China Gothic: The Bishop of Beijing and His Cathedral 029574667X, 9780295746678

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Ch i na G ot hic

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China Gothic The Bishop of Beijing and His Cathedral

ANTHONY E. CLARK FOREWORD BY LEL AND M. ROTH

U niversity of Washington Pr ess Seattle

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Copyright © 2019 by the University of Washington Press Composed in Minion Pro, typeface designed by Robert Slimbach 23 22 21 20 19  5 4 3 2 1 Printed and bound in the United States of America All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. U n i v ersit y of Washington Pr ess uwapress.uw.edu Libr a ry of Congr ess Cata loging-in-Pu blication Data Names: Clark, Anthony E., author. | Roth, Leland M., writer of foreword. Title: China Gothic : the bishop of Beijing and his cathedral / Anthony E. Clark. Description: Seattle : University of Washington Press, [2019] | Includes bibliographical references and index. | Identifiers: LCCN 2019018140 (print) | LCCN 2019018363 (ebook) | ISBN 9780295746685 (ebook) | ISBN 9780295746678 (hardcover : alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: Nationalism and architecture—China—Beijing. | Xishiku Cathedral (Beijing, China) | Architecture, French—China—Beijing. | Gothic revival (Architecture)— China—Beijing. | Favier, Alphonse, 1837-1905. | Catholic Church—China—Bishops— Biography. | Catholic Church—Missions—China—Beijing—History. Classification: LCC NA2543.N38 (ebook) | LCC NA2543.N38 C59 2019 (print) | DDC 720.951/156—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019018140 Jacket design: Katrina Noble Jacket photograph: Beitang cathedral, Beijing, 1903. Congrégation de la Mission Archives Historiques, Paris. The paper used in this publication is acid free and meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, a nsi z39.48–1984.∞

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For Lee, who, while standing beside me in front of Notre Dame cathedral in Paris, planted in me a love for Gothic architecture that followed me to China

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CONTE NT S

Foreword: Pointing Heavenward—A Religious Architecture for China Leland M. Roth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix Preface. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xvii Chronology of Alphonse Favier’s Life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxiii

INTRODUCTION:.The Crown and Cross in France and China. . . . . . . . . . . . 3 CHAPTER 1. The Civilizing Mission: A French Church

on Chinese Soil. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 CHAPTER 2. The Fruits of Diplomacy: Building a Genteel Empire . . . . . . . 43 CHAPTER 3. Competing Shadows: Beijing’s First North Church. . . . . . . . . 73 CHAPTER 4. China Gothic: Alphonse Favier’s North Church . . . . . . . . . . . 97 CHAPTER 5. The Contours of Reconstruction: Favier and the

French Mission. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125

Chinese Character Glossary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149 Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153 Bibliography. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183 Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211

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FOR E W OR D Pointing Heavenward: A Religious Architecture for China

Leland M. Roth

Alphonse Favier grew up in and around the town of Dijon in the Côte d’Or department of the Burgundy region of France. Subsequently, he prepared for the priesthood in Paris and dedicated himself to life as a missionary in China. The forceful presence of the many buildings he designed and built in China is the subject of Anthony Clark’s remark that “perhaps among the most prominent architectural works Favier designed was the nave of the muscular Gothic church in Tianjin named after Our Lady of Victory” (see chapter 2, emphasis added). These buildings, especially the churches Favier designed, have a strong character and were intended to be an integral element in establishing and maintaining the French presence in China. They also were viewed by Favier as essential in creating the appropriate environment for supporting Christian worship among Chinese converts, for whom collective congregational worship would have been a new and unusual social activity. Exactly as Favier had anticipated, worship in the Gothic churches he designed was facilitated by the Gothic character he ­created in his buildings, and once introduced to this worship experience, Chinese Catholics were exceptionally devout. What Favier was pursuing in China was analogous to the fervor for Gothic architecture that arose in Europe and the United States during the mid-nineteenth century. As architectural historians Calder Loth and Julius Trousdale Sadler emphasized in their writing, which they based on arguments of earlier European proponents such as Augustus Pugin and John Ruskin in the mid-nineteenth century, it could be argued that, for religious buildings, Gothic was “the only proper style.”1 Clark’s description given above uses the word “muscular” in reference to Favier’s architecture. Although Favier himself was not what we might ix

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consider today as particularly muscular—given his short and decidedly rotund form—his architecture was visually strong, making an intriguing analog to the muscular Christianity that became so assertive in the later nineteenth century. The term “muscular Christianity” developed in E ­ ngland and is especially associated with author Thomas Hughes and leaders in the British “Public School” system (that is, private boarding schools), which promulgated vigorous physical activity as well as sports (and sports­ manship) as an integral part of an upright Christian life. One factor in this “muscular Christianity” was reference to the frequent use of sports metaphors in the epistles of Saint Paul. As applied to the architectural work of Bishop Favier, however, the sense of muscular Christianity applies not only to the strong visual character of his architecture but also to his forceful proselytizing promotion of the Christian cause in the Chinese court. What made his work so notable in the Qing court was that his mastery of the subtle allusionism of the Chinese language enabled him to achieve his goals without riling unduly the sensibilities of court officials. This skill enabled Favier to obtain many thousands of silver taels from the Chinese court treasury to underwrite the building of his churches, hospitals, and other structures. I would interpret this ability as showing a strength of will, a muscularity of will, that made Favier’s mission successful, including the large sums he obtained to repair the Beitang cathedral after the extensive damage caused in the Boxer Uprising of 1898–1900 (see chapter 5). Bishop Favier’s favoring of Gothic architecture in the churches he designed in China can be viewed as part of the broader international revival of interest in Gothic architecture in the 1830s, with its strong vertical accents. Gothic architecture points dramatically heavenward, as has often been observed, and the more Bishop Favier emphasized verticality, the more his churches were at variance with traditional Chinese architecture, with its balance between vertical support columns and horizontal roof beams. In fact, overall, what first strikes the eye in Chinese palace and temple architecture is the dominant horizontality of the emphatically cantilevered projecting tiled roofs. As an interesting parallel in time, just as Favier was designing his vertical churches in Beijing, back in Paris, for the World’s Fair to be held there in 1889, the esteemed French structural engineer Gustave Eiffel proposed a tremendous vertical iron tower to celebrate French engineering achievements as well as the centennial of the French Revolution and

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the creation of the French Republic. Similar complaints were voiced in both cities, for just as some Parisians complained bitterly about the inky black shadow of the new tower that swept across Paris, so too (as Clark points out) the dowager empress complained about how the towers of the Beitang cathedral overshadowed the imperial compound of the Forbidden City, seeming to challenge imperial authority. Complicating the matter for readers in the twenty-first century are the tightly intertwined issues, in Favier’s mind, of Gothic architecture as a French national expression (as seen by the French) and the appropriate­ ness of Gothic architecture as the best environment for Christian worship. While it could be argued that interest in Gothic architecture never really died out in England, since country churches there in that style continued to be enlarged and repaired right through the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the situation in France was very different. With the anticlerical nature of the French Revolution, church building and repair essentially stopped in the 1790s, especially in Paris and other urban focal points of the revolution.2 But this began to change dramatically following the publication of the novel Notre Dame de Paris by Victor Hugo in 1831.3 At the opening of the nineteenth century, the cathedral of Notre Dame in Paris was far from being the cynosure of popular interest it is today for countless tourists; it had been neglected for many decades and was in poor repair. In fact, one could hardly see the façade of the church because of the dense jumble of medieval buildings packed onto the Isle de la Cité. It was only after Baron Haussmann cleared this island of buildings in the 1850s and 1860s, with the patronage of Emperor Napoléon III, that the plaza was opened up to allow a full view of the façade. Hugo’s book had enjoyed enormous success in the 1840s and 1850s, during the years the young Lazarist, Favier, was in Paris pursuing his studies and preparing for his missionary role in China. It seems a safe assumption that he was strongly affected by this literary phenomenon in Paris, as well as the attention Victor Hugo focused on restoring Notre Dame. Hugo’s Notre Dame de Paris played a significant role in France in stimulating a new interest in Gothic architecture and its restoration, and by extension in the growth of Gothic Revival architecture in France. This surge in interest in French Gothic architecture was strong when Favier came to Paris in the 1850s. In 1837, the French government under King LouisPhilippe had established the Commission of Historical Monuments, in part

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due to the influence of Hugo and Prosper Mérimée. Its mission was to list and record significant national achievements in architecture and other objects, and to foster their restoration.4 One of the first French architects to devote himself to architectural ­restoration was Jean-Baptiste Lassus. In Paris, Lassus became well known for his restoration of the church of Saint Severin, begun in 1835, and even more for the restoration of the jewel box of the Sainte Chapelle begun the next year and continued by his protégé Eugène Emmanuel Viollet-le-Duc. In 1843 Lassus and Viollet-le-Duc together began the restoration of the cathedral of Notre Dame de Paris itself, a direct influence of Hugo’s call for the protection and restoration of this seminal building. Lassus went on to restore other Gothic churches across France, as did Viollet-le-Duc, who began with the restoration of the pilgrimage abbey church of Vézelay, continuing with the restoration of the Sainte Chapelle in Paris, and then Notre Dame de Paris. Eventually Viollet-le-Duc carried out more than twenty restoration projects across France, including the cathedrals of Amiens and of Reims. His restoration work continued during the subsequent Second Empire, when Viollet-le-Duc became closely associated with the new Emperor Napoléon III and Empress Eugénie after the end of the restored monarchy of Louis-Philippe in 1852. Other restoration projects in France by Viollet-le-Duc followed, so that it is easy to imagine that the young seminarian Alphonse Favier would have been aware of this focus on restoring French Gothic architecture to its ancient glory, as well as the close association between French nationality and French Gothic architecture.5 Even before Favier set off for Paris to prepare for his mission work, he would have been directly exposed to Gothic Revival architecture. About forty-five miles northwest of Dijon, his boyhood center of study, in the small town of Semur-en-Auxois, Viollet-le-Duc undertook the restoration of the thirteenth-century Église Collegiale de Notre Dame in the 1850s. Perhaps even more influential, because it occurred immediately to the south of Dijon, in the faubourg or suburb of St. Pierre, Jean-Baptiste Lassus was engaged to build the new church of Saint Pierre in the Gothic Revival style. Nor is it likely that the young Favier would have been unaware of the emergence of French Gothic Revival architecture in Paris later while he was an aspiring novice. The most dramatic instance of this was the construction of the new basilica of Sainte Clotilde in the seventh arrondissement. The initial design of Sainte Clotilde was prepared in 1846 by F. C. Gau, a native of Cologne, Germany. The tall slender pair of towers of Sainte Clotilde owe

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much to those of the cathedral of Cologne, the medieval drawings for which had recently been rediscovered. In fact, completion of the unfinished Cologne cathedral had started in 1842, just four years before Gau prepared his original design for Sainte Clotilde. The Paris church was completed by Théodore Ballu in 1857, a few months before Favier joined the Congregation of the Mission in Paris. Although the church of Sainte Clotilde, then under construction, had no marked connection with Favier’s religious order, the Lazarists (Vincentians), it is not too much of a stretch to imagine that Favier was aware of this new Gothic church, then one of the most important being built in Paris.6 In fact, hardly anyone in France could have been unaware of this Gothic Revival phenomenon; one estimate is that there were some two hundred new Gothic churches built in France from 1830 to 1850. Although it is known that Favier obtained instruction in architecture, the exact nature of this training and where it was obtained is not clear. Whatever his training, Bishop Favier was greatly involved with the construction of building after building in China as part of his work there, as this book abundantly documents. Typically we say that Bishop Favier “designed” such and such building, or “built” this or that church. What is meant, literally, is that while Bishop Favier envisioned these many buildings and may have made modest diagrammatic drawings, and although the buildings were under his general direction, the actual construction was done by Chinese builders and craftsmen. As Clark indicates, the general Gothic outlines of the last and largest of Favier’s churches, the Beitang in Beijing, were determined by Favier, but the details, down to the smallest crockets and finials, were executed by Chinese carvers who incorporated dragons and other traditional Chinese forms. The result is a unique SinoWestern architecture. The situation of Favier as “architect-builder” is analogous to the role played by Abbot Suger in rebuilding the abbey church of Saint Denis in 1135–1144. While the inspirational figure was Suger himself—propelled by his vision of a new architecture in which the guiding principle was the introduction of more physical light as an analog of Divine Illumination— the master masons working under Suger and at his direction put this vision into actual form. Suger freely acknowledges this assistance in building Saint Denis, as when in The Other Little Book on the Consecration of the Church of St. Denis he wrote: “For three years we pressed the completion of the work at great expense, with a numerous crowd of workmen.” 7 Bishop Favier writes similarly when he discusses his “building” of churches.

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A fuller appreciation of the churches and other religious structures c­ reated by Favier while in China can be gained by examining them in the broader context of European colonial expansion in eastern and southeastern Asia in the second half of the nineteenth century. The major European nations all attempted to create spheres of influence, if not outright colonial outposts, across the region. Two areas were more resistant to European incursions—Thailand and China—both of which already had traditions of strong centralized monarchies in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Although Western Christian missionaries had success across southeast Asia, on the Indochina peninsula the French gained particular dominance in both the religious and political worlds.8 But by the early part of the twentieth century, as the cachet of the imperial power of the French diminished, the Indochinese conglomerate divided into separate nations east of Thailand; Laos to the north and Cambodia to the south. From the French point of view, the most important area was Vietnam to the east, facing the South China Sea. Connections with France were initiated there by the Jesuit missionary Alexandre de Rhodes in the seventeenth century, and expanded French influence emerged through subsequent French trade. Vietnam became a veritable French colony. French culture and architecture were set as the ideal, indicated by railroad systems and bridges built by French engineers, as well as by French-inspired architecture by ex-patriot French architects. Two major Gothic churches in Vietnam were the brick Notre Dame cathedral basilica of Saigon (built 1877–1880), basically Romanesque in style with a pair of extremely tall spires at the front. Later, in 1886, in Hanoi to the north, was built the equally large cathedral of St. Joseph, whose designer took as his model Notre Dame in Paris. Another French architect active in French Indochina (as it was called at the time) was Ernest Hébrard. Other buildings during the French colonial period include the opera house in Hanoi, 1901–1911, closely patterned on the opera house in Paris by Charles Garnier, and the somewhat smaller opera house in Saigon, to the south, built in 1897 by French architect Eugène Ferret. New urban districts in both these large cities were patterned after the tree-lined boulevards in Haussmann’s Second Empire Paris, replete with coffee shops where one could enjoy café-au-lait with French pastries, although in the tropical climate the fresh milk in the strong coffee was replaced with canned sweetened condensed milk. (For his part, Bishop Favier was enjoying specially made French pastries in Beijing at the same time.) French cultural influence was pronounced.

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In both China and French Indochina, Western influence ended with the introduction of communism by local leaders in the early twentieth century: Nguyễn Sinh Cung (who later used the revolutionary name Ho Chi Minh, “He Who Has Been Enlightened”) in Vietnam, and Mao Zedong in China. In both countries, French influence came to an end with violent revolutions after World War II, and in Vietnam there ensued the long struggle for independence first from France and then from the United States. In China, Bishop Favier believed that the Gothic architecture he transplanted was essential in the support of “proper” Christian worship. With the rise of Mao Zedong and communist rule, however, church building ceased with the suppression of any religious observance. By the end of the twentieth century and with the death of Mao and the relaxation of some of the strictures on Christian worship, sources other than Gothic have been consulted in the design and construction of new Chinese Christian churches. Particularly important is that these post-Mao churches have been designed by native Chinese architects. Many examples have been visited, studied, and photographed by Amanda and Anthony Clark. These new churches exhibit a far wider range of expressions, documenting a reduced influence of the French Lazarist missionaries in place of the Roman influence of other orders, notably the Jesuits. Nonetheless, Gothic prototypes have still been consulted in a few instances, as in Liuhecun Catholic church at Liuhecun Village, Shanxi, as discussed in the Clarks’ article “Building for the Senses: A Resurgence of Sacred Architecture in China.”9 That church is more appropriately called a hybrid design since over the crossing is a large Renaissance dome! But perhaps even more desired in China are new churches modeled after classic examples of Baroque churches in Rome, as was the case with the Portiuncula Catholic church in Bansishan, Shanxi, which appears to draw inspiration from the Gesù in Rome (1568–1580), the mother church of the Jesuit order. Another example examined by the Clarks is the Sacred Heart Catholic church, Shanxi (under construction in 2008), which draws both its name and its general massing from the church of Sacré-Cœur, Paris (1875–1914), but which is built of red brick and with detailing that comes from Renaissance and Baroque Rome. Much more surprising, perhaps, was the turn to traditional Chinese architecture, to the upturned, extended tiled roofs, in twentieth-century pre-revolution churches. To an extent, this began in the late Qing dynasty and Republican Era, as seen in the cathedral of the Sacred Heart, Dali, Yunnan (1938). This reference to indigenous

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architecture did not preclude the use of a vertical emphasis, such as Favier desired, for the St. Joseph cathedral, Guiyang (1849), which drew inspiration from vertical Chinese pagodas. But perhaps particularly striking is the inspiration derived from the exceedingly traditional buildings making up the compound of the Temple of Heaven in Beijing, with its balance of verticals and horizontals. In fact, Our Lady of Seven Sorrows Catholic church, a pilgrimage site in Dongergou Village, Shanxi (1990s), was closely modeled after the circular Hall of Prayer for Good Harvests pavilion at the Temple of Heaven, which here serves as the external circular “baldacchino” in this church complex. At first glance, these two buildings might easily be confused one with each other, despite the apparent solidity of the former and the delicate open-air quality of the latter. But more especially, when one’s glance moves upward, atop the Temple of Heaven is a rounded pinnacle, whereas atop the church “baldacchino” is that detail which can only signify a Christian church. There, silhouetted against the sky, is a cross. Clearly, Christianity in China today need not fall back on borrowed vestiges of medieval Europe, but can draw from Western Classical sources and its own past in moving into the future.

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PR E FACE

This book began to form in my mind more than fifteen years ago while I was visiting Alphonse Favier’s Beitang cathedral in Beijing. I had finished reading his diary, which he had written during the Boxer siege in 1900, and while walking through the French Gothic nave I thought about the siege against Beitang during the summer months of 1900. My reflections inspired three questions: What is the larger story behind this cathedral, which now rests a short walk from the Forbidden City, and its builder, who is still remembered in Beijing, by some as a friend of China, and by others as an imperialist French missionary? What is the story behind the Chinese who found the church and architect so invasive that they spent two months, and enlisted thousands of armed men, to get rid of them? And finally, why did the same authorities who approved the siege end up later supporting those who were besieged? Throughout this study of the French architect-missionary and his aestheticizing of Gallo-Catholicism are my own musings on two assertions related to nationalism (or “patriotism”) that continue to preoccupy my own intellectual engagement with the history of late-imperial Sino-Western exchange. One is by the French Enlightenment thinker Voltaire (1694–1778), who suggested that “it is forbidden to kill; therefore, all murderers are punished unless they kill in large numbers and to the sound of trumpets.”1 And another by the Irish polemicist George Bernard Shaw (1856–1950), who said, “Patriotism is, fundamentally, a conviction that a particular country is the best in the world because you were born in it.”2 Most visitors today rarely think of the architectural legacy of Beitang cathedral. When I first went there I found it difficult to imagine the terrors described in Favier’s diary in what then seemed like China’s most beautiful and peaceful Christian church.3 The Daughters of Saint Joseph allowed me to visit what had been Bishop Favier’s private chapel, where the inscription for his tomb is now located. When asked about the history of the cathedral, few of the parishioners there seemed to know about the architect and x vii

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former bishop who realized, if only on a modest scale compared to his grander vision, his vision of a French Catholic church in China’s imperial capital. The bookstore at the church’s main entrance was filled with kitsch ornamented with images of Beitang’s monumental Gothic Revival façade. ­Beitang has become an iconic symbol of China’s (not France’s) Catholic grandeur. The imperial palaces of Versailles and Beijing are now tourist attractions, while Favier’s towering cathedral still attracts worshippers who perhaps think little of nationalism and architectural diplomacy, Boxers, or Pierre-Marie-Alphonse Favier for that matter. The earlier history of this place, and its role in the fading years of China’s imperial splendor, is largely forgotten in twenty-first century Beijing. Several years of sustained research on how the Catholic bishop, Alphonse Favier, may be viewed through the lens of French nationalism during the closing years of China’s last empire required visits to a large number of archives and libraries, and I am indebted to the kindness and generosity of many supporters. I am fortunate to have received considerable institutional support. Generous grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH)/ American Council for Learned Societies (ACLS) and the Chiang Ching-Kuo Foundation helped facilitate research in China during the 2012–2013 ­academic year, after which I was able to make other short visits to China to collect more materials and images. Several important documents were acquired before 2002 while I was living in Taiwan with the support of the William J. Fulbright Foundation and the National Security Education Program. The Congregation of the Mission (Lazarist) Vincentian Studies Institute at DePaul University provided an important grant and scholarly advice to complete this book, and the Pamela Corpron Parker Fellowship and Weyerhaeuser Center Research Grant provided by my home institution supplied needed support to make trips to Taiwan, France, and Rome. The archivists and staff of several archives in Europe were generous with their time and materials as I prepared the initial draft of this book: Archives des la Société des Auxilliares des Mission (ASAM, Brussels); Archivio Storico di Propaganda Fide (ASPF, Rome); Archivio Segreto Vaticano (ASV, Vatican City); and especially the Congrégation de la Mission Archives Historiques (CMAH, Paris), where the bulk of materials related to Alphonse Favier and the Beitang cathedral are held. Finally, I thank my colleagues at Whitworth University, especially my friends in the Department of History, whose support and encouragement remind me often how fortunate I am to write and teach at such a congenial institution of higher learning.

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I am indebted to more individuals than I can name here. First, I am grateful to my parents, James and Shirley. I also thank Cassandra and Desiree, as well as Lee and Carol—Lee for scanning rare photographs and Carol for providing her editorial support. Anthony and Veronica Fok, who accompanied me on many research excursions to China’s hinterlands, deserve a much heartier “thank-you” than I can render here in a single line. Dale Soden listened patiently to passages read aloud to him between classes, and always voiced his encouragement when my energy was running low. James Fox, Cassie Schmitt, Tanya Parlet, and Bruce Tabb at the University of Oregon Special Collections provided valuable access to the exceptional materials in the China missionary collection in their archive. Wang Renfang, Shen Shuyin, and Ming Yuqing at the Xujiahui (Zikawei) former Jesuit Library in Shanghai were quite helpful as I pored over large amounts of mission materials there related to the French Catholic missionary enterprise in China during the late Qing. Claude Lagasse, at the Archives des la Société des Auxilliares des Mission in Brussels, was exceptionally accommodating and helpful as I reviewed materials in the Samist collection related to Alphonse Favier. At my home institution, the staff of the Whitworth Library, especially Nancy Bunker and Cara Elston, were quite helpful in finding and procuring materials from distant collections. In significant ways, the friendship and intellectual repartee I enjoy with Stephen Durrant, Lionel Jensen, Eric Cunningham, Matthew Wells, and Wu Xiaoxin have influenced the arguments and narrative of this work, and have made thinking and writing about a sometimes troubling topic more congenial. Nailene Chou Wiest and Jean-Paul Wiest were especially helpful via their thorough remarks on an early draft of this book. Shan Yanrong in the Anton Chinese Studies Library at the Beijing Center generously provided advice on where to locate important documents in their significant collection in Beijing. I have been fortunate to have received the help of several student research assistants who contributed countless hours to the tedious tasks of transcription, organization, manuscript editing, and scanning. Some have graduated and some still work near my department office during the week. These include Brandon Emerson, Sarah Gambell, Hannah Tweet, Tibo Colman, Rachel Murray, Jonathan Hammerstrom, Sarah Sprouse, Katheryn Mann, and Meiyah Neely. Madalene Baird and Ryan Grant were of immense value as I attempted to make sense of some of the nineteenthcentury Italian and Latin cursive used in ecclesial records held at the Propaganda Fide in Rome and the Secret Archives in the Vatican City. And

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Nathaniel Michaud was helpful in keeping me connected to the Congregation of the Mission Fathers at De Paul University in Chicago. Finally, my editor, Lorri Hagman, assistant editor Caitlin Tyler-Richards, the anonymous reviewers, and the patient and remarkable staff at University of Washington Press deserve much more thanks than I can offer here. The process of bringing this work from desk to bookshelf was made more pleasant, and much improved, by their invaluable contributions. I also owe gratitude to the sisters, priests, and bishops who helped me along the way. The warm welcome—and often steady flow of espresso—I received from the Roman Catholic archives I consulted was always appreciated, and with very few exceptions, photocopies and permissions were freely granted. Perhaps the most important resource as I collected materials for this project was the priest and archivist at the Lazarist motherhouse in Paris, Father Claude Lautissier, CM, who located an overwhelming number of boxes containing letters, photos, clippings, and mission records related to Alphonse Favier and his work in China. Father Edward Udovic, CM, was also a valuable resource for questions that were beyond the scope of my own training in Lazarist history. Father Augustine DeNoble, OSB, spent countless hours locating, photocopying, and annotating materials held in the collection at Mount Angel’s Benedictine Library and Special Collections in Oregon. The thoughtful and welcoming Dominican Fathers of Blessed Sacrament Priory in Seattle, Washington, provided me with needed accommodations and meals while working in the collections of the University of Washington. Father Thierry Meynard, SJ, and Father Jim Caime, SJ, offered research support and friendship as I lived and wrote in Beijing, and Father Meynard unselfishly provided me with access to, and a working space in, the impressive Sino-Missionary collection at The Beijing Center. Brother Daniel Peterson, SJ, provided helpful answers through email and over the phone regarding the Jesuit enterprise in China, which was largely French, and competed with the Lazarists during the late-imperial era. Father Robert Danieluk, SJ, and Father Brian Mac Cuarta, SJ, at the ARSI Jesuit Archive in Rome were helpful as I worked in the Eternal City during a research sabbatical in 2012. Father Elias Cerezo, SJ, at the China Province Jesuit Archive, offered me a desk at the China Province Archive in Taiwan and brought me important materials held in the Jesuit collection at the campus of Fu Jen University. Father Michael Maher, SJ, spent a large amount of time with me at the Jesuit Curia in Rome helping me to locate

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materials on the Italian and French missions to China, and Father Robert Bonfils, SJ, archivist of the Jesuit archive in Vanves, provided me with a com­ fortable room and copious documents that improved my understanding of the French ethos and behavior at the China mission. I have profited from many letters and inquiries rendered by ecclesial hierarchy with connections to archivists who were able to point me in useful directions, often to sources that are normally closed or have been forgotten. Letters of introduction and support were provided by His Eminence Blase Cardinal Cupich, His Excellency Robert Baker, and His Excellency William Skylstad. And finally, a letter containing much appreciated words of encouragement was received from His Eminence Raymond Cardinal Burke after describing to him my work in a conversation while walking through the Piazza San Pietro. Lastly, I owe a special thanks to my wife, Amanda, who recently published an astute study of the life and influence of the Jesuit missionary to China Father Charles J. McCarthy, SJ. Her remarks throughout the earlier drafts of this book have spared me from several errors, omissions, and areas of untidy prose.

