheme of the Holy Land map in Saint Omer, Bibliothèque d’Agglomeration de Saint Omer, MS 776, fol. 50v (Plate I), with English translations of the Latin inscriptions. . . . . . . . . . . . 34 Figure 9. A map of the Holy Land, Uppsala Uni­ver­sity Library, MS C 691, fol. 39. Twelfth century.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 Figure 10. A scheme of the Holy Land map in Uppsala Uni­ver­sity Library, MS C 691, fol. 39 (Figure 9) with English translations of the Latin inscriptions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 Figure 11. A map of the Holy Land, Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS 9823–24, fol. 157r. Twelfth century.. . . . . . . 40 Figure 12. A scheme of the Holy Land map in Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS 9823–24, fol. 157r (Figure 11) with English translations of the Latin inscriptions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 Figure 13. A scheme of a map in London, British Library, MS Add. 10049, fol. 64v that shows the region extending between the Mediterranean and India with the toponyms in the area of the Holy Land. . . . . . . 44 Figure 14. A map showing the region extending between Armenia and Egypt in Matthew Paris’s Chronica majora, Cam­bridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 26, fols iiiv–ivr. Ca. 1250. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48–49 Figure 15. A scheme showing the area of the Holy Land in Cam­bridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 26, fol. 4r (Figure 14).. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50

List of Illustrations

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Figure 16. A map of the Holy Land, New York, Morgan Library & Museum, MS M.877. Beginning of the fourteenth century.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52–53 Figure 17. A map of the Holy Land in Marino Sanudo’s Liber secretorum fidelium crucis, London, British Library, MS Add. 27376, fols 188v–189r. 1330.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54–55 Figure 18. New York, Morgan Library & Museum, MS M.877 (Figure 16), details showing Phiala, the ‘well of life giving waters’, and Jael’s tent.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 Figure 19. New York, Morgan Library & Museum, MS M.877 (Figure 16), detail showing the sign marking Jerusalem.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 Figure 20. A map of Jerusalem in Marino Sanudo’s Liber secretorum fidelium crucis, London, British Library, MS Add. 27376, fol. 189v.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 Figure 21. A map of the Holy Land and a map of Sinai Peninsula and Lower Egypt, in Gabriele Capodilista’s Itinerario di Terra Santa, private collection. 1458.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64–65 Figure 22. Gabriele Capodilista’s maps (Figure 21): the verso of the Sinai-Egypt map, with the depiction of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, opened onto the map of the Holy Land.. . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 Figure 23. A map of the Holy Land in Gabriele Capodilista’s Itinerario di Terra Santa (Figure 21), detail showing fire falling from heaven onto the sinful cities from the Book of Genesis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66 Figure 24. A map of the Holy Land, Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 389. Second half of the fourteenth century.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70–71 Figure 25. A list of distances between pairs of places in Palestine, the left-hand part of Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 389 (Figure 24) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 Figure 26. The right-hand part of Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 389 (Figure 24) showing the area from the Dead Sea to the Mediterranean and from Bethel to Beersheba. Jerusalem is in the middle, marked by a large architectural sign; a rhombus containing a clover-like cross marks the site of the ‘Quarentena’ (the forty days) just above it; the Mount of Olives is marked left of the ‘Quarentena’. . . . . 73 Figure 27. Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 389 (Figure 24), detail showing the Garden of Eden.. . . . . . . . . . . 73 Figure 28. A map of the Holy Land in Bernhard von Breydenbach’s Peregrinatio in terram sanctam, Jerusalem, National Library of Israel, Eran Laor Collection, pal 133. 1486.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76–77 Figure 29. The right-hand part of Bernhard von Breydenbach’s map of the Holy Land (Figure 28) showing the area of the Sinai Peninsula and Lower Egypt. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78 Figure 30. A map of the Holy Land in Bernhard von Breydenbach’s Peregrinatio in terram sanctam (Figure 28), detail showing the pilgrims’ galley at Jaffa and the three underground cellars where they were kept by the Muslims upon arrival. The inscription at the bottom explains the marks of indulgences throughout the map.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79 Figure 31. A map of the Holy Land, Venice, Biblioteca Marciana, MS Lat. X 116. Fifteenth century. . . . . . . . . . . 80–81

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List of Illustrations

Figure 32. Venice, Biblioteca Marciana, MS Lat. X 116 (= 3783) (Figure 31), detail showing the sign of Jerusalem. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82 Figure 33. Lucas Cranach the Elder, a map of the Holy Land, Jerusalem, National Library of Israel, Eran Laor Collection, pal 1059. Second decade of the sixteenth century. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89 Figure 34. Lucas Cranach the Elder, a map of the Holy Land (Figure 33), detail showing the Exodus route. . . . . . . 90 Figure 35. Lucas Cranach the Elder, a map of the Holy Land (Figure 33), detail showing the sinful cities of Genesis sinking in the Dead Sea.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 Figure 36. A wooden panel showing Friedrich III in the Holy Land, Gotha, Schloss Friedenstein, Inv. Nr. SG77. After 1503.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 Figure 37. A scheme of the boundaries of the Holy Land as depicted in the wooden panel showing Friedrich III in the Holy Land (Figure 36).. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94 Figure 38. Gerard Mercator, Amplissima terrae Sanctae descriptio ad utriusque testament intelligentiam, Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, an early seventeenth-century reimpression (1537).. . . . . . . . 96–97 Figure 39. Gerard Mercator, Amplissima terrae Sanctae descriptio ad utriusque testament intelligentiam (Figure 38), detail showing a section of the Exodus route. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 Figure 40. Gerard Mercator, Amplissima terrae Sanctae descriptio ad utriusque testament intelligentiam (Figure 38), detail showing a diagram of the arrangement of the tribes around the Tabernacle.. . . . . . . . 99 Figure 41. Gerard Mercator, Amplissima terrae Sanctae descriptio ad utriusque testament intelligentiam (Figure 38), detail showing the Man of Sorrows.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100 Figure 42. John Speed, Canaan, printed by Robert Barker, Jerusalem, Israel Museum, Trevor & Susan Chinn Collection. 1611. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102–03 Figure 43. John Speed, Canaan, printed by Robert Barker, Jerusalem, National Library of Israel, Eran Laor Collection, pal 238. 1611. .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104–05 Figure 44. John Speed, Canaan (Figure 42), detail showing a plan of Jerusalem and the Temple’s sacred implements. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106 Figure 45. John Speed, Canaan (Figure 42), detail showing Moses and Aaron on either side of the title cartouche. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107 Figure 46. John Speed, Canaan (Figure 43), detail showing the Crossing of the Red Sea.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108 Figure 47. John Speed, Canaan (Figure 43), detail showing the Temple.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 Figure 48. Nicholaes Visscher, a map attached to Numbers 33 in the Dutch States-General Bible, edition printed by Paulus Aertsz van Ravesteyn, London, British Library, L.11.e.3. 1657. . . . . . . . . . . . 110

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Figure 49. A map attached to Numbers 33 in the Dutch States-General Bible, edition printed by Hendrik and Jacob Keur, London, British Library, L.11.b.5. 1690.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110 Figure 50. Nicholaes Visscher, a map preceding the Book of Matthew in the Dutch States-General Bible, edition printed by Paulus Aertsz van Ravesteyn, London, British Library, L.11.e.3. 1657. . . . . . . . . . . . 111 Figure 51. A map preceding the Book of Matthew in the Dutch States-General Bible, edition printed by Hendrik and Jacob Keur, London, British Library, L.11.b.5. 1690.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111 Figure 52. Nicholaes Visscher, a map preceding the Book of Matthew in the Dutch States-General Bible (Figure 50), detail showing the title cartouche.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 Figure 53. Cornelis and Justus Danckerts, Nieuwe caert van’t Heilige Beloofde Lant, Jerusalem, Israel Museum, Trevor & Susan Chinn Collection. c. 1700. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114–15 Figure 54. Cornelis and Justus Danckerts, Nieuwe caert van’t Heilige Beloofde Lant (Figure 53), detail showing ‘Moses of the Passion’.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .116 Figure 55. Cornelis and Justus Danckerts, Nieuwe caert van’t Heilige Beloofde Lant (Figure 53), detail showing the area north of the Sea of Galilee. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 Figure 56. Claes Visscher, a map of Jerusalem attached to Nehemiah 3, Dutch States-General Bible, edition printed by Paulus Aertsz van Ravesteyn, London, British Library, L.11.e.3. 1657. . . . . . . . . 118–19 Figure 57. A scheme of the proskynetarion preserved in Château-Musée de Saumur (Plate VII).. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124 Figure 58. A proskynetarion of the Holy Land, Monastery of Saint Anthony, Egypt. Eighteenth century. .. . . . . . 125 Figure 59. A scheme of the proskynetarion preserved in the Monastery of Saint Anthony (Figure 58).. . . . . . . . . . 125 Figure 60. A proskynetarion preserved in Château-Musée de Saumur (Plate VII), detail showing the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 Figure 61. A proskynetarion preserved in the Monastery of Saint Anthony (Figure 58), detail showing the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128 Figure 62. A proskynetarion preserved in the Monastery of the Holy Cross (Plate XI), detail showing a caravan of pilgrims making its way from the port of Jaffa to the Jerusalem region.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130

Colour Plates

I. A map of the Holy Land attached to a pilgrimage guide to the Holy Land, Gesta Francorum Iheru­salem expugnatium, Saint Omer, Bibliothèque d’Agglomeration de Saint-Omer, MS 776, fols 50v–51r. Beginning of the twelfth century. The map measures 23 × 14.5 cm © BAPSO.

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Colour Plates

II. A map of Sinai Peninsula and Lower Egypt, Gabriele Capodilista’s Itinerario di Terra Santa, 1458 (detail of Figure 21).

Colour Plates

III. The right-hand section of Venice, Biblioteca Marciana, MS Lat. X 116 (= 3783) showing Jerusalem and the Mount of Olives with the scene of the Agony in the Garden at its top (detail of Figure 31).

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Colour Plates

IV. A wooden panel showing Friedrich III in the Holy Land (Figure 36), detail showing Jerusalem and the Mount of Olives.

Colour Plates

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V. A wooden panel showing Friedrich III in the Holy Land (Figure 36), detail showing the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem with the parents adoring the baby Jesus (left) and the Murder of the Innocents (right); the Annunciation to the Shepherds is depicted in front of the church; the encounter of Mary and Elizabeth, and the fight between David and Goliath are depicted left of the church.

VI. A wooden panel showing Friedrich III in the Holy Land (Figure 36), detail showing the port of Jaffa; pilgrims are seen in the cellars behind the galley (right) and also approaching and leaving the city of Rama.

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Colour Plates

Colour Plates

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VII. A proskynetarion of the Holy Land, Château-Musée de Saumur, B. A. LAir 283. 1704. Oil on canvas, 125.5 × 85.5 cm. Photo by Gerald Angibaud; reproduced with permission of Château-Musée de Saumur.

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Colour Plates

VIII. A proskynetarion of the Holy Land, Byzantine and Christian Museum, Athens, BXM 1837. 1793. Oil on canvas, 85 × 86 cm. © The Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/ Byzantine and Christian Museum.

Colour Plates

IX. A proskynetarion of the Holy Land, State Hermitage Museum, Saint Petersburg, I 537. 1876. Oil and tempera on canvas, 93 × 72.5 cm. Photo by Vladimir Terebenin; reproduced with permission of the State Hermitage Museum.

xxi

xxii

Colour Plates

X. A proskynetarion of the Holy Land, Coptic Museum, Cairo. 1847. Oil? on linen, 92 × 150 cm. Photo by Hans Hondelink; provided by Paul van Moorsel Centre, VU Uni­ver­sity Amsterdam. XI. A proskynetarion of the Holy Land, Monastery of the Holy Cross, Jerusalem. 1770. Oil or tempera on canvas mounted on wood, 170 × 270 cm. Photo by the author.

Acknowledgements

T

his book was written as a postdoctoral project in the I-CORE Center for the Study of Conversion and Inter-Religious Encounters at Ben-Gurion Uni­ver­sity during 2015–19 (in cooperation with the Open Uni­ ver­ sity of Israel). I thank Chaim Hames, the head of the centre, for inspiring years and for providing me the best conditions to conduct my research. I am grateful to all those with whom I consulted over the years; special thanks go to Catherine Delano-Smith, Galit Noga-Banai, and Ora Limor for their encouragement and friendship. I am indebted to the Israel Science Foundation for financial support, including funding for all the illustrations, copyrights, and English editing (the research was supported by the I-CORE Program of the Planning and Budgeting Committee and the Israel Science Foundation (grant no. 1754/12)). I also thank the Fritz Thyssen Foundation for financing two long study trips to Paris (grant Az.50.13.0.005; grant no. 50.15.0.026TR). I am indebted to the following colleagues for providing me with information on and photo­graphs of the maps discussed in this book: Eugenio Alliata and Pierri Rosario

(the Studium Biblicum Franciscanum in Jerusalem), Stefano Campagnolo and Susy Marcon (Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana), Rémy Cordonnier (Bibliothèque d’Agglomération du Pays de Saint-Omer), Alexander Devine (the Parker Library, Corpus Christi College, Cam­b ridge), Peter Ejewall and Anna Fredriksson (Uppsala Uni­ver­sity Library), Nathalie Halgand-Gadbin (Château-Musée de Saumur), Mat Immerzeel (Uni­ver­ sity of Leiden), Benoît Labarre (Bibliothèque royale de Belgique), Olga Novoseltseva (the State Hermitage Museum), Ariel Tishbi (the Israel Museum), Timo Trümper (Stiftung Schloss Friedenstein Gotha), and Ayelet Rubin (the National Library of Israel). I deeply thank Galit Shulman from the Open Uni­ ver­sity of Israel and Bat-El Gozlan from Ben-Gurion Uni­ver­sity for their tremendous help during the process of obtaining the photo­graphs and copyrights. My thanks extend to the anonymous readers for their valuable comments and suggestions and to Yitzhak Hen, Guy Carney, Deborah  A. Oosterhouse and Martine Maguire-Weltecke from Brepols for their dedicated and excellent work that significantly enriched this book.



xxiv

Abbreviations CSEL CCSL DOP PG

Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina Dumbarton Oaks Papers Patro­logiae cursus completus: Series graeca, ed. by J.-P. Migne, 161 vols (Paris, 1857–86) PPTS Palestine Pilgrims’ Text Society Library ZDPV Zeitschrift des deutschen Palästina Vereins

Timeline 63 bc Roman conquest of Judea c. 30 ad Crucifixion of Christ 135 Establishment of the province Syria Palestina following the defeat of the Bar Kokhba revolt 313 Constantine I (c. 272–337) issues the Edict of Milan, proclaiming religious tolerance of Christianity within the Roman Empire 324 Constantine I becomes sole ruler of the Roman Empire; he declares Christianity the official religion of the Roman Empire 327 Beginning of identification of holy places in Palestine by imperial initiative 335 Inauguration of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre 614 The Persian conquest of Palestine 638 The Muslim conquest of Palestine 1099 The end of the First Crusade; the establishment of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem 1187 The battle of the Horns of Hattin; Saladin (c. 1138–1192) captures Jerusalem 1191 Acre becomes the capital of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem 1291 The collapse of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem; Palestine is ruled by the Mameluk Sultanate 1453 Fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Turks 1516 The Ottoman conquest of Palestine 1517 Martin Luther publishes his ninety-five theses against the selling of indulgences in Wittenberg 1917 The British conquest of Palestine (end of Ottoman rule in Palestine)

VLADIMIR: Did you ever read the Bible? ESTRAGON: The Bible … (He reflects.) I must have taken a look at it. VLADIMIR: Do you remember the Gospels? ESTRAGON: I remember the maps of the Holy Land. Coloured they were. Very pretty. The Dead Sea was pale blue. The very look of it made me thirsty. That’s where we’ll go, I used to say, that’s where we’ll go for our honeymoon. We’ll swim. We’ll be happy. Samuel Beckett, Waiting for Godot, act I

Introduction

T

he exchange between Vladimir and Estragon quoted in the epi­graph beautifully epitomizes this book’s subject — the significance of the biblical landscape and its likeness in maps in Christian society; a landscape that came to be regarded as a physical embodiment of religious and cultural values and a carto­ graphical likeness that encapsulated this meaning in image and text. Beckett’s choice to associate the Dead Sea — a salt lake with no living organisms, imbued in Christian thinking with sin and divine punishment (Sodom and Gomorrah) — with thirst, honeymoon, and happiness is dramatic. Yet, it is a remarkable expression of the introjection of the biblical topo­graphy in Christian mentality and of its association with emotions. This book, more specifically, is about an iconic map of an iconic landscape. The basic assumption of this study is that the Christian map of the Holy Land was conceived (by the sixth century) as an iconic image of what had become an iconic landscape, and that this map was intended to manifest the spiritual quality of the land, to support religious tenets, and to construct Christian identity (not necessarily to document a geo­graphical reality). It is argued that this map was reproduced over the centuries in connection with its essential religious nature and message, and that it has been repeatedly recomposed in accordance with the particular religious and cultural needs of different Christian denominations (Byzantine, Catholic, Protestant, and Greek Orthodox).1 Maps of the Holy Land have so far been studied by methodo­logies of carto­graphy and historical geo­graphy, while the main question addressed was the reliability of 1   Throughout the present work I use ‘map’ in the singular to refer to a generally accepted type of representation of the geo­ graphy of the Holy Land, a visual ‘narrative’ which maintained itself, mutatis mutandis, over numerous centuries and is exemplified by a large number of individual maps.

the maps as carto­graphic documents.2 Through another perspective and by methodo­logy of visual studies, this book aims to examine the image per se and to approach the cultural needs and questions that this image may have answered. It attempts to do so by analysing a selection of maps and map-based imagery that were made in both Eastern and Western Christian areas, between the sixth and the nineteenth centuries. This corpus also allows us to trace the transition of the image from one Christian society to another — and from East to West and back to the East — over the centuries, and more importantly, to trace transformations in the image in connection with particular historical circumstances and different Christian approaches to the biblical landscape. Scholars dealing with Holy Land maps tended to neglect, and perhaps somewhat slight, the religious content expressed in the maps (through written or pictorial devices). For example, Paul Harvey exempted himself from presenting this content in a thirteenthcentury map by stating that ‘throughout the map are notes mostly of biblical events connected with particular places’, and Rehav Rubin, focusing on Jerusalem in early modern maps, made do by writing that ‘in these maps the whole country was portrayed with many small figures presenting scenes from the Holy Scriptures, in a beautiful, somewhat naïve picturesque way’.3 As a consequence 2 

A systematic research of the Holy Land carto­g raphy was initiated by Röhricht, ‘Karten und Pläne zur Palästinakunde aus dem 7. bis 16 Jahrhundert I–VI’; Röhricht, ‘Marino Sanudo Sen. als Karto­graph Palästinas’; Röhricht, ‘Die Palästinakarte Bernhard von Breitenbach’s’; Röhricht, ‘Die Palästinakarte des William Wey’. Later extensive work was made by Harvey, Medi­eval Maps of the Holy Land; Nebenzahl, Maps of the Holy Land. Other research, focusing on specific maps, shall be mentioned in the following pages. 3 Harvey, Medi­eval Maps of the Holy Land, p. 100; Rubin, ‘Ideo­ logy and Landscape in Early Printed Maps of Jerusalem’, p. 24.

2

Introduction

of this attitude, not only has the religious content of these maps not been properly analysed or presented, but a pivotal element in their composition and signification has remained obscure. It gets full attention in the present book. The Christianization of Palestine and the crystallization of what may be called ‘Holy Land icono­graphy’ can be viewed as the impetus for the creation of the Holy Land map. The Christianization of the Roman province Syria Palestina began in the fourth century through the identification of particular places with specific scriptural events. The establishment of commemorative churches in these localities made the biblical past present in a concrete physical way; Emperor Constantine’s initiative to find Christ’s burial cave in Jerusalem and establish a shrine complex at the place launched that phenomenon (the complex marked both the tomb and Golgotha, and later came to be known as the Church of the Holy Sepulchre; inaugurated in ad 335).4 By the sixth century, when Christianity was already firmly rooted in the Roman-Byzantine Empire, Palestine was brimming with holy places and its landscape associated with numerous biblical traditions. During this period a unique icono­ graphy was developed for representing the sanctity of the land: imagery depicting biblical episodes and personages for receptacles for sacred local substances (earth, stones, water, and oil) collected in the holy places. A map of the Holy Land depicting the land punctuated by biblical references was also devised at this time. A sole example of that map has survived on a floor mosaic in a sixth-century church at Madaba ( Jordan) — then a part of provin­ cia Arabia of Byzantine Palestine. The fact that the Holy Land map was composed when the concept of a regional map had not yet been developed, but when the territory of Palestine was becoming a sacred space, suggests that this new type of representation was formulated especially for Palestine and due to the religious uniqueness of the land.5 By considering this map in relation to the religious significance of the territory per se — and in connection with the development 4 

Constantine supported the construction of three additional memorial churches in three other places: in Bethlehem, where Jesus was said to have been born (the Nativity); on the Mount of Olives, above a cave in which Jesus was said to have taught his disciples (the ‘Eleona’, which for few decades was also associated with Jesus’s ascension to Heaven); and near Hebron at Mamre, where Abraham was said to have been visited by the angels (Genesis 18. 1–22). 5  The earliest regional maps of other territories appeared in the West only in the thirteenth century; see Harvey, ‘Medi­e val Maps’, p. 283.

of Holy Land icono­g raphy — this book contextualizes the formulation of the innovative format of a regional map within contemporaneous spirituality and visual culture. The location of the surviving map at the heart of a church supports recognition of the religious message that it was meant to reflect and of the religious role that it occupied in Byzantine society. Part I examines both landscape and map as two iconic representations manifesting religious values and analyses the linkage between them as of two iconic media. By ‘iconic landscape’ I think of three dimensions that transformed the land into an iconic medium: image, meaning, and function; the land came to be regarded as a physical manifestation of the sacred past, and as such it both came to function as a mediator between the faithful and the absent divinity and became an object of veneration. I view the link between map and land as paralleling the link between icon and prototype, namely, a linkage between a pictorial imitation (icon) of a sanctified figure (prototype), whose absence or real presence could be perceived in the mimetic image.6 More specifically, the Byzantine Holy Land map, like an icon of a saint, offered a mimetic reflection of a sanctified entity — in this case, a land — which could be identified and perceived through certain idiosyncratic features, both pictorial and written. Like the figural icon, the Byzantine Holy Land map contained the potential to generate a meditative experience that led one into the mystery of faith. The analysis of the iconicity of both landscape and map is based on pilgrims’ writings and the Byzantine concept of icons, as well as on scholarly research on the formation of the sacred space of Palestine and on the nature of Byzantine iconic representations. The examination of the sixth-century Byzantine map as a kind of iconic imagery is valid considering that by the sixth century specific images of saintly figures (especially of Christ and the Virgin) had already gained the status of authentic surrogates of the personages they represented — a crucial feature of icons, as later defined. It is important to emphasize that this is not to say that the map of the Holy Land was holy or that it received any kind of veneration, but only that it offered a mimetic image of a sanctified prototype. Chapter 1 presents the process through which Palestine became a Christian sacred space and was conceptualized as a physical manifestation of the sacred past. Chapter 2 focuses on the surviving fragment of 6   On

the meaning of the mimetic image in the RomanByzantine culture, see Elsner, ‘Iconoclasm as Discourse’, p. 370.

Introduction the Madaba map. The map is characterized as a religious image through the selection of sites and biblical references presented in it and is analysed through the narrative constructed by this selection. The analysis demonstrates that the Madaba map constructed a pronounced message of faith, and like the sacred topo­g raphy that it depicted, it enabled the faithful to get closer to the absent divinity. The concept of selection is a leitmotif in this study; I consider it as the dimension that transformed the map into a religious edifying instrument and examine various selections composed into Holy Land maps over the centuries. (Of course, anything on any map or on any visual image is a matter of selection; the argument is that the various selections constructed specific religious messages.) Pilgrimage is another leitmotif in this book. I explore the ability of maps from different periods to echo (through their specific selections) various practices of pilgrimage that developed over time, as well as their inherent ability to engender a contemplative experience of pilgrimage. In so doing, I connect the Holy Land map with a certain category of ‘pilgrimage art’ and explain developments in the image in relation to changes in customs of pilgrimage and within the context of devotion to the Holy Land. Palestine was conquered by the Muslims in 638 and remained under Muslim rule until the establishment of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem by the Crusaders in 1099. There are no Christian maps of Palestine from that long period (nor Muslim or Jewish ones).7 But in the beginning of the twelfth century, immediately after the establishment of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, maps of the Holy Land began appearing in the Latin West. The absence of maps dating to the period when Palestine was under Muslim rule might be a matter of what has survived and been found to date, yet it may also reflect a lack of production during the time when Christianity was fairly detached from the land. It is generally agreed in scholarly literature that the resumed Christian rule over Palestine, and more specifically, the establishment of the 7  The only known Western map of the biblical land predating the twelfth century is an exegetical drawing of Canaan in a ninthcentury commentary on the Book of Joshua (see note 61 in Chapter 2). Muslim mapmakers did not draw maps of Palestine on its own, but rather showed this territory in maps depicting the larger region of the Province of Syria (extending from the Persian Gulf to north Egypt). The earliest such a map was made in the tenth century. As for Jewish carto­g raphy of the biblical land, the earliest depictions were created by Rashi (Rabbi Shlomo Yitzhaki, c. 1040–1105) in the eleventh century for his commentary on the Pentateuch.

3 Crusader kingdom, generated maps.8 Chapter 3 suggests that it was not simply political developments in the East, but rather developments in Western spirituality that gave rise to the creation of the Western Holy Land map at that point in time. The developments I refer to are the new devotion to the humanity of Christ and the Virgin that emerged in the eleventh century, as well as to the emergence of new forms of affective imagery that invited viewers to participate in the suffering of Christ and in the sorrow of his compassionate mother. I argue that the twelfth-century Western Holy Land map belonged to this type of imagery. Chapter 3 shows that through its innovative selection of toponyms, this map composed a Christo­logical space that enabled a contemplation on the entire cycle of Christ’s life and a key to his humanity; it shows that this selection was composed on the basis of a new genre of pilgrimage guides that appeared in the West in the first years of the twelfth century. The pilgrimage context is highly significant, as it not only connects the new type of map with devotion to Christ and with the act of pilgrimage, but sheds light on its potential use as an aid for conducting a virtual pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Significantly, the concept and practice of virtual pilgrimage by means of visual imagery had not yet been developed in the West in the twelfth century, not to mention the appropriate imagery. Chapter 3 suggests that the twelfth-century Holy Land map was one of the earliest images to serve that purpose, if not one of the media that inspired the very practice itself.9 Carto­graphical affinity between the twelfth-century Western Holy Land map and the Byzantine mapping tradition has been noted.10 This book considers the Western adoption of the Byzantine image in connection with the iconic character of that image and with the Western practice of importing and replicating Eastern iconic imagery. It seems reasonable to assume that the Byzantine map of the Holy Land would have been appreciated in the West as an authentic emblematic image of the Eastern sacred territory and, as such, was adopted into the Western repertoire of devotional icono­g raphy. The replacement of

8 

Harvey, ‘Local and Regional Carto­graphy in Medi­eval Europe’, p. 473; Baumgärtner, ‘Das Heilige Land Kartieren und Beherrschen’; Baumgärtner, ‘Die Wahrnehmung Jerusalems auf Mittel­alterlichen Weltkarten’; Vorholt, ‘Touching the Tomb of Christ’; Levy-Rubin, ‘The Crusader Maps of Jerusalem’. 9   On the concept and imagery of virtual pilgrimage that germinated only in the late Middle Ages, see for example, Rudy, Virtual Pilgrimages in the Convent. 10  Levy-Rubin, ‘From Eusebius to the Crusader Maps’.

4

Introduction

its selection of toponyms with a selection that reflected Western spirituality is a remarkable example of a modification made to Eastern icono­g raphy in order to suit Western religiosity and spiritual needs. A few more types of Holy Land maps appeared in the West between the late twelfth and the fourteenth centuries — a time of growing inaccessibility of Palestine to Western Christianity; in 1187 the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem lost a large part of its territory (including Jerusalem) to Saladin, and in 1291 it finally fell to the Mameluk Sultanate, an event that marked the end of Christian rule in Palestine.11 This development raises a number of questions regarding the new selections for the new types of maps, as well as their meaning in Western society: Were the new selections expressions of nostalgia for recent political reality, or were they new channels into the sacred landscape? In what ways did they echo or change both the Byzantine prototype and its twelfthcentury Western modification? How did they succeed in bridging the distance between the faraway Western faithful and the sacred land? And was the production of Holy Land maps on large parchments in the fourteenth century linked to a spiritual context? In other words, what was the ultimate meaning and function of the new carto­g raphical compositions in Western Christianity? The questions discussed here are concerned not with geo­graphical knowledge or degrees of carto­graphic accuracy, but rather with the strategy by which the Western types of Holy Land maps composed a sacred space. Only when we trace the image’s developments within the contexts of selection and Western spirituality can we understand the significance of the medium (a map of the Holy Land) to medi­e val Christian society, as well as the cultural perspective that it constructed. Part II (Chapters 3 and 4) examines the Western types of Holy Land maps from this perspective and demonstrates that, no matter the context in which the maps were presented, the image’s inherent religious dimension was always in play. Chapter 4 shows that in the fifteenth century the fourteenth-century type of Holy Land map became a pure devotional image with a new custom of commemorating a pilgrimage journey to Jerusalem through such a map. The fact that the map of the Holy Land was associated with pilgrimage in the fifteenth century is significant not only because of testifying to the explicit devotional role assigned to the medium at the time, but also because of the questions it raises regarding the ability of 11 

Christian rule in Palestine was restored for a short time in the twentieth century, under the British mandate (1917–48).

the particular type of map to reflect the actual experience of pilgrimage. Specifically, pilgrims at that time travelled within a restricted area around Jerusalem and primarily visited sites associated with Christ and the Virgin;12 therefore, the celebration of such a journey in maps that presented the entire land and gave much emphasis to Old Testament localities may seem odd. Chapter 4 suggests that the iconic nature of the Holy Land map was the reason for its association with pilgrimage at the time. It examines the pilgrims’ maps in relation to a variety of devotional icono­g raphies and media with which they were presented, and through which the pilgrims closed the gap between the Old Testament topo­g raphy presented in their maps and their actual pilgrimage experience. Chapter 4 shows that the Holy Land map belonged in the fifteenth century to a certain category of devotional media that concretized the memory of the Holy Land in Europe and were used for devotion to Christ. (Other media belonging to this category included, for example, monumental complexes of the via crucis or painted panels showing scenes of the Passion in the outskirts of Jerusalem.) The context of pilgrimage gave impetus to the development of a new type of Holy Land map in the beginning of the sixteenth century. Compiled by Lucas Cranach the Elder (1472–1553) to commemorate the pilgrimage of his patron, Friedrich III, Elector and Duke of Saxony (1463–1525; r. 1486–1525), this map drew the territory oriented to the north (based on the Fourth Map of Asia in Ptolemy’s Geo­g raphy) and contained a visual depiction of the Exodus to the Promised Land. Chapter 5 connects the map to a devotional Holy Land installation that Friedrich III established in his church in Wittenberg and dates it to the second decade of the sixteenth century.13 It examines the map’s innovative layout and icono­g raphy in relation to the cultural climate of early sixteenth-century Wittenberg, which was established by Friedrich as a centre of Catholic devotion but became the hothouse of the Reformation. Specifically, the map is studied here as a transitional image in reference to three aspects: composition, context of representation, and cultural milieu. After all, the map was con12  The itinerary of pilgrims in the fifteenth century included visits to Ramla, Lod, Jerusalem, Bethlehem, the Jordan River, and a few sites in the Judean Desert. In most cases, after spending two weeks in the region, pilgrims returned to Venice, though a few extended their stay to include Mount Sinai. On the itinerary of pilgrims in the fifteenth century, see, inter alia, Sumption, Pilgrimage, pp. 188–92. 13  The map is dated to the period between 1508/09 and 1525; some research suggests a shorter time.

Introduction ceived in a Catholic context of pilgrimage but wound up in the Protestant Bible and came to be identified with the Scriptures and with Protestant biblical icono­graphy. Chapter 5 explores the two roles this map played — as a Catholic devotional image and, later, as a Protestant Bible aid — and poses the question whether this innovative map (in terms of icono­graphy) expressed a Lutheran approach while it was still a Catholic image. In other words, was the innovative depiction of the Exodus inspired by Luther’s new ideas on faith that began to circulate in Wittenberg in the second decade of the sixteenth century, and was it thus an expression of the new concept of faith even before becoming an explicitly Protestant image? Friedrich III commemorated his pilgrimage to Jerusalem by a few more visual imageries, including a painting depicting him in the Holy Land. Chapter 5 examines this painting as a translation of the late medi­eval Holy Land map into a pictorial landscape that simulated a complex religious experience. If in the fifteenth century maps of the Holy Land were tightly associated with pilgrimage, in the sixteenth century they were much more closely associated with the Bible and with biblical scholarship. Moreover, in the early modern period maps of the Holy Land became increasingly pictorial. Chapter 6 examines this pictorialization through several maps associated with the Scriptures. It shows that these maps communicated the essential religious message that was formulated in the prototypic Byzantine map (and was repeatedly manifested in a variety of compositions over the centuries) but in a different pictorial language: that of the fulfilment of the Old Testament in the Passion of Christ. The proskynetaria — paintings of the Holy Land on textiles that were made in Jerusalem during the Ottoman period to be sold to Greek Orthodox pilgrims as pilgrimage mementos — suggest another kind of pictorial embodiment of the Holy Land map, and another expression of the concept of fulfilment that was so intrinsic to that image. The proskynetaria were exceptional Christian pilgrimage souvenirs. The purchase of such a painting was one in a series of activities that turned one into a ‘hajji’, while the painting itself served as ‘proof ’ of one’s new social status (a dimension that was never attributed to any Christian pilgrimage memento). Chapter 7 raises the question of whether the innovative local Palestinian pilgrimage memento, designed specifically with Greek Orthodox pilgrims in mind, echoed the Western carto­ graphical icono­g raphy of pilgrimage. It examines the transformation of the proskynetaria’s composition from

5 a topo­graphical layout to a Christo­logical configuration in connection with Greek Orthodox piety and religious imagery. Altogether, this book offers a contextualization of the Christian Holy Land map. It does not aim to present a catalogue of surviving versions but to demonstrate, using representative examples, the range of meanings that this map attached to the biblical topo­graphy and the role it played in various Christian societies. *** A selection of maps from across the centuries is discussed in this volume. The Madaba mosaic map, the sole surviving map of the Holy Land from the Byzantine period, is examined as a paradigm of the Byzantine map of the Holy Land and as a prototype of later Western Holy Land maps. The earliest Western type of Holy Land map appeared in the early twelfth century and survives in sixteen copies, ten of which are dated to the twelfth century. It is exemplified here by three twelfth-century copies (Saint Omer, Bibliothèque d’Agglomeration de Saint Omer, MS 776, fol. 50v; Uppsala Uni­ver­sity Library, MS C 691, fol. 39; Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS 9823–24, fol. 157r), which represent the variations of the type. Another twelfth-century map (London, British Library, MS Add. 10049, fol.  64v) shows a vast area, extending from the Mediterranean to India; its depiction of the Holy Land is discussed in relation to both the prototypic Byzantine map and the twelfth-century Western type. Another map depicting the Holy Land as part of a wide area was created by Matthew Paris in the mid-thirteenth century. This map has survived in three copies of Paris’s Chronica majora; I  discuss the version preserved in Cam­bridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 26, fols 3v–4r, because it contains the longest inscriptions. In the early fourteenth century a new type of Holy Land map that was mostly covered by a grid appeared in the West. It was produced in two formats, as large independent parchments for hanging on walls and as illustrations in manu­scripts. This type of map is represented in the discussion here by two examples: the large wall map New York, Morgan Library & Museum, MS M.877 (the sole surviving fourteenth-century wall grid map) and the grid map in Marino Sanudo’s Liber secretorum fidelium crucis. Among the surviving copies of Sanudo’s manu­scripts, I elected to examine the map preserved in London, British Library, MS Add. 27376, fols 188v–189r, because it contains the longest inscriptions. During the fifteenth century the fourteenth-century type of Holy Land map came to be associated with pilgrimage. I examine this association through several exam-

6 ples: the two surviving pilgrims’ maps, those of Gabriele Capodilista (attached to his pilgrimage account, in a private collection) and Bernhard von Breydenbach (inserted into his printed Peregrinatio in terram sanctam; I used the copy preserved in the National Library of Israel, Eran Laor Collection, pal 133); a fourteenth-century wall map associated in research with the English pilgrim William Wey (Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 389); and an anonymous fifteenth-century wall map that is preserved in Venice (Biblioteca Marciana, MS Lat. X 116 (= 3783)). The innovative woodcut wall map by Lucas Cranach the Elder, created to commemorate Friedrich III’s pilgrimage to Jerusalem (National Library of Israel, Eran Laor Collection, pal 1059), is studied as a transitional image in terms of composition and the context of representation (pilgrimage and Scriptures), and a wooden panel also made to commemorate Friedrich III’s pilgrimage (Schloss Friedenstein in Gotha) is studied as a transformation of the late medi­eval Holy Land map into a pictorial landscape in connection with the late medi­e val practice of pilgrimage and pilgrimage imagery. In the early modern period the map of the Holy Land came to include figurative depictions of biblical themes. The new pictorial approach is studied through several maps associated with the Protestant Bible and with early modern biblical scholarship: Gerard Mercator’s wall map of 1537 (I used an

Introduction early seventeenth-century reimpression, preserved in the Bibliothèque nationale de France); two copies of John Speed’s map of Canaan that accompanied the King James Bible (I used the copies preserved in the National Library of Israel, Eran Laor Collection, and in the Israel Museum, the Trevor and Susan Chinn Map Collection); two maps that accompanied the Book of Numbers and the Gospel of Matthew in the Dutch States-General Bible (I used the maps in two editions printed in 1657 and in 1690 and preserved in the British Library); and a wall map printed by Justus and Cornelis Danckerts c. 1700 (Israel Museum, the Trevor and Susan Chinn Map Collection). I elected to examine these examples because they represent the pictorialization of the Holy Land map at the time. The Greek Orthodox proskynetaria are studied by way of six examples that represent the transformation of the Holy Land map into an iconic Greek Orthodox representation, as well as reflecting the development of the composition over time: a proskynetarion preserved in the Château-Musée de Saumur; a proskynetarion preserved in the Monastery of Saint Anthony, Egypt; a proskynetarion preserved in the Byzantine and Christian Museum, Athens; a proskyn­ etarion preserved in the State Hermitage Museum, Saint Petersburg ; a proskynetarion preserved in the Coptic Museum, Cairo; and a proskynetarion preserved in the Monastery of the Holy Cross, Jerusalem.

Part I

Iconic Landscape, Iconic Map

Chapter 1

Formation of a Holy Land We [Christians] revere and adore […] those places where [Christ] trod, or sat, or upon which he shone, or which he touched, or overshadowed, as places of God. But in those cases we do not honour the place itself, or the house, or the region, or the city, or the stones — but rather the one who dwelt there, and illuminated those places, and was recognised in the flesh, [that is] Christ our God. […] And through Christ we form images of the incidents of Christ’s life in churches, in houses, and in market places, and on the linens and in chambers, and on garments, and in every other place. [We do this] so that by continually seeing these things we may remember them and not forget. (Leontios of Neapolis, sermon)1

R

egardless of whether Leontios, the seventhcentury Bishop of Neapolis in Cyprus, actually spoke these words or they were later attributed to him, they perfectly express the significance of the biblical land in Christian mentality — a physical reflection of Christ’s life and a link in a chain of figurative media that recall the sacred past.1 Whoever said these words was actually interested in the ubiquity of images of Christ’s life and their role as memory aids, yet he expressed a fundamental idea regarding the meaning and role of the loca sancta of Palestine — topo­graphical evidence of the absent divinity that fortifies faith.2 The idea that the presence of God had left an imprint on the physical space of the land and that the landscape itself came to preserve the divine grace was expressed explicitly by the pilgrim Egeria (who visited Palestine in the 380s), in her description of Mount Sinai: [The Mount of God] looks like a single mountain as you are going around it, but when you actually go into it there are really several peaks, all of them known as the Mount of God. And the principal one, the summit on which the Bible tells us that God’s glory came down, is in the middle of them. All the mountains around are so high that I never thought I had seen mountains as high as these, but the one in the middle, where God’s glory came down, was the highest of all, so much so, that when we approached it, all the other peaks we had seen and thought so high, PG, xciii, col. 1060. Quotation in English from Maguire, ‘Pilgrimage through Pictures in Medi­eval Byzantine Churches’, p. 21. 2  On the possibility that Leontios’s works include later inter­ polations, see Brubaker and Haldon, Byzantium in the Iconoclast Era, pp. 252–53. 1 

looked like little hills far below us. And this is a remarkable thing, and could not have happened, I think, without the grace of God.3

Yet this passage expresses not only the fundamental idea that a certain landscape might be an actual manifestation of divinity, but also the triangular connection, often made by pilgrims, between the landscape, the sanctified event, and the biblical narrative. Landmarks acquired their significance by being interpreted in light of the biblical text, and even landscape features that would normally leave a minimal impression, like a tree copse, became significant upon being assigned the function of memorials to biblical episodes.4 The landscape of Palestine, which came to serve as a medium of represen3 

‘Mons autem ipse per giro quidem unus esse videtur; intus autem quod ingrederis, plures sunt, sed totum mons Dei appelatur; specialis autem ille, in cuius summitate est hic locus, ubi descendit maiestas Dei, sicut scriptum est, in medio illorum omnium est. Et cum hi omnes, qui per girum sunt, tam excelsis int quam nunquam me puto uidisse, tamen ipse ille medianus, in quo descendit maiestas Dei, tanto altior est omnibus illis ut, cum subissemus in illo, prorsus toti illi montes, quos excelsos uideramus, ita infra nos essent ac si colliculi premodici essent. Illud sane satis admirabile est et sine Dei gratia puto illud non esse ut’, Itinerarium Egeriae, 2:  5–7; Franceschini and Weber, Itinerarium Egeriae, pp. 38–39; English translation by Wilkinson, Egeria’s Travels, p. 93. I have made minor alterations, consulting the translation into Hebrew by Limor, Holy Land Travels, p. 56. 4   On the concept regarding the landscape of Palestine as invested with divine grace, see Limor, ‘“Holy Journey”’, pp. 321–25. On the connection between landscape and Scripture and on the early experience of pilgrimage in what became a ‘scriptural landscape’, see Elsner and Rubiés, Voyages and Visions, pp. 15–17; Limor, ‘Reading Sacred Space’; Bowman, ‘“Mapping History’s Redemption”’.

10 tation, was sanctified and transformed into an object of veneration in its own right. It may thus be defined as a medium situated somewhere between a relic (something ‘left behind’5) and an icon (an image that ‘became a carrier of the highly actual presence of a saint’6). A Christian perception of a holy land should not be seen as a trivial matter. In accordance with the Pauline position, which considers the location of a sacred space within the heart rather than on earth, Christianity was not at all interested in the land of the Passion during the first centuries of its existence. The shift in attitude that occurred in the fourth century has been understood in research as resulting from two trends. The development of the cult of the martyrs in North Africa and Rome — where the tombs of the martyrs came to function as foci of devotion — has been recognized as the impetus for the identification of the holy places in Jerusalem slightly later;7 on the other hand, the identification of specific places with biblical events has been understood as an outcome of the desire of the local Palestinian Christian community to construct its own collective memory (on the basis of the Gospel) and to offer the Christian world a concrete memory of the Passion.8 Emperor Constantine’s construction of commemorative churches in certain places in Palestine has been often regarded as providing the momentum for the transformation of the land into a sacred space;9 this approach was challenged with the argument that such a momentous shift could not have resulted from the efforts of one man, even an emperor, but was rather an outcome of theo­logical developments.10 5  Krueger, ‘The Religion of Relics in Late Antiquity and Byzan­ tium’, p. 5. 6 Belting, Likeness and Presence, p. 59. It is worth noting that the cult of relics began very early, during the third century, while the first known references to the veneration of images are dated only to the sixth century. On the rise of icons and on the question when their worship began, see Belting, Likeness and Presence, pp. 41–45; Kitzinger, ‘The Cult of Images in the Age before Iconoclasm’; Brown, ‘A Dark-Age Crisis’; Cameron, ‘The Language of Images’; Brubaker, ‘Icons before Iconoclasm?’. 7  Markus, ‘How on Earth Could Places Become Holy?’. 8  Halbwachs, La Topo­g raphie légendaire des Évangiles en Terre Sainte; English version: ‘The Legendary Topo­g raphy of the Gospels in the Holy Land’, in Halbwachs, On Collective Memory, pp. 193–235. 9  See, for example, Smith, To Take Place, p. 79. The four churches established by Constantine’s initiative are mentioned in note 4 in the Introduction. 10 Bitton-Ashkelony, Encountering the Sacred, pp. 22–23. The literature on the transformation of Palestine into sacred territory is vast. Major publications include Hunt, Holy Land Pilgrimage in

Chapter 1 In his analysis of the formation of the holy places of Palestine, Maurice Halbwachs interpreted these places as terrestrial memorials of beliefs (not necessarily of certified facts) and as a means to reinforce faith.11 The places where Christ was crucified, buried, and resurrected, and where he later appeared, were able to fortify faith in the abstract idea that God in human shape had died for the sins of humankind and had been resurrected to eternal life. In Halbwachs’s words, the overlap between Christian memories and earlier Jewish traditions connected with certain locations could have made the Christian memory more persuasive. Eventually the holy places of Palestine came to include all sites that could communicate the essential truth of Christianity. In the course of the fourth century, when pilgrimage became a vast phenomenon, different views were expressed about the religious significance of the holy places. If Cyril, Bishop of Jerusalem between 349 and 384 and a promoter of the holy places, expressed the idea that certain places ‘bear witness’ to the presence of Christ on earth, ambivalent figures like Gregory of Nyssa (335–394) and Jerome (c. 347–420) also found there ‘signs of the Lord’s sojourn in the flesh’ (Gregory of Nyssa) or a way to understand the Scriptures ( Jerome).12 In his letter to Eustochium (Letter 108, written in 404), Jerome refers to the transcendental quality of the holy places; ‘with the eye of faith’, in his well-known words, he gives expression to a type of ‘biblical realism’ that pilgrims experienced in the holy places, that is, the feeling of participation in the biblical drama itself.13 This type of realism, in which the pilgrim becomes a witness to the biblical event, began to appear in late fourth-century pilgrimage accounts. the Later Roman Empire; Walker, Holy City, Holy Places?; Wilken, The Land Called Holy; Leyerle, ‘Landscape as Carto­graphy in Early Christian Pilgrimage Narratives’. 11  Halbwachs, ‘The Legendary Topo­graphy’, p. 199. 12  For Cyril’s attitude to the holy places, see Bitton-Ashkelony, Encountering the Sacred, pp. 57–62 (quotation is from p. 59); for Gregory of Nyssa’s attitude, see pp. 48–57 (quotation is from p. 50); for Jerome’s attitude, see pp. 71–97. 13  Letter 108 was written to console Eustochium on the death of Paula, her mother, with whom Jerome travelled in Palestine and Egypt. The quotation refers to Paula’s visit to the Cave of the Nativity, where she ‘saw’ the infant Lord weeping in the manger, together with his mother, his attentive foster father, the Magi, and the shepherds. The letter was published in Hilberg, Sancti Eusebii Hieronymi Epistulae, pp. 306–51; the visit at Bethlehem is described in section 10. English translation: Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims before the Crusades, p. 49. The term ‘biblical realism’ was coined by Frank, The Memory of the Eyes, p. 106.

Formation of a Holy Land Pilgrims’ piety in the holy places became more tactile in the sixth century.14 The widely known account by the anonymous pilgrim of Piacenza (who visited Palestine in the 570s) describes the handling of objects associated with specific biblical episodes in particular holy places. Objects like Mary’s flagon and bread basket at the site of the Annunciation, the water-pots at Cana, the ‘bucket from which the Lord drank’ at the well of the Samaritan woman, to give just a few examples, are not mentioned in earlier accounts.15 The act of touching these objects became the essence of the pilgrimage experience, offering the pilgrims immediate access to the holy past.16 By the sixth century the holy places came to be considered imbued with supernatural powers. The Piacenza pilgrim refers to the therapeutic forces of the holy places, specifying the different sites’ effectiveness in treating different illnesses, and the miracles effected by these sites. Termas Heliae in the Jordan (springs of Elijah), for example, is efficacious against leprosy; bathing in another place along the Jordan is referred to as beneficial for ‘many diseases’; a rock on Mount Carmel ‘has a virtue that any woman or animal to whom it is attached will never miscarry’; and a vine growing in a fountain associated with Elisha helps combat fever.17 Pilgrims enjoyed the miraculous power through touching, and visions were also encountered in the healing process (‘Lepers are cleansed there […] they are sent in through a small door with lights and incense, and sit in the tank all night. When they fall asleep, the person who is going to be cured sees a vision. When he has told it, the springs do not flow for a week. In one week he is cleansed’).18 Even more telling is the pilgrims’ practice of wrapping strings around their bodies to the length of the sacred marks found in situ for healing purposes (the Piacenza pilgrim mentions such 14 

Krueger, ‘Christian Piety and Practice in the Sixth Century’. For these references, see Geyer, Antonini Placentini itinera­ rium, section 4 (the site of the Annunciation and Cana), section 6 (the well in Samaria), p. 130 and p. 131; Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, pp. 79, 81. 16  On the development and meaning of sensory piety in the pilgrimage experience, see Frank, The Memory of the Eyes, pp. 118–33. 17 Geyer, Antonini Placentini itinerarium, section 7, p.  132 ( Jordan), section 3, p.  130 (Mount Carmel), section 14, p.  136 (Elisha’s fountain); Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, pp. 79, 81, 82. The term termas Heliae is not mentioned in other works; it refers to Hamat Gader, a hot spring site south of the Golan Heights; Limor, Holy Land Travels, p. 222. 18 Geyer, Antonini Placentini itinerarium, section 7. p. 132; English translation with slight modifications from Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, p. 81. 15 

11 a practice connected with the marks of Christ’s limbs on the column of the flagellation, and the marks of his footprints on the paving stone on which he stood during his trial).19 It was the combination of touch (the string had to be placed on the monument) and exactness that imbued the strings with healing powers.20 The Piacenza pilgrim sees the territory itself as a miraculous manifestation worthy of worship. For example, the Galilee is like paradise, rich in oil, wine, and other agricultural products; the Sea of Galilee is said to be of sweet water but close to salty springs; a cloud is said to rise in the morning above the Jordan Valley and to reach Jerusalem at the evening; the dew that falls at night over that whole region is medicinal; the ‘Lord’s Field’ next to Jericho, sowed by the Lord, grows naturally and yields a large crop.21 As a manifestation of sacredness, the territory, the terrain itself, is worshipped: ‘After we had prostrated ourselves and kissed the ground, we entered the holy city and venerated the Lord’s tomb’.22 A pronounced reference to the landscape of Palestine as a manifestation of divinity that offers salvation through worship is found in the writings of John of Damascus, the defender of icons in the first half of the eighth century. In his discussion on the kinds of worship and sacred entities, John refers to things ‘through whom and in whom God worked our salvation, either before the coming of the Lord, or in his incarnate dispensation’ and are therefore worthy of veneration. In his words, places like Mount Sinai, Nazareth, Mount Zion, the Mount of Olives and Gethsemane — like the relics of the Passion — are worthy of veneration not only because of their nature, but because they are ‘receptacles of divine energy’.23 19 Geyer, Antonini Placentini itinerarium, section 22, p. 140; Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, pp. 83–84. 20   On the significance of both the act of measuring in the pilgrimage experience and of the records of measurements, which were considered types of relics, see Shalev, ‘Christian Pilgrimage and Ritual Measurement in Jerusalem’. For the Piacenza pilgrim’s references, see Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, pp. 83–84. 21 Geyer, Antonini Placentini itinerarium, section 5 (Galilee), section 7 (the Sea of Galilee), section 9 (the cloud), section 13 (the ‘Lord’s Field’). 22  ‘Osculantes proni in terram ingress sumus in sanctam civi­ tatem, in qua adorantes monumentum Domini’; Geyer, Antonini Placentini itinerarium, section 18, p. 138. English quotation from Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, p. 83. 23  John of Damascus, De Imaginibus, Oratio III, 34. For the original Greek, see PG, xciv,  col.  1353; English translation: Louth, St John of Damascus: Three Treatises on the Divine Images, pp. 107–08.

Chapter 2

Madaba Map: A Visual Portrait of the Holy Land from the Byzantine Period

A

long with the formation of Palestine’s sacred space came the conceptualization of that land in the form of a map. The only surviving example is a fragment of a floor mosaic map found in Madaba, Jordan (Figure  1). The mosaic was discovered at the end of the nineteenth century during the construction of a church on the ruins of a Byzantine edifice, which was identified as a church as well (today the Church of Saint George; the dedication of the Byzantine church is not known).1 According to Michael Avi-Yonah, whose work was the first comprehensive analysis made of the map, the original church was a short basilica with a relatively wide transept; the mosaic floor was located along this transept, bordering the area of the altar and the apse and oriented to the east in conformity with the direction of the church (Figure  2).2 Recently, Beatrice Leal has claimed that the Byzantine structure was not a church at all. Arguing that the five nineteenth-century reconstructions of the Byzantine edifice interpreted it as a church under the influence of the new church building that was being erected upon the Byzantine ruins at the time, and that the complete mosaic map could not have fitted into a narrow nave as implied by these reconstructions, Leal reconstructs the Byzantine edifice as a broad civic hall twenty-five metres wide. Leal, however, has ignored AviYonah’s reconstruction, which resolved the problem by reconstructing the Byzantine basilica with a broad transept approximately twenty-five metres wide — the same

1 

On the discovery of the map in the nineteenth century, see Meimaris, ‘The Discovery of the Madaba Mosaic Map’. A full biblio­ graphy of research on the map, made between 1897 and 1997, is provided on pp. 259–69. 2 Avi-Yonah, The Madaba Mosaic Map, pp. 11–15 and fig. 3.

type of basilica as the one known as the Church of the Multiplication of Loaves and Fish in Tabaha.3 Of the church’s overall decorative scheme, only the map has survived. It has been dated to the third quarter of the sixth century on the basis of three architectural signs that figure on it, marking churches that had by then been established in three places: the ‘Nea’ Church, constructed in Jerusalem by the Emperor Justinian and consecrated in 543; and two churches, one dedicated to Elisha (next to Jericho) and the other to Saint Victor (next to Gaza), both mentioned by pilgrims only after 570. Palaeo­g raphic analysis of the Greek inscriptions supports this dating. 4 Madaba was the see of a diocese; the archaeo­logical remains of churches (including numerous mosaics) are a testament to the ‘Christian monumentalization’ of the town during the sixth and seventh centuries.5 The mosaic map seems to have played a part in this process.

