Chinese Ethnic Demography: Theory and Applications [1st ed.] 9789811561528, 9789811561535

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Yueping Yan Zhaohe Lv

Chinese Ethnic Demography Theory and Applications

Chinese Ethnic Demography

Yueping Yan Zhaohe Lv •

Chinese Ethnic Demography Theory and Applications

123

Yueping Yan Yunnan University Kunming, China

Zhaohe Lv Yunnan University Kunming, China

Translated by Ms. Xiaoling Yue, Ms. Yiyang Li and Ms. Simin Tan

Supported by a Grant from the Yunnan University Double First-Class Initiative ISBN 978-981-15-6152-8 ISBN 978-981-15-6153-5 https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-6153-5

(eBook)

Jointly published with Social Sciences Academic Press The print edition is not for sale in China (Mainland). Customers from China (Mainland) please order the print book from: Social Sciences Academic Press. © Social Sciences Academic Press 2020 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publishers, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publishers, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publishers nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publishers remain neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Contents

1 Ethnic Population Studies: Discourse, Methodology, and Theoretical Framework . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1.1 Ethnic Demography: Theoretical Traditions . . . . . . . . 1.1.2 Demographic Anthropology: An Interdisciplinary Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2 Discourse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2.1 Demography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2.2 Ethnology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2.3 Redefining Ethnic Demography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3 Theoretical Framework . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3.1 Theories of Ethnic Demography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3.2 Basic Assumptions of Demographic Anthropology . . 1.3.3 Rethinking Ethnic Demography: Borrowing Theories from Other Disciplines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4 Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Ethnic Populations as Natural Systems: Internal Relations and Behavioral Properties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1 Relationship Within the System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.1 Natural Systems: Theoretical Definitions . . . . . . . . . 2.1.2 Ethnic Population-Environment Systems . . . . . . . . . 2.2 Structural Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.1 Size Changes in Ethnic Populations . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.2 Changes in the Population Size of Ethnic Groups . . 2.2.3 Changes in Crude Birth Rates of Ethnic Groups . . . 2.2.4 Changes in Crude Death Rates of Ethnic Groups . . . 2.2.5 Changes in the Gender Structure of Ethnic Groups . 2.2.6 Changes in Sex-Age Composition of Ethnic Groups

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2.3 Reproduction Among Ethnic Populations: Factors and Trends . 2.3.1 Major Theories . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.2 Stages of Demographic Transition of Ethnic Populations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4 Properties and Behavioral Pattern of a Natural System . . . . . . 2.4.1 Reproductive Behavior and Patterns of Ethnic Groups . 2.4.2 Mortality Rates of Ethnic Groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4.3 Theoretical Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Ethnic Populations: A Macroscopic Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 Economic Relations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1.1 Economic System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1.2 Economic Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1.3 Economic Performance of Minority Ethnic Groups 3.1.4 Labor and Employment Among Minority Ethnic Groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 Social Relations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.1 Relations in the Social System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.2 Structure of the Social System and the Basis for Categorization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.3 Functioning of the Social System . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3 Relationship with the Environment and Natural Resources 3.3.1 Relations in the Resource and Environment Subsystems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.2 Resource and Environment System . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.3 Coordination of Resource and Environmental Relations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.4 Coordinated Development of Resources and the Environment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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4 Ethnic Populations: A Microscopic Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1 Marital Relations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1.1 Forms of Marriages of Ethnic Populations . . . . . . . . 4.1.2 Factors Affecting Marital Behavior . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2 Family Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2.1 Demographic Analysis of Family Structure . . . . . . . 4.2.2 Microscopic Mechanism Behind the Transformation of Ethnic Family Structures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3 Geographical Distribution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3.1 Characteristics of the Geographical Distribution of Ethnic Populations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3.2 State and Characteristics of Ethnic Population Redistribution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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5 Ethnic Populations: A Mesoscopic Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1 Ethnic Communities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1.1 Mechanism and Functioning of Population System . . 5.1.2 Community and the Meso-System of Community Population . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2 Rural Ethnic Communities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2.1 Mechanism and Functioning of the Population System in Rural Ethnic Communities . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2.2 Causal Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3 Urban Ethnic Communities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3.1 Interpretation of the Relationship Between Population Systems in Urban Ethnic Communities . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3.2 Formation and Characteristics of Population in Urban Ethnic Communities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3.3 Functioning of Population System in Urban Ethnic Communities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Prospects and Outlook . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1 Towards Balanced Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1.1 Ethnic Population Development System . . . . . . . . 6.1.2 Target Model for Balanced Development of Ethnic Populations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2 Criteria and Measurements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2.1 Identification of Ethnic Population Development: Endogenous Population Development . . . . . . . . . . 6.2.2 Implications of Ethnic Populations in Social Development System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3 Ethnic Populations and Modernization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3.1 Internal Motivation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3.2 External Factors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3.3 Changing Characteristics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.4 Outlook . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Chapter 1

Ethnic Population Studies: Discourse, Methodology, and Theoretical Framework

1.1 Introduction 1.1.1 Ethnic Demography: Theoretical Traditions Ethnic demography, whose origin dates back to the early 1980s, is an important branch of demography. Efforts of scholars in this field over the years have produced fruitful results. A number of milestones have been reached in the history of research in this field. In 1980, Wang Duanyu and several other scholars called for attention to “the studies of minority ethnic populations”; in 1981, Population Handbook (edited by Liu Hongkang) defined “ethnic demography” and its academic attributes for the first time; in 1982, “ethnic population” was included as a category in China’s national census. Chinese scholars have published a series of studies on ethnic populations by region or ethnicity, including “Minority Ethnic Populations in Gansu” (1987), “Demographic Changes in Tibet” (1989), “An Overview of Minority Ethnic Populations in Yunnan” (1990), “Minority Ethnic Populations in Sichuan” (1991), “Demographic Study of the Oroqen People” (1989), “Demographic Profile of Muslims” (1991), “Contemporary Demographic Study of the Tibetan People” (1992), and “Contemporary Demographic Study of the Oroqen People” (1993). The most important monographs on ethnic populations in China are Ethnic Populations (first edition: 1989; second edition: 1998) edited by Zhang Tianlu, Huang Rongqing’s Changes in Ethnic Populations: Analysis and Prediction (1995), and Ethnic Populations (2003) edited by Tian Xueyuan. Among them, Ethnic Populations was the first monograph in China to systematically elaborate on the scope, research objectives, and methodology of the discipline. In the past, demographic research of ethnic groups was scattered in various disciplines. The publication of this book marked the emergence of ethnic demography as an independent field of study in China, thus filling a gap in social sciences in this ethnically diverse country.

© Social Sciences Academic Press 2020 Y. Yan and Z. Lv, Chinese Ethnic Demography, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-6153-5_1

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Demographers have clearly explained the purpose of ethnic demography from the very beginning. Wang Duanyu linked the demographic profiling of minority ethnic groups and areas mainly inhabited by minority ethnic groups to the “Four Modernizations” (i.e. modernization in the fields of agriculture, industry, defense, and science and technology), and drew attention to the differences between minority ethnic groups and the Han people. According to Wang’s definition, ethnic demography is a discipline that studies the demographic characteristics of minority ethnic groups in light of their different history, geographical locations, customs, and political, economic, and cultural systems. The purpose of this discipline is to promote common prosperity for people of all ethnic groups. Wang also suggests that the quantity and quality of ethnic populations should be in line with the national economy’s demand for labor.1 Ethnic demography, as defined by Wang, is built on Marx’s economic production and biological reproduction theories and searches for the “optimal combination of economic production and biological reproduction” for minority ethnic populations and areas mainly inhabited by such populations.2 Marx’s economic production and biological reproduction theories are the cornerstones of ethnic demography in China. Therefore, they are also the foundation of ethnic demography which is a branch of demography. The two guiding theories require researchers to adopt the methodologies of dialectical and historical materialism when studying the evolution of ethnic populations. Ethnic demography also has profound implications for policymaking. In other words, the research into minority ethnic populations could support informed decision making in relation to population policies. The design of population policy for a minority ethnic group must be evidence-based and supported by data collected through a scientifically designed demographic survey of the minority ethnic group.3 Minority ethnic groups should have their own family planning programs which should be designed based on their actual situation and incorporated in the country’s population control and development policy.