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CH RON OLOG Y OF A LPH ONS E FAV IE R’S LI FE

22 September 1837 Born at Marsannay-la-Côte, Côte-d’Or, France 1850–1857 5 October 1858 10 October 1861

20 February 1862 14 July 1862 1868 1870 1871 1883 1886–1887

1890 1891

(Diocese of Dijon) Literary studies at Plombières Philosophy and theology at the seminary at Dijon Joined the Congregation of the Mission (Lazarists/ Vincentians) in Paris Ordained a priest in the chapel of the Miraculous Medal, Rue du Bac, Paris, by Bishop Joseph-Martial Mouly Departed France for China with Bishop Mouly Arrived in Beijing, China Served as the district director of the Lazarist mission at Xuanhua At Xuanhua during the massacre at the Tianjin ­Lazarist mission on 21 June 1870 Assigned to oversee negotiations with the Chinese authorities to restore the Tianjin mission Transferred to Tianjin to oversee the Holy Childhood of Zhili Negotiated the entrance of the Trappists into China Oversaw the transfer of Beitang cathedral to its new location; designed and oversaw the construction of the new Beitang (North Church) cathedral at Xishiku Completion of Beitang at Xishiku Negotiated the entrance of the Marists into China

x xiii

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C h r o n o lo g y

1897

20 February 1898

15 March 1899

13 April 1899 13 June– 16 August 1900 15 August 1902 4 April 1905

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Published Péking: Histoire et description (Beijing: Imprimerie des Lazaristes du Pé-t’ang, 1897); appointed the titular bishop of Pentacombie with the right of succession to Bishop Jean-Baptiste ­Hippolyte Sarthou Consecrated a bishop at Beitang by Bishop Jules ­Bruguière in Beitang (North Church) cathedral at Xishiku Catholic bishops in China granted the nominal ranks of governors and governors general by the imperial court after Favier’s successful negotiations at the Zongli Yamen Appointed vicar apostolic of Beijing at the death of Bishop Sarthou Oversaw the defense of Beitang during the siege of Boxers and imperial troops; wrote a detailed journal during the attacks Suffered a stroke that paralyzed the right side of his body Died and interred in Beitang cathedral

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Ch i na G ot hic

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I NTRODUC TION The Crown and Cross in France and China Until the emperor suddenly declares that the Catholic religion is recognized and legal throughout the empire, peace and tranquility cannot be expected for the missions. Alphonse Favier, 1891

W h e n t h e t w e n t y- f i v e -y e a r- o l d m i s s i o n a ry A l p h o n s e Favier (known in Chinese as Fan Guoliang, 1837–1905) first entered Beijing on 14 July 1862, the city had, in the minds of his French confreres, already been claimed by Catholic France.1 Only two years before Favier’s arrival, Bishop Joseph-Martial Mouly (Meng Zhensheng, 1807–1868) had celebrated the reopening of Beijing’s Catholic Nantang, South Church, with pageantry suitable to French national pride. Mouly ordered the façade adorned with the blue, white, and red French Tricolor, and “amid general emotion” he invoked heaven’s blessings: “God save our emperor, Napoleon!” (Domine salvum fac imperatorem nostrum Napoleonem!).2 The band of France’s 101st regiment accompanied the bishop’s enthusiastic pronouncement. This was the very regiment that had just destroyed the imperial Summer Palace (Yuanmingyuan) in an act of Western national vengeance against China. As the splendid garden and monumental buildings of the emperor’s favorite retreat smoldered in ruins, the French flag rose above Mouly’s cathedral church, which stood only a short sedan ride from the walls of the Forbidden City. Favier’s nationalism was no less zealous than Mouly’s, and among the more complicated questions regarding Favier’s legacy in China is whether his priorities leaned more toward the crown or the cross (fig. I.1). Favier’s competing loyalties were overshadowed by the problem of contended space. The antagonism between political and religious eminence, both personal and in the domain of property, helped inaugurate the terrible struggles of the Boxer Uprising (1898–1900). Wherever a Catholic church was constructed in late-imperial China there were repercussions; cultural 3

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Figur e I.1. Formal photograph of Father Alphonse Favier in 1887. By the time this photograph was taken, Favier had already distinguished himself as one of the leading French priests of the Lazarist mission in northern China. Source: Congrégation de la Mission Archives Historiques, Paris.

dialogue, peaceable and quarrelsome, often occurred under the tall spires triumphantly erected above former non-Christian temples. During the reign of the Guangxu emperor (1871–1908), local Catholics in Shandong built a church directly over what had been a Chinese temple dedicated to the Heavenly Emperor, and adding to this insult, the priest was unsatisfied with the simplicity of the first church, ordered it razed, and rebuilt it with an even more regal edifice. Village elders sued the Catholics, and the lawsuits dragged on as antagonisms grew more explosive. In 1892, fearing more extreme foreign intervention, the county prefect ordered the disaffected locals to rebuild their temple in a different location.3 In 1887, a more imposing church was erected in China’s capital city, and with a more imposing leader, Alphonse Favier, at a site that became the center of an intense clash, this time between the head of China’s Catholic Church and the imperial court, which lay only a short distance from Favier’s new cathedral, festooned with French flags. Favier, the French bishop of Beijing, built his portly body on French cuisine rather than Chinese food, and built his commanding cathedral largely on French tastes rather than Chinese sensibilities. He and the towers of his church were in many ways

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the pivotal centers around which Sino-Western exchange, tension, and conflict revolved as imperial China began its final years. ARCHITEC TURE AND AUTHORIT Y: THEMES, SOURCES, AND ARGUMENTS

Alphonse Favier was an influential figure at the height of the Qing (1644– 1911) empire’s social and political transformation, when China’s imperial framework of more than two millennia began its final disintegration. Edward Gibbon (1737–1794) wrote in The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire that when an empire declines into its last hours, “our eye is invariably fixed on the royal city.”4 In the “Celestial Empire,” this was Beijing. Despite his French nationalism, Favier admired Beijing and its royal court, and he published what would become one of the most consulted and cited histories of the city. By tracing his activities in China’s capital city we are able to observe that the highly nationalistic French Catholic mission played a significant role in the emergence of Chinese nationalism. And as Chinese nationalism grew more clearly defined, separate from its dynastic pattern, China’s imperial model collapsed under the weight of its new “nation” model. As China entered the twentieth century, nearly all vestiges of its imperial sovereignty collapsed. In the seventeenth century, China had occupied a dominant position in its relationship with foreign nations, but during Favier’s lifetime endemic political and cultural patterns replaced Chinese dominance with begrudging acquiescence.5 China’s dominance was weakened by foreign diplomatic pressures that were bolstered by Western gunboats and by missionary initiatives to empower their respective religious orders. A forceful visual manifestation of French nationalism in China was the Catholic Western architecture that emerged from the sloped roofs of China’s native structures.6 Sino-Gothic architecture, especially that designed by Favier, the French missionary-cum-architect, represents the cultural, political, and theological impulse to convert China through the visual mediation of Western architectural tastes. The design of Favier’s cathedral church in Beijing, dedicated to the Holy Savior, expresses the French cultural ideal of la mission civilisatrice, or the “civilizing mission” to transform China into a largely French, and thus “improved,” Chinese cultural identity. Favier’s penchant for soaring architectural monumentality represented a visual form of emergent foreign cultural and religious sovereignty that

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Figur e I.2. Photograph of Favier’s Beitang cathedral in Beijing, 1903. This photograph of the towering Gothic church near the Forbidden City was taken long before the modern push to erect high-rise buildings was inaugurated in the 1980s; the skyline around the cathedral is entirely clear. Source: Congrégation de la Mission Archives Historiques, Paris.

helped transform the aesthetic and intellectual landscape of late Qing China (fig. I.2). More than a conflict of architecture was afflicting China during Favier’s life there. Among the significant events that marked the end of imperial China was the siege—or sieges—in Beijing in 1900. One was the siege of Catholic Beijing by imperial and Boxer forces sponsored by the Qing court, and the other was the siege of imperial Beijing by Western and Japanese forces. Both sieges uprooted the last columns of support that held the imperial model in place; the victory of Favier’s cathedral church over the attacking dynastic forces represents, perhaps, the victory of Western nationalism over China’s traditional form of governance. Echoing the Boxer Uprising of 1900 was a second and smaller wave of anti-Christian and anti-foreign violence that arose in 1901 in Sichuan that underscored an important transition in China’s national consciousness. Whereas the principal motto of the Boxers who attacked Favier’s cathedral in 1900 was “Support the Qing,

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destroy foreign” (Fu Qing mieyang), the Sichuan Boxers a year later vaunted a new slogan: “Destroy the Qing, eradicate the foreign, and restore the Han” (Mie Qing, jiaoyang, xing Han).7 China’s popular favor had decidedly shifted away from the Qing, toward a more local and nationalistic loyalty, one that was both ethnic and cultural. The complicating factor of an emergent cultural nationalism is discerning the difference between newly formed concepts of “culture” and “nation,” especially if Chinese nationalism was to some extent inherited from Western nationalism, at that time decidedly a Western idea.8 Part of China’s response to Western notions of “nation” was a transition from the court-centered tributary system to a model of international negotiation. Ironically, the “unequal treaties” of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries imposed upon the weakened empire inaugurated in China a notion of equal nations and national empowerment.9 Favier and his architectural legacy participated in several antagonistic divisions related to China’s transition from empire to nation-state, each one representing a struggle for authority and prominence on China’s contested soil. First, his position as a French Roman Catholic bishop positioned him between the contending nationalisms of France and Catholicism. Second, his close ties to Chinese officials and the Qing court located him between the rivalries of Catholic and Chinese nationalism. Third, and most often discussed in recent scholarship, was his decisive role in the opposition between Western and Chinese nationalism. Nationalism, or patriotism by another nomenclature, is itself a contested idea; it is both supported as a necessary component of “authentic” citizenship, and it is criticized as a cause of division. Scholarly opinion, however, largely agrees that extreme nationalism is, as Albert Einstein despairingly quipped, “an infantile thing. It is the measles of mankind.”10 Whatever one’s judgment of nationalism, Bishop Favier and his cathedral functioned as potent emblems of national contentions between China, France, and the Church. In primary sources on persons and events around the time of the Boxer Uprising, one often encounters mentions of Alphonse Favier and the “siege of Beitang,” though references to his role as an architect participant in SinoWestern exchange and conflict during the Qing’s final years are scant. This study represents the first extensive examination of Favier’s life and influence on the fate of late-imperial China as a French missionary architect. To date, most of what has been written about Beijing during the late Qing revolves around the foreign diplomatic legations, located in the Dongjiaominxiang district, a short distance from the southeast corner of the Forbidden City,

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Introduction

and most English studies place Britain, rather than France, at the forefront of Western influence in China. By far the best-known book on this era and the siege of the legations is Peter Fleming’s (Fu Laiming, 1907–1964) The Siege at Peking (1959).11 Based largely on the diary of Dr. George Ernest Morrison (Mo Lixun, 1862–1920) and the papers of Sir Claude MacDonald (Bao Nale, 1852–1915), Fleming’s account offers little by way of a nuanced and two-sided view of the era. Victor Purcell has appropriately described Fleming’s book as “a graphic and entertaining account of the siege and foreign personalities involved, but China itself figures in it only vaguely as a barbaric setting for the somewhat dubious exploits of European chivalry.”12 Other works similar to Fleming’s were published shortly after the Boxer Uprising, such as Robert Coltman’s (Ke Teman, 1862–1931), Beleaguered in Peking: The Boxer’s War Against the Foreigner (1901), and Arnold Henry Savage Landor’s (Lan Dao, 1865–1924) eccentric and creative two-volume account, China and the Allies (1901).13 Popular novels based on the relief of the diplomatic legations in Beijing were also published, few of which celebrated Western “heroism” and “superiority” more transparently than George Alfred Henty’s (Han Erli, 1832–1902), With the Allies to Pekin: A Story of the Relief of the Legations (1903).14 Alphonse Favier and the Chinese are given only minor roles in the dramatic proceedings of the siege of the legations and Beitang cathedral. More scholarly and balanced studies have since been published, several by Chinese scholars, who more easily wade through the copious documents generated by the Qing court and local literati who were involved in the conflicts on the Chinese side. Among the first of such Chinese works was a study of the Boxers edited by Jian Bozan and several others, widely published and distributed in both the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of China (Taiwan) beginning in 1951.15 More recently, Li Renkai and Jiang Wenying published an exceptional study of the Boxer Uprising in Zhili that provides comprehensive access to the views held by Chinese participants in the uprising in the area in which Favier served as a Roman Catholic bishop.16 These examples illustrate how written sources have centered mainly in 1900, and on the Boxer Uprising. The architectural dimension of late-imperial Sino-Western exchange has remained almost entirely ignored. This study of Alphonse Favier has relied on these works, but has mostly benefited from the exhaustive collection of testimonies and private diaries, largely produced by missionaries, diplomates, and Chinese Catholics, such as those compiled and edited by the Shanghai Jesuit Li Di (Li Wenyu,

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1840–1911). The second volume of Li Di’s expansive work on the Boxer Uprising begins with a long description of the Boxer and Qing troop siege against Bishop Favier and his cathedral from 14 June to 16 August 1900.17 Other important sources of largely untapped information about Favier and Beitang are the annual index of records of the secretary of state in the Vatican Secret Archives and the numerous folders of correspondence and reports generated by Favier held in the Archives of the Congregation of the Mission (Lazarists), in Paris. An additionally revealing collection of letters between Favier and the Propaganda Fide is held in the vaults of the Roman Archive of the Propaganda Fide, and several books have been written on the Lazarist mission in Beijing during the nineteenth and twentieth cen­ turies by Jean-Marie Planchet (Bao Shijie, 1870–1948); particularly useful is Planchet’s collection of documents related to Catholic martyrdom in Beijing, which serves as the most complete and exhaustive single source available on how Favier and Beitang were affected during the turbulent events of 1900.18 With these archival materials and scholarly studies, drawn from Chinese, French, Italian, Latin, and English sources, a colorful tapestry of religious, political, and cultural conflict can be discerned, one that helps us better understand the tensions and anxieties that marked the collapse of China’s imperial era, and how Favier’s church design influenced the contours of Sino-French and Sino-Western diplomacy. Each chapter of this book explores this history from a different angle related to Alphonse Favier and his architectural legacy. Each also dilates in some way on what Ernest P. Young has termed “the missionary problem” during China’s final decades of imperial rule, which were plagued by hostilities and legal disputes that often resulted in violence between Catholics and local Chinese throughout the empire.19 Favier sought to “civilize” China by converting it to Christianity, making it French, or both, through the erection of Western ecclesial façades amid the hallowed temples and civic buildings of traditional China. Favier was shaped for his mission to China in the kilns of French nationalism, and in the pervasive French attitude, best described by the Jesuit historian Peter J. Fleming (1939–1994): “The political maneuvering between the Vatican and France, however, was only the carapace of a much deeper colonialist evil which France espoused and the Vatican endorsed by its refusal to take a stand against France. The evil was the colonial mentality and practice of la mission civilisatrice (a civilizing mission on the part of France) based upon presumed racial and cultural superiority.”20

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EMPIRE AND N ATION: IMPERIALISM AND N ATION ALISM

One cannot separate Favier from the legacy of Western nationalism that he embodied. In the final chapters of his survey of Qing history, China’s Last Empire: The Great Qing, William Rowe considers the meaning and implications of two terms widely employed in contemporary historical analysis: “imperialism” and “nationalism.” It is telling that these terms emerge as he discusses the end of China’s imperial history, because that is when China’s consciousness of these Western ideas was first woven into its native intellectual fabric. According to Marxist historians, imperialism suggests the “highest stage of capitalism,” which anchors the term principally to economics. Most historians today, however, apply the term in a non-Marxist way, defining imperialism, as Rowe does, as “more political than economic,” describing it more broadly as “the worldwide scramble for territorial ­colonization by the Western Great Powers (and eventually Japan).”21 This definition allows us to apply the term “imperialism” more widely, to ascribe the process of colonization to ideologies, religions, and economic schemes, as well as nation-states. Thus, the “civilizing mission” can carry multiple connotations, serving to describe the missionary ambitions of the French Lazarists, the French merchants, and the French diplomats who sought to colonize China—partially or entirely—according to their disparate aims. Rowe next notes China’s early twentieth-century adoption of nationalism as a collective worldview, distinguishing between the modern use of the terms “nation” and “state.” Nations are, simply defined, “a group of people defined variously,” as, for example, “persons sharing a common ‘race’ or gene pool, a common language, a common delimited territory, or a common history.”22 A state, on the other hand, “refers not to a place but to a deliberately created organization that claims ultimate control over a particular territory.”23 One of the assertions of this book is that before its territorial and national identity—cultural, religious, intellectual, and political—was threatened by the presence of equally or more powerful foreign nations, China had little intellectual need to construct such a settled definition of itself vis-à-vis other sovereign “nations.” France’s forceful aesthetic expression of Western architecture was among the most efficacious agents of Chinese nationalism once the Chinese began to juxtapose it against indigenous architectural styles. This view of national identity can be seen in the emerging popular use of “my country” (woguo) in early twentieth-century Chinese writing. Woguo appears ubiquitously in many

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book introductions near the end of the Qing, especially works intended to inculcate in readers a sense of Chinese nationalism, of “national” selfempowerment and identity. China’s encounters with nations such as France, which by most accounts viewed itself as superior to China, obliged China to reevaluate its own national and cultural sovereignty among other “equal” or “less equal” nations. The complexity of China’s situation grew more extreme as it developed an identity as a nation-state, because it then apprehended the conflicting interests of “colonies” within its borders. The French Roman Catholic presence in China around the time of Favier’s mission there, with its towering Gothic and Baroque churches, was developing more acutely into an imperium in imperio, two conflicting nationalisms within the same national border. Paul Varg’s study of what he calls “missionaries, Chinese, and diplomats” devotes a chapter to the “storm of Chinese nationalism” that materialized shortly after Favier’s death in 1905.24 He suggests that missionary institutions were especially offensive to the Chinese after the collapse of China’s last empire: “The chapel, school and hospital of the missionary were foreign in every respect, managed by foreigners, patterned after Western institutions, flying foreign flags and obviously aimed at Westernizing the country’s religious life.”25 While Varg is mainly discussing Protestant missionaries, this description of what aggravated Chinese nationalists applies as well to the French Catholic mission overseen by Bishop Alphonse Favier. The practical result of la mission civilisatrice in late-imperial China was twofold; while Favier and the bulk of his confreres viewed Chinese Catholics as “improved Chinese,” nationalist Chinese viewed them, rather, as “a kind of hyphenated Chinese,” neither fully Western nor fully Chinese.26 Studies of missionary history during the life of Alphonse Favier that are published in China today still present that history within a dialectic of contesting power structures, as they did nearly a century ago. In her history of Catholicism in Beijing, for example, Yang Jingyun begins her discussion of modern Catholicism in the capital with a long description of Western imperialism in China, and highlights the record of how Chinese Catholics have struggled for a national Christian identity independent from the ecclesial structures enforced by the likes of Bishop Alphonse Favier and the extreme German nationalist prelate Bishop Johann Baptist von Anzer (An Zhitai, 1851–1903). 27 While Favier’s Eurocentric tenor was less aggressive than Anzer’s, his particularly French manifestation of Western nationalism exemplifies this attitude in the precincts of East Asia.

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JOINING THE MISSION: ALPHONSE FAVIER’S E ARLY YE ARS AND CONTEX T

The archives of the Congregation of the Mission, more commonly called the Lazarists in France and the Vincentians in America, contain little information about Favier’s life before he traveled to China in 1862.28 He was born in a small wine-making village, Marsannay-la-Côte, part of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Dijon in the northern part of Burgundy, with a village population of just over seven hundred. This small rural community lies on the famous Route des Grands Crus, or “road of great vineyards.” Even the town’s neo-classical church, L’Église Notre-Dame de l’Assomption, includes a vintner in the mural painted in the dome above the choir. The priest and Burgundy historian L’Abbé Claude Courtépée (1721–1781) locates the earliest history of Marsannay-la-Côte wine-making in the seventh century, when the abbey church of Saint-Pierre de Beze oversaw the vineyards there. 29 Favier was born the eldest of twelve children into a community where French culture and the Catholic Church were inseparably linked, and three of his sisters joined religious orders and became nuns.30 The pride with which priests in Burgundy enjoyed and wrote about Catholicism, wine, and haute cuisine followed him to Beijing. Alphonse Favier completed literary studies at Plombières-lès-Dijon, also in the Diocese of Dijon, where he attended Mass in the center of town at the thirteenth-century church dedicated to St. Baudèle. From there he moved to Dijon and entered the diocesan seminary to study philosophy and the­ ology. Favier’s early seminary training was complemented with the study of architecture before his acceptance into the Congregation of the Mission on 5 October 1858, after which he continued his theological studies at the Lazarist motherhouse in Paris.31 The motherhouse and seminary in Paris, located on Rue de Sèvres, was situated in one of the city’s most Catholic quarters; certainly Paris, perhaps even the neighborhood of the Lazarist seminary, was the center of French Catholic preparation for missions in China. The beginnings of nationalistic French Catholicism in China were largely nourished by powerful Marian devotion that grew out of Paris; one of these influences was a Lazarist chapel on Rue du Bac, a short walk from where Favier was groomed for his foreign mission. In 1633, the creator of the Congregation of the Mission, Vincent de Paul (1581–1660), cofounded the branch of women Lazarists with one of his pious followers, Louise de Marillac (1591–1660). Vincent’s vision was to serve the poor and convert souls, and this new congregation, known as the Daughters

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of Charity, had become famous throughout Europe by the mid-nineteenth century, after a young sister reported seeing an apparition of the Virgin Mary in their small community chapel on Rue du Bac.32 This nun, born in Burgundy like Favier, was the fêted Catherine Labouré (1806–1876). In 1830, Catherine claimed to have received her private vision of Mary, who directed her to commission the production of a holy medal to be worn by Catholics. In the account she provided her confessor, Father Aladel, she wrote: “There appeared, round Our Lady, a small oval on which was written in letters of gold these words: ‘O Mary, conceived without sin, pray for us who have recourse to thee’; and the voice said: ‘Strike a medal after this model. All who wear it will receive great graces, especially if they wear it suspended round the neck.’”33 Father Aladel made two thousand such medals in 1832, giving them to the Daughters of Charity at Rue du Bac to distribute around Paris. Just as these medals were being cast, an outbreak of cholera struck the city that took nineteen thousand lives. Alistair Horne describes the epidemic: “Day after day carts rattled through the disease-bearing streets piled high with corpses.”34 Wearing the new medal based on Sister Labouré’s vision, a large number of the afflicted were reported to have been miraculously restored to health, which resulted in the popular new name, the “Miraculous Medal,” and when Favier began his studies in Paris, Catherine Labouré and the chapel of her visions were both visited by a stream of pilgrims, just down the street from his seminary room. Jeremy Clarke suggests that the “miraculous medal became talismanic for French Catholics,” and its popularity as a French devotion was carried into China by missionaries who acclaimed its preternatural efficacy as an indication of the spiritual and cultural potency of France itself.35 By 1836 the Lazarist missionary in China Jean-Gabriel Perboyre (Dong Wenxue, 1802–1840) was giving the medal to Chinese Catholics.36 Another prevalent devotion in Paris, and one that became an important Marian cult among French missionaries in China, especially those interested in architecture, centered on Notre Dame des Victoires, or “Our Lady of Victory.” This is instructive given the history of the basilica of Notre Dame des Victoires in Paris, after which this devotion is named. King Louis XIII (1601–1643) funded the construction of a church dedicated to Our Lady of Victory in 1629 in thanksgiving for the intercession of the Virgin Mary, who he believed had helped France defeat the Protestants at the Siege of La Rochelle (1572–1573). 37 The church was a symbol of French and Catholic

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Introduction

triumph over their adversaries, and churches throughout China were similarly given this appellation, a gesture of France’s religious and national preeminence. Favier himself would design a stout Gothic church in Tianjin under the patronage of Our Lady of Victory. Also within walking distance of the Lazarist motherhouse where Favier completed his seminary studies were two other French Catholic centers of preparation for missions in China—the Jesuit church of St. Ignatius and the Paris Foreign Missions Society. The Jesuit church, dedicated to Ignatius of Loyola (1491–1556) and located on Rue de Sèvres, features extravagant murals of Jesuit missionaries, such as Francis Xavier (1506–1552), that inspired young novices to seek mission posts in East Asia. Since Ignatius had founded the Jesuit order in Paris, the church named for him near the Lazarist seminary attracted particular affection from French Catholics, who heralded Paris as the birthplace of the esteemed Society of Jesus, which had, after all, distinguished itself as a forerunner in the China mission. It was in France that the Jesuit order had been founded on 15 August 1534, and by the time Favier served as the bishop of Beijing, the growing majority of China’s Catholic missionaries were French, and many were assertively Jesuit.38 A short walk from the chapel of the Miraculous Medal on Rue du Bac, where Catherine Labouré experienced her vision of the Blessed Virgin, was another Catholic nucleus of missionary training for China, the Paris Foreign Mission Society, or the Missions Étrangères de Paris (MEP). This congregation of priests dedicated to foreign missions was among the most dominant voices of French nationalism in China during the late-imperial era, and Jean-Pierre Charbonnier notes that the grand seminary and gardens of the Paris Foreign Mission Society on Rue du Bac are proudly “near the Hôtel de Matignon, the official residence of French prime ministers.”39 Ensconced in the heart of French Catholicism and French nationalism, Favier’s room in the Lazarist seminary exuded French pre-eminence. The results of this early influence on Favier can be seen in his book on the history of Beijing, in which he responds to a display of French force and celebrates France’s role as protector of China’s Catholic mission: “Once more this incident has proved the necessity of the French Protectorate in China’s capital and its relationship to the Catholic missions, a Protectorate which France has never abandoned and which the Church was never willing to take away from her. You will always see a consulate next to a church, and the Tricolor sheltering the Catholic cross! . . . The admirals and officers

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15

compete with each other for the glory of the religion and the fatherland.”40 French Marian devotions attached to Paris and the Lazarist seminary’s proximity to several important missionary centers inculcated Favier with an admixture of Catholic and national pride that shaped many of his decisions once he was stationed in China. Another dimension of French Catholic history was determining the missionary temperament as Favier studied in Paris for his future work as a Lazarist priest: the French Dévot movement, which had left an indelible mark on French Catholicism from the middle of the seventeenth century. The Dévot, or “devout” party, was a Roman Catholic political coterie that opposed the presence of Protestants, mostly Calvinist Huguenots, within France. Their leading patrons were Michel de Marillac (1563–1632), the jurist and counselor to Louis XIII, and the statesman cardinal Pierre de Bérulle (1575–1629), who was himself a personal friend of the founder of the Lazarists, Vincent de Paul. It was indeed Cardinal de Bérulle who had established the enormously popular École Française de Spiritualité, or “French School of Spirituality,” which became the principal devotional influence upon French Catholicism from his lifetime until the twentieth century.41 This Dévot faction had set itself against the more compromising Politique camp, under the leadership of Cardinal Armand Jean de Richelieu (1585–1642), who advocated a more tolerant view of Protestants living within France. After the Dévot party had essentially lost its battle within the precincts of the royal court, it turned its attention to a spiritual view that abnegated the “world,” increasingly defining itself as a spiritual subgroup within the Church determined to restore authentic Roman Catholic spirituality in opposition to the corrupted political agents of their time.42 The extreme spiritual practices of the Dévot faction are well known; Jesuit and Lazarist priests and brothers were among the more active members of its surreptitious meetings, where discussions of theological matters were accompanied by severe practices of asceticism and mortification. Adherents to this form of French spirituality would sometimes request to have themselves tied to a large cross to emulate the death of Christ, and others would lie on the ground while their confreres stood nearby intoning the office of the dead.43 The Lazarists largely descend from this zealous group, and the founders of the prominent Missions des Étrangeres de Paris, whose headquarters was, and is, a short walk from the Lazarist motherhouse, were dedicated participants in the Dévot movement.44 The influence of this assertive French Catholic spirituality carried into the formation and