3 

Leal, ‘A Reconsideration of the Madaba Map’. I disagree with Leal’s claim that the map contains ‘little overtly Christian imagery’, and hence with her icono­g raphic analysis as well. Leal ignores the biblical references and focuses on the inscriptions referring to some borders and to the territories of the Twelve Tribes to argue that the map was meant to construct a notion of ownership and thus to suit a secular hall used for legal hearings. Her suggestion that the names of the tribes were meant to reflect the scene of the Last Judgment (on the basis of the association between the tribes and the apostles in that scene, Matthew 19. 28) and hence suited a courtroom sounds groundless, especially since her suggestion is based on an eleventhcentury comparison (she says: ‘little is known of the interiors of late antique and early medi­e val courtrooms, but in eleventh-century Constantinople a hall used for judicial tribunals is recorded as having been decorated with a mural of the Last Judgment’, p. 140). 4 Avi-Yonah, The Madaba Mosaic Map, p.  18; Russell, ‘The Paleo­graphy of the Madaba Map in Light of Recent Discoveries’. 5  Piccirillo, ‘Madaba’, p. 22.

14

The Madaba map has no precedent. Its links to the Onomasticon — an alphabetical gazetteer of biblical places compiled by Eusebius, Bishop of Caesarea, in about ad 293 and translated into Latin by Jerome in the late fourth century — have generated discussion of whether it reflects a lost map of Judea created by Eusebius to supplement his text. (In his preface to the Onomasticon, Eusebius refers to three parts (now lost) that preceded it, among which was a representation of Judea; different views have been expressed about the question whether this representation was ­g raphic or textual.)6 It has even been suggested that the Madaba 6  The argument for its diagrammatic style is made by Catherine Delano-Smith, ‘Maps and Plans in Medi­e val Exegesis’, 5. The close relationship of the Madaba map with the Onomasticon was

Chapter 2

established by Avi-Yonah, The Madaba Mosaic Map. On this relationship, see Di Segni, ‘The “Onomasticon” of Eusebius and the Madaba Map’. Eusebius’s Onomasticon and Jerome’s parallel work, De locis sanctis, are published in Klostermann, Das Onomastikon; English translation: Freeman-Grenville, The Onomasticon by Eusebius of Caesarea.

Madaba Map: A Visual Portrait of the Holy Land from the Byzantine Period map was made on the basis of a lost map, compiled specifically for pilgrims. The existence of such a map was suggested by Avi-Yonah, who argued that it was a pictorial version of Eusebius’s lost map updated with relevant information for pilgrims.7 Later research accepted this hypothesis and developed it. Yoram Tsafrir found similarities in content between the Madaba map and the early sixth-century description of Palestine by a certain Theodosius (De situ Terrae Sanctae) and argued that both Theodosius and the author of the Madaba map based themselves on lost pilgrims’ maps.8 However, since there is no evidence that pilgrims actually carried maps, and as this suggestion does not conform with late antique methods of mapmaking, it must remain unsubstantiated. Late antique itineraries presented only routes and roads, mostly by words alone; they were lists of places, stations,

Figure 1. The Madaba mosaic map, Church of Saint George, Madaba. Third quarter of the sixth century. Fragment measuring 10.5 × 5 metres. © Eugenio Alliata; Studium Biblicum Franciscanum, Jerusalem. Drawing by the author.

and distances along roads, sometimes including supplementary information on the listed places and sometimes accompanied by lines representing the roads themselves 7 Avi-Yonah, The Madaba Mosaic Map, p. 32. 8   Tsafrir, ‘The Maps Used by Theodosius’, pp.  135–36. Theodosius’s De situ Terrae Sanctae is published in Geyer, Itinera Hierosolymitana, pp.  135–50; English translation: Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, pp. 63–71.

15

(in the context of pilgrimage to Palestine, the Bordeaux pilgrim’s account (ad 333) is a typical example of the genre of written itinerary).9 By contrast, the Madaba map provides a pictorial depiction of a land without any roads at all. In fact, the Madaba map is the only known instance in Late Antiquity of a regional map. The reasons for the appearance of this innovative and exceptional format have not been sufficiently investigated. It seems to me that the sacred nature of the territory was the impulse behind the invention of the new format of regional map, and that this format may be regarded not purely as a carto­g raphic delineation but as a religious picture intended to define the sacred territory and to manifest a message of faith. In a period when the concept of a regional map had not yet been developed, the Madaba map was an elaborate construction displaying a single territory with religious implications. An isolated late antique parallel to the Madaba map may be found in a mosaic floor of a third- to fourthcentury Roman villa at Ammaedara (modern Haidra) in Tunisia. The mosaic measures about thirty square metres and shows twelve islands in the Mediterranean, each named. It has been suggested that the mosaic was designed to record the cult of Venus celebrated in these islands, and that it was in effect a spiritual itinerary. Like the later Holy Land map, the Ammaedara mosaic would thus have served a concern with religious narrative and with a geo­graphical space dedicated to divinity.10 The following pages analyse the Madaba map as a religious image, and in connection with three types of early Christian religious imagery: icono­g raphy of the loca sancta (figured on pilgrimage souvenirs), biblicalthemed church imagery, and visuals of saintly personages. This examination reveals the strateg y through which the Byzantine Holy Land map manifested (and

9  On itinerary descriptions in Late Antiquity, see Brodersen, ‘The Presentation of Geo­g raphical Knowledge’. On the Bordeaux pilgrim’s itinerary as a means of forming a Christian sacred journey, see Elsner, ‘The Itinerarium Burdigalense’; Bowman, ‘“Mapping History’s Redemption”’. 10  In Kai Brodersen’s words: ‘if the Ammaedara mosaic served a “pagan” interest in myth, the Madaba mosaic fulfils a similar purpose in a Christian context — its subject is not useful geo­g raphical knowledge for people “on the road”, but a g­ raphical representation of places important for the readers of the Bible’; Brodersen, ‘The Presentation of Geo­g raphical Knowledge’, p.  12. For the image presented in the mosaic and on the idea that it was meant to represent a mythical journey of Venus, see Bejaoui, ‘Îles et villes de la Méditerranée sur une mosaïque d’Ammaedara’.

Chapter 2

16

Figure 2. Reconstruction of the location of the Madaba mosaic map in the sixth-century Byzantine church (after Michael Avi-Yonah).

constructed) the sanctity of the biblical land, as well as detecting conceptual affinities to essentially similar kinds of imagery (obviously not carto­graphic).

Composition and Content The map’s main surviving fragment measures about 10.5  ×  5  metres. Oriented with the east at the top, it shows the region from Charach-Moba (al-Karak) in the east to the Mediterranean shoreline in the west, and from the River Jordan in the north (on the left) to

the Nile in the south (see Figure 1). Three more small fragments, discovered separately, show sites in the north of the country: one represents the city of Sarepta (which should be located between Tyre and Sidon); another the fortress of Agbaron (in Upper Galilee); and the third contains a biblical phrase referring to the tribe of Zebulun as located south of Sidon (Genesis 49.  13). Avi-Yonah assumed that the complete map showed the region extending from Mount Lebanon to Upper Egypt (on the basis of the Onomasticon that concentrates on these boundaries) and reconstructed the map’s original size as 20–24  ×  7  metres (on the basis of the estimated dimensions of the transept).11 Observers of the map at the time of its discovery (and before parts of it were destroyed during the construction work of the nineteenth-century church) testified to having read the toponyms ‘Constantinople’, ‘Smyrna’, and ‘Ephesus’; Avi-Yonah doubted this testimony, but some scholars hold the opinion that the map included the region of Asia Minor.12 It may seem that the map’s orientation towards the east was dictated by the direction of the church building ; as a consequence, the map itself came to encapsulate the Christian concept regarding the east as a sacred direction.13 Landscape is implied on the map by the depiction of mountains, seas, rivers, streams, towns, villages, fortresses, and holy places. Mountain ranges are defined by black contours and are coloured black, brown, ochre, and beige to emphasize slopes. Seas (the Dead Sea and the small surviving section of the Mediterranean) are shown by long wavy strips representing undulating waves, and 11 Avi-Yonah, The Madaba Mosaic Map, p. 11.

12   Leal, ‘A Reconsideration of the Madaba Map’, p.  127; Bowersock, Mosaics as History, p. 17; Albu, ‘The Battle of the Maps in a Christian Empire’, p. 210. For Avi-Yonah’s argument, see The Madaba Mosaic Map, p. 11. 13  On the concept of orienting prayers towards the east and its application to a variety of media, especially maps, see Gordon, ‘Sacred Directions, Orientation, and the Top of the Map’. It is noteworthy, however, that while orientation towards the east became the most common method in medi­eval carto­graphy, it was never the only one.

Madaba Map: A Visual Portrait of the Holy Land from the Byzantine Period

b a Figure 3. The Madaba mosaic map (Figure 1), details showing architectural signs that mark towns, villages, and holy places. (a) Gaza (left) is represented by an elaborate sign of a town, with an intersection of colonnaded streets, two basilical structures with red roofs (churches), and a theatre. (b) Jericho (bottom centre) is represented by a section of a wall with some buildings seen beyond it. The holy places of Gilgal, Bethabara, Bethagla, and Elisha’s fountain are represented by basilical structures with red roofs.

rivers (the Jordan and the Nile) are similarly depicted; streams (flowing into the Dead Sea) are shown by simple narrow lines. Towns and villages are represented by three types of architectural signs that endow the places with some hierarchy: major towns are represented by clusters of structures seen from bird’s-eye view, other settlements are shown in profile, with their buildings protruding over a section of wall with gates and towers, while the rest are represented by a simplified sign of two or three towers and a gate; holy places are represented by small edifices with red roofs (Figure 3 a–b).14 Some of the pictorial elements are emphasized by their relatively large proportions. On the surviving fragment these include mountain chains in the east (top), the Dead Sea with two boats (containing two pairs of sailors, later erased by iconoclasts), the Jordan and the Nile, and the city of Jerusalem, which is depicted as an oval-shaped compact city below the Dead Sea (see Figure 1). According to AviYonah’s reconstruction, the large vignette of Jerusalem was positioned both in the centre of the map and in the 14  For a detailed description of the architectural symbols, see Avi-Yonah, The Madaba Mosaic Map, pp. 21–23.

17

centre of the church transept. The inscription accompanying the vignette — ‘The holy city Ierusa[lem]’15 — emphasizes the city’s sacred nature and uniqueness (it is the only site on the map described as ‘holy’), and it marks the city as the focus of holiness for the entire land.16 The spaces between the painted elements are filled with numerous inscriptions in Greek. By introducing a variety of matters which mostly have no pictorial expression, the inscriptions add further dimensions to the depicted view. Classification of the inscriptions according to the information they convey reveals the range of aspects they evoke, and hence is essential for understanding the map as a religious image and the specific message that it constructs. (The inscriptions have, however, been used in research as a source for biblical and historical geo­g raphy, with great efforts being made to identify the place names with modern localities. 17) Appendix I lists the eight categories under which the inscriptions can be arranged. The first four are place names: Category A includes just place names; Category B includes inscriptions providing two or more place names for a single location; Category C includes names of holy places (denoted with architectural signs of 15  All translations from Greek are by Avi-Yonah, The Madaba Mosaic Map, pp. 35–77. Other translations were made by Piccirillo and Alliata, The Madaba Map Centenary, pp. 48–101; Donner, The Mosaic Map of Madaba, pp. 36–98. 16   Lesley Brubaker found the centrality and alignment of Jerusalem with the apse to be meaningful in relation to the concept equating the apse with heaven and the nave with the earth; see Brubaker, ‘The Conquest of Space’, pp. 236–37. 17   See Avi-Yonah, The Madaba Mosaic Map, pp.  35–77; Piccirillo and Alliata, The Madaba Map Centenary, pp. 48–101; Donner, The Mosaic Map of Madaba, pp. 36–98.

Chapter 2

18

Figure 4. The Madaba mosaic map (Figure 1), detail showing the meeting place of Abraham and the angels under the tree at Mamre (right) and the place of baptism of the Ethiopian eunuch (left).

church buildings); and Category D includes names of holy places consisting of tombs (also marked by architectural signs of church buildings). The inscriptions of Category B may reflect a trivial change in accepted pronunciation over time, or may list two different names; they appear in two formats: the first merely stating the double toponym (B: 1–10) and the second emphasizing that one of the toponyms is outdated (B: 11–21). Category E includes inscriptions containing short references to biblical episodes or personages. These inscriptions associate the biblical subject matter with various places (E: 1–10) or with specific holy places that are marked by church buildings (E:  11–14). They present the biblical information in two formats: the first is concise and reads like a label (e.g. no. 13: ‘Bethabara of Saint John. The Baptism’), while the second is somewhat more descriptive (e.g. no. 1: ‘Ailamon where stood the moon in the time of Joshua the son of Nun one day’). Category F includes inscriptions which specify the names of the Tribes of Israel or cite verses from three biblical chapters referring to the tribes: Jacob’s blessing to his sons (Genesis 49), Moses’s blessing of the tribes (Deuteronomy 33), and Deborah’s Song ( Judges 5). Category G includes references to milestones, and Category H includes inscriptions that demarcate the boundaries of the land or individual regions in both the biblical past and the Byzantine present. Of the fourteen inscriptions referring to biblical traditions (Category E), eleven are derived from the Old Testament. Although the surviving fragment cannot serve as evidence of a clear preference for Old Testament traditions across the entire map (especially since it is missing the region around the Sea of Galilee, which is

strongly associated with the Gospels), it does, however, clearly demonstrate the major role played by Old Testament traditions in the image. It also reflects the great interest of pilgrims in Old Testament localities and traditions during the early Christian period (especially in the fourth century, as expressed in the itineraries of the Bordeaux pilgrim, Egeria, and Paula).18 The written element is definitely the primary component through which the biblical past was interjected into the image, but it was certainly not the only one. The surviving fragment includes three symbolic signs that stand for specific biblical episodes: a church building with two rows of six squares each (labelled by ‘Galgala also the twelve stones’, E: 12) marks the place where the Israelites crossed the Jordan and built an altar of twelve stones to mark the event ( Joshua 4); the meeting of Abraham and the three angels under the tree (Genesis 18. 1–4) is evoked by a church building and a tree, which differs from all other trees on the map (labelled by ‘[Arba] also the [Ter]ebinth. The Oak of Mamre’, E: 11); and the place where the apostle Philip baptized the Ethiopian eunuch (Acts 8. 26–38) is represented by a church building attached to a circle, which apparently symbolizes the baptismal font (labelled as ‘[Of ] Saint Philip. There they say was baptized Candaces the Eunuch’, E: 14). Stones, a tree, and a font — terrestrial features embodying the

18  

Sixth- and seventh-century pilgrimage accounts reveal a shift in pilgrims’ interest from Old Testament to Christo­logical traditions. On this shift, which may attest to the restriction of the Jewish component in the Christian conception of the Holy Land and to changes in Christian theo­logical attitudes, see Limor, Holy Land Travels, p. 213; Limor, Jerusalem Travels.

Madaba Map: A Visual Portrait of the Holy Land from the Byzantine Period

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Figure 5. The Madaba mosaic map (Figure 1), detail showing the city emblem of Jerusalem and a scheme showing the centralization of the Holy Sepulchre in the emblem; the basilical structures represent churches. Drawing by the author.

biblical events in situ19 — were translated into symbolic signs that conjure up both the actual holy sites and the past biblical episodes (see Figures 3b and 4). 19   As attested by the Onomasticon: see Klostermann, Das Onomastikon; for Galgala: p. 64, 16–20; the Oak of Mamre: p. 76, 1–3 and p. 6, 3–15; the place where the eunuch was baptized: p. 52, 1–5.

The city emblem of Jerusalem is also a kind of symbolic sign that constructs a message of faith. It conveys the city’s appearance and sacred nature by showing it full of churches and through a sophisticated arrangement of the urban space: the Holy Sepulchre — easily recognizable by its characteristic architectural units (the staircase entrance from the cardo maximus, the basilica, and the rotunda enclosing Christ’s tomb) — was shifted south

20 to be positioned in the centre of the city, perpendicular to the cardo maximus, which was also moved to create the focal point with the church, in the exact centre of the emblem (Figure 5).20 This arrangement has been understood as a distortion of the geo­graphical layout,21 or has been analysed as a reflection of an authentic experience of travelling in the city.22 It may well be, however, that it was meant to identify and glorify Jerusalem as the city of the Passion. Moreover, by highlighting the Holy Sepulchre but not including the Temple Mount — seemingly out of the intention to depict Jerusalem without Jewish past and to emphasize its Christian identity — this emblem actually expresses the theo­logical perception of the Christian triumph over Judaism. In situ, however, this concept was embodied by the remnants of the Temple, which were taken by Christians as physical evidence of the punishment that God inflicted on the Jews for the crucifixion of Jesus and also as an emphatic confirmation of the fulfilment of Jesus’s prophesies about the days to come.23 The assortment of pictorial features and biblical references on the surviving fragments are enough to make the argument that an effort was made here not merely to document sixth-century geo­g raphical reality in biblical context, but to construct a narrative for the land and to formulate a specific religious message.

Religious Message The map presents four types of holy places. These include places of divine presence (such as ‘Shiloh there once the ark’ or ‘Ephraim which is Ephraea there walked the Lord’, Appendix I, E: 8, 10 respectively); places of miracles (for example, ‘Desert of Zin where were sent down the manna and the quails’ or ‘Sareptha which is 20  For a detailed identification of gates, streets, and churches in the city emblem, see Avi-Yonah, The Madaba Mosaic Map, pp. 51–60; Tsafrir, ‘The Holy City of Jerusalem in the Madaba Map Mosaic’. 21  Tsafrir, ‘The Holy City of Jerusalem in the Madaba Map Mosaic’, p. 155: ‘In order to arrive at such a central position for the church (which is in reality located considerably to the north of the city centre), the artist had to distort the geo­g raphical layout and condense the part of the city which is south of the Holy Sepulchre into a smaller space than it occupies in reality. The real question is whether the artist was conscious of this fact and deliberately distorted the city map while giving priority to his ideas about the church, or believed that the actual topo­graphy is in fact very different’. 22  Dey, ‘Urban Armatures, Urban Vignettes’, p. 199. 23 Bitton-Ashkelony, Encountering the Sacred, p. 176.

Chapter 2 the long village there the child has been resuscitated that day’, E: 2, 7 respectively); places of activity of biblical figures (such as ‘Bethabara of Saint John. The Baptism’ or ‘[Of ] Saint Philip. There they say was baptized Candaces the Eunuch’, E: 13, 14 respectively); and indications of tombs of saintly personages, both biblical figures and martyrs (Category D). Through the manifestation of these four types of places, the map promotes the idea that the territory is a ‘trace’ of the sacred past and characterizes it as being imbued with permanent holiness. While by references to activities of biblical figures it expresses the perception of the holiness of the territory as derived from the presence of these figures in the past, and by references to places of miracles it alludes to divine action, by the representation of localities of divine presence it emphasizes the uniqueness of the territory as the place of Revelation; the indication of tombs of saintly figures alludes to a permanent holiness maintained by the saints’ relics (bones) and shrines. The inclusion of tombs belonging to both biblical figures and martyrs elaborates the message, as these tombs allude to two formative pasts in the land’s history: the sacred past of the Scriptures and the time when believers were willing to give their life for their faith in Christ.24 One might also find the context of martyrdom in the inscription ‘Modi’in now Moditha whence came the Maccabees’ (B:  20), since the Maccabees were recognized in Christian tradition as the first martyrs who died for Christ before his Incarnation.25 In any case, the inscriptions referring to 24  On the persecutions of Christians in Palestine (especially in Caesarea) we learn from Eusebius’s Historia Ecclesiastica and De martyrbus Palaestinae; see Lawlor and Oulton, The Ecclesiastical History and the Martyrs of Palestine. 25  The status of the Maccabees as martyrs was established by the Church Fathers with reference to the nine Maccabees who were executed by Antiochus IV Epiphanes (ii Maccabees 6. 18–7. 42). When Eusebius wrote the Onomasticon (ad 293) the tradition of the Maccabean martyrs had not yet been established, and therefore in his explanation of Modi’in he refers to the burial monument of the Hasmonean Maccabees at the place (based on i Maccabees 13.  27–30) without mentioning the nine martyred Maccabees. Jerome, who was aware of the cult of the Maccabean martyrs at Antioch when he was translating the Onomasticon (c. 390), wrote: ‘A village next to Diospolis, where the Maccabees were, and where today their tombs are shown. Well I have to say I wonder why they display their remains in Antioch, and whether this was believed by a certain author’ (Klostermann, Das Onomastikon, p.  132, 16–17, p. 133, 17–19; English translation: Freeman-Grenville, The Onomasticon by Eusebius of Caesarea, p. 73). It has been observed that Jerome’s note does not simply reflect confusion between the Hasmonean monument at Modi’in and the martyro­logical sepulchre at Antioch, but the actual transition of the popular sentiment from

Madaba Map: A Visual Portrait of the Holy Land from the Byzantine Period the four types of places underline the significance of the locality for the past sacred occurrence, or to use Peter Brown’s words, ‘localise the holy’; this dimension is emphasized by inscriptions containing the two indicators ‘here’ and ‘there’ in particular, as in ‘Shiloh there once the ark’ (E: 8), or ‘Here is Jacob’s well’ (C: 5).26 The inscriptions depict the land as a sacred space that is beyond time. By recording numerous distinct events that took place in different times and circumstance — side by side and with no chrono­logical differentiation — the inscriptions cancel the gaps in time and convey the impression that all this happened simultaneously. This dimension is further emphasized by the definition of the boundaries according to both biblical and Byzantine geopolitical realities (Category H). On the other hand, the map accentuates the passage of time through those inscriptions that provide both past and present place names, yet accentuate that the past toponym is out of date (B:  11–21). This ‘modernizing’ of place names apparently derived from the Onomasticon. The noting of name changes was a literary formula employed by Roman authors, while Eusebius expanded the standard procedure by remarking that ancient sites and monuments ‘are still shown’ in his own days. As Dennis Groh observed, this type of comment was devised by Eusebius in order to adapt the site to his own time, and to give it the appearance of continued contemporaneity.27 That is to say that the Madaba map expresses spatially what Eusebius put into words in the Onomasticon; it communicates Christian continuity with the biblical world in a contemporary Roman space. Since the map contains no images of holy scenes (the surviving fragment is enough to demonstrate the pictorial approach), the inscriptions are the key to the land’s immanent biblical past. They encourage the recollection of specific biblical episodes, as well as typo­logical the warriors to the martyrs; see Obermann, ‘The Sepulchre of the Maccabean Martyrs’, p. 262. As the two families of the Maccabees were somewhat confused with one another in the early Christian period, it is not out of the question that both traditions, the victory of the Maccabean warriors and the Maccabean martyrs, were blended in Modi’in; see Habas, ‘The Cross in the Mausoleum at Horbat Ha-Gardi’. 26  Brown’s observation was made about inscriptions containing the phrase ‘hic locus est’ (here is the place) and ‘hic’ alone, found on early martyr shrines in North Africa; see Brown, The Cult of the Saints, p. 86. 27  Groh, ‘The Onomasticon of Eusebius’, pp. 24–29. In some cases Jerome expressed the passing of time by adding that ‘now a church is built there’ (‘ubi nunc ecclesia fabricatae est’).

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interpretations associated with the events. For instance, the inscription ‘Thamna here Judah sheared his sheep’ (E:  9) — evoking the episodes of Tamar’s impregnation by Judah and the birth of Perez (Genesis 38) — is intrinsically a cue to the genealogy of Jesus as presented in Matthew 1 (specifically, verse 3). And the inscription ‘Rama. A voice was heard in Rama’ (E: 5), which quotes the words of Prophet Jeremiah next to the architectural sign of Bethlehem, is an obvious allusion to the murder of the innocents as presented in Matthew through this very phrase (Matthew 2. 17–18). Even the references to the miracles in the wilderness — ‘Desert of Zin where were sent down the manna and the quails’ and ‘Desert where the Israelites were saved by the serpent of brass’ (E: 2, 3) — have the potential to recall the typo­logical relations between the Exodus and the Passion on the basis of typo­logical relationships that were established in the New Testament and developed in hermeneutical texts.28 With its explicit Christian perspective — which is expressly conveyed in the city emblem of Jerusalem — this map urges one to view the land and the biblical references through the lens of Christian theo­logy and exegesis. The choice to represent specific sites with symbolic signs may have been made with consideration of the potential of specific places to arouse typo­logical and hermeneutical associations, and thus to enhance the potentiality of the image to evoke (and convey) religious notions. The three symbolic signs that appear on the surviving fragment — the tree at Mamre, the twelve stones at Gilgal (‘Galgala’), and the baptismal font of the Ethiopian eunuch — do have such a potential. In accordance with early Christian typo­logical interpretation, the event under the tree at Mamre was interpreted as a ‘vision’ and the Theophany to Abraham as a prefiguration of the Trinity (on the basis of John 8. 56); it is using these very terms that Jerome describes Paula’s visit to the place in Letter 108.29 In line with the same typo­logical method, the twelve stones of Gilgal were interpreted as prefigurations of the apostles, the site itself as the place of a ‘second circumcision’ (with reference to baptism), 28  The manna was considered a type of Eucharistic bread on the basis of i Corinthians 10, and a specific association between the serpent of brass and the Crucifixion was made, for example, in John 3. 14 (‘And as Moses lifted up the serpent in the wilderness, even so must the Son of Man be lifted up’). 29  Letter 108 (section 11); Hilberg, Sancti Eusebii Hieronymi Epistulae, p. 319; Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims before the Crusades, p. 50. For early Christian interpretations of the event at Mamre, see Oden, Ancient Christian Commentary on Scripture, ii, 60–66.

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and the entire event that it commemorates — Joshua leading the people into Canaan — as a prefiguration of Christ leading the Christians away from their sins and into a perfect life in the Church.30 The baptismal font of the eunuch encapsulates two central ideas beyond mere conversion to Christianity: fulfilment of Old Testament prophecy (the eunuch is reading the Book of Isaiah when the apostle asks him if he understands what 30  For Jerome’s typo­logical explanation of Gilgal (as a place of ‘second circumcision’) and the stones (in relation to the apostles) in Letter 108 (section 12), see Hilberg, Sancti Eusebii Hieronymi Epistulae, p.  321; Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, p.  51. On Jerome’s original association between Gilgal as a place of a ‘second circumcision’ and the act of pilgrimage to the Holy Land, see BittonAshkelony, Encountering the Sacred, pp. 68–69. For references to the stones, Gilgal, and Joshua as prefigurations of Christian themes in early Christian writings, see Oden, Ancient Christian Commentary on Scripture, iv, 20–26.

Chapter 2

he is reading) and faith (the eunuch asks the apostle to be baptized after having been taught that the prophecy identifies Jesus).31 While both the tree at Mamre and the stones of Gilgal evoke fundamental prefigurations, the baptismal font of the eunuch serves as a symbol of religious transition, referencing baptism as an act of conversion and identification with Christ. Symbolism may explain the emphasis given to the two large boats in the vast Dead Sea (Figure 6). If we take them as fishing boats, they inherently recall the prophecy of Ezekiel about the life-giving Temple of the coming age (47. 1–12). In this prophecy, Ezekiel envi31  The event is narrated in Acts 8. 26–38. In commenting on this event, the Church Fathers did not elaborate on the key passage from Isaiah, but rather appreciated the attitude that leads to faith and baptism; see Oden, Ancient Christian Commentary on Scripture, v, 96–102.

Madaba Map: A Visual Portrait of the Holy Land from the Byzantine Period

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Figure 6. The Madaba mosaic map (Figure 1), detail showing the Dead Sea with two boats and two pairs of sailors (later erased by iconoclasts).

Generator of Cultural Memory

sions a river that issues from below the threshold of the future Temple, carrying fertility along its course, and as a result, the desert is transformed into a garden and the Dead Sea into fresh waters, filled with fish and fishermen (47. 8–10). Ezekiel’s prophecy may seem relevant to the map not simply because of its reference to the land’s topo­graphy, but also because of the interpretation it received in early Christianity, as a prophecy of Christ’s apparition (the eschato­logical Temple).32 Thus, at first glance, the presentation of the Dead Sea with both boats might seem to be a trivial depiction of the local environment and routine activity, but it may have meant to stand for a biblical notion, well known to knowledgeable viewers.33 32 Daniélou, Études d’exégèse Judéo-Chrétienne, pp. 122–38. 33  

The depiction has been considered as documenting the

While the Holy Land map constructed a religious message, it was at the same time also a generator of cultural memory. Understood as the ‘interplay of present and past in socio-cultural context’, cultural memory is a cover term for a variety of past occurrences that become meaningful for individuals and groups who remember them in their respective presents.34 The past is needed because it imparts togetherness to the group and because it builds social identity. Myths, texts, rituals, places, and religious imagery are a means of reconstructing the past and cultivating tradition; their role as ‘figures of memory’ is crucial since, without such figures, there would be no connection to the past and accumulation of memory within a society.35 The Holy Land map is a unique figure of memory. First, it meets the three criteria defining such economic activity of transportation of certain cargoes from both banks of the Dead Sea; suggestions include wheat, dates, asphalt, or salt. See Bloch, ‘Red Salt and Grey Salt’; Rosenson, ‘What Were the Ships Sailing on the Dead Sea in the Map of Madaba Carrying?’; Spanier, ‘The Cargo on the Ships Sailing on the Dead Sea in the Map of Madaba’, pp. 65–66. 34  Erll, ‘Cultural Memory Studies’, p. 2. 35  The term ‘figures of memory’ was coined by Assmann, Das Kulturelle Gedächtnis, p. 37; English translation: Assmann, Cultural Memory and Early Civilization, p. 23. On the mediality of cultural memory, see also Erll, Memory in Culture, pp. 113–31; Assmann, ‘Canon and Archive’.

24 a medium: (1) it communicates an image that involves both time and place (to be remembered, memories need to be embodied in certain places and made actual to contemporary times); (2) this image has a concrete relationship to the character of the group (beyond endowing the group with a concrete link to its past time and place, memories define the group’s character by supplying didactic exempla that establish the group’s self-image and purposes); and (3) it offers a means of both reconstructing and contemporizing the past (the past cannot be kept as it stands, but has to be rearranged through new frameworks of the present).36 Second, it offers an interpretation of the ancient past and, thus, the events of the past become less a means of recollection than a means of uncovering and retrieving hidden and secret truths.37 Yet as a figure of memory the Holy Land map drew its authority from another figure of memory — the Holy Land itself. Established as a commemorative landscape for objectifying religious values,38 the landscape of Palestine also met the three criteria.

Map and Pilgrimage The Holy Land map offered an experience similar to the one pilgrims had in the land itself. By evoking complete biblical episodes in one sentence or in a symbolic sign and associating them with particular localities, the map encouraged the viewer to conjure up prior personal knowledge of the Bible and to visualize the complete occurrence within the landscape through his or her mental eye.39 Yet, the map could enrich the pilgrimage experience by offering the totality that pilgrims would look for in the landscape but could not actually find. Toward the end of the fourth century, the pilgrim Egeria describes herself standing on Mount Sinai, seeing a wide panorama of the whole region: ‘Egypt, Palestine, the Red Sea, 36   The three criteria were formulated in Assmann, Das Kulturelle Gedächtnis, pp. 38–39; English translation: Assmann, Cultural Memory and Early Civilization, pp. 24–27. 37  On the significance of hermeneutics in constructing religious memory, see Stroumsa, ‘Religious Memory, between Orality and Writing’. 38  Halbwachs, ‘The Legendary Topo­graphy’; see p. 10, above. 39   On the holy places as locations for recollecting biblical images on the basis of previous knowledge of the biblical narrative, see Carruthers, The Craft of Thought, pp. 42–44. On the pilgrims’ experience of contemplation of the biblical past, which was reinforced by rereading passages from the Bible, see Hunt, Holy Land Pilgrimage in the Later Roman Empire, pp. 83–106; Limor, ‘Reading Sacred Space’.

Chapter 2 the Parthenian Sea that takes one to Alexandria, as well as the vast lands of the Saracens, we saw all from there, unbelievably, far below us’.40 Over a thousand years later, the fifteenth-century pilgrim Felix Fabri writes of himself viewing a wide panorama from the Mount of Olives: We climbed up over heaps of stones, and gazed far and wide over the land. Towards the east, beyond the Jordan and the Dead Sea, we saw the mountains of Arabia, the lands of Moab and Ammon, the mountains of Galaath [Gilad], and so forth. Towards the north we saw the mountains of the district of Galilee, the mountains of Gilboa and Lebanon. Towards the west we had over against us the Holy City, and beyond it we saw the mount Shiloh, and mount Ephraim, and the land of the Philistines, almost as far as the great sea. Southwards we saw the hills of Bethulia near Bethlehem, and the mountains of Hebron, and Judea and Idumea.41

Such views cannot be seen from Mount Sinai nor from the Mount of Olives, nor from any other spot in the Holy Land. What both pilgrims describe is an imaginary panorama mentally composed while they stood on the two significant peaks; the experience of standing on such an inspiring vantage point evokes and animates landscapes long internalized. The map of the Holy Land provides such a view. It offers a totality that could not have been encountered during a real journey in which pilgrims travelled from one place to the next, experiencing a series of distinct local impressions. The map integrates all the separate moments and sights into one inclusive conceptualized 40   ‘Egyptum autem et Palestinam et mare Rubrum et mare illut Parthenicum, quod mittit Alexandrima, nec non et fines Saracenorum infinitos ita subter nos inde uidebamus, ut credi uix possit; quae tamen singula nobis illi sancti demonstrabant’: Itinerarium Egeriae, 7: 62–66; Franceschini and Weber, Itinerarium Egeriae, 175, p. 41; English translation Wilkinson, Egeria’s Travels, p.  95 (with minor alterations). The Parthenian Sea that Egeria mentions is the Eastern Mediterranean, between Egypt and Cyprus; see Maraval, Egérie, p. 136, n. 2. 41   ‘Acceptis igitur indulgentiis ascendimus super acervos lapidum, et longe itaque per terram aspeximus. Contra orientem vidimus ultra Jordanem et mare mortuum montes Arabiae, terras Moab et Ammon, Montes Galaath, et caetera. Contra aquilonem vidimus montes provinciae Galilaeae, montes Gilboae, et Libanon. Contra occidentem habuimus ex opposite civitatem sanctam, et ultra eam vidimus montem Sylo, et montem Ephraim, et terram Philistaeorum, quasi usque ad mare magnum. Contra meridiem vero vidimus montem Bethuliae prope Bethlehem, et montana Hebron, et Judaeam, et Idumaeam’; Felix Fabri, Evagatorium. Hassler, Fratris Felicis Fabri Evagatorium, i, 386–87; English translation from Felix Fabri, The Book of the Wanderings in Holy Land, trans. by Stewart, p. 483.

Madaba Map: A Visual Portrait of the Holy Land from the Byzantine Period representation, and as such, it has the potential to stimulate an even more intense and comprehensive experience of pilgrimage than the land itself.42 The location of the Madaba map, near Mount Nebo, led Charles Clermont-Ganneau to suggest that it was meant to show the comprehensive sight revealed to Moses. Clermont-Ganneau later retracted this suggestion, explaining that the map shows the land from the west, that is in the opposite direction from that seen by Moses, and also that it actually reflects the sixth-century situation, even if it refers to biblical traditions. Whether it was meant to reflect Moses’s own holistic view from Mount Nebo or a conceptual image of the Christian Holy Land that one could ‘see’ from any spiritual position, the location of the Madaba map near Mount Nebo is nonetheless striking.43

The Holy Land Map and Early Christian Art In point of fact, the Holy Land map conveyed the very same message communicated by the complete decorative schemes of early Christian churches, which juxtaposed series of Old and New Testament scenes to illustrate ‘the continuity of divine planning, the harmony of the Testaments, and the salvational role of the Lord’,44 and to enable visitors to the church to both comprehend and interpret the Scriptures. The fifth-century decorative scheme of Santa Maria Maggiore (Rome) is a case in point: it presents Old Testament scenes on the walls of the nave, while the triumphal arch is dedicated to the advent of Christ. To use Jaś Elsner’s words, this arrangement was meant to reinterpret the Old Testament cycle ‘in terms of its fulfilment in the triumph of Christianity. It is not just that specific Old Testament themes prefigure the events from Christ’s life, but that the whole narrative of Jewish history is presented as subservient to, completed in, the Incarnation’. 45 The Holy Land 42  Jaś Elsner and Gerhard Wolf consider Egeria’s observation to be a quest for a ‘carto­graphic view’, which would make the ‘locus of scripture’ present in the actual topo­g raphy in which she was moving ; however, they do not take the map of the Holy Land to be an incarnation of this desired view. See Elsner and Wolf, ‘The Transfigured Mountain’, p. 48. 43  Some writers still adhere to the Moses theory, for example, Shahid, ‘The Madaba Mosaic Map Revisited’ (with references to Clermont-Ganneau); Talgam, Mosaics of Faith, p. 241. 44  Spain, ‘“The Promised Blessing”’, p. 525. 45 Elsner, Imperial Rome and Christian Triumph, p. 228 (see pp. 226–30 on the mental experience engendered by the decorative scheme of Santa Maria Maggiore). On the theo­logical relationship

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map suggested the very same fulfilment: it presented Jerusalem as a purely Christian city set among a variety of Old Testament occurrences, while the central position of the Holy Sepulchre in the city (and in the land) proclaimed the fulfilment of the Old Testament through Christ’s Incarnation, as well as triumph over death. The surviving fragment of the Madaba map is enough to demonstrate the entire transmission. It includes references to several key Old Testament events and concepts that together communicate the Jewish history as told in the Old Testament (the meeting of Abraham with the angels, the Exodus, the entrance into Canaan, and the allocation of the land among the tribes), but highlights a message of fulfilment and replacement through the emblem of Jerusalem and the numerous signs of churches that are scattered across the land. Interestingly, on the basis of several surviving mosaics in presbyteries of certain sixth-century churches in the diocese of Madaba, Rina Talgam has suggested that the presbytery of the church in which the Madaba map was found would have depicted something related to the sacrifice of Jesus (by a depiction of either a lone lamb against the background of a fruit tree, a pair of lambs or bulls beside the altar, a curtain, or a fruit tree); such a depiction would have enhanced the message of fulfilment that was constructed topo­graphically by the map.46 As Jaś Elsner has shown, Bible-based inscriptions played a crucial role in the transmission of early Christian art.47 Not only do they strengthen the relationship of certain images with the Scriptures, but — like the pictorial depictions that they elucidate — the inscriptions isolate elements of certain episodes that are pivotal for comprehending the biblical narrative. The same method of selection was utilized in the map, but solely with inscriptions. Bible-based inscriptions were commonly found on floor and wall mosaics of sixth-century churches in the Eastern provinces of the Byzantine Empire.48 It has been suggested that the ubiquity of such inscriptions is evidence of the significant role that they played in the between Old and New Testament imagery in Santa Maria Maggiore, see Miles, ‘Santa Maria Maggiore’s Fifth-Century Mosaics’. 46   Talgam understands the combination between such a depiction and the map as reflecting an ambivalent approach to pilgrimage (of the kind expressed by Jerome), and as an interplay between the heavenly and the earthly Jerusalem; see Talgam, Mosaics of Faith, pp. 242–43. 47 Elsner, Imperial Rome and Christian Triumph, pp. 252–53. 48   Vriezen, ‘Inscriptions in Mosaic Pavements in Byzantine Palaestina/Arabia’.

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Chapter 2

Madaba Map: A Visual Portrait of the Holy Land from the Byzantine Period

27

Figure 7. A wooden box containing stones, wood, and earth from Palestine. Vatican City, Museo Sacro, inv. 61883. Sixth century. Photo: Vatican Museums.

28 message, and that even if only relatively few worshippers could entirely read them (while less literate visitors might decipher parts), others would have interacted with the visual character of the lettering.49 This was likely true with regard to the Madaba map, in which the written lines were part and parcel of the pictorial composition and in which the biblical narrative was embodied almost exclusively by the written element. In any event, one should not forget that the bulk of the inscriptions on the map focus on place names (Appendix I: A–D); and as toponyms such as Jerusalem, Bethlehem, or Jericho by definition bear witness to the biblical past, even selective reading by less literate visitors could lead to recollection of biblical narratives of aural familiarity. Here Jerome’s etymo­logical dictionary of biblical names is relevant, as it explains that a name is not merely a word, but a condensation of history and experience, a kind of key for understanding the figure or the place to which it belongs.50 In the strictest sense, the Holy Land map corresponded with sixth-century icono­g raphy of the loca sancta that figured on pilgrimage souvenirs; the surviving ones include several dozens of small pewter ampullae for oil and water (about 7 cm in height),51 and a wooden box (24 × 18.4 × 3 cm) that contains stones and wood from several holy places (the so-called Vatican casket, also known as the ‘Sancta Sanctorum box’).52 The correlation between the map and this icono­g raphy lies in the similar strategy by which they all conceptualized the holy places. The ampullae represent the holy places from which the sacred substances were taken through a combination of visual depictions of sacred events and 49   Leatherbury, ‘Reading and Seeing Faith in Byzantium’, pp. 133 and 137; see n. 2 for biblio­graphy on literacy rates in Late Antiquity. 50  Jerome’s etymo­logical dictionary is published in de Lagarde, Liber interpretationis Hebraicorum nominum, pp.  59–161. The matter of etymo­logy is emphasized in Jerome’s description of Paula’s pilgrimage (Letter 108); see Limor, ‘Reading Sacred Space’, p. 13. 51   Most of the surviving ampullae are kept in two church treasuries in Bobbio and in Monza in northern Italy; they were published in Grabar, Ampoules de Terre Sainte. Further research includes Weitzmann, ‘Loca Sancta and the Representational Arts of Palestine’; Vikan, Byzantine Pilgrimage Art, pp. 10–14; Vikan, ‘Pilgrims in Magi’s Clothing’; Hahn, ‘Loca Sancta Souvenirs’; Elsner, ‘Replicating Palestine and Reversing the Reformation’; Frank, ‘Loca Sancta Souvenirs and the Art of Memory’. 52  Vatican City, Museo Sacro, inv. 61883. Morey, ‘The Painted Panel from Sancta Sanctorum’; Weitzmann, ‘Loca Sancta and the Representational Arts of Palestine’; Fricke, ‘Tales from Stones, Travels through Time’.

Chapter 2 Bible-based captions referring to the depicted event; an ampulla of oil taken from the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, for example, represents the scenes of the Crucifixion and of the women at the empty tomb on its two faces and bears a short inscription in Greek, reading ‘The Lord is risen’.53 This combination of image and text was meant to evoke the momentous event that sanctified the place, yet it actually conceptualized the place itself as a physical embodiment of the sacred past. As discussed above, the Holy Land map suggested this very conceptualization of sacred localities (the entire land and specific places), although through inscriptions alone. There are ampullae that construct spatial and conceptual patterns that are similar to the one found in the map. By showing scenes associated with two or more different places — for example, an ampulla with the Adoration of the Magi and Ascension on its two faces, or an ampulla with the Adoration of the Magi on the obverse and a cycle of scenes including the Annunciation, Visitation, Nativity, Baptism, Crucifixion, Resurrection, and Ascension on the reverse — the ampullae, like the map, did not simply concretize the absent past through a multiepisodic depiction, but suggested ‘a myth of completeness’.54 The Vatican wooden box delivers the very same message through a combination of stones, labelled with inscriptions in Greek referring to their origins (the legible ones read: Bethlehem, Mount Zion, the Mount of Olives, and the site of the Resurrection) and a series of images that depicts five scenes from Christ’s life on the inner side of the lid (from bottom to top, left to right: Nativity, Baptism, Crucifixion, the women at the empty tomb, and Ascension; Figure 7).55 The entire composition — labelled terrestrial mementos and pictorial markers of certain events/sites, arranged in two adjacent framed rectangular spaces — conveys an emblematic reflection of the Holy Land through a selection of its most sacred localities ( Jerusalem, Bethlehem, the Jordan, and the Mount of Olives). The conceptual relationship between this object and the Holy Land map is complex. Beate Fricke argues that the Vatican box’s pictorial scenes were arranged as a chrono­logical narrative in 53 Grabar, Ampoules de Terre Sainte, catalogue, no. 5. 54  To use John Elsner’s words; Elsner, ‘Replicating Palestine and Reversing the Reformation’, p. 121. Obviously, the ampullae created another kind of complex metonymic relation with the sacred places through the sacred material that they contained. 55   Dating of the inscriptions ranges from the sixth to the eleventh centuries; for the different suggestions, see Fricke, ‘Tales from Stones, Travels through Time’, p. 234 and n. 16.

Madaba Map: A Visual Portrait of the Holy Land from the Byzantine Period order to connect the user of the casket to the sacred sites of Palestine and to the end of time; according to Fricke, it is the linear narrative order that brings the distant (time and place) to the present of the viewer and allows one to ‘read his or her own time into a linear progression of the experience of elapsing time’.56 The Holy Land map provides the viewer with a non-linear narrative that leads one to the very same end. By presenting narrative pieces from both the Old and New Testaments alongside contemporary localities, the map produces a condensed but all-inclusive narrative that clearly concludes in the viewer’s present. The presentation of all references without any chrono­logical (or other) arrangement, and even without roads to follow, encourages a spontaneous and contemplative movement along the narrative (including forward and backward) and a way to compose endless variations. The map of the Holy Land should also be considered in comparison with iconic imagery of saintly personages. This comparison is required, since both media (map and icon) conveyed similar communications and enabled the same kind of spiritual experience: like the icon, the Holy Land map showed a pictorial imitation of a sanctified essence and acted as a ‘transparent window’ through which one could reach the depicted saintly figure.57 The synchronicity in the emergence of icon and map in the sixth century is perhaps meaningful, but what is surely significant is the fact that the map was conceived at a time when the biblical land had become a sacred space and had been shaped as a medium of commemoration. The accuracy of the likeness as an imitation of an archetype is crucial in iconic imagery, as it is the ‘correct’ scheme that identifies the sacred entity and endows the image with a certain degree of credibility.58 In the map, the archetypical sacred landscape could be identified through two specific features: the numerous scripFricke, ‘Tales from Stones, Travels through Time’, p. 234 and p. 241. 57  To use Leslie Brubaker’s definition of the saint’s icon: ‘It would appear that the holy portrait became transparent — a window through which one could reach the saint depicted’; Brubaker, ‘Icons before Iconoclasm?’, p. 1251. 58  The concept that archetype and likeness have a relationship of imitation was pronounced by the Church Fathers while discussing the idea of the Son as an image of the Father in the context of the Trinitarian dogma; it was later elaborated by the defenders of icons during the iconoclastic controversy of the eight century. On the relationship between archetype and likeness, see Ladner, ‘The Concept of the Image in the Greek Fathers’; Belting, Likeness and Presence, pp. 144–55; on the ‘correct’ scheme, see p. 30.

29

tural loci all over the land (represented by architectural signs of churches and written inscriptions) and some renowned places that received disproportionally large signs and actually shaped the land’s outline (in the Madaba map’s surviving fragment these include the Transjordan Mountains, the Jordan flowing towards the Dead Sea, and the emblem of Jerusalem). Moreover, icono­g raphic verisimilitude is crucial in iconic imagery for another reason, as it is through the exactness of the image that the connection to the archetype is maintained and transferred from copy to copy.59 Because the Byzantine Holy Land map has survived in a sole copy, there is no way of knowing what other Byzantine reproductions looked like (assuming that there were such reproductions; it seems unlikely that once the elaborate image had been invented, it had only one manifestation).60 That the Byzantine map formulated an iconic scheme is attested, however, by the replication of that scheme in several early medi­eval Western maps: some eighth-century mappae mundi and an exegetical drawing showing the division of Canaan among the Tribes of Israel in a ninth-century commentary on the Book of Joshua. All these maps illustrate the land through a concise formula, showing the Jordan flowing towards the Dead Sea parallel to the Mediterranean and a large emblem for Jerusalem between them.61 It is as if the elaborate Byzantine image was translated into an abridged formula, which inherently maintained a connection to the archetypal biblical landscape and succinctly reified its sacred nature.

56 

59  This issue is discussed by Belting through several examples; see, for instance, Likeness and Presence, p. 336. 60  A similar opinion is presented in Harvey, ‘The Carto­graphic Context of the Madaba Map’, p. 106. 61  All these maps are reproduced and discussed in relation to the Byzantine mapping tradition of the Holy Land in Levy-Rubin, ‘From Eusebius to the Crusader Maps’. The ninth-century exegetical drawing of Canaan (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS Lat. 11561, fol. 43v) is thoroughly discussed in O’Loughlin, ‘Map and Text’.

Part II

The Map of the Holy Land in the Latin Christian West

Chapter 3

Innovative Western Spiritual Icono­graphies

M

aps of the Holy Land appear to have first been devised in the West only in the first years of the twelfth century; a timing that is undoubtedly significant considering the establishment of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem by the Crusaders in 1099.1 It is generally agreed that direct contact between the West and Palestine following the establishment of the Latin kingdom resulted in the production of maps that were designed to represent the biblical land in its renewed Christian appearance, with an emphasis on the Crusader achievement.2 Research into the Western twelfth- to fourteenth-century Holy Land maps has thus far focused on three aspects: the level of accuracy with which they conveyed the geo­graphical reality of Palestine and of Crusader Jerusalem;3 the icono­graphy of Jerusalem in these maps and its meaning in the West;4 and Western political ambitions regarding Palestine as expressed in the maps.5 In a short but most inspiring arti1  The only known Western map of the biblical land predating the twelfth century is an exegetical drawing showing the allocation of Canaan among the Tribes of Israel in a ninth-century commentary on the Book of Joshua. See note 61 in Chapter 2 above. 2  For references, see note 8 in the Introduction. 3 Harvey, Medi­eval Maps of the Holy Land; Levy-Rubin, ‘The Crusader Maps of Jerusalem’; Levy, ‘Medi­e val Maps of Jerusalem’; Simek, ‘Hierusalem Civitas Famosissima’. 4   Rubenstein, ‘Heavenly and Earthly Jerusalem’; Vorholt, ‘Studying with Maps’; Vorholt, ‘Touching the Tomb of Christ’; Baumgärtner, ‘Die Wahrnehmung Jerusalems auf Mittel­alterlichen Weltkarten’; Kühnel, From the Earthly to the Heavenly Jerusalem, pp. 138–41. 5  Baumgärtner, ‘Das Heilige Land Kartieren und Beherrschen’; Vagnon, ‘Géo­g raphie et stratégies dans les projets de Croisade’; Vagnon, Carto­g raphie et représentations de l’orient Méditerranéen en occident; Bouloux, Culture et savoirs géo­g raphiques dans l’Italie, pp. 45–68.

cle, Patrick Gautier Dalché paid particular attention to the connection of the Western maps to pilgrimage and spirituality, arguing that, apart from the political, tactical, or economic needs they were intended to serve, the maps also fulfilled a variety of spiritual needs through the biblical references that they contained.6 My aim in this chapter is to further develop Dalché’s observation, by examining the three types of Holy Land maps that were developed in the West between the twelfth and the fourteenth centuries in connection with contemporary Western religiosity and devotional imagery, as well as with the Byzantine prototypic map (which inherently carried religious connotation).7 It appears that the Byzantine prototype underwent a process of continual adaptation in the West in accordance with contemporaneous pilgrimage writings, and no matter the context in which particular maps were presented, the inherent religious meaning of the image was always in play. The questions of how the Byzantine image reached the West and by which agents it was transferred have recently been dealt with by Milka Levy-Rubin. Identifying the Byzantine mapping tradition of the Holy Land in eighth-century mappae mundi, Levy-Rubin suggests that this tradition reached the West in the early Middle Ages and was kept alive until the era of the Crusades, when the Western production of Holy Land maps began.8

6 

Gautier Dalché, ‘Cartes de Terre Sainte, cartes de pèlerins’. For the religious message of the Byzantine Holy Land map, see ‘Religious Message’ and ‘The Holy Land Map and Early Christian Art’ in Chapter 2. 8  Levy-Rubin, ‘From Eusebius to the Crusader Maps’, p. 261. 7 

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34

Figure 8. A scheme of the Holy Land map in Saint Omer, Bibliothèque d’Agglomeration de Saint Omer, MS 776, fol. 50v (Plate I), with English translations of the Latin inscriptions. Drawing by the author.

Innovative Western Spiritual Icono­graphies

Twelfth-Century Maps The most distinctive feature of the first type of Holy Land map that appeared in the West is the disproportionally large circular emblem of Jerusalem occupying the centre of the composition, regardless of whether the map focuses on the nearby area surrounding the city — as in Saint Omer, Bibliothèque d’Agglomeration de Saint Omer, MS 776, fol. 50v (Plate I, Figure 8; hereafter ‘Saint Omer’), and Uppsala Uni­ver­sity Library, MS  C 691, fol. 39 (Figures 9, 10; hereafter ‘Uppsala’) — or shows a greater part of the land, as in Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS 9823–24, fol. 157r (Figures 11, 12; hereafter ‘Brussels’). Ten twelfth-century copies of that type of map (hereafter ‘circular-Jerusalem map’) are known; apart from Saint Omer and Uppsala there are six more copies of the concise version,9 and apart from Brussels there is only one more example of the second version.10 The Saint Omer map is dated to c.  1106–09 and is regarded as the earliest surviving copy of the type.11 The following discussion focuses on the maps of Saint Omer, Uppsala, and Brussels because they are representative of the type through their variations. The circular-Jerusalem maps were attached to diverse kinds of texts: pilgrimage guides, historical chronicles, various religious texts, and encyclopaedic compilations.12 The three examples discussed here were attached to the following texts: the Saint Omer map appears in 9   Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS  II-2208; The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, MS  76 F5; London, British Library, MS Add. 32343, fol. 15r and MS Cotton Tiberius E. IV, fol. 143r; Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS Lat. 8865, fol. 133r; and Leiden, Universitaire Bibliotheken, MS lat. Vossianus 31. 10  Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Cod.bibl. fol.56, fol. 135r. 11  For detailed descriptions and reproductions of all ten twelfthcentury copies, as well as of seven copies from the thirteenth and the fourteenth centuries, see Simek, ‘Hierusalem Civitas Famosissima’; Levy, ‘Medi­eval Maps of Jerusalem’; Levy-Rubin, ‘The Rediscovery of the Uppsala Map of Crusader Jerusalem’; Vorholt, ‘Touching the Tomb of Christ’; Vorholt, ‘Studying with Maps’; Rubenstein, ‘Heavenly and Earthly Jerusalem’. The first studies of this type of map were made by Röhricht, ‘Karten und Pläne zur Palästinakunde aus dem 7.–16. Jahrhundert IV’, and Miller, Mappaemundi, pp. 61–68; Miller defined the type as ‘situs Jerusalem’ — a term that became established in later research but also found as misleading (by Gautier Dalché, ‘Cartes de Terre Sainte, cartes de pèlerins’, p. 577). 12   For the particular texts to which each copy of map was attached, see Simek, ‘Hierusalem Civitas Famosissima’; Levy, ‘Medi­ eval Maps of Jerusalem’; Levy-Rubin, ‘The Rediscovery of the Uppsala Map of Crusader Jerusalem’; Vorholt, ‘Touching the Tomb of Christ’; Rubenstein, ‘Heavenly and Earthly Jerusalem’.