1.1.2 Demographic Anthropology: An Interdisciplinary Perspective Ethnic demography is built on the theories and methods of demography. Ethnic demographers study changes in the quantity, quality, structure, and distribution of ethnic populations, specifically including population growth, distribution, fertility, mortality, age/sex structure, education, marriage, family, population development, and prosperity of ethnic groups. They primarily adopt the research paradigm widely used in the field of demography. Researchers studying ethnic demography also use 1 Wang

Duanyu and Zhang Guangxian. “Demographic Profiling of Minority Ethnic Groups Is Important”, Journal of Renmin University of China, 1980(4). 2 Ibid. 3 Ibid.

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theories and methods from other disciplines. The development of ethnic demography as a discipline has been slow, especially since the advent of the 21st century. Lack of conceptual and methodological breakthroughs has led to slow progress in this field. Ethnic demography is a sub-field of demography, which is a second-level discipline of sociology. Sociology itself is a first-level discipline in China. An important reason for this attribute of this discipline is that China is an ethnically diverse country and the population development of each ethnic group is a process in a specific social context. Ethnic demography focuses the attributes of ethnic populations within the research paradigm of demography. Although it has borrowed some methods of anthropology, it does not systematically discuss the theories underpinning demographic anthropology. Neither has it developed a research paradigm that is different from but deeply rooted in the research paradigms of demography and ethnology. This study seeks to break some established norms in ethnic demography. Firstly, it tries to reexamine the theoretical structure of ethnic demography on the basis of the theories and methodologies of demography and ethnology. Secondly, ethnic populations are considered social systems in this study. The study tries to provide an understanding of the systems of ethnic populations from macro, meso and micro perspectives by integrating the methods of demography and ethnology. By employing the systems theory, it seeks to discover the relationships between macro-, meso-, and micro-level factors of ethnic populations and examine the theories of demographic anthropology for the purpose of promoting the development of ethnic demography as a discipline.

1.2 Discourse 1.2.1 Demography A broad range of conceptual and theoretical instruments are deployed in the study of the human population. As Karl Marx put it, “The human essence is no abstraction inherent in each single individual. In its reality it is the ensemble of social relations.”4 And it is the sum of many rules and relations.5 This proposition is the foundation of contemporary demography. Therefore, demographers probe into a wide range of human activities and create an analytical framework that involves many fields of society and social relations. In the process of studying the links between population and the economy (e.g. economic consequences of demographic fluctuations for labor supply and consumer demand), researchers have developed a series of 4 The

Translation and Compilation Bureau for Works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin under the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. Collected Works of Marx and Engels (Vol. 3). People’s Publishing House, 1995, p. 7. 5 The Translation and Compilation Bureau for Works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin under the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. Collected Works of Marx and Engels (Vol. 2). People’s Publishing House, 1995, p. 103.

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concepts falling within the scope of population economics, such as demographiceconomic processes, demographic-economic relations, and demographic-economic patterns. There are also socio-demographic concepts, including concepts dealing with marriage, family, social organization, and social structure (e.g. demographic perspective on marriage, family change, social issues, and so forth). Another major area of demography is the relationship between populations and the environment. Concepts in this area include ecological balance, environmental capacity, environmental degradation and pollution, and balance between population, resources, and the environment.6 The conceptual system of demography mainly contains subject-specific content. Many concepts deal with issues in the specific subject field (i.e. populations) and cannot be found in other subject fields. These subject-specific concepts are the foundation for logical reasoning in demography. For example, in demography, “type of reproduction” refers to classification of the reproduction of populations over the long term; “population investment” refers to the investment of a society in the survival and reproduction of its population; “population capacity” refers to the maximum population the Earth or the environment can carry. Suffice to say, demography is already a full-fledged scientific discipline, and its scope is still expanding. Ethnic demography is a sub-field of demography, which is broadening out gradually.7 The first attempt to establish ethnic demography as a discipline was made by the Soviet academic circle in the 1960s. The Marxist-Leninist Theory of Population edited by Valentee contains a chapter dedicated to discussing ethnic demography as an independent discipline.8 In China, ethnic demography emerged as an independent discipline after the Chinese government adopted the reform and opening-up policy. But it was not until the 1990s that it was officially recognized as a branch of demography. There are no entries of “Ethnic Demography” in China’s most authoritative Dictionary of Demography (1986). Instead, entries related to ethnic demography are listed in the “Population and Society” section.9 Neither is it recognized as an independent discipline by China’s most comprehensive dictionary of demography 6 Wu Zhongguan (Ed.). Dictionary of Population Science. Southwestern University of Finance and Economics Press, 1997, pp. 11–18. 7 In his An Essay on the Principle of Population, Thomas Malthus conducts a comparative study of different population research methods by country and ethnicity to provide support for the assumptions that underpins his population theory. When studying reproduction behavior, he uses India as a typical example of a country consisting of different ethnic groups. This study is a substantial attempt at theoretical research into ethnic populations. 8 Editorial Board of the Sociology Volume, Editorial Department of Encyclopedia of China Publishing House. (1991). Ethnic Demography. In Encyclopedia of China (Sociology) (p. 195). Encyclopedia of China Publishing House. 9 The Dictionary of Demography compiled by Liu Zheng was published in 1986 by People’s Publishing House. It is China’s first comprehensive dictionary of demography, covering four interdisciplinary fields: demographics, population economics, population sociology, and population geography. Many concepts and research problems of ethnology are integrated into the “Population and Society” section. This shows that the research paradigm of ethnic demography had not yet been separated from the “population and society” knowledge system when the dictionary was published. In other words, ethnic demography had not been recognized as an independent discipline. This also

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Dictionary of Population Science (1997). In the massive system of population science defined by this dictionary, which contains 11 interdisciplinary fields, entries related to ethnic demography only account for an insignificant portion.10 Ethnic demography is included as an academic discipline in Population Handbook (a journal for internal use only) edited by Liu Hongkang. In the journal, ethnic demography is defined as “a division of demography and ethnology that applies general principles of demography to a specific ethnic group in order to shed light on demographic patterns of the ethnic group”. Therefore, it is an interdisciplinary field of study.

1.2.2 Ethnology In the Encyclopedia of China (Sociology), the methodology of folklore studies is also referred to as “ethnological and indigenous methodology”, and folklore research is defined as a sub-field of sociology that studies “the rules of social interaction that are followed by members of a particular community”.11 The simplest definition of ethnology can be found in the Dictionary of Ethnicity published by Shanghai Lexicographical Publishing House in 1987. It defines ethnology as “a branch of social sciences that studies ethnic groups”. This discipline mainly explores patterns in the occurrence, evolution, and integration of ethnic communities and studies the composition, origin, geographic distribution, lifestyle, social status, and culture of ethnic groups within a country or region and their relationships. According to the Dictionary of Ethnicity, the main research methods employed in this field of study include field survey, literature review, and use of research results in related disciplines.12

reflects that the population sociology discipline was still not mature enough to allow population researchers to clearly distinguish population sociology from ethnic demography. 10 The Dictionary of Population Science is compiled by Wu Zhongguan and published by Southwestern University of Finance and Economics Press. The dictionary has 1,600 entries that are arranged into 23 thematic categories. Major areas under demography include theoretical demography, population economics, population sociology, population biology, population ecology, population structure, population quality, elderly demography, population policy, population geography, and demographics. Entries relating to ethnology are listed under population sociology which consists of two major fields: marriage and family. However, nowadays, population sociology has extensively absorbed concepts of sociology. The ethnology-focused definition in the Dictionary of Population Science is no longer suitable for the current population sociology discipline. A more suitable definition should point out that population sociology is an intersection between demography and sociology. 11 Editorial Board of the Sociology Volume, Editorial Department of Encyclopedia of China Publishing House. (1991). Ethnic Demography. In Encyclopedia of China (Sociology) (p. 193). Encyclopedia of China Publishing House. 12 Editorial Board of the Dictionary of Ethnicity. (1987). Ethnology. In Dictionary of Race and Ethnicity (p. 346). Shanghai Lexicographical Publishing House.