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ministries of French missionaries who were assigned to East Asia; this can be seen in the writing of the apostolic vicar of Sichuan, Gabriel-Taurin Dufresse (Xu Dexin, 1750–1815). In 1803, Bishop Dufresse convened a synodal meeting of bishops because he felt that pastoral practices in his vicariate had become too divergent, and as a result he wrote and published his Synodus vicariatus sutchuensis.45 Among the characteristics of Dufresse’s document is its sympathy toward the rigorous spirituality, especially in the realm of penance, of the Dévot movement. In one section, Dufresse writes of the benefits of rigorous bodily mortifications, such as intense fasting and sleeplessness, when assigning penances to those who have committed sins.46 By the time Favier entered China in 1862, the stern spirituality of the French Dévot faction had become embedded in the culture of the Lazarist mission in Beijing, and Dufresse’s Synodus vicariatus sutchuensis bore significant weight upon the attitudes and decision-making within China’s Catholic mission during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. On 10 October 1861, Favier processed with characteristic French Catholic pageantry into the chapel of the Miraculous Medal, where he was ordained a priest by one of the pioneers and legends of the Lazarist mission in China, Bishop Joseph-Martial Mouly.47 While Mouly has been faulted for his displays of Gallic nationalism, he cannot be faulted for his lack of enthusiasm to recruit capable missionaries for China. Mouly, then serving as vicar apostolic of Beijing, was in Paris to attend the General Assembly of the Congregation of the Mission of 1861 (27 July–4 August), and during one of the sessions he “spoke of the new possibilities of evangelization in China after the Peking Convention (1860).”48 Favier was among a group of young Lazarists who responded to Mouly’s call, and after his ordination and first Mass in the chapel of the Miraculous Medal, he left for China on 23 February 1862, boarding the Descartes, from Toulon.49 With him on the ship were Bishop Mouly, fourteen Daughters of Charity, two lay brothers, and three other Lazarist priests, including the famous missionary botanist Jean Pierre Armond David (Tan Weidao, 1826–1900) (fig. I.3). After Alphonse Favier, Armond David was recognized as the secondmost distinguished Lazarist on board the ship. David later became a celebrity in Europe for having identified more than two hundred Asian animal species unknown in the West, including the giant panda and a type of deer he first observed in the imperial hunting park outside of Beijing, which was later named “Père David’s deer.”50 In the first few years after their arrival, David made a number of natural history expeditions throughout China,

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Figur e I.3. Formal photograph of Bishop Joseph-Martial Mouly, who recruited Favier and escorted him from Paris to Beijing in 1862. Source: Congrégation de la Mission Archives Historiques, Paris.

and after each one he published a detailed journal of his findings. While Favier ascended the rungs of ecclesial triumph, Père David achieved fame (and funds) for his treks into China’s hinterlands, Mongolia, and the high mountains of Tibet.51 The punishing journey from France to China lasted five months, and somewhere after passing the Suez Canal the band of Lazarists transferred to another vessel, the Japon, which began to leak dangerously after entering the Indian Ocean.52 Unable to remain afloat, the ship was beached on the coastal tip of Somalia; it was quickly repaired and able to complete the final distance to China, arriving at Beijing on 14 July 1862.53 Favier was at last in Asia, where he, as Ernest Young states, would eventually be “recognized by bishops of various nationalities a most effective facilitator at the pinnacles of power in the country.”54 Years later, after his ascendancy to ecclesiastical power, Favier governed China’s Catholic mission from his palatial cathedral only a shadow’s distance from the emperor’s palace, where he curried favors and connections for both the Church and France. He surely could not have predicted on the day of his arrival in Beijing that almost three decades later he would lead a desperate defense against a relentless entourage of attacking Chinese who would assail both the French Catholic mission and the Gothic church that he had himself built only a short walk from the Forbidden City.

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Figur e I.4. A classroom at the Rencitang orphanage behind the Beitang cathedral, 1899. Two Daughters of Charity sisters are seen here with their students only a year before this building was destroyed by a Boxer land mine on 12 August 1900. Source: Congrégation de la Mission Archives Historiques, Paris.

L AND MINES: A VIGNET TE

Perhaps the most effective way of foreshadowing the dramatic, and sometimes violent, history of the French mission in Beijing is to provide here a brief vignette of what befell Favier’s cathedral during the Boxer siege in 1900. On 12 August, only four days before the Boxer attacks against Beitang ended, Brother Jules-André (d. 1900), a French Marist, was startled from his prayers in Beitang when he heard the sound of a large explosion. According to Li Di, “The Boxers had burrowed a tunnel” in which they had installed and detonated a land mine beneath Rencitang orphanage, which was filled with frightened Chinese children and overseen by the French Daughters of Charity. The orphanage, located behind the cathedral, was completely destroyed and many children and sisters perished.55 Land mines were common during the siege of Favier’s cathedral complex, and similarly theatrical scenes of violence and religious fervor were no less frequent. As Boxers excavated the earth beneath Beitang before the explosion, and as the land mines aroused fear and were detonated beneath the feet of the children and their caretakers, the foundation of China’s imperial legacy was also eroding. As mission buildings surrounding Beitang were destroyed during the Boxer incidents of 1900, the pressures of French ecclesial and diplomatic incursion into China functioned as political and cultural land mines that destroyed the last vestiges of the Qing establishment (fig. I.4).

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TH E CI V ILI Z ING M ISS I O N A French Church on Chinese Soil I hope that the pious and charitable faithful in Europe will want to participate, according to their means, in the work of glorifying the massacred victims, for the exaltation of our holy religion in China, and for the honor of France. Alphonse Favier, 1896

Assum ed cu ltu r a l su per ior it y was a Chi n ese propensit y as much as it was a European one, and China was no less imperialist during the Qing dynasty than were France and Britain. Cultural pride, displayed with aggressive confidence by both China and the West, made conflict inevitable. The Manchu emperors more than doubled the frontiers of the imperial borders settled during the Ming (1368–1644) within the first century and a half after the Qing court was established in Beijing in 1644. As William Rowe describes China’s colonialist enterprise, “For many Qing soldiers, statesmen, and ideologists involved in this expansion, a ‘civilizing mission’ not all that different from the European experience was associated with conquest.”1 By the nineteenth century, European powers had turned the tables on the Qing; the West now wished to “civilize” China, as well as its other missionary territories. French officer and explorer Louis Gustave Binger (1856–1936) wrote in his 1892 journal that a white man traveling in Africa, “whoever he may be, should not prostrate himself before a black king, however powerful he may be.” Europeans, Binger declared, especially French ones, “should come as masters.”2 H. G. Wells (1866–1946) echoed Binger’s racist sentiments when he asserted his support for the French domination of the Ivory Coast and the “development of ‘Black France.’”3 While nationalism was widespread in China’s Catholic mission, such extreme views were still more common among French statesmen and soldiers than among the clergy. Alphonse Favier may have been proudly French, but there is no evidence that he would have desired China to become an analog of the African colonies, a kind of “Yellow France.” Bishop Favier, 19

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however, envisaged a Catholic China, one infused with the characteristics of French Catholicism, though the line between Catholic and French was some­ times obscured by Eurocentric pride. Despite his apparent admiration for China’s history and cultural heritage, Favier was nevertheless a product of the ideal of la mission civilisatrice, which had become “one of the bywords of French colonial expansion under the Third Republic” (1870–1940).4 His Catholic architectural, liturgical, and cultural preferences lay solidly on French modes of expression, and he viewed little contradiction in the goal of establishing a French Church on Chinese soil. Favier’s missionary admixture of French nationalism and Roman Catholicism was a common vision among most French clergy in China, and most of the foreign clergy in China at that time were French who understood the utility of a French military and diplomatic presence near the Qing court. Jesuit missionary Henri-Joseph Leroy (fl. 1900) undauntingly supported the need for the French Protectorate for the Church’s mission in China: “It is a necessity of providence,” Leroy argued, “for France to play a great role in the conversion of China by being the protector of the Catholic missions.” He continues by affirming his appreciation for the “secular arm or the sword of France that extends to defend the Catholic altar.”5 In 1900, Leroy also identified the recently consecrated bishop of Beijing, Alphonse Favier, as a noteworthy choice for the episcopate since he was, as Leroy suggests, “a man universally loved and respected, one who will continue the work of the great missionary-bishops” of France.6 HenriJoseph Leroy makes his point in straightforward terms: “The Catholic cause remains triumphant thanks to the Protectorate” and the influence of French prelates such as Favier.7 PROTEC TION, PROPAG ATION, AND HOLY CONQUEST

French protection of the Catholic mission facilitated French propagation of the faith that both the secular and ecclesial authorities believed would “civilize” China. The idea of French secular protection of Catholic missionaries was not, however, first envisioned in China; the Catholic Protectorate, as it was normally referred to, emerged in the sixteenth century when the sultan of the Ottoman empire (1299–1923) bestowed on France the Capit­ulations, which allowed France to defend Christian interests.8 The French government had become an indispensable source of funding by the nineteenth

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century in the Middle East, where Lazarists were at the helm of the Catholic mission. Around 1855, the superior general of the Lazarists noted that without government subsidies the mission in the Middle East might not be able to exist.9 By the time Alphonse Favier arrived in Beijing, French government protection and funding were two indispensable supporting columns of Lazarist work in China.10 For Favier and most of his French confreres in the Qing empire, the financial support and defensive muscle of the Third Republic were convenient aids to the project of Catholic conversion. Catholicism, they held, was requisite for a refined and civilized nation. It was, as Mathew Burrows puts it, “the bedrock of society: its axioms and beliefs were considered applicable to all societies all through time.”11 By the nineteenth century, France considered itself the pays missionaire, or “country of the missions,” and by the end of the empire most of the world’s missionaries and the money that supported them came from the “civilizing” French.12 When Favier arrived in Beijing in 1862, his native France was the location of the Church’s most influential missionary organization, a popular society called the Propagation de la Foi, which had been founded in Lyon in 1822. This was a lay organization committed to the propagation of the Catholic faith, and membership in the society required only that one “recite daily a prayer for the missions, and contribute at least five cents monthly to the general fund.”13 This source of income, second only after support from the French government, funneled large amounts of money into Lazarist coffers used for the maintenance of their mission stations and the construction of new churches in China. It seemed natural to the Lazarists that France should play a central role in the world network of Catholic evangelization, for it was the fille aînée, or “oldest daughter,” of the Church of Rome. After all, it was France that “had led the rest of Catholic Europe in supplying the Crusades with knights.”14 One must distinguish, however, between the mostly political aims of the French state and the mostly religious aims of the French missionaries. Whereas the “civilizing mission” meant colonial conquest to ambitious French political players, it mostly meant spiritual conquest to the Lazarists. Spiritual conquest took many forms, such as the baptism of dying infants, the rescuing of abandoned children, the conversion of adults, and the acquisition of formerly “pagan” temples. The Lazarist missionary in China, Jules-Auguste Coqset (Gu Qiwei, 1854–1936), described the baptism

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of infants in articulo mortis as “a conquest over the empire of the demon.”15 Géraud Bray (Bai Zhenduo, 1825–1905), the Lazarist bishop of Jiangxi, wrote often of his conquests over the devil in China. In one letter Bray speaks of the work of missionaries as “snatching” souls “away from Satan” in China, where they are especially vulnerable.16 When French Lazarists successfully converted a non-Christian pagoda into a Catholic chapel, a Daughter of Charity sister reported having “tears in my eyes knowing that a short while ago the prince of darkness was adored in that place.”17 An extract from an 1858 issue of the Journal de la cour highlights the attitude of French missionaries of the Paris Foreign Mission Society as they left France for missions abroad, describing them as “this assemblage of pale devoted youth ready armed for the good fight, about to sally forth into the unknown dark, to combat with, it may be, invisible and unknown enemies.”18 Secular and ecclesial forces, suffused as they were with French nationalism, arrayed themselves against China’s traditional culture to transform it into an outpost of French Catholicism. Favier’s formative years at the Lazarist seminary in Paris and his confreres in Beijing were permeated with the mentality of the “civilizing mission,” though his view of China was more generous than some. FAVIER’S E ARLY YE ARS IN CHIN A AND OUR L ADY OF (FRENCH) VIC TORY

In a letter to the superior general of the Congregation of the Mission, JeanBaptiste Étienne (1801–1874), Favier distinguished himself as a writer of dramatic flair shortly after his arrival at the seaport city of Aden, an aptitude he later employed to solicit a remarkable amount of financial aid for his projects from both Europe and China’s imperial court. Describing the incident of their beached ship en route to China, he wrote that “everyone was awakened by the impact, and after a few minutes we were aware of our danger.” Bishop Mouly, however, “allowed the sisters to remain ignorant so as not to disturb them.” The priests offered three Masses and went on deck to witness the ship’s theatrical release after the captain had dived into the ocean, ascertained the situation, and dislodged the hull from the sand after several bursts of the ship’s engine. It was only at high tide that the vessel was raised enough to be released from the beach, which Favier attributed to “the Blessed Virgin, to whom that day was devoted, and who undertook to get us free.”19 Mary, rather than high tide, was the force that liberated the Japon

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from its sandy entrapment. The presumed efficacy of Holy Mass and the intercession of Mary punctuate his often histrionic letters, and it is to these two factors that he later attributed the deliverance of Beitang in 1900. We know much of Favier’s attitudes and goals during his early years in China through his correspondence, which contain long descriptions of the French mission interlarded with appeals for financial offerings. While Favier was still learning to read and speak Chinese during his early years in Beijing, the bishop of Beijing, Joseph-Martial Mouly, was already showing signs of severe fatigue, and Favier was made his procurator, a canonical appointment to serve on the bishop’s behalf in administrative duties. By 1864, he had settled comfortably into his new rank, and also into his new comfortable residence at the Lazarist mission in Beijing. That year he was quick to record Our Lady’s ability to vanquish fire after a blaze erupted from the fireplace in the room of the director of the Beijing seminary on 9 January. When Father Pasquale d’Addosio (Dong Wenxue, 1835–1900) attempted to enter the director’s room and remove valuable objects inside during the blaze, “the conflagration stopped him at the door.” Flames spread quickly to other sections of the building, “swelling to alarming proportions.” The destruction was severe: “All the Chinese paper windows, doors, painted columns, wood framing, and straw ceiling, were impossible to save,” Favier recounts, and “in less than twenty minutes the seminary classrooms, study, bishop’s room, . . . chapel, student rooms, and clock tower were all aflame.” A fierce north wind was threatening to destroy most of the Lazarist property, when suddenly “the bishop tossed a handful of holy medals of the Blessed Virgin into the fire,” after which the wind changed course and extinguished the flames. The purpose of this correspondence was, of course, to notify the superior general of the cost of the damage, “more than 100,000 francs,” and to remind him that any restoration would “rely on the charity of our European brethren.”20 The following year, Favier wrote an additional letter, “with my hand still shaking with emotion,” to inform the superior general that he had successfully solicited donations from the Propagation of the Faith (La Propagation de la Foi), the Holy Childhood (Œuvre de la Sainte-Enfance), and the French government to “reconstruct out of the ruins yet more buildings than before,” even grander structures that “have already found [Chinese] admirers.”21 Only three years after his arrival in China, Father Favier had become a noticeably accomplished homme d’affaires in the areas of ecclesial fund-raising and Sino-mission diplomacy. One also detects in Favier’s remarks his

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disdain for the “shoddy” nature of the materials used in traditional Chinese building design; throughout his life in China he spoke pejoratively of such perishable things as paper windows and straw ceilings. Robust European support, he suggested, allowed more durable and august Western buildings to be erected. From letters such as these we can fashion a decent portrait of Favier’s quotidian life as a Lazarist missionary in northern China before his brisk ascent to prominence in 1870, the year of the tragic Tianjin massacre of Chinese and French Catholics, during which he functioned as the principal negotiator and, literally, architect of the city’s restored Roman Catholic edifice. After learning Chinese, which he managed with remarkable aptitude, he was assigned to make pastoral visits to Catholic communities in several villages, to which he was carried in a sedan chair, a privilege most often enjoyed by China’s imperial officials and wealthy merchants. Favier’s mission trips were all more or less the same. The Christians are informed in advance of my arrival and come [to meet me]. . . . After we pray, I ask those in the Holy Childhood, “How many children have you baptized?” “Ten.” “Well, you get a cross for your rosary. And you?” “Twenty-five.” “Here’s an image of the Holy Virgin.” “Father, give me a rosary. I don’t have one.” I point. “No baptisms, no rosary. Next year you’ll receive a beautiful one if you only baptize ten children. In the meantime, pray your rosary on your ten fingers.” This is my method, and I assure you it has its merits.

Baptismal statistics under such a reward system naturally grew, and in the same letter he boasted to the Holy Childhood that one ambitious Chinese Catholic had facilitated, or performed himself, more than two hundred infant baptisms. Given the cost of the holy image, he calculated that “each [baptism] was only two cents.” This numerical accounting of baptisms was not provided without the financial cost to the mission: “And what does all this cost me?” he asked in his letter: “200 francs per year.”22 He adds that for the generous largesse given by the Holy Childhood to the Lazarists in Beijing, he and his fellow priests remember to offer Holy Masses in return as a spiritual gift. When Favier wrote this letter in 1866, the work of the Holy Childhood had grown into a prominent source of promotional and financial support for the French missionaries in East Asia and was a significant source of

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revenue for the construction of new churches. The Holy Childhood was founded in 1843 by Charles-Auguste-Marie-Joseph de Forbin-Janson (1785– 1844), the bishop of Nancy, who had heard harrowing reports of infanticide in China. 23 By 1869, the annual income of the Holy Childhood, gained largely from the donations of French children, had reached nearly 2 million francs per year.24 Back in France, children were encouraged to offer a coin to save the soul of a dying pagan Chinese child in return for which an angel would intercede in heaven for the benefactor. Certificates and holy cards produced by the Holy Childhood generally featured a French missionary saving, often baptizing, a Chinese child with an image of the Blessed Virgin Mary or an angel superimposed above them with the text “Receive this child and nourish him for me, and I will give you myself as a reward.”25 One illustration of the work of the Holy Childhood published in 1848 features a Chinese mother and father who are about to abandon their baby into a stream, but instead raise their child to a French missionary. The caption below the image reads, “Savage mothers throw into the public road and expose to the teeth of cruel beasts the child whose sex should inspire the greatest compassion.”26 Favier’s missionary activities were in no small part supported by the ethos and funding of the Holy Childhood’s main office in Paris. Counting souls was as common as keeping financial accounts of the mission’s costs and receipts, perhaps even more so. During his initial years in China, largely spent in Beijing from 1862 to 1867, Favier’s personal estimation of China was a combination of admiration and disappointment. Once his spoken Chinese had attained fluency, he was able to form opinions of Chinese culture and Chinese people, opinions that disclose his inherent Eurocentrism. Unlike the letters of many other missionaries in China during the late Qing, he rarely described Chinese society in affirmative terms. One senses his deep conviction that his mission was important, and even at times that he enjoyed the process of “civilizing” and Christianizing China, but there is little evidence that at first he genuinely liked, or admired, China’s traditional culture. In a letter to a fellow Lazarist in 1866, he included a long litany of unfavorable details about life in China. For one, he disliked common forms of transport, especially human- and animal-carried sedan chairs. He describes traveling “through the muddy and dusty” roads of Beijing in a “wooden sedan chair, half hut, half confessional . . . just wide enough so that one bumps his head against its walls.” “In short,” he says, “almost all of us prefer to just walk.” And he is careful to include a vivid description of Chinese animosities for

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the missionaries, noting that the Chinese called them “white or red devils” as they passed through the streets.27 Favier was also not a connoisseur of local culinary tastes, and he was said to have required his meals to be prepared in only French fashion during his later years. He informed one of his confreres in 1866 that Chinese cooking is “eternally the same thing . . . My stomach has grown accustomed to it and no longer gets sick, though you can be certain that it would be difficult to commit gluttony.”28 In another source Favier describes Chinese eateries as “awful” places that “sell all kinds of food, and the most loathsome meat— old mules, dogs, rats, sick horses—anything will do. You may satisfy your hunger with the most horrid food for a few sapeques.”29 In addition to his disdain for Chinese food, he was somewhat critical of the religious temperament of local Christians. While he admits that “Chinese Christians are quite good,” their faith is nonetheless “tepid—not bad or impious, but there is no zeal, no fire. Chinese Christians, I believe, will not be very high in heaven, nor be very low in hell. Their empire will remain forever the Middle Kingdom.” But a more generous assessment emerges at the close of this letter, where he writes of his prayer “that God also gives me a place in paradise with these good people.”30 By 1868, he was living in Xuanhua, 112 miles northwest of Beijing, where he served as the local missionary priest and architect of a new church named after St. Peter. While most of his life in China was dedicated to administrative duties within the French Lazarist enclave surrounding the Beitang cathedral, his missionary activities during his time at Xuanhua effectively strengthened and expanded the local Christian community. To help facilitate the “harvest of souls,” Favier hired a newly baptized Catholic man to function as a “preacher” (prédicateur), who was expected to “occupy himself with the conversion of his brothers.” As he puts it in a letter he wrote while in Xuanhua, “I thought I should choose a good preacher, who for thirty-six taels, or 300 francs, would only do preaching.” A man named Zhao, a Catholic who had converted only four years previously, was hired to preach, and “succeeded at this beyond all expectations,” converting more than forty-five persons, among whom was “a very rich man who can serve as an example” to the other Christians in the area. Not only did this man “serve as an example,” but he apparently attracted the enmity of a non-Christian “enemy of his family who was sent by the devil” and who set fire to Zhao’s house and crops.31 Favier’s account of hired preachers, growing numbers of conversions, and sharp tensions between Catholics and non-Christians says much about

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the situation in northern China at the end of the nineteenth century. Other events he writes about in some detail are the attacks against the Lazarist mission at Tianjin in 1870.32 What happened during the hot summer months of that year changed the landscape of Sino-missionary relations and propelled Favier into the spotlight, earning him the respect of both Western diplomats and ecclesiastics, and Chinese officials attached to the imperial court. It took France several years to loosen its intense resentment for what happened at Tianjin on 21 June 1870, and China’s historians and political leaders are still uneasy over the intensity of what happened that day. Twenty-one years later, French papers continued to publish accounts and engraved images of the gruesome acts against French diplomats and missionaries. 33 Favier was a short journey away, at his mission in Xuanhua, when the violent conflicts in Tianjin unfolded. The repercussions of the 1870 Tianjin incident were monumental in China’s late-imperial history. Favier’s letters are punctuated with references to this event until 1897, when the Lazarist mission there was finally restored with the accompaniment of foreign gunboats, French gendarmes, and ecclesial pageantry, reflecting French pride and Western retribution. Rarely included, if at all, in French accounts of the incident are descriptions of the legitimate local complaints lobbied against the Catholic mission in Tianjin that contributed to the uprising against the mission. In June 1869, the French church, Notre Dame des Victoires, was consecrated in Tianjin on the site where a popular Chinese temple had been razed, which inaugurated “a legacy of bitter feelings.”34 Not only did the new church victoriously tower above the former ruins of an important local temple, but a rash of imaginative rumors had also begun to circulate around the Lazarist mission, especially around the orphanage run by the Daughters of Charity.35 At the same time, it was known around the city that the orphanage was offering a sum of money for each child entrusted to its care. By offering such a payment, the sisters hoped to save young children, mostly infant females, from infanticide or abandonment. This policy was unpopular not only among Chinese, but also among Western diplomats in China, who viewed it with suspicion. An American minister at Beijing, Frederick F. Low (Lou Feidi, 1828–1894), wrote in a report to the Department of State regarding the Tianjin Catholic mission that “finding that the Chinese were averse to placing children in their charge, the managers of these institutions [orphanages] offered a certain sum per head for all the children placed under their control given to them, it being understood that a child once in their asylum

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no parent, relative or guardian could claim or exercise any control over it.” Low also noted that “the system of paying bounties induced the kidnapping of children for these institutions for the sake of a reward.”36 While the French sisters did not anticipate such behavior, this is precisely what happened as a result of the orphanage’s policy to pay cash rewards for children received; kidnappers stole children to earn cash from the French Catholic mission in Tianjin. The perfect storm of an epidemic at the same time gave rise to alarming gossip about grisly practices allegedly conducted inside the orphanage.37 These tensions and open conflicts surrounding the Lazarist mission in Tianjin erupted into one of the most violent anti-Christian, anti-foreign incidents in China’s late-imperial history.38 While some scholars, such as John Fairbank, have suggested that the Qing general Chen Guorui (1837– 1883) was the principal instigator of the Tianjin conflict in 1870, it is probably more likely that a larger combination of voices motivated the violence.39 In fact, as Fairbank says elsewhere, the local gentry, who were largely antiWestern, possessed “the power to stir up and mobilize public opinion . . . to give leadership to the political action of the populace in protest, mob violence, or even rebellion.”40 Simply said, Tianjin’s general population did not arise against the Lazarist mission without at least the implicit support, or encouragement, of local elites. A general sketch of what happened on 21 June makes this clear and even discloses that Catholics were themselves not above profiting from payment for orphans. The most notorious kidnapper in Tianjin was a man named Wu Lanzhen (n.d.), who was discovered to have been collaborating with a Catholic employee of the Lazarist mission named Wang San (n.d.). When the French missionaries discovered that Wu was behind many of the kidnappings, they asked local officials to capture and punish him. They also denied Wang’s involvement in the kidnapping scheme.41 On 19 June, a local official named Chonghou (1826–1893), superintendent of customs of the north, sent a representative to visit the French consul, Henri Fontanier (Feng Daya, 1830–1870), and conducted a search of the Lazarist mission to verify or disprove the popular rumors. Fontanier was unwilling to meet with a “mere delegate” and refused to cooperate, so Chonghou went in person the following morning to the French consul, which resulted in an agreement that Wu Lanzhen would be delivered to the Catholic mission to be interrogated there. In Alphonse Hubrecht’s (Yu Chunbi, 1883–1949) melodramatic narrative of the event, the Chinese officials delivered “the famous, bewitched,

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Wu Lanzhen, breathless, pale, and bleary-eyed” to the mission, where he was met by Father Claude-Marie Chevrier (Xie Fuyin, 1821–1870), who opened the Catholic residence to allow an official investigation.42 Having delivered the notorious kidnapper, the Chinese officials departed from the mission, passing through what had by then become an enormous and violent mob. The missionaries hoped that the officials would announce the results of their investigation to the assembly, but they instead “went to their sedan chairs and left” without a word, “leaving the missionaries to thank them for the riot” that followed.43 Back at Chonghou’s Yamen, Fontanier was furious that the French were not given sufficient protection, and fired his pistol at the official; the bullet missed him and killed one of his nearby attendants.44 The precise details of what followed are contested in historical records. While Chinese sources generally assert that Fontanier and Simon were killed because of their unprovoked aggression toward the Chinese officials, Western accounts suggest that “they were forced to use their weapons in self-defense.”45 Sources agree, however, that immediately after shots were fired Fontanier and his companion, Simon, were murdered by the crowd.46 By the end of the day, twenty-one foreigners and a group of Chinese Christians had been killed by a mob, and the French consulate was razed along with the buildings connected to both the Roman Catholic and Protestant missions. Photographs of the destroyed Daughters of Charity orphanage and chapel were widely disseminated after the incident, adding to the outrage among French officials and ecclesiastics in China. By the time news of the day’s violence had reached Alphonse Favier at his Xuanhua mission, most of the French missionaries and diplomats in China understood that the Lazarist enterprise there had reached a turning point. Favier and his confreres would thereafter view the Chinese with distrust, if not outright disdain, and the Chinese would grow increasingly troubled by the tensions and disorder seemingly caused by the persistent missionary presence (fig. 1.1). In 1871, Favier was transferred to Tianjin and appointed to oversee the work of the Holy Childhood in all of Zhili. One of his first tasks was to draft a letter to the director of the Holy Childhood in Paris, to whom he outlined the details of the Tianjin incident from his point of view. Following this were several other isolated incidents, which included “unusual gatherings and sin­ ister rumors.” The current bishop, Louis-Gabriel Delaplace (Tian Jiabi, 1820– 1884), and his fellow missionaries in Tianjin believed that these gatherings and rumors were “driven by the devil.”47 With his usual literary panache,

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Figur e 1.1. Interior ruins of the Daughters of Charity orphanage Gothic Revival ­chapel in Tianjin after its destruction during the attacks against the French Catholic mission on 21 June 1870. Source: Congrégation de la Mission Archives Historiques, Paris.