35 a pilgrimage guide within a manu­script containing the Gesta Francorum Iherusalem expugnatium — an anonymous recapitulation of Fulcher of Chartres’s Historia Hierosolymitana, which described the First Crusade (1096–99) and the subsequent events in the Levant. 13 The two other maps appear within manu­scripts with miscellaneous texts. The Brussels map is located between the Life of Muhammad and a genealogy of the Counts of Flanders, in a manu­script containing the two Crusader chronicles by Fulcher of Chartres and Robertus Monachus (Historia Hierosolymitana), a description of several holy places in the Holy Land, lists of the Patriarchs of Jerusalem, and various genealogies.14 The Uppsala map appears at the end of Robertus Monachus’s Historia Hierosolymitana in a manu­s cript containing the Gesta Francorum Iherusalem expugnatium, Rorgo Fretellus’s Liber Locorum Sanctorum Terrae Sanctae Jerusalem, a list of the Bishops of Jerusalem, and four individual compositions about Pilatus, Judas Iscariot, Nicodemus, and Christ’s resurrection.15 The circular-Jerusalem maps contain a small selection of toponyms. Konrad Miller identified the correlation between this selection and the pilgrimage guide within the Gesta Francorum Iherusalem expugnatium, but missed the fact that this text was actually a pilgrimage guide and understood it as a description of Jerusalem within the Crusader chronicle.16 Miller’s observation was confirmed by later researches, which nonetheless continued to ignore the text’s pilgrimage context and to refer to the specific enclosed maps — the Saint Omer map, Leiden, Universitaire Bibliotheken, MS lat. Vossianus 31, fol. 85r, and a map in Ghent, Universiteitsbibliotheek, MS 92 — as attached to a description of Jerusalem in the Gesta Francorum Iherusalem expugnatium.17 In fact, this 13 

For details on the manu­script, see Rubenstein, ‘Heavenly and Earthly Jerusalem’, p. 268. 14  For details on the manu­script, see Rubenstein, ‘Heavenly and Earthly Jerusalem’, p. 276. 15   For details on the manu­script, see Levy-Rubin, ‘The Rediscovery of the Uppsala Map of Crusader Jerusalem’, p. 163. 16 Miller, Mappaemundi, p. 61. The Gesta Francorum Iherusalem expugnatium is published in Recueil des historiens des Croisades, Historiens occidentaux, iii, 491–543; the pilgrimage guide, written in chaps 31–33, appears on pp. 509–12. The guide is translated into English in Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrimage, pp. 172–76. 17  Vorholt, ‘Studying with Maps’, p. 166; Rubenstein, ‘Heavenly and Earthly Jerusalem’, p.  268; Moore, The Architecture of the Christian Holy Land, p.  95. Leiden, Universitaire Bibliotheken, MS lat. Vossianus 31 and Ghent, Universiteitsbibliotheek, MS 92 are copies of Lambert of Saint Omer’s encyclopaedic compilation

Chapter 3

36

Figure 9. A map of the Holy Land, Uppsala Uni­ver­sity Library, MS C 691, fol. 39. Twelfth century. Parchment, 28.3 × 23 cm. Photo: Uppsala Uni­ver­sity Library.

Innovative Western Spiritual Icono­graphies

Figure 10. A scheme of the Holy Land map in Uppsala Uni­ver­sity Library, MS C 691, fol. 39 (Figure 9) with English translations of the Latin inscriptions. Drawing by the author.

37

Chapter 3

38 anonymous guide is part of a group of pilgrimage guides that appeared in the West in the beginning of the twelfth century and echo each other; the linkage between the guides is expressed in similar courses of travel (composed of similar lists of places), in the traditions they attribute to the various places, and sometimes even in wordings.18 Moreover, despite the strong affinity of the circularJerusalem map’s selection of sites and the pilgrimage guides (the one in the Gesta Francorum and the similar ones), the source for that selection has remained open to assumptions in scholarly research. It has been noted that this selection was constructed from a mixture of scriptural reference, pilgrimage guides, and stories brought back from the Crusade,19 or, alternately, that it was based on the Byzantine mapping tradition as survived in the Western mappae mundi.20 However, since the medi­e val mappae mundi include just a few of the toponyms that appear in the circular-Jerusalem map, they could not have been the source of its innovative selection. A careful examination of that selection alongside the twelfth-century pilgrimage guides demonstrates that both media — map and guide — constructed a similar Christo­logical space through almost identical selections of sites.21 The attachment of maps to the guide of the Gesta Francorum in three early twelfth-century manu­scripts not only hints at the association between the two media, but also that the two were sometimes meant to be looked at and read concomitantly. In what follows I rely on three guides — the one in the Gesta Francorum, the so-called Qualiter, and Yale Uni­ver­sity Library, MS Beinecke 481.77 (hereafter ‘Gesta’, ‘Qualiter’, and ‘Beinecke’ respectively) — to demonstrate the interconnection between the circularJerusalem map and the twelfth-century genre of pilgrimage guides.22 Although the overlap between the surviving Liber Floridus, which included the text of the Gesta Francorum. The quire with the map of Ghent, Universiteitsbibliotheek, MS 92 has not survived. The map within Leiden, Universitaire Bibliotheken, MS  lat. Vossianus 31 is reproduced as fig.  26.2 in Rubenstein, ‘Heavenly and Earthly Jerusalem’ (p. 267). 18   On the genre and on the interconnections between the guides, see Shagrir, ‘The Guide of MS Beinecke 481.77’, pp. 6–9. 19  Rubenstein, ‘Heavenly and Earthly Jerusalem’, p. 271. 20  Levy-Rubin, ‘From Eusebius to the Crusader Maps’, esp. p. 261. 21  The pilgrimage guides constructed a Christo­logical space in accordance with the interest of pilgrims in sites associated with Christ’s life; see Shagrir, ‘The Pilgrim in the Holy City’, p. 60. 22 The Qualiter guide is published in Tobler and Molinier, Itinera Hierosolymitana et Descriptiones Terrae Sanctae, i, 346–49; English translation: Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrimage, pp. 90–91. The Beinecke guide is published in Davis, ‘A Twelfth-Century

maps and the surviving guides is never perfect, it suffices to demonstrate the strong correlation between the two media and to justify the argument that the new Western type of Holy Land map derived from the very context of pilgrimage. Composition and Content All copies of the circular-Jerusalem map are drawn in a similar manner: a thin dark outline, uncoloured backgrounds, and a few colourings for the depicted elements. Landscape is implied by a small number of towns and sacred sites, and a few natural elements: some mountains, the Kidron stream, and in maps that show a wide area, also the Jordan and the Eastern inland seas — the Sea of Galilee and the Dead Sea (see Plate I and Figures 8–12); the Brussels map depicts the Sea of Galilee with its three toponyms, written in what could appear to be three different bodies of water.23 Landmarks are represented with similar signs, although these differ in complexity and style from copy to copy: towns and sacred sites are represented by architectural or abstract g­ raphic signs; mountains by small hillocks; the Kidron and the Jordan by stripes of different thicknesses. The only roads that are marked lead to Jerusalem’s western gate (bottom); Brussels uniquely shows a road leading from the eastern Jehoshaphat Gate to the Mount of Olives, as well as a few pilgrimage routes (marked by dotted lines and figures of pilgrims). Jerusalem is portrayed as an elaborate circular urban space in the centre; it is not named but is easily recognizable by its holy places. The perfect circular shape seems to have been meant to endow the city with connotations of Heavenly Jerusalem.24 Inscriptions mainly include toponyms; a few inscriptions associate certain places with scriptural events, which are mostly derived from the New Testament. Generally, the maps Pilgrim’s Guide to the Holy Land’; English translation: Shagrir, ‘The Guide of MS Beinecke 481.77’, pp. 3–4 (the original Latin is provided on pp. 2–3). 23  Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Cod.bibl. fol.56, fol. 135r, the other surviving map of the version that shows a wide area, depicts the Sea of Galilee in a single oval shape and one toponym. For a digital scan, see . 24  For that observation, see Lilley, City and Cosmos, pp. 15–20; Kühnel, ‘Influence of the Crusades on Visual Depictions of Jerusalem’; Kühnel, From the Earthly to the Heavenly Jerusalem, pp. 123–41.

Innovative Western Spiritual Icono­graphies contain no pictorial depictions of scriptural events; the exception is The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, MS 76 F5, which shows the stoning of Saint Stephen in the place of his martyrdom (outside Jerusalem’s northern gate), not far from the architectural sign that marks the church standing in situ.25 Relationship with Twelfth-Century Pilgrimage Guides Just as the maps focus attention on Jerusalem by allocating it the largest part of the sheets, so do the pilgrimage guides, where the first and largest section is dedicated to a tour of the city. The Gesta opens with a description of Jerusalem’s five gates (the Gate of the valley of Jehoshaphat, David’s Gate, Saint Stephen’s Gate, Zion Gate, and the Golden Gate) and then leads the reader to some sites within the city: the tomb of the Lord, ‘the slit rock’, Golgotha, Calvary, Church of Saint Mary the Latin, the Lord’s Temple, Church of Saint Anne, and the ‘pool’ (that is the Pool of Bethesda) (see Appendix  II:  1–13). A  similar route of travel is suggested by the other guides, although the Qualiter begins with mons gaudii (‘Mount of Joy’, outside Jerusalem)26 and adds the Tower of David, the Beautiful Gate, and the Temple of Solomon, and Beinecke begins at David’s Gate and adds just the Hospital to the route.27 All the sites mentioned here comprise the urban space of the circular emblem of Jerusalem in the maps (see Plate I and Figures  8–12; Appendix  III: A–C provides the Latin inscriptions). After the section on Jerusalem, the guides continue with a tour beyond the city. The Gesta directs the readers through David’s Gate towards the road to Bethlehem/ Ephrata, leading them to the manger, Rachel’s tomb, Mount Zion, the Cenacle, the Pool of Siloam, the Kidron Brook, Aceldama, the Valley of Jehoshaphat, the Church of Saint Mary, Gethsemane, the Mount of 25  

For a digital scan, see . 26  The place name ‘Mount of Joy’ (mons gaudii) referred to two sites near Jerusalem during the Crusader period: one was located just north of the city, on the main road leading to it from the north; the other was located about 8 km north-west of the city, next to the burial place of the Prophet Samuel. Both places received that name because they enabled those who approached the city a first glimpse of it. On the two sites and on the indication of ‘Mount of Joy’ in the maps, see Kedar, ‘Jerusalem’s Two Montes Gaudii’, esp. p. 6. 27  For the Qualiter guide, see Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrimage, pp. 90–91. For the Beinecke, see Shagrir, ‘The Guide of MS Beinecke 481.77’, pp. 3–4.

39 Olives (from where it suggests a panoramic view over the Dead Sea, the Jordan Valley, and Arabia), and Bethany; it ends with a number of places that are referred to as being far from the city: the River Jordan, Jericho, ‘the desert where the Lord fasted for forty days’ (‘desertum ubi jejunavit Dominus quadraginta diebus’), ‘the high mountain where he was tempted by the devil’ (‘mons excelsus ubi tentatus est a dieabolo’), Nazareth, the Sea of Tiberias and Mount Tabor (see Appendix II: 14–35). The Qualiter offers the same tour in the environs of Jerusalem, but in the opposite direction; of the far places it mentions just the Jordan and the places where Jesus fasted and was tempted by the devil. 28 The Beinecke leads the reader to the same near and far localities mentioned in the Gesta, adding just Hebron.29 While the sites nearby Jerusalem and those in the desert (‘where the Lord fasted for forty days’ and ‘the high mountain where he was tempted by the devil’) appear in all three maps, the further ones — the Dead Sea, Arabia, the River Jordan, Nazareth, the Sea of Tiberias, and Mount Tabor — appear in the expanded version of Brussels; Uppsala is an abridged version, yet it marks the Jordan at the top (see Plate I and Figures 8–12). There are a few localities that are marked on the maps but are not mentioned in the three guides: Mount Lebanon, ‘Jor’ and ‘Dan’ (the Jordan’s two sources), 30 ‘Pentapolis’,31 and Mount Sinai in Brussels; Bethphage, Masphat (Mitzpah), Ai, and the place where ‘Jacob herded his flock’ (‘hic pavit Jacob pecora sua’) in Uppsala. We may guess that these references derived from a more detailed guide, such as the one written by Saewulf, or, as has been suggested, derived from the early medi­e val mappae mundi (that is, from the Byzantine Onomasticon / Liber locorum tradition of mapping).32 In 28 Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrimage, pp. 90–91. 29 

Shagrir, ‘The Guide of MS Beinecke 481.77’, pp. 3–4. In accordance with Jerome’s etymo­logical explanation of the toponym Jordan in his commentary on Matthew 16: ‘The Jordan rises in the foothills of [the mountains] of Lebanon and has two sources, one named “Jor” and the other “Dan” which joined together form the name “Jordan”’ (‘Cesarea Philippi est ubi Iordanes oritur ad radices Libani; et habet duos fontes, unum nomine “Ior” et alterum “Dan”; qui simul mixti ‘Iordanis’ nomen efficiunt’); Jerome, Commentarii in Euangelium Mathaei 16. 13, ed. by Hurst and Adriaen, p. 139; English translation by O’Loughlin, ‘Map and Text’, p. 13. 31  The five cities Sodom, Gomorrah, Adamah, Zeboiim, and Bela (Genesis 14. 2). On the toponym, see note 4 in Appendix III. 32  Levy-Rubin, ‘From Eusebius to the Crusader Maps’ considers the entire selection of toponyms that appears on the maps to derive from the Onomasticon / Liber locorum mapping tradition. 30 

40

Chapter 3

Figure 11. A map of the Holy Land, Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS 9823–24, fol. 157r. Twelfth century. Photo: Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique.

Innovative Western Spiritual Icono­graphies

Figure 12. A scheme of the Holy Land map in Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS 9823–24, fol. 157r (Figure 11) with English translations of the Latin inscriptions. Drawing by the author.

41

42 any case, Mount Lebanon, Jor and Dan, and Mount Sinai are mentioned in Saewulf ’s guide, which is the most detailed and didactic guide among the surviving ones.33 Within Jerusalem the maps depict a few landmarks that are not mentioned in any guide, including the main streets leading to the city gates, Solomon’s monastery, the ‘square for the sale of goods’ (‘forum rerum venalium’) and the square for the ‘money exchange’ (‘cambium monete’), the king’s palace, and two inns (the palace and the inns are marked just in the Uppsala map; Plate I and Figures 8–12).34 One may assume that these sites — especially the main streets — were included in the prototypic map as part of the pictorial urban space that the author had to construct for locating the specific sacred sites that he found in his guide. This resulted in an elaborate delineation that endowed Jerusalem with an ideal urban shape. The large degree of overlap between the written guides and the maps — also reflected in the scriptural traditions that appear in the maps (cf. Plate I and Figures 8–12 with Appendix II) — suggests that the new type of Holy Land map was composed on the basis of the pilgrimage genre and attests to the very context of this map’s selection of toponyms: pilgrimage and devotion to Christ. It thus allows us to analyse this type of map as a devotional image par excellence and to argue that no matter the contexts of the texts to which its copies were attached (in various manu­scripts), they were inherently embedded with a devotional dimension. Devotional Image In effect, the circular-Jerusalem map offers a very small selection of sites, very much oriented to the Scriptures (see Appendix  III: D for the biblical context of the depicted sites). This narrow selection impels the viewer to observe the topo­g raphy through the biblical narrative and to consider each sign and all signs together in relation to the sites’ biblical backgrounds. The complexity of such beholding is, of course, contingent upon the viewer’s previous knowledge. The knowledgeable viewer 33  Saewulf journeyed to the Holy Land between June 1102 and September 1103. For an English translation of his guide with a reference to the publication of the original Latin, see Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrimage, pp. 94–116. 34  Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Cod.bibl. fol.56, fol. 135r adds two churches (dedicated to Saint Iacobus and to Saint Georgius) to the Jerusalem emblem. For a discussion of the specific sites presented in the maps, see Boas, Jerusalem in the Time of the Crusades.

Chapter 3 could identify a single sign as a marker of a series of episodes — sometimes derived from both Testaments, as in the case of Jericho, which elicits the memory of the spies’ visit to the house of Rahab, the conquest by Joshua, the ascension of the Prophet Elijah, Jesus’s healing of the blind man, and his visit to the house of Zacchaeus — and also be able to observe particular signs through a typo­logical perspective. As well, since the map is so Scriptures-oriented, it encourages creating typo­logical relationships between different sites, as for example, between the tombs of Rachel and the Virgin, in connection with their sorrows. The map’s very selectiveness turns every sign into a module of stratified biblical memories and, since these signs are usually not associated with specific biblical episodes through elucidative inscriptions, they provoke entirely associative contemplation on the biblical narrative, stimulating the viewer to compose and recompose this narrative in various ways. Nevertheless, the selection of sites constructs three specific narratives: that of Christ’s life, that of the Virgin’s life, and that of Jerusalem as the city of Christ’s Passion and of the Old Testament kings. While the latter is clearly evident in the selection of sites within the Jerusalem emblem, the other two narratives are more latent. In point of fact, most of the sites marked on the map are closely associated with Christ and actually evoke the four phases that compose his cycle of life: Infancy, Ministry, Passion, and post-Resurrection (Infancy: Bethlehem and the Lord’s Temple; Ministry: Bethany, Bethphage, the Siloam, the pool of Bethesda, the desert (‘the place of 40’ and ‘the high mountain’), and the Cenacle; Passion: Golgotha, Calvary, the slit rock, and the tomb; postResurrection and Ascension: the Mount of Olives).35 The very few sites that recall the Virgin operate similarly, by concisely embodying her entire life, from birth to burial and Assumption (birth and childhood: Church of Saint Anne; giving birth to Jesus: Bethlehem; attendance at the Crucifixion: Church of Saint Mary the Latin; Dormition: Mount Zion; burial and Assumption: tomb of Saint Mary in the Valley of Jehoshaphat). Significantly, with such a composition, the map could function as any other ‘affective imagery’ that emerged at the time with the increasing devotion to the humanity of Christ and the Virgin and invited the faithful to participate in Christ’s suffering and in the sorrow of the Virgin; a 35  For the association of the sites with these specific meanings, see Appendix  III: D.  The expanded version of the Brussels map elaborates the narrative by further sites (Nazareth, the Sea of Galilee, and the Jordan).

Innovative Western Spiritual Icono­graphies prime example of this new imagery is the depiction of the crucified Christ, who had been changed from a triumphant Saviour to a vulnerable, wounded, and pitiful dead man.36 However, with its topo­g raphical language, the map provided the viewer with different keys to the drama and invited other types of participation. By showing, for example, the places of the Crucifixion and Entombment, it summoned a participation in the event through the event’s physical vestige; and by showing a set of places that represents the entire life of Christ, it allowed the viewer to retrace Christ’s ‘footsteps’ on earth and to grasp the narrative of the Gospels by means of topo­graphy. Looking at the map together with a pilgrimage guide necessarily generated another kind of meditative work. In offering a course of touring composed of the sites presented in the map — including instructions on movement between the sites (sometimes with references to the cardinal points and to distances between the sites) and details on their physical appearance and scriptural context — the guide not only engendered a contemplative movement in the pictorial space but constructed the very experience that pilgrims underwent in situ; that is, an engagement in a physical imitatio Christi and participation in the sacred past through their presence in the holy places.37 The reading of a section from the Gesta guide together with the three copies of maps discussed here (Plate I and Figures 8–12) reveals the potentiality of the combination of map and guide to generate such a spiritual experience; with the aid of this passage, the reader/viewer could join the King of Heaven (rex coe­ lorum) at the Golden Gate and enter with him into his city (suam civitatem), to experience the event of the Crucifixion through the markers left in situ, and even to share the sight and sorrow experienced by the Virgin while witnessing her son’s torture (emphases are mine: bold letters for the sites depicted in the maps): To this day there is a fifth gate as well. It is called the Golden Gate, and is situated between the east and south gates below the Temple of the Lord. Through it the King of Heaven entered his city before his Passion, sitting 36 

On the innovative icono­graphy of the Crucifixion in relation to the new style of devotion, see Constable, The Reformation of the Twelfth Century, p. 280. On the new style of devotion, see inter alia, Constable, Three Studies in Medi­eval Religious and Social Thought, pp. 169–93; Fulton, From Judgment to Passion; McNamer, Affective Meditation and the Invention of Medi­e val Compassion; Bouyer, Vandenbroucke, and Leclercq, The Spirituality of the Middle Ages, pp. 243–54; Shoemaker, ‘Mary at the Cross, East and West’. 37   On twelfth-century pilgrimage as a way to perform the imitatio Christi, see Schein, Gateway to the Heavenly City, pp. 63–90.

43 upon an ass, and was received joyfully by the children of the Hebrews. This gate is never opened except on Palm Sunday. If one enters the city by this gate the Sepulchre of the Lord is to the left; at the time of Christ’s Passion we read that the Sepulchre was situated outside the city and was cut in the living rock. Near to it, and off slightly to one side, is a beetling rock which is cracked, for as we read, it was ‘rent’ at Christ’s death, and beneath is Golgotha, a place most richly deserving respect, adoration and reverence […]. Next to the place where the Cross was discovered and to its south is the Church of the Mother of God known as ‘Latin’ […]. The Virgin is said to have wept there, and torn her hair when she saw her only Son being nailed to the gibbet.38

Moreover, the guide’s references to the physical character of some natural features turn the depiction on the map more perceptible. Descriptions like ‘the southern is the Zion Gate, because Mount Zion is on that side: it is steep and makes this approach to the city difficult and exhausting’, or ‘From there [Gethsemane] one climbs to the Mount of Olives, which is so high that it dominates the whole area’ endow the pictorial setting with a topo­ graphical realism and amplify its potential to arouse a contemplative movement.39

38   ‘Adhuc etiam quinta habetur porta, quae aurea dicitur, intra orientalem et australem portam sub Templo Domini sita, per quam rex coelorum super asinam sedens ante passionem suam civitatem ingressus est et ab Heberaeorum pueris cum gaudio exceptus est, quae non aperitur nisi in Domenica Ramis Palmarum. Urbem itaque per hunc ingredientibus adytum a laeva Sepulchrum domini est; quod extra urbem tempore passionis Christi legitur fore inventum, vivoque lapide incisum, juxta quod Sepulchrum Domini, parum in obliquum, est supereminens lapis dehiscens, sicut in morte Christi legitur scissus, et subtus Golgotha; qui locus magna veneration celebrandus, adorandus et colendus est […]. Juxta Crucis inventionem a meridie est ecclesia Genitricis Dei, quae Latina nuncupatur […] ubi fertur eadem Virgo plorasse atque scidisse crines, quum videret filium suum unigenitum patibulo affixum’. Recueil des historiens des Croisades, Historiens occidentaux, iii, 510; English translation by Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrimage, pp. 172–73. Examination of the maps together with the other guides results in a similar but somewhat different internalization of the sacred space. The Qualiter, for example, elaborates on the dimensions of the architectural complex of the Holy Sepulchre and on the distances between the sacred loci within the church; the Beinecke concentrates on the sacred events. See Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrimage, p. 90, and Shagrir, ‘The Guide of MS Beinecke 481.77’, pp. 2–3 (respectively). 39 

‘Australis, porta Syon, quia ab ea parte mons ille praeruptus eminet; unde difficilis et valde gravis est ad urbem aditus’; ‘Inde asensus est ad montem Oliveti, qui celsitudine sua supereminet omnem regionem’; Recueil des historiens des Croisades, Historiens occidentaux, iii, 509–10; English translation: Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrimage, p. 172.

Chapter 3

44

Figure 13. A scheme of a map in London, British Library, MS Add. 10049, fol. 64v that shows the region extending between the Mediterranean and India with the toponyms in the area of the Holy Land. Drawing by the author.

Yet, apart from offering the reader a means to perceive the guide’s geo­graphical/scriptural description in a pictorial space, the map offered a pictorial interpretation of the written description, all the more so when it came to enigmatic descriptions. If a sentence like ‘if one enters the city by this gate [the Golden Gate] the Sepulchre of the Lord is to the left’ could be visualized in several ways, the map offered the reader a pictorial configuration to clarify the issue (the tomb is positioned to the left of the gate, if one were to draw a line between the two spots; Plate I and Figures 8–12). And if the sentence describing the flowing of the Siloam’s stream into the Kidron Brook remained somewhat vague — ‘At the foot of Mount Zion raises a spring which looks completely clear but tastes bitter. People call it the Pool of Siloam, and

it sends a stream down into the torrent-bed down which the Brook Kidron comes pouring in winter’ (emphases are mine) — the map suggested a way to understand it (Plate I and Figures 8–12).40 All in all, the combination of guide and map offered the viewer a way to conduct a vicarious pilgrimage to the Holy Land through text and image. As the Western custom of embarking on such a contemplative journey with 40 

‘Ad radicem hujus montis Syon exoritur fons a conspectus liquidissimus, sed gustu amarus, quem dicunt Natatoriam Syloe; qui emittit rivulum suum in alveo ubi torrens Cedron fertur in hieme cursu rapidissimo’; Recueil des historians des Croisades, Historiens occidentaux, iii, 512; English translation: Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrimage, p. 175.

Innovative Western Spiritual Icono­graphies the aid of images and pilgrimage accounts developed only in the late Middle Ages, it is not implausible that the twelfth-century combination of map and guide was among the first media used for that purpose, and perhaps even the actual impetus for the development of that practice.41 The evident connection between the circular-Jerusalem map and the Western pilgrimage genre brings us back to Levy-Rubin’s observation that this type of map reflects the Byzantine mapping tradition of the Holy Land.42 It is easy to see how this is true with regard to layout: the orientation towards the east, the depiction of the Jordan flowing towards the Dead Sea on top, and the emphasis on Jerusalem through an elaborate urban emblem in the centre (cf. Figures 11 and 12 with Figure 1). In terms of toponyms, however, it is clear that the selection of the circular-Jerusalem map derives not from the Byzantine tradition but from the twelfth-century pilgrimage writings. That is to say, what we witness here is an innovative composition that integrated the Western pilgrimage context within the Byzantine layout and conceptualized the biblical topo­graphy (and the Byzantine image itself ) in accordance with Western religiosity. Significantly, the Western twelfth-century map of the Holy Land, like its Byzantine predecessor, was formulated in a religious context and was able to fulfil devotional needs.43 It is interesting to compare the circular-Jerusalem map to a map depicting the Holy Land (as part of a large area extending from the Mediterranean to India) that is included in a twelfth-century manu­script (London, British Library, MS  Add. 10049) containing two of Jerome’s works, one of which is the Liber locorum (Figure 13).44 Milka Levy-Rubin has observed that the depiction of the Holy Land in this map accords with the early Liber locorum–based mappae mundi in both icono­graphic and toponymic aspects and with the Liber locorum itself. She argues that this map is a twelfth-century incarnation of the Eusebius-Jerome mapping tradition, as well as a reflection of the authentic map that was appended to Eusebius’s Onomasticon and a ‘missing link between the long-standing tradition of the On the later phenomenon, see at note 69 in Chapter 4. Levy-Rubin, ‘From Eusebius to the Crusader Maps’. See note 20 in this chapter. 43  See Chapter 2. 44  A map of Asia is delineated on the reverse of the page (fol. 64r). Both maps are reproduced and discussed in detail in Harvey, Medi­ eval Maps of the Holy Land, pp.  40–59; details on the manu­ script, which was probably written in Tournai, are given on p. 40.

45 Liber locorum maps and the circular maps of Jerusalem from the Crusader period’.45 Levy-Rubin considers the toponyms that appear in the immediate surrounding of Jerusalem in the MS Add. 10049 map — Mons Oliveti, Vallis Josaphat, Bethania, Bethleem, Mons Syon, Jericho, Hebron — to be evidence for the map’s connection to the Liber locorum, and understands the designation ‘desertum ubi Dominus jejunavit’ (the desert where the Lord fasted) as ‘a fingerprint of the Crusader period’ in the well-established Byzantine mapping tradition. In her view, the inclusion of these very toponyms and designation in the circular-Jerusalem maps emphasizes the connection of these maps to the Liber locorum tradition.46 As we have just seen, however, these very toponyms and designation reached the circular-Jerusalem maps from the contemporary written pilgrimage guides, not from the Liber locorum. It is thus reasonable to assume that the equivalent toponymic composition surrounding Jerusalem in the MS Add. 10049 map derived not from the Liber locorum but from the circular-Jerusalem maps; namely, from the recently established Western Holy Land mapping tradition, one that was strongly associated with Western practices of pilgrimage and piety. In point of fact, the pilgrimage-oriented selection of toponyms for the circular-Jerusalem maps was the very element that transformed the Byzantine layout into a Western composition reflecting a Western perception of the sacred topo­g raphy. Its reflection in the MS Add. 10049 map is significant. By integrating the Western toponymic construction (in the area of Jerusalem) into what can be seen as a ‘Byzantine environment’ (the selection of toponyms deriving from the Liber locorum tradition in the rest of the country), the MS Add. 10049 map actually formulated another Western modification to the prototypic Byzantine map. The circular sign of Jerusalem in the MS Add. 10049 map seems to be another element borrowed from the circular-Jerusalem map. Endowing Jerusalem with heavenly connotations, this Western icono­g raphic motif was another element through which the prototypic Byzantine layout was translated into a Western religious image.47

41 

42 

45   Levy-Rubin, ‘From Eusebius to the Crusader Maps’, pp. 262–63 (quotation is from p. 263). On Eusebius’s lost ‘map’, see p. 14 above. 46  Levy-Rubin, ‘From Eusebius to the Crusader Maps’, p. 263. 47  For the eschato­logical meanings of the circular motif, see references in note 24 in this chapter.

Chapter 3

46 The twelfth-century Western Holy Land maps represent a remarkable example of a Western adaptation of Eastern religious icono­g raphy and its conversion into a Western imagery expressing Western religious notions and expectations (carried out here by imbuing the Byzantine layout with the Western icono­g raphy of Heavenly Jerusalem and with a selection of sites that reflected Western pilgrimage itineraries). Yet, although the Byzantine and the Western Holy Land maps structured different sacred spaces through their different selections of sites, in essence they constructed the very same image; an image that conceptualized the land as a topo­graphical reflection of the sacred past and offered a way to understand this past.

Matthew Paris’s Map in his Chronica majora (Mid-Thirteenth Century) Matthew Paris (c.  1200–1259) was a Benedictine monk, a skilful artist, and the chronicler of the Abbey of Saint Albans (England) between 1235 and 1259.48 His Chronica majora, covering the history of the world from the Creation up to his own days, survives in three manu­scripts: Cam­b ridge, Corpus Christi College, MS  16; Cam­bridge, Corpus Christi College, MS  26; London, British Library, MS Royal 14 C. vii (hereafter ‘CCCC MS 16’; ‘CCCC MS 26’; and ‘BL MS Royal 14 C. vii’, respectively); all three manu­scripts are written in Matthew’s handwriting and date to 1250–59.49 A prefatory illustrative section at the beginning of each manu­ script includes a sequence of maps: a road map from London to south Italy (spread over five folios) and a map of the Holy Land (depicted in an opening of two folios); BL MS Royal 14 C. vii also includes a map of Britain (one folio) on the verso of the Holy Land map.50 This sequence is generally understood to have functioned as

a device for conducting an imaginary journey. Daniel K. Connolly considers this journey a surrogate pilgrimage to earthly/Heavenly Jerusalem in the map of the Holy Land. He suggests that this pilgrimage was experienced by the different readers — cloistered monks or lay nobles — in accordance with their specific predispositions: as a spiritual pilgrimage, a Crusade, or a combination of both.51 Katharine Breen considers Britain the real end point of the journey. To Breen, the imaginative journey involved a return home and was designed to sacralize the geo­graphy of Britain through a spiritual (rather than a devotional) journey to Jerusalem.52 Suzanne Lewis understood the sequence of maps as a device for visualizing a journey that terminated in Frankish Acre in the map of the Holy Land. In her view, the sequence was devised to represent the important political and military sites mentioned in the Chronica in connection with the Crusades.53 Konrad Miller’s and Richard Vaughn’s understandings that the juxtaposition of the itinerary and the Holy Land map was accidental and that there was no relation between the two has been rejected by Paul D. Harvey with the argument that in each manu­ script the itinerary immediately precedes the Holy Land map, while the other preliminary material is arranged in no particular order.54 While the three copies of the Holy Land map in the three manu­scripts differ in detail, in general they show the same image. They depict an area extending from Armenia (left) to Egypt (right) with the region of the Holy Land occupying primarily the right folio; Jerusalem and Acre are represented through sizeable vignettes, with Acre being extremely large and occupying the bottom half of the left folio; blocks of texts (in Anglo-Norman) fill the spaces between the depicted elements, with those in CCCC MS 26 the longest (Figure 14).55 This depic51 

48 

On Matthew Paris’s life and work, which was intended for both monastic users and lay nobility, including the king, see Vaughn, Matthew Paris. On Matthew’s artistic work, see Lewis, The Art of Matthew Paris in the Chronica Majora. 49  On the work and on the content of each manu­s cript, see Vaughn, Matthew Paris, pp. 35–57 and pp. 110–24; Lewis, The Art of Matthew Paris in the Chronica Majora, pp. 33–52 and pp. 441–72. 50  The illustrative preface is not the same in the three manu­ scripts, but all contain the sequence of maps. CCCC MS 26 includes a genealogy of the English kings, Easter tables, and a calendar of Saint Albans. CCCC MS 16 includes a diagram of winds and a depiction of an elephant that was sent to London in 1255. And BL MS Royal 14 C. vii includes a genealogy of the kings and a representation of Matthew himself, kneeling before a Virgin and Child.

Connolly, ‘Imagined Pilgrimage in the Itinerary Maps of Matthew Paris’; Connolly, The Maps of Matthew Paris. 52  Breen, ‘Returning Home from Jerusalem’; Breen, Imagining an English Reading Public, pp. 138–72. 53 Lewis, The Art of Matthew Paris in the Chronica Majora, p. 326 and pp. 374–78. Michael Gaudio and Laura J. Whatley also understand the sequence as a spiritual Crusade culminating in the Frankish Kingdom; see Gaudio, ‘Matthew Paris and the Carto­ graphy of the Margins’; Whatley, ‘Experiencing the Holy Land and Crusade’. 54 Harvey, Medi­e val Maps of the Holy Land, p.  92; Vaughn, Matthew Paris, pp. 23–50; Miller, Mappaemundi, pp. 84–85. 55  The emphasis given to Acre in this type of map led Harvey to define it as ‘the Acre map of Matthew Paris’; Harvey discusses the relationships between the three copies in Medi­eval Maps of the

Innovative Western Spiritual Icono­graphies tion can be seen as another Western modification of the prototypic Byzantine layout, or more specifically another Western modification made on the basis of the twelfthcentury Western circular-Jerusalem map. (The other such modification is MS Add. 10049, fol. 64v, Figure 13.) The Byzantine layout is particularly discernible on the right folio, where the land is depicted with the Jordan at the top and the Mediterranean at the bottom, and Jerusalem is emphasized through a large vignette between them (Figure 15; cf. Figure 1). Only a few sites are marked in the region of the Holy Land. Along the Mediterranean coastline these sites include the main towns and strongholds, with an emphasis on Acre to highlight its significance (during the thirteenth century the Latin kingdom was restricted to the area along the coast and Acre was its chief town).56 The sites marked in the hinterland include Mount Lebanon, ‘Ior’ and ‘Dan’, the Dead Sea, Mount Tabor, Nazareth, Jericho, Bethlehem, the Valley of Jehoshaphat (with reference to the Virgin’s tomb), and Arsuf, and in Jerusalem include the Lord’s Temple, Solomon’s Temple, and Christ’s tomb (Figure  15); the maps in BL MS  Royal 14 C. vii and CCCC MS 16 also include the Mount of Olives, Mount Zion, and the Siloam. Apart from Arsuf (a Frankish fortified town that played a role in the armed conflicts between the Franks and the Mamelukes in the mid-thirteenth century and is not marked in any earlier Western Holy Land map), all the sites marked here in the hinterland are part of the circular-Jerusalem map’s selection of sites, which, as we have seen, was composed on the basis of the twelfth-century genre of pilgrimage guides and constructed a Christo­logical space in line with Western pilgrimage itineraries (cf. Figure 15 with Figures 8, 10, and 12). That is to say, Matthew Paris composed a new selection that reflected a thirteenth-century political reality and embodied a Christo­logical space of pilgrimage, which, in point of fact, Western pilgrims could no longer reach. The connection of Matthew’s map to the twelfth-century circular-Jerusalem map can also be seen in his strategy of portraying Jerusalem through the icono­g raphy of Heavenly Jerusalem (although he utilized the square Holy Land, pp. 74–93; the three copies are reproduced as figs 40, 41, and 42. The inscriptions from the three copies were edited in Michelant and Raynaud, Itinéraires à Jérusalem, pp. 125–40. All these inscriptions are translated into English in Pringle, Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, pp. 197–208. 56  For a detailed discussion on the vignette of Acre, see Harvey, Medi­eval Maps of the Holy Land, pp. 82–83, and Lewis, The Art of Matthew Paris in the Chronica Majora, pp. 357–59.

47 motif of the Heavenly City).57 As in the circular-Jerusalem map, this type of icono­g raphy not only endows Jerusalem with an eschato­logical connotation but also contemporizes the traditional (Byzantine) layout of the land through a Western religious perspective and a Western visual language. Although he selected only a few sites from the circular-Jerusalem map’s selection, Matthew formulated the very same elaborate narrative that was constructed in that map: he concretized the entire cycle of Christ’s life through several sites reflecting all the phases of his life;58 he epitomized the Virgin’s life through three sites associated with her, and especially with her motherhood;59 and by showing just the two Temples and Christ’s tomb within the square vignette of Jerusalem, he succinctly characterized Jerusalem as the city of the Old Testament kings and of the Passion.60 An inscription written next to the Jerusalem vignette on CCCC MS  26 puts in words what is conveyed here in a few ­graphic signs: Jerusalem is the worthiest city and place in the world, for it is the capital of the land of our Lord, where he was willing to be born and suffer death to save us all. And there is the centre of the world, as the prophet David and many others had foretold that there would be born the Saviour. David the great king and a joy to God, and his son Solomon, who was endowed with so much wisdom, were kings of it and many others of great renown, and God lived there and preached and performed the great miracles, and He still normally calls it in the new law His own city.61 57  On the square vignette in Matthew’s map as a reflection of Heavenly Jerusalem, see Connolly, ‘Imagined Pilgrimage in the Itinerary Maps of Matthew Paris’, p. 600 and n. 13; Connolly, The Maps of Matthew Paris, pp. 133–36. 58  Infancy: Bethlehem and Nazareth; Ministry: Nazareth, the Jordan, and Mount Tabor; Passion: Jerusalem. In the maps of BL MS Royal 14 C. vii and CCCC MS 16 also the post-Resurrection: the Mount of Olives. 59  Nazareth: Annunciation; Bethlehem: Giving birth to Jesus; Valley of Jehoshaphat: burial and Assumption. 60  For the same narrative as constructed by the twelfth-century circular-Jerusalem map, see ‘Devotional Image’ in this chapter. 61  ‘Ierusalem est la plus digne cite e liu du mund, kar ço est le chef du païs Nostre Seignur, ù li plout nester e mort, pur nus tuz saveir, sufrir. E là est le midliu du mund, cum li prophete Davi e plusurs autres avoient avant dit ke là nesteroit le Sauvéres. David, li granz rois à Deu pleisanz, e si fiz Salomun, kit tant fu de sens estorez, en fu rois e plusurs autres de grant renumée, e la cunversa Dous e precha e fist le granz vertuz, e cela apela il tuz iurs à custume en la neu loi sa cite demeine’; Michelant and Raynaud, Itinéraires à Jérusalem, p. 133. English translation: Pringle, Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, p. 203. The equivalent inscriptions in the other copies convey the same message.

48

Figure 14. A map showing the region extending between Armenia (top left) and Egypt (top right) in Matthew Paris’s Chronica majora, Cam­bridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 26, fols iiiv–ivr. Ca. 1250. Parchment, 54 × 36 cm. © The Parker Library, Corpus Christi College, Cam­bridge.

Chapter 3

Innovative Western Spiritual Icono­graphies CCCC MS 26 includes two inscriptions that elaborate the map’s Christo­logical narrative. Written on either side of the vignette of Jerusalem, they read: On the other hand there is a great field where one finds some stones which resemble chickpeas. The reason is that when Our Lord lived on earth and saw a villager sowing He asked him saying: Good man, what are you sowing? And the latter replied mockingly ‘stones’. And our Lord said, ‘And stones may they be!’ And all the chickpeas that the villager had sown and those that he had still to sow

49 became chickpeas, which are a kind of pea; the color and appearance stayed the same, but they had the hardness of stone.62 This is the tree of obedience, so called because when Our Lady Saint Mary fled to Egypt with her Child and Joseph, it came about that the lady had a desire to eat some fruit. The tree was tall and the fruit at the top. The child made a sign to the tree and its fruit, and the tree with all its fruit inclined itself and bent down as it was gently offering and giving its fruit to her; and then it stood up again and having returned to its original state the tree inclined itself to her, as if it was greeting her, and so it remained curved.63 (A tree is depicted adjacent to this inscription; see Figures  14 and 15.)

Yet, beyond underscoring the presence of Christ and the Virgin in the land, these two inscriptions articulate the established perception that specific terrestrial features (a field of stones or a tree) were active participants in the past occurrences and that the land itself is a physical trace of the sacred past.64 62  ‘De l’autre part un grant chanp i a, ù hon trove unes péres qui senblent chiches. Pur ço ke quant Nostre Seingnur conversa en terre e vit un villain semmer, il li demanda e dist: “Prudem, ke semmes tu?” E cist respundi par eschar: “Péres”. E Nostre Sire dist: “E péres soient!” E tutes les chiches ke li vilains semma u out à semmer devindrent chiches ki sun tune manére de pois: la culur e façun i remeint, mais duresce unt de pére’; Michelant and Raynaud, Itinéraires à Jérusalem, p. 132. English translation: Pringle, Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, p. 202. Matthew mistakenly replaced stones with chickpeas and thus destroyed the meaning of the story, which is found in some thirteenth-century pilgrimage accounts. In Philip of Savona’s account the story is associated with a field between Jerusalem and Bethlehem; see Pringle, Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, p. 341. 63  ‘Ço est l’arbre de obedience, apelée pur ço ke quant Nostre Dame seinte Marie s’en fuï en Egipte of sun enfant e Ioseph, avint ke la dame out talent de manger du fruit: l’arbre estoit haute e le fruit au fumet. Li enfes acena l’arbre e sun fruit, e l’arbre of tut sun fruit s’enclina e se abessa cun si ele debonairement sun fruit li tendist e dunast; e pus se redresça, e au repairer cele arbre s’enclina à li, cun si ele la saluast, e dunc remist curbe’; Michelant and Raynaud, Itinéraires à Jérusalem, p. 131. English translation: Pringle, Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, p. 203. 64  On the Holy Land as a trace of the sacred

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Figure 15. A scheme showing the area of the Holy Land in Cam­ bridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 26, fol. ivr (Figure 14). Drawing by the author.

In presenting the Holy Land within a broader area (extending form Armenia to Egypt), and with references to the scriptural, historic, ethno­g raphic, commercial, and geo­g raphic dimensions of that area (also past, see Chapter 1; on terrestrial signs as traces of the sacred past in the Madaba map, see pp. 18–19, above.

through long inscriptions), Matthew contextualized the Holy Land from several perspectives and further elaborated its narrative as a sacred topo­g raphy. The scriptural references relate, for example, that Noah’s ark rested in Armenia after the flood and is ‘still stuck in the mountains’ (‘uncore i est arestée es muntaines’), 65 that Adam was created in Damascus where he cultivated the land,66 and that ‘All these parts, which are now in the subjection to the Saracens, were formerly Christian through the preaching of St  John the Evangelist and the other Apostles, who knew all wisdom and all languages and, what was more, received grace from the Holy Spirit’. 67 Associating several biblical episodes and figures with particular places around the Holy Land and elaborating on the conversion of the entire region by the Apostles, the scriptural inscriptions contextualize the Holy Land’s Christo­logical topo­g raphy (and narrative) in relation to the surrounding biblical environment and to earlier and later points on the biblical timeline. As part of a sequence of maps that inherently engendered a meditative journey to the Holy Land, this map offered the viewer not merely a destination but a way to understand this destination.

Michelant and Raynaud, Itinéraires à Jérusalem, p.  126; Pringle, Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, p. 197. 66   Michelant and Raynaud, Itinéraires à Jérusalem, p.  127; Pringle, Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, p. 198. 67  ‘Tutes cestes parties, ki ore sunt en subiecciun des Sarrazins, iadis furent chrestienes par la predicaciun seint Iohan euvangeliste e des autres apostles, ki savoient tuz sens e tuz languages e ki avoient grace du sent Esperit ki plus fu’; Michelant and Raynaud, Itinéraires à Jérusalem, p. 130; Pringle, Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, p. 201. 65  

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Grid Maps from the Fourteenth Century In the beginning of the fourteenth century a new type of Holy Land map appeared in the West (probably in Italy). It presented the land in a horizontal rectangular shape; it did not centralize Jerusalem; it focused on the land’s Old Testament past; and it was covered by a grid of 83 by 28 squares (hereafter ‘grid map’). This type of map appeared in two formats: as wall maps over 160 cm long and as illustrations within manu­scripts. An example of a large wall map is New York, Morgan Library & Museum, MS M.877 (Figure 16); it measures 165.5 × 52 cm and is dated to c. 1330 on the basis of its connection to the small grid maps (hereafter ‘Morgan’).68 Florence, Archivio di Stato, Carte nautiche, geografiche e topografiche 4 is an almost identical map in terms of dimensions (it measures 168 × 51.5 cm), composition, and written inscriptions; Paul Harvey identified on it faint traces of a grid, which he argues was deliberately erased.69 The Archivio di Stato map was dated by Reinhold Röhricht to c. 1300 on the basis of stylistic arguments.70 The small-sized grid maps were attached to two specific works: The Book of the Secrets of the Faithful of the Cross (Liber secretorum fidelium crucis), written by Marino Sanudo (c. 1270–1343) to promote a new Crusade after the collapse of the Latin kingdom in 1291 (the primary copy was presented to Pope John  XXII at Avignon in 1321, and other copies were distributed among influential European rulers); and Chrono­l ogia magna, a universal history written by the Franciscan friar Paolino Veneto (or Paolino Minorita), who served at the Papal Court in Avignon and was a member of the papal commission that considered Sanudo’s proposals (the earliest of the four surviving manu­scripts of Paolino’s chrono­logy dates to 1327).71 Pietro Vesconte, a Genoese mapmaker who had settled in Venice by 1318, is consid68  First published by Adams, Seventh Annual Report, pp. 14–17. It is represented in detail in Harvey, Medi­eval Maps of the Holy Land, pp. 128–32. 69 Harvey, Medi­eval Maps of the Holy Land, pp. 94–106; the map is reproduced as fig. 48. 70  Röhricht, ‘Karten und Pläne zur Palästinakunde aus dem 7.– 16. Jahrhundert I’. It is discussed, together with the Morgan map in Baumgärtner, ‘Burchard of Mount Sion’, pp. 32–35. 71  On Marino Sanudo and his project, see Lock, Marino Sanudo Torsello, pp. 3–11; Tyerman, ‘Marino Sanudo Torsello and the Last Crusade’. On Paolino Veneto and his treatise, see Harvey, Medi­eval Maps of the Holy Land, p. 113. The relationship between Marino Sanudo and Paolino Veneto is discussed in Degenhart and Schmitt, ‘Marino Sanudo und Paolino Veneto’.

51 ered the author of the maps in both these works.72 Eight manu­scripts of both works have survived with maps of the Holy Land; the maps are quite consistent from copy to copy, and minor variations can be explained as deriving from inaccurate coping.73 The principal delineation is presented in the following on the basis of the map in London, British Library, MS Add. 27376 (Marino Sanudo’s Liber secretorum fidelium crucis) because this particular copy contains long inscriptions (some copies include just toponyms) (Figure 17). Reinhold Röhricht found that the new fourteenthcentury type of Holy Land map contained inscriptions and toponyms that were derived from Burchard of Mount Sion’s Descriptio Terre Sancte and established the association between this map and Burchard’s work.74 Burchard was a Dominican friar of German origin, who travelled to Armenia, Egypt, and Palestine in c. 1274–85 and wrote an extensive account of the latter. The work was sent to the lector of the Preaching Friars in Magdeburg; it exists in two versions.75

Vesconte’s authorship was established by Kretschmer, Die Italienischen Portolane des Mittel­alters, pp. 68–69. It is also discussed in Bouloux, Culture et savoirs géo­g raphiques dans l’Italie, esp. pp. 45–68; Edson, ‘Reviving the Crusade’. 73  Six of the eight surviving maps appear in Sanudo’s Liber secretorum fidelium crucis. All eight maps are discussed in detail in Harvey, Medi­eval Maps of the Holy Land, pp. 107–27 (reproduced as figs 55–62), and in Vagnon, Carto­graphie et représentations de l’orient Méditerranéen en occident, pp. 131–69. Sanudo’s six maps include London, British Library, MS  Add. 27376, fols 188v–189r; Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Tanner 190, fols 205v–206r; Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Reg. lat. 548, fols 141v–142r; Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, MS 237, fols 142v–143r; Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS 9347–48, fols 162v–163r and MS 9404–05, fols 173v–174r. Paolino’s two maps are Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS Lat. 4939, fols 10v–11r and Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 1960, fols 265v–266r. 74  Röhricht, ‘Marino Sanudo Sen. als Karto­graph Palästinas’. 75   The short version opens with a letter to the lector at Magdeburg, to whom the work was sent. On the possibility that the long version was also addressed to the friars of Magdeburg, see Rubin, ‘Burchard of Mount Sion’s Descriptio Terrae Sanctae’, p. 178; see pp. 178–82 for new evidence concerning Burchard’s life and travel. An edition of the short version appeared in Canisius, Antiquae lectiones, iv, 295–322, and was reprinted in Basnage, Thesaurus monumentorum ecclesiasticorum et historicorum, iv, 1–26. A critical edition of the long version was published in Laurent, Peregrinatores medii aevi quatuor, pp.  1–100. An English translation of this edition was made by Pringle, Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, pp. 241–320. The section describing Burchard’s journey to Egypt was published in Rubin, ‘Burchard of Mount Sion’s Descriptio Terrae Sanctae’, pp. 183–90; Rubin, ‘A Missing Link in European Travel Literature’. 72 

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At the beginning of the text Burchard refers to his motive for writing his treatise: to supply his readers with a device for visualization of the unattainable land. Seeing, however, that some people are affected by a desire to picture for themselves in some degree at least those things that they are unable to look upon face to face and wanting to satisfy their wish as far as I can, I  have inspected, diligently recorded and studiously described in so far as I have been able that land through which I have frequently passed on foot.76

There is no way of knowing who translated Burchard’s Descriptio into a map and whether this was done specifically in order to support his meditative goal. It is not implausible that this was done as part of monastic spir76 

‘Uerum uidens quosdam affici desiderio ea saltem aliqualiter imaginary, que non possunt presencialiter intueri, et cupiens eorum desiderio satisfacere, quantum possum, terram ipsam, quam pedibus meis pluries pertransiui, quantum potui, consideraui, et notaui diligenter, et studios descripsi’; Laurent, Peregrinatores medii aevi quatuor, p. 20. English translation: Pringle, Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, p. 242.

ituality, and that the large wall maps were produced (in monasteries) to serve spiritual purposes.77 Yet, an ambiguous reference to a description of the land on a ‘sheet of parchment’ (pellis) in some manu­scripts of Burchard’s short version suggests that Burchard himself may have compiled a sort of a map to accompany his text.78 In any event, it is reasonable to assume that the spiritual connotation of Burchard’s text was part and parcel of the new type of map that g­ raphically reflected it, and that the map’s inherent spiritual connotation played a role in whichever context particular copies were made for. The map in Marino Sanudo’s Liber secretorum fidelium cru­ cis, written in order to promote a military Crusade, is an excellent example of this. 77  As was the case with mappae mundi that served as visual aids for teaching and perhaps even for preaching ; see Kupfer, ‘Medi­ eval World Maps’, p. 276; Terkla, ‘The Original Placement of the Hereford Mappa Mundi’, p. 144, n. 80. 78   On this reference and its ambiguous meaning , see Baumgärtner, ‘Burchard of Mount Sion’, pp. 17–18; Gautier Dalché, ‘Cartes de Terre Sainte, cartes de pèlerins’, p. 590; Harvey, Medi­eval Maps of the Holy Land, p. 99.

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Figure 16. A map of the Holy Land, New York, Morgan Library & Museum, MS M.877. Beginning of the fourteenth century. Parchment, 165.5 × 52 cm. © The Morgan Library & Museum. Purchased as a gift of the Fellows of the Pierpont Morgan Library with the assistance of Mrs Louis M. Rabinowitz and Mrs Lester A. Le Wars; 1956.

Composition and Content The grid map shows the land oriented to the east, extending from the Transjordan Mountains (top) to the Mediterranean (bottom), and from the city of Dan (left) to Beersheba (right) (Figures 16, 17). By marking Dan in the north (next to Mount Lebanon) and Beersheba in the south, this map not only reflects Burchard’s definition of the space he travelled — ‘For as I have said, the whole land from Dan to Beersheba and from the Dead Sea to the Great Sea [Mediterranean], those being the limits, I have either walked through on foot or else I have carefully surveyed by eye on the occasions when I was unable to gain access’79 — but rather defines the boundaries of the land of the Old Testament according to the 79  ‘Totam enim terram ipsam a Dan usque Bersabee, a mari mortu usque ad magnum mare, que sunt eius termini, aut pedibus, ut dictum est, perambulaui, vel oculis, ubi accessum habere non potui, diligender consideraui’; Laurent, Peregrinatores medii aevi quatuor, pp. 20–21. Pringle, Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, p. 242.

phrase of ‘Dan to Beersheba’ (e.g. Judges 20. 1, or i Kings 5. 5). That the grid map was meant to frame the land of the Old Testament is inferred from Marino Sanudo’s explanation of the rationale of the grid: The length of the Land of Promise extends from Dan at the foot of Mount Lebanon, on the north, to Bersabee, which is in the south near the desert of Egypt, a distance of 83 leagues. In breadth it extends from the Mediterranean Sea on the west, 28 Leagues to the east. Let us imagine the Land of Promise to be divided by straight lines into 28 spaces which extend from Mount Lebanon to the desert which goes into Egypt and in 83 spaces by straight lines drawn transversally over the first [lines] from West to East so that many squares are produced each measuring one league or two miles.80 80  ‘Terrae Promissionis longitude, pertrahitur a Dan, quae est sub monte Libano versu Aquilonem, usque in Bersabee, quae est versus Meridiem, & prope desertum Egypti, in spatio leucarum LXXXIII. Latitudo verò eius, protenditur a mari Mediterraneo ex parte Occidentali, versus Oriens, perleucas XXVIII. Imaginemur itaque Terram Promissionisdiuidi per lineas in XXVIII spatia, quae protenduntur à monte Libano usque ad desertum quo itur in Aegyptum; & in LXXXIII spatia: tractis lineis super priores transuersaliter ab Occidente in Oriens, ita quòd resultant, ad

54

Figure 17. A map of the Holy Land in Marino Sanudo’s Liber secretorum fidelium crucis, London, British Library, MS Add. 27376, fols 188v–189r. 1330. Parchment, 51 × 34.5 cm. Reproduced with the permission of the British Library Board.