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1.2.3 Redefining Ethnic Demography Ethnic demography is “an interdisciplinary field that studies the population dynamics of ethnic groups”.13 The majority of demographers agree that ethnic demography should employ the research paradigm of demography. Although they often apply ethnological and anthropological theories and methods to ethnic population research and borrow many research materials from ethnological and anthropological studies, the preference for demography is clear, and the identification of academic norms is more consistent. This discipline is rarely controversial in the demographic community, and the historical clues are clear, but it does not necessarily conform to the scientific attributes of the discipline’s development. Since ethnic demography is considered an interdisciplinary field between demography and ethnology, it should be more balanced to achieve the integration of the two disciplines, but researchers in this field are still adopting the traditional research paradigm of demography.

1.3 Theoretical Framework 1.3.1 Theories of Ethnic Demography Demographic anthropology or population anthropology14 is an interdisciplinary field of study that integrate theories and methods of anthropology and demography. The term “demography” has both a broad and a narrow meaning. Demography in the narrow sense is also called formal demography. It focuses on the size, distribution, structure, and change of population. In addition to what is examined by narrow-sense demography, demography in the broad sense also studies economic, social, geographical, ethnic, and other features of population, and applies data and results of population surveys to the study of related issues, including population and resources, family planning and eugenics, urbanization and population migration, and human resources and income distribution.15 Some scholars use “demography” and “population studies” to distinguish broad-sense and narrow-sense demography.16 Statistical analysis and modeling are important research tools in demography, in both its narrow and broad sense. Compared to cultural factors, population researchers attach more importance to the impact of economic and social factors on populations.

13 Editorial

Board of the Sociology Volume, Editorial Department of Encyclopedia of China Publishing House. (1991). Ethnic Demography. In Encyclopedia of China (Sociology) (p. 195). Encyclopedia of China Publishing House. 14 In this book, the term “demography” is used in its broadest sense. 15 Henry S. Shryock & Jacob S. Siegel. (1971). The Methods and Materials of Demography, New York: Academic Press, Inc., p. 1. 16 Ibid. p. 2.

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They are less likely to adopt a macro perspective in empirical studies of populations.17 The principal empirical research tools of anthropologists are fieldwork and case studies. They focus more on theoretical analysis and inductive reasoning centered around real-life phenomena, and place more emphasis on the impact of cultural factors on population change and the cultural implications of demographic phenomena.18 Demographic anthropology combines the theories and methodologies of demography and anthropology, including the analysis of population data to “accurately” grasp the general trend and characteristics of population dynamics which is the strength of demography, as well as fieldwork, case studies, in-depth interview, and participatory observation, which are often used in anthropology to analyze and explain population-related phenomena in a specific cultural context.19 Researchers in the field of demographic anthropology are constructing their own research paradigm by combining the research paradigms of demography and anthropology. Since the 1980s, the academic circle of ethnic demography in China has been very active. Research results in this field have been fruitful. As a sub-field of demography, ethnic demography is hugely different from demographic anthropology in both theoretical framework and research paradigm. Ethnic demography focuses on the attributes of ethnic populations within the research paradigm of demography.20 Although it has borrowed some methods of anthropology, it does not systematically discuss the theories underpinning demographic anthropology. Neither has it 17 For example, A Study of Contemporary Demography edited by Wu Zhongguan in 2000 mainly discusses the development, methodology, scope, and prospect of demography in its narrow sense (i.e. statistical study of population), as well as modern demographic analysis techniques and mathematical demography based on census data. 18 According to Wang Xiaoli, “Anthropologists nowadays are more inclined to interpret phenomena of humanity and focus on the humanistic characteristics of the subject and local cultural factors. Obviously, the balance between the two linchpins of anthropology—social science and humanities— have been broken due to current anthropological emphasis on localization.” (Ethno-National Studies, 2002(5), p. 40). According to another Chinese scholar, Bao Zhiming, “Quantitative methods are important if anthropologists want diversified, accurate, and scientific research results. Promoting the application of quantitative methods is beneficial to the development of anthropology.” (ibid. p. 54). 19 Some researchers believe that “anthropologists usually do not care about the common features of a society and most of them focus on the unique features of a specific group of people or community”. (See Zhang Jijiao. Characteristics, Deficiencies, and Areas of Improvement of Anthropological Research Methods. Ethno-National Studies, 2005(5).) It is not that anthropologists do not care about the common features of a society. Anthropologists do sum up the general pattern of human history, but such holistic knowledge is acquired based on extensive studies of “the unique features of specific groups of people or communities”, rather than simple logical reasoning. 20 The Discipline of Demography, edited by Wu Cangping and published by Renmin University of China Press in 2006, studies the evolution of ethnic demography as a discipline. According to this monograph, “It was not until the late 1970 s when researchers began to use relatively standard research methods of demography to study ethnic populations. Before that, most of them employed ethnological or anthropological methods to study ethnic minorities.” “Researchers primarily use the research paradigm of demography, combined with some research methods of anthropology and ethnology, to study ethnic minority populations.” (The Discipline of Demography, pp. 321– 322). At present, there is still no in-depth discussion of theories and methodology in demographic anthropology. The theoretical framework of demographic anthropology is yet to be formed.

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developed a theoretical analysis paradigm that is different from but deeply rooted in the research paradigms of demography and anthropology. The theories underpinning the discipline of demographic anthropology, including its basic assumptions, concepts, theories, methodology, scope of research, and research paradigm, are yet to be thoroughly discussed, organized, and defined. Anthropology is broken down into physical anthropology and cultural anthropology. We believe that demographic anthropology should fall under cultural anthropology. In other words, demographic anthropology tries to explain human behaviors that differ between ethnic groups and are related to population changes from a cultural perspective,21 or the different cultural origins of human behaviors in different ethnic groups. Demographic anthropologists’ cultural interpretation of demographic changes in an ethnic group are supported by case studies, empirical research, and historical studies of the ethnic group. They try to understand population dynamics and phenomena and solve population-related problems by focusing on the study of the differences between different peoples. Therefore, in this book, demographic anthropology is defined as a set of theories that try to explain changes in ethnic populations and factors that influence ethnic populations and the relationships between them from cultural perspectives. There are three points we should pay attention to: (i) population changes, with specified scope, can be measured by a full set of quantitative demographic indicators that constitute the overall analytical framework; (ii) cultural interpretations of population phenomena are based on theories and methodology of cultural anthropology, seeking to shed light on population dynamics in specific, heterogeneous social and cultural contexts, with a special focus on cultural explanations of behavior of human populations in their respective habitats; and (iii) ethnic population here refers to the population of a nation or an ethnic group. As we can see from the above analysis, demographic anthropologists adopt an analytical paradigm that integrates inductive reasoning and quantitative research methods in demography and micro-level investigation and qualitative analysis methods in anthropology. Statistical analysis is an important research tool of demographers who summarize overall characteristics, predict trends, and make qualitative judgments based on the results of statistical analysis. Anthropologists primarily use qualitative methods and focus more on phenomenon description, factual judgment, personal experience, and observation of the state a population is in.22 In China, the earliest mention and definition of the term “ethnic demography” can be found in Population Handbook co-edited by Liu Hongkang and Wu Zhongguan in 1981. According to the book, “Ethnic demography studies changes in the population of ethnic groups caused by natural or social factors, as well as the impact 21 American anthropologist William A. Haviland defines culture as a set of values, ideals, and standards that members of a society share. William A. Haviland. (2006). Cultural Anthropology: The Human Challenge (Qu Tiepeng and Zhang Yu, Trans.). Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences Press. 22 Bao Zhiming. “Application of Quantitative Methods in Anthropological Research”. EthnoNational Studies, 2002(5). As the author points out, “Most anthropological studies are qualitative research. Quantitative methods are not popular among anthropologists.”.