Favier paints a theatrical tableau of what happened on 21 June. The first surge of open aggression against the French consulate and mission consisted of a crowd that formed on the quay the day before that hurled a barrage of stones and bricks against the French missionaries and diplomatic buildings. This attack lasted until nightfall, when the crowds finally dispersed. The crowd returned at nine o’clock in the morning the following day, and mixed among the general populace “were hostile soldiers and a company of firemen” who were presumably planted by local officials to burn the foreign buildings. Just as “projectiles were flying against the windows and invasion seemed inevitable,” the officials arrived to investigate the mission property, during which they discovered nothing suspicious and departed, saying nothing to exonerate the missionaries from the popular rumors.48 Up to this point, Favier’s account adds little to what is found in other sources. Based on eyewitness testimonies of Chinese Christians who survived the conflict, however, Favier

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adds much to our understanding of how the events in Tianjin occurred within the walls of the Catholic orphanage, convent, and church. There were three main areas of agitation: the consulate and Lazarist church on the quay, the magistrate’s Yamen, and the residence and orphanage of the Daughters of Charity. At one o’clock in the afternoon, the priest at the Lazarist church, Father Claude-Marie Chevrier, opened the front gate to reassure the people in person that the search had yielded no incriminating results, but as soon as he did so the crowd pressed into the mission. Favier recounts that Chevrier and a Chinese priest, Father Vincent Ou (Wu Wensheng, 1821–1870), “took refuge in the church and barricaded the doors, along with four other Christians.”49 The crowd forced open the doors, however, and the two priests fled through a sacristy window into the garden, where they too were surrounded and killed. 50 The church and consulate were set ablaze, and the crowd proceeded to the residence of the sisters, where the nuns were killed, the children were taken to the official’s Yamen, and the Chinese Virgins (Catholic laywomen who vowed to serve the Church as virgins) were arrested and locked in prison cells.51 The point of his protracted and dramatic description of the Tianjin incident was to notify the Holy Childhood director in Paris that despite threats and exhortations to apostatize, “not one [child] yielded [to apostasy]—the Holy Childhood can boast of having confessed the Faith on this occasion.” He ends his letter with a carefully calculated report of losses, and the financial cost of rebuilding the Lazarist mission in Tianjin. “Will the Holy Childhood,” he asks, “continue to send support to the sisters of Tianjin?”52 Favier’s troubled reaction to the horrible massacre of his friends and fellow missionaries is understandable, but his later response reflects the nationalistic pattern of the “civilizing mission.” Our Lady would not be denied her victory in Tianjin, even if the victory was accomplished with an assertive display of French military force expressed under the banners of the Third Republic and the French Church. Churches must be rebuilt, he argued, and he was the man to oversee their construction. RESTOR ATION AND RE A SSERTION: FAVIER’S RISE TO PROMINENCE

When the English journalist and Liberal Member of Parliament Sir Henry Norman (1858–1939) met Favier in 1890 during a trip to China, he had this to say:

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And the Abbé Favier, the finest specimen of a priest I have ever met, a beau sabreur of the Church, who wears Chinese dress and his hair in a queue, who speaks Chinese perfectly, who has even been decorated with a sapphire button by the Emperor, told me that he had just received the most remarkable honor and recognition in his whole life in China. He met the Governor of the city in his official chair, and the great man positively bowed to him, to the stupefaction of the lookers-on. “Il m’a salué, Monsieur—comme ça!” (“He greeted me, sir—like that!”)53

One can scarcely discern who is more self-satisfied in this passage— Favier for being greeted with such veneration by a Chinese high official, or ­Norman for having met Favier, the “handsome swordsman” of the Church. In any case, between 1870 and the mission’s restoration in 1897, Favier was anything but idle, and his tireless work continued to attract the kind of recognition that translated into coveted and distinguished eccle­ sial promotions. After his transfer to Tianjin following the 1870 Tianjin incident, he became the principal negotiator for the restoration of the Lazarist mission there. In fact, Lazarist archive materials on Favier refer to him as “the ‘right arm’ of three bishops of Beijing for all of the important affairs concerning the mission.”54 The bishops alluded to in this remark were Louis-Gabriel Delaplace, appointed in 1870, François-Ferdinand Tagliabue (Dai Jishi, 1822–1890), appointed in 1884, and Jean-Baptiste Sarthou (Du Shiliang, 1840–1899), appointed in 1890. Given his reputation for handling “all of the important affairs concerning the mission,” it was not unexpected that he became Beijing’s next leading prelate after Sarthou’s death in 1899. Several events helped to launch him on his brisk rise to the episcopacy and his growing favor among key actors in China’s political elite. In 1883 he negotiated the establishment of a Trappist abbey at Yangjiaping, just to the northwest of Beijing; from 1886 to 1887, he negotiated the terms of the transfer of Beitang to its present location at Xishiku, designed the new church, and oversaw its construction; in 1891 he arranged for the first group of Marists to enter China; in 1897 he orchestrated the grand ceremony of consecration and reopening of Tianjin’s restored Our Lady of Victory church, published his exhaustive history of Beijing, Péking: Histoire et description, and was consecrated as bishop in the spectacular nave of Beitang, which he had himself designed.55

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Favier’s growing popularity among the church hierarchy in China after 1870 can be attributed to his facility for constructing what might be called a “French Church on Chinese soil.” His role in the post-Tianjin incident negotiations with the imperial court serves as a good example of his political savoir-faire in matters that advanced French dignity in China. Around 1895, he began a collaboration with the French envoy in Beijing, Auguste Gérard (Shi Alan, 1852–1922), who functioned as the main intermediary between the Zongli Yamen, the Qing court’s bureau in charge of foreign relations and foreign policy, and the Catholic hierarchy to solicit reparation funds to restore the Tianjin mission.56 He recounts in a letter to the superior general of the Lazarists, penned in December 1896, that Gérard’s “eloquence was completely successful,” and an agreement was made that the emperor would finance the restoration from the court’s already strained treasury.57 The end result of the negotiations were four imperial guarantees: 1. Completely restore the church in Tianjin. 2. Transport thirteen coffins to the church for the victims of the massacre. 3. Erect a grand imperial stele of white marble expressing the emperor’s regret for the deaths of the victims. 4. Install a large imperial pavilion with glazed yellow tiles surmounting the stele, upon which the Guangxu emperor would be identified as the patron of the memorial tablet.

Favier was charged with the task of transporting the massive white marble monument from Beijing to Tianjin, as well as overseeing its installation, to be carried out with ceremonial pomp that would, as he put it, be for “the glorification of the massacred victims, the exaltation of our holy religion in China, and the honor of France.”58 Prominent on the stele, which was to be paid for by the imperial treasury, would be an admonishment that anyone who wrongly “accuses Christians of an insidious action” would be seized, searched, and “after obtaining evidence of the crime shall be given a severe sentence (fig. 1.2).”59 In yet another show of literary theater, he recounts his hapless journey transporting the immense stele from Beijing to Tianjin. After a considerable search in the capital, the missionaries finally located a “beautiful stone monument in white marble with a pedestal, more than five-and-a-half

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Figur e 1.2. Favier’s Our Lady of Victory (Wanghailou) church in Tianjin immediately after its restoration in 1897. The imperial pavilion and stele, then surmounted by an imperial yellow roof, is seen to the immediate left of the church façade (right side of the photo). Source: Congrégation de la Mission Archives Historiques, Paris.

meters high and nearly two meters wide.”60 Favier’s travel adventure as he described it is worth quoting at length. The superb stone, surmounted and framed by imperial dragons, had been prepared for the burial of someone from a princely family, but had never been used. The considerable purchase price was nothing compared to the price of its transport. The stele, in fact, from its base, weighed 15,000 kilograms, and required six days to convey to the river by thoroughfares we had prepared in advance. More than sixty mules drew two carts. Once the contract of transport to Tianjin was signed, it seemed as though an evil spirit was aggravated by the coming solemn reparation, and wished to hinder our travel. Hardly had I gone ten kilometers from Beijing when our valet was pitched from our carriage, and the wheel passing over him crushed his leg. We were in the middle of a field, and this poor man suffered horribly, but in less than half an hour, a kind angel helped us find compassionate people, and a bonesetter from a village treated [him] with a dressing. Once these decent people situated our wounded as well as

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possible, I continued my journey with a coachman, and by around two o’clock we were able to board our boat.61

As if his description of the exploits of getting to his boat were not dramatic enough, he continues with even more spectacle. Just over three hours after their embarkation, his vessel was intercepted by “a convoy of junks manned by people from Hou-nan [Hunan]” who seized the boat for a ransom. Brigands boarded the craft, “shouting with rage,” and then tossed Favier’s visiting card and wallet overboard, along with all the ship supplies. They beat the crew with wooden and iron clubs; the ship’s captain was badly injured; and Favier’s servant fled. Favier records that as the attackers began to pull at his clothing and beard, he prayed for help from the Lazarist martyr of China, Jean-Gabriel Perboyre. At that moment—owing to the intercession of Perboyre—a Mandarin approached his boat and saved his entourage from complete destruction. The stele was delivered, a pavilion with yellow tiles was erected above it, and local officials promptly issued more edicts demanding the protection of the Catholic mission in Tianjin. In keeping with his customary pattern, he ends his long description of all these events with a note about expenses: “The total expense will be 30,000 francs, at least, and I hope the pious and charitable faithful there in Europe will want to help us, according to their means.”62 In addition to his keen ability to sensationalize missionary life in his letters to persons of influence in France and his aptitude at requesting, and receiving, donations for his various initiatives, Alphonse Favier also distinguished himself as a shrewd statesman. After his arrival to China in 1862 his increasing prominence among his fellow Lazarists meant that he became one of the principal communicants with the Vatican regarding evangelical and political matters, as well as those concerning the construction of ecclesial architecture. Vatican archives contain a large number of letters between Favier and the secretary of state for the Holy See, in which he reveals how tenuous the relationship really was between the French missionaries in China and the French authorities, upon whom the missionaries relied for protection. In one letter to the secretary of state, Cardinal Mariano Rampolla del Tindaro (1843–1913), written long after the Tianjin incident, and after Favier had been appointed the apostolic vicar of the Vicariate of Beijing, we can see just how condemning he could be toward both French and non-French European diplomats serving in China.63 In his letter, Favier describes the personalities and actions of several diplomats stationed in

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China’s capital, including the minister of Germany, Max von Brandt (Bo Lante, 1835–1920), and the minister of France, Victor-Gabriel Lemaire (Li Mei, 1839–1907). In his report to Rampolla, Favier describes von Brandt as “an educated man of unquestionable value” to German interests, and one who “attains his goals without scruples.”64 He informs the Vatican that von Brandt held dangerous designs on the French Protectorate, which would, if left unchecked, threaten the work of the French mission, then representing the dominant contingent of all Catholic missionaries in China. With unusually acerbic prose, he ascribes von Brandt’s agenda to a desire to “advance his jealous hatred against France.”65 He further asserts that “due to the ineptitude of the current Minister of France, . . . [von Brandt] does not hesitate to sacrifice the interests of the Catholic mission, and craft his proposals to achieve policies that benefit him.”66 Favier’s report persistently complains about the political impotency of the minister of France, Victor-Gabriel Lemaire, who he insists is incapable of defending French interests from the likes of Max von Brandt, and is uninterested in strengthening the French Protectorate in order to profit the work of the Lazarists and the Roman Catholic Church in China. His correspondence reveals a delicate diplomatic dance to please all at once: China’s imperial court, the foreign consulates in Beijing, the “incompetent” minister of France, and the Vatican authorities, who were indeed less interested in French interests than was the French Favier. Depending upon the letter’s recipient, he was equally gifted at borderline sycophancy and somewhat duplicitous criticism; his political savvy during the first decades of his ministry in China, however, despite his apparent maneuverings, effectively benefited both France and the Church. Around the time he was assigned to transport and install the commemorative stele in Tianjin, Favier also served as the architect of the new French consulate in the city; his network of connections with those in power grew. As Ernest Young aptly describes the situation, “Favier was wont to claim that, by his skillful management, he had saved the French government 60,000 francs on the consulate. French diplomats often sought his advice regarding the expansion or repair of their own establishments.”67 Most were pleased to see his rise, though not all of his confreres supported what some viewed as unabashed careerism, an unseemly trait for a man in holy orders. Favier experienced a precipitous climb to new heights of statesmanship and influence, and few events demonstrate this more than his prominent

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role in the reopening and consecration of the restored church on the quay in Tianjin, fittingly named Our Lady of Victory. This ceremony “of supreme reconciliation” between France and China took place on 21 June 1897.68 He was at the center of both the event’s orchestrated grandeur and a wave of rehabilitated Chinese gossip that threatened a return of the tragic events of 1870. In his letter to the Lazarist superior general in Paris, written only four days after the reopening, he recounts that “very serious rumors had spread that spoke of children being sacrificed [by the Christians] on the day of the inauguration.”69 He continues: “We heard that the new church will be burned like before,” and one of the French officials notified Favier that “the people complain that all the Chinese authorities have been purchased by the Europeans, and it is you, Fan Guoliang [Alphonse Favier], who are the biggest culprit.” 70 He was accused of paying off Chinese officials, and rumors spread that he had hired thieves, at the cost of 10,000 francs, to procure five hundred girls and five hundred boys to be sacrificed on the day of the consecration.71 Concerned over the possibility of another attack like the one in 1870, the French envoy in Beijing, Auguste Gérard, telegraphed a request for military reinforcements to be dispatched to Tianjin. The local Yamen officials were so nervous that they asked that the ceremony be delayed, but the French minister insisted that the date remain. Gérard was unwavering that the restoration of the church, and the opening of Favier’s new design of the nave, should occur on 21 June, the anniversary of the 1870 Tianjin incident.72 The grand ceremony of reopening and consecration was a carefully manufactured and staged display of the ambitions behind la mission civili­ satrice. During the rites, an assembly of Chinese mandarins, European diplomats, military officials, and Roman Catholic clergy, all adorned in their most impressive regalia, gathered near the church to celebrate its restoration. Conspicuously nearby was a grouping of imposing gunboats, “as well as contingents of Chinese marines stationed in a camp adjoining Wanghailou [“Ocean View Hall,” of Our Lady of Victory] and patrols in nearby villages,” and “the French minister had ordered a gunboat from the French fleet in China to be poised nearby with a landing party ready” for a possible anti-French uprising.73 In the center of all this imperious pageantry, representing Bishop Sarthou, who was too ill to officiate, was Father Alphonse Favier, the principal celebrant of the rites, surrounded by Chinese acolytes bearing smoking censors, holy water containers, and elaborate

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liturgical books.74 Favier recalls in his letter to the superior general that the formalities began at 6:30 in the morning, and as a cautionary measure, “no woman of the Daughters of Charity was allowed to attend the ceremony.” The local residents observing the event, he related, “showed a grave and silent curiosity; their expression was nothing less than hostile.”75 Despite local agitation and disapproval, Favier celebrated a Solemn High Mass in the restored church, while Gregorian chanting “alternated in harmony without interruption”; when the new statue of Our Lady of Victory was installed, it was greeted by the Magnificat, the Ave Maris Stella, and three invocations to Our Lady Help of Christians. A French bugler in his military finery was ordered to announce the elevation of the Host at the moment of consecration during Mass, while “the sailors presented hon­ ors.” 76 Secular and religious French authorities were coordinated into a stately harmony that would leave any onlooker with the impression that anti-clericalism, which was at a height in France, was little more than a vague rumor. At the end of the day, even the Daughters of Charity, “safely excluded” from the day’s ceremonies, were reportedly gratified by such a day “of consolation for religion and French glory.”77 One French journalist did not share Favier’s unqualified praise for the day’s events, however, expressing concern that the church reconstruction and nationalistic display had precipitated a renewed local anti-foreignism.78 But in the end, there were no incidents. It was heralded a victory for France as much as a victory for Our Lady, and later that year Favier was appointed a coadjutor bishop with rights of succession to replace Sarthou as the leader of all Catholics in Beijing and the growing vicariate. The year 1897 was particularly busy for Favier. One wonders how he succeeded at organizing the ceremonies connected to the restoration of Our Lady of Victory in Tianjin while also completing and publishing his comprehensive history of Beijing, Péking: Histoire et description, but his uncanny ability to manage multiple projects at once, while also sustaining a high public profile, is perhaps one of the reasons that Rome appointed him titular bishop of Pentacomia with the right of succession to Bishop Jean-Baptiste Hippolyte Sarthou in Beijing. This appointment was settled on 12 November 1897, and on 20 February 1898, the colorfully decorated nave of Beitang, his church, was crowded with Chinese faithful and French dignitaries as Bishop Jules Bruguière (Bao Rulue, 1851–1906), a fellow Lazarist, performed the consecration ceremony that transformed him from “Father” to “His Excellency, Bishop” Favier. His appointment was to the titular see of Pentacomia,

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Figur e 1.3. Formal portrait of Bishop Alphonse Favier taken shortly after his episcopal consecration in 1898. This was perhaps the most famous image of Bishop Favier during his time in China. Source: Congrégation de la Mission Archives Historiques, Paris.

a nonresidential see in the area of Palestine, though the pope’s clear intention was to make him a bishop in advance of Sarthou’s death, which was known to be imminent. According to an announcement in the New Zealand Tablet, “the Chinese declare that Père Favier’s present appointment is due to direct representations made by the emperor”79 (fig. 1.3). Some of his confreres wondered if his popularity among the political elite in late-imperial China was due to his worldly ambition. In advance of his consecration, one French Lazarist expressed opposition to his election to the episcopate on the grounds that Favier had “lost the spirit of his vocation.”80 Another fellow priest in China accused him of being more interested in art collecting and fraternizing with the socially and politically empowered than in his original calling as a priest and missionary.81 Official Lazarist publications ignored these complaints, choosing instead to underscore the more salutary aspects of his service in China. In Alphonse Hubrecht’s 1939 history of the Lazarist mission in Beijing, Favier’s ordination as bishop is heralded as a brilliant move by the Church’s hierarchy in Rome. The internecine differences between him and his confreres, along with any accusations of worldliness, do not figure in Hubrecht’s narrative.

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Instead, his promotion to bishop is represented as a logical decision, given that he is a man “endowed with a tenacious energy and a rare flexibility, who had won the esteem of the court” and had successfully settled many pressing affairs. Indeed, “his name will remain attached to all the great events of the Mission of Peking of that era.”82 When Bishop Sarthou died on 13 April 1899, Favier was automatically promoted to replace him as the vicar apostolic of Beijing and all Zhili.83 He was now the most powerful Roman Catholic missionary in all of China. As the Lazarist archive in Paris notes, when he inherited this position, he “acquired a place within the European colony” in China.84 The use of the word “colony” is telling. From 1862 to 1899, it appears that Favier’s motives all along were not only to construct churches and French consulates, but also to form something of a Western colony, Catholic and French. The conversion of China was a slow and methodical process of building a genteel empire, one that was aesthetically Gothic and clearly European. The genteel empire was to grow, like leaven, from within the Celestial Qing empire, and “civilize” it by a growing nationalistic French presence. CHINESE VOICES: A RESPONSE TO THE WESTERN EDIFICE

As China’s cities and rural villages witnessed a mounting number of Western-style buildings rising above the rooftops of their indigenous structures, such as those designed and erected by Favier, local observers grew more outspoken in protest. These Chinese voices arose from both the empire’s educated elite and its largely illiterate majority, and there emerged a variety of bureaucratic complaints expressed in official memorials and popular rumors that circulated in the form of ditties and creative fictions. While French missionaries belonging to the Lazarist and Jesuit orders were the most active builders of the Western church on Chinese soil, other nationalities, too, were erecting European-style edifices throughout the provinces. The literatus Liu Dapeng (1857–1943), for example, wrote in his diary about an Italian Franciscan seminary near Dongergou Village that, in his opinion, scarred the Shanxi countryside: “The inhabitants there follow that foreign religion, and their village rests at the foot of a hill that has a church standing on its slope, enclosed by a wall.” Liu emphasizes that “many buildings reside within the walls, and they all are imposing and in a Western style.”85

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The most persistent complaints about the advance of Western churches in China were expressed by the Chinese officials of the Zongli Yamen in Beijing, who were welcoming Favier into their offices for cordial meetings while at the same time drafting objections to the growing numbers of church buildings in China. In 1891, the Zongli Yamen issued the following order to local administrators: The treaties allow foreigners to build churches and to preach. But how many are there in each province, and where are they? The local offices in charge of Church affairs have no information on this matter. Neither do our yamen have a detailed knowledge about the Church affairs. . . . The governors and governors-general should request the local officials to answer the following questions: How many large and small churches are there in your area? Which denomination of Christianity do they represent? Are they of Western or Chinese style?86

Anxieties among Chinese leaders in the capital consistently revolved around Western-style churches largely because locals who lived around them were aggravated by their presence, and anti-Christian riots had erupted near churches along the Yangzi in 1891 when this rescript was written. Even more troublesome to the French mission were the popular rumors that angered local Chinese against the missionaries. Imaginative reports, such as those of the Hunanese writer Wei Yuan (1794–1857), served to intensify anti-Christian feelings in northern China, especially in areas where Alphonse Favier designed and commissioned new churches, such as Xuanhua, Baoding, and Tianjin. When he published his famous Illustrated Gazetteer of Maritime Countries (Haiguo tuzhi), Wei included a lengthy compendium of anti-Catholic essays that prompted ­gossip within Favier’s vicariate.87 In one passage, he described the process of conversion to Roman Catholicism: “New converts are made to swallow a pill and are . . . required to rid their homes of ancestral tablets. Male and female followers are known to spend the night together in the church. And followers, once deceased, have their eyes gouged out by their mentors.”88 Such slurs against foreign religion highlighted the perceived foreignness and incompatibility of Christianity with China’s traditional beliefs. In 1869, only seven years after Favier’s arrival in China, the emperor’s uncle and founder of the Zongli Yamen in Beijing, Prince Gong (Yixin/Gong

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Qinwang, 1833–1898), reportedly said to a British official that he wished the diplomat could remove from China two “Western gifts,” opium and foreign missionaries.89 More recent Chinese voices have expressed equal concerns regarding the presence of Western churches at the turn of the twenty-first century in cities such as Beijing. The religious historian Tong Xun, for example, has argued that when Western churches are built in China in such styles as French Gothic, “Christian culture is employed for the purpose of subjugating Chinese culture.”90

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TH E FRU IT S OF DI PLO M AC Y Building a Genteel Empire The good God, in his mercy, increases the number of pastors as the number of sheep multiplies. Our numbers currently allow us to meet all our needs, but what shall happen if the harvest expected for 1905 surpasses that of this year? May God deign to multiply vocations for China! Alphonse Favier, 1904

Bi s h o p A l p h o n s e Fav i e r wa s a p r ac t ic e d di p l om at ; h i s tactful entreaties were simultaneously sent to the Chinese imperial court, the Propagation of the Faith in Paris, the French government, the Propaganda Fide in Rome, the Vatican’s secretary of state, and the French representatives of his own religious order. He was a master of asking for favors, mostly monetary. A cursory glance at the institutional buildings erected with acquired funds during the late-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, structures that were as monumental as they were functional, gives one the impression that not only was the Roman Catholic enterprise raising a religious architectural edifice, but it was also building what Favier viewed as a genteel empire, infused with the gracious manners of Gallic culture. This empire was decidedly French, and scant distinction was made between Frenchness and Catholicism. When Bishop François-Ferdinand Tagliabue opened a school for Chinese girls in Beijing, which he named the École Normale, he entrusted it to the care of Sister Hélene de Juarias (1824–1900), a French Daughter of Charity. After the school’s opening, Sister Juarias wrote, “We take young girls who would like to become teachers. We teach them what Chinese women are supposed to know, and in addition they acquire our beautiful French language. They study it eagerly and learn quickly. Thus we are creating around us a little France.”1 In other words, the Christian mission and “civilizing mission” were indistinguishably paired; the beautiful French language and the catechism formed the foundation of “little France” in the Middle Kingdom (fig. 2.1).

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Figur e 2.1. Aerial balloon photograph of the Beitang complex at Xishiku, Beijing, taken in 1900, before the Boxer attacks. This image shows the surrounding wall, entrance gate, and the cathedral façade, which was heightened even more after 1900. Source: Congrégation de la Mission Archives Historiques, Paris.