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c The city of Dan is labelled in the various surviving grid maps with an array of toponymic variants; the longest one, ‘Lacis vel Belinas vel Dan vel Lesdan vel Cesarea Philipi’ (MS Add. 27376), derives from Burchard’s explanation of the boundaries of the land as extending ‘from Dan to Beersheba’ and can be taken as another element marked on the map to encapsulate the concept.81 It is worth noting here that Burchard’s Descriptio included a section on Egypt referring to biblical events that are essentially relevant to the narrative of the Holy Land (the Exodus of the Israelites and the flight of Mary and Jesus to Egypt), but the map that translated his text into a visual image left Egypt beyond its limits and deliberately framed the land according to the Old Testament concept of ‘Dan to Beersheba’. While the earlier Western Holy Land maps were minimal in the depicted elements included, the grid map constructed the landscape through numerous towns, mountains, and rivers, which flow throughout the country between the three inland seas — ‘Aqua Maron’ (Hula Lake),82 the Sea of Galilee, and the Dead Sea — and the

a

b Figure 18. New York, Morgan Library & Museum, MS M.877 (Figure 16), details showing Phiala (a), the ‘well of life giving waters’ (b), and Jael’s tent (c).

quantitatem unius leucae sive duorum milliarium, plurima loca quadrata’; Bongars, Gesta Dei per Francos, ii, 246. English translation: Lock, Marino Sanudo Torsello, p. 392. 81 For Burchard’s reference, see Pringle, Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, p. 254. 82 Hula Lake was identified by pilgrims as ‘The waters of Merom’, the place where Joshua fought with the Canaanite kings ( Joshua 11. 5). For this tradition in Burchard’s Descriptio, see Pringle, Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, p. 255.

Innovative Western Spiritual Icono­graphies

Figure 19. New York, Morgan Library & Museum, MS M.877 (Figure 16), detail showing the sign marking Jerusalem.

Mediterranean. No roads are represented. Thin lines demarcate the domains of the Tribes of Israel. The idea of delineating the tribal territories may have derived from the Byzantine Holy Land mapping tradition; yet this delineation reflects Burchard’s interest in the distribution of the tribes in the land and expresses a further aspect of the boundaries of the Old Testament land.83 A few pictorial signs mark several sites and biblical episodes. Those that appear in all surviving grid maps include a kind of a well that represents a subterranean spring named Phiala; two split streams that represent a ‘well of life giving waters’ (‘puteus aquarum viventium’) next to Tyre; a triangular structure that represents the tent where Jael killed Sisera; and a variety of signs representing the tombs of Job and the Maccabees (Figure 18); the adjacent inscriptions that elucidate these signs summarize Burchard’s descriptions. 84 Other signs appear sporadically. These include a table that represents a place called Tabula or mensa (the site where Christ performed the miracle of the loaves and fishes); a tree next to Hebron that marks the Oak of Mamre; a gate on a mountaintop next to Gaza that represents the city gates carried by Samson; an architectural sign that denotes ‘Zechariah’s house’ (‘Domus Zacharie’);85 a palm-tree (named palma 83 

Burchard dealt with the layout of the tribal domains in a chapter named ‘The length and the breadth of the Holy Land’; Pringle, Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, pp. 310–12. On the tribal domains in the Byzantine Holy Land mapping tradition, see Levy-Rubin, ‘From Eusebius to the Crusader Maps’, p. 258. 84 Pringle, Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, pp. 254–55 (Phiala), p. 257 ( Jael’s tent), p. 260 ( Job’s tomb), p. 309 (tombs of the Maccabees). 85  According to Burchard, the place where Mary met Elisabeth

57 del bore) that marks the place where Deborah judged the children of Israel ( Judges 4. 5); a schematic depiction of the Annunciation in Nazareth; and architectural signs that mark the tombs of the prophet Jonah and Rachel. The reason for marking these particular sites and traditions with pictorial signs is unclear. Jerusalem is represented in modest signs. The large wall maps individualize the city through a sign of a cross within a circle (Figure 19), a sign that explicitly identifies Jerusalem as the place of the Crucifixion and perhaps also as the axis mundi. In the other maps Jerusalem is marked by a simple architectural sign, which is also used for marking Bethlehem, Hebron, Nazareth, and Damascus (other places are indicated by small red circles). Containing historical and geo­g raphical details or referring to biblical traditions attributed to the various sites, the inscriptions might be classified into similar categories as the inscriptions on the Byzantine Madaba map (see Appendix IV; cf. Appendix I). This is not to say that the inscriptions of the grid map were composed with the intention of imitating the Byzantine map, but rather that both types of maps conceptualized the biblical topo­ graphy through similar characteristics. Moreover, as in the Madaba map, most of the scriptural inscriptions refer to the Old Testament past; of the seventeen scriptural inscriptions in MS Add. 27376, fourteen refer to Old Testament events (Appendix IV: E), and a similar ratio of Old to New Testament inscriptions is found in the large wall maps.86 This fact is highly significant not only in respect of the grid map’s relationships to the Byzantine Holy Land mapping tradition, but also in respect of its relationships with the twelfth-century Western Holy Land map, which continued to be copied in the West during the fourteenth century and, as we have seen, focused on sites and traditions associated with Christ’s life (Figures 8–12). Yet, while the grid map had much more in common with the Byzantine Holy Land mapping, it, like the Western twelfth-century map, was composed on the basis of a Western written account of the Holy Land and essentially reflected a Western perception of the biblical topo­graphy. and where John the Baptist was born; Pringle, Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, p. 307. 86  I rely here on Reinhold Röhricht’s transcription of Florence, Archivio di Stato, Carte nautiche, geografiche e topografiche 4, in which thirty-seven of the fifty-one scriptural inscriptions refer to Old Testament events and only fourteen to New Testament ones; see Röhricht, ‘Karten und Pläne zur Palästinakunde aus dem 7.–16. Jahrhundert I’, pl. I.

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Figure 20. A map of Jerusalem in Marino Sanudo’s Liber secretorum fidelium crucis, London, British Library, MS Add. 27376, fol. 189v. Parchment, 26 × 34.5 cm. Reproduced with the permission of the British Library Board.

Innovative Western Spiritual Icono­graphies Needless to say, the orientation of the grid map towards the east was a matter of convention (established in the Byzantine tradition) and not, as has been sometimes suggested, an expression of the direction travelled by pilgrims and Crusaders coming from the West.87 The Map in Marino Sanudo’s Liber secretorum fidelium crucis and the Grid as a Devotional Instrument In Marino Sanudo’s Liber secretorum fidelium crucis the map of the Holy Land was part of a set of maps, which included also a world map, five portolan charts of the Mediterranean and the Black Sea, a map of the Eastern Mediterranean, and two maps of Acre and Jerusalem. (In fact, this set included every type of map produced in the West at that time, namely, regional, world, portolan, and city maps.)88 Patrick Gautier Dalché contends that this set of maps was meant to represent the Holy Land from several points of view and at different scales and thus to encompass all the strategic conditions for a military expedition, but he finds the fact that the Holy Land map contains ‘almost exclusively historical content’ surprising.89 One can argue that due to this historical (namely, scriptural) content the Holy Land map had more complex role to play within the set; that is, to arouse the recipient’s desire to embark upon a Crusade even before serving him as a practical tool for that mission. This is also true for the map of Jerusalem in that set (Figure 20); depicting a selection of sites that animated the presence of Christ in and around the city, this map had the potential to act like any other devotional image referring to Christ’s humanity and to stimulate religious emotions. It is worth noting that the selection of sites presented here within the walls — the pool of Bethesda, the Church of Saint Anne, the Lord’s Temple, Solomon’s Temple, the house of Pilate, the Church of Saint Mary the Latin, Calvary, the Sepulchre, the Tower of David, and the Cenacle — echoes the selection of the twelfth-century circular-Jerusalem map, which, as we have seen, was by definition a devotional image, associ87   Harvey,

‘Local and Regional Carto­g raphy in Medi­e val Europe’, p. 475; Paul, ‘Introducing the Oxford Outremer Map’. 88  For a full list detailing which maps appear in each surviving manu­script of Sanudo’s book, see Edson, ‘Reviving the Crusade’, pp. 151–52. Peter Lock has suggested that it may have been up to the recipient of the book to decide how many maps he received; Lock, Marino Sanudo Torsello, p. 16. 89  Gautier Dalché, ‘Cartes de Terre Sainte, cartes de pèlerins’, pp. 598–99.

59 ated with pilgrimage and with devotion to Christ (Plate I, Figures 8–12).90 The suggestion that the Holy Land map was intended to arouse emotions in the viewers rather than just serving as a practical tool for a Crusade is based on two additional arguments: first, the fact that it includes no roads, a fundamental element in planning a military strategy; and second, the grid with which it is covered and the index with which this grid was associated in Sanudo’s book. The index elaborates on the depicted places. Taking into consideration that it largely elaborates on biblical events associated with the places, and that such information could not be of use in planning a Crusade, we should understand the innovative combination of map–grid–index as a meditative tool, devised to arouse devotional sentiments towards the land. The introduction of a grid over a map — not to mention the supporting index — was a totally new idea, owing nothing to earlier maps. Paul Harvey suggests that the grid was invented in Venice as a convenient means for the copying of maps, but was ingeniously put to use by Sanudo to provide a key to locations on the map.91 However, since this invention was used only for maps of the Holy Land, one wonders whether the grid was introduced in order to stimulate — together with an index — a meditative reading/looking of the sacred topo­g raphy. None of the other surviving fourteenth-century grid maps are accompanied by an index, yet this does not negate the possibility that the grid was conceived to be used with a descriptive index (whether by Sanudo or by the authors of the large wall maps), and that the only surviving example of the combination is in Sanudo’s work. The index appears as Chapter 3 of Part 14 in Book iii, and is entitled ‘The situation of notable places in the Holy Land of Promise’.92 It opens with an explanation of the method and of the measurements of the land that are encapsulated in the grid.93 This explanation demonstrates a deliberate intention to transmit an 90 

On the practical information that Sanudo’s Jerusalem map offered to the future Crusaders, see Edson, ‘Jerusalem under Siege’. 91 Harvey, Medi­eval Maps of the Holy Land, p. 116 The grid lines remind Ingrid Baumgärtner of the rhumb lines on portolan charts and are understood to have been, in addition to an aid facilitating copying, a means to give an impression of ‘measurability and operational practicability’ to the maps; Baumgärtner, ‘Burchard of Mount Sion’, p. 35. 92  For the index in Latin, see Jacques Bongars, Gesta Dei per Francos, ii, 246–49. For an English translation, see Lock, Marino Sanudo Torsello, pp. 392–98. 93  The explanation is quoted in note 80 in this chapter.

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60 accurate portrait of the territory with the aid of the grid, but it also bestows on the grid a spiritual meaning with reference to the very meanings of records of measurements of holy places in medi­eval spirituality. Specifically, records of measurements of holy places were considered to be imbued not only with the size and form of particular places but also with their sanctity, and they were accepted as a means of meditation on the sacred events associated with the places themselves.94 Moreover, even measurement of distances between pairs of places in Palestine — an essentially practical type of information that appears in written descriptions of the Holy Land since the fourth century — seems over the centuries to have become a literary device to transmit the mystery of the land, or another entry into its mystical world. It is enough to read a few lines from Burchard’s Descriptio to understand the role that records of distances played in written descriptions of the Holy Land and in devotion to that land.95 The grid, therefore, being innately imbued with both measurements and distances, was no different from any other quantifying record of a holy place that suggested a metric threshold into the sanctity of that place, in this case the sacred land. It is worth noting that during the fifteenth century records of measurements of holy places (documented on boards, textiles, or stones) came to be venerated as sacred evidence in themselves; they were considered as authentic ‘metric relics’ and as 94 

On the spiritual dimensions of measurements of the holy places, see Shalev, ‘Christian Pilgrimage and Ritual Measurement in Jerusalem’. On the role of quantifying records in late medi­ eval devotion, see Rudy, Rubrics, Images and Indulgences; on measurements of holy places, see pp. 73–77. 95   For example: ‘De Ebron II Leucis contra aquilonem est Neheleschol, i.e. torrens botri vel vallis lacrimarum, unde exploratores tulerunt palmitem cum una sua, quam portabant in uecte duo viri. Ad leuam uallis per dimidiam leucam descendit riuusriuus, in quo Philippus baptizauit eunuchum. De Neheleschol IV leucis contra Ierusalem est domus Zacharie, in quam intrauit beata uirgo et salutauit Elizabeth.ubi eciam natus beatus Iohannes baptista. De domo illa II leucis contra aquilonem est Nobe, civitas sacredotum, ubi Dauid ab Abimelech sacredote accepit gladium Goliad Gethei’; Laurent, Peregrinatores medii aevi quatuor, p. 82. ‘Two leagues north of Hebron is the valley of Eshcol, i.e. the “valley of the grape cluster”, from which the spies took a branch with its bunch of grapes, which two men carried on a pole. Half a league to the left of this valley runs down the stream in which Philip baptized the eunuch. Four leagues from the valley of Eshcol in the direction of Jerusalem is the House of Zechariah, into which the Blessed Virgin entered and greeted Elizabeth. There also John the Baptist was born. Two leagues from that place is Nob, a city of priests, where David received from Ahimelech the priest the sword of Goliath of Gath’; Pringle, Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, pp. 306–07.

such functioned as devices for meditation and for creating replicas of the original holy sites.96 As well, the spiritual meaning of distances remained relevant also in the later Protestant piety. Kaspar Peucer, for example, a German reformist who in 1554 was appointed professor of mathematics at the Uni­ver­sity of Wittenberg, argued that the matter of distances was significant for understanding the Scriptures and even attached Burchard of Mount Sion’s work to his mathematical manual.97 The index augments the grid’s devotional potential. It lists the places that are marked on the map strip by strip from left to right and from top to bottom, while the exact locations of the places on the grid are given by the terms of ‘space’ for longitude and ‘square’ for latitude (the method is explained at the beginning of the index). The information provided is sometimes limited to the location of the places on the grid and sometimes includes references to other parts in the book (for example, ‘In square 76 is Petra of the desert of Mons Regalis, for which see above Part 7, Chapters 8 and 18’);98 but the index mostly supplies varied information on the places, including illustrative descriptions of the places themselves and their provinces. If references of this kind include indications of roads and distances — two elements that are entirely lacking on the map — they innately enrich the depicted view with both practical and devotional features. But when these references attribute biblical traditions to specific places and also indicate the measurements of specific sites, the number of paces that one needs to walk from one sacred site to an adjacent one, and the view that is seen from a certain place depicted on the map, they provide the viewer with different channels into the sacred landscape and transform the view presented on the map into a tangible sacred space. The following example demonstrates a sequence of such references and the potential of the combination of index and map to engender a spiritual experience. In [square] 49 is Dotum, having behind it to the north the land of Tampne. In Dotum Ptolemy the son of Abobus took Simon Machabees by treachery. From Dotum there is a beautiful view to the east towards Fasga and to 96   On

the devotional role of three such artefacts, which belonged to the fifteenth-century English pilgrim William Wey, see Arad, ‘Pilgrimage, Carto­g raphy and Devotion’, p.  307 and pp. 314–16; on William Wey’s map of the Holy Land, see ‘William Wey’s Map’ in Chapter 4. 97 Shalev, Sacred Words and Worlds, p. 10. 98  ‘In LXXVI est Petra deserti, sive Mons Regalis: de quo supra part.vi.cap.viii&xviii’; Bongars, Gesta Dei per Francos, ii, 246. English translation: Lock, Marino Sanudo Torsello, p. 392.

Innovative Western Spiritual Icono­graphies the south as far as Jericho. In [square] 56 is Galgala where the children of Israel were circumcised and where they stayed for a long time. Soon after Galgala comes the Valley of Achor, so-called because Achor was stoned there. In space 11 Lebanon is divided from Mount Hermon, at the foot of which on the north side is Damascus, for which see part 6, chapter 19. In this part of the mountain is the road that leads to Emath. In square 20 is the mountain called the table, where the Lord fed 5000 men. It was there that he preached the Sermon on the Mount and spent the whole night in prayer. From this mountain the whole area round about is visible for ten leagues or more. The mountain is two bow-shots long and a stone’s throw wide. At its foot a spring begins near the Sea of Galilee, just 30 paces from it, which they call the vein of the Nile because it produces a fish, the corconus, that is found nowhere else except in the Nile. Twenty paces from this spring along the Sea of Galilee, is the place where Christ, after his resurrection, appeared to the seven disciples who were fishing, and ten paces further along is the place where the disciples, having disembarked from a ship, saw live coals and fish laid upon them.99

The inscription ‘table of the 5 loaves of bread and of the beatitudes’ (‘mensa de V panibus et de beatitudinis’) written in square 20 anchors all this information on the map (specifically, the dimensions of the mountain, the far away vista seen from its summit, distances between it and nearby landmarks, and scriptural events associated with it and its environs) and thus allows the viewer to experience the site in topo­g raphical terms and to grasp the sacred events associated with it in topo­g raphical context.100 99  ‘In XLIX Dotum, post se habens ad Aquilonem Tampne. In Doto, Ptolemeus, filius Abbobi, insidiosè cepit Simeonem Machabeum, De Doto est pulcher aspectus ad orientem, versus Fasga & Meridiem usque Iericho. In LVI est Galgala, ubi filii Israel circumcisi sunt, ac diu immorati. Post Galgalam, propè sequitur vallis Achor: sic dicta, quia Achor ibi lapidatus est. in undecimo spatio dividitur Libanus à monte Hermon, sub quo est Damascus parte septentrionis: de quo part.vi.cap.xix & in hac divisione montium est via quae ducit Emath. Quadro autem xx est mons vocatus Mensa, ubi satiauit Dominus quinque milia hominum: ibi fecit sermonem in monte, in orationibus pernoctauit: de iste monte videtur omnis regio in circuitu ad decem leucas & ultra: est autem mons longus, ad duos iactus fagittae; latus, ad iactus lapidis. Ad pedem eius oritur fons, iuxta mare Galileae ad XXX passus, quem dicunt venam Nili: quia piscem Corconum producit, qui alibi quam in Nilo non reperitur. De isto fonte ad XX passus, supra mare Galileae, est locus ubi Christus post resurrectionem apparauit septem dispulis piscantibus & inde ad x passus est locus ubi discipuli, egressi de naui viderunt prunas & piscem suprapositim’; Bongars, Gesta Dei per Francos, ii, 247. English translation: Lock, Marino Sanudo Torsello, p. 393. 100   ‘Mensa

de V panibus et de beatitudinis’ is written on MS Add. 27376, yet other copies of maps in Sanudo’s manu­scripts

61 Significantly, Sanudo’s index and map reflected Burchard’s meditative work, which was ultimately intended to lead the viewer to introspective contemplation on the humanity of Christ through particular places in the Holy Land.101 Therefore, we may assume that Sanudo was aware of this composition’s potentiality to arouse sentiments in his readers, and that he utilized it to inspire them to embark on a holy war for that land. It appears that the fourteenth-century Holy Land map provided an incentive for indexing. Another kind of index is written next to the left margin of Florence, Archivio di Stato, Carte nautiche, geografiche e topografiche 4, the large wall map on which Paul Harvey identified faint traces of a grid.102 This is an alphabetical index sometimes refer to the place just as mensa (e.g. Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS  Tanner 190). Of course, the toponym mensa acts similarly to the long inscription. 101  The equivalent para­g raph in Burchard’s text exemplifies how the landscape served this intent and how it was recruited for enhancing this kind of a spiritual experience: ‘De castro Sephet duas leucas, in descensu montis contra orientem, ad iactum a mari Galilee, supra uiam, que ducit ad orientem, est ascensus montis illius, in quem tociens ascendit Christus Ihesus, in quo fecit sermonem illum secundum Matheum, in quo saturauit V milia hominum de quinque panibus et duobus piscibus. Illuc dimissa turba ascendit solus orare. Fugit in ipsum, cum eum uellent facere regem. Ibi docuit discipulos orare. In eo erat pernoctans in oratione. Ibi eo descendente supplicauit centurio pro puero paralytico. Ibi ad eum uenit multitudo languencium et qui uexabantur a spiritibus immundis. Ibi tetigit leprosum et sanauit eum. Ibi stetit in loco campestri et turba discipulorum eius. De isto monte uidetur totum mare Galilee […] Est autem longus quantum iactus est duorum arcum, latus quantum iactus est lapidis uel amplius, herbosus et amenus et habilis ad predicandum. Ostenditur ibi lapis adhuc, in quo sedit predicans Dominus Ihesus Christus, et apostolorum sessiones’; Laurent, Peregrinatores medii aevi quatuor, p. 35. ‘Two leagues from the castle of Safad, on going down the mountain towards the east, a stone’s throw from the Sea of Galilee above the road leading east is the way up that hill, which Christ Jesus so often ascended and on which according to Matthew he made that sermon and satisfied five thousand people with five loaves of bread and two fish. To that place having dismissed the crowd He went up alone to pray. He fled there when they wanted to make Him king. There He taught the disciples to pray. On it He spent the whole night in prayer. As He was descending from it the centurion implored Him on behalf of his paralytic boy. There came to Him a multitude of sick people and of those troubled by unclean spirits. There He touched the leper and cured him. There He stood in the fields with a crowd of His disciples. From that hill is seen the whole of the Sea of Galilee […]. The hill is as long as two bowshots, as wide as a stone’s throw or more, grassy, pleasant and suitable for preaching. There is still shown the stone on which the Lord Jesus Christ sat and preached, as well as the places where the Apostles sat’; Pringle, Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, p. 258. 102 

See note 69 in this chapter.

62 that catalogues the places marked on the map according to the tribal territories in which they are located (containing nearly three hundred references, it begins with ‘Assor civitas in tribu Neptalin’ and concludes with ‘Çarona in tribu Manasse’).103 This index provided the viewer with an effective key to the map, yet also summarized one of the themes that this map was designed to depict: the layout of the land of the Old Testament.

103  Transcription of the entire index is published in Röhricht, ‘Karten und Pläne zur Palästinakunde aus dem 7.–16. Jahrhundert I’, pl. I, and some corrections to Röhricht’s readings are given in Harvey, Medi­eval Maps of the Holy Land, pp. 105–06.

Chapter 3

Chapter 4

Fifteenth-Century Pilgrims’ Maps: Late Medi­eval Instruments of Devotion

I

n the fifteenth century the map of the Holy Land became an image associated explicitly with pilgrimage through the new trend of commemorating a journey to Jerusalem by means of such a map. We know of five pilgrims who commissioned Holy Land maps after returning home: the German (?) priest Johannes Poloner who went on a pilgrimage in 1421; the Italian nobleman Gabriele Capodilista, who embarked on his pilgrimage in 1458; the English scholar and monk William Wey, who undertook two journeys in 1458 and 1462;1 the German canon Bernhard von Breydenbach (1440–1497), who travelled to the Holy Land in 1483; and Friedrich  III (the ‘wise’), Elector and Duke of  Saxony (1463–1525; r. 1486–1525), who embarked on a pilgrimage in 1493. The diverse origins and social positions of these five pilgrims testify that the display of a Holy Land map in a post-pilgrimage context was not only a widely known custom, common to different individuals in different classes, societies, and countries, but that the Holy Land map carried a special connotation of devotion at that time. The maps of Gabriele Capodilista and Bernhard von Breydenbach were each bound together within their pilgrimage accounts; those of William Wey and Friedrich III were drawn or printed on large sheets of parchment and paper (respectively) and played a role in devotional installations of the Holy Land that these two pilgrims established in their churches. Johannes Poloner’s map has not survived. From Poloner’s reference to this map in his pilgrimage account it is not clear whether it was drawn on an independent sheet or bound together within the manu­s cript, yet it is nonetheless 1   William Wey and Gabriele Capodilista participated in the same annual journey of 1458. On that journey and its other participants, see Mitchell, The Spring Voyage.

clear that it was a grid map of the type discussed above (namely, a map that showed the area extending ‘from Dan to Beersheba’ within a grid of 83  ×  28 squares) and that it was associated with an index that augmented its spiritual effect (the index is part of the pilgrimage account).2 The maps of Capodilista, Wey, and Breydenbach were also fashioned in keeping with the composition of the fourteenth-century grid map. As this composition highlighted the Old Testament past and did not give particular expression to sites associated with Christ in and around Jerusalem, it was intrinsically in conflict with the actual pilgrimage experience (which was shaped by the visit to these particular sites) and could not truly convey it.3 In what follows I shall examine the ways in which the three pilgrims augmented their maps with a variety of visual imagery and sacred artefacts, and thus not only 2 

On the meditative quality of the combined composition of a grid map and index, see ‘The Map in Marino Sanudo’s Liber secretorum fidelium crucis and the Grid as a Devotional Instrument’ in Chapter 3. Poloner’s index is published in Tobler, Descriptiones Terrae Sanctae, pp.  255–63 (the entire account appears on pp. 225–81); for English translation, see Stewart, John Poloner’s Description of the Holy Land, pp. 23–30. It is worth noting that Poloner’s index differs from Marino Sanudo’s one (discussed above) in both style and information, which means that he did not replicate Sanudo’s work but, rather, followed another model or composed his work on the basis of what had become a known practice (that is, a combined composition of a grid map and index). That such a practice was somewhat common also in the fifteenth century is inferred from another manu­script with a description of the Holy Land (written by a certain Maurice of Paris) that includes an index of another lost grid map. Poloner’s and Maurice of Paris’s indices are discussed in Harvey, Medi­eval Maps of the Holy Land, pp. 124–25; a transcription of Maurice of Paris’s index appears on pp. 126–27. 3 

For the fifteenth-century pilgrimage experience, see Rudy, ‘A Guide to Mental Pilgrimage’; Sumption, Pilgrimage, pp. 188–92.

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moderated the inherent disharmony between their maps and personal experiences, but made their maps into upto-date devotional instruments, suitable for contemporary devotion to both Christ and the Holy Land. It is worth noting that only in the fifteenth century did pilgrims begin to accompany their travel accounts with images, and that maps of the Holy Land were among the earliest ones.4

Gabriele Capodilista’s Map Gabriele Capodilista was a member of one of the most illustrious families of Padua, but little is known about him: after completing his pilgrimage in 1458 (apparently in his forties) he received a doctorate in Canon Law in Padua (1460) and was later ordained as a priest in Bo­logna; in 1473 he was appointed Podesta of Perugia, an office he held until 1475.5 Capodilista set out for the Holy Land with a group of noble friends and servants. Upon his return home, he recorded the journey in a socalled Itinerario di Terra Santa and dedicated the manu­ script to the Franciscan convent of San Bernardino in Padua.6 In the dedication, addressed to the abbess and 4  For a catalogue of illustrations in pilgrimage accounts from the fifteenth and the sixteenth centuries, see Betschart, Zwischen Zwei Welten. 5  Mitchell, ‘Gabriele Capodilista’. 6  The text was published by Momigliano Lepschy, Viaggio in Terrasanta di Santo Brasca, pp. 164–237.

the nuns, Capodilista presents himself as an agent who embarked on a journey to the Holy Land out of a great desire to see the place of the Passion and now wishes to bequeath his memories to the nuns, who are unable to perform such a devotional journey. The manu­script is to be given to the nuns so that they may undertake a mental journey to Jerusalem within the confines of the monastery.7 Capodilista offered his readers not only memories but also marks of indulgences, thus letting them earn indulgences vicariously. Such marks were common practice in many contemporary pilgrims’ books; in Capodilista, golden crosses mark sites of plenary indulgences, and red ones sites of minor indulgences.8 Capodilista’s book appears to have offered Italian nuns benefits similar to those that Felix Fabri’s Sionpilger provided Swabian nuns three decades later. The Sionpilger was written in vernacular Swabian especially for the nuns, at their request for a spiritual guide, based on Fabri’s own travels; it named all the indulgences available to pilgrims (so that the nuns could receive the same spiritual benefit Momigliano Lepschy, Viaggio in Terrasanta di Santo Brasca, pp. 164–65. 8   The explanation appears in the dedication, Momigliano Lepschy, Viaggio in Terrasanta di Santo Brasca, p. 164. Marks of indulgences in pilgrims’ books perhaps were copied from written guides to the holy places that pilgrims bought in Jerusalem; see Chareyron, Pilgrims to Jerusalem in the Middle Ages, p.  85. On the practice of earning indulgences through reading pilgrimage literature and using visual images, see Rudy, Virtual Pilgrimages in the Convent, pp. 67–92. 7 

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Figure 21. A map of the Holy Land (left) and a map of Sinai Peninsula and Lower Egypt (right), in Gabriele Capodilista’s Itinerario di Terra Santa, private collection. 1458. Parchment, 78.5 × 23.3 cm. Reproduced with permission of the private collector.

Figure 22. Gabriele Capodilista’s maps (Figure 21): the verso of the Sinai-Egypt map, with the depiction of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, opened onto the map of the Holy Land (illustration composed of a combination of the photos of recto and verso).

through contemplation), and like Capodilista’s book, included prayers and hymns intended for the nuns’ use.9 Capodilista’s dedication ends with a request to the nuns to pray for him. Thus, they all — Capodilista and the nuns — will enjoy the eternal and Heavenly Jerusalem. The text was later copied in manu­script and in 1475 was printed in Perugia (several manu­script and incu-

nabula copies exist today in a number of libraries). The manu­script which is considered to have been the auto­ graph presented to the nuns is the only one that contains a map of the Holy Land; the manu­script was sold at Sotheby’s in 1978 and is now in a private collection.10 It is a very sumptuous codex, containing eighty leaves of vellum (15.2 × 23.6 cm), written in a very fine Italian

9  For the Sionpilger and German nuns’ spirituality, see Rudy, Virtual Pilgrimages in the Convent, pp.  45–49; Beebe, ‘Reading Mental Pilgrimage in Context’; Classen, ‘Imaginary Experience of the Divine’.

10  It is described in Sotheby’s Catalogue of Western Manu­scripts and Miniatures. The later manu­scripts and incunabula are listed in Mitchell, The Spring Voyage, pp. 188–89.

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Chapter 4

Figure 23. A map of the Holy Land in Gabriele Capodilista’s Itinerario di Terra Santa (Figure 21), detail showing fire falling from heaven onto the sinful cities from the Book of Genesis.

script and adorned with red headings, initials, and other flourishes. The map of the Holy Land is inserted at the end of the manu­script. It is drawn on the left part of a large parchment (78.5  cm), next to a map depicting the Sinai Peninsula and Lower Egypt. Each map is surrounded by a separate frame, and they also differ one from the other in shape, colouring, and dimensions; the Holy Land map is rectangular, measuring 54 × 23.3 cm; the Sinai-Egypt map is almost a square of 24.5 × 23.3 cm (Figure  21). 11 An illustration of the Holy Sepulchre church, about twenty-four centimetres in size, covers the verso of the Sinai-Egypt map (Figure 22).12 The parchment is folded in six within the book; it is described in the Sotheby’s Catalogue as accompanied by a ‘panel of distances between cities in the Holy Land’.13 In accordance with the fourteenth-century grid map, the Holy Land map shows the area extending between Dan and Beersheba (although Beersheba is not marked here) and presents the land through a similar composition and topo­graphical features — seas, rivers, and mountains, but no roads.14 Two ships mark the ports of Acre 11  Early studies on the maps include Nebenzahl, Maps of the Holy Land, p. 57; Arad, ‘“As If You Were There”’, pp. 308–13. 12  The illustration of the Holy Sepulchre is discussed in Arad, ‘“As If You Were There”’, pp. 311–12; Alexander, ‘“Jerusalem the Golden”’, p. 261; Budde and Nachama, Die Reise nach Jerusalem, p. 171. 13  Sotheby’s Catalogue of Western Manu­scripts and Miniatures, p. 23. 14   For the image presented in the fourteenth-century grid

and Jaffa on the coast. Towns and holy places are represented by architectural signs; tombs, by simple boxes. Jerusalem, Bethlehem, and Nazareth are highlighted by gold colouring, while Jerusalem is also distinguished by its conventional circular shape. The inscriptions contain only toponyms. Three pictorial signs encapsulate three biblical events: a tree next to Hebron stands for the meeting of Abraham and the angels at Mamre; the emphasized gate of Gaza evokes the episode of Samson carrying it out of the city; and a depiction of fire falling from heaven on Sodom, Gomorrah, Adamah, Zeboiim, and Segor (Bela) reflects the divine punishment applied to the sinful cities from the Book of Genesis (Figure 23). The location of these cities within the Dead Sea reflects the Christian conception of the lake as a physical trace of the past event — a belief already found in early Christian descriptions of the Holy Land.15 The map of the Holy Land is framed by a double golden line with four Latin inscriptions, reading (clockwise from the top): ‘the Eastern part facing Mesopotamia where Chaldea is and facing Persia and India’; ‘the southern part facing Arabia and sandy deserts’; ‘the Western part facing the Mediterranean Sea where Cyprus, Rhodes, and Crete are’; ‘the northern part facing map, see ‘Composition and Content’ under ‘Grid Maps from the Fourteenth Century’ in Chapter 3. 15  As, for example, Theodosius’s De situ Terrae Sanctae from the sixth century; see Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, p. 69. On the ‘five cities’, see note 4 in Appendix III.

Fifteenth-Century Pilgrims’ Maps: Late Medi­eval Instruments of Devotion Armenia and Syria of Damascus’.16 By indicating what is beyond the framed area in each direction, the lettered frame both distinguishes the Holy Land from its geo­ graphical environment and encourages the mental eye to see the surroundings. The declarative framing is especially significant in regard to the adjacent map of SinaiEgypt, defining the latter as outside the Holy Land. We may guess that Capodilista chose to attach the Sinai-Egypt map to the map of the Holy Land for the same reason that he decided to describe that area in his travelogue; that is, to enhance his readers’ spiritual experience through some ‘devotional journeys’; in Capodilista’s words: ‘Having written this most holy pilgrimage to Jerusalem and the Holy Land, with the purpose of giving a spiritual happiness to the person who will read this itinerary of mine, I wanted also to add the most devotional journey of the glorious virgin and martyr Saint Catherine with other devotional pilgrimages of Egypt’.17 In effect, Capodilista elaborated not only the spiritual experience of his readers but also the composition of the fourteenthcentury Holy Land map, which deliberately focused on the area ‘from Dan to Beersheba’ and left Sinai and Lower Egypt beyond its limits.18 As we shall see, the other pilgrims also appended the area of Sinai and Lower Egypt to their Holy Land maps — a vast area outside the Holy Land but part and parcel of its scriptural narrative and a terrestrial symbol of pilgrimage. The Sinai-Egypt map has no carto­g raphical parallel. Framed by a single golden line, it shows the area from Mount Sinai (top centre) to the region north-west of the Nile (bottom), and from the city of Alexandria in the bottom left corner to Cairo in the right (Plate II). The square-shaped space is divided by the Nile. Crossing the area from right to left in order to flow into the Mediterranean in the adjacent map, the Nile creates two distinct sections, differing in dimensions and colouring. The area below the river is much smaller and uncoloured and includes just two sites: ‘a monastery’ (Abbatia) 16  ‘Pars orientalis versus Mesopotaniam in qua Caldea et versus Persiam et Indiam’; ‘Pars australis versus Arabiam et solitudines harenosas’; ‘Pars occidentalis versus mare Mediterraneum in quo Cyprus Rodus et Creta’; ‘Pars aqvilonalis versus Armeniam et Syriam Damasci’. 17  ‘Havendo scrito el sanctissimo peregrinazo de Ierusalem et Terra Sancta, per conteno spiritual de chi legerà questo mio itinerario ho vogliuto anche gongere el devotissimo viazo de la gloriosa vergine et martire S. Catherina, cum algune alter devotione et peregrinatione de Egipto’; Momigliano Lepschy, Viaggio in Terrasanta di Santo Brasca, p. 227 (my translation). 18  See p. 56, above.

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and the granaries and tombs of the Pharaohs (‘Horea pharaonis at Sepulchra Imperatorum’; the two pyramids next to the right corner).19 The section above the Nile is coloured with tiny greyish-brown dots, as if to express the ‘sandy deserts’ that are mentioned in the frame of the Holy Land map. Some pictorial elements are exclusive to this part: figures of pilgrims (identified by staffs on their shoulders), camels and donkeys, wells, and three roads that connect Gaza (in the map of the Holy Land), Mount Sinai, and Cairo. These elements reflect Capodilista’s description of the area and of a pilgrimage to the desert, referring to the mode of travel with donkeys and camels and to the few water sources along the roads.20 But the depiction of the road crossing the frame of the Holy Land map does not simply illustrate Capodilista’s words — ‘those who wish to take a journey to Sinai need to take the road in Gaza, which is a city on the edge of the Holy Land towards the deserts of Sinai and Cades’21 — but also stimulates the reader/viewer to embark on a virtual journey to the desert with the aid of the map. That is to say, this unique pictorial map was designed not merely to represent the area of Sinai-Egypt, but to engender a sense of contemplative movement. This unusual depiction makes Capodilista’s map one of the very few medi­eval maps to show roads.22 As the pilgrims ascend or descend the two roads that lead to and from Mount Sinai, one gets the impression that they are travelling on a huge mountain, seen from the side (as if this depiction was meant to embody Mount Sinai itself ). The area around the triangle’s apex is encircled by several peaks, among which the road continues up to the Monastery of Saint Catherine (M. S. Caterine). A pilgrim is seen, almost reaching the monastery gate; on the left, immediately behind him, is the monastery’s square garden, named ‘of the pomerium’ (pomerii).23 19   On

the identification of the pyramids in Giza as both the granaries built by Joseph and the tombs of the Pharaohs, see Chareyron, Pilgrims to Jerusalem in the Middle Ages, pp. 174–78. 20  Momigliano Lepschy, Viaggio in Terrasanta di Santo Brasca, p. 227 and p. 231. 21  ‘Sapiate adoncha che queloro che vorano fare questo pere­ grinazo de Sinai prendeno el camino in Gazara, la qual è una citade in fine di Terra Sancta, verso li deserti de Sinay et de Cades’; Momigliano Lepschy, Viaggio in Terrasanta di Santo Brasca, p. 227. 22  For a suggestion that Capodilista’s map was made on the basis of a map of the eastern Mediterranean (such as that in Marino Sanudo’s Liber secretorum fidelium crucis), see Arad, ‘“As If You Were There”’, p. 311. On the lack of roads on maps until the early modern period, see Delano-Smith, ‘Milieus of Mobility’. 23  Uncommon term. In the Roman period, ‘pomerium’ denoted

68 Three peaks around the monastery are named: Mount Moses (Mo[n]s Mousi), Mount Sinai (M. Sinay), and the ‘Mount of the Calf ’ (Mo[n]s Vituli), on top of which there is a Golden Calf and a cluster of figures kneeling in front of it. And several sacred sites are marked on the road between Mount Sinai and Cairo: a ring of six small circles surrounding a central one signifies ‘Moses’s Fountains’ (Fontes Moysi), the place of the miracle of the water; a blue line across the Red Sea marks the ‘passage of the Children of Israel’ (transitus filiorum Israel); and further off, next to the city of Matarea (now a suburb of Cairo), is the Balsam Garden (ortus balsami) — the place where the Holy Family is believed to have rested during the Flight to Egypt, and where a fountain appeared to satisfy the Virgin’s thirst and to supply spring water for washing the infant’s clothes.24 Viewed together as a single image, Capodilista’s two maps convey the idea of pilgrimage but, enigmatically, emphasize a destination outside of the Holy Land. This emphasis may be explained by a wish to keep the composition of the Holy Land map unchanged, and perhaps also because this composition intrinsically evoked the idea of pilgrimage. Yet with the illustration of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre on the verso of the Sinai-Egypt map, both maps lead the viewer to the ultimate pilgrimage destination in the Holy Land and, more significantly, gave expression to the fifteenth-century pilgrimage experience. In other words, by appending the Holy Sepulchre to the maps, Capodilista did not simply present the most sacred site in the depicted region, but updated the composition of the Holy Land map with an element that encapsulated the authentic experience of pilgrimage. The illustration shows the southern façade of the church with a group of pilgrims in the piazza (waiting to enter the church, whose doors are being kept by Muslim guards). An inscription in the centre of the façade identifies the complex (reading : ‘the temple of the holiest sepulchre’), and two other inscriptions identify the two most sacred sites within it: ‘beneath this truina the holiest sepulchre is covered’ labels the open dome above the Anastasis rotunda; and ‘the place of Calvary’ is writthe space inside and outside the wall of Rome as inviolate and sacred; in a Christian sense it might have referred to the sacred limits of the monastery. The monastery’s garden is described by Capodilista; Momigliano Lepschy, Viaggio in Terrasanta di Santo Brasca, p. 228. 24   All these sacred sites are described by Capodilista ; Momigliano Lepschy, Viaggio in Terrasanta di Santo Brasca, pp. 227–37.

Chapter 4 ten above the dome of the Chapel of Calvary (located in the right side of the piazza).25 In order to be looked at, the illustration has to be opened up over the map of the Holy Land in such a way that it covers the right half, that is, the southern part of the country with Jerusalem in the centre (Figure 22). In effect, this representation offers a progressive approaching to the church, similar to the one the pilgrim has in situ: first the faithful see the whole land from afar, then reach Jerusalem (or find it on the map), and only after moving forward (or spreading the illustration out on the map), do they reach the ultimate goal, the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. The practice of approaching the goal of travelling by turning the pages is familiar from Matthew Paris’s maps, where the viewer ‘journeys’ in that manner from London to the Holy Land.26 But in Capodilista’s illustration the viewer is halted in front of the church, and the sacred destination itself remains concealed beyond the church façade. The inscriptions enhance the strategy of passing thresholds and are the means to enter into the building and ‘reach’ the sacrosanct. Not only do they refer to the location of the two most holy spots — tomb and Calvary — within the building, but the termino­log y invites the viewer to imagine the tomb ‘under’ the depicted dome, and to reach the ‘locus’ of Calvary at the top of the staircase. The practice of reaching the place of the Passion in the mind with the aid of images was a familiar exercise among nuns and lay religious women in the fifteenth century.27 Thus, the mental exercise suggested by Capodilista’s multifaceted representation was appropriate to his target audience. Moreover, the position of the Holy Sepulchre on the verso of the Sinai-Egypt map inherently encapsulates the fundamental typo­logical relations between the Law given on Mount Sinai and the Crucifixion on Mount Calvary, and between Moses and Christ. With this typo­logical construction, Capodilista’s representation offered the nuns a complex journey in the biblical land and narrative. 25   ‘templum sanctissimi sepulchri’; ‘sub hac truina tegitur sacratissimum sepulchrum’; and ‘calvarie locus’, respectively. The word truina is a vernacular form of tribuna, tribune; its architectural meaning is imprecise but apparently includes a vaulted element. 26  See p. 46, above. The practice is known also in medi­e val illuminated manu­scripts of travel. Saurma-Jeltsch, ‘Der Codex als Buhne’, discusses leafing through as a means to let the reader share in the experience of travelling, and the turning of reading into an interactive experience. 27   On that practice, see Rudy, Virtual Pilgrimages in the Convent; Mecham, ‘Reading between the Lines’; Mecham, ‘Breaking Old Habits’.

Fifteenth-Century Pilgrims’ Maps: Late Medi­eval Instruments of Devotion

William Wey’s Map The English pilgrim William Wey was a priest, a bachelor of ‘sacred theo­logy’, and a fellow of the newly established Eton College (founded in 1441). According to the Register of the Bishop of Salisbury, Wey was ordained subdeacon in 1433. After his retirement in 1467, he moved to the Augustinian Priory of Bonhommes at Edington in Wiltshire. There he may have spent his last years and written his Itineraries.28 The Itineraries documents three voyages undertaken by Wey: to Santiago de Compostela in 1456, to Rome and Jerusalem in 1458, and again to Jerusalem in 1462. Written in Middle English and Latin, a manu­script in the Bodleian Library (MS Bodley 565) appears to be the only copy of the work and is considered the original one.29 Apart from the journals of the three journeys, it contains a variety of supporting information about the Holy Land, including a poem in English rhyming couplets about sacred sites that pilgrims visit during their journey, several sections on particular localities in the Holy Land, and thirteen lists that classify the loca sancta according to thematic clusters and actually summarize the pilgrims’ itinerary (‘The number of days of the pilgrims’ visit in Jerusalem’; ‘The names of the Holy Places in the Holy Land sought by pilgrims’; ‘The sites of miracles from Jaffa to Jerusalem’; ‘Holy places at the stations in Jerusalem’; ‘Holy places in the valley of Syloe [Siloam]’; ‘Holy places on Mount Zion’; ‘Holy places in the Holy Temple of the Christians’; ‘Holy places on the road to Bethlehem’; ‘Holy places in Bethlehem’; ‘Holy places outside Bethlehem’; ‘Holy Places in the Mountains’; ‘Holy Places near the Jordan’; and ‘Holy places in Bethany’).30 According to what looks like a will, written on a flyleaf in the beginning of the manu­script, it appears that Wey established a chapel in his monastery at Edington, modelled after the Holy Sepulchre, and there he displayed a collection of mementos that he had brought from Jerusalem (stones, wooden models of churches, records of measurements of several sacred sites, and paintings of holy places) together with a variety of devoDavey, ‘William Wey’, p. 82; Yeager, Jerusalem in Medi­eval Narrative, p. 21. 29  The text was published in original Latin and Middle English by Bandinel, The Itineraries of William Wey. English translation was published by Davey, The Itineraries of William Wey. 30  Davey, The Itineraries of William Wey, pp.  46–52. The thirteen lists appear in Latin in Bandinel, The Itineraries of William Wey, pp. 19–25. 28 

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tional imagery (e.g. an illuminated manu­script of the Passion, or a painting showing the three Marys with three pilgrims at the empty tomb), a mappa mundi, and a map of the Holy Land with Jerusalem in its centre (‘a mappa of the Holy Land, with Jerusalem in the myddys’).31 Construction of such devotional installations after completing a pilgrimage became a common practice among pilgrims in the fifteenth century, but Wey’s display is the only known example that included a map of the Holy Land.32 The map of the Holy Land is also mentioned within the book, in the headings of two lists of places that are said to be synchronized with that map. Almost identical in data, the two lists differ in arrangement; the first represents the places in geo­g raphical sequence from north to south (entitled ‘In the following list are contained all the things in the map of the Holy Land’), and the other is set out in alphabetical order (entitled ‘The names, in Alphabetical order, of the cities, towns, mountains, valleys and seas on my map of the Holy Land’).33 Following these two consecutive lists, the book contains a third list that indicates distances between localities in the Holy Land (entitled: ‘Distances of places in the Holy Land’).34 Though this list does not refer to a map at all, it provided the main argument for associating a surviving large-sized wall map of the Holy Land (Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 389) with William Wey, as a similar list of distances appears on this map’s left part (Figures 24 and 25).35 Even after later research redated the map — based on the style of the illumination and script — to the secFor the will in Middle English, see Bandinel, The Itineraries of William Wey, pp. xxviii–xxx. For an English translation, see Davey, The Itineraries of William Wey, pp. 222–24. For a reconstruction of the entire display, see Arad, ‘Pilgrimage, Carto­graphy and Devotion’. 32  For several examples of such constructions, see Beaver, ‘From Jerusalem to Toledo’; Kirkland-Ives, ‘Capell Nuncapato Jherusalem Noviter Brugis’; Moore, The Architecture of the Christian Holy Land, pp. 178–81, 189–90, 200–210. 33  ‘In tabula ista sequenti continetur omnia in mappa Terre Sancte’ and ‘Nomina civitatum, opidum, moncium, valium, marium, per literas alphabeti in mappa mea de Terra Sancta’. Both lists appear in Bandinel, The Itineraries of William Wey, pp. 128–31 and 132–38; Davey, The Itineraries of William Wey, pp. 173–78 and pp. 178–83. 34  ‘Distancie locorum in Terra Sancta’. Bandinel, The Itineraries of William Wey, pp. 138–40; Davey, The Itineraries of William Wey, pp. 185–87. 35  MS Douce 389 measures 215 × 40.5 cm. It was published as a facsimile in 1867 under the title Map of the Holy Land, illustrating the itineraries of William Wey (by George Williams for the Roxburghe Club in London), and again by Röhricht, ‘Die Palästinakarte des William Wey’. 31 

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Figure 24. A map of the Holy Land, Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 389. Second half of the fourteenth century. Parchment, 215 × 40.5 cm. © The Bodleian Libraries, Uni­ver­sity of Oxford.

ond half of the fourteenth century,36 the map continued to be associated with William Wey in the literature with the argument that Wey could have owned this very map, or at least had one resembling it.37 MS  Douce 389 reflects the fourteenth-century grid map’s composition in the depicted space (‘Dan to Beersheba’), the topo­g raphic features (seas, rivers, mountains, and cities, but no roads), the delineation of the tribal territories, the written inscriptions (with twenty-five of the thirty-three scriptural inscriptions referring to Old Testament traditions), and the pictorial signs included (adding the depictions of the sinful cities to the Dead Sea, six jars within a square frame to Cana, a ladder to Bethel, and a rhombus containing a clover-like cross to the site of the ‘Quarentena’ (the forty days) in the desert).38 An emblem of five trees within a frame marks the Garden of Eden at the eastern edge of the map (top centre); this sign was inserted into the Pächt and Alexander, Illuminated Manu­scripts in the Bodleian Library Oxford, p. 67. 37   Jensen and Kauffman, A  Continental Shelf, p.  28; Arad, ‘Pilgrimage, Carto­graphy and Devotion’, p. 302. Paul Harvey rejects the association between it and William Wey; Harvey, Medi­eval Maps of the Holy Land, p. 138. 38   For a detailed description of MS  Douce 389, see Arad, ‘Pilgrimage, Carto­g raphy and Devotion’, pp. 309–14 and Harvey, Medi­eval Maps of the Holy Land, pp. 135–40. For transcriptions of the Latin inscriptions, see Röhricht, ‘Die Palästinakarte des William Wey’, pl. 27. For the fourteenth-century grid-map’s composition and characteristics, see ‘Composition and Content’ under ‘Grid Maps from the Fourteenth Century’ in Chapter 3. 36 

map either to express salvation (by associating the place of Adam’s Fall with the land where the second Adam redeemed mankind) or just to mark the eastern direction, in accordance with the position of Eden in mappae mundi (Figures 26 and 27).39 The connection of MS Douce 389 to William Wey is quite complex. It has been established that the list of distances that is written next to its left margin and the similar list that appears in Wey’s Itineraries (MS Bodley 565) were synopses of Liber Locorum Sanctorum Terrae Sanctae Jerusalem, written in the 1130s by Rorgo Fretellus, the Archdeacon of Nazareth.40 (Fretellus’s text describes Palestine with an emphasis on distances between the main cities and sites associated with traditions.)41 There is no evidence that this text was intended to be accompanied by a map. It appears, though, that in the fourteenth century it was found suitable to be shown on a map through a concise synopsis in a form of a list of distances; the list on MS Douce 389 is composed of distinct quotations, copied almost verbatim from Fretellus’s Liber and arranged in a corresponding sequence. The list in Wey’s Itineraries (MS Bodley 565) corresponds to that list in 39 

The representation of Eden in maps of the Holy Land is known only in maps dated to the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; on the later depictions, see Scafi, Mapping Paradise, p. 323; on the emblem of trees for the Garden of Eden, see p. 133 and p. 140. 40  Arad, ‘Pilgrimage, Carto­graphy and Devotion’, p. 309. 41   A critical edition of Fretellus’s treatise was published by Boeren, Rorgo Fretellus de Nazareth et sa description de la Terre Sainte.

Fifteenth-Century Pilgrims’ Maps: Late Medi­eval Instruments of Devotion

the presentation of the same references in a similar order; yet it includes some references that are not found in the list of MS Douce 389 but do appear in Fretellus’s treatise. This triangular relationship has two possible explanations: first, that Wey indeed copied the synopsis from MS Douce 389 to MS Bodley 565 but augmented it with information he found in additional sources including, perhaps, Fretellus’s Liber or the twelfth-century treatises of John of Würzburg and Theodoric that contained sections from Fretellus’s work; and the second, that he had another source with a similar but slightly different synopsis, and this difference accounts for the discrepancies between the two synopses discussed here (so far, MS Douce 389 and MS Bodley 565 are the only known works that contain the synopsis of Fretellus). The fact that the list in MS Douce 389 reflects a written description of the Holy Land rather than any actual course of travel is highly significant. It is clear that this list was not meant to represent an actual itinerary and that whoever decided to incorporate it into the map did it with full awareness of the spiritual meaning of distances between pairs of places in Palestine. In effect, this list augmented the map with a reference to the sacred nature of the land and increased the potential of that map to activate the viewer and engender a spiritual experience of journeying in the Holy Land.42 It is worth noting that references to distances were inserted into some other Holy Land maps, apparently for the same reason.43 42   On this aspect, see Arad, ‘Pilgrimage, Carto­g raphy and Devotion’, pp. 311–13. 43  For example, a table of distances measured from Jerusalem is inscribed within the sign of Jerusalem in a Holy Land map

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One would assume that the above-mentioned two lists of places in MS Bodley 565, said by Wey to be synchronized with his map, could have helped answer the question whether Wey had MS Douce 389 or a similar map, but these lists actually complicate matters rather than resolve them. On the one hand, they contain many more toponyms and inscriptions than appear on MS Douce 389 — a situation that might contradict the association of this, or a similar map, with Wey. On the other hand, the fact that Wey included in both his lists information culled from other sources beyond his map is attested to by an unfamiliar tradition noted in both — ‘The wood where the birds die for Christ on Passion Sunday’ (north to south list) and ‘The wood where the birds die for Christ and rise again’ (alphabetical list)44 — and which is mentioned in another section of Wey’s manu­script with a specific source: the writings of the thirteenth-century Bishop of Lincoln, Robert Grosseteste.45 Significantly, within a fourteenth-century manu­s cript of Burchard of Mount Sion’s Descriptio Terre Sancte (Florence, Biblioteca Laurenziana, Plut. 76. 56); this map, which also gives the measurement of the entire country in a separate inscription located next to Beersheba (‘a Dan usque Bersabe sunt CLX miliaria et plus’), is discussed in Baumgärtner, ‘Burchard of Mount Sion’, pp. 24–32 and reproduced as fig. 3. As well, a list of distances was apparently associated with Capodilista’s map; see the quotation at note 13 in this chapter. 44  ‘Silva ubi aves moriuntur pro Christo in Dominica Passionis’ and ‘Silva ubi aves moriuntur pro Christo et iterum resurgent’, respectively; Bandinel, The Itineraries of William Wey, p. 129 and p. 137. English translation: Davey, The Itineraries of William Wey, p. 175 and p. 182. 45   In Wey’s words: ‘The reference for this is the Lincoln Author on “Repent”, chapter 56, near the end’ (‘Hec Lincolniensis

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Figure 25. A list of distances between pairs of places in Palestine, the lefthand part of Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 389 (Figure 24)

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Figure 26. The right-hand part of Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 389 (Figure 24) showing the area from the Dead Sea (top) to the Mediterranean (bottom) and from Bethel (left) to Beersheba (right). Jerusalem is in the middle, marked by a large architectural sign; a rhombus containing a clover-like cross marks the site of the ‘Quarentena’ (the forty days) just above it; the Mount of Olives is marked left of the ‘Quarentena’.

this unfamiliar tradition does not appear in any other surviving map of the Holy Land, nor, as far as I know, is it mentioned in any other pilgrimage account. Wey’s explicit reference to its source suggests that he included in his two lists of places localities/traditions beyond those found on his map. In other words, it is not implausible to assume that the other entries in Wey’s two lists of places which have no parallels in MS Douce 389 are also derived from other sources and that the lists do not simply reflect a map (especially if we take into consideration that MS Douce 389 is one of the most detailed surviving late medi­e val Holy Land maps). Another example that super Convertimini C. 56 prope finem’); Bandinel, The Itineraries of William Wey, p. 54; English translation: Davey, The Itineraries of William Wey, p. 67. The identification of the ‘Lincoln Author’ (Lincolniensis) as Robert Grosseteste (1175–1253) is by Davey, The Itineraries of William Wey, p. 70, n. 30.