1.3 Theoretical Framework

9

of economic, social, religious, and psychological factors on birth, death, marriage, family, and population migration within/between ethnic groups. Ethnic demography applies general principles of demography to a specific ethnic group in order to shed light on demographic patterns of the ethnic group.”23 The earliest definition of ethnic demography set a future direction for the discipline.24 One of the most important tasks of ethnic demography is to identify the ethnic composition (religious groups, ethnic groups, hierarchical arrangement of social classes, and so forth) in a region and changes in ethnic populations and ethnic composition in the socioeconomic context of the region. Another important task of ethnic demography is to analyze demographic indicators (birth rate, mortality, gender, age and class composition, education level, and so forth) of ethnic groups and identify the connections between the indicators and the culture and customs of ethnic groups.25 Over the past 30 years, ethnic demography in China has been consistently moving along this academic direction, and Chinese scholars have published many monographs and more than 600 papers on ethnic demography.26 At present, more than 50,000 articles on ethnic population studies can be found in Chinese academic databases. The research scope of ethnic demography and that of demographic anthropology are roughly the same. Demographic anthropology also studies the changes in ethnic populations and social factors associated with such changes. Researchers often analyze data and survey results to find out the change and current state of ethnic populations and, on that basis, identify social factors associated with the changes in ethnic populations as well as different demographic effects caused by cultural differences. However, it is still necessary to differentiate between the two fields of study in terms of the scope of study. Ethnic demography primarily examines the relationship between ethnic populations and cultural, socioeconomic, and environmental factors from a macro perspective. The comparative analysis of indicators is intended to generalize about features, changes, and trends. Studies on ethnic demography usually do not focus on small-scale phenomena, local knowledge and experience, or unique features of certain groups, which are the basis for the analysis of general features of a society but the analysis of which does not necessarily lead to results consistent with the quantitative judgments of a population. In other words, the two fields can be differentiated by value orientation. Therefore, in response to ethnic demography’s focus on macro perspectives, qualitative analysis, and abstractions and its 23 Luo

Chun. An Emerging Discipline—Ethnic Demography. Thinking, 1998(8). edited by Chen Yongling and published by Shanghai Lexicographical Publishing House in 1987, ethnic demography is defined as a division of ethnology that studies “the ethnic composition and ethnic populations in a region, as well as changes in ethnic populations caused by natural or social factors.” The scope of this field of study was later expanded to include the analysis of basic demographic indicators from the perspective of ethnology as well as the connections between the indicators and the culture, customs and traditional lifestyles of ethnic groups so as to look at the impact of ethnic factors on population development. 25 Zhang Kewu. (Ed.). (1996). A Brief Introduction to Ethnic Demography. Ethnic Publishing House, p. 25. 26 Wu Cangping. (Ed.). (2006). The Discipline of Demography. China Renmin University Press, p. 324. 24 In the Dictionary of Ethnicity

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1 Ethnic Population Studies: Discourse, Methodology …

neglect of micro perspectives, perceptual knowledge, and observation of small-scale phenomena, we believe it is necessary to construct a new theoretical framework and research paradigm by integrating strengths of both demography (the strength of which lies in accurate quantitative analysis) and anthropology (the strength of which lies in identification of diverse population behaviors of ethnic groups from a cultural perspective). The goal of the new paradigm is to reduce reliance on the theoretical and analytical tools of demography and strike a balance between macro and micro perspectives. Based on our study of the current state of ethnic demography, we believe that, in addition to using demographic statistics to analyze the overall dynamics of ethnic populations and identify factors that influence ethnic populations, ethnic population researchers should also attach importance to cultural interpretation of different, micro-level phenomena and causes thereof and build a research paradigm that combines macro and micro perspectives and focuses on both commonality and uniqueness of ethnic groups. Francis L.K. Hsu, an influential Chinese American anthropologist and former President of the American Anthropological Association who studied under the renowned anthropologist Bronisław Malinowski, presents a new research method—comparative approach—in his book Clan, Caste, Club. This approach compares both macro-level and micro-level cultural systems instead of specific cultural phenomena.27 Therefore, it is necessary to explain the origin of the theoretical system of demographic anthropology, delineate the intersection between demography and anthropology in terms of theoretical framework and methodology, build a conceptual system for demographic anthropology and define its research scope. To do that, we should start from the presuppositions, assumptions, and premises of this discipline.

1.3.2 Basic Assumptions of Demographic Anthropology The focus of empirical research in ethnic demography is usually on the differences between ethnic populations. It is believed that “due to geographical and socioeconomic differences, there are huge differences between ethnic groups in fertility, death rate, and population structure”.28 Ethnic population researchers do not deliberately apply anthropological theories and research methods, but focus solely on analysis of macro-level factors. Ethnic demography has a theoretical presupposition—the intrinsic values underlying population phenomena and behavior are consistent. The logical conclusion arrived from this presupposition is that researchers can use quantitative methods to accurately describe the common features of ethnic populations and then abstractly summarize the patterns in the evolution of such populations, their

27 Francis L.K. Hsu. (1990). Clan, Caste, Club (Xue Gang, Trans.). Huaxia Publishing House, p. 38. 28 Wu

Cangping. (Ed.). (2006). The Discipline of Demography. Renmin University of China Press, p. 320.

1.3 Theoretical Framework

11

common features, and general principles that can be scientifically understood. The conceptual system and analytical tools that support this presupposition have been developed as the research into ethnic demography goes further and researchers have been striving to construct a theoretical system in the same line as empirical sciences. Although we do not intend to completely negate the correctness and explanatory power of this methodology, we do question its thoroughness and effectiveness to interpret complex phenomena related to ethnic populations. We believe that it is difficult to interpret phenomena of ethnic populations while ensuring consistent results of macro- and micro-level analysis by only relying on theories and analytical tools of demography. Therefore, it is necessary to build a complete theoretical framework for demographic anthropology by integrating the basic theories and methodologies of demography which is good at statistical and macro-level analysis and anthropology whose strength lies in field survey, case studies, and observation of micro-level phenomena. The primary task in constructing the theoretical system of demographic anthropology is to clarify its theoretical premises. We believe that ethnic populations are a social construct. The cultural interpretation of ethnic groups should be supported by solid micro-level observations (of sub-groups, communities, and so forth) and extensive acquisition of local knowledge and individual experience. However, ethnic groups are not isolated social entities. Unique features and identifiable commonality are the two cornerstones of the theoretical system of demographic anthropology. Cultural differences of ethnic groups, cultural context of populations, and common features of ethnic groups are the theoretical premises of demographic anthropology. On the one hand, quantitative expression of identifiable common features, general patterns, and logical relationships of/between population behavior is based on statistical analysis and abstractive summarization in the research paradigm of demography. On the other hand, researchers need to use anthropological theories and methods to examine and explain cultural differences between ethnic groups from a micro perspective. Common features of populations reflect the general state, processes, and trends of populations in different cultural contexts and can be accurately measured by using statistical methods. Researchers can use the analysis results of demographic indicators to support theoretical generalization, inductive reasoning, abstract summarization, and quantitative description of the common features and general trends of ethnic populations. When analyzing cultural differences between ethnic populations, researchers will need to use micro-level analysis tools and study ethnic populations in their respective cultural contexts. Therefore, the resulting conclusions are conditioned on ethnic groups’ cultural context. Researchers are generally discouraged to abstract such research results into general knowledge about population. We are not sure whether the intrinsic worth of macro- and micro-level approaches in population studies is consistent. The results of macro-level analysis are not necessarily consistent with that of macro-level analysis. Therefore, under the paradigm of demographic