Certainly, Favier’s consecration as bishop empowered him to play a more influential role in the French Catholic enterprise of religious and cultural conversion in northern China; in fact, the diplomatic representatives from other nations watched vigilantly as his ecclesiastical sway continued to infringe upon the secular realm of authority. As early as 1890, rumors had spread among the consular delegates that Favier was slated for advancement. In a letter to James Duncan Campbell (Jin Denggan, 1833–1907), the London agent of the Chinese Maritime Customs (CMC), Sir Robert Hart (Hede, 1835–1911), the inspector general of the CMC, included in his postscript, “Find out from Cogordan if Favier was proposed to the French Foreign Office for the post of bishop here—do it quietly and without naming me.”2 It is informative that a British emissary was aware of Favier’s rising status within the Church seven years before his official appointment to the episcopacy, and it is additionally interesting that Hart believed such a promotion would require a proposal to the French secular authorities. Hart’s

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postscript reveals much about how enmeshed Favier’s ecclesial career was with the national ambitions of the French government. Secular dignitaries in China expected him to be elevated to Beijing’s bishop after Tagliabue’s death on 3 March 1890, and whispers within the Church expressed surprise that Sarthou, and not Favier, was selected for the episcopal see. Nonetheless, Sarthou could not have fulfilled the duties of his new appointment without the prodigious determination and administrative savvy of Alphonse Favier. As the Belgian Samist Father Albert Sohier (1915–1975) put it, “It was always a practical necessity [for Bishop Sarthou] to rely on the good offices of Father Favier to handle all the affairs of the mission in the capital.”3 It is scarcely possible to discern whether it was Sarthou or Favier who held the actual administrative reigns of the Roman Catholic mission in northern China after 1890, but is certain that despite Favier being passed over for the position of Zhili’s chief prelate, he was the churchman to whom the Qing court and foreign diplomates first went when an important or delicate matter required attention.4 Favier did not hesitate to use his new sway once he was made a bishop, and at the reception after his consecration he promptly began pressing the viceroy, Ronglu (1836–1903), to pull strings on behalf of the French Catholic mission in Baoding. Using an anti-missionary incident as leverage, he persuaded the viceroy to give the Lazarist missionaries the former palace of the taotai (daotai) official, “located in the very center of the city, Bao­ ding.”5 The viceroy sent his agreement papers the following day, and in a letter to the secretary general of the Congregation of the Mission in Paris, Favier boasts of the imposing scale of the new palace to be occupied by the French missionaries. The palace, he exclaims, “contains two hundred and eleven rooms, of which about half are in excellent condition; all the rest are constructed of brick with wood framing of the finest order. In terms of value, this [palace] is worth at least ten times more than our former small residence.”6 Not only did the Lazarists gain this majestic complex for its missionary residence in Baoding, but also, owing to Favier’s persistent deliberations with Qing authorities, they were able to acquire additional property to erect a grand church to, as he put it, train catechumens and “baptize thousands.”7 Like Beitang and the restored church nave at Tianjin, the Baoding church was designed and built under Favier’s supervision. The Lazarist residence and church at Baoding were both destroyed by Boxers during the Boxer Uprising in 1900.8

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AN EMPIRE OF PRINT AND PERSONNEL

Alphonse Favier’s genteel empire included not only the acquisition of property for the French Lazarist mission and the construction of new churches, but also the publication of an ambitious history of Beijing, the settlement of new French religious congregations in China, and the court’s agreement to grant Roman Catholic bishops the nominal ranks of governors and gov­ ernors general. His authorship of a Beijing history was an effective way to contrive and control cultural identity as part of empire-building. Benedict Anderson has argued that the “official rewriting of history” is one of the main methods of creating an “official nationalism.”9 Anderson focuses on the construction of an official nationalism for one’s own country or colony, but there is no reason that historical writing cannot likewise be employed to rewrite the national character of another state. Among the “jewels” boasted of in the collection of the Congregation of the Mission archives in Paris is Favier’s titanic account of Beijing’s long history, Péking: Histoire et descrip­ tion, first published at the Imprimerie des Lazaristes (Lazarist Press) in 1897. The archive in Paris includes a description of his history and acclaims it as a great and exclusive edition, a precious summary of the political and religious history of the capital of the Chinese empire. Péking: Histoire et descrip­ tion includes 660 antique prints, old and new, that were executed by native Chinese artists; 124 collotypes; and 24 collographs set apart from the text. His book was crowned by the Académie Française in 1897.10 Favier’s study of Beijing was perhaps the definitive source of history regarding the city’s past available in a Western language during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and its narrative carefully shapes Beijing’s history into a narrative that undergirds and valorizes the French missionary enterprise in China as a holistically soteriological venture. After its publication, Favier was recognized among Europeans as the foremost Western authority on Beijing’s history, which added a patina of celebrity to his reputation as a French critic, collector, and connoisseur of Chinese art and architecture. When reading the preface to his large tome, one cannot help but discern Favier’s mixed feelings about the topic of his research: “In this volume my intention is to describe Beijing, based upon the personal impressions resulting from my stay of thirty-five years, not only as it was, but as it appears to us today, majestic in its decrepitude.”11 Beijing, if not China in general, was to him a place of lost magnificence; it was, as he put it elsewhere in his

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preface, a city of “progress and decay.”12 There is little doubt that he was an admirer of China’s past, and indeed its cultural legacy on the whole, but his vision as a missionary was clearly to improve and restore China to something better than it presently was. That said, his book is in many enduring ways an impressive feat of rigorous scholarship and elegant French prose. Favier enlisted the support of several other scholars, mostly Chinese, to help him compile source materials and prepare the lavish illustrations and photographic images that were used in the various editions of the book. The work is divided into two large sections, the first outlining the general history of the city and the second describing the material legacy of Beijing. Punctuating the narrative of his work are historical accounts of the Roman Catholic mission in the capital city beginning with the first Catholic bishop, who resided there from 1294 until 1328, the Italian Franciscan, Giovanni da Montecorvino (Menggao Weinuo, 1247–1328).13 Conspicuously featured throughout the work are examples of anti-Catholic incidents in the capital, as well as the hurried progress of Beijing’s Catholic presence, which served to highlight the Church’s triumph over its adversaries. As he often did, Favier employed the records of anti-Catholic events to leverage the court into providing property and funds to support the institutional presence and growth of Beijing’s Catholic mission, and when new structures were erected they were designed according to manifestly European sensibilities. Péking: Histoire et description is replete with descriptions and illustrations of Western architecture in the city, which includes churches, seminaries, and schools, often erected using reparation funds from the court’s treasury, and built with the intention to Christianize and Europeanize the empire. Underscoring his preference for Western architecture, Favier discusses in chapter 8 the construction of Nantang (South Church), named in French after the Immaculate Conception, first established by Matteo Ricci (Li Madou, 1552–1610) in 1605. He notes especially the European features of the 1650 reconstructed church, which was erected under the supervision of the German Jesuit Johann Adam Schall von Bell (Tang Ruowang, 1592– 1666): “In the interior is a single nave with sixteen half-columns against the walls painted green . . . each column was about 12 feet high. They belonged to two different orders of architecture, Ionic and Corinthian.”14 The church interior was not entirely Western, however; he notes that the walls were adorned with Chinese couplets expressing poetic liturgical prayers in Classical Chinese.15 This admixture of Western architectural styles and Chinese adornments remained an aesthetic approach for all of Favier’s designs

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during his career as a China missionary. All four Roman Catholic churches in Beijing, each named in Chinese for one of the four cardinal directions, are discussed and described in Favier’s book, and much of his recounting of Beijing’s political culture is explained in terms of the court’s interaction with French authorities and missionaries. Péking: Histoire et description received considerable attention after its publication, both favorable and critical.16 Even before its completion, other Westerners knew about and relied upon Favier’s project to record events related to the capital city. An article in the North China Herald in October of 1896 recounts how two French “Globe-girdlers” had hired the Lazarist Press at Beitang to print a short travel memoir of their month-long visit to Beijing: “It is a four-page sheet, and opens with addresses to its readers and subscribers, in which it is mentioned that it is printed on Chinese paper— only on one side—by the press of the Lazarists at Petang, the illustrations, which are numerous, being taken from a forthcoming book on Peking by Père Favier.”17 Even as late as 1915, Favier’s book was being mentioned in Beijing’s foreign gazettes as the main source in a Western language of information on the city’s cultural, architectural, and artistic history. In the Peking Gazette, for example, his book is cited to describe the exceptional value of a gift being sent to China from the French crown of sixteen Qianlong-era “magnificent drawings.”18 His award-winning book did not escape criticism, however. The eminent and eccentric author, linguist, and inventor Lin Yutang (1895–1976) was keen to correct Favier’s mistakes. In his own study of Beijing’s cultural history, Imperial Peking: Seven Centuries of China, Lin writes that “unfortunately Father Favier drew some untenable conclusions about the site of the Chin [Jin] capital, which have had considerable influence on later scholars.” After enumerating a number of later books that relied on Favier’s miscalculation, Lin asserts, “It is time that his error was corrected,” and includes an appendix to his book to repair what Favier botched.19 But in the areas of architectural and missionary history in the city, his work has not been criticized. Favier writes much about the French missionary orders in the city, including an account of the establishment of the French Daughters of Charity, before turning to the topic of the French Trappists and Marists, whose entrance into China was mainly due to his invitations and negotiations. French buildings were rapidly occupied by French priests, brothers, and sisters. He recounts that in 1862, the Tongzhi emperor (1856–1875) agreed

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to allow seven new male missionaries and fourteen Daughters of Charity to join the French Catholic mission in China.20 The first Daughters of Charity to China had already arrived fourteen years earlier, in 1848; they had left Marseille on the Stella Maris, which took eight months to complete its voyage from Europe to Shanghai.21 After the tragic deaths of the sisters who were stationed in Tianjin in 1870, new recruits from the Daughters of Charity were dispatched to China, and Favier recounts that “in the years that followed [the 1870 incident] religious institutions were rebuilt and increased in large proportions. The Daughters of Charity were brought back to Tianjin, and opened a large hospital for Europeans and Chinese. . . . A very large chapel was built for the hospital; it was 100 feet long and had an elegant façade.”22 Naturally, the “elegant façade” was built in the European style. He also notes that new Catholic hospitals and clinics were opened and operated by the sisters, and they also founded orphanages and schools. “As for the schools,” Favier writes, “more than 7,000 children attend, pagans and Christians alike are received there.” 23 Fundamental to the operation of the orphanages and schools was the fact that the sisters taught classes in French, and many Chinese during his time there were quickly acquiring profi­ ciency in the international lingua franca, taught mostly to young children in the confines of the French Catholic mission. Among Favier’s greatest triumphs was his successful recruitment of a group of French monks from the priory of Tamié, a foundation of the Trappist abbey of Notre Dame de Sept-Fons. Bishop Delaplace had wanted to introduce French monks into his vicariate, but it was Favier who successfully realized this ambition.24 In 1870, during the First Vatican Council, Bishop Delaplace met in Rome “the illustrious Contesse Sophie of Stol­ berg,” who was preparing to enter a Carmelite community in Uccle, near Brussels.25 From her, Delaplace received the funds to establish a Trappist monastery in northern China, and the bishop “put the whole affair into the hands of Father Favier.”26 Favier was sent to France to locate volunteers to travel to the Beijing vicariate and establish a monastic community, for it was Delaplace’s belief that the presence of these French monks in northern China would “overthrow the throne of Satan” that afflicted the Qing empire. Negotiations between Delaplace and Trappist communities back in Europe were at first unsuccessful, if not somewhat exasperating for the aging bishop. In 1882, the Trappists at Staoueli, Algeria, flatly rejected Delaplace’s overtures.27 Even Favier’s diplomatic acuity was not enough at first to entice two other Trappist communities to send monks to China; but the following

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year, in 1883, he was able to secure the interest of the abbot of Notre Dame de Sept-Fons. According to Alphonse Hubrecht, Favier “arrived at the Abbey of Sept-Fons in February of 1883 and informed the abbot of Bishop [Delaplace’s] vision, Rome’s approval, the Contesse’s donation, and the unanimous support of the Beijing synod. As the abbot listened he grew more interested, and felt that God was in favor of the enterprise. He then promised to try and find some volunteers for the far away foundation.”28 Father Favier signed an agreement with the abbot on 21 February 1883, and then on 11 June the deal was finalized; Our lady of Consolation Abbey was officially established as China’s first Roman Catholic monastery. His effective recruitment added much to his reputation as a savvy negotiator and “man of the Church.” Favier was quite pleased with the construction of the new Trappist abbey at Yangjiaping, especially since the majority of the monks who lived there were native Chinese. This was, for him, a hopeful sign of China’s Catholic future. He writes in his book: “On 21 February 1883, the Trappe de SeptFons accepted the foundation, and a month later, some Trappists arrived in China. The new monastery was given the name of Our Lady of Consolation. The beginnings were difficult, but many novices soon presented themselves for admission. The Reverend Father Bernard was named Prior, and was mitered abbot. Presently over fifty Trappist monks pray and work according to their constitutions, and three-quarters are native Chinese men.”29 Unlike some of his Lazarist confreres, and a large number of Jesuits, Favier approved of the formation of indigenous clergy in Asia; this was the only way, he reasoned, for the Church in China to genuinely flourish. In 1835, the Lazarist bishop Gaetan Pirès-Pereira (Bi Xueyuan, d. 1838) wrote that “Chinese priests like to live according to their own manners— without rules or obedience. . . . They create fictions and lie to the Christians to get them to oppose Europeans. . . . You should not believe what they say, because they are all liars.”30 Despite Favier’s more positive and pro­ gressive views regarding native clergy, his mission to build a genteel French empire in China was manifest in the architectural presence of the Trappist monastery. The buildings of Our Lady of Consolation abbey were decidedly Western, and by 1903 Favier had commissioned the Flemish Scheut missionaryarchitect Alphonse De Moerloose (He Gengbai, 1858–1932) to design the abbey chapel and surrounding buildings. From 1903 to 1906, De Moerloose worked on the design of two Catholic mission churches within Favier’s

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vicariate, the abbey church at Yangjiaping and the church at Xuanhua, which replaced the one designed by Favier and destroyed by Boxers.31 The abbey church façade was designed in the Gothic Revival style, with a rose widow, pointed arch portal, and two almost Norman-looking slender towers. As Thomas Coomans describes De Moerloose’s design, his “pure Western medieval style corresponded with the image the missions in China wanted to affirm.”32 In 1883, Favier had brought the first Trappists to China when he was still only a missionary priest, but after he was made a bishop he continued to devote resources to the abbey at Yangjiaping to transform it into a prospering monastic community modeled on French Catholic sensibilities and architectural style. De Moerloose designed Gothic Revival churches and other buildings for the French mission until the 1930s, when his and Favier’s architectural legacies punctuated northern China with monumental Catholic churches that radiated what they perceived as the eminence of the West. Clergy were needed to staff the increasing number of Catholic edifices in China, and in May of 1891, Favier effectively orchestrated the arrival of a group of French, Italian, and English Marist Brothers of the Schools to northern China.33 In the spirit of the French Catholic mission in Favier’s vicariate, the Marists opened a school called the Collège Français du Nantang, connected to the prominent South Church, operated by the Lazarists, where the brothers taught French courses to the Chinese students. Favier boasted: “At Beijing, over a hundred students, all Chinese, study the French language, and now a good third already speak it fluently.”34 It is important to recall that by the time Favier was consecrated a bishop in 1898, he had distinguished himself as a competent ecclesial architect, successfully negotiated the entrance of three new Roman Catholic missions into China—the Daughters of Charity, the Trappists, and the Marist Brothers—and had erected a robust French cultural presence that was visible to many Chinese in large northern communities. Among the additional undertakings he set himself to accomplishing was the empowerment of the Catholic hierarchy in China’s political landscape. After an extended dialogue with the officials at the Zongli Yamen, he managed to persuade the court to issue an imperial rescript on 15 March 1899 providing unprecedented status to the Roman Catholic missionaries in China. Kenneth Latourette has succinctly described the agreement: “Bishops were to have the privilege of seeking interviews with viceroys and governors and were to rank with them, provincials and head priests could

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ask for interviews with provincial treasurers and judges and with taot’ais, and other priests could ask to see prefects and district magistrates. Bishops were to furnish the provincial authorities with lists of the clergy entitled to transact business with officials, and the privileges were to apply only to priests who were Westerners.”35 In effect, this new document enabled missionaries to negotiate religious, and even civil, matters directly with China’s court officials without the necessity of secular consular mediation, which largely forestalled the power of foreign diplomats in China.36 Still, most of the new missionary officials were French; Favier had arranged for Catholic clergy to hold official titles in China that for all intents and purposes created a parallel officialdom; he had engendered a mostly French imperia in imperio, or empire within an empire. Protestant missionaries and secular diplomats, especially French ones, were resentful of Favier’s successful procurement of official ranks for Roman Catholic clergy in China, and for nearly a decade after this arrangement was settled in 1899 criticisms were launched against Catholic privilege. An article published in the North China Herald in 1908 complained that due to Favier’s agreement with the court, “inasmuch as the humblest priest was invested with prefect’s rank, it frequently happened that the foreign missionary was of higher rank than the Chinese official in his district.” Indeed, the article suggests, though without examples or evidence, the Catholic missionaries with official rank in some areas outnumbered the court-appointed officials. This article also asserts that the “rescript obtained by Bishop Favier has been criticized adversely in France and notably by French officials in China.”37 In actuality, the court’s decision to approve his request was largely intended to diminish the influence of secular French authorities in China by relocating some of France’s power into the hands of the Church. In a candid letter to Mariano Rampolla, the pope’s secretary of state and secretary for Oriental affairs of the Propaganda Fide, Favier bluntly asserts that “the Chinese would easily agree with the Holy See and with the Apostolic Vicariate” rather than deal with the “odious powers of the Protectorate.”38 Despite the fact that Alphonse Favier, Cardinal Rampolla, and the viceroy of Zhili, Li Hongzhang (1823–1901), all desired to reallocate power from the French Protectorate into the hands of the missionaries, direct relations between the Holy See and the Qing court could not be established. Favier’s ability to gain official ranks for Catholic clergy within the empire was, however, a significant concession, and one that, at

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least on the local level, empowered French missionaries to exert considerable influence over administrative decision-making. The court was willing to accommodate Favier’s requests in part because they feared the escalating power of the French Protectorate in China. By dealing more directly with Catholic bishops, they reasoned, the court could check the force of France’s secular diplomats. In another letter to Cardinal Rampolla during the negotiation stages in 1898, Favier admitted that force might be necessary on behalf of France and the Church.39 Rome’s approbation of Favier’s successful acquisition of official court ranks for Catholic missionaries was swift; shortly after the imperial rescript was implemented, Cardinal Miescelaus Ledochowski (1822–1902), prefect of the Propaganda Fide, wrote a complimentary letter to Bishop Favier. “I particularly congratulate you on the publication of this decree,” he exclaimed, “knowing that it is indebted especially to your care.”40 Even churches in Favier’s native France celebrated the imperial favor bestowed on the Church in China; at the grand church of St. Sulpice in Paris, a Te Deum was intoned to honor Favier’s triumph for the Holy Roman Catholic Church. Complications arose, however, once the French minister in China at that time, Stéphen-JeanMarie Pichon (Bi Sheng, 1857–1933), became aware of Favier’s negotiations with the Zongli Yamen, and once he had acquired drafts of the texts he requested alterations. In the end, Favier communicated with the prominent viceroy, Ronglu, to accommodate Pichon’s revisions. His consorting with Ronglu resulted in a friendship between the French bishop and the Manchu statesman that benefited the Church far more than France’s authorities. Henceforth, Roman Catholic bishops in China donned not only the ecclesial regalia denoting their rank in the Church but also the vestments and insignias formerly worn only by Chinese court officials. While Favier was negotiating official court ranks for French Catholic missionaries, he was also arranging the physical spaces and print culture affiliated with the Catholic mission to better represent Gallic tastes and intellectual culture, and among his priorities was the import of Westernlanguage books, especially those in the French language. Common to French Catholic missions was an admixture of traditional Chinese spatial orientation and French architectural hierarchies. Mission stations were enclosed in high walls with monumental entrance gates, and the churches, like those in French villages, were designed with commanding steeples or towers that marked the hierarchical preeminence of God’s reign over the

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reign of secular leaders. Favier’s Beitang complex was created in this vein, and near to his Gothic church was built the famous Beitang library, one of the jewels of the French Catholic mission in late-imperial China.41 Favier trumpeted the collection held in his Lazarist library, which he constructed close to the cathedral, with its “twelve thousand volumes, including several hundred rare volumes,” most of which were in French and other European languages.42 Only the French Jesuit library at Xujiahui was larger than the Beitang collection, which had more than two hundred thousand volumes.43 Though the Jesuit library collected Western-language books, it prioritized the acquisition and publication of books in Chinese. Still, around eighty thousand volumes at the Xujiahui library were in Western languages, mostly French.44 The seed books for the Beitang library had been gathered by the Jesuits who first built Beitang in 1701. The Lazarists came to possess this collection when they replaced the Jesuits as the principal order that oversaw the China mission during the Jesuit suppression, which lasted from 1773 to 1814. These volumes were by Favier’s time largely used to educate Chinese seminarians and priests, and to inculcate in them a knowledge of, and sympathy for, French culture and Catholicism. French Gothic towers were expected to convert the Chinese eye, while French books were expected to convert the Chinese mind. CONSTRUC TING A C ATHOLIC EDIFICE: AN EMPIRE OF INFLUENCE

Favier’s efforts to shape a genteel Catholic empire in Beijing in the fashion of Gallic sympathies was manifest in several areas that deserve special attention, especially as they were so influential inside and outside of French secular and religious communities: the construction of his prominent ­Beijing and Tianjin hospitals, named after St. Michael and St. Vincent; his design of several churches in addition to Beitang; his use of the Beitang Press to promote Catholic and French mores; and the symbolic presence of the French cemetery, Zhengfusi, which he was known to have supported and promoted as an expression of French patriotism. After the destruction of the capital’s Catholic churches and other institutions in 1900, only the Beitang complex remained in any semblance of its original shape before the Boxer Uprising. In other respects, Beijing’s Catholic mission was little more than ash and rubble by September. Among Favier’s first priorities after 1900 was the construction of a new hospital, St. Michael’s, and the relocation and reconstruction of the French Catholic

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hospital at Zhalan, St. Vincent’s Hospital. St. Michael’s Hospital, designed and built under Bishop Favier’s direction in 1902, was erected to the west of Beijing’s Dongjiaominxiang Legation Quarter, in front of the American caserne and very near to the city’s prominent Qianmen gate. Among his collaborators in realizing the construction of this legation hospital was none other than the leader of the French expeditionary force that helped liberate Beijing in 1900, Émile Jean François Régis Voyron (1838–1921).45 As the Lazarist publication Le bulletin catholique de Pékin describes his prodigious new hospital, St. Michael’s “is a grand construction with an attractive garden of trees, vines, and flowers at the main gate,” built for Western “officers and regular soldiers of the occupation armies, the employees of BeijingHankou Railroad, and other Europeans living in Beijing.”46 It was largely intended to serve the foreign community, even though it was only a short walk from the emperor’s throne in the Forbidden City. A rare photograph of St. Michael’s Hospital reveals how Favier envisaged non-church design. In terms of style it is eclectic, following his tendency to combine Western architectural tastes with local Chinese accents. The hospital is a kind of Sino-Renaissance Revival admixture. Emphatic piers articulate the window design on the two-story façade, while a curious— almost out of place—late-Renaissance feature with exaggerated volutes surmounts the roof. A typical Renaissance Revival wall and gate divide the hospital property from the main street. The façade is unlike what one normally sees in France, and yet it appears in harmony with the ideals of French Academic design tastes that arose after Gian Lorenzo Bernini’s (1598–1680) unsuccessful three studies for the Louvre Palace were rejected by Louis XIV (1638–1715) in 1655. France sought to create a more austere architectural design, though still drawing on late-Renaissance and Baroque sources. The peculiar architectural patchwork one observes in this design, as in his other designs, is due to the fact that local craftsmen were employed to realize his basic plan, employing local techniques and tastes when completing the overall construction. Sources unfortunately are silent regarding Favier’s academic preparation in the field of architecture. We only know that by the time he lived in China he was commissioned to design and build churches and other buildings, and that he was exposed to various architectural styles while living in Paris, styles that, like the French Academic style, had become associated with Gallican and Catholic identity. We can surmise which buildings may have inspired his designs, while unfortunately we know nothing about how or where he learned the necessary skills of design.

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We know comparatively little about Alphonse Favier’s responsibility in the design of St. Vincent’s Hospital, other than that he oversaw its construction inside of the Beitang compound shortly after the former St. Vincent’s at Zhalan had been demolished by Boxers in 1900. Unlike St. Michael’s Hospital in the Legation Quarter, his Beitang hospital was opened to treat more than primarily European patients; in fact, St. Vincent’s accepted “both Christian and pagan” Chinese without charge, though it only had sixty beds for men and forty beds for women. Favier’s genteel French empire in northern China was as much spiritual as it was material; as one Lazarist writer describes what was expected of patients being treated at St. Vincent’s Hospital: “Many of the poor pagans passed the time during their convalescence studying the catechism, and left the hospital to enter into the cate­chu­ menate.”47 Principally under the care of the French Daughters of Charity, these two hospitals contributed to both the rise in Catholic conversions and the Lazarist prominence in Beijing, as well as to Favier’s celebrity as the architect of the French Catholic mission in Zhili. After his appointment as the director of the Lazarist mission at Xuan­ hua in 1868, he straightaway dedicated himself to the design and construction of a new Catholic church to accommodate the growing number of Christians there. By the end of that year he had already completed the church, and an account provided by Bishop Joseph-Martial Mouly in the Lazarist communiqué Annales de la Congrégation de la Mission recounts that he made a special journey “to bless, twenty leagues away, the new church named after Saint Peter, which was built by M. Favier with the assistance of the Mission and 6,000 francs.”48 Mouly remarks on how well received the church design was and how it served successfully the five thousand Christians then attached to the Xuanhua mission. Favier’s Xuan­ hua church was unfortunately razed during the Boxer disturbances on 5 July 1900.49 According to Jean-Marie Planchet, the Christians of the Xuan­ hua mission who had intended to defend their church lost courage when they discovered that the Qing troops had joined the Boxers in a combined effort to attack the Lazarist complex.50 The replacement church, designed by the Belgian architect Alphonse De Moerloose, was commissioned by Favier and built in a decidedly Gothic style.51 The architectural sensibilities of De Moerloose’s reconstructed Xuanhua church were not unlike those of Favier; as Thomas Coomans remarks, they were “strongly Catholic, Gothic and based on the true principles of Augustus W. N. Pugin.” Church

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construction for both Favier and De Moerloose “fit perfectly in the Eurocentric missionary model prior to World War I.”52 Three decades after he oversaw the construction of his Xuanhua church, Favier designed and built a new French Catholic church in the city of Baoding, some ninety-three miles southwest of Beijing. He had already begun soliciting financial support for the Baoding church in an 1863 letter to the central bureau of the Propagation de la Foi in Paris. He wrote: “Now, gentlemen, if we redirect our attention away from Beijing to elsewhere in the province, we see . . . that in the great city of Baodingfu a prodigious movement toward Christianity has manifested. One of our remarkable Chinese missionaries has managed to get an edict of religious tolerance published, which resulted in mass conversions. Today, the number of catechumens studying [to become Catholic] numbers more than 10,000.”53 Immediately after informing the Paris office of the high numbers of Christian conversions at the Baoding mission, he reminds his readers that “as you know, nothing is accomplished without resources, money.”54 His appeal was successful, and the mission there flourished until 30 June 1900, when the local magistrate allowed Boxers to entirely destroy both the Catholic and Protestant missions. 55 Favier had designed and built the Roman Catholic church that stood in Baoding before the demolition; its completion and dedication had occurred only a few short months before June. Two photographs of the dedication ceremony were published in the 7 July 1900 edition of Harper’s Weekly, and his simple Renaissance church façade with pronounced piers and a classical entablature is seen in one of the images.56 Also observed in the photograph is Bishop Favier standing in the front of an imposing crowd of native Christians attached to the Baoding church, most of whom perished during the Boxer attacks that leveled the church a few months after the image was produced. Perhaps among the most prominent architectural works Favier designed was the nave of the muscular Gothic church in Tianjin, named after Our Lady of Victory. In China, this church is more commonly known as Wanghailou, which simply means “ocean view building.” This structure was first built in 1869 at a conspicuous location on the north bank of the Haihe, a confluence of five rivers connecting to the Grand Canal.57 After its destruction during the 1870 Tianjin incident, less than a year after its original completion, only the façade remained intact, while the original nave languished in ruins. An abundance of sources is available on this church, but