Figure 27. Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 389 (Figure 24), detail showing the Garden of Eden.

74 may testify to Wey’s practice of enriching his map-based lists of places with further information can be found in two successive entries in the north–south list — ‘the mount of our Lord’s leap’ and ‘the stone on the mount of the leap, which received Christ’ (‘mons saltus Domini’; ‘Lapis recipiens Christum in monte saltus’) — which effectively summarize an entire episode that he describes in his text with reference to Luke and Bede.46 Significantly, the majority of the additional information in both lists is related to two particular regions: in and around Jerusalem and in the area of Sinai/Lower Eg ypt (see nos  154–288, 362–411 in Appendix  V that reproduces the north–south list). This selection of sites does not appear on any other map of the Holy Land, with the exception of Erhard Reuwich’s, compiled twenty years later than Wey’s, for Bernard von Breydenbach’s pilgrimage account (Figure 28). If we take Wey’s lists as reliable reflections of his lost map, we may suggest that he preceded Reuwich in creating a new form of a Holy Land map that showed both regions in detail and highlighted Jerusalem as the city of the Passion through its many loca sancta (and it should be emphasized that Wey’s lists include many more sites than those presented in Reuwich’s map). But if we assume the lists reflect additional sources beyond just his map, we may deduce that Wey had a conventional map of the Holy Land — like MS Douce 389 — and that he compiled 46  He writes: ‘In Luke, chapter 4, verse 24, it is written when Jesus said in Nazareth, “No prophet is accepted in his own country” all were filled with anger and thrusting him out of the city led him to the brow of a mountain that they might cast him down headlong [verses 28–29]. This mountain is one mile from Nazareth and is called “The Lord’s leap”. Bede on this text says, “When the Lord slipped from their hands to descend from the top of the mountain and wishing to hide under the cliff, suddenly, at the touch of Our Lord’s garment, that rock yielded beneath Him and melted like wax and made a sort of hollow in which the aforementioned body could be received. In this place all the outlines and creases of His garment and His footprints are still visible on the rock, as those who have seen them bear witness”’ (‘Scribitur Luce 4 cum dixerat Jhesus apud Nazareth, Nemo propheta acceptus est in patria sua, replete sunt omnes ira, et ejicientes eum extra civitatem duxerunt eum usque ad supercilium montis, ut precipitarent eum. Mons iste distant a Nazareth uno miliari, et vocatur Saltus Domini. Beda super isto texto dicit, Cum Dominus de minibus eorum elapsus est, ut de vertice montis descenderet et sub rupe latere valet, subito ad tactum Domine vestis saxum illud subter fugit et, ad instar cere solutum, quondam effect concavitatem, in qua dictum corpus reciperetur, in quo loco omnia lineamenta et ruge vestis et vestigial pedum in rupe apparent adhuc, sicut testantur qui viderunt’); Bandinel, The Itineraries of William Wey, pp. 54–55; English translation: Davey, The Itineraries of William Wey, pp. 67–68.

Chapter 4 his two lists of places with the intention of enriching this map with religiously significant localities in the two regions of Jerusalem and Sinai-Egypt. Wey’s reference in his will to ‘a map of the Holy Land with Jerusalem in the midst’ also recalls Reuwich’s map and may support the assumption that Wey had a similar map; yet, the discrepancy between this description and a map like MS Douce 389 (which shows Jerusalem in its right-hand part, see Figure 26) can be resolved if we consider the description not literally but conceptually, namely not in parameters of form and outline but in those of ideo­logy.47 Regardless of whether Wey had an all-inclusive map of the type made by Reuwich or a conventional late medi­e val one, it is clear that he — like Reuwich — supplemented the late medi­e val composition with references that augmented the land’s scriptural narrative with a Christo­logical dimension and evoked the actual itinerary of pilgrims in Jerusalem and its surroundings. In the north–south list these references are arranged in several clusters and could be easily discerned. They include ‘Angel appeared to Joachim’, ‘The Place of Christ’s Ascension’, ‘Chapel of Pelagia’ (Appendix V: 154–56); ‘Place of indulgences Galilee’, ‘Bethphage’ (160–61), ‘Palm to the Virgin’, ‘Credo’, ‘Pater Noster’, ‘The place of Christ’s weeping’, ‘Pool of Siloam’, ‘The place where Christ preached’, ‘Tomb of Isaiah’ (167–73); ‘Where Mary dropped her girdle to Saint Thomas the apostle’, ‘Here the most blessed Mary rested amid the stations’, ‘The place of amputation of Malchus’s ear’, ‘The Disciples’ cave’, ‘The fountain of the most blessed Mary’, ‘The place of Judas’ betrayal’, ‘The place of the apostles’ first sleep’, ‘Tomb of Zechariah, Berechiah’s son’, ‘The place of the apostles’ second sleeps’, ‘Tomb of Absalom’, ‘The room of Christ’s sweating’, ‘The hanging of the traitor Judas’, ‘David’s castle’, ‘Valley of Jehoshaphat’, ‘Tomb of the most blessed Mary’, ‘The place of Stephen’s stoning’ (177–99: 177, 178, 180, 182, 183–96, 198, 199); ‘The house of the Georgians’, ‘the rod of Moses’, ‘The place where the devil showed Christ all the kingdoms of the world’, ‘There the devil said “command these stones become bread”’, ‘The cave of the saints’, ‘The house of the evil counsel’, ‘Waters of Marath’, ‘Mount Zion’, ‘Where Solomon was coronated’, ‘the stones on which Christ stood when he was condemned by Pilate’, ‘The house 47  Although rejecting the association of MS Douce 389 with Wey, Paul Harvey contends that Wey’s description of Jerusalem as in the middle of his map need not be taken literally; Harvey, Medi­eval Maps of the Holy Land, p. 138.

Fifteenth-Century Pilgrims’ Maps: Late Medi­eval Instruments of Devotion of Pilate’, ‘The house of Herod’, ‘The house of Simeon’, ‘The place where they wanted to seize the body of the most blessed Mary’, ‘The gate through which Christ went to his Passion’, ‘The room of Peter’s weeping’, ‘The Temple of Christ’, The house of Anne’, ‘The place of the sudarium’, ‘The place where of the women’s weeping’, ‘House of the rich man’, ‘The holy street along which Christ went to His Passion’, ‘The house of Caiaphas’, ‘Pool’, ‘The place where the blessed Mary fainted’, ‘The Temple of the Lord’, ‘Monastery of Zion’, ‘The place of Mary’s birth’, ‘The Temple of Solomon’, ‘The school of the most blessed Mary’, ‘The place where Matthias was chosen’, ‘Mount Zion’, ‘The house of the most blessed Virgin’, ‘The church of St Jacob’, ‘Here the most blessed Virgin looked back at the Calvary’, ‘The Golden Gate’ (211–52: 211, 213, 214, 216, 218–31, 233–35, 238–52); ‘The monastery of Saint Jerome’, ‘The monastery of Cherith’, ‘The monastery of Saint Sabbas’, ‘The Sycamore tree which Zaccheus climbed’, ‘The chapel of St John the Baptist’, ‘The place of the blind man’s healing’, ‘The place of John the Baptist’s birth’, ‘Where the star appeared to the kings’, ‘Where water bubbles at (the feast of the) Epiphany’, ‘The Judean Mountains’, ‘The house of Saint Martha’, ‘The church where the blessed Mary greeted Elizabeth’, ‘Where Martha met Christ’, ‘The house of Simeon’, ‘The tomb of Lazarus’, ‘The stones hollowed beneath Christ’s feet’, ‘The fountain where Philip baptized the eunuch’ (267–88: 267–69, 271–72, 274–76, 278–82, 284–88); ‘The place where Christ’s cross grew’ (294); ‘Where Peter raised Tabita’ and ‘The rock on which Peter stood to fish’ (304–05); ‘The Monastery of Bethlehem’ and ‘Here the most blessed Virgin got off her donkey’ (322, 324).48 Presuming that Wey possessed a map such as MS Douce 389, readers of his list of places would have to locate the sites referred to, but not shown on the map, for themselves. But as each cluster includes some references that do appear on the map, these could have provided an anchorage for the location of the rest. For example, the first cluster, which contains many loca sancta of the

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Mount of Olives and the Kidron Valley (nos 155–200), includes references to ‘Mount of Olives’ and the ‘stream of Kidron’ (nos 181 and 197) which appear on the map and focus the cluster (Figure 26). In many cases references are more detailed in the alphabetical list. For example: the north–south’s ‘palm for the Virgin’ (‘Palma ad Virginem’; no. 167) appears in the alphabetical list as ‘palm brought to the Blessed Virgin by an angel on the Mount of Olives’ (‘Palma adducta ad beatissimam Virginem per angelum in Monte Oliveti’); 49 both refer to the tradition according to which Mary met an angel on the Mount of Olives, who announced her impending death and gave her a palm from the tree of life. And ‘Pater Noster’ (no. 169) of the north–south list appears in the alphabetical one as ‘Pater Noster was taught by Christ on the Mount of Olives’ (‘Pater Noster erat ductus a Christo in Monte Oliveti’).50 These differences testify that at least one of the lists did not reproduce the map’s inscriptions verbatim and perhaps also that the alphabetical list, which includes more detailed inscriptions, was meant to serve as a kind of a glossary to the depicted view. In fact, each list suggested a different way of access to the Holy Land, based on a different traditional type of geo­graphical registration: the north–south list, communicating a geo­g raphical progression, had since the Roman period been the most common format for transmitting geo­graphical information;51 the alphabetical list, offering a classified index of place names, was also a classical format that with time was somewhat downgraded, but reaccepted and became popular among writers in the fifteenth century.52 (Wey’s alphabetical list, however, also transmits a geo­g raphical progression, as after each initial letter the places are arranged not in alphabetized order, but in a geo­g raphical sequence.) It has been suggested that the north–south list in Wey’s Itineraries was an initial rough draft for the alphabetical one, which was

49 Bandinel, The Itineraries of William Wey, p. 136. 50 Bandinel, The Itineraries of William Wey, p. 136.

48   The

original Latin is provided in Appendix V; English translation with slight modifications from Davey, The Itineraries of William Wey, pp. 173–77. Pilgrims visited many of these places. When they were forbidden to visit particular places physically, they observed them from afar and were thereby granted indulgences. According to Wey, pilgrims were granted indulgences for the Lord’s Temple, Solomon’s Temple, the house of Pilate, the house where the Virgin was born, and the Golden Gate on the Mount of Olives; Bandinel, The Itineraries of William Wey, p. 36; Davey, The Itineraries of William Wey, p. 77.

51   Delano-Smith,

‘Milieus of Mobility’; Brodersen, ‘The Presentation of Geo­graphical Knowledge’. 52  A well-known example from the early period is the EusebiusJerome Onomasticon; during the fourteenth century the alphabetical order came to be preferred to lists arranged in a geo­g raphical sequence; see Bouloux, Culture et savoirs géo­graphiques dans l’Italie, pp.  217–18. An example of a fourteenth-century alphabetical index is the one that appears on Florence, Archivio di Stato, Carte nautiche, geografiche e topografiche 4); see the final para­g raph of Chapter 3.

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Figure 28. A map of the Holy Land in Bernhard von Breydenbach’s Peregrinatio in terram sanctam, Jerusalem, National Library of Israel, Eran Laor Collection, pal 133. 1486. Woodcut, 128 × 27 cm. Reproduced with permission of the National Library of Israel.

rather a formal ‘fair copy’.53 One may argue, however, that the two lists were not just a doubling of the same material, but compiled to offer two separate keys to the map of the Holy Land, as well as to the actual pilgrimage experience. It is worth noting that both Wey’s lists echo similar inventories of sites compiled by pilgrims to epitomize their pilgrimage journeys, and which sometimes included many more sites than actually visited by the individual authors. (In Wey’s case, his lists might also have included many more sites than presented on his map.)54

Bernhard von Breydenbach’s Map Bernhard von Breydenbach was a canon at the cathedral of Mainz when he undertook a pilgrimage to the Holy Land (1483). Three years later, when his pilgrimage account Peregrinatio in terram sanctam was printed, he was serving as dean of the cathedral. The motivation for writing the book is specified several times throughout the text: to encourage pilgrimage to the Holy Land; to offer information about the Holy Land for preaching and Bible study; to inspire a love for the Holy Land that will reinforce faith; to spur leaders to protect the Holy Land from Islam; and to serve as an educational prophylactic against Islam and other heresies.55 Breydenbach stated that the book was intended for clerics and educated 53 

Davey, ‘William Wey’, p. 87. On the pilgrims’ lists of places, see Brefeld, A Guidebook for the Jerusalem Pilgrimage in the Late Middle Ages, pp. 50–51 and pp. 65–75. 55 Ross, Picturing Experience in the Early Printed Book, pp. 23–29. 54 

gentlemen, and dedicated it to Bertold von HennebergRömhild (1442–1504), the Archbishop of Mainz and Prince-Elector of the Holy Roman Empire. By 1522 the book had been printed in twelve editions in various languages and gained wide popularity among monastic and lay audiences. The first three editions were printed in Mainz, in three languages: the first two (1486, February and June respectively) were in Latin and German, and a Dutch edition appeared in 1488. Erhard Reuwich of Utrecht, the printer of these three editions, is referred to in the text as the author of the illustrations. Breydenbach tells that he invited Reuwich to join in the pilgrimage with the purpose of documenting sights along the road. The Peregrinatio was the earliest printed illustrated pilgrimage book. The cycle of the woodcut illustrations includes a map of the Holy Land (Figure 28); six views of cities visited along the way to the Holy Land (Venice, Poreč, Corfu, Modon, Crete, and Rhodes); the Church of the Holy Sepulchre; the various natives of the country (defined as Saracens, Jews, Greeks, Syrians, Abyssinians, and Turks); the chapel of Christ’s tomb; and animals seen in the country. The map and five of the city views were each printed on several sheets glued together, folding out to a much longer size than the pages of the book; the map of the Holy Land folds out to 128 cm. In principle, the illustrations were arranged in accordance with the narrative: the city views appear in the first section, narrating the journey from Venice to Palestine; the illustration of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre appears in the next section, which includes the pilgrimage account and a detailed description of the Holy Land; the illustrations of the native inhabitants appear in the third sec-

Fifteenth-Century Pilgrims’ Maps: Late Medi­eval Instruments of Devotion

tion, which deals with Islam; and the two illustrations of the chapel of Christ’s tomb and of the animals seen in the country are printed on the verso of the Holy Land map, whose placement differed in the three first editions: in the Latin it was bound next to the end of the book; in the German it was bound within the section dealing with Islam; and in the Dutch, it followed the description of the Holy Land.56 In layout, topo­g raphic features included, pictorial signs, and types of inscriptions, this map reflects the fourteenth-century grid map,57 but, as if following Capodilista’s and Wey’s innovative modifications, it also includes the area of Lower Egypt and Mount Sinai. Reuwich depicted the entire region as one continuous space, yet he included two inscriptions that define the boundaries of the Holy Land as extending between Dan and Beersheba in accordance with the fourteenth-century composition: ‘Banias or Dan or the city of Paneas in the border of the Holy Land’ and ‘Beersheba, the end of the Holy Land in the south’.58 In the Sinai-Egypt part, Reuwich depicted many of the sites that appear in Wey’s lists of places (Appendix V: nos 362–411) and all the pilgrimage sites that are shown in Capodilista’s map (Plate II): the Monastery of Saint Catherine, the Balsam Garden, ‘the road through which the people of 56   The entire cycle is reproduced with full accounts of the editions in Davies, Bernhard von Breydenbach and his Journey to the Holy Land. 57  For the characteristics of the fourteenth-century grid map, see ‘Composition and Content’ under ‘Grid Maps from the Fourteenth Century’ in Chapter 3. 58   ‘Balenas sive Dan sive Paneas civitas in confinibus terre sancta’; ‘Beersabe terminus terre promissionis usque austrum’. Transcriptions by Röhricht, ‘Die Palästinakarte Bernhard von Breitenbach’s’, pls 1–3. Translations are mine.

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Israel crossed the Red Sea on dry foot’ (‘via per quam filii israel sicco pede transierunt Mare Robrum’), ‘the place where the Decalogue was given’ (‘locus ubi datus fuit decalogus’), and the tombs of the Pharaohs. And as in Capodilista’s map, he also inserted there several roads; here the roads are not delineated pictorially, but are composed of long sentences that stretch and rotate to illustrate the course they describe, including those of the Israelites, of the Saracens going to Mecca, of those who go to ‘the land of Priest John’ (that is, Africa), and of Christian pilgrims (Figure 29).59 This manner of representation was understood by Elizabeth Ross to be Reuwich’s way of communicating his and Breydenbach’s actual experiences in that area,60 but as Capodilista’s map testifies, such a depiction does not necessarily reflect a personal experience of pilgrimage, but the concept of pilgrimage in principle.61 Unlike Capodilista, however, Reuwich introduced the theme of pilgrimage into the space of the Holy Land by depicting the pilgrims and their galley at Jaffa (labelled as ‘the port at which pilgrims arrive at the Holy 59  ‘From that city [Gaza] one goes to Saint Catherine through a large desert and a vast wilderness, and one arrives at that place in the space of ten days of great effort’ (‘De ista civitate itur ad sanctam Katherinam per desertum magnum et vastam solitudinem et venitur ut communitur illac spacio dierum X cum labore magno’); ‘By this road one goes from Gaza to Cairo by the places above, which are meagre towns, and the entire route is very sandy’ (‘Per hunc viam itur ex Gazera versus Chayrum per loca supra posita que sunt opida parva et est tota via ista arenosa’); ‘The road by which the People of Israel came from Mount Sinai to the promised land’ (‘Via per quam filii Israel venerunt de monte Sinai in terram promissionis’); ‘Saracens from distant parts, going on pilgrimage to Mecca, come first to the most renowned city of Cairo and from there through this long and sandy road they arrive at Mecca to their pseudo prophet in the space of thirty-eight days long’ (‘Saraceni de longiniquis partibus peregrinator ituri ad Mecham primum veniunt in civitatem famosissimam Chayrum et inde per viam istam longam et arenosam XXXVIII dierum spacio perveniunt in Mecham ad suum pseudo prophetam’); ‘Road continuing to the land of Priest John, at three months distance through sandy places’ (‘Via qua pergitur in terras presbiteri Iohnice spacio trium mensium per loca aranosa’); ‘The road from Cairo to Alexandria [takes] four days’ (‘De Cayro usque Allexandriam via dierum quatuor’); ‘The road by which Christian pilgrims, returning from Mount Sinai, come to Cairo after twelve days’ (‘Via per quam peregrini christiani redeundo de monte Synai XII dierum intervallo venerunt in civitatem Chayrum’). 60  Ross, Picturing Experience in the Early Printed Book, pp. 128–32. 61  For Capodilista’s reference to the area of Sinai-Egypt, see note 17 in this chapter. At least through his lists of places, William Wey also presented the region of Sinai-Egypt though without having visited the region.

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Figure 29. The right-hand part of Bernhard von Breydenbach’s map of the Holy Land (Figure 28) showing the area of the Sinai Peninsula and Lower Egypt.

Land from the sea’62) and marking signs of indulgences throughout the country (an inscription at the bottom of the map explains the signs, reading: ‘Note, wherever you find a double cross, this signalized that in this place there is a full remission of all sins, but where a simple cross, there is the indulgence for seven years and seven times 62 

‘Jaffa sive Jopppe portus ubi peregrine applicant ad terram sanctam de mari’.

forty days’).63 Moreover, Reuwich gave expression to the complexity of the pilgrimage experience by depicting 63 

‘Nota quod ubicumque reperit duplex crux signata in eo loco est plenaria remissio omnium peccatorum ubi vero simpla crux ibi est indulgentia septem annorum et totidem quadragenarum’; translation into English by David Flusser in Avi-Yonah and others, Jerusalem, pl. 4. For a similar scale of indulgences in Capodilista’s account and on the practice marking devotional imagery and literature that way, see p. 64, above.

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Figure 30. A map of the Holy Land in Bernhard von Breydenbach’s Peregrinatio in terram sanctam (Figure 28), detail showing the pilgrims’ galley at Jaffa and the three underground cellars where they were kept by the Muslims upon arrival. The inscription at the bottom explains the marks of indulgences throughout the map.

the three large underground cellars in Jaffa, where the pilgrims were kept until they received official Muslim permission to set out towards Jerusalem and where, due to the terrible conditions, they already gained an indulgence of seven years (Figure 30).64 The most characteristic feature of Reuwich’s map, however, is the large view of Jerusalem in the centre. In order to accentuate the city’s (and the land’s) sanctity, Reuwich took the convention to the extreme and turned the city emblem into a view that occupies almost a third of the sheet (Figure 28);65 this view is punctuated by thirty-seven inscriptions that both reconstruct the city’s sacred past and develop the scriptural narrative of the map itself with the theme of the Passion (see Appendix VI; cf. William Wey’s list of places which did the same).66 It is well known that this view was taken from the Mount of Olives, and that within the map, it presents the city from the east, namely in the opposite direction to the rest of the land.67 On the underground cellars, see Sumption, Pilgrimage, p. 265. On the new mapping convention of panoramic views of cities that Reuwich applied for depicting Jerusalem, see Nuti, ‘The Perspective Plan in the Sixteenth Century’. 66  See pp. 74–75, above. 67  On that view as encapsulating the sight revealed to Christ before he entered the city, as well as the sight revealed to pilgrims

Reuwich’s view is one of the earliest known examples of the panoramic views of Jerusalem that were taken by pilgrims from the Mount of Olives. Another early example is a pen drawing on a large folio attributed to the pilgrim Sebald Rieter the Younger, who visited Jerusalem in 1479 (Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Cod. Icon. 172). Like Reuwich’s view and Wey’s map-based lists of places, this depiction is punctuated by numerous references that concretize the drama of the Passion in Jerusalem and reconstruct the actual itinerary of pilgrims in the city.68 Significantly, this type of documentation emerged concurrently with the development of a new type of devotional imagery in the West — painted panels of the Passion that depicted the event through numerous episodes in the Jerusalem cityscape and were commissioned by people who had never journeyed to the Holy Land but wished to endow themselves with the prestige of ex-pilgrims and associate themselves with the sacred topo­g raphy. The Passion of Christ from 1470 by Hans Memling (Galleria Sabauda, Turin), which shows

64 

65  

observing the city from the Mount of Olives, see Ross, Picturing Experience in the Early Printed Book, pp. 128–29. 68  The drawing is discussed and reproduced in Moore, The Architecture of the Christian Holy Land, pp. 190–94 and fig. 118. Transcriptions of the Latin inscriptions are provided in Levy, ‘Medi­ eval Maps of Jerusalem’, pp. 494–95.

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the Florentine banker Tommaso Portinari and his wife watching the event, is just one example; Memling is credited with having originated the format.69 One may 69  

On this type of imagery, see Rudy, ‘Northern European Visual Responses to Holy Land Pilgrimage’, pp.  126–72; Hull, ‘Spiritual Pilgrimage in the Paintings of Hans Memling’. On the fifteenth-century Western phenomenon of pilgrimage to and through images, see inter alia Rudy, Virtual Pilgrimages in the Convent; Rudy ‘A Guide to Mental Pilgrimage’; Botvinick, ‘The Painting as Pilgrimage’; Freedberg, The Power of Images, pp. 99–135.

argue that as much as the pilgrims’ depictions spurred the development of the Western multiepisodic Passion landscapes (at least serving the artists in their rendering of the Jerusalemite settings), the popularity of these landscapes encouraged pilgrims to commemorate their own journeys through panoramic Christo­logical compositions.70 One may also argue that the innovative icono­ 70   On

the relationships between Reuwich’s view and a multiepisodic panel of the Passion, painted c. 1495 for Queen

Fifteenth-Century Pilgrims’ Maps: Late Medi­eval Instruments of Devotion

graphy of the multiepisodic Passion landscapes may have urged pilgrims to modify the layout of the Holy Land map; namely, that pilgrims like William Wey and Bernhard von Breydenbach incorporated the Christo­ logical sites into their maps in order to meet the need Eleanor of Portugal (preserved today in Museu Nacional do Azulejo in Lisbon), see Rudy, ‘Northern European Visual Responses to Holy Land Pilgrimage’, pp.  140–51; Rudy, Virtual Pilgrimages in the Convent, pp. 151–61.

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Figure 31. A map of the Holy Land, Venice, Biblioteca Marciana, MS Lat. X 116 (= 3783). Fifteenth century. Parchment 134 × 60 cm, incomplete in the right margin. Su concessione del Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali – Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana. Divieto di riproduzione.

for contemplative landscapes of the Passion and to transform their maps into up-to-date devotional images.

A Map by an Anonymous Author Venice, Biblioteca Marciana, MS Lat. X 116 (= 3783) (hereafter ‘MS Lat. X 116’) is another fifteenth-century map of the Holy Land that depicted the land through

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Figure 32. Venice, Biblioteca Marciana, MS Lat. X 116 (= 3783) (Figure 31), detail showing the sign of Jerusalem.

the layout of the fourteenth-century grid map (‘Dan to Beersheba’) but included a detailed depiction of Jerusalem, apparently, like the pilgrims’ maps discussed above, to serve spiritual needs (Figure 31).71 Dating to the fifteenth century is based on stylistic arguments, as well as on the depiction of ships along the coast of the Mediterranean (bottom); ships do not appear on any surviving fourteenth-century Holy Land map of the ‘Dan to Beersheba’ type — the small- and large-sized grid maps (Figures 16, 17), Florence, Archivio di Stato, Carte nautiche, geografiche e topografiche 4, and MS Douce 389 (Figure 24) — but are found in all known fifteenth-century copies of that type: the maps in Gabriele Capodilista’s and Bernhard von Breydenbach’s pilgrimage accounts (Figures 21, 28), a map in the Rudimentum Novitorum (printed by Lucas Brandis in Lubeck in 1475), and another map within a miscellaneous manu­script preserved today in Bo­logna (Biblioteca Universitaria, MS  2845; dated to the last quarter of the century).72 71  The map was published in Arad, ‘An Unpublished Map of the Holy Land’. 72   The map in the Rudimentum Novitorum is discussed and reproduced in Worm, ‘Mapping the History of Salvation for the “Mind’s Eyes”’, fig. 31.1. The map in Bo­logna, Biblioteca Universitaria, MS  2845 is discussed and reproduced in Vagnon, Carto­graphie et représentations de l’orient Méditerranéen en occident, pp. 364–70 and pl. 17.

In fact, as the watercraft motif was inserted into the composition only in the fifteenth century, when this composition actually came to be associated with pilgrimage, we may assume that this motif was initially meant to express a sense of pilgrimage and to endow the composition itself with such a context. MS Lat. X 116 today measures 134 × 60 cm (it is incomplete in its right margin). It reflects the fourteenthcentury grid map in the space depicted, in the topo­ graphical elements shown (seas, rivers, mountains, and cities, but no roads), and in the pictorial symbols that identify certain localities; an inscription reading ‘The length of the Promised Land is 166 miles’ (‘Longitudo terre promissionis centum LXVI miliaria’) reflects the measurements encapsulated in the grid of 83 squares.73 Inscriptions include toponyms, some tribal names, and a few references to distances (written next to the left margin); several sites are also denominated by their Greek names, written in Greek lettering. The upper and right parts of the map show no lettering, making it possible that the work of writing was not completed. Jerusalem is depicted by its conventional sign of a circular city seen from a bird’s-eye view but is further individualized by a truncated dome (seen within the walls) that signifies the Church of the Holy Sepulchre (Figure 32).74 The colossal mountain that is seen next to the right margin of the map is the key to Jerusalem’s sacred sites. This extraterritorial depiction (located beyond Beersheba and the Besor stream in the south of the land) portrays Jerusalem in ground plan and the Mount of Olives just above it (Plate III). It was composed on the basis of the Jerusalem map in Marino Sanudo’s Liber secretorum fidelium crucis, which depicts both city and mountain in the form of a ground plan (see Figure 20), and has been transformed here into something approaching a landscape view; the ground plan of the Mount of Olives is turned upward and the mountain is now seen in profile, and the rocky terrain below the plan of Jerusalem further conveys an impression of a steeply sloping mountainous landscape. The Christo­logical dimension of this landscape — which was constructed in Sanudo’s map by a particular selection of sites75 — was amplified here by 73 

See note 80 in Chapter 3. A detailed description of the map is given in Arad, ‘An Unpublished Map of the Holy Land’. 75   In Jerusalem: the pool of Bethesda, the Lord’s Temple, the house of Pilate, Calvary, the Sepulchre, and the Cenacle. On the Mount of Olives and in the Kidron Valley: the Church of the Ascension, Bethany, the fig tree cursed by Jesus, the road Jesus rode 74  

Fifteenth-Century Pilgrims’ Maps: Late Medi­eval Instruments of Devotion the depiction of a small scene of the Agony in the Garden (Christ’s prayer before his betrayal and arrest, Luke 22. 39–46 and parallels) on the summit of the Mount of Olives. Christ raises his hands in prayer towards the angel, who points to him in response, and a small red object that is seen at the top of the Ascension seems to represent the chalice that is usually depicted either in the angel’s hands or at the side to symbolize Christ’s impending death. The association of the Agony with the Church of the Ascension is unusual; on the map, it compresses the entire narrative of the Passion and contextualizes the mountainous landscape below it — and the entire land to its left — with a meaning of salvation. This map was perhaps made to commemorate a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, yet it surely answered the increasing demand for contemplative topo­g raphic imagery of the Passion. In effect, the author of MS Lat. X 116 created the same type of image that Erhard Reuwich produced for Bernhard von Breydenbach’s pilgrimage account — an image that combined a map of the Holy Land with a view of Jerusalem that enabled the viewer to follow the narrative of the Passion topo­graphically and to re-enact the actual experience of pilgrimage in Jerusalem.

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of the biblical land a manifestation of the Christo­logical drama can be found in the words of the fifteenth-century German pilgrim Felix Fabri, in his comment on Moses’s viewing: Some say that Moses, when he was on top of Mount Pisgah, and looking toward the Holy Land, beheld all the mysteries of Christ’s sacraments, His incarnation, nativity, life, Passion, and death, and that while engaged in these most sweet contemplations he died on the mount, and the Lord buried him and hid him in the valley.77

* * * During the fifteenth century a new set of media developed in Europe to offer new channels for interior approach to the Holy Land and to support devotion to the Passion. These media included a variety of pictorial imagery (like the multiepisodic landscapes of the Passion mentioned above) as well as extensive architectural complexes that simulated the sacred topo­graphy of Jerusalem (known as the viae crucis and as the sacri monti).76 The map of the Holy Land belonged to that category of devotional media. It was one of the European devices that substantialized the scriptural topo­g raphy close to home and evoked compassion to the suffering of Christ, yet not only through specific references to the Passion that it came to include. That one could see in the image sitting upon an ass, the place were Judas betrayed him, the Church of the Agony, and the Pool of Siloam. For the devotional context of Sanudo’s Jerusalem map, see p. 59, above. 76  The viae crucis reconstructed the route taken by Christ from Pilate’s house to Calvary, but there were some other routes that offered additional sites in Jerusalem and on the Mount of Olives. For several examples, see Beaver, ‘From Jerusalem to Toledo’. The designation sacri monti denotes complexes built on heights (especially in north Italy); specifically on the sacro monte of Varallo, see Symcox, Jerusalem in the Alps; Merback, The Thief, the Cross and the Wheel, pp. 41–48.

77   ‘Dicut quidam, quod Moyses in vertice Phasca existens et terram sanctam cerneus vidit omnia mysteria sacramentorum Christi, incarnationem, nativitatem, vitam, passionem et mortem Christi, et in hac dulcissima contemplatione mortuus fuit in monte, et Dominus sepelivit eum, in valle ipsum abscondens’; Hassler, Fratris Felicis Fabri Evagatorium, iii, 168. The quotation in English is from Felix Fabri, The Book of the Wanderings in Holy Land, trans. by Stewart, iii, 181.

Part III

Between Pilgrimage and Scripture, Catholicism and Protestantism

Chapter 5

Friedrich III’s Carto­graphical Pilgrimage Imagery

F

riedrich III the ‘Wise’, Elector and Duke of Saxony (1463–1525; r.  1486–1525), was renowned as a skilful ruler: he knew how to avoid risks and conflicts; he was attentive to his advisors and knew how to manage according to changing circumstances; he recognized the social importance of culture and fostered artistic activity in his capital Wittenberg; and he was sensible to the religious needs of his people, particularly to the significance of relics and the Holy Land in Western culture.1 In 1493 he embarked on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, where he was made a knight of the Holy Sepulchre and from where he brought back numerous sacred relics;2 Friedrich added these relics to his own collection, which was housed in the All-Saints’ Collegiate Church in Wittenberg (known also as the Schloßkirche, the Castle Church) and turned the city into a European pilgrimage destination, where indulgences could be obtained. In 1520 this collection included more than 19,000 items; in that year one could earn 1,902,202 years’ indulgence by witnessing the relics in the annual feasts.3 Wittenberg was a city of two devotional trends, with the steady spread of the Reformation. The Uni­ver­sity of Wittenberg, established by Friedrich in 1502, became an important centre of academic teaching based on the ideas of the Reformation. Martin Luther began to teach there in 1508, and Philip Melanchthon in 1518; in 1517 Luther published his ninety-five theses against the indulgences. Though Friedrich never adopted the principles of 1  On Friedrich as a ruler, see Ludolphy, Friedrich der Weise; Brecht, Martin Luther, pp. 111–13. 2  The journey is described in an appendix attached to Friedrich’s Vita, written after his death by Georg Spalatin, his advisor and chaplain. Spalatin, Friedrichs des Weisen, pp. 76–91. 3 Kalkoff, Ablass und Reliquienverehrung in der Schloßkirche zu Wittenberg, pp. 64–66.

the Reformation, he graciously granted the reformers his friendly countenance — in 1520 he refused to carry out a papal bull against Luther and secured his safety in his castle in Wartburg — and allowed changes in the liturgy held in the churches of Wittenberg: the Christmas rituals of 1521 were conducted differently; the relics were displayed to the public for the last time in 1522 and indulgences were no longer sold (Friedrich ceased to purchase relics around 1520).4 After Friedrich’s death in 1525, his brother and heir, Elector John, removed the relics from the All Saints’, which became a Lutheran church. These developments are significant for understanding the cultural context in which the innovative Holy Land map compiled by Lucas Cranach the Elder (1472–1553) to commemorate Friedrich’s pilgrimage was conceived. This is also the background for the transition of this map from a Catholic devotional image to a didactic Protestant one, within the Scriptures. Apart from a map of the Holy Land, Friedrich commemorated his pilgrimage to Jerusalem with further customary pilgrimage imageries: a painting of Christ’s dead body that was made on the basis of the measurements of Christ’s tomb that he himself recorded in Jerusalem (this painting has not survived), and two paintings that showed him in the Holy Land. The surviving painting, today in the Schloss Friedenstein in Gotha (Germany), is examined here as another modification of the late medi­eval Holy Land map, one that transformed the Old Testament space into a pictorial Christo­logical landscape in connection with pilgrimage. 4 

On the changes in worship in Wittenberg around 1521, see Junghans, ‘Luther’s Wittenberg’; Koerner, The Reformation of the Image, pp. 83–93; Roper, Martin Luther, pp. 209–16. On the changes in Friedrich’s approach to relics resulting from the cultural change in Wittenberg at that time, see Kalkoff, Ablass und Reliquienverehrung in der Schloßkirche zu Wittenberg, pp. 84–93.

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88 Friedrich inserted his Holy Land media (relics and visuals) into the All-Saints Church, creating there a unique pilgrimage installation that unavoidably borrowed a variety of associations and connotations from the adjacent representations and generated a complex experience of pilgrimage.5 It is worth noting that Friedrich also commemorated his pilgrimage through a chapel in the form of the Holy Sepulchre that he constructed in Torgau, his birthplace and ancestral seat. Apart from the relic of the True Cross, there is no way to determine what kind of sacred content or pilgrimage imagery were displayed in the chapel, which was dismantled in 1533.6

Lucas Cranach the Elder’s Map of the Holy Land: A Transitional Image Lucas Cranach was appointed court painter in Wittenberg in 1505. Among the many works he made there for Friedrich was a woodcut wall map of the Holy Land of 60 × 60 cm (the map was composed of six separate sheets each measuring 20 × 30 cm arranged in three rows of two). The most complete copy, lacking six centimetres in the lower part, is preserved in the National Library of Israel in Jerusalem (Figure 33; hereafter ‘Cranach’s map’); two other fragments are known, each of which shows either the upper or the lower parts of the map. The attribution of the map to Lucas Cranach was made in 1921 by the art historian Heinrich Röttinger, who examined the fragment of the upper part (the only one known at the time). Röttinger attributed the woodcut to Lucas Cranach on the basis of stylistic analysis and the identification of a water mark impression showing a bull’s head; he considered the map as presenting Friedrich’s pilgrimage, based on the depiction of the duke’s coat of arms on the sail of one of the vessels approaching the coast of Palestine.7 The Jerusalem copy was identified as a complete copy a few decades later; the third fragment showing the lower part became possible following the identification of the Jerusalem copy.8 5 

On this display and its fate following the Reformation, see Arad, ‘Frederick III’s Holy Land Installation in Wittenberg’. 6  On this chapel, see Ludolphy, Friedrich der Weise, p. 128; Fey, ‘Wallfahrtserinnerungen an spätmittel­alterlichen Fürstenhöfen in Bild und Kult’, pp. 155–57. 7  Röttinger, Beiträge zur Geschichte des Sächsischen Holz­ schnittes, pp. 11–15. 8   All the fragments are discussed in Dürst, ‘Zur Wieder­ auffindung der Heiligland-Karte’; Liebmann, ‘Die HeiliglandKarte Lucas Cranachs des Ältern’; Meurer, ‘Analysen zur Sogenannten “Cranach-Karte” des Heiligen Landes’; Dürst, ‘Zur

Röttinger did not delve into the significance of the map as pilgrimage imagery, nor did he note fifteenth-century pilgrims’ custom of celebrating the accomplishments of their pilgrimages with a map of the Holy Land. Later, Peter Meurer argued that the map’s role in illustrating a pilgrimage was secondary and suggested that the map headed a series of maps designed to serve as aids in reading the Scriptures.9 Armin Kunz even doubted that the map could reflect Friedrich’s pilgrimage, because it showed biblical occurrences rather than any detail related specifically to Friedrich’s journey.10 However, Capodilista’s, Breydenbach’s, and Wey’s maps, discussed in Chapter 4 above, demonstrate that the emblematic biblical topo­g raphy was the very image through which fifteenth-century pilgrims commemorated their journeys to Jerusalem. While the above-mentioned pilgrims’ maps used the traditional layout of the Holy Land oriented towards the east, Cranach created a new composition with the north at the top.11 This new delineation was compiled following the Fourth Map of Asia (Quarta Asiae Tabula) in the fifteenth-century Latin editions of Ptolemy’s Geo­ graphy; Cranach’s map reflects the lower left corner of the Asia map, depicting the region extending between Damascus (upper right corner) and the Red Sea (bottom left corner), and from the Mediterranean to the Arabian Desert. 12 Cranach’s map was innovative not only in its orientation, but in two further significant icono­ graphical changes: it did not give Jerusalem a distinguishing emblem, and it showed the Exodus pictorially. Eight key scenes figure along a winding route between Succoth, the first station of the Israelites after leaving Rameses (lower left corner), and Gilgal, the place of entrance into Canaan; these include the crossing of the Red Sea, the miracle of the manna in the wilderness of Zin, the miracle of the water in Rephidim, the giving of the Law on Mount Sinai, the Golden Calf, an ambiguous scene in Kadesh Barnea, whence Moses sent two men to Wiederauffindung der Heiligland-Karte’, pp. 40–41; Kunz, ‘Cranach the Carto­grapher’. 9   Meurer, ‘Analysen zur Sogenannten “Cranach-Karte” des Heiligen Landes’, p. 171. 10  Kunz, ‘Cranach the Carto­grapher’, p. 135. 11  Inscriptions within the frame indicate the cardinal points, reading clockwise from the top: ‘north midnight’ (septentrio mittnacht); ‘east morning’ (oriens morgen); south midday (meridiens mittag); evening west (abent occidens). 12  For a detailed comparison between Cranach’s map and the map of Asia in Ptolemy’s Geo­g raphy, see Meurer, ‘Analysen zur Sogenannten “Cranach-Karte” des Heiligen Landes’, pp. 165–71.

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Figure 33. Lucas Cranach the Elder, a map of the Holy Land, Jerusalem, National Library of Israel, Eran Laor Collection, pal 1059. Second decade of the sixteenth century. Woodcut, 60 × 54 cm, missing 6 cm at the bottom. Reproduced with permission of the National Library of Israel.

spy out the land of Canaan, the Brazen Serpent, and a battle next to the brook of Arnon (Figure 34).13 Apart from the biblical scenes, three other figures are seen walking along the route: one person with a staff over his shoulder descends towards the scene of the Brazen Serpent; another figure, leading a horse, moves beyond this scene; and a third, with a staff and accompanied by a dog, walks further on, in the section running between the mountains. Their wanderings along the route, and especially their staffs, identify these three figures as pil13 

For a detailed description of the pictorial scenes, see Kunz, ‘Cranach the Carto­grapher’, pp. 132–34.

grims. Therefore, as if following the earlier pilgrims’ maps (discussed in Chapter 4), Cranach associated the desert with the theme of pilgrimage and conceptualized the latter through the narrative of the Exodus. The Holy Land occupies the central part of the map and is identified by the toponym ‘CANAAN’ (spread across the territory, read from below). An unexplained straight line that links the cities of Dan and Beersheba accentuates the boundaries of the land as defined in the Old Testament and, significantly, also recalls the boundaries of the land as framed in the fourteenth-century grid map.14 14 

See note 80 in Chapter 3.

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Figure 34. Lucas Cranach the Elder, a map of the Holy Land (Figure 33), detail showing the Exodus route.

The land is divided into the tribal territories (marked by dotted lines), and only one biblical event is represented: the punishment of the sinful cities of Genesis. In both these matters Cranach followed the late medi­eval Holy Land map and even adopted its icono­g raphic motif in presenting the event of the divine punishment by showing the cities sinking in the Dead Sea; he, however, gave the event much more dramatic depiction, by presenting the cities sinking within a stormy sea of fire and brimstone (Figure 35; cf. Figures 23 and 26). Inscriptions include only toponyms (in the German version). Some basic details concerning the production of the map remain unknown: the identity of the printer; the identity of an advisor-carto­grapher (if there was one);15 and the date of printing. It is generally accepted that the map was printed between 1508/09 and 1525. The 15 

Peter Meurer believes that Cranach was assisted by a carto­ grapher, suggesting the humanist Barthel Stein as a possible candidate. Barthel Stein held a professorship in geo­g raphy at the Uni­ver­sity of Wittenberg between 1509 and 1512; Meurer, ‘Analysen zur Sogenannten “Cranach-Karte” des Heiligen Landes’, pp. 173–74.

date 1508/09 was taken as a terminus post quem as this was the year when the emblem of crossed swords (which identifies Friedrich’s boat on the map) began to be used as the electoral Saxon coat of arms, and 1525 was taken as a terminus ante quem, since in that year a reduced replica of the map was included in a new translation of the Bible into German that was printed in Zurich (then a centre of the Swiss reform movement under Ulrich Zwingli).16 It seems reasonable to assume that Cranach created the map in the second decade of the sixteenth century, the period during which Friedrich brought Catholic devotion in Wittenberg to a record level, and before he began to abandon the old practices of worship.17 In any case, 16  Parallel enterprises to print the entire Bible in German ran in Wittenberg and in Zurich, which finished first, in 1525; the 1525 Zurich edition was printed by Christoph Froschauer (c. 1490–1564). On the replica of Cranach’s map in Froschauer’s edition and in subsequent Bible editions printed in Antwerp, see Delano-Smith and Ingram, Maps in Bibles, pp. xxii–xxvi, 25–26, and 137–39. 17   Armin Kunz proposed 1522 as the terminus post quem, based on the word ‘Blachfeld’ (a version of ‘Flachfeld’, a ‘flat field’) that appears on the map and was introduced into the German

Friedrich III’s Carto­graphical Pilgrimage Imagery

Figure 35. Lucas Cranach the Elder, a map of the Holy Land (Figure 33), detail showing the sinful cities of Genesis sinking in the Dead Sea.

assuming 1508/09 as the earliest likely dating, it is clear that the map was produced at least fifteen years after Friedrich embarked on his pilgrimage. The medium of printing may be the key to understanding the way Cranach’s map was used in Wittenberg and the actual role it played in relation to Friedrich’s pilgrimage display in the All-Saints’ Church. The three surviving fragments suggest that multiple copies were printed. Therefore it may be assumed that even if this map was displayed next to Friedrich’s pilgrimage imagery in the All-Saints’ (as was the case in William Wey’s chapel),18 copies of it were sold as souvenirs, like — and perhaps together with — the ‘book of relics’ that Cranach produced in 1509, which was sold to faithful who came to see the relics in the church (entitled: The display of the highly praised reliquaries of the Church of biblical vocabulary in Luther’s 1522 translation; see Kunz, ‘Cranach the Carto­grapher’, p. 134. 18  See p. 69, above.

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All Saints at Wittenberg; Dye Zaigung des hochlobwir­ digen Hailigthums der Stifft-Kirchen aller Hailigen zu Wittenburg).19 Support for this assumption derives from the fact that single-leaf woodcuts with devotional insignia were the most popular souvenirs at European pilgrimage sites.20 The devotional insignia that Cranach’s woodcut map could offer the faithful was the topo­g raphy of the Holy Land: a physical embodiment of the scriptural past and also the origin of the most precious relics in the Wittenberg collection. As a pilgrimage souvenir, this map could express an intertwined memory of pilgrimage: the memory of Friedrich’s pilgrimage to Jerusalem and the memory of one’s pilgrimage to Wittenberg. Most striking is the fact that Cranach adhered to the medium of mapping to commemorate his patron’s journey to Jerusalem and to evoke a sense of pilgrimage but discarded the conventional composition that was already associated with this theme. The use of Ptolemy’s map as a model could be explained by the interest in classical knowledge in Wittenberg at the time. Cranach’s choice to emphasize the Exodus could perhaps be explained as reflecting Martin Luther’s new ideas on faith and devotion that were beginning to be heard in Wittenberg in the second decade of the sixteenth century. (By 1514 Luther had become the municipal preacher and preached his theo­logy at the City Church on Sundays and holidays.) Luther dealt with the Revelation to Moses on Mount Sinai in his discussion on the contrast between divine hiddenness and revelation, a theme that appears in his theo­logy of the cross, which he presented in thesis 20 at the Heidelberg Disputation (1518).21 As a work of art from the second decade of the sixteenth century that might reflect  Luther’s theo­log y, Cranach’s map is highly significant. The professional 19   On the display of the Holy Land relics in the church as reflected from Cranach’s book, which was seemingly created in response to a new order of displaying the relics, see Arad, ‘Frederick III’s Holy Land Installation in Wittenberg’, pp. 223–25. For books of relics as a fifteenth-century devotional genre and as souvenirs sold at pilgrimage sites, see Merkel, ‘Die Reliquien von Halle und Wittenberg’. A facsimile of the 1509 edition of Cranach’s book (preserved in the Bavarian State Library in Munich) was reproduced in Cranach, Wittenberger Heiltumsbuch; the woodcuts were reproduced in Jahn, 1472–1553, Lucas Cranach der Ältere, pp. 456–544. 20  For example, woodcuts of a heart stabbed by the Holy Lance were sold as pilgrimage mementos in Nuremberg, where this relic (the Holy Lance that pierced Christ’s side at the crucifixion) was kept; see Merkel, ‘Die Reliquien von Halle und Wittenberg’, p. 39. 21  On Luther’s early theo­logy as reflected in his early lectures, 1513–18, see Brecht, Martin Luther, pp. 128–44.

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92 relationships between Cranach and Luther began only in 1521 with their joint work on the Passional Christi und Antichristi (thirteen irreverent woodcut pairs depicting and declaring the Pope as the Antichrist). In 1522 Cranach produced some illustrations for the Book of Revelation in Luther’s new translation of the New Testament, and only from the late 1520s did the two together create new subjects and a style in accordance with the new faith.22 To date, only one work by Cranach that might reflect Luther’s early influence prior to 1520 has been found — the Ten Commandments — a panel he painted in 1516 for Wittenberg’s town hall. It has been observed that such an influence could have been possible as at that time Luther already gained a reputation as a theo­logian of the first rank.23 Significantly, both works of Lucas Cranach — the wooden panel depicting the Ten Commandments and the woodcut Holy Land map depicting the wanderings in the desert — gave expression to a subject with which Luther dealt in the second decade of the sixteenth century and later became fundamental in his theo­logy: the contrast between divine hiddenness and revelation. In any event, whether it reflected Luther’s theo­logy or not, Cranach’s innovative Holy Land map is a remarkable transitional image: conceived in a Catholic context of belief and worship, it crossed  the border into the Protestant biblical icono­g raphy and came to be identified with the Protestant Bible and with the meaning of the Exodus in the evangelical theo­logy. Within the Bible the map served as an illustration of the Exodus. In the Protestant milieu this map was no longer a devotional image associated with pilgrimage, holy places, and relics, but a didactic image of a land symbolizing a promise, and an aid in understanding the words of God.24 Cranach’s concentration on the Exodus and the manner in which he expressed that event (sequential pictorial episodes along the Exodus route) resulted in a shift in the focus and in the appearance of the Holy Land map. The Exodus subsequently became the most prominent biblical event depicted in later maps, and Cranach’s pic22  On their professional relationship and friendship that was also established during the 1520s, see Koerner, The Reformation of the Image, p. 77. 23 Koerner, The Reformation of the Image, p. 77; Ozment, The Serpent and the Lamb, p. 120. The panel measures 160 × 340 cm and is still on display in Wittenberg’s town hall; for a digital scan, see . 24   On Cranach’s map in Protestant context, see Brotton, A History of the World in Twelve Maps, pp. 230–31, which refers to Cranach’s original map as a Lutheran work.

torial configuration of the event was the basis for further picto­graphic developments.25

Gotha Panel A wooden panel of 68.8  ×  60  cm (today in the Schloss Friedenstein in Gotha; Inv.  Nr. SG77) presents Friedrich in the Holy Land (Figure 36; hereafter ‘Gotha panel’). It was created by an anonymous painter at some point after 1503, that is, at least ten years after Friedrich made his pilgrimage. Dating is based on a depiction of eight knights from the Ketzel family from Nuremberg on the reverse side, accompanied by captions indicating the dates of their pilgrimages; the latest one took place in 1503.26 As said above, this painting demonstrates a translation of the late medi­e val Holy Land map into a pictorial Christo­logical landscape, a translation that was made in relation to a specific pilgrimage journey and in line with the Western icono­ graphy of pilgrimage. Following the Holy Land map, the Gotha panel orients the land towards the east and shows it with the Mediterranean shoreline at the bottom, and the desert mountains, the Jordan River, and the Dead Sea (with the five burnt sinful cities) at the top (Figures 36 and 37). The towering Mount of Olives with the scene of the Ascension (near the upper left corner) accentuates the Eastern perspective; Mount Sinai and Alexandria are seen on the horizon (top centre). Yet, contrary to the late medi­eval Holy Land map that basically depicted the land as extending from ‘Dan to Beersheba’, this painting concentrates on the area between Nazareth in the north (left) and Bethlehem in the south (right); thus, instead of portraying the land of the Old Testament, it defines boundaries that are associated with Christ’s life and delimits a Christo­logical space. The Christo­logical dimension is further accentuated by the enlargement of the arena of the Passion — the 25  For the various depictions of the Exodus route in the most influential sixteenth-century Holy Land maps, see Bartlett, ‘The “Way of the Wilderness” on Sixteenth-Century Maps’. Whether by coincidence or not, Jews began to depict the Exodus in maps only in the sixteenth century. On the Jewish depictions, see Arad, ‘Memory, Identity and Aspiration’. 26  Rudy, ‘Northern European Visual Responses to Holy Land Pilgrimage’, pp. 214–16, considers the panel to have been made in the first decade of the sixteenth century, suggesting Wolf Ketzel, Frederick’s fellow pilgrim and one of the knights depicted on the panel’s reverse side, as the patron who commissioned the work. Fey, ‘Wallfahrtserinnerungen an spätmittel­alterlichen Fürstenhöfen in Bild und Kult’, refers to it as a product from 1520.

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Figure 36. A wooden panel showing Friedrich III in the Holy Land, Gotha, Schloss Friedenstein, Inv. Nr. SG77. After 1503. Oil and tempera on wood, 68.8 × 60 cm. Reproduced with permission of Stiftung Schloss Friedenstein Gotha.

Mount of Olives and Jerusalem — within these boundaries and through twenty-three episodes of the event that are depicted there (Plate IV). The Passion episodes are implanted in the landscape in such a way that they form ‘stations’ along a devotional course (nondelineated within Jerusalem), enabling the viewer both to follow Christ on his way to the Crucifixion and to re-enact the pilgrimage experience. There are no descriptive inscriptions that elaborate on the sacred occurrence. Yet, the few inscriptions that do indicate some of the localities and personages associated with the event — ‘Zion’, ‘Bethany’, ‘Bethphage’, ‘Judas’, and the ‘Ascension’ around and on the Mount of Olives, and the ‘Golden Gate’, ‘Symon leprosy’(!), ‘Caiaphas’, ‘House of Annas’, ‘Herod’, ‘Jewish school’

(der Juden Schull, where Jesus is depicted with his followers), ‘Pilate’, ‘rich man’, ‘Holy Sepulchre’, and ‘Calvary’ in Jerusalem — outline the drama and intensify the stational experience. The entire cycle of the Passion sites and pictorial scenes reflects the topo­graphical narratives of the Passion with which Bernhard von Breydenbach/Erhard Reuwich and William Wey enriched their Holy Land maps (Appendix V: 154–288 and Appendix VI) as well as the contemporary multiepisodic Passion landscapes, which were all composed to offer the very same spiritual experience. The few other biblical scenes that are depicted in the painting show events and personages associated with the New Testament; the single Old Testament episode is the battle between David and Goliath (Plate V).