12

1 Ethnic Population Studies: Discourse, Methodology …

anthropology, the results of micro-level ethnological analysis can be used to verify or correct the results of macro-level analysis.29 As such, the theoretical presupposition of demographic anthropology can be summed up as: Human reproduction occurs in different cultural contexts and cultural traits are what ethnic groups use to identify themselves. The importance of human population reproduction is affirmed in the production and reproduction theories. As Frederick Engels pointed out, “According to the materialistic conception, the determining factor in history is, in the final instance, the production and reproduction of the immediate essentials of life. This, again, is of a twofold character. On the one side, the production of the means of existence, of articles of food and clothing, dwellings, and of the tools necessary for that production; on the other side, the production of human beings themselves, the propagation of the species.”30 Reproduction is both biological and social behavior of human beings. All ethnic groups follow the same biological rules. Fertility and mortality are most widely used quantitative indicators to measure population dynamics by region, race, or ethnic group. However, human reproduction is affected by a host of factors, including social factors. It is also a social phenomenon varying from ethnic group to ethnic group. If we strip away the hugely different ethnic habitats and behavior which are basis for value judgments and only focus on the technical aspects of demographic research, it will be impossible for us to gain insight into the customs of each ethnic group or sum up general rules that apply to all ethnic groups.

1.3.3 Rethinking Ethnic Demography: Borrowing Theories from Other Disciplines Given the above considerations, it is necessary to re-establish the theoretical framework of ethnic demography based on the research paradigm of demographic anthropology. Demography is a discipline with a relatively full-fledged conceptual system and universally accepted quantitative indicators. For example, demographers divide population into children (aged 0–14), adults (aged 15–64), and older adults (aged 65+). This classification is also used in ethnic population studies to reflect social relationships, social functions, and social status of different age groups. However, this classification method disregards ethnic differences in age groups and the specific 29 For example, when minority ethnic groups are measured as a whole, some studies have reached the conclusion that the fertility rate of minority ethnic groups is high relative to the Han people and the national average and many of them still adopt outdated reproductive practices. However, studies focusing the differences between ethnic groups reveal that the fertility rates of a large number of ethnic groups are below the national average, and some are even far lower than that of the Han people. Results of macro-level analysis cannot shed light on the differences between ethnic groups. Therefore, researchers still need to use micro-level analysis results to verify macro-level analysis results. But we cannot expect that the former will always be consistent with the latter. 30 Frederick Engels. (1972). “Origin of the Family, Private Ownership and the State.” In Collected Works of Marx and Engels (Vol. 4). People’s Publishing House, p. 2.

1.3 Theoretical Framework

13

cultural context as well as the customs derived therefrom. For example, many ethnic groups celebrate the rite of passage of children into adolescence.31 But the definition of coming of age varies widely across ethnic groups.

1.4 Methodology Analytical tools serve theoretical interpretation. The selection of social survey methods reflects researchers’ logic thinking behind their studies. As the American anthropologist William A. Haviland put it, unlike sociologists, ethnologists usually do not use prepared questionnaires, which tend to collect information that researchers already know they want to have. Instead, they strive to keep their minds open and thus often make unexpected discoveries.32 This open-ended survey method reflects the attitude of ethnologists on the interpretation of humanities. They believe their research is a journey into an unknown territory and respect the target of study, seeking to describe ethnic groups and their behavior in an objective, non-biased manner. By contrast, some researchers adopt the top-down approach which is completely different from the above open-ended method. They consider themselves superior to the target of study and their purpose of research is usually to support policy making, show compassionate care, or even “civilize” the target of study. Their views on social progress are often one-dimensional. Such researchers often use words such as “advanced” or “backward” in value judgment. Most of them conduct research for the purpose of social transformation and fail to appreciate the value in traditional culture and local knowledge. This kind of research attitude, currently prevailing in the academic circle of ethnic demography, should be discouraged. Instead, we should try to construct a scientific theoretical framework and a scientific methodology for the study of population-related phenomena of ethnic groups.

31 A rite of passage, also known as coming-of-age ceremony, refers to “a rite or ceremony held to celebrate a young person’s transition from being a child to becoming an adult” (see the “rite of passage” entry in Dictionary of Ethnicity. (1987). Shanghai Lexicographical Publishing House, p. 10). Different ethnic groups may have different gender-based requirements, rituals, and interpretations for rites of passage. In fact, rites of passage are empowerment ceremonies held by an ethnic group for its members. Their social meanings and influence vary widely across ethnic groups. For example, it is a custom of the Han people to hold a capping ceremony (guan li) and give a courtesy name (zi) to a male coming of age (20 years old) to celebrate his passage into adulthood. When a girl comes of age (15 years old), she will attend a ji li (hair pinning) ceremony and be given a courtesy name. Once entering adulthood, girls are allowed to enter into marriage (ibid.). 32 William A. Haviland. (1987). Contemporary Anthropology (Wang Mingming et al. Trans.). Shanghai People’s Publishing House, p. 19.

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1 Ethnic Population Studies: Discourse, Methodology …

It is acceptable to use well-designed field surveys to serve specific research purposes and support macro-level policy making and strategic planning.33 However, the limitations and scope of this research method should be clarified in order to illustrate its limited explanatory power. We need to avoid biases in research. Some researchers have the tendency to search for, interpret, and favor information in a way that confirms their preexisting beliefs or hypotheses. This kind of confirmation bias is a serious logical fallacy in the interpretation of diverse human behavior. It is natural to have cognitive blind spots regarding local knowledge because it varies widely between regions. Presuppositions and/or common sense may lead to distortion in interpretation, which is often the case when applying the results of macro-level analysis to ethnic groups. Therefore, the choice of research methods can reflect the researcher’s judgment of his/her own research ability and knowledge structure. Anthropologists may be more aware of their own cognitive blind spots, knowing that it is impossible for one to fully grasp local knowledge which varies widely between regions, inexhaustible life wisdom, and unpredictable logical relationships. Anthropologists usually assume that they know nothing about the target of study34 and try to be non-presumptuous and minimize the influence of their own social identities and pre-existing knowledge and beliefs on research.35 Although not all anthropologists can achieve this, it is a conscious pursuit of anthropologists. Scholars in other fields of study, including ethnic demography, do not consciously minimize the influence of their own social identities and pre-conceived notions and beliefs. For example, in other social sciences, hypotheses are aligned to clear research objectives. Research methods and analysis paths are carefully designed to avoid interference of unexpected factors and deviation from preexisting value judgment, reflecting researchers’ rigorous control over their studies. By contrast, we could hardly find hypotheses in anthropological studies.36 In terms of methodology, anthropologists attach great importance to participant observation which involves immersing oneself in the field, recording data and observations, and analyzing the information gathered. The former methodology is based on priori reasoning. The latter can help researchers avoid arrogant, condescending attitude and approach an unknown knowledge system with humility. The primary task of researchers 33 Field survey gained popularity as early as the 19th century in anthropology. It is later widely accepted by other sub-fields of sociology. It is a universally accepted research tool in demography because it can explain some demographic problems. Another reason for its popularity in demography is that scholars studying demographic problems have diverse academic backgrounds. The majority of Chinese researchers still follow the traditional research paradigm of demography. They focus more on macro-level, quantitative analysis and have a tendency to generalize. Field survey is not a mainstream research method of demography in China. 34 Zhang Jijiao. Characteristics, Deficiencies, and Areas of Improvement of Anthropological Research Methods. Ethno-National Studies, 2005(5). 35 Wang Xiaoli. Anthropological Fieldwork: Truthful Interpretation. Ethno-National Studies, 2002(5). 36 Zhang Jijiao. Characteristics, Deficiencies, and Areas of Improvement of Anthropological Research Methods. Ethno-National Studies, 2005(5).