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a brief description here of its history will help to contextualize Favier’s interest in its reconstruction as an important element of the French Catholic edifice he erected in northern China. The first design and construction of Our Lady of Victory was realized by the Lazarist Paul-Joseph Marty (Ma Zhenyuan, 1829–1873), who spent most of his time as a missionary in China overseeing the establishment of churches.58 Favier wrote of Marty’s church: “A monument of great importance, the church of Our Lady of Victory, rose at that time in Tianjin under the direction of Brother Marty, a Lazarist. This construction advanced rapidly. . . . Next to the beautiful façade of Our Lady of Victory arose the French pavilion. The church was entirely finished at the end of 1869, was solemnly blessed by the bishop in the presence of the consul and the Chinese authorities, and was to last only a few months!”59 Numerous photos were taken of the colossal façade after the destruction of the nave, and when he began his plans to restore the church he chose not to start anew, but to replace only the nave, which he designed in sympathy with Marty’s original Gothic scheme. In an 1896 letter to the superior general of the Lazarist order, Antoine Fiat (1878–1914), Favier described the ruins of Wanghailou and his desire to rebuild the church. He wrote, “For twenty-six years, people have visited the temporary tombs [of the victims] and the ruins of the burned church, whose almost intact façade stands on the riverbank as a monument attesting to its disrepair—a painful sight to both Europeans and Chinese.”60 An agreement between China’s officials and the French missionaries to repair the church was not accomplished until 1896, after which Favier was assigned to repair the badly damaged façade and design a new nave. Part of the settlement was the erection of a royal stele, to be “surmounted by a large imperial pavilion glazed with yellow tiles, that bears the command of Emperor Guangxu.”61 This was the white marble that Favier dramatically transported from Beijing to Tianjin. Precisely two weeks after the church’s theatrical dedication on 21 June 1897, Favier sent another letter to Antoine Fiat describing with satisfaction how he had redesigned Our Lady of Victory. Notre Dame des Victoires is carefully rebuilt as it was in 1870, measuring thirty meters long, excluding the porch, the towers, and the sacristy. The width is eleven meters, as is its height. There are fourteen ornamented columns that are white and grey, as is the vault. The walls are painted red, and are beautifully highlighted by the white marble stelae on which are

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inscribed the names of the victims. Each of them is preceded by a tomb that contains their priceless remains. The altar is surmounted by a statue of Notre Dame des Victoires, who gloriously assumes her place. The steps of the church are embellished with attractive wrought iron railing that climbs up the two stone staircases, one on the east and another on the west. Across from the front door, which is newly repaired and surmounted by an elegant cross, we have constructed a grand residence of fourteen meters to accommodate visitors.62

A photograph of his French Gothic 1897 restoration was made shortly after its completion, and the imperial stele is clearly visible to the right of Marty’s grand façade.63 This church, like those at Xuanhua and Baoding, was largely destroyed by Boxers in 1900, though again the original façade was strong enough to remain mostly intact. Another Tianjin church designed by Alphonse Favier was named after the fourteenth-century king of France, St. Louis IX (1214–1270), who was not only a revered French monarch, but also a patron of architecture who commissioned the lavishly built and appointed Sainte Chapelle in Paris, in which he enshrined the crown of thorns he had received from Baldwin II (1228–1273). 64 Chinese locals call the structure Purple Bamboo Grove Church (Zizhulin Jiaotang), after a popular temple that was located in the area; the main hall housed a statue of the bodhisattva Guanyin (Guanyin Pusa), and a grove of purple bamboo populated the temple grounds.65 By the time the French had acquired the area for their concession, the temple had long been in ruins, and the land had largely reverted to a swamp. Even though the temple was in disrepair, local Chinese were discontented that a foreign concession and church was to occupy land once dedicated to an esteemed bodhisattva. Bishop Louis-Gabriel Delaplace was appointed the apostolic vicar of Zhili in 1870, only a few months before the Tianjin incident effectively terminated Lazarist efforts there, and he dedicated himself to restoring the mission in the city, including a chapel in the new French concession. In 1871, construction began on the new St. Louis church, and as Favier notes, “It was completed in a year. Its façade is decorated with eight monolithic columns of granite measuring seven meters. An old bell, fallen from a burning tower and repaired, still serves to call the faithful to offices.”66 The court had provided 90,000 taels of silver for reparation, and Favier’s plans for the construction resulted in a curious combination of Sino-Western architectural styles. Various curvilinear elements in the

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Figur e 2.2. Engraving of Favier’s Purple Bamboo Grove church (Zizhulin Jiaotang, or St. Louis Catholic church) in Tianjin’s French concession. This building was among Favier’s designs that were built in a non-Gothic style. Source: Congrégation de la Mission Archives Historiques, Paris.

topmost section of the façade suggest Baroque, while the pilasters and ­windows on the lower part suggest Renaissance. The aedicule-like framing around the central entrance is unquestionably Renaissance. Even with its Western-dominant flavor, the brickwork and carving “were nonetheless Chinese”67 (fig. 2.2). Favier’s St. Louis church, along with his other architectural works in Tianjin, remained remained a topic of popular discussion throughout the nineteenth century. His small ecclesiastical colony in Tianjin was mentioned in an 1888 description of Tianjin’s history in the North China Herald, and among the features of St. Louis church that caught people’s attention was its grand organ.68 In the past, most of the people who went to Purple Bamboo Grove church were Westerners. . . . Ascending a circular staircase, one accessed the organ loft, where there was a traditional Western organ, the red pipes of which reached to the ceiling and were arrayed along the wall. When the organ was played, the sound was loud and harmonious; it was very powerful. When the organ was played to the accompaniment of the choir, the

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feeling was quite solemn, and it was rumored that the sound of the organ carried for more than ten li when it was played in the quiet of midnight.69

Even though St. Louis church was mostly the domain of Western Catholics who enjoyed the vestiges of their own culture, such as richly celebrated liturgies accompanied by a solemn organ, the church served as a refuge for some one to two thousand Chinese Christians during the anti-Christian attacks of the Boxer Uprising in 1900.70 In Beijing, Favier also oversaw the construction of two Roman Catholic churches in addition to his Sino-Gothic Beitang: St. Michael’s church, located within the legation district, which he did not himself design, and Dongtang, or East Church,” which he did himself design. He built St. Michael’s, popularly known as Dongjiaomin Alley (Dongjiaomin Xiang) church, in 1901 after the legation area had been almost completely destroyed during the Boxer conflict.71 One of the clauses of the Boxer Protocol, signed 7 September 1901, dictated that the legation district would be reserved for the occupying powers, in which Chinese were prohibited from residing, and permanent foreign military forces were allowed to remain. The design of St. Michael’s, which Favier located directly in front of the Belgian legation, satisfied his desire for a French Gothic design.72 Two main doors below two ornate towers exaggerate the Gothic quality; each door is surmounted by an attenuated reverse curve decorative ogival arch, capped with a somewhat caricatured finial. During the Maoist era (1949–1976), in 1958, St. Michael’s church was seized by the government and turned into a school and restaurant; it was not restored for church use until the 1980s.73 In Beijing, Favier’s design of Dongtang, or East Church, attracted almost as much attention as his Beitang cathedral. Today, the Dongtang church at Wangfujing, which was rebuilt in 1904 following Favier’s original design, is the most-often visited Catholic church in China’s capital city. In fact, the square in front of Dongtang’s dramatic façade is today a favorite location for wedding photos, skateboarding, and ballroom dance, and it is often featured in travel books as an important tourist destination in Beijing. It is convenient for tourists to visit Dongtang because it is a short thirty-minute walk from Tiananmen Square, and the iconic portrait of Mao that presently marks the entrance to the Forbidden City (fig. 2.3). The first emperor of the Qing, Shunzhi (1638–1661), had given the original property to the Jesuits around 1655, and by 1666 a small chapel had been erected by the Flemish Jesuit Ferdinand Verbiest (Nan Huairen, 1623–1688),

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Figur e 2.3. Engraving of Favier’s East Church (Dongtang, or St. Joseph’s Catholic church), in Beijing’s Wangfujing district. This church was demolished by Boxers in 1900 and was rebuilt, standing today in the same location. Source: Congrégation de la Mission Archives Historiques, Paris.

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for the use of the Fathers.74 The residence there became a hub of Catholic activity, and the likes of Adam Schall and the Italian painter Giuseppe Castiglione (Lang Shining, 1688–1766) lived and worked there, garnering considerable fame in and out of the imperial court. The first chapel collapsed in 1720 due to a destructive earthquake, and a new church was completed the following year.75 In 1807, another disaster beset Dongtang when a fire was started in the residence while the Fathers were rearranging their library late in the evening; the court used the fire as an excuse to confiscate the church, which it soon after demolished.76 After the church had lain in ruins for a considerable time, Bishop Louis-Gabriel Delaplace finally secured funds for the church’s reconstruction in its original location, and he appointed Favier as the architect and leader of the ambitious project.77 Unlike most churches built during this era of expansion of the French Catholic empire in northern China, when the construction of a new church took around one year, Favier’s Dongtang required five years to complete. The foundations were laid in 1879, and the final touches were made in 1884, after which the Qing authorities registered a formal complaint that he had built the towers at an inappropriate height, and that they competed with the force of China’s imperial prerogative.78 In a report drafted in 1899, Favier disclosed that the construction of Dongtang, dedicated to St. Joseph, had cost the outrageous sum of 400,000 francs; most other churches cost only 50,000 to 100,000 francs.79 Despite official complaints, the church remained unmodified because the plans had “already been submitted to the government for approval” before its construction, and its two stately towers “commanded a great part of the city.”80 Favier himself was exceptionally satisfied with the realization of this church, and he wrote at length about its design and construction: It was necessary that this church should be large enough to contain the 2,000 Christians who attend the parish every Sunday and on feast days. In the absence of the necessary funds, the work progressed only slowly. Begun in 1880, it was only completed in 1884. This church measures seventy meters long by twenty meters wide, and as much height under the vault. Sixteen columns of the ornate Ionic order support the beams of the framework, and the capitals are in gold. These columns are not less than fifty centimeters in diameter, over a height of seventeen meters; they are rouge de l’amour. The vault is arched and divided into ornamented coffers. The high altar, entirely made of Naples marble, is decorated with columns

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and various motifs in enameled cloisonné, due to the generosity of M. de Sémalle, the charge d’affaires of France. The façade recalls the Église de la Sainte-Trinité in Paris, but it has three cupolas, the highest of which measures thirty meters high. The arches, the rosettes, and the friezes are in marble. It also has Ionic column pilasters that decorate the façade. The whole church is built of imperial bricks, twenty-five kilos each.81

Indeed, Favier’s St. Joseph’s church was an architectural tribute to Western extravagance, inspired, as he states, after the Église de la Sainte-Trinité, itself modeled after the Italian Renaissance style. Chinese sources like to identify the church as “Romanesque,” but it was, as were all of Favier’s churches in China, quite eclectic.82 In photographs of the newly completed Dongtang in 1884, one observes a classically inspired design, with an almost Baroque sensibility seen in the elaborate layering of pilasters with strong sculptural complexity. Three polyhedral domes surmount the church, with early Renaissance windows above the front portals.83 In a photo album preserved in the Paris archives of the Congregation of the Mission, which consists of photographs collected by the Lazarist China missionary Gédéon Marécaux (Ma Lige, 1884–1932), one discovers a distressing image taken just after the Boxer destruction of Favier’s Dongtang on 13 June 1900.84 Little remains of the original façade in the photograph; most of the domes, as well as the right side of the church, lay in rubble, and a French missionary stands pensively beside what was previously a church with a large congregation. In his journal, which he meticulously kept during the siege of Beitang, Favier wrote on 13 June: “At half-past nine o’clock [in the evening] we saw our beautiful church of St. Joseph, Dongtang, in flames.”85 He and his confreres watched the church burn in the distance from one of the towers at Beitang; it burned through the entire night (fig. 2.4). Favier died in 1905, just after the new St. Joseph’s church celebrated its first year of reopening, and the imposing empire of French Catholic splendor he had built before the Boxer Uprising was rising again, with more brio and zeal than ever. Favier’s diplomacy of architecture had left towering monuments to Western power throughout northern China, even in the revered space next to the Forbidden City. Favier was not the first to imbibe the waters of France’s “civilizing mission”; he had learned this attitude from his mentors, who sought, like Favier, to extend French ecclesial recognition into the weave of China’s imperial fabric. Only a few days after Bishop Delaplace had blessed the new Dongtang, he fell ill and did not rise again,

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Figur e 2.4. Lazarist photograph of the Dongtang church, taken after its destruction by Boxers in 1900. Favier stood atop one of the towers at his Beitang cathedral and watched as Dongtang burned to the ground. Source: Congrégation de la Mission Archives Historiques, Paris.

dying in his episcopal residence at Beitang on 24 May 1884. Recalling Delaplace’s efforts to shape the Church in China, Favier wrote that the bishop had “obtained several awards from the government, including two imperial decorations, a silver and golden gourd adorned with dragons and Chinese characters.” One day while Delaplace was at the Zongli Yamen, a Chinese official asked the bishop what these were, and the nearby Prince Gong quipped in an irritated voice, “You should know that the bishop has received these rewards for his merits, and that he is a mandarin of the empire.”86 This was precisely what the Lazarists had hoped for—an imperial role within the Chinese empire, wherein the Church could flourish and French culture could grow more influential. AN EMPIRE OF COMMEMOR ATION: THE PRESS AND THE CEMETERY

Perhaps the most expedient means of promoting the work of the mission in northern China, and one to which Favier devoted much of his resources, was the Beitang Press. If architecture was his principal method of cultural

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and religious diplomacy, the Beijing Lazarist Press was his second line of influence. Philip Clart and Gregory Adam Scott have noted that “print and religion in East Asia have historically been intimately interconnected,” a point that is confirmed by China’s long history of religious printing.87 Asia’s earliest printed work was in fact the Buddhist Diamond Sutra scroll (dated to 868), and throughout China’s history the canonical works of Daoist, Buddhist, and Confucian traditions have made up the bulk of printed scrolls and volumes that were sold and preserved in libraries. Understanding the authority of the printed word, especially in late-imperial China, Bishop Joseph-Martial Mouly established the Beitang Press in October 1862 after returning from a visit to his native France.88 Favier was on the return voyage with Mouly, and was likely present as he planned the installation of the new press immediately in front of the entrance to the bishop’s grand estate. Other than the Roman Catholic press operated by the Jesuit mission orphanage at Tushanwan, in Shanghai, Beitang’s Lazarist Press was the most active missionary publisher in China until its closure in the midtwentieth century. Books, periodicals, mission statistics, catechisms, and prayer manuals, in both French and Chinese, flowed out of the press, which was the “first Catholic institution to use the letterpress printing in China.”89 By 1876, the affluent Lazarist brother Auguste-Pierre-Henri Maes (Mei Shiji, 1854–1936), who provided his own funds for the operation, had taken charge of the press, a post that he held for more than fifty years.90 Favier and Maes remained close collaborators over the period of time that Favier served as the bishop of Beijing, and their partnership grew into a burgeoning enterprise in support of la mission civilisatrice in northern China (fig. 2.5). Their desire to carefully manicure the reception and effects of the press’s works sometimes created tension with other publication hopefuls. Vincent Lebbe (Lei Mingyuan, 1877–1940) was an adamant critic of the mission’s assertive Frenchness in China, and while in Tianjin Lebbe had gained the support of a wealthy local Catholic, Ying Lianzhi (1867–1926).91 Ying, whose sympathies were closer to Lebbe than Favier, had founded an influential daily newspaper in Tianjin called the Dagongbao, which carried the French title of L’impartial. Bishop Favier took a strong interest in Ying’s newspaper and bought shares, but he had concerns about the politically oriented articles it sometimes published, and coerced Ying, unsuccessfully, to move Dagongbao to the Beitang Press, where he and Maes could better monitor what was issued in print. Favier’s pressure to take over the newspaper so incensed Ying that he returned the bishop’s shares and sold them to Chinese

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Figur e 2.5. Entrance to Beitang’s Lazarist Press (Imprimerie des Lazaristes au ­Pé-T’ang), ca. 1935. This is where Favier’s Péking: Histoire et description, was first published in 1897. Source: Congrégation de la Mission Archives Historiques, Paris.

non-Christians. Dagongbao remained sheltered from ecclesial influences in the French concession in Tianjin until 1906, when the press was relocated to the Japanese concession.92 Favier and Maes’s attempt to create a monopoly of Roman Catholic printing in northern China was ineffective, but the Beitang Press retained its status as the premiere French Catholic publisher in Zhili throughout Favier’s tenure as bishop. In addition to the very public work of the press, which was the first publisher of Favier’s celebrated Péking: Histoire et description, the French Catholic cemetery, depicted and discussed in Beijing’s Lazarist publications, also played a significant role in the building of a genteel French Catholic empire.

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While the Beitang Press served to promote Gallo-Catholicism in print culture, the mission’s cemetery provided a means of commemorating French Catholic culture in stone monuments. Zhengfusi cemetery, often romanized in Lazarist documents as “Tcheng-fou-sse,” was one of two major Roman Catholic cemeteries in Beijing during the late-imperial era. Certainly, the most famous of the two is Zhalan cemetery, a Portuguese graveyard connected to a Portuguese church and Jesuit residence, and a flourishing Marist seminary. All the buildings were built in a Western style; only the graveyard monuments were noticeably Chinese. Zhalan was also celebrated as the location of Matteo Ricci’s funeral and burial, for which the grounds were consecrated in 1611. It was also the location where celebrated French Lazarists were to be buried with grand ceremony during the Lazarist era in Beijing, and some sources have mistakenly located Bishop JosephMartial Mouly’s grave in this cemetery.93 This cemetery was officially attached to the parishes of West Church and South Church, which by Favier’s time had grown into large Lazarist communities. The second cemetery, and the one dearer to his heart, was Zhengfusi, which was superintended by the cathedral church and missionary residence of Beitang.94 In fact, after it was despoiled during the Boxer attacks of 1900, Favier ordered a new wall erected around the cemetery, while leaving what remained of the old surrounding wall to stay as a testament of the Boxer atrocities against the French mission.95 As Jean-Paul Wiest and Ming Xiaoyan note, Favier also “had the remnants of Albéric Marie de Damas’ commemorative stele gathered along with what remained of his physical remains to be transferred to the newly-prepared French cemetery at Beitang” to memorialize the legacy of the Anglo-French military expedition to China at the close of the second Opium War (1856–1860).96 Zhengfusi had gained status as a tribute to France’s “glory on the battlefield” against China in 1860; it was a resting place for both the missionaries who had dedicated their lives to the religious conversion of China and the military officers, such as Albéric de Damas (1828–1860), who had died for Catholic France. The Zhengfusi cemetery was established in 1732, and as Claudia von Collani notes, was “first used for two of the so-called Mathématiciens du Roy, sent to China by Louis XIV, namely Jean-François Gerbillion (Zhang Cheng, 1654–1707), the first superior of the French mission in China, and his companion Joachim Bouvet (Bai Jin, 1656–1730).”97 Part of Favier’s attachment to Zhengfusi was its historical connection to the specifically French mission to China, and it was meaningful to most French missionaries that

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the graves of the two Jesuit polymaths, Jean-François Gerbillion and Joachim Bouvet, were prominently located in front of the cemetery’s principal altar, where commemorative Masses were offered for French clergy who had helped establish the French presence in China.98 Among the more controversial aspects of the history of Zhengfusi French cemetery is its association with the destruction of Yuanmingyuan, Beijing’s Old Summer Palace, in 1860. By the late 1850s, English and French officials had entered a new stage of negotiation with the Qing court for more open trade between China and the West. The court remained stubborn, however, and insisted that the procedure of foreign tributaries approaching the throne remain as it had traditionally been; the court maintained that “foreign envoys (even with 400 guards of their own) should be escorted to Peking and lodged and supplied there according to the Ch’ing regulations.”99 Not content with the court’s insistence on adopting a superior status over other nations, French and English troops approached Beijing to discuss their demands in person, and on 18 September 1860, the British diplomat Harry Smith Parkes (Ba Xiali, 1828–1885), along with his party of thirteen Frenchmen and twenty-five British, were “seized and jailed in irons” by Qing troops.100 Allied forces then attacked Chinese forces, the emperor fled the capital to Jehol, and after abandoning Beijing, he ordered the European hostages to be executed. The culmination of this conflict was on 18 October, when Lord Elgin (James Bruce, E Erjin, 1811–1863) retaliated against China’s treatment of the French and British hostages by ordering the destruction of Yuanmingyuan to humiliate the Qing court. To commemorate the French soldiers who died in these conflicts in 1860, Bishop Mouly celebrated a solemn service at a commemorative monument erected in Zhengfusi cemetery. As Favier describes Mouly’s speech: “Tears of joy flowed from the eyes of the old bishop as he thanked God, the emperor, France, and the army. And finally, amid general emotion, he intoned the Te Deum followed by prayers for the emperor. The Cross again dominated the new edifice, and public worship was restored in the city of Beijing, where all religious institutions had been returned. Once again, one could rightly say: Gesta Dei per Francos [God acts on behalf of France].”101 The cemetery henceforth was associated with French sacrifice in China, and Favier inherited Mouly’s sense of what Zhengfusi implied for the remembrance and preferment of Catholic France. Three photographs taken in 1898 at Zhengfusi French cemetery record a gathering orchestrated by Alphonse Favier, an event that underscores the

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general French impulse toward secular and ecclesial collaboration in China, even if such ties were tenuous at home in France.102 Two photographs depict Favier in a group of multinational military troops, along with the French minister to China, Stéphen Pichon; one is taken in front of the commemorative monument and one in front of the main chapel building at Zhengfusi cemetery. A third image was taken as the multinational troops were seen marching out of the main gate of the cemetery. The gathering of this military unit was organized in a collaboration between Favier and Pichon in preparation for an anticipated rise in anti-Catholic and anti-European riots in northern China. China’s highest representative of the Church and its highest representative of France, rarely seen in the same photograph, are pictured with all the pageantry that highlighted the opposing senses of strength and vulnerability felt by missionaries and diplomats in Beijing during the closing years of the nineteenth century. Zhengfusi cemetery, especially the commemorative monument, had by 1898 become a passionate emblem of French patrimony. French Catholic hospitals, churches, schools, and cemeteries were seen throughout China’s capital, and each structure not only characterized Western architectural sensibilities, but also displayed France’s Tricolor eminently waving above its rooftop or main entrance. THE ARCHITEC TURE OF PERSON ALIT Y: FROM ÉMINENCE GRIS TO PERSONN AGE PUISSANT

The title of the French painting L’éminence grise implies an influential decision maker who operates “behind the scenes.” The painting was executed by Jean-Léon Gérôme (1824–1904), who depicts the Capuchin friar and advisor to Cardinal Richelieu, François Leclerc du Trembly (1577–1638), descending a stairway while lost in a book he holds in his hands. The people around him bow reverently, acknowledging the distracted friar as the real power behind Richelieu. Favier was very much like Leclerc while serving under the bishops of Beijing, but became more like Richelieu as the years passed. From 1862, when he first arrived in China, until 1900, when China was wrenched into national instability from the Boxer incidents, he had advanced from a simple missionary priest with an aptitude for effective management to the operative leader of the entire China mission. He had negotiated with China’s officials, France’s officials, and the Church’s hierarchy to build what he envisioned as a genteel French empire, hallowed and

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merited by his sacred role as an envoi for Western Christianity. By December of 1899, the larger-than-life Bishop Favier, large-bearded and adorned in his pectoral cross and episcopal cassock, had returned to Paris, where he luxuriated in his new popularity. In an interior report disseminated among the priests of the mission in Europe, it was announced that “Bishop Favier, apostolic vicar of Beijing and Northern Zhili, is presently in Europe. After a few days spent at the Motherhouse in Paris to greet the superiors and report on his work [in China], he went to Rome where he was received by the Sovereign Pontiff and eminent cardinals, who all gave him a most flattering welcome.”103 His accomplishments in China were celebrated among the ecclesiastics in France, and his victories in Beijing were a point of pride to the Lazarists, whose predecessors had been dispatched over a century earlier to China to replace the Jesuits who had been suppressed in 1773. Arguably, the turmoil of the Rites Controversy had played a significant role in the Jesuit suppression. They had rather large shoes to fill, and Favier succeeded admirably in demonstrating that a Lazarist could achieve the same distinction as the former Jesuits. In a report that he submitted to the Lazarist motherhouse on 14 October 1899, he outlined the growth of the French mission in his vicariate during the previous decade. Mission stations had increased from 322 in 1889 to 577 in 1899; there were 34,417 Christians ten years previously, and 46,894 in 1899; there were 1,022 baptisms in 1889, and 2,322 in 1899; 1,170 catechumens sought entrance into the Church in 1889, and by 1899 the number had risen to more than 10,000.104 Favier also notes the usefulness of the Marist brothers in accomplishing his goals for the mission: “We also appealed to the dedication of the Marists, who were not yet in the vicariate ten years ago, but now include eighteen, including the general visitor. Thanks to their zeal, a college for Europeans is now open in Tianjin, and in the same city there is a Franco-Chinese college assigned to them with seventy-five students. In Beijing, the grand college and its branch has 155 students, among whom more than fifty have become good interpreters who now fill important offices at the railways, telegraph, and so forth.”105 Presumably many of the students graduating from these Marist schools were Catholic, and thus the arms of French Catholic influence were reaching deeply into China’s late-imperial society. After recounting the work of the Trappists, Daughters of Charity, and the indigenous Chinese order of sisters, the Daughters of St. Joseph, he turns his report to the matter of the Church’s institutional presence in northern

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Zhili. Within the decade, the number of major churches had increased from sixteen to thirty-one.106 The monumental church he had himself designed, Beitang, or the cathedral of the Holy Savior, had been erected with funds equaling 800,000 francs provided by the emperor, and the restored Dongtang, or church of St. Joseph, had cost 400,000 francs to rebuild.107 In addition to the grand churches Favier describes, he includes in his précis mention of an increase of eighty churches “of the second order” and 161 oratories within the previous decade, as well as an increased number of seminary students preparing for the priesthood, most of whom were Chinese.108 In his typical fashion, he concludes his report with an appeal for more funds to support his efforts in the vicariate; now that he and his fellow bishops were afforded privileged access to the court as bearers of Chinese official titles, his access to the ears of men with keys to coffers had expanded considerably. There is little doubt that the center of Favier’s attention, in terms of his aim to build a genteel French Catholic empire, was the impressive Beitang cathedral and mission complex, located a short sedan ride from the imperial seat of the Son of Heaven.