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Figure 37. A scheme of the boundaries of the Holy Land as depicted in the wooden panel showing Friedrich III in the Holy Land (Figure 36). Drawing by the author.

The context of pilgrimage is reinforced through the depiction of pilgrims travelling in the land. The pilgrims are seen here in four scenes: in the underground cells of Jaffa, advancing towards Rama, entering into Jerusalem (accompanied by their Franciscan guides, identified by their brown robes with white belt), and watching the sacred occurrence in the Church of the Nativity (Plates IV, V, VI) — four scenes that epitomize the fourteen-day itinerary of pilgrims in Palestine and express the inherent anachronism of the pilgrimage experience (representing the pilgrims as witnesses to holy scenes).27 Friedrich is the only pilgrim in the painting who is not anonymous. He is portrayed in an authentic portrait at the bottom, with an inscription beneath that reads: ‘Friedrich, Duke and Elector of Saxony by the grace of God, travelling to the Holy Sepulchre 1493’ (Figures 36, 37).28 His piety stands out. He is kneeling in prayer, facing towards Jerusalem, and an implicit vertical axis connects him with the figure of Jesus ascending to heaven from the Mount of Olives (top). Friedrich’s ship is shown anchored in the port of Jaffa (bottom right corner). This motif does not merely reinforce the pilgrimage context but, together with the figure of Friedrich and with the electoral Saxon coats of arms that are positioned in the other bottom corner, transforms the foreground into Friedrich’s personal space. 27 

For the fourteen-day itinerary, see note 12 in the Introduction. von gottes gnaden, Herzog zu Sachsen und churfurst, zug zum heyligen grab 1493’. 28   ‘Friderich

From this foreground space, Friedrich’s depicted figure mediates between the viewer and the sacred landscape. It is the device that calls upon the viewer to participate in Friedrich’s pilgrimage and urges a contemplative journey within the innovative pictorial landscapes.29 The Gotha panel is an early example of a landscape painting, a genre that developed in the West from the Renaissance onwards.30 One may argue that this painting (and similar ones) played a part in this development, and also that it was not only the sacred topo­g raphy of Palestine that inspired such a pictorial landscape but also the map of the Holy Land that conceptualized the sacred topo­g raphy in terms of belief and was reflected in the innovative pictorial landscape.31 29 

On that practice, see references in note 69 in Chapter 4. On landscape and pictorial landscapes as social products and on the development of the pictorial genre in the West, see Cosgrove, Social Formation and Symbolic Landscape, pp.  13–38; Bakker, Landscape and Religion, pp. 5–18. 31   A similar landscape view appears in two large-sized tapestries, commissioned in 1541 by Elector Palatine Ottheinrich (1502–1559) to commemorate his pilgrimage to Jerusalem (undertaken in 1521). Here, as well, the layout of the late medi­ eval Holy Land map was translated into a Christo­logical landscape extending between Nazareth and Bethlehem with an emphasis on the Passion in Jerusalem. The two tapestries are kept in the Bayerisches Nationalmuseum in Munich and in Schloss Neuburg (Neuburg an der Donau, Germany); they are discussed in connection with the multiepisodic Passion landscapes in Rudy, ‘Northern European Visual Responses to Holy Land Pilgrimage’, pp. 218–24. 30 

Chapter 6

Map and Scripture

W

hile in the fifteenth century pilgrimage was the main context in which maps of the Holy Land were produced, in the sixteenth century the context was the Bible and biblical scholarship. The practice of inserting maps into the Bible was introduced by Protestants in 1525; by the end of the sixteenth century the Protestant Bible had come to include a standard set of eight maps: a map of the world (Genesis), a map of Eden (Genesis), a map of the Exodus (Numbers 33), a map of the allocation of Canaan among the tribes of Israel ( Joshua 15), a map of the Four Kingdoms (Daniel), a map of Jerusalem (Nehemiah 3), a map of the Holy Land in the days of Jesus Christ (the beginning of Matthew), and a map of the Eastern Mediterranean to illustrate the journeys of the Apostles and of Paul (Acts).1 Three of the subjects illuminated by this set — the Exodus, the division of Canaan into the tribal territories, and the Holy Land in the time of Jesus Christ — were the key themes presented in the late medi­eval map of the Holy Land. In a sense, it is as if the method of associating maps with certain books of the Bible has led to the decomposition and recomposition of the Holy Land map in light of the Protestant understanding and visuality. In terms of visual 1   This set was crystalized in the Geneva Bible, an English translation of the Scriptures that was made in Geneva by English exiles and printed there at around 1560 (the Geneva Bible included just five maps: Eden, Exodus, Canaan, the Holy Land in the time of Christ, and the Eastern Mediterranean). For a survey of the complete set, based on some one thousand editions of the Protestant Bible from the sixteenth century, see Delano-Smith and Ingram, Maps in Bibles; Delano-Smith, ‘Maps as Art and Science’. On the Geneva Bible’s set of maps, see Ingram, ‘Maps as Readers’ Aids’; Walden, ‘Global Calvinism’, pp. 195–99. On a similar set of maps attached to the sixteenth-century Catholic Polyglot Bible, see Shalev, ‘Sacred Geo­g raphy, Antiquarianism and Visual Erudition’; Shalev, Sacred Words and Worlds, pp. 23–71.

developments, it appears that, particularly in connection with the Protestant Bible and with early modern biblical scholarship, maps of the Holy Land became more and more pictorial; it also appears that they came to include a variety of visual connections between the Exodus and the Passion. The following pages examine the new pictorial approach through several sixteenth- and the seventeenth-century representative examples of Holy Land maps and show that these maps actually conveyed the very same narrative that had been conveyed by maps of the Holy Land for centuries (albeit in a more pictorial way), that is, the fulfilment of the Old Testament in the Passion of Christ.

Gerard Mercator’s Map of the Holy Land The copperplate wall map (98.4 × 43.4 cm) printed by Gerard Mercator (1512–1594) in 1537 in Louvain is one of the early sixteenth-century Holy Land maps that inserted a pictorial element into the composition in order to elaborate the topo­g raphic narrative (Figure 38).2 Its title — Description of the Holy Land for understanding both Testaments (Amplissima terrae Sanctae descriptio ad utriusque testament intelligentiam) — proclaims its association with the Scriptures and testifies to its actual function as an aid for studying the Bible. The map presents a vast area extending between the Nile Delta (left) and Mount Lebanon (right), with the west at the top. The foreground is allocated to the Exodus route, which is 2 

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, département des Cartes et plans, CPL GE DD-2987 (10405–10406 B) is an early seventeenth-century reimpression by Claus Visscher, who obtained Mercator’s original copperplates. The only known copy from 1537 is preserved in the Biblioteca Comunale Augusta in Perugia (I.C.94 [3]).

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Figure 38. Gerard Mercator, Amplissima terrae Sanctae descriptio ad utriusque testament intelligentiam, Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, an early seventeenth-century reimpression (1537). Copperplate, 98.4 × 43.4 cm. © BNF.

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depicted as a long path with forty numbered stations and punctuated by several representative figurative episodes: the Egyptians’ pursuit of the Israelites with the pillar of cloud hovering between the two camps; the battle between the Israelites and the Amalekites in Rephidim; the Revelation on Mount Horeb; and the Brazen Serpent (Figure 39). Some inscriptions (in Latin) elucidate the event, and a large diagram, representing the arrangement

Map and Scripture

of the tribes in a square structure around the Tabernacle, encapsulates God’s instructions concerning the arrangement of the encampment (Numbers 2) and its progression along the route (Figure  40). The Promised Land (upper right part) is already divided into the tribal territories, which are marked by dotted lines. It is depicted as a crowded space, full of places (marked by small circular or square signs), and its biblical past is evoked by sev-

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eral inscriptions (written outside this dense area), with a lone symbolic token of the Transfiguration on Mount Tabor.3 In the long inscription next to the bottom right 3  The inscriptions have no parallels in the earlier late medi­e val maps. For example, ‘Arad. Contra huius regem Israel adverso Deo in Asemona pugnavit’, referring to the fall of the King of Arad in the captivity of the Israelites when approaching Canaan (Numbers

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Figure 39. Gerard Mercator, Amplissima terrae Sanctae descriptio ad utriusque testament intelligentiam (Figure 38), detail showing a section of the Exodus route.

corner, Mercator noted that he depicted Palestine and the Exodus route on the basis of a map by Jacob Ziegler; he was referring to Ziegler’s septima tabula, which was compiled on the basis of Ptolemy’s method and in which the Exodus route was positioned in accordance with the map’s coordinates.4 21. 1), and ‘Sueta natalicius locus Baldach amici Job, celeberrimas hac estate anuatim habet nundinas’, referring to the birthplace of one of Job’s friends (Bildad, the Shuhite). 4 The septima tabula appeared in Ziegler’s book of maps from

Innovatively, a depiction of Christ as the Man of Sorrows holding his cross is positioned above a large cartouche at the top of Mercator’s map (Figures 38 and 41). The Man of Sorrows is a medi­e val devotional formula that depicts Christ at once dead and alive — he is still 1532. It is discussed and reproduced in Bartlett, ‘The “Way of the Wilderness” on Sixteenth-Century Maps’, which elaborates on Mercator’s reliance on Ziegler (Mercator’s note is quoted on pp. 179–80). Mercator’s map is also discussed in Bartlett, ‘Mercator in the Wilderness’; Nebenzahl, Maps of the Holy Land, pp. 72–73.

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Figure 40. Gerard Mercator, Amplissima terrae Sanctae descriptio ad utriusque testament intelligentiam (Figure 38), detail showing a diagram of the arrangement of the tribes around the Tabernacle.

standing and crowned by thorns, but already wounded by the nails that penetrated his hands and feet on the cross, and by the spear that pierced his side during the Crucifixion. In its emotional and mystical language, this formula played a role in late medi­e val devotion to the suffering of Christ, and grew in popularity in northern Europe throughout the fifteenth and the sixteenth centuries (although its influence became more circumscribed by then as a result of the Reformation). In Mercator’s map, the Man of Sorrows plays a crucial role in the con-

ceptualization of the biblical topo­graphy. Here he does not exhibit his wounded hands or point at his wounded side (as in many images), but points at the cartouche below him that quotes two Old Testament verses: Micah 6. 3–4 in which God refers to the divine redemption of the Exodus (‘O my people, what have I done unto thee? and wherein have I wearied thee? testify against me; For I brought thee up out of the land of Egypt, and redeemed thee out of the house of servants’) and Deuteronomy 8. 7–10, where Moses extols the land given by God to

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Figure 41. Gerard Mercator, Amplissima terrae Sanctae descriptio ad utriusque testament intelligentiam (Figure 38), detail showing the Man of Sorrows.

his people (‘The Lord thy God bringeth thee into a good land, a land of brooks of water, of fountains and depths that spring out of valleys and hills; A land of wheat, and barley, and wines, and fig trees, and pomegranates; a land of oil olive, and honey; A land wherein thou shalt eat bread without scarceness, thou shalt not lack any thing in it; a land whose stones are iron, and out of whose hills though mayest dig brass. When thou hast eaten and art full, then thou shalt bless the Lord thy God for the good land which he hath given thee’). The association between the Man of Sorrows and these two biblical pas-

sages creates an explicit typo­logical relationship between the Crucifixion and the Exodus and, more significantly, explicitly associates the land itself with these two divine salvations. It is not always clear what kind of Christian perception such a pictorial/textual conceptualization was intended to express, since we do not always know the religious position of the mapmakers (not to mention that a clear distinction between Catholics and Protestants had not yet formed in the mid-sixteenth century, and many of the carto­g raphers were ‘still swinging on the blurred

Map and Scripture frontier between Catholic orthodoxy and reform, never quite Orthodox, never rigidly framed in a reformed confession’).5 Gerard Mercator himself was arrested and imprisoned in 1544 (in Louvain) on suspicion of being a ‘Lutheran’, and it took his friends and supporters seven months to convince the regent to free him; yet as much as those who imprisoned Mercator could bring no evidence to demonstrate what he believed, those who supported him could not prove his orthodoxy.6

John Speed’s Map of the Holy Land, Associated with the King James Bible The King James Bible was prepared as the official revised English translation of the Scriptures and published in England in 1611 (by Robert Barker);7 the intention was to provide a version that would be more grounded in the original languages than previous English translations and that would not include the controversial annotations and arguments of the popular Geneva Bible.8 It contained no illustrations within the text, yet an illustrated thirtyfour-page section including several genealogical charts, an Alphabetical Table of Canaan and a double-page map of Canaan was inserted, before Genesis. As explained on the first page of this section, the genealogies — titled, Genealogies recorded in the Sacred Scriptures according to every Family and Tribe, with the line of Our Saviour Jesus Christ, observed from Adam to the Blessed Virgin Mary — were meant to prove ‘how Christ was made very man’.9 In effect, the map of Canaan expressed this very idea and actually emphasized the role of the land in that mystery. The English historian and carto­g rapher John Speed (1552–1629) compiled this prefatory material, apparently at the suggestion and with the assistance of Hugh Broughton (1549–1612) — one of England’s foremost 5 

To use Marica Milanesi’s words in her ‘Intentio totius cosmo­ graphiae’, p. 139. 6  Palmer Wandel, ‘Exile in the Reformation’, pp. 200–201. 7  Robert Barker (d. 1645) held the office of a Royal Printer and led a conglomerate of printers who printed the King James Bible since 1611. 8  On the translation and content of the King James Bible, and on all English versions of the Bible that were made between 1525 and 1611, see Greenslade, ‘English Versions of the Bible’. 9  The explanation is quoted in Ettenhuber, ‘“A Comely Gate to So Rich and Glorious a Citie”’, p. 62; pp. 62–69 elaborate on the construction of the message through a combination of genealogical lists, illustrations, and glosses; figs 3.1 and 3.2 reproduce two of the genealogical diagrams with illustrations of the Fall of Man and the Tower of Babel and glosses on their significance.

101 Hebrew scholars at the time — who, although not listed amongst the King James translators, shared with them his advice.10 Speed prepared the map of Canaan in two sizes, so it could fit different editions: a copperplate for folio Bibles (Figure  42) and a smaller woodcut with fewer visual components and with a removable border for quarto, octavo, and even small duodecimo Bible editions (Figure 43). Speed referred to the original author of the map in a small cartouche at the bottom of the copperplate, saying : ‘begun by Mr John More, continued and finished by John Speed’.11 Like Mercator’s map (Figure 38), Speed’s map shows the area extending between the Nile Delta and Mount Lebanon and focuses on the event of the Exodus. Here as well, the event is embodied through the stational route of wanderings, five key figurative episodes (the crossing of the Red Sea, the giving of the Law, the miracle of quails and manna, the brazen serpent, and a battle against the Amalekites), and the depiction of the encampment around the Tabernacle. Canaan (top right) is divided into the tribal domains (marked by dotted lines and armorial signs), while a few unlabelled pictorial symbols represent biblical events from both Testaments in certain localities (for example, the sinking of the sinful cities within the Dead Sea, cutting down of trees next to Mount Lebanon (apparently for the construction of Solomon’s Temple; i Kings 5. 20), the Transfiguration on Mount Tabor, and Paul’s conversion on his way to Damascus). While Speed’s map explicitly proclaims to represent Canaan (top cartouche) — an Old Testament topo­ graphy — it, in fact, manifestly revolves around Christ’s mission on earth and its theo­logical meaning. Christ’s activities in specific places are noted in an elaborated diagram that outlines the allocation of the tribal domains within the regions of Canaan (Figure 42, bottom right corner). The diagram is arranged in a schematic tree, whose final branches contain fifty biblical events that took place within each tribe’s boundaries. Twelve entries refer to events associated with Christ:

10  On Hugh Broughton, see Norton, A History of the English Bible as Literature, pp. 56–60. On Speed’s project, see Taylor, ‘John Speed’s “Canaan” and British Travel to Palestine’, pp. 104–06. 11  John More was a fellow of Christ’s College at Cam­bridge and a minister of Saint Andrew’s Church in Norwich. His map was passed on to John Speed following his death in 1598; see Taylor, ‘John Speed’s “Canaan” and British Travel to Palestine’, p. 106.

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Figure 42. John Speed, Canaan, printed by Robert Barker, Jerusalem, Israel Museum, Trevor & Susan Chinn Collection. 1611. 52.2 × 39.2 cm. Photo © Israel Museum, Jerusalem, by Elie Posner.

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Figure 43. John Speed, Canaan, printed by Robert Barker, Jerusalem, National Library of Israel, Eran Laor Collection, pal 238. 1611. 34 × 25.5 cm. Reproduced with permission of the National Library of Israel.

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Figure 44. John Speed, Canaan (Figure 42), detail showing a plan of Jerusalem and the Temple’s sacred implements.

In Asher: ‘The place where the woman of Canaan intreated Christ for her possessed daughter Mark 7’

In Zebulon: ‘The mount whereon Christ was transfigured and where Moses and Elias talked with him Mat 17’

‘In this place the woman pronounced blessedness to the wombe that bare Christ and to the papps that gave him sucke Luke 11’

‘The cittie where Christ raised the widdowes sonne from death where upon John sent his disciples to ask him of the Mesias Luk 7’

In Naphtali: ‘The citties wherein Christ dwelt and did his miracles Math 9’

In Ephraim: ‘Iacobus well where Christ conferred with the woman of Samaria shewing the trew worshippers Joh 4’

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Figure 45. John Speed, Canaan (Figure 42), detail showing Moses and Aaron on either side of the title cartouche.

In Benjamin: ‘The waters wherein John did baptize John 3’

In Gad: ‘Where the heard of swine perished Mat 8’

plan) and Mount Calvary in its upper left corner; it is framed by seven vignettes that show the Temple’s sacred implements (from top to bottom, right to left): the Candelabrum, the altar of the sweet perfume, the Table of Shewbread, the altar of the burnt offerings, the Ark of the Covenant, the ‘Sea’ or the ‘Calderon’, and the Laver of Brass (Figure 44). This innovative composition constructs a message of fulfilment by two inscriptions: ‘Jesus that hee might sanctifie the people with his own blood, sufred without the gate. Heb. 13. 14’ that is written next to Mount Calvary; and ‘With out shedding of bloud is no remission Heb. 9. 22’ — a verse that refers to Christ’s blood on the Cross and epitomizes the idea constructed in Hebrews 9. 2–12 about the uselessness of the worship held in the Jewish Temple in comparison to the sacrifice of Christ (this inscription is written amongst the Temple implements, in the bottom right corner of the frame).12

In describing these events through the tribal concept and structure, this list demonstrates where and ‘how Christ was made very man’, as well as overlaps between both Testaments. The idea of fulfilment is expressed through particular combinations of pictorial and written elements. The map’s upper left corner is occupied by a plan of Jerusalem that shows Solomon’s Temple at its centre (in ground

12  The plan of Jerusalem echoes the Jerusalem map in the Book of Nehemiah in some sixteenth-century Bibles; see Delano-Smith and Ingram, Maps in Bibles, pp. 121–27; Shalev, ‘Sacred Geo­graphy, Antiquarianism and Visual Erudition’, pp. 61–63. The illustrations are based on the cycle of the Temple’s implements in the Geneva Bible, where they illustrate some chapters of the Book of Exodus (the ‘Caldron’ appears in i Kings 7). For a facsimile of the Geneva Bible, see Berry and Whittingham, The Geneva Bible.

‘The 2 disciples going towards Emaus meet with Christ Luc 14’ ‘The withered and acurssed figge tree. Math 23’ In Judah: ‘In this cittie Beth leem little Mich 5. 2 but not little Mat 2. 6 Christ the glorie of Israell and light of the gentills was born’ ‘The wise men of the east following the starre Christ Mat 2’

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Figure 46. John Speed, Canaan (Figure 43), detail showing the Crossing of the Red Sea.

To the right of the Jerusalem plan, Moses and Aaron stand on either side of the map’s title cartouche (Canaan) (Figure 45). While the cartouche is designed to elicit the Ark of the Covenant (with two cherubs on either side of a cloud with the Hebrew name of God at the top) and Moses and Aaron (as the High Priest) holding their Old Testament attributes (the Tables of the Covenant and a ceremonial incense tool, respectively), three New Testament verses elucidate the composition: ‘The Law was given by Moses but grace and thrust came by Jesus Christ. John 1. 17’ is inscribed on a tablet held by Moses; ‘Our highe priest hath obtained a more excellent office in as much as hee is the mediator of a better testament. Heb. 8 6’, on the tablet held by Aaron; and ‘Neither in this mountaine nor at Jerusalem shall ye worshep the father. John 4’ — Jesus’s words to the Samaritan woman, asserting that the worship in the two temples on Mount Gerizim and in Jerusalem is to be superseded by worship ‘in spirit and in truth’ — is written below the toponym ‘Canaan’. The depiction of Moses and Aaron as companions associated with one another through a compositional structure is reminiscent of their depiction on the King James Bible title page.13 13  On the title page of the King James Bible (designed by the Flemish engraver Cornelius Boel) the two figures are each positioned within an arched niche, on either side of the book’s title. On the icono­g raphy and meaning of this title page, which also shows the apostles, Paul, and the evangelists, see Corbett and Lightbown, The Comely Frontispiece, pp. 107–11; the title page is reproduced there on p. 106. On Moses and Aaron in sixteenth-century Protestant art and perceptions (they are regarded as co-heralds of the Scriptures’ divine authority), see Merback, ‘“Between These Two Kingdoms”’.

Significantly, while typo­logical connections between the two Testaments were created in earlier maps of the Holy Land,14 in this case typo­logy becomes not only the main feature, but the very message itself. Moreover, the event of the Exodus is also structured upon typo­logical interpretation and through a New Testament verse; ‘As Moses lifted up the serpent in the wildernes so must the son of man bee lifted up. John 3. 14’ — written next to the pictorial scene of the Brazen Serpent — highlights the typo­logical connections between Moses and Christ, and between the salvations of the Exodus and the Passion. The other version of Speed’s map further elaborated this typo­logical conceptualization (Figure  43). The implements of the Temple, depicted here at the bottom of the map within a band of vignettes, illustrate (and are interpreted by) the following two verses from the Epistle to the Hebrews (written on their two sides): ‘The way into the holiest of all, was not yet opened while the first Tabernacle was standing, which was a figure for the time present, wherein were offered gifts and sacrifices that could not make holy him that did the seruice. Hebr. 9’ (bottom left corner); and ‘For if Iesus had giuen them rest, then would not Dauid after this haue spoken of another rest. Seeing then that wee haue a great High John Speed had depicted Moses and Aaron in an earlier map of the Holy Land (1595), in which the two figures stand on either side of the Tables of the Covenant and are encircled by the Temple’s implements. This map (a copperplate of 74.5 × 95.7 cm) is described and reproduced in Nebenzahl, Maps of the Holy Land, pp. 106–07, pl. 38; Laor, Maps of the Holy Land, pp. 102–03, fig. 736. 14  For example, in Gabriele Capodilista’s map, see p. 68 above.

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Figure 47. John Speed, Canaan (Figure 43), detail showing the Temple.

Priest which is entered into heauen, let us studie to enter into that rest, and to hold fast our profession. Hebr. 4’ (bottom right corner). The inscription written within the Red Sea — ‘They were all baptised unto Moses, in the cloud & in the sea. I.  Cor. 10’ — similarly interprets the adjacent pictorial scene of the Israelites crossing the sea typo­logically, specifically associating the Crossing with Baptism, and Moses with Christ (Figure 46). And Christ’s words to the Samaritan woman — ‘Nether in Ierusalem, nor in this mountaine shal ye worship. John 4’ — are embodied here by the depiction of a Temple (apparently Solomon’s Temple, as two pillars at its entrance allude to Jachin and Boaz), the Samaritan woman (sitting on the mouth of the well, holding the jug), and a king, apparently King Solomon, the builder of the Temple (Figure 47).15 Quotations of biblical verses with references to their exact biblical sources are a feature that was introduced into the map of the Holy Land only in the sixteenth century. This new method, which essentially reflects the great significance given to the biblical word in Protestant culture, echoes the practice of inserting bib15  Joan Taylor identifies the king as King James, arguing that the quotation from John 4 is uttered here not by Jesus, but by the king, in connection with the rejection of devotion to sacred places. See Taylor, ‘John Speed’s “Canaan” and British Travel to Palestine’.

lical quotations in Protestant art in order to construct specific religious messages.16 By quoting mostly from the Epistle to the Hebrews, John Speed endowed the biblical topo­g raphy with the meaning of that book (conveying the idea that the promises of God have not yet been fully obtained, and that Israel was brought out of Egypt but had never entered into the Promised Land)17 and contributed to the contemporary typo­logical discourse.18 Elizabeth Ingram has observed that by amalgamating map and picture and by not associating the map with any particular text within the book, Speed created ‘an introduction to and summary of the whole Bible’.19 In fact, Speed did it through typo­logical connections that he created between the Temple and the Crucifixion, the Exodus and the Passion. 16 

The inclusion of inscriptions in pictorial representations, or their inscribing on the walls of churches, was of great importance in Protestant visual culture. In one case at least, Luther himself proposed inserting biblical quotations around the representation of the Last Supper. See Michalski, The Reformation and the Visual Arts, p. 41. 17  Thiessen, ‘Hebrews and the End of the Exodus’. 18  It has been observed that the interest in typo­logy became ever more robust and pervasive from the 1590s, in tandem with the expanding market for devotional tracts. See Hardman Moore, ‘Calvinism and the Arts’, specifically p.  82 for that discourse in England and Scotland. 19  Ingram, ‘Maps as Readers’ Aids’, p. 43.

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Figure 48. Nicholaes Visscher, a map attached to Numbers 33 in the Dutch States-General Bible, edition printed by Paulus Aertsz van Ravesteyn, London, British Library, L.11.e.3. 1657. Reproduced with the permission of the British Library Board.

Figure 49. A map attached to Numbers 33 in the Dutch StatesGeneral Bible, edition printed by Hendrik and Jacob Keur, London, British Library, L.11.b.5. 1690. Reproduced with the permission of the British Library Board.

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Figure 50. Nicholaes Visscher, a map preceding the Book of Matthew in the Dutch StatesGeneral Bible, edition printed by Paulus Aertsz van Ravesteyn, London, British Library, L.11.e.3. 1657. Reproduced with the permission of the British Library Board.

Figure 51. A map preceding the Book of Matthew in the Dutch States-General Bible, edition printed by Hendrik and Jacob Keur, London, British Library, L.11.b.5. 1690. Reproduced with the permission of the British Library Board.

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Maps of the Holy Land in the Dutch States-General Bible With Calvinism thoroughly entrenched, the Dutch Reformed Church determined to produce an authorized translation of the Bible made from the original Hebrew and Greek (a decision of the Synod of Dort (Dordrecht), 1618–19). The monumental work of translation began in 1626, and the result — the States-General Bible (Statenvertaling) — was published in 1637 at the expense of the government (the States-General). 20 Numerous editions were published in the next decades, and in a rough estimate, every Reformed family with at least one member who was able to read would have owned a copy of the States-General Bible.21 The numerous editions of the States-General Bible included a varied number of illustrations and a set of six maps — a map of the world (Genesis), a map of Eden (Genesis), a map of the Exodus (Numbers 33), a map of Jerusalem (Nehemiah 3), a map of the Holy Land (beginning of Matthew), and a map of the Eastern Mediterranean (Acts).22 Indeed, it is in the Calvinist Bible that the map of the Holy Land assumed a pictorial form through elaborated figurative scenes. To demonstrate this development I focus on the maps attached to Numbers and Matthew in two specific editions of the States-General Bible: an edition printed in Amsterdam by Paulus Aertsz van Ravesteyn in 1657, with maps by Nicolaes Visscher (hereafter ‘Ravesteyn’s edition’); and an edition printed in Dordrecht by Hendrik and Jacob Keur in 1690 (hereafter ‘Keurs’ edition’). I elected not to focus on the maps from earlier editions because they represent less developed pictorial compositions. The maps that appear in the Book of Numbers in both editions are based on the Holy Land map from Willem Janszoon Blaeu’s atlas from 1629, which shows the land with the Mediterranean at the top and highlights the Exodus route in the foreground (Figures 48, 49); Blaeu’s Holy Land map was associated with the Book of Numbers in the States-General Bible in Claes Janszonius Visscher’s 1642 edition.23 The maps that precede the 20   Dammermann and others, ‘Continental Versions from c. 1600 to the Present Day’, p. 352. 21  Broeyer, ‘Bible for the Living Room’, p. 214. 22  For the standard set in the Protestant Bibles, see note 1 in this chapter. On the illustrations in the States-General Bible and in other Dutch pictorial Bibles, see van der Coelen, ‘Pictures for the People?’. 23   The publishing house of Claes Janszonius Visscher (1587–1658) and his son Nicolaes (1618–1709), one of Amster­ dam’s most prominent publishing houses in the seventeenth century,

Chapter 6 Book of Matthew in both editions also show the land with the west at the top, but focus on the area of Canaan, and are based on the Holy Land map in Christian van Adrichom’s atlas from 1590 (Figures 50, 51); this variation was made by Nicolaes Visscher in 1650 specifically for the States-General Bible.24 Entitled Peregrination or forty-year journey of the Children of Israel, out of Egypt through the Red Sea, and the desert, until in the promised land Canaan,25 the maps in Numbers present the Exodus through elaborated pictorial compositions at the bottom. Visscher’s map (Ravesteyn’s edition) depicts a combination of visual motifs: Moses and Aaron, the encampment, and the sacred implements (Figure 48). The illustration of Moses the ‘prophet and leader of the army’ (‘Mose, Propheet en Overste des Legers’) and Aaron the ‘High Priest’ (‘Aaron, Hooge Priester des Heeren’) standing with the Table of Covenant and an incense tool (respectively) on either side of a vignette depicting the tribes surrounding the Tabernacle as organized by God (the inscription below explicitly refers to this idea),26 together with the four sacred implements at their sides (the Table of Shewbread, the Candelabrum, an altar, and the Ark of the Covenant), in fact expresses multiple aspects of the journey through the desert: leadership, the formation of a nation and of social order, obtaining the Law, and worship. 27 The Keurs’ pictorial composition is much began to publish the States-General Bible in 1642. The atlas of Willem Janszoon Blaeu (1571–1638) was printed in Amsterdam beginning in 1629 for over thirty-four years and was among the most important geo­graphical publications of the century. 24  Van Adrichom’s map shows the land with the east at the top and depicts a larger area to include the wanderings of the Israelites; it is discussed and reproduced in Nebenzahl, Maps of the Holy Land, p. 94 and pl. 35; Nicolaes Visscher’s variation is represented on p. 132. Earlier editions of the States-General Bible, from before 1650, included a map made by Claes Janszonius Visscher on the basis of Blaeu’s mapping; an example from the 1642 edition is discussed and reproduced by Nebenzahl on pp. 124–25, pl. 46. 25  Perigrinatie ofte Veertich-Iarige Reyse der Kinderen Israëls, Uyt Egypten door de Roode Zee, ende de Woestyne, tot in’t Beloofde Landt Canaan. 26  ‘The manner how the children of Israel pitched their tents according to the commands of God in their 40 year peregrination through the wilderness to the land of Canaan together with number of males of 20 years old and upwards in each tribe they were numbered in the wilderness of Sinai as also the numbered of Levites of 1 month old and upwards. Numb 2’. The original inscription is in Dutch. The English translation is from the English version of Visscher’s map, engraved and printed by Joseph Moxon (1627–1699) in London in 1671. 27   The inscriptions below the sacred implements read:

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Figure 52. Nicholaes Visscher, a map preceding the Book of Matthew in the Dutch States-General Bible (Figure 50), detail showing the title cartouche.

more expressive and narrative in style, focusing on three dramatic episodes (Figure 49): the miracle of the water (left: depicting Moses hitting the rock in front of the astonished Israelites), the Giving of the Law (centre: showing Moses kneeling in front of a cloud with the Tables of the Covenant in his hands), and the Brazen Serpent (right: showing Moses pointing at the serpent writhing on the pole).28 ‘The golden table and twelve cakes of shewbread thereon; The Candlestick with seven lamps; The golden altar of perfume within the Tabernacle; These three pieces stood within the Tabernacle of the Congregation’ (left). ‘The mercy seat or covering of the ark’; ‘The ark of covenant which stood in the most holy place. In it was laid up Aron’s rod, the two tables of the Law, and an Omer of Manna’ (right). The ‘mercy seat’ covering the ark is referred to in the Bible as the place where God would appear (Exodus 25. 22). 28  As said above, these maps of Numbers were based on the Holy Land map from Willem Janszoon Blaeu’s atlas from 1629. The maps in Blaeu’s atlas distinguished the various countries through pictorial depictions of identifying characteristics, including figures associated with legends, important localities, or characteristic inhabitants. The map of the Holy Land presented the figures of Moses and Aaron on either side of the title cartouche, reading: Map of the Holy Land, known in the Scriptures as the Promised Land once Palestine (Terra Sancta quae in sacris Terra Promissionis olim Palestina). For a digital scan of a copy preserved in the National Library of Israel, see .

The maps preceding the Book of Matthew in both editions epitomize the narrative of the Gospels through pictorial scenes from Christ’s life, also located at the bottom. Visscher’s map (Ravesteyn’s edition, Figure 50) shows four scenes within four vignettes to the sides of the map’s cartouche: the adoration of the magi, the Resurrection, the Ascension, and the descent of the Holy Spirit (left to right; each is elucidated by an inscription referring to a specific biblical verse);29 the two fishermen in the map’s two bottom corners and the one above the cartouche are trademarks of Visscher’s publishing house, embodying its name. The map in Keurs’ edition (Figure 51) focuses on three scenes from Christ’s life: the adoration of the magi and the Crucifixion within two vignettes on either side (left and right, respectively), and the Resurrection of Christ among the astonished soldiers at the centre. The figures of the four evangelists are placed among these scenes, and two small illustrations of the three magi and of Christ’s post-Resurrection appearance to Mary Magdalen are positioned in the background (left and right, respectively). 29  ‘Christ born at Bethlehem is visited by the shepherds. Luke 2. 7’; ‘Christ being crucified and buried, rises from the dead the third day. Matthew 28. 2’; ‘Christ in the presence of the Apostles ascends into Heaven. Luke 24. 5’; ‘The Apostles being gathered together on with Sunday, are filled with the Holy Ghost. Acts 2. 1’.

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Figure 53. Cornelis and Justus Danckerts, Nieuwe caert van’t Heilige Beloofde Lant, Jerusalem, Israel Museum, Trevor & Susan Chinn Collection. c. 1700. Copperplate mounted on linen and coloured, 130 × 73 cm. Photo © Israel Museum, Jerusalem, by Elie Posner.

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116 Both these maps construct an explicit message of fulfilment through their cartouches. Their very title — The Promised Land Canaan, travelled through by our saviour Jesus Christ and his apostles30 — signals this message, but the adjacent visual motifs reinforce it. In Visscher’s map (Ravesteyn’s edition) two women sit on either side of the cartouche (Figure 52). The woman at the left embraces the cross of the Crucifixion in her left hand and is surrounded by the instruments of the Passion (lance, sponge, lantern, ladder, crown of thorns, whip, hammer, dice, and nails) and the Tables of the Covenant (seen beyond her right arm). While this combination evokes the typo­ logical association between the Giving of the Law and the Crucifixion, the words ‘the fall’ (‘de vall’), written on the Tables of the Covenant, and the inscription on a book that is open on the woman’s knees — ‘The New Testament or New Covenant of our Lord’ (‘Het Nieuwe Testament ofte Nieuw Verbont ons Heeren’) — express the fulfilment of the old covenant in the Crucifixion and in the New Testament.31 In Keurs’ composition the idea of fulfilment is more veiled. It is actually embodied in the depiction of the resurrected Christ with his flag of victory above the word ‘Canaan’ (Figure 51). In essence, these pictorial compositions were meant to illustrate the narrative of the Gospels, but with their typo­logical language they actually suggested an interpretation of this narrative. A message of fulfilment was also constructed by the two Holy Land maps within the Bible. Although separated one from the other by dozens of pages, their similar compositions with pictorial scenes at their bottom associate them with one another and thus, in a fast leafing through, a visual relationship is created between the pictorial Exodus and Passion in each book (Ravesteyn’s edition: Figure  48 with Figure  50; Keurs’ edition: Figure 49 with Figure 51).32 Thus, the pictorial composi30  Het Beloofde Landt Canaan door Wandelt van onsen Salich­ maecker Iesu Christo nessens Syne Apostolen. 31  The words ‘the fall’ (‘de vall’) might refer to the original sin of Adam and Eve and the idea of the Crucifixion as an atonement for that sin. I thank Alexander van der Haven for the translation from Dutch. The woman on the cartouche’s right side, who nurses a baby and is accompanied by two children, may represent an allegory of charity. 32  In such a fast leafing through, a visual relationship is naturally created with the other pictorial compositions in the other maps as well (the map of Genesis shows the Creation, the Fall, and Noah’s ark, and the map of Acts shows scenes with Paul). However, since these pictorial depictions are not composed in the same structure as those in the maps discussed here and are not necessarily located at the bottom of the maps, the visual relationship is not as strong.

Chapter 6 tions of the two maps that were meant to depict two specific themes — Peregrination or forty-year journey of the Children of Israel, out of Egypt through the Red Sea, and the desert, until in the promised land Canaan (Numbers) and The Promised Land Canaan, travelled through by our saviour Jesus Christ and his apostles (Matthew) — complement each other and create together a pictorial narrative, whose meaning is fulfilment. More specifically, this very narrative is created in Ravesteyn’s edition by the correspondence between the vignette of the Israelites’ encampment (with the figures of Moses and Aaron) and the Christo­logical cartouche in the centre of both maps, and between the implements of the Tabernacle and the scenes from Christ’s life to both sides (Figures 48 and 50). In Keurs’ edition it is created by the association between the scenes of the Giving of the Law and Christ’s Resurrection at the centre of the two pictorial compositions, and between Moses’s miracles in the desert and Christ’s Nativity and Crucifixion to their sides (Figures 49 and 51).

Figure 54. Cornelis and Justus Danckerts, Nieuwe caert van’t Heilige Beloofde Lant (Figure 53), detail showing ‘Moses of the Passion’.

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117

Figure 55. Cornelis and Justus Danckerts, Nieuwe caert van’t Heilige Beloofde Lant (Figure 53), detail showing the area north of the Sea of Galilee (upper left corner).

Justus and Cornelis Danckerts’ Map of the Holy Land: A Pictorial Epitome New map of the Holy Promised Land (Nieuwe caert van’t Heilige Beloofde Lant) is a hand-coloured engraving of 130  ×  73  cm that was printed by Justus and Cornelis Danckerts in Amsterdam around 1700 (hereafter ‘Danckerts’ map’) and is known in a single copy (Figure 53).33 This map can be seen as a pictorial epit33  Although there is no date on the map, the addresses of both Justus and Cornelis Danckerts in two separate inscriptions suggest dating between 1696 and 1700: 1696 is when Cornelis moved to ‘op de Nieuwendyk’ and 1701 is when his father Justus, living in ‘De Danckbaerheyt’, died. This information comes from the sale

ome of the early modern maps discussed above and, actually, of all earlier Holy Land maps analysed in this book. It was composed on the basis of the New map of the Promised Land and the holy city of Jerusalem with the principal scripture histories of the Old and New Testaments by ( Jan?) van Doetechum, printed in Amsterdam in 1641.34 I elected to discuss the version made by Danckerts because it includes a unique pictorial motif — ‘Moses of the Passion’ I would name it — that catalogue of Librarie Amélie Sourget (Paris), which put the map up for sale in 2015 (Catalogue no. 6, Spring 2015, p. 87). 34  For van Doetechum’s map, see Nebenzahl, Maps of the Holy Land, pp. 120–21, pl. 44.

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Map and Scripture

119 Figure 56. Claes Visscher, a map of Jerusalem attached to Nehemiah 3, Dutch States-General Bible, edition printed by Paulus Aertsz van Ravesteyn, London, British Library, L.11.e.3. 1657. Reproduced with the permission of the British Library Board.

is itself, in a sense, an epitome or a personification of the biblical topo­graphy as conceptualized in the earlier maps (Figure 54). With the Tables of the Covenant and his rod in his hands, Moses, ‘prophet and leader of the army’ (‘Mose, Propheet en Overste des Legers’), uniquely stands here among the instruments of the Passion, including, unusually, what could be identified as the pillar of cloud that led the Israelites in the desert (Exodus 13.  12; seen between the lantern and the sponge). This depiction not only creates a typo­logical connection between the Exodus and the Passion (as created in the earlier sixteenth- and seventeenth-century maps through a variety of pictorial compositions), but actually reflects the typo­logical dimension of the map itself, which identifies the topo­graphy as a symbol of salvation through both these events. The positioning of ‘Moses of the Passion’ next to a panoramic view of Jerusalem, into which Jesus is about to enter on the ass (Figure 53, bottom left corner), accentuates this typo­logical conceptualization. It is worth noting that another version of van Doetechum’s map from circa 1700 — a copperplate of 73 × 135 cm, printed in Amsterdam by Carolus Allard (1648–1709) — presents a similar emblem at the same place, but without the figure of Moses; here the typo­ logical message was constructed by depicting the Tables of the Covenant wreathed in the crown of thorns, leaning on the column of the Flagellation (to which Christ was tied during his judgment) and partially covered by an open book (obviously, the New Testament).35 Allard’s map testifies that the typo­logical Exodus/Passion motif was not a one-time invention by Justus and Cornelis Danckerts, but an accepted component in Dutch copies of van Doetechum’s map and a means to further conceptualize the biblical topo­graphy.36

35  

For a digital scan of a copy preserved in the Eran Laor Collection (the National Library of Israel), see . The map is referred to in Eran Laor’s catalogue as associated with a Dutch Bible, but no reference is provided; see Laor, Maps of the Holy Land. 36  The eighteenth-century English copies of van Doetechum’s map do not include this motif. For a digital scan of the map engraved by Cluer Dicey (c.  1765), see .

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120 The map shows the land with the east at the top, extending between Damascus (top left corner) and Alexandria (bottom right corner). It is rife with pictorial scenes of biblical events, which, together with written inscriptions referring to specific biblical chapters, transform the map itself into a pictorial topo­graphic lexicon of the Scriptures (see Figure 55); showing the area north of the Sea of Galilee (upper left part of the map), Figure 55 includes pictorial/written references to events narrated in the books of Genesis, Judges, Samuel, Kings, Matthew, Mark, and Luke. For example: ‘Here Abraham defeated 4 kings & delivered his cousin Lot. Gen 14’; ‘Here the great battle happened in which Joshua defatted king Jabin and many other kings. Jos 11’; ‘Here David defeated Hadadezer King of Zoba and the Syrians of Damascus in a great battle. 2  Sam 8, 1 chron. 18’; ‘Jeroboam King of Israel set up Golden Calves in Dan and Bethel and this was regarded as sin. 2 Kings 12 and 14’; ‘When the storm rose and the boat was endangered Jesus ordered the water and the wind to be still. Matthew 8’; ‘Christ cures leper. Matth 8’; ‘Christ preaches on the mount. Math 5’; ‘Here Christ fed 5000 men with 5 loaves and 2 Fishes. Mark 6 John 6’; ‘Christ questioned his disciples who do people say I am, then Peter answered you are Christus son of the living God. Mat 16’; ‘Christ makes a blind man see. Mark 8’; ‘Here Christ exorcised a servant who was possessed by the devil Luke 9’.37 As if in obedience to medi­eval maps of the Holy Land, the map highlights Jerusalem through a large vignette in its proper location (Figure 53, top centre). Showing Jerusalem in ground plan with Solomon’s Temple at its top, this vignette was made on the basis of the Jerusalem map in the States-General Bible (Figure 56); the two pictorial depictions of Christ’s Crucifixion and Solomon’s anointment in the original map (outside the city, at the bottom) were also adopted and integrated within the multiepisodic pictorial topo­graphy of the entire land. The Byzantine and late medi­e val Holy Land maps constructed multiepisodic topo­graphies as well, but they did it with written inscriptions and very few pictorial signs. It was particularly in the Protestant environment of the seventeenth-century Netherlands, where the written word was avowedly preferred, that the map of the Holy Land became a figurative picture. In her study of Dutch Protestant emblems, Els Stronks observed that Protestant emblematists created a visual piety that even37   The original inscriptions are in Dutch. The English translation is from the English version of van Doetechum’s map, printed by Cluer Dicey (see the preceding note).

tually diminished the distinction between Protestant and Roman Catholic attitudes towards the image, and noted that the same development occurred in the StatesGeneral Bible, with its increasing supplementation of illustrations over the course of the seventeenth century.38 Dutch maps of the Holy Land provide further illustration of Stronks’s observation. In fact, they composed pictorial topo­graphies that Catholic maps of the Holy Land had never developed.

38 

p. 252.

Stronks, ‘Literature and the Shaping of Religious Identities’,

Part IV

Map as Icon: Greek Orthodox proskynetaria from the Ottoman Period

Chapter 7

Icon of a Land

M

ikhail Madzharov, a prominent Bulgarian politician and journalist who went on a family pilgrimage to Jerusalem as a teenager in 1868–69, wrote in his memoir: At that time, people considered hajjis only those who, after having bathed in the Jordan River, received a certificate [patent] from the Patriarchate, and bought a ‘Jerusalem’ icon, were present at the Church of the Resurrection on Easter and saw with their own eyes the nur [Holy Fire] that comes out of the tomb [of Jesus Christ] and from which pilgrims light their paschal candles.1

The ‘Jerusalem’ icon mentioned by Madzharov was a painting on textile reminiscent of a map of the Holy Land, and the procedure he is describing is that the purchase of such a painting was one in a series of activities that shaped the climax of the Greek Orthodox pilgrimage experience and turned one into a ‘hajji’ — a title that granted the Greek Orthodox ex-pilgrim a social mobility both in his community and in Ottoman society.2 A canvas from 1704, now in Château-Musée de Saumur, France, is the earliest known example of the

1  The quotation in English is from Izmirlieva, ‘Christian Hajjis’, p. 332. 2  The ‘certificate’ that Madzharov mentions was a ‘forgiveness paper’ (synchorocharti) that released the owner from the penance imposed during sacramental confession. Charters of this kind were issued by the Patriarchs of Jerusalem between the sixteenth and the nineteenth centuries and were given to pilgrims free of charge when visiting the Patriarchate of Jerusalem on the morning after arriving at the city. On these certificates, see Izmirlieva, ‘Christian Hajjis’, pp. 335–37 and fig. 1 (p. 336), which reproduces such a document from 1789. On the Christian hajji in comparison to the Muslim model (in terms of concept, rite of passage, and social status) and on the social mobility that the title ‘hajji’ facilitated in Balkan society, see pp. 322–32.

paintings Madzharov refers to (Plate  VII).3 It echoes the traditional Holy Land map in layout and conceptualization: it orients the land towards the east and conveys its sanctity by highlighting Jerusalem (in the centre) and punctuating the space with biblical references. Paintings of that kind were also called proskynetaria (sing. proskyn­ etarion). The Greek term proskynetarion originally designated a monumental mural icon or a display stand of an especially venerated processional icon, while the word proskynetes meant ‘one who venerates’, or simply a ‘pilgrim’. In connection with pilgrimage to the Holy Land, the term proskynetaria also designated illustrated guidebooks that were first produced in the mid-seventeenth century for Greek Orthodox pilgrims.4 The proskynetaria were made in Jerusalem (until the beginning of the twentieth century) specifically for Greek Orthodox pilgrims who arrived in the city from the Ottoman lands (i.e. from the Balkans and the Eastern Mediterranean). As pilgrimage mementos depicting the Holy Land, they were intended to serve as reminders of or substitutes for the sacred land in remote places and to endow their owners with the aura and status of hajjis; many proskynetaria clearly proclaimed that one had become a hajji through a standard dedicational formula that was filled in with one’s name and date of pilgrimage, reading : ‘Hajji [name] pilgrim to the holy life-giving tomb in [date]’. This type of inscription was usually written in Greek, but examples can also be found in Slavonic, Cyrillic, and Arabic, testifying to the variation of Eastern Christian clients.

3  An inscription at the top reads: ‘The holy city Jerusalem and its environs 1704’ (ΑΓΙΑ ΠΟΛΙΣ ΙΕΡΟΣΑΛΗΜ ΚΑΙ ΤΑ ΠΕΡΙΧΩΡΑ ΑΥΤΗ ΑΨΔ). 4  On that genre, see Kadas, The Holy Sites.

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Figure 57. A scheme of the proskynetarion preserved in ChâteauMusée de Saumur (Plate VII). Drawing by the author.

In the strictest sense, the proskynetaria belonged to a contemporary Greek Orthodox genre of topo­g raphical imagery of sacred localities: prints that presented panoramic views of Greek Orthodox monasteries together with their patron saints and thaumaturgical icons that were produced to be sold as pilgrimage souvenirs to visitors at the monasteries and for propagandizing purposes.5 But in a broader sense, the painted proskynetaria belonged to an enduring genre of Holy Land mapping, which, as this book shows, was meant to conceptualize topo­g raphy as an emblem of faith and was itself associated with faith and pilgrimage. Moreover, while the prints of monasteries related specific narratives of certain sanctified places, the proskynetaria — like maps of the Holy Land — constructed a theo­logical argument in topo­graphical terms. 5  This genre flourished between the seventeenth and the late nineteenth centuries. The British Library has a small collection of eleven items that are briefly represented in ‘Greek Orthodox Paper Icons in the British Library – Their Purpose, Style and Icono­graphy’, European Studies Blog, . For a comprehensive catalogue of 618 items, with icono­g raphic descriptions, transcriptions of texts, and further information, see Papastratos, Paper Icons. For particular examples, see Della Dora, ‘Turning Holy Mountains into Ladders to Heaven’; Della Dora, ‘Mapping Pathways to Heaven’.

As pilgrimage mementos of the Holy Land, the proskyn­ etaria are highly significant. First, they are the sole example of Christian pilgrimage memento that officially elevated one’s social status (according to Mikhail Madzharov, the proskynetarion was ‘proof ’ of one’s new social position).6 Secondly, with the image of the entire sacred land, the proskynetaria offered a totality that was never before seen in any Palestinian pilgrimage memento, but was embodied in late medi­eval Western pilgrimage imagery: maps of the Holy Land and topo­graphical paintings that were commissioned by ex-pilgrims to commemorate their journeys to Jerusalem (see Chapters 4 and 5). The connection of the proskynetaria to earlier Catholic pilgrimage imagery — in terms of image and function — raises the question of whether the innovative local Palestinian pilgrimage memento, designed specifically with Greek Orthodox pilgrims in mind, echoed the Catholic conceptualization and icono­graphy of pilgrimage. Wealthy pilgrims bought several proskynetaria, keeping one for themselves and donating the others to local churches and monasteries in their homelands. While those presented in churches could serve the entire community, in private homes they were displayed in the 6 

See quotation in Izmirlieva, ‘Christian Hajjis in Nineteenth Century Jerusalem’, p. 23 n. 35.

Icon of a Land

Figure 58. A proskynetarion of the Holy Land, Monastery of Saint Anthony, Egypt. Eighteenth century. Oil(?) on canvas(?), 101 × 81 cm. Photo by Mat Immerzeel, provided by Paul van Moorsel Centre, VU Uni­ver­sity Amsterdam.

Figure 59. A scheme of the proskynetarion preserved in the Monastery of Saint Anthony (Figure 58). Drawing by the author.

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126 main rooms — sometimes accompanied by other devotional objects that had also arrived from Jerusalem (candles singed with the Holy Fire or Easter eggs that were used in the Easter ceremony at the Holy Sepulchre) — and constituted domestic shrines on the major holidays. Mikhail Madzharov notes that the proskynetarion hung on the wall of the reception room in his parents’ home, framed and covered by a curtain that was removed only on the major holidays for veneration by the celebrants.7 Some dozens of proskynetaria have been documented.8 They demonstrate a development in composition from a topo­g raphical layout to what can be defined as ‘vita Christi’. In what follows I trace this development through several representative examples. This development is relevant to this book because it demonstrates how the Holy Land map was restructured in accordance with Greek Orthodox religiosity and visual language, and how it ultimately received a shape of an icon. * * * The proskynetarion from Saumur and another one that belongs to the Monastery of Saint Anthony in Egypt demonstrate the fundamental composition of the genre. They are painted on rectangular canvases of similar dimensions (Saumur: 125.5  ×  85.5  cm; Saint Anthony: 101 × 81 cm) and show both land and landscape using similar principles (Plate VII, Figures 57, 58, 59): a symmetrical composition that focuses on the area between Mount Tabor/Nazareth in the north (left) and Bethlehem in the south (right) and depicts the land as a hilly landscape with the Jordan River flowing at the top and Jerusalem at the centre; the Jordan is illustrated with its two sources ‘Ior’ and ‘Dan’ (depicted as two waterfalls draining into the northern Hula lake next to the upper left corner), and Jerusalem is represented through a disproportionately large vignette of a concentric city encircled by a zigzag wall with the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in its centre; towns, monasteries, and churches are marked by architectural symbols and identified by Greek inscriptions; and the landscape is punctuated by formulaic figural depictions of sacred episodes and personages. The Saumur proskynetarion depicts the Mediterranean shore along its lower edge; that of Saint Anthony depicts the legend of the Wood of the Cross at the bottom. It is not difficult to see the compositional 7  Izmirlieva, ‘Christian Hajjis in Nineteenth Century Jerusa­ lem’, p. 23. 8   An inventory was published in Immerzeel, Deluga, and Łaptaś, ‘Proskynetaria’.

relationship between the proskynetaria and maps of the Holy Land (cf. Figures 1, 11, 28). The main difference lies in the fact that the proskynetaria define the land as a Christo­logical space — by delimiting the space with Nazareth (north) and Bethlehem (south) — and show a landscape rather than a plan. Nevertheless, by these two features the proskynetaria actually echo the image composed in paintings like the Gotha panel (Figure 36).9 Several places are portrayed authentically. These include the Church of the Nativity (depicted as a long basilical edifice), the tomb of the Virgin (shown as a subterranean structure with a long stairway), the monastery of Mar Saba (depicted with its two characteristic monumental towers), and, in Jerusalem, the Muslim edifices on the Temple Mount (the Dome of the Rock and Al-Aqsa mosque) and the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, which is represented through a sophisticated combination of several idiosyncratic interior and exterior architectural units; these units include the Anastasis rotunda with its open dome and the aedicule of Christ’s tomb in its centre (left); the Katholikon with its lofty dome (right of the rotunda); the belfry (positioned between the rotunda and the Katholikon); the subterranean Chapel of Saint Helena (at the right side of the church complex); the double-arched portal; and the square piazza in front of it, with the outer Chapel of the Franks in its right corner (left of the double-arched portal), (Figures 60 and 61).10 Significantly, the depiction of the Church of the Nativity, the Virgin’s tomb, and the Church of the Holy Sepulchre from both outside and inside results in the ultimate ‘authentic’ appearance, yet also allows the viewers to ‘enter’ a number of exemplary inward sacred interiorities in a manner conforming to Christian dynamics of interiority.11 9 

For the Gotha panel’s Christo­logical landscape, see ‘Gotha Panel’ in Chapter 5. Both proskynetaria are discussed in Arad, ‘Landscape and Iconicity’, pp. 67–70. The Saumur proskynetarion is also discussed in Immerzeel, ‘Souvenirs of the Holy Land’, p. 463, and in Rubin, ‘Greek-Orthodox Maps of Jerusalem’, pp. 121–23. 10   The depiction of the Holy Sepulchre conforms to contemporary documentation of the church by the Franciscan monk Elzear Horn, who lived in Jerusalem between 1724 and 1744. Even the depiction of the Katholikon’s dome against the backdrop of the city wall echoes Horn’s description, showing it as taller than the dome above the rotunda and discernible from all over the city. For Horn’s documentation (including written description, floor plan, and elevations), see Horn, Ichno­graphiae Monumentorum Terrae Sanctae, pp. 52–69 and plates I–XIV (Latin text with English translation). 11  On these dynamics, see Elsner, ‘Relic, Icon and Architecture’; see esp. p. 31 on churches in the scriptural sites of the Holy Land as spatial framings for and thresholds into concealed sacred interiorities.