1.4 Methodology

15

adopting the participant observation methodology is to record and describe personal observation and experience in an unbiased manner. We hope demographic anthropology will continue to grow by borrowing useful theories and methods from demography and anthropology. We also hope researchers interested in ethnic demography can use more theories and methods in ethnology and other disciplines and help boost the explanatory power of theories in this field of study and build a theoretical framework for better understanding of ethnic populationrelated phenomena and problems.

Chapter 2

Ethnic Populations as Natural Systems: Internal Relations and Behavioral Properties

Since 2000, the internal driving forces and external conditions for human development have changed drastically. More than four decades after China’s family planning policy went into effect, the country has seen notable decrease in its population growth rates and other demographic changes. These developments have alleviated pressure on resource and environment, facilitated economic growth and social progress, improved Chinese people’s quality of life and contributed towards the country’s modernization. Slowdown of population growth is also crucial for the Chinese government’s goal to secure a decisive victory in building a moderately prosperous society in all respects. In the future, the general demographic trend in China will be as follows: population growth will continue to slow down and the total population will peak around 2030; working-age population will shrink, and the percentage of elderly people in the labor force will grow; the aging challenge will worsen, with the proportion of children decreasing; mobility of population will remain high, leading to higher population concentration levels; sex ratio at birth will gradually return to normal, and family forms will become increasingly diversified; minority ethnic population will increase, and population growth will vary across the country. In the face of new population challenges, China needs to both make good use of existing population theories and introduce new population theories, implement the national strategy for balanced population development and promote sustainable population growth.

© Social Sciences Academic Press 2020 Y. Yan and Z. Lv, Chinese Ethnic Demography, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-6153-5_2

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2 Ethnic Populations as Natural Systems: Internal Relations …

2.1 Relationship Within the System 2.1.1 Natural Systems: Theoretical Definitions 2.1.1.1

Definition of “System”

A system is a group of interrelated components that form a unified whole to perform, in accordance with pre-established rules, tasks that individual components are unable to perform. A unified whole is always more than the simple sum of its parts. According to their characteristics, systems can be divided into natural and man-made systems.1 The renowned Chinese scholar Qian Xuesen believes that a system is a unified whole formed by interacting and interrelating components with certain functions, and is a component of a larger system. According to the systems theory, every being has its own existing position whereby it maintains a certain order. They do not randomly exist or are isolated. Every being has certain relationships with other beings. Every being also interacts with other beings. The interrelated and interacting beings form a unified whole which is called a system. An ethnic group is a unified whole composed of interrelated and interacting components.

2.1.1.2

Features of Systems

First of all, a system is a unified whole formed by different components and can be divided into sub-systems. Components within a system are subject to constraints of the system. A subsystem is a relative concept. A system can be divided into different subsystems in accordance with different criteria. Secondly, the system is open and teleological. The openness of the system is moderately and conditionally open to the environment according to the changing conditions of internal and external causes. Its telos is a predetermined state of the system in its interaction with the outside world. Last but not least, the system can not only change abruptly but also can maintain stability. Change refers to the discontinuous change of the system from one organizational state to another, which is manifested as multiplicity and selectivity. Stability means that the system can regulate itself within a certain range, so as to maintain and restore the original ordered state. In addition, when the system interacts with the environment, its components deviate from the stable state and the system spontaneously organizes itself, making the system develop and change from disorder to order and from low level to high level. 1 A natural system is a naturally formed system largely uncontrollable by human beings. Man-made

systems can be divided into three categories: (i) physical systems developed by human beings to handle or change the natural world, such as mines and factories; (ii) social or behavioral systems; and (iii) knowledge systems representing humankind’s understanding of natural and social phenomena.

2.1 Relationship Within the System

2.1.1.3

19

Human-Environment Systems

First, studying the interaction between human populations and natural systems can shed light on some complex population issues. Human population is a unified whole composed of interacting social, economic, resource, and environmental factors. Demographic research problems are generally complex. It is necessary to adopt a systematic approach to study human populations by considering humans as an element of the natural system. Only in this way can we gain insight into the complex interconnections between human populations and the natural environment, which in turn will help us gain a more comprehensive understanding of the relationships between human populations and their social systems, economic systems, resources, and environment. Secondly, studying the interaction between human populations and natural systems allows us to gain a better understanding of the preconditions for the development of an ethnic population or the population in a region. We can quantify the relationship between the population and its natural environment relationship on the basis of qualitative analysis, and work out the appropriate conditions for the sustainable development of the population and the environment. Last but not least, the outcomes of studies on the interaction between human populations and natural systems can be used to support decision-making aimed at bringing human-environment systems into balance.

2.1.2 Ethnic Population-Environment Systems First, ethnic population-environment systems are composed of many elements. An ethnic population-environment system could have only one ethnic group or multiple interacting ethnic groups in one or different environments. An ethnic group is a subsystem of a population system in an environment or a geographic area. It can be further broken down into two natural subsystems: male and female populations. Secondly, like other systems, an ethnic group-environment system is made up of interrelating and interacting elements. It maintains a certain order and has a certain structure. Sustainability of an ethnic group largely relies on its age and gender structures. If an ethnic group does not have reasonable age and gender structures, it will eventually vanish. An ethnic population is a complex system made up by multiple elements. Last, an ethnic population-environment system also has certain functions or purposes. System function refers to the nature, capacity and function of the system in interrelating and interacting with the environment. For example, functions of an ethnic population-environment system include reproduction and improvement of population quality. If an ethnic group exhibits sustained or dramatic negative growth, policy makers should respond quickly and bring the function of the system back to normal.

20

2 Ethnic Populations as Natural Systems: Internal Relations …

An ethnic population-environment system is a unified whole composed of many interrelated and interacting parts. It can be broken down into smaller and simpler subsystems. Many systems can form complex super-systems. The interaction of systems produces a total effect that is greater than the sum of the individual systems (i.e., when one plus one equals something far greater than two). Population size, structure, density, crude birth rate, crude death rate, changes in population, and so forth are all elements of an ethnic population-environment system. Size, quality, and structure are key parameters of the population system of an ethnic group. From a socioeconomic perspective, functions of the population system of an ethnic group are to maintain appropriate population size, good population quality, and reasonable population structure, which are preconditions for sustainable socioeconomic development of the ethnic group. In addition to age and gender structures, inputs such as appropriate ethnic population policies, good healthcare, and improvement of population quality can also prompt a population system to evolve in a way that facilitates the realization of the above functions and purposes.

2.2 Structural Change The biological structure of a human population can mainly be broken down into gender and age structures. It is both the outcome and basis of population reproduction and has a huge impact on population growth and socioeconomic development. socioeconomic development also has influence on the biological structure of the human population. Analysis of census data and demographic statistics of ethnic groups can reveal population dynamics (i.e., population size, growth rate, and growth pattern) of ethnic minorities.