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COM PETING S H A DO WS Beijing’s First North Church The French Lazarists currently possess what used to belong to the now extinct French Jesuits: Beitang, . . . the capital of the French mission. Decr ee of the Propaganda Fide, 7 December 1783

A l p h o n s e Fav i e r’s Be i ta n g wa s n o t t h e f i r s t C at h o l ic church in Beijing; his design and execution of the grand Gothic Revival façade (in what could be called a newly contrived “Sino-Gothic” style) follows in the footsteps of a long history of Roman Catholic building in China’s imperial capital. In order for the missionaries to evangelize and convert, Roman Catholic mission spaces needed to be constructed and equipped to accommodate liturgical rites and the craft of persuasive preaching.1 The importance of the aesthetic choices related to church design cannot be ignored; the efficacy of sacred spaces, according to Catholic sensibilities, is significantly related to how those spaces visually interact with the senses. An essay written in Chinese by Francesco Samiasi (Bi Fangji, 1582–1649), “Shuihua erda” (Two Responses to Sleep and Images), asserts that “the eyes are the soul’s windows and the eyelids are the doors that safeguard these windows,” suggesting that what the eyes perceive affects the soul.2 Therefore, the consequences of style mattered deeply to those who designed sacred spaces. In accordance with this ideal, the Constitutions of the Society of Jesus have emphasized the importance of the typology of ecclesial structures, and we see in the Ignatian principle of plantatio ecclesiae (church implantation) a desire to construct suitable worship spaces for the sacred rites of the Church. 3 In the era of Favier’s life in China, the chief exponent of this idea was the Belgian Jesuit Pierre Charles (1883–1954).4 Such theories of aesthetic style as an effective agent for conversion were, however, prevalent long before the Jesuit mission was established in Beijing during the late Ming dynasty. Beijing’s first well-documented Roman Catholic church was under construction in 1306, when Beijing was called Khanbaliq, during the Yuan 73

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(1278–1368) rule of the Mongols. The church was commissioned by the Franciscan bishop Giovanni da Montecorvino, who wrote of his project in a letter from Beijing in February 1306. A merchant identified as Peter of Lucalongo (n.d.) had purchased land for a church only “a stone’s throw” away from the Khan’s palace.5 Montecorvino reports: For a more useful and suitable place for a Catholic church could not be had in the whole empire of the lord Kaan. I received the place in the beginning of August, and, by the assistance and help of benefactors, up to the feast of St. Francis it was finished with a wall all around the houses, simple offices, and an oratory which will hold two hundred persons. But on account of the winter I could not finish the church. But I have timbers collected in the house and by the mercy of God I shall finish it in the summer. I tell you that it seems a sort of marvel to all those who come from the city and from elsewhere, because they had not heard rumors from hitherto, and when they see the place newly made and the red Cross placed aloft on the top . . . they wonder more than ever.6

While we have no illustrations of what this fourteenth-century church looked like in China’s capital city, we do know that it was constructed of timbers, had a typical Chinese wall surrounding it, and that its Western appearance was a “marvel” to those who saw it for the first time. Zhang Fuhe, in his study of Western architecture in Beijing, begins his account with Montecorvino’s Catholic church, writing that “he became Beijing’s first Roman Catholic bishop, and then built a church in 1299, and a second one in 1305. . . . The second church was a ‘Romanesque style Cath­ olic church.’”7 It is telling that Montecorvino’s church, the first example of Western-style structure in the long history of China, was Romanesque, because this style functioned to underscore the Roman Catholic identity of the building. This would have been important to him as Beijing was already populated by a significant number of Nestorians, or Christians from the Church of the East, who were in his estimation schismatics, and even worse, heretics who misunderstood and misrep­resented the orthodox doctrine of the Holy Trinity. Not only did Monte­corvino design his church in the Romanesque, or “descended from Roman,” style, but he also named it the “Roman Catholic church” in order to better eluci­date that his church was in no way related to the “schismatic heretics” with whom he was in

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competition. But, as Zhang states, these two medieval churches were constructed of timber and are no longer extant.8 Presently, we only have written accounts of their existence. The first Roman Catholic chapel established in the second wave of Christianity in China, after a long absence of church worship that lasted from the closing of the Yuan until the end of the Ming, was what is known today as Nantang. After Matteo Ricci was allowed to establish a small chapel on his property, which by 1605 was simply called a “worship hall” (libaitang), a structure of more notable stature was not erected until 1650 under the direction of Adam Schall.9 Schall’s project was accomplished under the patronage of the Shunzhi emperor, who provided the Jesuit mission with 10,000 taels of silver to erect a church. Schall’s 1650 edifice was simply identified as Lord of Heaven Hall (Tianzhutang), although after other churches had been built in the city, its name was changed to Nantang (South Church), to distinguish it from the others.10 And since Jesuit missionaries were the ones who oversaw the construction of these inaugural Catholic structures in Beijing during the Qing, their designs reflected Jesuit ideals of construction, which were largely contrived in the environs of the Church’s Counter-Reformation mentality. One must recall that Catholic churches during both the medieval and early modern waves of missionary activity in China were infused with technical and aesthetic predispositions. When Matteo Ricci established his “worship hall,” he insisted that his chapel not appear like the common “idol temples” of the Chinese, but that a Catholic church should obey “all the rules of the architecture of our [Western/Jesuit] churches.”11 That the Church maintained its concern for the craft of architecture, especially since the Reformation, is well attested. By the early seventeenth century, the consiliarius aedificiorum (censor general) in charge of scrutinizing architectural projects was an office held by the professor of mathematics at the Jesuit Collegio Romano, and by 1612 a movement within the Jesuit Order had established an “academy of architecture,” which functioned essentially to impart practical knowledge of engineering and architectural design in a manner that conformed to European Catholic sensibilities.12 These ecclesial sensibilities for architectural design were conveyed to the Chinese missionaries in Beijing through the Jesuit seminary and workshops in Macau (Aomen). Several of these early Jesuit design features were instilled into Catholic missionary architecture, features that later influenced how Favier devised his own building plans.

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Among the qualities privileged by Beijing’s first Jesuit church builders was the preference for wide naves that emulated the basilica plan, which to them evoked Rome’s four papal basilicas: San Giovanni in Laterano, San Pietro in Vaticano, San Paolo Fuori Le Mura, and Santa Maria Maggiore. Wide naves, such as those seen in Rome’s early basilicas, included two lateral rows of columns, which are still visible in most Chinese Catholic churches today, and now function to hang traditional Chinese couplets in elegant calligraphy that are changed according to the appropriate season in the Christian liturgical year. Another feature of Beijing’s early Catholic churches is the preference for low vaults or ceilings to improve the acoustics during sermons. The original impetus for improving acoustics in Jesuit churches was a Counter-Reformation need to respond to Protestantism at the pulpit, an impulse entirely disconnected from non-Christian China. As with Rome’s Jesuit churches with somewhat lowered ceilings to accommodate better audibility, such as the Chiesa del Gesù and the Chiesa di Sant’Ignazio di Loyola, artists painted tromp l’oeil domes and ceilings to at least aesthetically accord with the non-Jesuit churches that surrounded the society’s churches in Rome and elsewhere. With the flourish of a paintbrush, a grand vaulted ceiling and dome need not be sacrificed on behalf of better acoustics. The 1701 Beitang church in Beijing included such a tromp l’oeil ceiling, executed by the Jesuit lay brother Giovanni Gherardini (Nie Yunlong, 1655–1723).13 Marco Musillo has trenchantly noted the cultural detachment that Chinese observers experienced when first encountering this Western fresco convention. He writes that these “important aesthetic concepts divided Chinese spectators from their European counterparts when it came to their responses to [such] paintings.”14 A Jesuit letter sent from Beijing in 1704 vividly describes Gherardini’s false cupola in Beitang and the reaction of local Chinese: “The ceiling is entirely painted: it is divided into three parts; the middle part represents an open dome of rich architecture. It has marble columns that support a range of arcades, on top of which is a nice balustrade. The columns themselves constitute a finely drawn balustrade with nicely placed vases of flowers. High above among the clouds, over a group of angels, the Heavenly Father holds the terrestrial globe in his hands.”15 The letter continues: “The Chinese cannot believe that all this has been painted on one plane, and cannot be persuaded that the columns are not straight, as they seem to be. The light that

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comes through the arcades and the balustrades is so wisely painted that one can easily be deceived.”16 Commonly, Chinese visitors to Beitang for the first time were so incredulous that the ceiling was actually a painting that they wanted to touch other tromp l’oeil paintings to verify the possibility of painting such a convincing architectural illusion. This is a feature that Favier did not inherit from the Jesuit builders who preceded him; his fondness for monumental French Gothic churches urged him against lowered ceilings. Besides, the rivalry that had grown between Jesuits and Lazarists meant that he was unlikely to design in a fashion that was overtly “Jesuit.” CL AIMING THE FOUR QUARTERS: THE C ARDIN AL LOC ATIONS OF BEIJING’S FOUR CHURCHES

By the completion of Beijing’s Xitang (West Church) in 1725, the city’s Catholic missionaries could claim to have marked the capital’s four cardinal directions with Christian edifices, even as city maps disclosed that Beitang (North Church) was awkwardly located quite south of Xitang, and only barely above the longitudinal line of Dongtang (East Church).17 What mattered was not so much that Beijing’s Four Churches were neatly aligned with the four cardinal directions, but rather that church nomenclature could claim the four quarters of China’s imperial capital. Westerners more commonly called these churches by their patronal names: Beitang was named for the Holy Savior, or Holy Redeemer; Nantang (South Church) was named for the Immaculate Conception; Xitang was named for Our Lady of Mount Carmel; and Dongtang was named for Saint Joseph. From the founding of Beijing’s first late-imperial Catholic chapel—Ricci’s “worship hall” in 1605— until the completion of the Beitang in 1701 and Xitang in 1753, more than a century of Catholic growth and Sino-Western exchange had occurred. Beijing’s four Catholic churches had grown to occupy land in important areas of the city (fig. 3.1). Ricci’s chapel, which was originally consecrated in honor of Rome’s Basilica di Santa Maria Maggiore, was constructed on a plot of land located near Xuanwu Gate, an area famous for its role in the birth of Beijing opera and the construction of the inf luential Zhengyici Opera Hall.18 Ricci’s ­chapel was so prominent in the minds of Beijing’s local historians that the 1635 guidebook prepared by Liu Tong (ca. 1593–1637) and Yu Yizheng

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Figur e 3.1. Map by Alphonse Favier locating Beijing’s Four Churches, 1900. The area of “North Church” includes both the Canchikou Beitang (below) and Xishiku Beitang (above). The cardinal orientation of the Four Churches was more theoretical than actual. Source: Congrégation de la Mission Archives Historiques, Paris.

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(fl. 1615–1635), Dijing jingwu lüe (A Summary of Beijing’s Scenery), included a rather detailed description of this Christian establishment:19 The hall is inside the Xuanwu Gate in the corner of the east city wall. . . . To the left of the dwelling they built the Hall of the Lord of Heaven. The design of the hall is narrow and long, with the ceiling like a canopy, elaborately wrought windows, and elegant paintings done in the finest Western style. At the upper end is a likeness of Jesus, a painting that appears when you look at it to be a statue of a man somewhat over thirty. His left hand grasps a map of the world and the fingers of the right hand are crossed as if he is discussing points in order and indicating of which he is speaking. . . . At the right is the Chapel of the Blessed Mother. The Mother looks like a young girl, and her hands hold a child, who is Jesus. There are no seams in her garment, which covers her from head to floor, and there are votive lights as for the likeness of Jesus.20

What had captured the imagination of these local writers is the Western appearance of Ricci’s worship hall, and the foreignness of the interior art and its themes. When Adam Schall greatly expanded this worship space in 1650, he added adjacent structures such as a large residence for the clergy, a storage building, and a library. Until the completion of the first Beitang in 1701, Nantang was known to locals as Xitang, or “West Church,” and after this Beitang was complete, Nantang attained its present distinction as “South Church.” 21 What is known today as Xitang was actually the last of the “Four Churches” to be built in the city. It was the famous Lazarist musician and composer Theodorico Pedrini (De Lige, 1671–1746) who purchased the land for Beijing’s Xitang in the area of Xizhi Gate, through which drinking water for the imperial palace was transported during the Qing.22 Pedrini had lived in the Beitang residence since his arrival in 1711, and because of his reputation for making instruments and his knowledge of Western music he was invited to teach music to the emperor’s sons.23 In 1723 Pedrini purchased a plot of land in the Xizhi Gate area with his own private funds, and in 1725 opened a Roman Catholic chapel in a converted Chinese building.24 Xitang was the smallest of the Four Churches, both before Beijing’s 1730 earthquake, which severely damaged the building, and after its restoration.25 Other than Bei­ tang, the fourth church included in the mission’s occupation of the capital’s four cardinal points was Dongtang. Each church was a testament to foreign

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presence in the empire’s capital, and each dominated the city’s landscape with a conspicuous Western architectural façade, intended to convey a theological message as much as a cultural one. For French missionaries in Beijing, especially the Lazarists, who replaced the Jesuits after 1773, the idea of envisioning a city as cosmologically attuned to the tenets of Christianity was embedded in how church locations were understood. 26 In Paris, for example, the famous Cathédrale Notre-Dame de Paris was viewed as the center of the city. And by the midnineteenth century, when the Paris-trained Lazarists were the functional leaders of the Beijing mission, many members of the clergy, including Favier, had passed by the popular Fontaine Saint-Sulpice, popularly known as the “fontaine des quatre points cardinaux” (fountain of the four cardinal points), which prominently marked the square in front of the Église SaintSulpice.27 The common name for the fountain is a pun, connecting the four ecclesiastical “cardinals” depicted on the fountain to the four cardinal directions of the compass, despite the fact that none of the bishops on the fountain was ever elevated to the rank of cardinal. The point of such cosmological orientation, or punning, was to re-envision the landscape as somehow occupied by the faith. By claiming the four quarters, the Church had symbolically—or actually—spread its message to the ends of China’s capital city, and by proxy the entire empire. The missionaries arranged churches according to the four cardinal directions only in Beijing, the administrative and cosmological center of the Qing empire. The 1937 pilgrim’s guide to the city, Catholic Peking!, under the subheading “The Four Churches of Peking,” mentions these sites: “This sacred group of Four Churches is the pride of Catholic Peking, four jewels of beauty in a mission crown. . . . They are named after the four cardinal points according to which they are placed.”28 Descriptions of these churches begin with Beitang, the city’s largest and most grand Catholic edifice. The significance of the cardinal orientation of Beijing’s Four Churches remains important today; each week one of the cardinal churches hosts Eucharistic adoration, so that each month Catholics throughout the city worship the Blessed ­S acrament. During the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the Blessed Sacrament was processed through the streets, often deliberately passing in front of non-Christian temples and shrines, underscoring the “victory of the true faith” over those that were false. This, too, was a form of cosmological triumph, a triumph that commenced from the architectural spaces of the Four Churches and extended into areas not yet entirely won

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to the missionary enterprise. The cosmological mapping of Beijing’s Four Churches overlapped with, or competed with, that of the imperial court, with its Forbidden City and related temples marking a geomantic grid according to Chinese, rather than Christian, sensibilities.29 FRENCH PREEMINENCE: THE FIRST C ANCHIKOU NORTH CHURCH

Beitang was firmly established as both the political center of the Qing empire and the cultural center of the Beijing Roman Catholic mission. In fact, it was the cultural center of Catholic Christianity in all of northern China, and the French Lazarist control of this church, and Beijing Catholicism in general, was so widespread that it sometimes precipitated tensions between Catholic missionaries from other countries, and from other congregations and orders. Albert Sohier expressed well the feeling of many non-French missionaries in northern China regarding the French preeminence of Beitang by the turn of the century, even if they were from a Francophone country such as Belgium: “It was always necessary to go through the [Beitang] Lazarists, and the French Minister,” he complained, to communicate with China’s officials.30 Beitang was a decidedly French church, and its proximity to the empire’s seat of power made the clergy who lived there formidable mediators between all others and the imperial court. The cultural propensities of China’s early French missionaries, and the gardens and Gothic architecture they produced, established a precedent that influenced Favier when he was later given the task of moving Beitang to another location. The first Beitang built under the patronage of the Holy Savior was completed early in 1701 on property gifted to the French Jesuits after two missionaries, Claude de Visdelou (Liu Ying, 1656–1737) and Jean de Fonteney (Hong Ruohan, 1643–1710), had cured the Kangxi emperor (1654–1722) of malaria using quinine in 1693, a medicine discovered in the West only three decades earlier. 31 The court physicians had been unable to effect a cure employing traditional Chinese methods, and after the Jesuits successfully remedied the ailing emperor, Kangxi called for a map of the city and offered land to them that had formerly belonged to an exiled official.32 With funds from the Qing Ministry of Works, the French church was constructed in the area of Canchikou, and after its official consecration in 1703 the emperor donated a pair of inscriptions written in his own hand; the most famous scroll bore the words “The True Origin of All Things” (Wanyou zhenyuan).33

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This four-character phrase is still found displayed in Catholic churches throughout China. During a later expansion of the Beitang church at Canchikou around 1713, Kangxi again sent the Fathers a gift of his own writing, a placard that read, “Catholic Church Erected under Imperial Order” (Chijian Tianzhutang). 34 As W. Devine asserts, “This inscription inspired a salutary respect for the building during subsequent stormy times.”35 The Beitang Jesuits were always quite prepared to point to this inscription whenever the prestige of imperial patronage was helpful to their survival or benefited them in China. The fortuitous arrival of a packet of materials to Oxford’s Bodleian library on 23 February 1760, which has remained largely unconsulted since then, provides important information regarding the construction of the first Jesuit Beitang church at Canchikou. 36 Inside the packet are several documents and a drawing of the church, all dating to 1701, including correspondence and records from the Beijing Jesuit Antonio de Barros (Long Anguo, 1664–1708) and the colorful lieutenant of the merchant vessel Amphitrite, Bouvet de la Touche (n.d.). 37 In an eight-page account of his undertakings in China, written on 10 December 1701, de la Touche wrote: “The emperor has recently returned from Tartary. The arrival of Father Jean de Fontenay was much celebrated, and the emperor has had built a magnificent church in the interior of the palace with a superb accommodation for the Fathers. The emperor delights them every day with new favors, which has not caused jealousy among the missionaries, for they claim that the emperor does this and much more for the Buddhist monks.”38 We see in this letter that by 1701, when the mathématicien du Roi (mathematician of the French King) Jean de Fontenay (Hong Ruohan, 1643–1710) had arrived in Beijing, the first manifestation of Beitang had been erected within the precincts of the imperial city. The accompanying drawing is clearly of the church before the 1713 expansion, as the façade does not yet include Kangxi’s inscription. Seen behind the Western church façade, on both sides, are the entrances to the “superb accommodation for the Fathers” noted in de la Touche’s description. In 1969 the Bibliothèque Nationale de France acquired a Chinese painting of the Canchikou church, which provides a remarkable view of what the Beitang complex looked like after its expansion in 1713. 39 The façade of the church, both the 1701 and the 1713 expanded version, was classically inspired with paired columns, or paired pilasters, featured on the upper level. Clearly, the design responds largely to the Baroque Jesuit mother

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church in Rome, the Chiesa del Gesù, which was consecrated in 1584. One major difference between the Canchikou Beitang and the Gesù is that the Beijing church has no volutes, or raised section in the center of the façade, as with so many churches in the Renaissance or early Baroque.40 The French Jesuit painter and architect Charles de Belleville (Wei Jialu, 1657–1730) was the architect of the first Beitang, and the interior included sixteen engaged columns that were painted green with Corinthian capitals, arched windows, and paintings of the saints (fig. 3.2).41 The Canchikou Beitang, which had been open as early as 1701, was not officially consecrated until 9 December 1703, and the larger complex of buildings included a library, residence, and astronomical observatory. One gains a revealing glimpse into what Catholic life was like there during the mid-eighteenth century by analyzing the event depicted on the large painting held in Paris. A solemn procession involving Qing officials, commoners, and foreigners is shown; according to Wang Lianming, this procession was made during the final liturgical gathering of the Feast of the Sacred Heart.42 Among the conspicuous features in this painting is Kangxi’s inscription on the main placard on the church façade, verifying that this painting was certainly made of the greatly expanded 1713 Beitang complex.43 The vitality of the event portrayed and the large number of men wearing official regalia—and praying the rosary—also suggest that the Catholic community in Beijing at that time was flourishing and had the tacit support of the royal court (fig. 3.3). In 1730, an intense earthquake damaged Beijing’s four Catholic churches, and the Yongzheng emperor (1678–1735) provided 1,000 taels of silver from the imperial treasury to repair Beitang.44 After 1773, when Pope Clement XIV (1705–1774) suppressed the Society of Jesus with the promulgation of his brief, Dominus ac redemptor, the property of Beitang was transferred to the Lazarists, who remained there until 1827. During this year, the Daoguang emperor (1782–1850) confiscated the church and sold the Canchikou property to an official who demolished the church and accompanying buildings.45 In his history of Beijing, Favier describes the final days of the grand 1701 Beitang and its 1713 expansion: “Bishop Pires . . . could not save the Beitang, which was sold by order of the emperor to the mandarin Yu for the sum of 5,000 taels; it was worth ten times more than that. The church was demolished in 1827, and the imperial characters ‘Chijian Tianzhutang’ on the pediment were taken away, wrapped in yellow silk and carried to the treasury of Née-ou-fou. The mandarin Yu died without posterity, and

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Figur e 3.2. Chinese painting of a procession during the Feast of the Sacred Heart at the 1713 expanded Beitang at Canchikou, ca. 1720s. This large painting was discovered and purchased by the Bibliothèque Nationale de France in 1969. Source: Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris.

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Figur e 3.3. This 1637 woodblock illustration of a Catholic church and liturgical gathering in its courtyards was likely the inspiration for the painting of the 1701 Canchikou Beitang in Beijing, now held at the Bibliothèque Nationale de France. Source: Giulio Aleni, Tianzhu jiangsheng chuxiang jingjie (An Illustrated History of the Life of Jesus Christ) (1637).

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Beitang passed over to a prince who allowed it to perish. His women were housed in a reconstructed building on the former site of the church.”46 This property was returned to the Catholic Church in 1860, after the burning of the Summer Palace and the controversial signing of the Convention of Beijing. COMPETING SH ADOWS: THE 1867 NORTH CHURCH

The restoration of Beitang was accomplished largely through the efforts of the Lazarist bishop Joseph-Martial Mouly, who by the time he had settled into the capital in 1859 after a long and grueling voyage was determined to restore Beijing’s Catholic presence to its former grandeur. Before 1860, when Beijing was occupied by French and English troops who forced the court to accept again the presence of the Roman Catholic mission, Mouly had endured dramatic adventures in China and Mongolia. He had arrived at Macau in 1834 when he was only twenty-seven years old, and Chinese Christians made Herculean efforts to conceal his foreign identity as they transported him into the Qing empire; Mouly slept with his face to the wall when lodging at inns, pretended to be an invalid on boats so no one would approach him, and maintained a routine of rinsing his face with strong tea in an attempt to dye his face yellow and appear more Chinese.47 When he gathered his missionaries around him in 1860 he was largely celebrated as a hero, and reestablishing Beitang was among his highest priorities. In 1862, Bishop Mouly began his project by building inexpensive makeshift wooden buildings: a residence, chapel, and small seminary where the old Jesuit Beitang had stood before its demolition. These temporary structures were erected around the time of Favier’s arrival, and there can be little doubt that his taste for church construction in the vicariate was nourished as Mouly oversaw the construction of Canchikou’s restored Beitang, which was designed in the Gothic style according to French Lazarist tastes, and even more commanding than what had been built by the Jesuits before him. Favier writes in his Péking: Histoire et description that when Mouly made his “solemn entry into Beijing on 10 July 1862,” the missionaries at the old Bei­ tang property “had contented themselves with simply repairing the old buildings” to live in, and the bishop “immediately set to work” to restore what had been lost.48 In his zeal to rebuild Beitang, however, he encountered renewed and fevered interest in discerning who, precisely, would own the new cathedral once it was complete. These details were tensely ironed out

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in several diplomatic bureaus before the first stone was laid on 1 May 1865, in the presence of Bishop Mouly, Father Alphonse Favier, and the French minister, Jules-François-Gustave Berthemy (Bai’erdemi, 1826–1902), who reportedly exclaimed as it was put in place, “It is France that lays this stone: woe betide him who dares move it!”49 Ironically, the stone was being laid in a different location from where the previous French Beitang had rested; the lot where the 1701 church had been was too small for the much larger cathedral of Mouly’s ambitions, so the stone being laid was in a location slightly to the east of the former structure.50 France itself was moving the historical stone of Beitang, and wherever Beijing’s cathedral was to be located, France would claim it as hers as much as the Church’s, even if France and the Church were on uncomfortable terms as anti-clericalism grew more pervasive in Europe. The question of Beitang’s rightful owners was so central in the minds of French missionaries and diplomats in China that a large file on the topic is now held in the Lazarist archive in Paris, carefully maintained to preserve the complete history of the deliberations. In Jean-Marie Planchet’s preamble to the collected documents in this dossier, the Lazarist account of Beitang’s ownership is summarized: The establishment of Beitang, founded by the liberality of King Louis XIV and his successors, was entrusted to the French Jesuits and then transferred to the French Lazarists by a diplomatic act between Pope Pius VI and King Louis XVI of France in 1773. This was renewed in 1886 by a decree of the same two parties and ratified by an imperial decree of the emperor of China on 3 December 1886, during the transfer of the old establishment to the present one. At no time has France relinquished its prescribed rights on Beitang as to ensure to be a part of the convention which settled the exchange. She did not do this as the Protector Nation of the Missions, but as a duly accredited representative by a treaty between the Holy See and herself.51

From the beginning, the ownership of Beitang was closely connected to the decisions and interests of the French crown, and even after the ruptures of the French Revolution (1789–1799) the secular authorities of France claimed conveniently to be the inheritors of Sino-Franco agreements made earlier, during Bourbon rule. Blanchet inserts one telling remark into his summary of Beitang’s history of ownership: “And now, as much as ever,” he writes,

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France “should not lose sight of its right to intervene in matters pertaining to this corner of French soil.”52 Beitang belonged to France, and so did its soil, though it is doubtful that the imperial court and the people of China viewed matters in the same light. In a decree of the Propaganda Fide on 7 December 1783, Cardinal Leo­ nardo Antonelli (1730–1811) defined the terms of shared ownership between the French crown and the Holy See. Three separate directives are pronounced in the decree: first, ownership of Beitang is transferred from the Jesuits to the Lazarists; second, all the former assets of the Jesuits—property and income—are reassigned to the Lazarists; and third, the king of France is given control over the established Catholic mission in China.53 King Louis XVI (1754–1793) ratified this decree on 25 January 1784, and the era of shared governance of Beitang was officially inaugurated. 54 By the time Bishop Mouly had returned to the desolated area of the 1701 Beitang at Canchikou, all these details of ownership had been largely debated and settled, and the property deed was formally presented to Mouly on 5 January 1861.55 He was not naïve regarding the awkwardness of France’s partial claim on the property, and in an earlier correspondence to his confrere, Bishop Florent Daguin (Bishop Kong/Kong Zhujiao, 1815–1859), Mouly expresses his relief that the king of France “does not meddle now, nor has he ever meddled” in the affairs of the Church, “and we have been left to conduct ourselves according to our own rules and privileges.”56 With an official property deed in hand and the approval of the diplomatic and ecclesial authorities, Mouly’s new Beitang was completed in two short years, owing greatly to the generous gift of 8,000 taels of silver from the Qing imperial treasury. Mouly commissioned the French architect Bernard Gustave Bourrières (1807–1867) to design the new Beitang, though Bourrières died as the final touches of construction were being finished and was unable to view the completed building.57 Bourrières was the chief architect of Lot-et-Garonne, a department of southeast France, and served as the architect for the Diocese of Agen. Since Mouly wanted to transfer the status of cathedral—where the bishop’s cathedra, or ecclesial seat of authority, was located—from Nantang to the site of the new Beitang, he asked Bourrières to design a more majestic structure to distinguish it from the capital’s other churches. The original plan thus included two “elegant spires” that would rise dramatically from the façade. In order to avoid later objections from the court,