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Figure 60. A proskynetarion preserved in Château-Musée de Saumur (Plate VII), detail showing the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.

Crucifixion, Lamentation, Resurrection, and noli me tangere — four episodes from Christ’s Passion and postResurrection that are associated with the Holy Sepulchre — are implanted within the architectural setting in such a way that they transform it into an animated emblem of the Passion and authenticate the architectural symbol through their positions in specific rooms: the Crucifixion is located in the area of Golgotha; the Lamentation, in the area of the Stone of Unction; the resurrected Christ hovers above or in front of the tomb aedicule; and noli me tangere (Christ’s post-Resurrection apparition to Mary Magdalene in the garden) is located in the left part of the piazza, where a Greek Orthodox chapel commemorated the event.12 The proskynetarion of Saint Anthony endows the church emblem with further typo­logical, legendary, and liturgical meanings by depicting the Binding of Isaac, Constantine and Helena with the True Cross, 12  Elzear Horn refers to the Greek identification of the event of the Noli me tangere at that spot as mistaken, since Catholics identify it north of the rotunda, within the church; see Horn, Ichno­graphiae Monumentorum Terrae Sanctae, p. 86.

and the Greek Orthodox Patriarch receiving the miraculous Holy Fire on Holy Saturday. While the Binding of Isaac above the Crucifixion accentuates Christ’s sacrifice at the place, the portrayal of Constantine and Helena with the True Cross highlights the relic that identified this very place, as well as glorifies the founders of the Church.13 The scene of the patriarch receiving and distributing the miraculous light on Easter directs the viewer’s attention to the singularity of the church as the location of the Passion (for that reason, the miraculous fire lights there yearly on Easter) and to the liturgy itself, the means of maintaining the sacred past as present. On a pilgrimage memento acquired in Jerusalem, this depiction is significant: for those who participated in the ceremony it was inherently a reminder; for others, it served as a substitute.14 13  The typo­logical relationship between the Binding of Isaac and the Crucifixion has been physically expressed in the Holy Sepulchre since the early Christian period, through a chapel near Golgotha that commemorates the binding. On Helena, Constantine, and the legend of the True Cross, see Drijvers, ‘Helena Augusta’. 14  See the quotation at note 1 in this chapter.

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Figure 61. A proskynetarion preserved in the Monastery of Saint Anthony (Figure 58), detail showing the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.

Most of the figural depictions around Jerusalem evoke events associated with Christ: the Nativity and the Annunciation to the Shepherds in Bethlehem, Baptism in the Jordan, Temptation in the Wilderness, Transfiguration on Mount Tabor, Christ’s meeting with the Samaritan woman, the blind man walking to the Siloam, and Prayer in Gethsemane (see Figures 57, 59). Significantly, together with the scenes within the Holy Sepulchre, they reflect all the phases in Christ’s life (Infancy, Ministry, Passion, and post-Resurrection), effectively reflecting the ‘Christo­logical cycle’ — a group of scenes encoding the Incarnation, Passion, Resurrection, and post-Resurrection that epitomized the presence of Christ on earth and conveyed a distilled soterio­logical message.15 But without precedent in earlier Christian art, the proskynetaria integrated these Christo­ logical scenes within a unified landscape. In so doing, and by connecting specific events with specific landforms and architectural structures, they turned the landscape into a topo­graphical embodiment of the Christo­ logical narrative — and, more specifically, conveyed the cycle’s inherent message of salvation topo­graphically. In fact, the twelfth-century Holy Land map also character15 

The Christo­logical cycle was developed during the middle and late Byzantine periods and endorsed theo­logically by a multitude of texts to express a soterio­logical message. On the various scenes that compose the cycle as well as its theo­logical meaning, see Zarras, ‘Narrating the Sacred Story’; Maguire, ‘The Cycle of Images in the Church’.

ized the land as a Christo­logical reflection, but it did so through places alone (see Figures 9–14).16 The remaining figural depictions in both proskyn­ etaria further iconize the topo­g raphy through a variety of themes, yet they also construct a message of faith in Christ. They focus attention on the presence of saintly figures (biblical and others) in the land: the prophet Elijah is shown fed by the raven next to a Greek Orthodox monastery dedicated to him (Mar Elias);17 the prophet Baruch is lying in what looks like a cave;18 Saint Sabbas stands next to the Great Laura (Mar Saba) that he established in the Judean Desert during the fifth century;19 and the two ascetics Zosimas and Mary of Egypt are seen at the moment of their meeting.20 While each of these scenes reflects a particular moment or activity that turned the land into a sacred space, together they express faith in Christ through three ideas: Old Testament prophecy, monasticism, and ascetic life. The depiction of the equestrian saints George and Demetrius on each side of the composition (killing the dragon and the gladiator, respectively) seems to express this very idea as well, as the two saints belonged to a group of warrior martyrs that 16 

For the Christo­logical topo­g raphy in the twelfth-century Holy Land map, see p. 42, above. 17  The monastery marks the place where the prophet is believed to have rested during his flight from Queen Jezebel (i Kings 19. 2–3). The episode with the raven is found in i Kings 17. 6. 18  While the figure is named ‘Baruch’, a depiction of a basket hung on an adjacent tree identifies it as Ebedmelech, whose story is told in a second-century pseudepi­graphical text ascribed to Baruch. According to this text, the prophet Jeremiah rewarded Ebedmelech who had once saved him ( Jer. 38. 7) by sending him to pick figs outside of Jerusalem when the city was about to be destroyed by the Babylonians; Ebedmelech went to the ‘Gardens of Agrippa’, picked figs, fell asleep under a tree, woke up sixty-six years later, and came back with the fresh figs to the ruined city, which he failed to recognize. The ‘Gardens of Agrippa’ were identified by pilgrims to be located near the Mount of Olives as early as the Early Christian period. For the text, see Harris, The Rest of the Words of Baruch, pp. 12–13. 19  Saint Sabbas (439–532) was one of the prominent leaders of the monastic community in the Judean Desert and the first in Palestine to formulate a monastic rule in writing. His relics are kept in Mar Saba. 20   According to Mary’s vita (ascribed to Sophronius, the seventh-century Patriarch of Jerusalem), Mary was a prostitute in Alexandria who came to Jerusalem out of curiosity and was banned from entering the Holy Sepulchre because of her questionable life. She went to the desert after hearing a voice call her to do so and stayed there for the rest of her life, living in complete isolation. After fortyseven years she met Zosimas, who gave her the Holy Communion. A year later Zosimas found her fleshless dead body and buried it with the aid of a lion. Mary’s vita is published in English translation in Talbot, Holy Women of Byzantium, pp. 65–93.

Icon of a Land appeared in pairs in Byzantine and post-Byzantine icons to symbolize faith in Christ through their martyrdom and faithful imitation of him even to their death.21 The selection is significant. A few selected prophets, monks, and martyrs support the Christo­logical message through concepts that they embody, and like the Christo­logical scenes themselves, they are a means to portray the land as iconic space that symbolizes faith. A sequence of scenes depicting the legend of the Wood of the Cross at the bottom part of Saint Anthony’s proskynetarion augments the Christo­logical message of the image. The sequence is composed of six scenes: Abraham gives Lot three shoots; Lot waters the shoots and a three-branched tree sprouts; the devil (wishing to prevent the tree from growing) drinks the water (that Lot brings from the Jordan, as instructed); King Solomon orders the tree felled (for the Temple’s construction); a man cuts down the tree; and three men carry the tree trunk (see Figures 58, 59). The conclusion of the Greek Orthodox version of the legend, which notes that the tree eventually became the cross of the Crucifixion, is not shown.22 The emphasis in the proskyn­ etarion is on the wood — an Old Testament material that signified atonement (for Lot’s sin) and was destined for the Temple (but eventually became the instrument of the Passion) — and on the place where the tree sprouted: the Monastery of the Holy Cross that is seen atop the three-branched tree in the second scene (as if the building itself sprouted from Abraham’s shoots). This sequential icono­graphy is unique to proskynetaria; the fact that a genuine icono­g raphic formula highlighting the monastery was developed for this type of imagery, coupled with the fact that the Monastery of the Holy Cross is the only place that is portrayed through an elaborate narrative, attests to the significance of the monastery in the eyes of the one who composed the figure. The Saumur proskynetarion does not depict the narrative but rather encapsulates it through an image of the monastic complex with the legendary tripartite tree in the centre of its front courtyard (see Plate VII, Figure 57). The position of the narrative sequence or the monastery’s architectural symbol below the vignette of Jerusalem reflects geo­ 21   For some eighteenth-century icons showing George and Demetrius in similar positions (mounted and turning towards one another), see Cândea, Icônes grecques, melkites, russes, p. 127, p. 149, p. 153, p. 258, and p. 276. For many earlier examples of icons with various pairs of warrior saints, see Walter, The Warrior Saints in Byzantine Art and Tradition. 22   The legend is quoted in English in Crowfoot and Baldensperger, From Cedar to Hyssop, pp. 130–33.

129 graphic relations and strengthens the correlation made in the image between topo­graphy and the sacred past.23 The symbols of the four Evangelists in the four corners of the Saint Anthony proskynetarion link the image — and the land — with the Gospels. A change in the balance between events and landforms was made in the basic composition over time. A  proskynetarion from 1793 that is preserved today in the Byzantine and Christian Museum in Athens demonstrates this development (Plate  VIII).24 It uses similar forms to delineate the land, but the panoramic view is condensed and the key topo­g raphical features are represented by symbolic markers: the Jordan is not depicted but rather denoted by the Baptism at the top; the Mediterranean is represented by just a sample next to the bottom left corner; and Jerusalem is implied only by two sections of zigzag walls on either side of the sizeable Holy Sepulchre that fills the centre. The compression together of the figural depictions and the isolation of the equestrian saints and the symbols of the Evangelists in framed compartments transform topo­g raphy into a screen of iconic depictions. The insertion of two iconic formulas of Christ and the Virgin into the composition further augments the composition’s iconic appearance; in the Athens proskynetarion these formulas depict the Ecce Homo and the Virgin Eleousa (Plate VIII, top two corners), but Christ sometimes appears as the Salvator Mundi or the Great High Priest, and the Virgin as the ‘lamenting mother’ — a formula showing her posing with her hands close to her chest in a gesture of compassion. Regardless of which pair of formulas was selected to be depicted, together the two figures constructed a narrative of birth–death–redemption (in accordance with the formulas’ specific meanings) and thus both epitomized the Christo­logical narrative that was embodied in the landscape and underscored the soterio­logical message of the entire composition.25 23 

The Monastery of the Holy Cross is located about three kilometres west of the Old City, in what is today West Jerusalem. It was built by Georgians in the eleventh century and sold to the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate in the seventeenth century. 24  A dedication written near the bottom right corner reads: ‘X Demetrius pilgrim of the Holy Sepulcher 1793’ (Χ ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙ ΠΡΟΣΚΙΝΗΤΗΣ ΤΟΥ ΑΓΙΟΥ ΤΑΦΟΥ 1793); the letter ‘X’ stands probably for ‘Hadji’ (Χατζής). I thank the curators of the Byzantine and Christian Museum in Athens for providing me an English translation of the Greek inscriptions. The proskynetarion is discussed in Arad, ‘Landscape and Iconicity’, p. 63 and p. 72. 25   For the particular formulas and the narrative of birth– death–redemption that they constructed, see Arad, ‘Landscape and Iconicity’, pp. 72–73.

Chapter 7

130

Figure 62. A proskynetarion preserved in the Monastery of the Holy Cross (Plate XI), detail showing a caravan of pilgrims making its way from the port of Jaffa to the Jerusalem region.

Further development of the proskynetaria’s basic composition included the translation of the topo­g raphical layout into a compartmental structure of sacred occurrences and the abolishment of any sense of landscape. Nonetheless, the fundamental panorama could be recognized in the emblem of the Holy Sepulchre in the centre, the sequential representation of the legend of the Holy Wood with the port of Jaffa just below it, and a few characteristic figural depictions in the margins (although they do not necessarily maintain geo­graphical relations). An example of such a composition is found in a proskynetarion from 1876, found today in the State Hermitage Museum in Saint Petersburg (Plate  IX). What is constructed here is not a sacred landscape, but rather a collage of iconic formulas that evokes that landscape and manifests its scriptural meaning.26 The conceptualization of the biblical landscape in such a way involved the addition of motifs that expanded both the narrative and the message of the entire composition. The most significant additions include bands of medallions with episodes from the Passion (such a band is positioned here above the Holy Sepulchre) and a depiction of the Last Judgement at the top centre of the composition (the scene is composed of the Trinity, the scaling of a soul between an angel and the Devil, the beast swallowing the denounced souls, and the acceptance of the righteous by Abraham in Heaven). While the first element, the Passion medallions, draws attention to that event among all others and emphasizes the role of the 26  For the particular figural episodes that are depicted here, see Arad, ‘Landscape and Iconicity’, p. 73. This proskynetarion is also represented in Pyatnitsky and others, Pilgrim Treasures from the Hermitage, p. 59; Pyatnitsky, ‘Pilgrims’ Eulogias from the Holy Land’, p. 115.

land as its setting, the second encapsulates the Second Coming and gives prominence to the role of the land in the salvation of mankind (based on Joel 4. 1–2). Yet the integration of the heavenly scene within the terrestrial events introduces a reality that is beyond time and space and thus gives expression to the transcendental quality of the land. The most developed variant of the non-topo­graphical proskynetarion glosses the narrative using bands of episodic medallions that frame the image and at times also its two lateral sections. A  proskynetarion from 1847, today in the Coptic Museum in Cairo (Plate X), exemplifies this elaborate method. It includes forty-two medallions along its edges, which mostly present episodes from Christ’s life: twenty-five medallions show scenes from Christ’s Infancy, Mission, and Passion; the rest portray scenes of the Creation and the Fall of Man, as well as a variety of saints who are essentially associated with the composition (e.g. Mary and Zosimas, or Saint Sabbas).27 The focus on scenes from Christ’s life not only intensifies the entire composition’s Christo­logical message but, in a way, transforms it into a vita Christi. The vita icon was a genre of hagio­g raphy that represented a portrait of a saint surrounded on all sides by scenes from his or her life. Here, however, it is not an image of a human figure that occupies the centre, but a topo­graphical configuration that recalls Christ’s presence.28 27   For a detailed description of this proskynetarion, with English translations of the Greek inscriptions that elucidate the episodes depicted within the medallions, see Van Moorsel, The Icons, pp. 89–91. For the cycle of scenes depicted in the elaborated compositions of proskynetaria and the narrative that they created, see Arad, ‘Landscape and Iconicity’, pp. 72–74. 28  On the concept and spiritual function of the vita icon, see

Icon of a Land The Monastery of the Holy Cross in Jerusalem holds a proskynetarion that was produced for the monastery in 1770 and whose uniqueness is expressed in three aspects: medium, function, and image. First, it is painted on a wooden panel of large dimensions (today carelessly sawn in a semioval form of 170 × 270 cm); second, it functioned not as a pilgrimage memento but as an icon of the Holy Land at a pilgrimage site; and, finally, it modified the composition by replacing Jerusalem and the Holy Sepulchre with a large representation of the Crucifixion (Plate XI). This modification seems to have been made to underline not necessarily the event but rather the Monastery of the Holy Cross that is positioned just below it in such a way that it becomes a platform for the Hill of Golgotha, a position that underscores the significance of the place as the source of the cross. In point of fact, what we see here is a unique case in which a proskyn­ etarion functioned as an icon within the iconic space that it illustrated, and this resulted in the modification of the composition to centralize the very place where the icon was kept and from where pilgrims observed — through the icon — the entire sacred space. The artist’s choice of the convention showing the monastery (as in the Saumur proskynetarion, Plate VII, Figure 57) rather than the one showing its legend (as in Saint Anthony’s proskynetarion, Figures 58, 59) speaks to an intention to accentuate the place itself. Through its relatively large proportions and location in the centre of the foreground, the monastery grabs the attention of the viewer and acts as a ‘portal’ to the entire sacred space.29 The visual linkage between the monastery and the Crucifixion underscores its connection to the Passion and thus also its role in the Christo­logical narrative. But what brings out its singularity in the sacred landscape are figures of pilgrims that are seen next to its gate in a scene of negotiation with some Muslim figures. Figures of pilgrims are not typically included in the composition of proskynetaria, but here a caravan of pilgrims is making its way from the port of Jaffa (bottom left corner) to the Jerusalem region, and the only site with which the figures are associated is the Monastery of the Holy Cross Patterson Ševčenko, ‘The “Vita” Icon and the Painter as Hagio­ grapher’; Chatterjee, The Living Icon in Byzantium and Italy. 29  A dedication at the bottom mentions the painter’s name (illegible), the abbot (Gregory the Protosyncellus of Saint Maura), and the date (1770). For the identification of the particular places in the image with translation of all Greek inscriptions into English, see Tzaferis, The Monastery of the Cross in Jerusalem, pp. 29–33. The image is discussed in Arad, ‘Landscape and Iconicity’, pp. 70–72; Rubin, ‘Icono­graphy as Carto­graphy’, pp. 348–57.

131 (Figure 62). By inserting the pilgrims into the image, the artist transformed the divine landscape into a space of pilgrimage, and by associating the pilgrims with the Monastery of the Holy Cross he gave expression to the very experience of those who viewed the icon in that place. Taking into consideration that a unique proskyn­ etarion was made for the Monastery of the Holy Cross and that a genuine icono­graphy of its legend was developed for that type of imagery, it is not out of the question that the monastery was involved in the production of proskynetaria and commissioned one in the form of a large wooden icon for itself.30 The proskynetaria created an imitation of the biblical landscape as well as an interpretation of that landscape through a range of combinations of iconic topo­ graphical and figural features. The latter, deriving from Eastern religious art, not only endowed the image with a pure appearance of icon, but produced a doctrinal space expressing salvation and summoning reflection on the complexity of the epiphany.31 Moreover, with these iconic formulas, the proskynetaria could restore the reaction to the sacred sites during a pilgrimage, in which Greek Orthodox pilgrims are much attracted to icons within the churches. As Glenn Bowman has observed: ‘Perhaps the one thing that makes the Holy Land more sacred than the other sacra experienced in the life of a Greek Orthodox person is that it is the most realistic icon, or representation, of the spiritual truths expressed in all Orthodox religious forms […]. On the same pilgrimage one can see people who kiss every available rock and drink from every source of water and others who show enthusiasm only when they are inside the churches revering and commenting on icons identical to those in their churches at home’.32

30   There is no information on where exactly in Jerusalem the proskynetaria were made; it has been suggested that they were produced in Melkite workshops in and around the city. For this suggestion, see Izmirlieva, ‘The Title Hajji and the Ottoman Vocabulary of Pilgrimage’, p. 143 and n. 34; Cândea, Icônes grecques, melkites, russes, p. 208. 31  On the meditative quality of the proskynetaria (in comparison to the meditative quality of the Gotha panel), see Arad, ‘Landscape and Iconicity’, pp. 74–76. 32  Bowman, ‘Christian Ideo­logy and the Image of a Holy Land’, pp. 110–11.

Conclusion

T

he map of the Holy Land was conceived in the Byzantine period; a visual image that defined the boundaries of the territory, reflected its landscape through its most characteristic topo­graphic features, and endowed it with spiritual meaning through numerous inscriptions and a few pictorial signs that recalled its scriptural past. The fragmentary Madaba map testifies that these scriptural references derived mostly from the Old Testament; it also embodies the layout of the complete Byzantine map and the message that this visual image constructed through the combination of scriptural references and topo­graphic features. Specifically, the Byzantine map depicted the land as being full of holy places — many associated with Old Testament traditions — and characterized Jerusalem as the city of the Passion; this composition topo­graphically expressed the fulfilment of the Old Testament in the Crucifixion and identified the land as a ‘trace’ of the sacred past. In fact, this composition reflects the actual practice of pilgrimage in the early Christian period, when pilgrims were strongly attracted to sites associated with Old Testament traditions. That is to say, the Byzantine map of the Holy Land was a religious image that both concretized a fundamental Christian perception and was in line with the current devotion to the Holy Land. The Byzantine layout is echoed in all of the Holy Land map types that were devised in the West during the late Middle Ages. With their different selections of sites and scriptural references, these Western maps imbued the fundamental layout with different religious notions, yet all continued to embody the essential message of fulfilment. More specifically, the twelfth-century map type contained a concise selection that essentially reflected the lives of Christ and the Virgin and portrayed the land as a topo­g raphical reflection of these lives; the mid-thirteenth century map of Matthew Paris con-

tained a selection that echoed the twelfth-century one, thus embodying a similar notion; and the fourteenthcentury map type contained a selection of both Old and New Testament localities (with a preference for the former) that summarized the land’s biblical past. Both the twelfth- and the fourteenth-century selections were compiled on the basis of specific texts; the twelfth-century selection was based on early twelfth-century pilgrimage guides to the Holy Land and the fourteenth-century one was based on a late thirteenth-century treatise describing the land and its biblical past (Burchard of Mount Sion’s Descriptio Terre Sancte). That is to say, the Western Holy Land maps derived from and corresponded with writings that expressed devotion to the Holy Land and shaped Western piety, and much like their Byzantine prototype, they were in harmony with contemporary spiritual perceptions of the Holy Land. Significantly, although it concentrated on the Old Testament past and could not actually express the late medi­eval experience of pilgrimage (which focused on Christo­logical sites, mainly in the region of Jerusalem), the fourteenth-century map type became in the fifteenth century a means of celebrating a pilgrimage journey to Jerusalem. Rather than any practical reason, the inherent quality of this map — an iconic layout able to transmit the holy nature of the land and to engender a sense of contemplative movement between past and present, sacred and mundane — may account for its association with pilgrimage and devotion at that time. In the early sixteenth century Lucas Cranach the Elder engraved a map to commemorate the pilgrimage of his patron, Friedrich III the Wise. Cranach’s map was a remarkable transitional image: it presented the land in a new layout and pictorial conceptualization (depicting the Exodus in a sequential series of figurative scenes) and linked two contexts of representation (pilgrimage and

134 Scripture) and two Christian denominations (Catholic and Protestant). Conceived in a pious Catholic climate and as a devotional device associated with pilgrimage, holy places, and relics, it came to serve as an aid in understanding God’s words in the Protestant Bible. Particularly within the Protestant Bible and in connection with early modern biblical scholarship, the map of the Holy Land became more pictorial. Maps now included figurative depictions of biblical events, explained by inscriptions referring to specific biblical chapters. Yet the typo­logical connections between the Exodus and the Passion that these maps created through combinations of pictorial and written components not only reflected current interpretations of the biblical topo­graphy but actually expressed the fundamental message of the Holy Land map since its creation, but in a pictorial way; that is, the fulfilment of the Old Testament in the Passion of Christ. As if closing the circle, in the early eighteenth century the map of the Holy Land was reincarnated in the East in the form of pilgrimage mementos — the proskynetaria. Intended for Greek Orthodox pilgrims, the proskynetaria transformed the traditional layout into a Christo­logical landscape punctuated by iconic formulas of sacred events. The surviving items reveal a compositional development from a topo­graphical layout to a configuration of episodic iconic formulas, a development that actually conceptualized both the sacred landscape of Palestine and the map of the Holy Land in Greek Orthodox religious terms and visual language. Although maps of the Holy Land displayed obvious carto­graphic characteristics, they were not simply ‘maps’. For centuries they were presented in contexts with predominantly religious associations and were part of religious imagery that allowed viewers to see (and comprehend) things that they could not see in the real world,

Conclusion and to relate to the sacred past in the present environment. By showing things that are beyond and imbuing them with a physical form, maps of the Holy Land were effective instruments to manifest, maintain, and reconstruct religious values, and to fortify faith. For example, the illustration of the sinful cities from the Book of Genesis submerged in the Dead Sea communicates a divine punishment of sinners, and the place of Baptism in the Jordan proclaims salvation for the righteous. Therefore, by representing selections of sites and narrative pieces that refer to divine apparitions, miracles, and the activities of saintly figures, the maps were able to offer a ‘religious paradigm’, by means of which believers could interpret events from their own lives (as did the topo­graphy of Palestine itself ). By making the sacred past present, maps of the Holy Land carried further social significance for any Christian society or individual, whether Byzantine, Catholic, Protestant, or Greek Orthodox. As generally accepted among scholars in the field of social memory, societies crystalize their self-images and maintain their cohesions through engagement with their past, and this is done through selections of artefacts (which are inherited from earlier generations) that enable them to reinterpret the past time and again.1 Maps of the Holy Land belonged to this category of artefacts. For centuries they offered Christian viewers the means to face and interpret their mythical, formative past, and to stabilize their present cultural values and identities on that basis. Ultimately, maps of the Holy Land were among the media that helped Europeans to construct their culture and identity. Therefore, it seems that as much as these maps teach us about the Holy Land itself, they also reflect the way in which European culture was shaped. 1 

Assmann, ‘Canon and Archive’.

Appendices

Appendix I

Inscriptions on the Madaba Map

OT = Old Testament NT = New Testament The entries are arranged in alphabetical order; in Categories B, C, and E, entries associated with the Old Testament precede those associated with the New Testament.1

Categories A–D: Place Names A. Place Names The simplest and most common inscription merely indicates a toponym (there are eighty-three toponyms on the surviving fragment). Some toponyms contain some elaborations on the places, as for example: 1. Aenon near Salim 2. Arad. Whence the Aradites 3. The holy city Ierusa[lem] B. Several Names of a Single Place 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Betomarsea also Maiumas Gedor also Gidirtha Jabneel which is also Iamnia Jattir also Iethera Lod also Lydea also Diospolis Luz which is also Bethel

1  Translation from Greek by Avi-Yonah, The Madaba Mosaic Map, pp. 35–77. Avi-Yonah’s original list is arranged according to the locations of the inscriptions on the map and includes detailed identifications of their sources.

7. Maiumas also Neapolis 8. Ramathaim also Arimathea 9. Salt, also pitch lake also the Dead Sea 10. Sichem also Sicima and Salim 11. Adiathim now Aditha 12. Aenon now Sapsaphas 13. Akrabim now the Akrabittin 14. Alon Atath today Bethagla (marked by church building, OT)2 15. Anob now Bethannaba 16. Bela also Segor now Zoora 17. Ekron now Acc[ara?] 18. Gath now Gitta one of the five satrapies3 19. Madmannah now Menois 20. Modi’in now Moditha whence came the Maccabees4 21. Sychar which is now Sychora

2  Translation taken from Piccirillo and Alliata, The Madaba Map Centenary, p. 55 (Avi-Yonah translated the inscription as ‘Floor of Atad’). 3  The five satrapies are mentioned in Joshua 13. 3. 4  Reflects Eusebius’s wording (Klostermann, Das Onomastikon, p. 132, 16–17) on the basis of ii Maccabees 1.

Appendix I

138 C. Holy Places (marked by architectural symbols of church buildings) Place name

Biblical association and explanation

1. Of Saint Elisha

OT The place where Elisha purified a spring for the benefit of the inhabitants of Jericho (ii Kings 2. 19–22).

2. Of Saint Jonah

OT A church dedicated to the prophet next to Jaffa (on the basis of Jonah 1. 3).

3. Aceldama

NT The ‘Field of Blood’ purchased with Judas Iscariot’s thirty pieces of silver (Matthew 27. 3–10).

4. Gethsemane

NT The place where Christ prayed on the night before the Crucifixion (Matthew 26. 36).

5. Here is Jacob’s well

NT The meeting place of Jesus and the Samaritan woman ( John 4. 6).

6. Of Saint L[ot]

OT? The church’s proximity to the Dead Sea implies its association with Lot and the narrative of Genesis 19.

D. Tombs of Saintly Figures (marked by architectural symbols of church buildings) Place name

Biblical association and explanation

1. Of Joseph

OT Genesis 33. 18–20; Joshua 24. 32

2. Of Saint Zacharias

OT The tomb of the prophet Zechariah who was killed in the Temple (ii Chronicles 24. 20–21).5

3. Of Saint [Micah]

OT? The proximity of the inscription to Morashthi (Category E: 4) implies that this inscription refers to the prophet Micah’s tomb.

4. Of Saint Victor

An unidentified martyr.6

5. Of the Egyptians

Three anonymous martyrs.7

The prophet’s tomb is mentioned in Theodosius’s De situ Terrae Sanctae) and by the anonymous pilgrim of Piacenza who visited the site in 570s. The latter mentions ‘a lovely basilica, very well decorated’ (‘basilica pulchra ornate’); see Geyer, Antonini Placentini itinerarium, section 32, p. 145; quotation in English is from Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, p. 85. 6  Saint Victor’s tomb is mentioned by the anonymous pilgrim of Piacenza as being located near Gaza; see Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, p. 85 and n. 42; Limor, Holy Land Travels, p. 239 n. 165. 7  All that is known about these three Egyptian martyrs is that they were executed in ad 310 and buried in Ascalon. The site was visited by pilgrims, as testified to by the anonymous pilgrim of Piacenza; see Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, p. 85, n. 41; Limor, Holy Land Travels, p. 238 n. 163. 5 

Inscriptions on the Madaba Map

139

E. Scriptural Traditions Varied Places Inscription

Biblical association and explanation

1. Ailamon where stood the moon in the time of Joshua the son of Nun one day

OT A miracle during a battle ( Joshua 10. 12–14).

2. Desert of Zin where were sent down the manna and the quails

OT A miracle during the Exodus (Exodus 16).

3. Desert where the Israelites were saved by the serpent of brass

OT A miracle during the Exodus (Numbers 21. 6–9).

4. Morashthi whence was Micah the prophet

OT Micah 1. 1

5. Rama. A voice was heard in Rama

OT/NT Rachel’s lament ( Jeremiah 31. 14; Matthew 2. 17–18).

6. Raphidim where came Amalek and fought with Israel

OT A battle during the Exodus (Exodus 17. 8).

7. Sareptha which is the long village there the child has been resuscitated that day8

OT A miracle by the prophet Elijah (i Kings17. 9–24).

8. Shiloh there once the ark

OT Joshua 18. 1

9. Thamna here Judah sheared his sheep

OT Judah and Tamar became the parents of Perez (Genesis 38. 13), ancestor of David (Ruth 4. 18–22) and Jesus (Matthew 1. 3).

10. Ephraim which is Ephraea there walked the Lord

NT Jesus leaves the Jewish region ( John 11. 54).

Holy Places (marked by church buildings) Inscription

Biblical association and explanation

11. [Arba] also the [Ter]ebinth. The Oak of Mamre

OT The meeting place of Abraham and the angels (Genesis 18. 1–4). * The site is differentiated pictorially with a sign of a tree.

12. Galgala also the twelve stones

OT The place where the Israelites crossed the Jordan and built an altar ( Joshua 4). * The site is differentiated pictorially with a sign of twelve stones.

13. Bethabara of Saint John. The Baptism

NT Baptism of Christ ( John 1. 19–40).9

14. [Of ] Saint Philip. There they say was baptized Candaces the Eunuch

NT The baptism of the Ethiopian eunuch (Acts 8. 26–38). * The site is differentiated pictorially with a sign of a baptismal font.

8  9 

This inscription is written on one of the three lost small fragments; see ‘Composition and Content’ in Chapter 2. According to John 1. 28, Jesus was baptized at Bethania. For the toponym ‘Bethabara’, see Avi-Yonah, The Madaba Mosaic Map, pp. 38–39.

Appendix I

140 F. Tribes of Israel Inscription

Biblical association and explanation

1. Lot of Benjamin. Benjamin. The Lord shall cover him and shall dwell between his shoulders

Based on Deuteronomy 33. 12 (Moses’s blessing to the Tribes of Israel).

2. Lot of Dan. Why did [Dan] remain in ships

Based on Judges 5. 17 (Deborah’s Song).

3. Lot of Ephraim. Joseph, God shall bless thee with the blessing of the deep that lieth under, and again, blessed of the Lord be his land

A combination reflecting Genesis 49. 25 ( Jacob’s blessing to his sons) and Deuteronomy 33. 13.

4. Lot of Judah

 

5. Lot of Simeon

 

6. Zebulun shall dwell at the haven of the sea and his border shall be unto Zidon

Based on Genesis 49. 13.

G. Milestones 1. The fourth mile 2. The ninth mile H. Boundaries 1. Azmon city by the desert bordering Egypt and the goings out of the sea10 2. Beersheba now Beerossaba. Till which the border of Judea from the south from Dan near Paneas which bordered it from the north11 3. Border of Egypt and Palestine12 4. East border of Judaea 5. Gerar. Royal city of the Philistines and border of the Canaanites from the south, there the saltus gerariticus13

The inscription is based on the Onomasticon (Klostermann, Das Onomastikon, p. 14, 4) with reference to Joshua 16. 3. This biblical chapter describes the domain of Judah. 11  The inscription conveys the biblical boundaries of the land of the Old Testament (‘from Dan to Beersheba’, e.g. ii Samuel 3. 10), but the wording is that of Eusebius’s Onomasticon (Klostermann, Das Onomastikon, p. 50, 1). 12  The Byzantine province of Palaestina Prima. 13  A shortening of the formula of the Onomasticon (Klostermann, Das Onomastikon, p. 60, 7). Saltus gerariticus is the name of an administrative district of the Roman-Byzantine period; see Avi-Yonah, The Madaba Mosaic Map, p. 72. 10 

Appendix II

Sites Mentioned in the Pilgrimage Guide Gesta Francorum Iherusalem expugnantium (dated to 1101–1104) in Order of Appearance The text associates many more traditions with the sites, but the list below includes only those that are mentioned in the twelfth-century Holy Land maps (Plate I and Figures 8–12; Appendix III: A–C).1 1

porta vallis Josaphat

Gate of the Valley of Jehoshaphat

2

porta David […] juxta turrim David

David’s Gate […] next to the Tower of David

3

Porta Sancti Stephani

Saint Stephen’s Gate

4

Porta Syon

Zion Gate

5

porta, quae aurea dicitur […] per quam rex coelorum super asinam sedens ante passionem suam civitatem ingressus est

gate, called the Golden Gate […] through which the King of Heaven entered his city before his Passion, sitting upon an ass

6

Sepulchrum domini

Tomb of the Lord

7

lapis dehiscens, sicut in morte Christi […] scissus

the slit rock, as it was rent at Christ’s death

8

Golgotha

Golgotha

9

Calvaria

Calvary

10

ecclesia Genitricis Dei, quae Latina nuncupatur

Church of the Mother of God named ‘Latin’

11

Templum Domini

Lord’s Temple

12

Ecclesia Sanctae Annae

Church of Saint Anne

13

piscina

pool

14

Via quae ducit Bethlehem, quae Effrata antiquitus appellata, ab Ihrusalem in spatio duarum leugarum versus Hebron, inter occasum et meridiem sita est

the road leading to Bethlehem, which in ancient times was called Ephrata, and it lies two leagues south-west of Jerusalem on the way to Hebron

15

praesepe

manger

The Latin is from Recueil des historiens des Croisades, Historiens occidentaux, iii, 509–12. English translation is based on Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrimage, pp. 172–76. 1 

Appendix II

142 16

Sepulcrum Rachel, uxoris Jacob

Tomb of Rachel, Jacob’s wife

17

Monte Syon […] ubi discipulorum pedes lavit Dominus et magister eorum, et eis coenavit […] ubi post resurrectionem Spiritum Paraclitum eis misit

Mount Zion […] where the disciples had their feet washed by their Lord and Master, and he held the Supper with them […] where, after the Resurrection, he sent them the Holy Spirit

18

Natatoriam Syloe

Pool of Siloam

19

torrens Cedron

Kidron Brook

20

Acheldemach

Aceldama

21

Vallis Josaphat

Valley of Jehoshaphat

22

Ecclesia Genetricis Dei Maria, ubi ab apostolic sepulta est

Church of Mary the Mother of God, where she was buried by the apostles

23

Gethsemani, ubi tentus et captus est Filius Dei

Gethsemane, where the Son of God was put to the test and taken prisoner

24

Mons Oliveti […] de cujus montis verice postea delatus est in coelum

The Mount of Olives […] at the summit of the mountain he was taken up into heaven

25

Arabia

Arabia

26

Vallis Jordanis

Jordan Valley

27

Mare salsum et foetidum quod operit Sodomam et Gomorram, civitates quondam ira dei funditus eversas

the salty stinking sea [Dead Sea] which covers Sodom and Gomorrah, the cities which were once utterly destroyed by the wrath of God

28

Bethania, ubi Dominus Lazarum resuscitavit

Bethany, where the Lord raised Lazarus

29

Flumen Jordanis

River Jordan

30

Iherico

Jericho

31

desertum ubi jejunavit Dominus quadraginta diebus the desert where the Lord fasted for forty days

32

mons excelsus ubi tentatus est a dieabolo

the high mountain where he was tempted by the devil

33

Nazareth

Nazareth

34

Mare Tyberiadis

Sea of Tiberias

35

Mons Thabor

Mount Tabor

Appendix III

Inscriptions on Three Twelfth-Century Maps of the Holy Land

The first three lists (A–C) represent toponyms and inscriptions written in Saint Omer, Bibliothèque d’Agglomeration de Saint Omer, MS 776, fol. 50v; Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS 9823–24, fol. 157r; and Uppsala Uni­ver­sity Library, MS C 691, fol. 39 (Plate I and Figures 8–12).1 The fourth list (D) represents the scriptural context of the places.

A. Saint Omer, Bibliothèque d’Agglomeration de Saint Omer, MS 776, fol. 50v Turris david

Tower of David

ecclesia latina

Church Latin (Church of Saint Mary the Latin)

Sepulchrum domini

the tomb of the Lord

Calvaria

Calvary

Golgotha

Golgotha

lapis scissus

the slit rock

forum rerum venalium

square for the sale of goods

cambium monete

money exchange

piscina

pool

templum sancte annae

Saint Anne’s Temple

templum domini

Lord’s Temple

templum Salomonis

Solomon’s Temple

claustrum Salomonis

Solomon’s monastery

iter porta spesiosa

road to the Beautiful Gate

vicus ad portam iosaphat

road to Jehoshaphat Gate

vicus porte sancti Stephani

road to Saint Stephen’s Gate

1 

The transcriptions are based on Levy, ‘Medi­eval Maps of Jerusalem’, pp. 455–56 (Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS 9823–24, fol. 157r), pp. 463–64 (Uppsala Uni­ver­sity Library, MS C 691, fol. 39), pp. 471–73 (Saint Omer, Bibliothèque d’Agglomeration de Saint Omer, MS 776, fol. 50v).

Appendix III

144 vicus porte montis Syon

road to Zion Gate

vicus ad Templum domini

road to the Lord’s Temple

porta david

David’s Gate

vicus ad civitatem

road to the city

mons gaudii

Mount of joy

vicus ad Bethleem effrata

road to Bethlehem Ephrata

Bethleem

Bethlehem

mons Syon

Mount Zion

Sepulchrum Rachel

tomb of Rachel

cenaculum

Cenacle

fons Syloe

spring of Siloam

Bethania

Bethany

porta aurea qua ingressus est Ihesus super asinam sedens

The Golden Gate, through which Jesus entered while sitting on the ass

torens cedron

Kidron Brook

egressus Ihesu trans torrentem cedron

Jesus traversed the Kidron Brook

Villa gethsemani

Villa Gethsemane

ecclesia sancea marie sepulture

church and tomb of Saint Mary

vallis iosaphat

Valley of Jehoshaphat

mons oliveti

Mount of Olives

domini ascensio

Lord’s Ascension

locus xl

place of 40

mons excelsus

the high mountain

Hiericho

Jericho

Inscriptions on Three Twelfth-Century Maps of the Holy Land

B. Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS 9823–24, fol. 157r turris david

Tower of David

ecclesia Latina

Church Latin

sepulchrum domini

the tomb of the Lord

calvarie

Calvary

Golgotha

Golgotha

lapis scissus

the slit rock

forum rerum venalium

square for the sale of goods

cambium monete

money exchange

piscina

pool

templum s. anne

Saint Anne’s Temple

templum domini

Lord’s Temple

templum salomonis

Solomon’s Temple

Salomonis clastrum

Solomon’s monastery

iter ad portam speciosa

road to Gate Beautiful

vicus ad portam iosaphat

road to Jehoshaphat Gate

vicus porte s. Stephani

road to Saint Stephen’s Gate

vicus porte monte Syon

road to Zion Gate

porta david occidentalis

western David’s Gate

vicus ad civitatem

road to the city

mons gaudii

mount of joy

vicus ad Bethleem. due leuge

road to Bethlehem. two leagues

Bethleem

Bethlehem

presepe

Manger

Sepulchrum Rachel

tomb of Rachel

mons Syon

Mount Zion

fons Syloe

Spring of Siloam

cenaculum

Cenacle

porta syon australis

southern Zion Gate

acheldemach

Aceldama

145

Appendix III

146 Sepultra pergrinorum

Pilgrims’ tombs2

Bethania

Bethany

Torrens cedron

Kidron Brook

porta iosaphat orientalis

eastern Jehoshaphat Gate

vallis josaphat

Valley of Jehoshaphat

ecclesia s. marie | sepulchrum s. marie

Church of Saint Mary | Tomb of Saint Mary

porta s. stephani septentrionalis

northern Saint Stephen’s Gate

(ecclesia) s. Stephen

(Church of ) Saint Stephen

mons oliveti

Mount of Olives

ascensio domini

Lord’s Ascension

desertum

Desert

loxus xl | mons excelsus

Place of 40 |The high mountain3

Mons excelsus super quem assumptus fuit dominus a diabolo

The high mountain where the Lord was tempted by the Devil

loxus xl | ubi dominus ieiunavit

place of 40 | where the Lord fasted

hierico

Jericho

regio penthapolis

Region of Pentapolis4

mortuum mare

Dead Sea

arabia

Arabia

Mons synai

Mount Sinai

lapis percussus a moyse

the rock struck by Moses

Mons seir

Mount Seir

nazareth

Nazareth

mons thabor

Mount Tabor

mare tyberiadis | mare galilee | lacus genesar

Sea of Tiberias | Sea of Galilee | Lake of Gennesareth

Mons libani

Mount Lebanon

ior / dan

ior / dan

2 

Since the late sixth century the cemetery of Aceldama served for the burial of pilgrims. In the twelfth century most pilgrims, particularly the poor ones, were buried there. See Riley-Smith, ‘The Death and Burial of Latin Christian Pilgrims to Jerusalem and Acre’. 3 The Gesta guide refers to this ‘high mountain’ as the place where Jesus was tempted by the devil, but the map represents two such mountains and locates the one associated with the temptation beyond the Jordan River. 4  The five cities Sodom, Gomorrah, Adamah, Zeboiim, and Bela (Genesis 14. 2), four of which were destroyed by fire (Deuteronomy 29. 23). The tradition on the ‘five cities’ is mentioned in the Onomasticon (Klostermann, Das Onomastikon, p. 8) and in some other writings: Wisdom of Solomon 10. 6; Genesis Rabbah 14. 1–14; Philo of Alexandria’s On Abraham (de Abrahamo). Bela is referred to in the Onomasticon also as ‘Zoara’ and as ‘Segor’ (the Greek toponym that appears in the Septuagint); see Klostermann, Das Onomastikon, p. 42

Inscriptions on Three Twelfth-Century Maps of the Holy Land

C. Uppsala Uni­ver­sity Library, MS C 691, fol. 39 Sepulchrum domini

tomb of the Lord

(locus ubi) inventa est Dom(ini crux)

(place where) the Lord’s cross was found

lapis scissus

the slit rock

Aula regis

the king’s palace

hic Sancta Snna

Here Saint Anne (Church)

Piscina vel porticus

pool or portico

Hic flagellates est Jhesus

here Jesus was flagellated

templum domini

Lord’s Temple

vicus

road

templum

Temple

Salomonis clastrum

Solomon’s monastery

porta speciosa

The Beautiful Gate (2)

hospitale

hospital

taberna

inn (2)

Vicus ad Templum Dom. nostri Jhesu Christi

road to the temple of our Lord Jesus Christ

vicus porte monte Syon

road to Zion Gate

vicus porte s. Stephani

road to Saint Stephen’s Gate

ad portam iosaphat

road to Jehoshaphat Gate

vicus ad civitatem Masphat

road to the city of Mitzpah

Masphat

Mitzpah

mons gaudii peregrine gaudentis

Mount of joy of the delighted pilgrim

vicus ad civitatem Bethleem et Ephrata

road to the city of Bethlehem and Ephrata

hic locus nativitatis Jhesu Christi

here Jesus Christ was born

Sepulchrum Rachel uxoris Jacob

tomb of Rachel, Jacob’s wife

Hebron

Hebron

mons Syon

Mount Zion

procesio sancti spiritus

descendant of the holy spirit

Trivium sancte marie

piazza of Saint Mary

cenaculum

Cenacle

Hic pedes discipulorum lavit

here he washed the disciples’ feet

147

Appendix III

148 Acheldemach ager sangulis

Aceldama field of blood

natatorium fons syloe

pool of Siloam

Torrens cedron

Kidron Brook

Bethania

Bethany

Hic Lazarum resuscitavit Dominus

here he raised Lazarus

Hierico civitas

city of Jericho

mons excelsus

the high mountain

hic jejunavit et temptatus est a dibolo

here he fasted and was tempted by the devil

Bethphage

Bethphage

mons oliveti

Mount of Olives

hic a terra ad coelos ascendit

here he ascended from earth to heaven

Gessemani | hic Jhesus a Judeis tentus est

Gethsemane | here Jesus was captured by the Jews

Jordanis fluvius

River Jordan

vallis Iosaphat

Valley of Jehoshaphat

Ecclesia dei genetricis Marie

Church of Mary mother of God

Hic fuit sepulta

Here she was buried

Hay

Ai

hic pavit Jacob pecora sua

here Jacob herded his flock

hic beatus Stephanus a Judeis lapidatus est

here Saint Stephen was stoned by the Jews

D. Traditions Associated with the Places that Appear in the Maps The places are arranged in alphabetical order. If places are mentioned in the Scriptures often, the list refers to key events alone. Places in Jerusalem Toponym

Traditions associated with the sites

Beautiful Gate

The gate leading to the Temple, where Peter and John heal a lame man (Acts 3. 2–10).

Calvary / Golgotha / the slit rock / tomb of the Lord5

Crucifixion, Entombment, and Resurrection of Jesus (Matthew 27–28 and parallels).

Church of Saint Anne

The house of Anne and Joachim, where the Virgin was born and grew up (based on Proto-Gospel of James, chapters 4–5).

5 

During the Crusader period, ‘Calvary’ referred to the site of the Crucifixion and ‘Golgotha’ to the Chapel of Adam just below it.

Inscriptions on Three Twelfth-Century Maps of the Holy Land

149

Toponym

Traditions associated with the sites

Church of Saint Mary the Latin6

The place from where the Virgin watched the Crucifixion.

The Lord’s Temple, Solomon’s Temple7

The Holy of Holies; the infant Jesus is presented by his parents (Luke 2. 22–40); Jesus and the elders (Luke 2. 41–52); the encounter of Jesus with the adulterous woman ( John 8. 1–11); Jesus expels the merchants from the Temple (Matthew 21. 1–11).

Pool of Bethesda (the Probatic pool)

Jesus heals a paralyzed man ( John 5. 2–9).

Tower of David8

Considered as the place where King David composed the Psalms.

Places outside Jerusalem Toponym

Traditions associated with the sites

Aceldama

The field bought by the priests of Jerusalem with the money returned by Judas Iscariot (Matthew 27. 3–7).

Bethany

Jesus arrives at Bethany (Matthew 21. 17); anointing of Jesus at the house of Simeon the leper (Matthew 26. 6–13); resurrection of Lazarus ( John 11. 1–46); the entry into Jerusalem on Palm Sunday (Mark 11. 1; Matthew 21. 1–11; Luke 19. 28–40; John 12. 12–19); the Ascension (Luke 24. 50).

Bethlehem

Rachel is buried on the way to Bethlehem-Ephrath (Genesis 35.  19); anointment of David (i Samuel 16. 1–12); Ruth and Naomi arrive at Bethlehem (Ruth 1. 19) and genealogy linking Ruth to David (Ruth 4. 10–22); prophecy about the Messiah (Micah 5. 2–5); Jesus is born in Bethlehem; the Magi; King Herod orders the boys in Bethlehem and its surroundings killed (Matthew 2; Luke 2. 1–18).

Bethphage

Jesus arrives at Bethphage (Matthew 21. 1).

Cenacle

Last Supper (Matthew 26. 17–29).

Dead Sea

Considered a physical trace of the brimstone rained on the sinful cities from Genesis (see ‘Pentapolis’ below).

The high mountain

Jesus is tempted by the devil (Matthew 4. 8).

Jericho

The spies stay in the house of Rahab the harlot ( Joshua 2); Jericho is conquered by the Israelites ( Joshua 4–6); Elijah’s spirit rests on Elisha after Elijah’s ascension (ii Kings 2. 15); Jesus heals the blind man (Luke 18. 35–42; Mathew 20. 29–34); Jesus at the house of Zacchaeus (Luke 19. 1–10).

Jor / Dan ( Jordan)

Entrance to Canaan (e.g. Numbers 33. 51; Deuteronomy 4; Joshua 3; Psalm 114); Baptism (Mark 1. 9).

‘Latin’ designated the Latin service that was given in the church, probably even before the arrival of the Crusaders; see Pringle, The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, iii, 238. 7  The Muslim structures of the Dome of the Rock and Al-Aksa (respectively). 8  A part of the Herodian citadel next to the city’s western gate. 6 

Appendix III

150 Toponym

Traditions associated with the sites

Kidron Brook

The stream marks the eastern edge of Jerusalem (i Kings 2. 37); a refuse heap for idols and other impurities (i Kings 15. 13; ii Kings 23. 4, 6, 12; ii Chronicles 15. 16, 29. 16, 30. 14); Jesus crosses the Kidron Brook before his Arrest ( John 18. 1–11).

Mount of Olives

End of days (Zechariah 14. 4); Jesus and his disciples arrive at the place after having supper (Matthew 26. 30); Ascension (Luke 24. 50–51).

Mount Seir

Esau’s domain (Genesis 36. 8); a landmark on the Exodus route (Deuteronomy 2. 1).

Mount Sinai

Revelation and Giving of the Law (Exodus 19).

Mount Zion

Some prophecies (e.g. Isaiah 4. 5, 8. 18; Joel 3. 5; Micah 4. 7); some Psalms (e.g. Psalm 48. 2, 11, 74. 2, 125. 1). Associated with some New Testament events: the flagellation of Jesus in the house of Caiafa, the Last Supper, the descent of the Holy Spirit upon the apostles. The Virgin falls asleep.

Nazareth

Annunciation (Luke 1. 26–38); the holy family goes to Nazareth (Matthew 2. 23); Jesus arrives at Nazareth after his Baptism (Luke 4. 16).

Pentapolis

The five cities Sodom, Gomorrah, Adamah, Zeboiim, and Bela (Genesis 14.  2). Considered to have been covered by the Dead Sea (on the basis of Deuteronomy 29. 23).9

The place of forty

Jesus fasts for 40 days (Matthew 4. 2).

Sea of Galilee / Sea of Tiberias / Lake of Gennesaret10

Jesus begins to gather disciples while walking on the shore (Matthew 4. 18–22); Jesus calms a storm and sends demons into the pigs (Matthew 8. 23–34); Jesus heals the paralyzed (Matthew 9. 1–10); Jesus feeds 5000 people ( John 6. 1–15); Jesus walks upon the water ( John 6. 16–21); Jesus heals sick at the shore of Gennesaret (Matthew 14. 34–36); Jesus walks by the sea (Matthew 15. 29); two Miraculous Catches of Fish: one symbolizes the gathering of the disciples (Luke 5. 1–11), the second constitutes a part of Christ’s post-Resurrection appearance to them ( John 21. 1–14).

Pool of Siloam

Jesus heals a blind man ( John 9. 1–7).

Tomb of Rachel

Rachel’s death and burial next to Bethlehem (Genesis 35. 18–20).

Tomb of Saint Stephen

Stoning of Stephen (Acts 7. 58–60).

Valley of Jehoshaphat / Mary’s tomb in the Valley of Jehoshaphat

End of days ( Joel 4. 2, 12). The place where the Virgin was buried and from where she was taken to Heaven.

Villa Gethsemane

Agony in the Garden and the Arrest of Jesus (Matthew 26. 36–39).

9 

On the tradition of the ‘five cities’, see note 4 in this appendix. The three toponyms appear in the New Testament: Gennesareth (e.g. Luke 5. 1); Sea of Galilee (e.g. Matthew 4. 18); Sea of Tiberias (e.g. John 21. 1). 10 

Appendix IV

Inscriptions on London, British Library, MS Add. 27376, fols 188v–189r

OT = Old Testament NT = New Testament

A. Place Names The simplest and most common inscription merely indicates a toponym.

B. Several Names of a Single Place1 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

Bosra que nunc Ydumea Regio Terra Aman nunc Aman Samaria Sychen Sebaste Maginas nunc Bira Fasetus vel Fasael (Faestus or Fasael) Nicopolis vel Betsan Lacis vel Belinas vel Dan vel Lesedan vel Cesarea Phillipi Lida vel Dyapolis Vallis Salinarum et Lacus Absaltidis sive Mare Sodomorum vel Maledictum vel Mortuum

C. Holy Places 1. Ecclesia sancti [ Joannis] Baptistae 2. Fons Jacobus

D. Tombs of Saintly Figures 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 1 

Rama ubi sepulchrum Jone Sepulchrum Job Sepulchrum Machabeorum Sepulchrum Rachelis Tampnathsare vel sepulchrum Josue The transcriptions are from Röhricht, ‘Marino Sanudo Sen. als Karto­graph Palästinas’, pl. 18.

Appendix IV

152

E. Scriptural Traditions Latin inscription

Content

1. Baptismus Eunuchi.

NT

The place of baptism of the eunuch (Acts 8. 26–38).

2. Ethan fons inuocatis de maxilla

OT

‘Fons Etham’, associated with a maxilla, evokes the episode in which Samson defeated the Philistines with the jawbone of an ass ( Judges 15).

3. Carmelus ubi habitavit Nabal

OT

i Samuel 25. 2–3.

4. De VII panibus

NT

Christ sates 4000 people with seven loaves of bread (Matthew 15. 32–39).