2.2.1 Size Changes in Ethnic Populations From 1964 to 1982, the average annual growth rate of population in China was 2.05%; the population of Han increased by more than 280 million with an average annual growth rate of 2.0%, and ethnic minority population increased by more than 26 million with an average growth rate of 2.77%. China’s population growth and ethnic minority population growth peaked during this period. From 1982 to 1990, China’s population grew 126.6 million, with an average annual growth rate of 1.48%. The average annual growth rate of the population of Han was 0.87% and that of ethnic minorities was 3.87%. The population of ethnic minorities increased rapidly during this period, indicating the effectiveness of China’s family planning policy. From 1990 to 2000, China’s average annual population growth rate dropped to 0.92% (Han 1.30% and ethnic minority population 1.38%). From 2000 to 2010, China’s average annual population growth rate further dropped to 0.72% (Han 1.21% and ethnic minority population 1.07%). For more details, see Table 2.1. These data show

2.2 Structural Change

21

Table 2.1 Changes in China’s population size Ethnic group

Nationwide

Han

Ethnic Minorities

Time frame

Net increase (million)

Average annual Increased population (million)

Growth rate (%)

1953–1964

113.3640

10.3058

1.62

1964–1982

312.6938

17.3719

2.05

1982–1990

126.5967

15.8246

1.48

1990–2000

132.1548

12.7960

1.07

2000–2010

90.1986

8.1999

0.64

1953–1964

108.4723

9.8611

1.65

1964–1982

285.3785

15.8544

2.00

1982–1990

102.5126

12.8141

0.87

1990–2000

94.9039

8.6276

0.80

2000–2010

83.4584

7.5871

0.65

1953–1964

5.8701

0.5336

1.44

1964–1982

26.5504

1.4750

2.77

1982–1990

24.1329

3.0166

3.87

1990–2000

14.0258

1.2751

1.31

2000–2010

6.7402

0.6127

0.57

Source National census data

that China has made remarkable progress in the control of population growth, especially the growth of ethnic minority population, but the overall demographic outlook remains grim.

2.2.2 Changes in the Population Size of Ethnic Groups During the period from the fifth national census (hereinafter referred to as “the fifth census”) to the sixth national census (hereinafter referred to as “the 6th census”), the data show that, from 2000 to 2010, the Han people increased by 83.5 million (7.34%). Ethnic minority population grew by 6.7 million (6.41%), slower than Han people. For details, see Table 2.2. The population size of ethnic minorities with a population of over one million did not change much. Twelve ethnic minorities (i.e., 21.82% of ethnic minorities in China) saw population decline. Among them, the Bouyei people saw the largest population decline (more than 100,000) while the Tatar people saw the sharpest proportional decline (27.28%).

1,242,612,226

1,137,386,112

5,813,947

9,816,805

5,416,021

8,399,393

8,940,116

7,762,272

16,178,811

2,971,460

1,923,842

10,682,262

2,960,293

2,637,421

1,858,063

8,028,133

1,439,673

1,250,458

1,158,989

1,247,814

Han

Mongol

Hui

Tibetan

Uyghur

Miao

Yi

Zhuang

Bouyei

Korean

Manchu

Dong

Yao

Bai

Tujia

Hani

Kazak

Dai

Li

647,547

578,938

633,875

751,899

4,196,469

947,019

1,391,332

1,566,575

5,547,750

956,946

1,530,887

8,376,754

3,989,391

4,656,974

4,272,863

2,697,807

5,002,072

2,875,453

586,159,888

640,275,969

600,267

580,051

616,583

687,774

3,831,664

911,044

1,246,089

1,393,718

5,134,512

966,896

1,440,573

7,802,057

3,772,881

4,283,142

4,126,530

2,718,214

4,814,733

2,938,494

551,226,224

602,336,257

1,463,064

1,261,311

1,462,588

1,660,932

8,353,912

1,933,510

2,796,003

2,879,974

10,387,958

1,830,929

2,870,034

16,926,381

8,714,393

9,426,007

10,069,346

6,282,187

10,586,087

5,981,840

1,220,844,520

1,332,810,869

756,992

625,176

747,368

863,370

4,307,260

978,998

1,458,842

1,511,959

5,401,812

910,535

1,455,720

8,689,488

4,456,382

4,870,328

5,097,594

3,155,625

5,373,741

2,999,520

625,032,848

682,329,104

Male population

The 6th census (2010) Total

Female population

Total

Male population

The 5th census (2000)

Total

Ethnic group

Table 2.2 Population of each ethnic group by gender (2000–2010)

706,072

636,135

715,220

797,562

4,046,652

954,512

1,337,161

1,368,015

4,986,146

920,394

1,414,314

8,236,893

4,258,011

4,555,679

4,971,752

3,126,562

5,212,346

2,982,320

(continued)

595,811,672

650,481,765

Female population

22 2 Ethnic Populations as Natural Systems: Internal Relations …

306,072

91,882

104,503

107,166

579,357

188,824

Qiang

Blang

Salar

Maonan

Gelao

Xibe

241,198

Tu

132,394

160,823

Kirgiz

207,352

132,143

Jingpo

Mulam

308,839

Naxi

Daur

406,902

513,805

Dongxiang

453,705

Lahu

Sui

709,592

4,461

Gaoshan

396,610

She

634,912

Va

98,737

310,775

56,443

53,715

47,534

155,981

107,154

65,699

123,571

81,695

65,291

154,971

264,453

213,488

234,144

2,418

381,038

202,626

326,274

90,087

268,582

50,723

50,788

44,348

150,091

100,198

66,695

117,627

79,128

66,852

153,868

249,352

193,414

219,561

2,043

328,554

193,984

308,638

190,481

550,746

101,192

130,607

119,639

309,576

216,257

131,992

289,565

186,708

147,828

326,295

621,500

411,847

485,966

4,009

708,651

429,709

702,839

99,571

289,369

52,836

66,281

61,230

156,539

110,516

64,866

148,055

94,645

71,318

162,635

317,490

213,644

247,667

2,029

383,213

216,439

355,374

Male population

The 6th census (2010) Total

Female population

Total

Male population

The 5th census (2000)

Lisu

Ethnic group

Table 2.2 (continued)

90,910

261,377

48,356

64,326

58,409

153,037

105,741

67,126

141,510

92,063

76,510

163,660

304,010

198,203

238,299

1,980

325,438

213,270

347,465

(continued)

Female population

2.2 Structural Change 23

941

Unidentified

Naturalized citizens

323

385,975

10,596

1,484

4,428

2,289

3,872

3,649

2,550

11,328

6,935

8,416

9,032

14,740

7,365

6,498

14,857

20,954

17,043

17,189

Source Data for the fifth and sixth national censuses

20,899

734,438

Jino

2,965

Lhoba

22,517

Gin

8,923

13,719

Yugur

4,640

16,505

Bonan

Monba

17,935

De’ang

Hezhen

30,505

Ewenki

8,196

15,609

Russian

Oroqen

12,370

Uzbek

4,890

28,759

Nu

7,426

41,028

Tajik

Derung

33,600

Tatar

33,936

Pumi

618

348,463

10,303

1,481

4,495

2,351

4,324

3,777

2,340

11,189

6,784

8,089

8,903

15,765

8,244

5,872

13,902

20,074

16,557

16,747

1,448

640,101

23,143

3,682

10,561

5,354

8,659

6,930

3,556

28,199

14,378

20,074

20,556

30,875

15,393

10,569

37,523

51,069

42,861

39,555

557

334,908

11,744

1,803

5,261

2,651

4,033

3,349

1,899

14,416

7,325

10,016

10,039

14,668

7,284

5,673

18,907

26,112

21,433

19,751

Male population

The 6th census (2010) Total

Female population

Total

Male population

The 5th census (2000)

Achang

Ethnic group

Table 2.2 (continued)

891

305,193

11,399

1,879

5,300

2,703

4,626

3,581

1,657

13,783

7,053

10,058

10,517

16,207

8,109

4,896

18,616

24,957

21,428

19,804

Female population

24 2 Ethnic Populations as Natural Systems: Internal Relations …

2.2 Structural Change

25

Table 2.2 also provides data on population changes in small ethnic groups.2 In 2000, there were 20 small ethnic groups in China, with a combined population of 420,000. By 2010, there were 28 small ethnic groups in China, with a combined population of 1,890,000. Among the 20 small ethnic groups identified in 2000, 15 groups saw population increase and five saw population decline (4,299 in total).