5. Gedeon contra Madian

OT

Gideon’s battle against the Midianites ( Judges 6–8).

6. Hic Achab pugnavit contra Asyros

OT

King Ahab’s battle against Ben Hadad the King of Syria (i Kings 20).

7. Hic inter orientem et austrum est Ydumea vel mons Seyr quam terram circuire jussi sunt filii Israel sed contra meridiem est Amalec ante terram Amalec contra linguam maris mortui est cadesbarne

OT

Wanderings of the Israelites (Numbers 33).

8. Hic Neccao occidit Josias

OT

Pharaoh Neco of Egypt kills King Josiah (ii Kings 23. 29)

9. Hic pugnavit Josue contra Jabin regem Assor et contra XXIII reges et persecutes est eum usque Sydonem que est desertu

OT

Joshua’s battle against Jabin, King of Hazor, and other Canaanite kings ( Joshua 11).

10. Hic pugnavit Barac contra Sisaram

OT

Barak’s battle against Sisera ( Judges 4).

11. Hic pugnavit Saul

OT

King Saul’s battle against the Philistines (i Samuel 13–14).2

12. Manay vel Macheronta nunc Hayalon. Hic latuit David et Johnnes fuit in Carcera

OT/NT David hides in the wilderness (i Samuel 23. 14); John the Baptist is put in prison (Matthew11. 2).

13. Mensa de V panibus et de beatitudinis

NT

The miracle of the five loaves of bread (Matthew 14. 13–21).

14. Neescot unde duo viri tulerunt palmitem

OT

The spies take a branch with one cluster of grapes (Numbers 13. 23).3

15. Palma del bore

OT

The palm tree of Deborah, where the prophetess judged the children of Israel ( Judges 4. 5).

16. Suba in canticis dicitur turris Libani

OT

Song of Solomon 7. 4: ‘thy nose is as the tower of Lebanon which looketh toward Damascus’.

17. Tabernaculum Ebrecinei

OT

The tent of Heber the Kenite ( Judges 4. 17).

2  According to an inscription in Florence, Archivio di Stato, Carte nautiche, geografiche e topografiche 4, reading: ‘Hic pugnavit Saul contra Philistineos’. 3  In Burchard’s words: ‘valley of Eshcol (Neheleschol), i.e. the “valley of the grape cluster” from which the spies took a branch with its bunch of grapes, which two men carried on a pole’; Pringle, Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, p. 306. For the Latin version, see note 95 in Chapter 3.

Inscriptions on London, British Library, MS Add. 27376, fols 188v–189r

F. Tribes of Israel 1. Dimidia Tribus Menasse (2) 2. Tribus Asser 3. Tribus Benjamin 4. Tribus Cabulun 5. Tribus Effraym 6. Tribus Gad 7. Tribus Juda 8. Tribus Neptalyn 9. Tribus Ruben 10. TribusYsacar

G. Geo­graphical Descriptions, Boundaries, Biblical Districts 1. Areopolis distat a Petra deserti contra vulturnaum III dietis metropolis nunc Arabie sita in torrente Arnon 2. Hunc fontem vocat Josephus Fialam4 dicitur Dalmamita Mattheus et Magedo a Saracenis Modin a palce ibidem (?) subterraneo meatu in Dan recipiuntur unde (?) verus ortus Jordanis 3. Introitus Emath 4. Mons Sanir vel Seyr conjungitur Damasco 5. Regnum Seon regis Esebon 6. Terra Edom 7. Tota terra orientalis usque Cedar et Mare Gallilea vocatur Traconitidis regio, vocatur et Terra Hus et plancies Libaniet fuit in parte de regione Decapoleos 8. Ultra terram istam est Terra filiorum Amon et fluvius Eufrates

H. Present-Time Actuality 1. Hic soldanus suos reponit thesauros Arabie et Egypti et dicitur Crac et Mons Regalis5

4   Burchard refers to the term ‘phiala’ used by Josephus in Jewish War iii. 10. 7, which means a ‘bowl’ or ‘saucer’. See Pringle, Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, p. 254. 5  Reflects Burchard’s reference to Montreal (Mons real), saying that it was built by King Baldwin to extend the kingdom of Jerusalem, but being held by the sultan, who stores therein the treasury of Egypt and Arabia; Pringle, Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, p. 282.

153

Appendix V

A List of Places in William Wey’s Pilgrimage Account (Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 565), said to be Synchronized with his Map of the Holy Land

Entitled, ‘In the following list are contained all the things in the map of the Holy Land’ (‘In tabula ista sequenti continetur omnia in mappa Terre Sancte’), the list represents the places in geo­g raphical order, from north to south.6 Emphases in bold mark places and traditions that are not mentioned in Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 389, a map of the Holy Land that was associated with William Wey (Figure 24).7 1. Capella sancte Marie in Sardinia8 2. Mons Hermon 3. Baalgad 4. Hic saturavit Christus quinque milia 5. Terra Amon 6. Introitus Emath 7. Hic Christus dixit, Saule quid me persequeris? 8. Damascus 9. Siria Damasci 10. Fluvius Jordanis 11. Obba 12. Fons Dan 13. Belmas 14. Suba 15. Turris Libani 16. Antelibanus 6  The list was published in Bandinel, The Itineraries of William Wey, pp. 128–31. For English translation, see Davey, The Itineraries of William Wey, pp. 173–78. 7   The map is reproduced with transcriptions of the Latin inscriptions and toponyms in Röhricht, ‘Die Palästinakarte des William Wey’, pl. 27. 8  Probably, the chapel of Saint Mary in Sardenay (Saydnaya, Syria). The site is not mentioned in any map of the Holy Land except for Matthew Paris’s map in his Chronica majora (CCCC MS 16; BL MS Royal 14 C. vii).

17. Fons Jor 18. Fluvius Eufrates 19. Fluvius Farsan 20. Fluvius Albana 21. Asor 22. Cananea 23. Mons ante Libanum 24. Sveta 25. Tribus Zabulon 26. Locus ubi sanctus Georgius occidit draconem9 27. Baruch 28. Portus Sydon 29. Vallis Bechare 30. Sydon magna 31. Bosra 32. Ydumea 33. Mons Samyr 34. Regio Trachniditis 35. Fons Phalan 36. Terra Hus ubi Job morabatur 37. Sepulchrum Job 38. Mare vocatum Mare Capharnaum 39. Civitas principalis illius parties 40. Tabula ubi Christus saturabat quatuor milia hominum 41. Bethsayda 42. Cedna 43. Sophet 44. Tribus Asser 45. Tetrarcha Galilee 9  ‘The place where St George killed the dragon’ — Western travellers from the early fourteenth century referred to a church of Saint George to the east of Beiruth as the place where the saint killed the dragon. See Pringle, The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, i, 116.

156 46. Tabernaculum Heber 47. Abelma 48. Vallis Senym 49. Cabul 50. Naason 51. Thooron 52. Ubi sanctus Georgius cecidit et effectus est cecus10 53. Cana Galilee 54. Fluvius Euchetus 55. Tyrus 56. Puteus aquarum vivencium 57. Balus fluvius 58. Sarepta Sydoniorum 59. Adalon 60. Casa Lamberti 61. Cedar 62. Mons Galaad 63. Dimidia tribus Menasse 64. Decapolis 65. Coroasym 66. Godora 67. Goroca 68. Ramathy Galaad 69. Effrem 70. Saltus Effrem 71. Mare Galilee 72. Pella 73. hic Jhesus ambulabat 74. Hic petrus cepit mergi 75. Neptalym 76. Magdalum Castrum 77. Castrum Tele 78. Belynder 79. Suna 80. Bethsay 81. Tyberias 82. Affech 83. Gyscallo ubi paulus natus erat 84. Dotaym 85. Genereth 86. Caphersebe 87. Vallis Sabee 88. Jesrael 89. Mons Tabor 90. Naym 91. Sepulchrum Jone 92. Mons saltus Domini 10  

‘The place where St  George fell and was blinded’ — an unfamiliar tradition.

Appendix V 93. Lapis recipiens Christum in monte saltus 94. Mons Hermon major 95. Mons Hermon minor 96. Tribus Neptalym 97. Nazareth 98. Sephora 99. Endor 100. Torrens Syson 101. Acris, Acron et Tholomeyda 102. Ubi Hellias occidebat sacredotes Baal 103. Capella Sancte Margarete 104. Castrum Peregrinorum 105. Caynar 106. Mansio Helie 107. Cavea beate Viginis 108. Elijah’s fountain 109. Chaiphas 110. Mons Carmelus 111. Fons Helie 112. Hic finitur Finicia 113. Mons deserti 114. Panicea 115. Tribus Gad 116. Anatoth kyre 117. Esebon 118. Nasan 119. Manaym 120. Jabes Galaad 121. Tribus Reuben 122. Helyael 123. Bochemath 124. Jaser 125. Socohoch 126. Ernon 127. Vadus Jaboth, Hic Esau occurrebat fratri suo Jacob 128. Mons Garazym 129. Dan quondam Lachys 130. Vallis Illustris 131. Salym 132. Tersa 133. Bethel 134. Mons Ebal 135. Ernon 136. Tribus Ysacar 137. Silva ubi aves moriuntur pro Christo in Dominica Passionis 138. Dimidia Tribus Manasse 139. Samaria 140. Beryth

A List of Places in William Wey’s Pilgrimage Account 141. Mons Gelboe 142. In istis montibus terminator Galilea et incipit Samaria 143. Sychym est in medio Terre Sancte 144. Fons Jacob 145. Genyn 146. Cesaria 147. Magedo 148. Cato 149. Pregrinus cum scuto 150. Sarchan 151. Hay 152. Effeton 153. Arcopolis 154. Angelus apparauit Joachim 155. Locus ascensionis Christi 156. Capella Pellagie 157. Galgala 158. Fecolis 159. Decom 160. Locus indulgenciarum Galilee11 161. Bethfage 162. Rama 163. Beniamyn 164. Phasel 165. Torrens Berith 166. Betel 167. Palma ad Virginem12 168. Credo 169. Pater Noster13 170. Locus fletus Christi 171. Natatorium Syloe 172. Locus ubi Christus predicabat 173. Sepulchrum Ysaye 174. Astaroth 175. Leuba 176. Betheron 177. Ubi Maria misit cingulum suum sancto Thome apostolo 178. Hic requiescebat beatissima Maria inter staciones14 11  Probably referring to the Viri Galilaei Church, located at the northern summit of the Mount of Olives. 12  The place on the Mount of Olives where the angel Gabriel brought Mary a palm branch to announce her impending death. 13  ‘Our Father’, the Lord’s Prayer that was taught by Jesus to his disciples (Matthew 6. 9–13). 14  William Wey is the first to mention stations in Jerusalem. This entry, which probably refers to any location on the Mount

157

179. Gabaa Savelis 180. Locus amputacionis auricule Malchi 181. Mons Oliveti 182. Caverna discipulorum 183. Fons beatissime Marie 184. Locus traditionis 185. Locus primus dormicionis apostolorum 186. Sepulchrum Zakarie filii Barachie 187. Locus secundus dormicionis apostolorum 188. Sepulchrum Absalonis 189. Camera sudacionis Christi 190. Neapelosa vel Sekar15 191. Fons Jacob 192. Suspensio Jude traditoris 193. Castrum David 194. Taumascere 195. Archam 196. Vallis Josaphath 197. Torrens Cedron 198. Sepulchrum Beatissime Marie 199. Locus lapidacionis Stephani 200. Dora vel Assur 201. Tribus Benjamyn 202. Sepulcrum Josue 203. Mons Effraym 204. Araan 205. Salym 206. Mons Phasga 207. Mons Abarym vel Nebo 208. Sepulchrum Moysy 209. Satyr 210. Locus Baptisimi Christi 211. Domus georgitarum 212. Jordanus fluvius 213. Virge Moysy 214. Locus ubi diabolus ostendebat Christo omnia regna mundi 215. Mons Quarentene 216. Ibi dixit diabulus, dic ut lapides isti panes fient 217. Viridarium Acheldemack 218. Spelunce Sanctorum 219. Domus mali consilii 220. Aque Marath of Olives, confirms that, at that time, there were ‘stations’ there as well, and not only within Jerusalem (as had become fixed in the via dolorosa at some point). 15   Sychar is the name of the biblical Shechem in the New Testament ( John 4.  1). Shechem is mentioned in no.  143; it is referred to on MS Douce 389 as ‘Sichen nunc neapolis dicitur’.

158 221. Mons Syon 222. Ubi Salomon erat coronatus 223. Lapides super quos Christus stabat quando dampnatus erat a Pilato 224. Domus Pilati 225. Domus Herodis 226. Domus Symonis 227. Locus ubi voluerunt rapere corpus beatissime Marie 228. Porta per quam Christus ibat ad passionem suam 229. Camera fletus Petri 230. Templum Christi 231. Domus Anne 232. Betania 233. Locus sudarii 234. Locus fletus mulierum 235. Domus Divitis 236. Trivium16 237. Jerusalem civitas 238. Sancta strata per quam Christus ibat ad passionem suam 239. Domus Cayphe 240. Piscina 241. Locus ubi beatissima Maria zincopizavit 242. Templum Domini 243. Monasterium Syon 244. Locus nativitatis Marie 245. Templum Salamonis 246. Scola beatissima Marie 247. Locus electionis Mathie17 248. Mons Syon 249. Domus beatissima Virginis 250. Ecclesia sancti Jacobi 251. Hic Virgo beatissima respiciebat ad Calvarium 252. Porta aurea 253. Cariatharym 254. Aramatha 255. Sylo 256. Betulia 257. Maceda 258. Gabaon 259. Sarona 260. Tribus Effraym 261. Castrum novum Trivium is mentioned in Wey’s account as ‘where Christ fell with his cross’ (‘ubi Christus cecidit cum cruce’); Bandinel, The Itineraries of William Wey, p. 20; English translation: Davey, The Itineraries of William Wey, p. 47. 17  The place of choice in Matthias (Acts 1. 26). 16 

Appendix V 262. Campesteria Moab 263. Newrym 264. Ornaym 265. Mons Phasga 266. Petra deserti 267. Monasterium sancti Jeronimi 268. Monasterium Carieth18 269. Monasterium Sebbe 270. Mons Engaddi in quo David latuit 271. Arbor sicomorum quam Zacheus ascendebat 272. Capella Johnnis Baptiste 273. Civitas Jericho 274. Fons Engaddi 275. Locus sanacionis ceci 276. Locus nativitatis Johnnis Baptiste 277. Thana 278. ubi stella apparauit regibus 279. Ubi aqua ebullit in Epiphania 280. Montana Judee 281. Domus sancte marthe 282. Ecclesia ubi beata Maria salutavit Elizabeth 283. Sepulchrum Rachel 284. Ubi Martha occurrebat Christo 285. Domus Symonis 286. Mausoleum Lazari 287. Lapides cavati sub pedibus Christi19 288. Fons ubi Philippus baptizavit Enuchum 289. Sepulchrum Machabeorum 290. Nabe 291. Geth 292. Saraha 293. Emaus 294. Locus ubi crescebat crux Christi 295. Bethsames 296. Ramatha 297. Mons Modyn 298. Vallis Nabaioth 299. Beroith 300. Lidda 301. Portus Jaff 302. Portus Janua 303. Tersa 18   Probably referring to the Greek Orthodox Saint George monastery in Wadi Qelt, where a cave is believed to be the place where Elijah hid in the Cherith brook (i Kings 17. 3). 19   Stones hollowed beneath Christ’s feet; the equivalent reference in Wey’s alphabetical list reads: ‘The stones in Bethany hollowed out under Christ’s feet’ (‘Lapides cavati sub pedibus Christi in Betania’); Bandinel, The Itineraries of William Wey, p. 135; English translation: Davey, The Itineraries of William Wey, p. 180.

A List of Places in William Wey’s Pilgrimage Account 304. Ubi Petrus suscitavit Tabitam 305. Petra super quam Petrus stabat ad piscandum 306. Statua salis20 307. Fluvius amon 308. Scopuli fluvii 309. Cades-Barne 310. Bethsur 311. Tribus Juda 312. Segor 313. Angelus ad pastores 314. Magedo 315. Sodoma 316. Mare Mortuum 317. Bethcar 318. Mons Mable (namely, Mamre)21 319. Civitas Bethleem 320. Ebron 321. Ygnapera 322. Monasterium Bethleem 323. Soboym 324. Hic beatissima Maria descendebat de asino 325. Vallis Mambre 326. Fons Etan 327. Sicheleth 328. Sepulchrum Patriarcharum Abraham, Ysaac, et Jacob 329. Tribus Dan 330. Sylo 331. Tribus Symeon 332. Eskabel 333. Oeschaol 334. Campus Damascenus22 335. Caperna Acharon 336. Azon 337. Spelunca Odella 338. Aschalon 20 

Namely, Lot’s wife. The alphabetical list defines it as ‘statua salis uxoris Lot’; Bandinel, The Itineraries of William Wey, p. 137. 21  In accordance with Wey’s reference in his text: ‘Near Hebron, which is eleven miles from Bethlehem, is Mount Mable, where there is an oak tree, so I have read, which the Saracens call Dryp’ (‘Item prope Ebron, que distat a Bethleem undecim miliaria, est mons Mable, et ibi est arborquercus, ut legi, quam Zarazeni vocant Dryp’); Bandinel, The Itineraries of William Wey, p. 51; English translation: Davey, The Itineraries of William Wey, p. 64. 22  Campus Damascenus that was identified by pilgrims next to Hebron and was considered the place where God created Adam. Matthew Paris associates the tradition of Adam with Damascus. On the identification of ‘campus Damascenus’ next to Hebron, see Hilhorst, ‘Ager Damascenus’.

159

339. Mons Hor 340. Mount Seyr 341. Sepulchrum Aaron 342. Terra Edom 343. Sodoma 344. Adama 345. Soboym 346. Segor 347. Gomorra 348. Desertum Cades 349. Montens Achille 350. Assamar 351. Maon 352. Cariathsepher sive Thabor 353. Mons Carmely 354. Fons viventis 355. Tribus Symeon 356. Bersabee 357. Desertum Bersabee 358. Montes Gaze 359. Gaza lugham 360. Desertum Pharan 361. Turres Bozor23 362. Fluvius Rinoconoro [El-Arish] 363. Mons Synai 364. Mons Oreb 365. Taurens 366. Castellum 367. Monasteriim sancte Katerine 368. Rubus ardens 369. Ortus sancti Honoriferi 370. Macaria 371. Terra Egipti 372. Agulia 373. Alitissima vinea Balsami 374. Ficus Pharaonis 375. Ecclesia Sancte Maria 376. Nova Babylonia 377. Zacca 378. Galachia 379. Saris 380. Bilbes 381. Alariff 382. Catria 383. Alchamchi 23  Should be ‘torrens Bozor’, namely a ‘torrent’ not ‘towers’, as in Wey’s alphabetical list (torrens Boser); Bandinel, The Itineraries of William Wey, p. 138. The toponym indicates Torrent Besor that spills into the Mediterranean next to Gaza.

Appendix V

160 384. 385. 386. 387. 388. 389. 390. 391. 392. 393. 394. 395. 396. 397. 398. 399. 400. 401. 402. 403. 404. 405. 406. 407. 408. 409. 410. 411.

Ffrasturi Butoli Dampnata Summut Duodecim vie in Mari Rubro Mecha Civitas Machameti Mare Rubrum Locus ubi populus Israel adorabat vitulum Helym Ubi erant duodecim fonts aquarum Suachym Monasterium sancti Pauli Pevssayr Civitas Cayr Via ducens ad Ethipiam Choos civitas Monasterium sancti Antonii Flumen Nyly Insula auri Piramides dominorum paganorum babilonie Fuga Ecclesia in Arabia Vruth Columpna altissima Alexandria Magna Salme Shericon Rashero Mons in civitas Alexandrie Portus vetus

Appendix VI

Sites in and around Jerusalem in Bernhard von Breydenbach’s Map of the Holy Land

Jerusalem, National Library of Israel, Eran Laor Collection, pal 133 (Figure 28). Transcriptions and translation into English by David Flusser.1 1

Domus quondam Cayphe

Once the house of Caiaphas

2

Templum Symeonis

The Temple of Symeon

3

Domus Anne

House of Anne

4

Templum Salomonis

Solomon’s Temple

5

Porta aurea per quam Christus sedens in asino intravit in die palmarum que etiam Eraclio imperatori venienti cum pompe imperiali reclusa primum miraculose postea humilianti se operta fuit et hodie clausa manet miraculose Saraceni ita quod nequaquam possunt eam reparare quolibet ingenio quin id temptantes subito moriantur. Unde mullum habent eius usum ingrediendo vel egrediendo

The Golden Gate, where Christ, sitting on a donkey, entered on Palm Day, which furthermore was closed at first miraculously to the Emperor Heraclius, when he arrived with imperial pomp, and which was opened after he humiliated himself, and which today remains closed to the Saracens, so that it is unrepairable for them by any art, because if they try it, they suddenly die; that is why they don’t use it for either entering or going out

6

Templum gloriosum Dominici Sepulchri

The glorious Temple of the Lord’s Sepulchre

7

Capella b. virginis

The chapel of the holy Virgin

8

Arcus super quo Christus fuit judicatus

The arch under which Christ was condemned

9

Domus Herodis

The house of Herod

10

Domus Pilati

The house of Pilate

11

Domus Sancte Anne

The house of Saint Anne

12

Palcium quondam a Christianis constructum et palacium Dauid appelatum

The castle once erected by the Christians and named the Castle of David

13

Hospitale in quo peregrine Jerosolimam venientes reponuntur

The hospital where the pilgrims coming to Jerusalem rest

1 

Published in Avi-Yonah and others, Jerusalem, pl. 4.

Appendix VI

162 14

Locus ubi decapitaus fuit Jacobus minor

The place where James the Younger was beheaded

15

Mons oliveti

Mount of Olives

16

locus ubi Chrisus flevit super Jerusalem

The place where Christ wept over Jerusalem

17

Bethania

Bethany

18

Bethphage

Bethphage

19

Galilea ubi Christus docuit apostolos pater noster

Galilee where Christ taught the apostles the Lord’s Prayer

20

Ubi opostoli fecerunt symbolum

Where the Apostles made the symbol

21

Ubi angelus attulit Mariae palmam

Where the angel brought Mary the palm

22

Sepulture peregrinorum

Tombs of pilgrims

23

Latibula apostulorum

The hidden place of the Apostles

24

Sepulchrum

Tomb

25

Fons Siloe

Pool of Siloam

26

S. Jacobus minor hic triduo latuit

Saint James the Younger was hidden three days there

27

Sepulchrum Absalonis

The tomb of Absalom

28

Vallis Josaphat

The valley of Jehoshaphat

29

Locus2 ubi sanctus Thomas cingulum accepit dum virgo Maria assumeretur in celum

The place where Saint Thomas received a girdle when the Virgin Mary was taken into Heaven

30

Spelunca ubi Christus oravit in orto

The cave in the garden where Christ prayed

31

Sepulchrum Mariae virginis

The tomb of the Virgin Mary

32

Torrens Cedron

Kidron Brook

33

Ubi lignum sancte crucis jacuit

Where the wood of the holy cross was lying

34

Locus ubi sanctus Stephanus fuit alapidatus

The place where Saint Stephen was stoned

35

Mons Syon

Mount Zion

36

Domus Johannis evangeliste

The house of John the Evangelist

37

Domus virginis Mariae

The house of the Virgin Mary

38

Cenaculum in quo Christus cenam fecit et spiritum Cenacle in which Christ held the Last Supper and sent sanctum misit sanctus misit. Sanctus Mathias electus out the Holy Spirit. Saint Matthew was elected to the fuit in Apostolum. Multa alia in eo sunt facta Apostulate. Many other things were done there

2 

Read by Flusser as domus.

Biblio­graphy

Primary Sources Anonymous pilgrim of Piacenza, Itinerarium. P. Geyer, ed., Antonini Placentini itinerarium, CCSL, 175 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1965), pp. 129–74. English translation: John Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims before the Crusades (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1977), pp. 79–89 Burchard of Mount Sion, Descriptio Terre Sancte. H. Canisius, Antiquae lectiones, iv (Ingolstadt, 1604), pp. 295–322 (shorter version); J.  Basnage, ed., Thesaurus monumentorum ecclesiasticorum et historicorum, sive H.  Canisii Lectiones Antiquae (Antwerp, 1725), iv, 1–26. A critical edition of the long version: J. C. M. Laurent, Peregrinatores medii aevi quatuor, Burchardus de Monte Sion, Ricoldus de Monte Crucis, Odoricus de Foro Julii, Wilbrandus de Oldenborg (Leipzig: Hinrichs Bibliopola, 1864), pp. 1–100. An English translation of this edition: Denys Pringle, Pilgrimage to Jerusalem and the Holy Land, 1187–1291 (Burlington: Ashgate, 2012), pp. 241–320 Eusebius, Onomasticon. Erich Klostermann, ed., Das Onomastikon der Biblischen Ortsnamen (Leipzig: J.  C. Hinrichs, 1904; repr. 1966), with parallel work of Jerome, De locis sanctis. English translation: Greville S. P. Freeman-Grenville, The Onomasticon by Eusebius of Caesarea ( Jerusalem: Carta, 2003) Felix Fabri, Evagatorium. Konrad Dietrich Hassler, ed., Fratris Felicis Fabri Evagatorium in Terrae Sanctae, Arabiae et Egypti peregri­ natoniem, 3 vols (Stuttgart: Sumptibus Societatis litterariae Stuttgardiensis, 1843–49). English translation: Felix Fabri, The Book of the Wanderings in Holy Land (circa 1480–1483 a.d.), trans. by Aubrey Stewart, 4 vols, PPTS, 7–10 (1892–93) Gesta Francorum Iherusalem expugnatium. Recueil des historiens des Croisades, Historiens occidentaux, 5  vols (Paris: Imprimerie Royale, 1844–95), iii  (1879), 491–543. English translation: John Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrimage, 1099–1185 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1988), pp. 172–76 Itinerarium Egeria. A. Franceschini and Robert Weber, eds, Itinerarium Egeriae, CCSL, 175 (Turnhout: 1965), pp. 37–103. English translation: John Wilkinson, Egeria’s Travels (London: S.P.C.K., 1971) Jerome, Commentarii in Euangelium Mathaei. David Hurst and Marcus Adriaen, eds, CCSL, 77 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1969) —— , Letter 108 (Epitaphium sanctae Paulae). Isidore Hilberg, ed., Sancti Eusebii Hieronymi Epistulae: Epistulae LXXI–CXX, CSEL, 55 (Vienna: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1912), pp. 306–51. English translation: John Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims before the Crusades (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1977), pp. 47–55 —— , Liber interpretationis Hebraicorum nominum. P. de Lagarde, ed., CCSL, 72 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1959), pp. 59–161 Johannes Poloner, Descriptio Terrae Sanctae. Titus Tobler, ed., Descriptiones Terrae Sanctae ex Saeculo viii. ix. xii. et xv. (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1874; repr. Hildesheim: G. Olms, 1974), pp. 225–81. English translation: Aubrey Stewart, John Poloner’s Description of the Holy Land, PPTS, 6 (4) (1894), pp. 1–52 John of Damascus, De Imaginibus, Oratio III. PG, xciv, cols 1369–73; English translation: Andrew Louth, St John of Damascus: Three Treatises on the Divine Images (Crestwood, NY: St Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 2003) Marino Sanudo, Liber Secretorum Fidelium Crucis super Terrae Sanctae Recuperatione et Conservatione. Jacques Bongars, Gesta Dei per Francos, sive orientalium expeditionem et regni Francorum Hierosolymitani, 2 vols (Hanover, 1611), ii, 1–281; reproduced photo­ graphically with an introduction by Joshua Prawer ( Jerusalem: Massada, 1972); English Translation: Peter Lock, Marino Sanudo Torsello, The Book of the Secrets of the Faithful of the Cross: Liber Secretorum Fidelium Crucis, Crusades Texts in Translation, 21 (Farnham: Ashgate, 2011) Qualiter: Titus Tobler and August Molinier, eds, Itinera Hierosolymitana et Descriptiones Terrae Sanctae, 2 vols (Geneva: Fick, 1879), i, 346–49; English translation: John Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrimage, 1099–1185 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1988), pp. 90–91 Rorgo Fretellus, Liber Locorum Sanctorum Terrae Sanctae Jerusalem. Petrus Cornelis Boeren, ed., Rorgo Fretellus de Nazareth et sa description de la Terre Sainte: Histoire et édition du texte (Amsterdam: North Holland, 1980) Theodosius, De situ Terrae Sanctae. P. Geyer, ed., Itinera Hierosolymitana saeculi iiii–viii, CSEL, 39 (Vienne, 1898), pp. 135–50. English translation: John Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims before the Crusades (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1977), pp. 63–71 William Wey, Itineraries. Bulkeley Bandinel, ed., The Itineraries of William Wey to Jerusalem a.d. 1458 and a.d. 1462 and to Saint James of Compostella a.d. 1456 (London: Roxburghe Club, 1856). English translation: Francis Davey, The Itineraries of William Wey (Oxford: Bodleian Library, 2010)

164

Biblio­graphy

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Index of Maps/Map-Based Imagery of the Holy Land Page numbers in italics refer to plates and figures. Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS 9823–24, fol. 157r: 35–44, 40, 41 Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 26, fols iiiv-ivr: 46–50, 48, 50 Florence, Archivio di Stato, Carte nautiche, geografiche e topografiche 4: 51, 57 n. 86, 152 n. 2, 61–62, 75 n. 52, 82 Gabriele Capodilista’s map, private collection: xiv, 64–68, 65, 66, 82 Gotha, Schloss Friedenstein, Inv. Nr. SG77: xvi, xvii, 87, 92–94, 93, 94, 126 Jerusalem, Israel Museum, Trevor & Susan Chinn Collection Cornelis and Justus Danckerts’s map: 115, 116, 117–20, 117 John Speed’s map: 103, 101–08 Jerusalem, National Library of Israel, Eran Laor Collection pal 133: 76–81, 76, 78, 79 pal 238: 105, 108–09, 108, 109 pal 1059: 88–92, 89, 90, 91 London, British Library MS Add. 10049, fol 64v: 44, 45, 47 MS Add. 27376, fols. 188v–189r: 51–57, 54; fol. 189v: 58, 59 L.11.e.3 and L.11.b.5: 110, 111, 112–116, 113, 119 Madaba map: 2, 3, 13–29, 15, 17, 18, 19, 23, 57, 133 New York, Morgan Library & Museum, MS M.877: 51–57, 53 Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 389: 69–75, 70, 72, 73 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, département des Cartes et plans, CPL GE DD-2987 (10405–10406 B): 95–101, 96, 98, 99, 100 Saint Omer, Bibliothèque d’Agglomeration de Saint Omer, MS 776, fol. 50v: xiii, 34, 35–44 Uppsala University Library, MS C 691, fol. 39: 35–44, 36, 37 Venice, Biblioteca Marciana, MS Lat. X 116 (= 3783): xv, 81–83, 81, 82 Proskynetaria Byzantine and Christian Museum, Athens, BXM 1837: xx, 129 Château-Musée de Saumur, B. A. Lair, 283 : xix, 123, 124, 126–29, 127 Coptic Museum, Cairo: xxii, 130 Monastery of the Holy Cross, Jerusalem: xxii, 131 Monastery of Saint Anthony, Egypt: 125, 126–29, 128 The State Hermitage Museum, Saint Petersburg, I 537: xxi, 130

Index of Places Page numbers in italics refer to plates and figures. This index does not reference Appendices I–VI (pp. 137–62), which list the following and many other places. Acre: 46, 47, 59, 66 Alexandria: 24, 67, 77 n. 59, 92, 120 Balsam Garden: 68, 77 Beersheba: 53, 66, 71 n. 43, 73, 77, 82, 89. See also Dan to Beersheba under Maps/Map-Based Imagery of the Holy Land Bethabara: 17, 18, 20 Bethlehem: xvii, 2 n. 4, 4 n. 12, 10 n. 13, 21, 24, 28, 39, 42, 45, 47, 49 n. 62, 57, 66, 69, 75, 92, 94 n. 31, 113 n. 29, 126, 128 Cairo: 67, 68, 77 n. 59 Cana: 11, 70 Damascus: 50, 57, 61, 67, 88, 101, 120, 159 n. 22 Dan: 53, 56, 77, 89, 120. See also Dan to Beersheba under Maps/Map-Based Imagery of the Holy Land Dead Sea: 1, 16, 17, 22–23, 23, 24, 29, 38, 39, 45, 47, 53, 56, 66, 66, 70, 73, 73, 90, 91, 92, 101, 134 Diospolis. See Lod Edington: 69 Elisha’s fountain and church: 11, 13, 17 Gaza: 13, 17, 57, 66, 67, 77 n. 59 Gilgal (Galgala): 17, 18, 19 n. 19, 21–22, 61, 88 Hebron: 2 n. 4, 24, 39, 45, 57, 60 n. 95, 66 Horeb. See Mount Sinai Hula, Lake: 56, 126 ‘Ior ( Jor) and Dan’. See Jordan, River Jacob’s Well (Well of the Samaritan woman): 11, 21, 108, 109, 128 Jaffa: xvii, 66, 69, 77, 78 n. 62, 79, 79, 94, 130, 130, 131 Jericho: 11, 13, 17, 28, 39, 42, 45, 47, 61 Jerusalem and surroundings: Aceldama: 39, 146 n. 2 Bethany: 39, 42, 45, 69, 82 n. 75, 93, 158 n. 19 Bethesda, Pool: 39, 42, 59, 82 n. 75 Bethphage: 42, 74, 93 Cenacle. See Mount Zion Holy Sepulchre, Church of the (Lord’s tomb/ Golgotha/ Calvary): 2, 25,

28, 39, 42, 43, 44, 47, 59, 65, 68, 69, 76, 82, 83 n. 76, 93, 123 Gethsemane: 11, 39, 43, 128 Golden Gate: 39, 43, 44, 75, 93 House of Anne. See St Anne, Church House of Caiaphas: 75, 93 House of Herod: 74, 93 House of Pilate: 59, 74, 75 n. 48, 82 n. 75, 83 n. 76, 93 House of the rich man: 75, 93 House of Simeon: 74, 75, 93 House of Zechariah: 57, 60 n. 95 Jehoshaphat, Valley (Tomb of the Virgin): 39, 42, 45, 47, 74, 126 Jerusalem: xv, xvi, 2, 4, 10, 11, 13, 17, 19–20, 19, 21, 25, 28, 29, 35, 38, 39, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 49, 51, 57, 57, 58, 59, 60 n. 95, 63, 64 n. 8, 66, 68, 69,73, 74–75, 79, 82–83, 82, 88, 93, 94, 95, 106, 107, 108, 112, 119, 119, 120, 123, 126, 129, 131, 133 Kidron, Brook: 38, 39, 44, 75, 82 n. 75 Lord’s Temple: 39, 42, 43, 47, 59, 75, 82 n. 75 Mount of Olives: xv, xvi, 2 n. 4, 11, 24, 28, 38, 39, 42, 43, 45, 47, 75, 79, 82–83, 92, 93, 94, 128 n. 18, 157 n. 14 Mount Zion (cenacle): 11, 28, 39, 42, 43, 44, 45, 47, 59, 69, 74, 75, 82 n. 75, 93 Siloam, Pool: 39, 42, 44, 47, 69, 74, 83 n. 75, 128 Solomon’s Temple: 39, 47, 59, 75, 101, 107, 109, 120, 129 St Anne, Church: 39, 42, 59, 75 St Mary the Latin, Church: 39, 42, 43, 59, 149 n. 6 Tower of David: 39, 59 Jordan, River and Valley (‘Ior and Dan’): 4 n. 12, 11, 16, 17, 18, 24, 28, 29, 38, 39, 42 n. 35, 45, 47, 69, 92, 123, 126, 128, 129 Judean Desert: 4 n. 12, 39, 42, 128 Lod (Diospolis): 4 n. 12, 20 n. 25 Madaba, Diocese: 13, 25 Mamre: 2 n. 4, 18, 18, 19 n. 19, 21–22, 57, 66, 159 n. 21 Mediterranean, Sea: 15, 16, 24 n. 40, 29, 45, 47, 53, 57, 59, 66, 67, 73, 82, 88, 92, 95, 112, 126, 129 Mensa (Tabula): 57, 61 Monastery of the Holy Cross ( Jerusalem). See Wood of the Holy Cross, in the General Index

Monastery of St Catherine (Mount Sinai). See Catherine, St, and Monastery of, in the General Index Monastery of St Sabbas ( Judean Desert). See Sabbas, St, and Monastery of, in the General Index Mount of Joy (mons gaudii): 38 Mount Lebanon: 16, 24, 39, 42, 47, 53, 61, 95, 101 Mount Nebo (Mount Pisgah/ Fasga): 25, 60, 83 Mount of the Leap (Lord’s leap): 74 Mount Tabor: 39, 47, 97, 101, 126, 128 Mount Sinai (Mount Horeb): 4 n. 12, 9, 11, 24, 39, 42, 67, 68, 74, 77, 88, 91, 92, 96 Nazareth: 11, 39, 42 n. 35, 47, 57, 66, 74 n. 46, 92, 94 n. 31, 126 Nile, River: 16, 17, 61, 67, 95, 101 Phiala: 56, 57, 153 n. 4 place of baptism of the Ethiopian eunuch. See Ethiopian eunuch, baptism and place of baptism, in the General Index Quarentena (place of forty/ where the Lord fasted for forty days): 39, 70, 73 Ramla: 4 n. 12, 94 Red Sea: 24, 68, 77, 88, 101, 108, 109, 112, 116 Rome, Santa Maria Maggiore: 25 Sea of Galilee (Sea of Tiberias): 11, 18, 38, 39, 42 n. 35, 56, 61, 120 Shiloh: 20, 21, 24 Sodom, Gomorrah, Adamah, Zeboiim and Segor (Pentapolis): 39, 66, 70, 90, 91, 92, 101, 134, 146 n. 4 Tomb of Rachel: 39, 42, 57 Tomb of the Virgin. See Jehoshaphat, Valley under Jerusalem and surroundings Tombs of the Maccabees: 20, 57 Tombs of the Pharaohs: 67, 77 Transjordan mountains: 29, 53 Tyre: 16, 57 Well of the Samaritan woman. See Jacob’s Well Wittenberg: 4, 5, 87, 88, 90, 91, 92 Zin, Desert: 20, 21, 88

General Index Page numbers in italics refer to plates and figures. Abraham, meeting with the angels: 2 n. 4, 21 in maps of the Holy Land: 18, 18, 21, 25, 66 See also Mamre Adam: 50, 70, 101, 116 n. 31, 159 n. 22 Ammaedara, mosaic: 15 Avi-Yonah, Michael: 13, 15, 16 Bordeaux Pilgrim: 15, 18 Bowman, Glenn: 131 Breen, Katharine: 46 Breydenbach, Bernhard von: 63, 74, 76, 81, 83, 88, 93 Burchard of Mount Sion: 51–52, 53, 56, 60, 61 Canaan, entrance into. See under Maps/ Map-Based Imagery of the Holy Land Capodilista, Gabriele: 63, 64, 76, 77, 88 Catherine, St, and Monastery of (Mount Sinai): 67, 77 Clermont-Ganneau, Charles: 25 Connolly, Daniel: 46 Cranach, Lucas, the Elder: 4, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91–92, 133 devotion to Christ: 61, 38, 61, 63, 64, 83 and maps of the Holy Land/devotional imagery: 3, 42–43, 59, 61, 79–81, 99 of nuns: 64–65, 68 distances between places in the Holy Land: 43, 60, 61, 69, 70–71, 74 n.46 in maps of the Holy Land: 66, 69, 70–71, 82 spiritual meaning: 60, 71 See also lists of distances between places in the Holy Land Egeria: 9, 24, 25 n. 42 Elsner, Jaś: 25 Ethiopian eunuch, baptism and place of baptism: 18, 18, 19 n. 19, 20, 21–22, 60 n. 95, 75 Eusebius: 14, 20 n. 24, 20 n. 25, 21 Exodus. See under Maps/Map-Based Imagery of the Holy Land. See also typology, between Exodus and Passion and Moses and Christ under Maps/Map-Based Imagery of the Holy Land

Fabri, Felix: 24, 64, 83 Friedrich III the ‘Wise’, Elector of Saxony: 4, 5, 63, 87, 90, 91, 92, 93, 93 See also relics, Friedrich III’s collection Gautier Dalché, Patrick: 33, 59 Groh, Dennis: 21 Hajjis, Christian: 5, 123, 129 n. 24 Halbwachs, Maurice: 10 Harvey, Paul: 1, 46, 51, 59 Heavenly Jerusalem: 65 in maps of the Holy Land. See Jerusalem under Maps/Map-Based Imagery of the Holy Land Holy Land holistic views of from Mount Nebo: 25, 83 from Mount Sinai: 24 from the Mount of Olives: 24 loca sancta, iconography of: 27, 28–29 ‘Jerusalem’ icon: 123 written descriptions De situ Terrae Sanctae (Theodosius): 15, 66 n. 15, 138 n. 5 Descriptio Terre Sancte (Burchard of Mount Sion): 51–52, 53, 56, 57, 60, 61, 71 n. 43 Liber Locorum Sanctorum Terrae Sanctae Jerusalem (Rorgo Fretellus): 35, 70–71 Liber secretorum fidelium crucis (Marino Sanudo): 51, 52, 59–61 Holy Sepulchre, chapels in the form of William Wey’s chapel (Edington): 69, 91 Torgau: 88 indulgences: 79, 87 marks in maps of the Holy Land: 78 marks in pilgrimage accounts: 64–65 Ingram, Elizabeth: 109 Jerome: 10, 14, 20 n. 25, 21, 22 n. 30, 25 n. 46, 28, 39 n. 30 Jerusalem, panoramic views: 79–80, 83, 119 see also Passion, multiepisodic paintings King James Bible: 101, 108 n. 13 landscape, iconic: 2, 9–10, 11, 29, 129. See also topography, sacred under Maps/Map-Based Imagery of the Holy Land; topography, sacred

Leal, Beatrice: 13 Lewis, Suzanne: 46 Liber locorum. See Onomasticon lists of distances between places in the Holy Land: 66, 69, 70–71, 72 of places in the Holy Land: 62, 69, 71–76, 77 Luther, Martin: 5, 87, 91–92 Maccabees, tombs. See Index of Places, Tombs of the Maccabees mappae mundi: 29, 33, 38, 39, 45, 52 n. 77, 69, 70 Maps/Map-Based Imagery of the Holy Land and cultural memory: 23–24, 134 and the Epistle to the Hebrews: 107, 108, 109 and pilgrimage. See under pilgrimage to the Holy Land as a means to commemorate a pil­grim­ age. See under pilgrimage to the Holy Land as aids to understand the Bible/within the Bible: 5, 87, 90, 92, 95–120, 133 as devotional devices: 4, 24, 29, 42–45, 59–62, 83, 133 biblical references derived from the New Testament: 25, 57, 83, 93 derived from the Old Testament: 18, 25, 51, 57, 63, 70 Byzantine prototype: 4, 33, 45, 47, 57, 133 ‘circular Jerusalem’ type: 35–46, 47, 57, 59 created on the basis of written descriptions: 3, 35–38, 39–42, 52, 57, 133 Dan to Beersheba: 53–56, 63, 66, 67, 70, 71 n. 43, 77, 82, 89, 92 distances between places. See under distances between places in the Holy Land entrance into Canaan: 18, 22, 25, 88 Exodus: 5, 21, 25, 68, 77, 88–89, 90, 91, 92, 95–96, 98, 101, 108–09, 112–13, 116, 119, 133 figures of pilgrims: 38, 67, 77, 89, 94, 131 Garden of Eden: 70, 73 grid: 51, 63, 82 associated with index of places: 59–61, 63

176 grid maps: 51–59, 53, 54, 56, 57, 63, 66, 70, 77, 82, 89 Holy Sepulchre, Church of the: 19–20, 19, 25, 65, 66, 68, 126–27, 127, 128, 129, 130 iconic: 4, 29, 126, 133 iconography, devotional instruments of the Passion: 116, 119 Man of Sorrows: 98–100, 100 inscriptions: 17–18, 20–21, 24, 25–28, 35–38, 39–42, 45–46, 47, 50, 57, 61, 66, 70, 77, 79, 82, 90, 96, 97, 107, 108–09, 112–13, 120 Jerusalem. See under Index of Places, Jerusalem and surroundings Heavenly: 38, 45, 46, 47 message of fulfilment: 5, 25, 95, 107–09, 116, 133 orientation towards the east: 16, 45, 53, 59, 70, 79, 88, 92, 112 n. 24, 120, 123 towards the north: 4, 88, 101 towards the west: 95, 112 pictorialization of: 5, 95, 112, 120, 133 roads: 38, 77 lack of: 15, 29, 57, 59, 60, 66, 70, 82, 83 signs, pictorial, of biblical themes: 18–20, 21–23, 24, 57, 66, 70, 83, 97, 101, 120 Sinai Peninsula and Lower Egypt: 16, 39, 46, 48, 50, 56, 74, 77. See also maps of Sinai Peninsula and Lower Egypt Temple and Temple Mount: 20, 107, 108, 109, 109, 120, 126 sacred implements: 106, 107, 108, 112, 116 topography, sacred: 20–23, 28–29, 60–61, 126–31 associated with Christ’s life: 3, 42, 47–49, 79, 82–83, 87, 92–93, 94 n. 31, 101–09, 113–16, 119, 120, 120, 126–28, 129, 130, 133 associated with the Old Testament: 18, 25, 57, 62, 63, 87, 92, 101–09, 112–13, 120, 133 associated with the Virgin’s life: 42, 47, 133 Tribes of Israel: 13 n. 3, 18, 25, 29, 57, 62, 70, 82, 90, 95, 97, 101, 106–07 typology: 21, 42, 108, 109 n. 18, 127 n. 13 between Exodus and Passion and Moses and Christ: 68, 99–100, 108–09, 116, 117–19, 133 watercraft: 66, 82, 88, 93 maps of Sinai Peninsula and Lower Egypt: xiv, 65, 66–68, 78 maps, regional: 2, 15 Matthew Paris: 46, 47, 68, 133

General Index measurements of Christ’s tomb: 87 of the Holy Land: 59–60, 82 of holy places: 11, 43 n. 38, 60, 61 Memling, Hans: 79–80 Mercator, Gerhard: 95, 98, 101 Moses his view from Mount Nebo: 25, 83 in maps of the Holy Land: 107, 108, 112, 113, 116, 116, 117–19. See also typology, between Exodus and Passion and Moses and Christ under Maps/Map-Based Imagery of the Holy Land Onomasticon: 14–15, 16, 19 n. 19, 20 n. 25, 21, 39, 45 ‘lost map’ of Judea: 14–15, 45, 75 n. 52 Passion, multiepisodic paintings: 4, 79–80, 92–93 Piacenza pilgrim: 11, 138 n. 5 pilgrimage to the Holy Land: 4 n. 12, 10–11, 15, 43, 47, 63, 94, 123, 133 accounts: 3, 11, 18 n. 18, 60, 63, 64–65, 67, 69, 70, 71, 73, 74, 75, 76–77, 87 n. 2 and art: 3, 28–29, 79, 83, 87, 92–94 and maps of the Holy Land: 3, 4, 15, 24, 35–38, 39–42, 47, 68, 77–79, 82, 124 commemoration by maps of the Holy Land: 4, 63–81, 82, 87, 88, 91, 124 by multi-media installations: 4, 69, 88, 91, courses of travel: 4 n. 12, 18 n. 18, 39–42, 69, 74–75, 79 guides, from the twelfth century: 35–38, 39–42, 43–45, 47 Imitatio Christi: 43 souvenirs: 5, 28–29, 91, 123, 124–26, 127, 133 virtual: 3, 43–45, 46, 64–65, 67, 68, 71, 83, 93, 94, 126, 127 pilgrimage to Mount Sinai: 67, 77 Poloner, Johannes: 63 proskynetaria: xix, xx, xxi, xxii, 5, 123–31, 124, 125, 127, 128, 130, 133 Reuwich, Erhard: 74, 76, 77, 78, 79, 83, 93 relics books of: 91 Friedrich III’s collection: 87, 91 n. 19 Holy Lance: 91 n. 20 True Cross: 88 Vatican casket of stones (‘Sancta Sanctorum box’): 27, 28 Ross, Elizabeth: 77 Rubin, Rehav: 1 Rubin-Levi, Milka: 45

Sabbas, St, and Monastery of ( Judean Desert): 75, 126, 128, 130 Sanudo, Marino: 5, 51, 52, 53, 59, Sebald Rieter the Younger, 79 ‘situs Jerusalem’: 35 n. 11. See also ‘circular Jerusalem’ type under Maps/MapBased Imagery of the Holy Land Speed, John: 101, 108 n. 13, 109 States-General Bible: 112, 120 Stronks, Els: 120 Talgam, Rina: 25 topography, sacred: 9–11, 42–43, 47–50, 60–61, 74 n. 46 as a trace of the sacred past: 9, 20, 49, 66, 74 n. 46, 134, 74 n.46, 133 associated with Christ’s life (Christological): 9, 38, 42, 47–49, 59, 61, 74–75, 79–81, 83, 93, associated with the Virgin’s life: 42, 47, Tribes of Israel in Burchard’s of Mount Sion’s Descriptio Terrae Sanctae: 57 in maps of the Holy Land. See Maps/ Map-Based Imagery of the Holy Land Vesconte, Pietro: 51 Viae crucis and sacri monti: 4, 83 Virgin: 2, 3, 4, 42, 43, 47, 49, 60 n. 95, 67, 68, 74, 75, 101, 129 Visscher, Nicholaes and Claus: 95 n. 2, 112 Wey, William: 60 n. 96, 63, 69, 70, 71, 74, 76, 88, 93. See also William Wey’s chapel (Edington) under Holy Sepulchre, chapels in the form of Wood of the Holy Cross (Monastery of the Holy Cross, Jerusalem): xxii, 75, 125, 126, 129, 130, 131

cultural encounters in late antiquity and the middle ages All volumes in this series are evaluated by an Editorial Board, strictly on academic grounds, based on reports prepared by referees who have been commissioned by virtue of their specialism in the appropriate field. The Board ensures that the screening is done independently and without conflicts of interest. The definitive texts supplied by authors are also subject to review by the Board before being approved for publication. Further, the volumes are copyedited to conform to the publisher’s stylebook and to the best international academic standards in the field. Titles in Series De Sion exibit lex et verbum domini de Hierusalem: Essays on Medieval Law, Liturgy, and Literature in Honour of Amnon Linder, ed. by Yitzhak Hen (2001) Amnon Linder, Raising Arms: Liturgy in the Struggle to Liberate Jerusalem in the Late Middle Ages (2003) Thomas Deswarte, De la destruction à la restauration: L’idéologie dans le royaume d’OviedoLéon (VIIIe-XIe siècles) (2004) The Jews of Europe in the Middle Ages (Tenth to Fifteenth Centuries): Proceedings of the Inter­ national Symposium held at Speyer, 20-25 October 2002, ed. by Christoph Cluse (2004) Christians and Christianity in the Holy Land: From the Origins to the Latin Kingdoms, ed. by Ora Limor and Guy G. Stroumsa (2006) Carine van Rijn, Shepherds of the Lord: Priests and Episcopal Statutes in the Carolingian Period (2007) Avicenna and his Legacy: A Golden Age of Science and Philosophy, ed. by Y. Tzvi Langer­mann (2010) Writing ‘True Stories’: Historians and Hagiographers in the Late Antique and Medieval Near East, ed. by Arietta Papaconstantinou, Muriel Debié, and Hugh Kennedy (2010) Carolingian Scholarship and Martianus Capella: Ninth-Century Commentary Traditions on ‘De nuptiis’ in Context, ed. by Mariken Teeuwen and Sinéad O’Sullivan (2011) John-Henry Clay, In the Shadow of Death: Saint Boniface and the Conversion of Hessia, 721– 54 (2011) Ehud Krinis, God’s Chosen People: Judah Halevi’s ‘Kuzari’ and the Shī‘ī Imām Doctrine (2013) Strategies of Identification: Ethnicity and Religion in Early Medieval Europe, ed. by Walter Pohl and Gerda Heydemann (2013)

Post-Roman Transitions: Christian and Barbarian Identities in the Early Medieval West, ed. by Walter Pohl and Gerda Heydemann (2013) Between Personal and Institutional Religion: Self, Doctrine, and Practice in Late Antique Eastern Christianity, ed. by Brouria Bitton-Ashkelony and Lorenzo Perrone (2013) D’Orient en Occident: Les recueils de fables enchâssées avant les Mille et une Nuits de Galland (Barlaam et Josaphat, Calila et Dimna, Disciplina clericalis, Roman des Sept Sages), ed. by Marion Uhlig and Yasmina Foehr-Janssens (2014) Conflict and Religious Conversation in Latin Christendom: Studies in Honour of Ora Limor, ed. by Israel Jacob Yuval and Ram Ben-Shalom (2014) Visual Constructs of Jerusalem, ed. by Bianca Kühnel, Galit Noga-Banai, and Hanna Vorholt (2014) The Introduction of Christianity into the Early Medieval Insular World: Converting the Isles I, ed. by Roy Flechner and Máire Ní Mhaonaigh (2016) Motions of Late Antiquity: Essays on Religion, Politics, and Society in Honour of Peter Brown, ed. by Jamie Kreiner and Helmut Reimitz (2016) The Prague Sacramentary: Culture, Religion, and Politics in Late Eighth-Century Bavaria, ed. by Maximilian Diesenberger, Rob Meens, and Els Rose (2016) The Capetian Century, 1214–1314, ed. by William Chester Jordan and Jenna Rebecca Phillips (2017) Transforming Landscapes of Belief in the Early Medieval Insular World and Beyond: Con­ verting the Isles II, ed. by Nancy Edwards, Máire Ní Mhaonaigh, and Roy Flechner (2017) Historiography and Identity I: Ancient and Early Christian Narratives of Community, ed. by Walter Pohl and Veronika Wieser (2019) Inclusion and Exclusion in Mediterranean Christianities, 400–800, ed. by Yaniv Fox and Erica Buchberger (2019) Leadership and Community in Late Antiquity: Essays in Honour of Raymond Van Dam, ed. by Young Richard Kim and A. E. T. McLaughlin (2020)

In Preparation Historiography and Identity II: Post-Roman Multiplicity and New Political Identities, ed. by Gerda Heydemann and Helmut Reimitz Historiography and Identity III: Carolingian Approaches, ed. by Rutger Kramer, Helmut Reimitz, and Graeme Ward Historiography and Identity IV: Writing History Across Medieval Eurasia, ed. by Walter Pohl and Daniel Mahoney Historiography and Identity V: The Emergence of New Peoples and Polities in Europe, 1000– 1300, ed. by Walter Pohl, Francesco Borri, and Veronika Wieser Historiography and Identity VI: Competing Narratives of the Past in Central and Eastern Europe, c. 1200–c. 1600, ed. by Pavlína Rychterová, with the assistance of David Kalhous Minorities in Contact in the Medieval Mediterranean, ed. by Clara Almagro Vidal, Jessica Tearney-Pearce, and Luke Yarbrough