2.2.3 Changes in Crude Birth Rates of Ethnic Groups From 2000 to 2010, China’s crude birth rate fell by 2.13 per 1,000 people. The crude birth rate of the Han people dropped by 4.26 per 1,000 people, and the average crude birth rate of the ethnic minority population fell by 2.09 per 1,000 people, a larger decline than that of the Han people. Thirty-one ethnic minorities saw an increase in crude birth rate, and 24 saw a decline. In 2000, there were five minority ethnic groups with a crude birth rate of over 20 per 1,000 people, far higher than the national average level (9.84 per 1,000 people) and the crude birth rate of the Han people (9.41 per 1,000 people). The Derung people had the highest crude birth rate (119.74 per 1,000 people), followed by Pumi (see Table 2.3). Ethnic groups were divided into five categories based on crude birth rate.3 Despite the high crude birth rate (Category-1), the number of births per year among the Derung people was small because of its small population size. Pumi, Lhoba, Hezhen, and Sui fell under Category-4 while other ethnic groups fell under Category-5. There were 49 ethnic groups with a crude birth rate higher than the national average (9.84 per 1,000 people), 6 ethnic groups (i.e., Bonan, Achang, Uyghur, Lhoba, De’ang, and Salar) with a crude birth rate of more than 20 per 1,000 people, 46 ethnic groups with a crude birth rate ranging from 10 per 1,000 people to 20 per 1,000 people, and only three ethnic groups with a crude birth rate below 10 per 1,000 people.

2.2.4 Changes in Crude Death Rates of Ethnic Groups From 2000 to 2010, China’s crude death rate rose by 0.66 per 1,000 people. In 2000, there were 12 minority ethnic groups with a crude death rate above 8 per 1,000 people, the highest being Derung (10.37 per 1,000 people), almost twice as high as 2 According

to the State Ethnic Affairs Commission of the People’s Republic of China (SEAC), small ethnic groups were initially defined as ethnic groups with a population less than 100,000. From 2000 to 2010, the Chinese government stepped up efforts to support ethnic minorities, leading to noticeable improvement of the livelihoods of ethnic minorities. In 2010, after investigation, small ethnic groups were redefined as ethnic groups with a population less than 300,000. 3 The five categories are: Category-1 (>50 per 1,000 people), Category-2 (40 per 1,000 people to 49 per 1,000 people), Category-3 (30 per 1,000 people to 39 per 1,000 people), Category-4 (20 per 1,000 people to 29 per 1,000 people) and Category-5) 2%), accounting for 1.2% of the total ethnic minority population in China. The number of ethnic groups in Category-1 fell by three compared to 2000.12 Among them, the Nu (3.05%) and the Blang (3.02%) had an average annual growth rate of more than three percent. Category-2 (average annual growth rate between 1.5% and two percent) had nine ethnic groups, including Uyghur, Li, Kazak, Tibetan and Hani, each of which had a population of over one million, two fewer than in 2000. Category-2 accounted for 18.91% of the total ethnic minority population in China. There were five ethnic groups in Category-3 (average annual growth rate between 1.0 and 1.5%). Among all categories, the number of ethnic groups in this category dropped the fastest. In 2000, there were 19 ethnic groups in Category-3. Among the five ethnic groups in Category-1 in 2010, the Yi is the only ethnic group with a population over one million. Category-3 accounted for 8.58% of the total ethnic minority population in China. Eighteen ethnic groups fell under Category-4 (average annual growth rate below one percent but above 0), accounting for 53.31% of the total ethnic minority population in China. The number of ethnic groups in Category-4 increased by six compared 12 In 2000, six ethnic groups (i.e., Tujia, Gaoshan, Yi, Maonan, Bonan, and Dongxiang) reported an average annual growth rate of more than 3%.

2.4 Properties and Behavioral Pattern of a Natural System

49

to 2000. Among them, eight ethnic groups (Yi, Hui, Yao, Miao, Zhuang, Bai, Tujia, and Mongolian) had a population of over one million. In 2010, 13 ethnic groups had a negative average annual growth rate (Category-5), accounting for 17.41% of the total ethnic minority population in China. In 2000, only the Uzbek (−1.69%) and the Tatar (−0.34%) were in Category-5. Among the ethnic groups in Category-5 in 2010, Manchu, Yi, Bouyei, and Korean had a population more than one million. The annual growth rate of the Tatar (−2.73%) was the lowest among all ethnic groups.

2.4.1.3

Reproduction in Ethnic Minorities

1. Late marriage and late childbirth have become common In China, the statutory minimum marriage age is 22 years for male Han Chinese and 20 years for female Han Chinese. However, the statutory minimum marriage age for ethnic minorities is two years lower than that for Han Chinese. In 1990, the proportion of married women aged 15–19 among Han Chinese was 4.27%, and that of ethnic minorities was 8.92%. In 2000, the proportion of married females among Han Chinese in this age group was 0.78%, and that of ethnic minorities was 4.20%. In 2010, the percentage of married people aged 15–19 in the total population in China stood at 0.3%, of which the percentage of married women was 0.52%, a decrease of more than one half compared to that in 2010. At present, the proportion of married women in minority ethnic groups is at the same level as that of the Han people 10 years ago. Compared to 2000, the proportion of married women decreased sharply across all ethnic groups. Ethnic groups with a higher incidence of early marriage saw fastest decline in the proportion of married women due to the implementation of the family planning policy. Compared to 1982.1990, the percentage of people getting married at an early age among ethnic minority populations declined in 1990–2000 and 2000– 2010, indicating that the level of acceptance of getting married later in life was rising among people of all ethnic groups, which led to an increase in the average age of childbearing. Compared with 1990, the average number of children that would be born to a woman declined across all ethnic groups in 2000. The average number of children born to a woman aged 15–19 was below 0.1 in 1990 and below 0.01 in 2000. During 1990–2000, no birth was given by Korean women in this age group. 2. The fertility rates of women in minority ethnic groups have dropped sharply In 2000, the total fertility rate of the Han people was 1.18, and that of ethnic minorities was 1.64. Table 2.13 is the ranking of the 55 minority ethnic groups by crude fertility rate. The fertility rates of seven ethnic groups were above the replacement level, and the remaining 48 were below the replacement level. Five ethnic groups registered extremely low crude fertility rates and the total fertility rate of them was less than 1.05. Ethnic groups with a high fertility rate saw the largest decline. The fertility rate of the Kirgiz dropped from 6.14 to 1.87 and that of the Tajik dropped from 6.13 to

50

2 Ethnic Populations as Natural Systems: Internal Relations …

Table 2.13 Total fertility rate of 55 minority ethnic groups in China (2000) Total fertility rate Number of ethnic groups Ethnic groups 2.1

17

Lhoba, Gaoshan, Derung, Sui, Bouyei, Gelao, Gin, De’ang, Miao, Achang, Yi, Pumi, Blang, Uyghur, Hani, Lisu, and Wa De’ang, Miao, Achang, Yi, Pumi, Blang, Uyghur, Hani, Lisu, Wa

1.55–2.1

19

Jingpo, Nu, Tibetan, Kirgiz, Lahu, Dong, Bonan, Li, Salar, Hezhen, Dongxiang, Oroqen, Tu, Tujia, Uzbek, Bai, Tajik, Yugur, and Kazak

1.05–1.55

14

Hui, Naxi, Maonan, Qiang, Dai, Yao, Zhuang, Mulam, She, Ewenki, Jino, Mongolian, Tatar, and Manchu

2.1

0

None De’ang, Miao, Achang, Yi, Pumi, Blang, Uyghur, Hani, Lisu, Wa

1.55–2.1

26

Sui, Li, Jingpo, Yi, Gelao, Bouyei, Derung, Miao, De’ang, Dongxiang, Salar, Hani, Achang, Uyghur, Tajik, Blang, Nu, Lisu, Bonan, Zhuang, Yao, Pumi, Kirgiz, Wa, Dong, and Jino

1.05–1.55

25

Lahu, She, Monba, Kazak, Tujia, Bai, Dai, Maonan, Hui, Qiang, Tu, Lhoba, Mulam, Uzbek, Tibetan, Gin, Naxi, Yugur, Hezhen, Tatar, Mongolian, Daur, Manchu, Ewenki, and Gaoshan