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Mouly had the plans sent to the Zongli Yamen for approval; the officials immediately objected to the extreme height of the spires, which were then reduced to only ninety feet.58 Even though the spires were reduced in height, and in fact changed into flat-topped towers, the French Gothic authority and inf luence of la mission civilisatrice was not to be sacrificed in the church’s holistic design. “The church was Gothic, as in the thirteenth century,” wrote Favier, and “on the first of January, 1867, it was solemnly blessed, as the French consul in Beijing, Henry de Bellonet (Bai Luonei, 1831–1881), stood in attendance.”59 From a distance—a great distance—it was evident that the Catholic mission in Beijing had been restored, and so had France’s foothold in the center of imperial China. The Bourrières design of the 1867 Beitang cathedral was majestically Gothic, just as Mouly had desired. Its façade consisted of two flanking towers, each with two layers of extremely tall, narrow windows and protracted pinnacles atop both towers that extended the visual height of the building. While these upper tower windows and the arched second level do not present sharply pointed arches, the desired Gothic character is seen in the steeply pointed hood over all the entry doors, and especially in the steeply pointed arch over the central door. The central gable, above the main portal, was surmounted by a cross and included three niches, with a statue of Our Lady of Lourdes in the center niche. The popular French devotion to Our Lady of Lourdes had been approved by Pope Pius XI (1792–1878) in 1862, and had already grown into a strong emblem of Gallic Catholicism. In keeping with the character of France’s distinctive medieval churches, an elaborate rose window rested above the cross and finial-capped pinnacles that topped the main entrance to the church. The only element of the church façade that alluded to its placement in China were two Chinese guardian lions, or shi, which were typically associated with imperial structures or gardens. Representing cosmological polarity, these stone shi consist of a male lion with its right paw resting on an embroidered ball, representing supremacy over the globe, and a female lion with her left paw over a playful cub, representing the virtue of nurturing one’s children. These two Chinese features were quite diminished beneath the formidable European character of the Gothic church. Unlike Favier’s design of the next Beitang, Bourrières’s execution appears to have placed little interest in including Chinese aesthetic accents in the overall appearance of the façade. In short, the restored Beitang church at Canchikou was nothing like the surrounding Chinese

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Figur e 3.4. The 1867 French Gothic Revival Canchikou Beitang cathedral and front lions in Beijing. Engraving, 1883. Source: Anthony E. Clark Private Collection.

architecture. It was a sign of Western presence anchored in the capital, and of the bustling French enclave that flourished in the shadows of its two foreign towers (fig. 3.4). Mouly understood that his new church would precipitate a reaction among some of the officials at the Zongli Yamen, and to help mitigate objections after the cathedral was built he had had the plans pre-approved by the Yamen officials. Despite their preliminary consent, once the towers were finished and the reality of their presence was dramatically visible, officials came from the palace to “protest their height.”60 Sumptuary laws, and cultural norms in general, proscribed architectural structures that contested the divine preeminence of the Son of Heaven, and Beitang’s new towers appeared to overshadow that dominance. To the consternation of the

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nearby Chinese officials, every day after the noon hour Beitang’s towers cast their long shadows into the area of the imperial city, and since from the top of the towers one had a bird’s-eye view into forbidden areas, the court requested that no one be allowed to ascend the towers.61 When the empress dowager Cixi (1835–1908) later wanted to expand the imperial West Garden (Xiyuan), she resented how high the church building stood, complaining that the towers “looked down” on the imperial grounds.62 Mouly’s church inaugurated what court officials viewed as competing shadows, and in their estimation, the shadows cast from the architectural edifice erected by Catholic France were encroaching upon the prerogatives of the imperial court. “The towers were solemnly measured by Mandarins,” writes W. Devine, “who went away after admitting they were deceived by their proportions to surrounding buildings.”63 The towers, they believed, were built beyond the height agreed upon between the Church authorities in Beijing and the imperial court, though once measured they were discovered to actually have conformed to the original agreement. Two decades later, as negotiations began for the transfer of the Beitang cathedral from Canchikou to Xishiku, the same concerns about the imposing height of the church towers were renewed with similar contention. An aerial photograph of the Canchikou Beitang complex reveals that the church indeed emerged prominently from the Beijing skyline at that time. It is visibly the tallest and most out-of-place edifice in the landscape.64 But from the view of Beijing’s Catholic community, foreign and Chinese, the Church represented a continuity with the Christian past that had then been introduced into China’s Christian present. Thus, the exterior appearance and interior space were seen as appropriate for the rites of the Western liturgy, and to, as Erwin Panofsky has put it, “embody the whole of Christian knowledge, theolog­ ical, moral, natural, and historical” according to the tenets of medieval scholasticism.65 To accommodate to the expectations of the interior of a Gothic church, Bourrières’s design of the 1867 Beitang included a barrel-vaulted ceiling, supported by slender columns and compound piers. Gone was the Jesuit idea of a lowered ceiling to accommodate better acoustics. In one of the few remaining interior photographs of this church, one sees that the chancel was illuminated by tall lancet windows with delicate tracery. Three large paintings were suspended above the high altar, and, as in most Roman Catholic churches in China at that time, no pews are seen on the floor of the nave.66 This particular photo appears staged, as five Chinese Christians are

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seen kneeling near the Communion rail in prayer. While the people seen are quite small, it appears that these persons in the cathedral are all male with long Qing-style queues, which was likely due to the fact that Chinese custom expected men and women to attend liturgical services in separate buildings. Against the wishes of the missionaries that men and women worship together in the same space, separate chapels were normally constructed to accommodate women. During the late nineteenth century, however, the French missionaries—over the protests of the Chinese clergy—insisted on combining the two genders in the same space during Mass, provided that they sat apart and used gender-specified doors to enter and leave the church.67 Whether the sexes were separated or combined, there can be little doubt that the local Chinese who occupied these Gothic places were confronted with an entirely foreign and perhaps surreal architectural atmosphere. Vaulted Gothic ceilings were extremely different from the lavishly bracketed beams that supported the ceilings of their own horizontally built native buildings. It was quite a spectacle for native Chinese to see such soaring ceilings suspended by structural methods then unimagined by most Chinese builders, who had not encountered the engineering features of Western Gothic structures (fig. 3.5). Surrounding the newly erected Gothic Beitang were several other structures connected to the cathedral that highlighted intriguing curiosities at the French Lazarist mission. In addition to the Lazarist residence for the clergy and the library, a museum dedicated to the history of botany and zoology was built that exhibited rare animals and more than eight hundred types of flowers and plants.68 The museum was named the Hall of OneHundred Birds (Bainiao Tang), and Empress Dowager Cixi was said to have found it so amusing that she visited the exhibits on several occasions.69 This popular museum was stocked with the specimens collected by Father Armond David, who had traveled to China on the same ship with Alphonse Favier in 1862. Writing about David’s museum at the Canchikou Beitang, Favier exclaims that although the era of scientist missionaries serving at the court had passed, “the sciences could not be entirely abandoned, which are a powerful service to religion.”70 He writes: The services which Mr. David rendered to the mission of Peking are ­inestimable. He formed a museum of natural history comprising more than 800 birds, some beautiful mammals, and around 3,000 insects or

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Figur e 3.5. Interior of the 1867 French Gothic Revival Canchikou Beitang cathedral in Beijing, ca. 1870. China’s Catholic churches ­during the imperial era did not usually contain pews. Source: Congrégation de la Mission Archives Historiques, Paris.

butterflies. In addition, there was an herbarium and a very complete ­collection of mineralogical samples. This museum of Beitang was long admired by visitors who came almost every day. The mandarins who thus encountered the missionaries gradually lost their antipathies for them. The prejudices diminished, and the esteem which was already enjoyed by the French Catholic priests increased even more.71

The ultimate benefit of the Beitang museum, Favier notes, was that it gave “glory to France, the mission in Beijing, and religion in China.”72 Despite the tensions caused by the competing shadows of the Catholic towers and

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the area of the imperial city, the cathedral church and its celebrated museum functioned as a form of cultural and religious diplomacy that promoted a message carefully conveyed by the French missionaries of the “civilizing mission” of the French Church. Only six years after its completion the new Beitang had become a center of diplomatic and cultural exchange between the Chinese imperial court and the representatives of non-Chinese sovereignties. When the Tongzhi emperor received power in 1873, after more than a decade of patiently waiting to come of age as the empire was managed by a regency, the diplomats then living in Beijing collectively requested an audience with the newly empowered emperor to present their credentials. The date was set for the audience on 29 June, in the middle of a wave of extreme heat. It was 104 degrees Fahrenheit, and in order to ease the requirement of forcing the diplomats all to wear the required heavy regalia in such heat for the long distance to the emperor’s audience hall, the French Lazarists offered to host the emperor and diplomatic ministers at Beitang, where they could prepare in one hall and then be transported to an audience hall prepared next to Beitang in comparative comfort.73 The ministers of France, Russia, England, the United States, the Netherlands, and Japan arrived at Beitang at 5:00 a.m., where each was given a private room to dress in his ceremonial regalia. At 6:15 a.m., the ministers all gathered in the Beitang parlor, where they were loaded into palanquins and taken next door to meet the emperor. A throne room was prepared next to the cathedral, where the emperor, several princes, and imperial ministers greeted the foreign diplomats at 9:00 a.m. with the appropriate rites of court.74 Favier recounts that the assembly of foreign ministers “returned with great fanfare to Beitang, where they all rendered each other congratulations for their success. . . . All the while, the church’s bells were in full peal, the organ played, and the seminarians sang in honor of the Feast of Saints Peter and Paul.” 75 Beitang had not only become the center of the Roman Catholic mission in China, but due to its proximity to the empire’s seat of power it had also become the de facto center of political diplomacy between China and the West. In the conclusion of his long description of the day’s events at Beitang, Favier asks: “Has China finally listened to the message of Christianity . . . will we finally see another era of Constantine and Clovis?”76 The reason for their mission in China had not been lost on him; the advantages of being in the center of international statecraft and the appeal of occupying a French Gothic atmosphere were still tools for the Christian conversion of the Middle Kingdom.

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THE DIPLOM AC Y OF VIC TORY AND THE LOSS OF THE C ANCHIKOU BEITANG

The kind of exchange envisaged by the French diplomats and missionaries during the final century of the Qing empire was couched largely in a rhetoric of cultural and spiritual eminence. Political, cultural, and spiritual ascendency was the modus operandi of the legates and priests who occupied French spaces such as the Gothic precincts of Lazarist churches in Beijing. The Jesuit missionary and Figurist Jean-François Foucquet (Fu Shengze, 1665–1741) wrote a description of a Giovanni Gherardini painting that hung in the 1701 Beitang at Canchikou. The church interior actually included several notable paintings by Gherardini, but the one that most attracted Foucquet’s attention was an imposing tableau of St. Michael the Archangel brandishing a spear, about to “pierce the demon, upon which he stands.”77 The image of St. Michael was a poignant representation of the spiritual battle between the powers of the Catholic religion and the spiritual forces of pagan beliefs.78 Not only was this the archangel who vanquished Satan from heaven to the earth a sign of spiritual conquest over non-Christian lands, but St. Michael was also a revered emblem of France in general. After the duke of Burgundy, Philip the Good (1396–1467), founded the Catholic Chivalric Order of the Golden Fleece, the French king Louis XI (1423–1483) established the Order of St. Michael in 1469 as a counter to Burgundian influence in the Church.79 By the time of the Roman Catholic mission in China during the Ming and Qing dynasties, the history of this order and the image of the monumental Benedictine Mont Saint-Michel Abbey were imbedded into the psychology of French missionaries as insignias of French preeminence under the holy patronage of the militant archangel. This painting of Michael conquering the dragon in the Gothic nave of Beitang stood as a poignant symbol of the Catholic and French victory over China, whose imperial and cultural image was, regrettably, the dragon. It was regrettable because it conveyed the message to many Chinese that Catholicism had violently set itself against all of China, which was represented by the sign of the dragon, viewed in the Celestial Empire as an auspicious creature. The semiotic diplomacy of architecture and art continued to inspire the political and aesthetic decisions of the Lazarist mission during the final decades of the Qing, and when the missionaries learned that the court intended to seize their property, and that they would lose their cherished Canchikou church,

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they entered into a period of strained negotiations; in the view of the French mission, St. Michael was not to be deposed from his commanding seat above China’s ancient capital. Only eight short years after Bishop Mouly’s grand Gothic cathedral had been completed and consecrated, Empress Dowager Cixi demanded the confiscation of the Canchikou area in order to make room for an expansion of her retirement complex. 80 This was postponed because the Tongzhi emperor had smallpox in 1875 and negotiations regarding the future of the Beitang church were suspended until after the next emperor had ascended the throne.81 Finally, on 25 February 1885, Tongzhi’s successor, Guangxu, was crowned, and Cixi again approached the French Fathers with her request to transfer their cathedral to a new location; the doors of the Canchikou Beitang would soon be closed forever. In 1887, after a passionate round of negotiations, Beitang and its property was surrendered to the imperial court, and the French Lazarists were without a cathedral until 1888, when the next Beitang was consecrated and opened.82 In actuality, because the imperial court was in a state of swift decline, nothing was done with the abandoned Beitang. The massive Gothic structure languished in the same location, gutted and sealed, until 1911, when it was finally demolished.83 The next Beitang was negotiated for, designed, and constructed by Alphonse Favier. The new cathedral, with its expanded size and more elaborate façade, was seen by the French as a victory for St. Michael, the Church, and France. Long after Favier’s death, when the guidebook Catholic Peking! was being prepared in 1937 for pilgrims visiting Beijing, the new French Gothic Beitang was described as “hallowed ground,” a “venerable cathedral” that had withstood the Boxer Uprising, the collapse of the Qing empire, and the constant pressures of political instability.84 It was around the time that Favier was arranging the transfer of Beitang to a new location that his greatest hour of recognition arrived, and after its completion his legacy was permanently connected to this church and its witness to the prominent French mission in Beijing.

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CH I N A G OTH IC Alphonse Favier’s North Church In Beijing all the houses are ruined barracks, and the imperial palace looks like a huge cage made of wood and paper. Alphonse Favier, 1886

Chinese Catholics today recognize Alphonse Favier’s Beitang as one of China’s greatest Christian churches, featuring it on book covers, calendars, and promotional posters as the best representation of the hybridization of Chinese and Western architectural styles. It is a uniquely Chinese manifestation of French Gothic design. During the 2008 Beijing Olympics, the Diocese of Beijing published a small brochure highlighting the church’s prominence. The cover features Beitang’s Gothic façade flanked by Chinese white marble lions, above which are two tableaus floating amidst feathery clouds—one featuring the façade of St. Peter’s at the Vatican and the other an Italian painting of the Holy Trinity looking down with an air of approval and veneration upon Beitang.1 Favier’s cathedral design has become the most celebrated icon of Chinese Catholicism, though some have described it as an unsavory figure of Western imperialism. In a letter written in 1917, Vincent Lebbe disparaged the cathedral as a scar on the city’s landscape: “I was walking with some missionaries on Coal Hill, which is part of the imperial palace grounds. . . . From the pavilion at the top one has a view of the entire city. It looks wonderful: the towers, the temples, upturned roofs everywhere. But in the middle of this Oriental paradise there is a massive eyesore—not attractive at all. It is Beitang. The style and color of all the buildings, especially the cathedral, is deliberately non-Chinese.”2 Despite Lebbe’s criticism of a Gothic church rising above the skyline of China’s capital, he nonetheless was himself influenced by the “civilizing mission” of France. He once wrote: “I gave myself to God in a French Order so as to make people love France as well as God.”3 In this view, which he held early in his life as a missionary, to love God was to love France.

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Whatever Lebbe’s impression of Favier’s cathedral was in 1917, Beitang has become among the most distinguished symbols of the city’s late-imperial history, and it is presently the most well-attended Catholic church in Beijing, by both the “aboveground” and “underground” communities. Françoise Aubin has suggested that the aesthetic manifestations of the Roman Catholic mission in China, especially in the area of architecture, reflect at various times the level of inculturation that was at play during those periods. The early Jesuit era, which was eclipsed by the Lazarists in the late eighteenth century, was generally more interested in inculturation than what followed. The question of whether Chinese or European architecture should be the norm for mission architecture had been quite settled by the nineteenth century in favor of Western styles. Aubin states: “In the second half of the nineteenth century and the first two decades of the twentieth, Christian China was endowed in important cities with neo-Gothic edifices (such as for example the cathedral at Canton, or St. Ignatius Church at Xujiahui, Shanghai), in keeping with the taste of the Romantic period for medieval Gothic, considered to be the only truly religious style and appropriate to uplift the soul (for the Italians the Renaissance style played the same psychological role).”4 While Favier’s design of Beijing’s Beitang cathedral was decidedly Gothic Revival, discerning the level of the building’s inculturation is not as simple as one might suspect at first glance. Vincent Lebbe’s visceral rejection of Favier’s Gothic church in the center of Beijing represents the emerging bifurcation of architectural sensibilities among the population of Catholic clergy in China during the final years of Favier’s life. While occupying the leading position in the Chinese Church, Bishop Favier’s preferred missionary architect for projects other than his own was the Belgian Scheut Father Alphonse De Moerloose. Like Favier, De Moerloose believed that Gothic design was eminently suitable for Christian churches, even those erected in non-Western locations. Having trained for five years at the uncompromisingly Western and ultramontane St. Lucas School of Architecture in Gent, when De Moerloose was given his first church commission at Gansu in 1891 he designed it in the Gothic style (fig. 4.1). The design and construction of Beitang during the late nineteenth century took place on the peak of a large wave of pro-Gothic sentiment, a wave that was largely initiated by the idiosyncratic views of the English writerarchitect and convert to Roman Catholicism Augustus Welby Northmore Pugin (1812–1852). By the time Favier was studying in Paris, Pugin’s ideas

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Figur e 4.1. Alphonse De Moerloose, who was commissioned by Bishop Alphonse Favier to design Western-style mission churches in northern China. De Moerloose was, like Favier, an advocate of erecting Gothic churches in China in order to inspire Gallic sensibilities within Chinese society. Source: Congrégation de la Mission Archives Historiques, Paris.

about what constitutes a truly Christian—especially Catholic Christian— architecture had permeated the curriculums of design schools and the parlors of ecclesial centers throughout Europe. By 1850, the popular Belgian architect Thomas H. King (n.d.) was so enthralled with the Gothic Revival that he published a French anthology of Pugin’s theories.5 In fact, Desclée de Brouwer, one of the most popular publishers of French books related to Catholicism, printed popular works that promoted the Gothic style as most suitable for ecclesial design.6 As Thomas Coomans recounts, these proGothic publications were “exported to France and chromolithographic pious images were diffused through the world.”7 Even beyond the influence of Pugin’s writings in England and translated into French, the authority of Victor Hugo (1802–1885) and Prosper Mérimée (1803–1870) in Paris, where Favier spent a great deal of time, enhanced the French Catholic preference for Gothic design. Hugo’s much-loved novel Notre-Dame de Paris, published in 1831, and Mérimée’s romantic attachment to Gothic engendered a French esteem for this style. Hugo’s passionate narrative included vivid descriptions of Notre Dame cathedral’s Gothic façade, which stimulated in

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France a potent sense of architectural patrimony. The Gothic Revival movement that coursed around Favier as he studied at the Lazarist seminary mainly inherited its ideals from Pugin’s lavishly illustrated and verbosely titled book Contrasts; Or, a Parallel between the Noble Edifaces of the Four­ teenth and Fifteenth Centuries, and Similar Buildings of the Present Day; Shewing the Present Decay of Taste.8 Ironically, Pugin had no formal architectural training, but his theories spread across Europe, rousing appreciation of Gothic among Roman Catholics, who proudly claimed this style as part of their own heritage, as well as among many proponents of the Anglican Oxford movement, who perceived in Gothic an authentic sign of the medieval roots of the Church of England. Particularly appealing to French Catholics was Pugin’s argument that Gothic was especially fitting for the Roman Catholic liturgy, and few places have savored the aesthetic of Western liturgy more than nineteenthcentury France. In his opening remarks, Pugin wrote of Gothic: “Here every portion of the sacred fabric bespeaks its origin; the very plan of the edifice is the emblem of human redemption—each portion is destined for the performance of some solemn rite.”9 Not only did Pugin suggest that Gothic was the most appropriate style for Roman Catholic rites, but he also argued that styles derivative of non-Christian architecture—that is, nonGothic—represented “the idolatrous emblems of a strange people.”10 Chris Brooks, in his study of the European Gothic Revival, highlights Pugin’s disdain for employing anything other than Gothic for Christian design, noting Pugin’s contempt for the use of classical Greek styles. Brooks states that for Pugin, “all classical styles are instances of ‘the revived Pagan Principle’; classicist buildings are evidences of a ‘mania for paganism’; and classical churches ‘the revived shrines of ancient corruption.’”11 No wonder European architects such as Favier held non-European architectural styles in small regard. In a letter to a fellow Lazarist in 1866, Favier described China’s indigenous architecture in these words: “In Beijing all the houses are ruined barracks, and the imperial palace looks like a huge cage made of wood and paper.” In contrast, he suggests that the local Chinese marvel at the “miracle” of the newly erected European-style missionary residence, which he reassures his confrere “would be unnoticed in France,” for such greatness was unexceptional in Favier’s native culture.12 Part of his disdain for Chinese architecture certainly derived from its ephemerality. The importance of a building’s solidity had been insisted upon in the popular French work

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by Marc-Antoine Laugier (1713–1769) in his Essai sur l’architecture, published in Paris in 1753. In this work, Laugier had asserted that “solidity is the first quality a building must have,” and that buildings such as those that Favier had seen in China required “frequent reconstruction.”13 Such frequent reconstruction, Laugier argued, “is too expensive and too disturbing to allow neglect of any precaution capable of assuring the longest possible life.”14 The brick and stone that Favier used to build his churches was precisely the kind of materials that made his Gothic structures endure while many of China’s wooden buildings disintegrated from age. Less than two decades after Favier’s death, the initial sway of Pugin’s ideas had waned, and desire to build Western-style churches in China was challenged by a new bishop at the China mission, Celso Costantini (Gang Hengyi, 1873–1958).15 In contrast to the architectural views of Favier and De Moerloose, Costantini reasoned that Western churches were poorly suited to the Chinese cultural context. Costantini, who himself had studied art, convened China’s first so-called Council of China at Shanghai in 1924, and at that gathering of bishops and clergy he attempted to instill a new spirit of inculturation into a missionary enterprise that had been predominantly Eurocentric for more than a century. At Shanghai, Costantini exclaimed: “In constructing and decorating the sacred buildings and residences of the missionaries, styles of foreign art should not be employed, but, as far as possible and according to the opportunity, forms of the native art of the Chinese people should be used.”16 In a published letter, he observed acerbically that “Occidental art in China is tantamount to an error of style,” and “hence it is an artistic blunder to import into this country the Roman and Gothic styles of Europe.”17 In this same document, Costantini argues that China’s climate and topography, as much as its culture, is incompatible with the particular European style of Gothic. “Speaking of the Gothic, it has steep roofs to precipitate the snow. The spires, too, of the Gothic towers harmonize magnificently with the landscapes of Northern Europe. But I can not say as much for the Gothic towers which I saw rising above the luxuriant foliage of the palm-trees on my first coming to China.”18 The Chinese response to Costantini’s assertion is sensible; there is a good deal of snow in northern China, and Gothic is a reasonable import to such places as Beijing. Costantini’s quote here, however, complains about the use of Gothic design in China’s humid south. While Bishop Favier’s preferred architect had been Alphonse De Moerloose, Archbishop Costantini appealed

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to the Dutch Benedictine architect Dom Adelbert Gresnigt (Ge Sini, 1877– 1956) to help him Sinicize church architecture in China.19 Gresnigt supported Costantini’s ambition to create a “Sino-Christian” style by publishing essays that praised the refinement of Chinese building design, and argued that the horizontal style of the traditional Chinese temple was eminently appropriate for Roman Catholic churches. The writings of Costantini and Gresnigt intentionally negate the opinions and designs of Favier and De Moerloose, so that today one is obliged to position oneself in either the Favier faction or the Costantini faction regarding Christian church design in China. Unlike the pejorative descriptions that Favier ascribed to traditional Chinese architecture, Gresnigt wrote admiringly of Chinese architecture. About the Chinese convention of leading to a main temple hall through a series of courtyards, Gresnigt wrote that these spaces are “very poetic and breathe an atmosphere of peace.”20 Gresnigt reserves his highest praise, however, for the aesthetic qualities of the main temple building. “Analysis of the structure of the Temple reveals a striking combination of logic with artistic sentiment,” he writes, for the “entire edifice, in outline and in every detail, is permeated and quickened by Nature’s loving spirit.”21 Far from Favier’s disdain of Chinese architecture are the sentiments of Gresnigt. Under Costantini’s patronage, Gresnigt designed several mission buildings in what he viewed as a Sinicized style, such as the seminaries at Kaifeng and Hong Kong (Xianggang), and the dormitory at Furen University in Beijing.22 Costantini’s time in China did not begin until more than fifteen years after Favier’s death; still, the debate regarding whether European or Chinese architecture was most appropriate to church design in China was already well under way when Beitang was under construction in 1886. Indicative of the aesthetic transition from the Favier to Costantini eras was the publication of two manuals for the construction of Catholic buildings: Le missionnaire constructeur: Conseils-plans (The Missionary Builder: Advice-Plans), which was hostile toward native Chinese architecture, and Comment bâtirons-nous églises, chapelles, écoles en Chine (How We Shall Build Churches, Chapels, and Schools in China).23 The first manual, published in 1926, followed the architectural ideals of Favier and De Moerloose, while the second book, published in 1941, represented the goals of Sinicization encouraged by Costantini and Gresnigt. Vincent Lebbe’s criticisms of Beitang signify the transitional period during which the aesthetic impulses of the mission changed from the Gothic forms of Favier to the

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Chinese-inspired forms of Gresnigt, though Favier’s Beitang displays an architectural hybrid that is in many aspects resonant with both stages. But even before these concerns could be expressed at the drafting table, and before a church could be built in China—Western or Chinese in style— property had to be acquired, and this normally required an arduous process of negotiation that only the most adept ecclesial and secular diplomats could accomplish. The Beitang that followed the Canchikou structures was designed and executed only due to Favier’s singular dexterity in the area of negotiation, a process that undoubtedly impressed him with Chinese expectations and desires that perhaps tempered his Eurocentrism. THE VIC TORY OF DIPLOM AC Y: FAVIER AND THE TR ANSFER OF BEITANG TO XISHIKU

In 1886, the Beijing mission was alarmed by the news that the empress dowager, Cixi, had decided to reclaim the land where the Canchikou cathedral stood in order to build her retirement residence. 24 The Canchikou Beitang church, with its soaring Gothic towers, was directly in the middle of where she wanted to erect her villa. Li Hongzhang was among the savviest of China’s officials regarding the affairs of Westerners, especially the affairs of missionaries, whom he did not entirely trust. It would be Li and Favier at the negotiating table when it came to settling the matter of relocating China’s highest-profile Catholic church to accommodate Cixi’s request. Favier was particularly adroit at discussion with high court officials; in most cases Sino-missionary negotiations were sour affairs, but his pleasant Mandarin and intellectual shrewdness served the interests of the Church well. A local incident that occurred in Guangxi in 1879 illustrates how property negotiations normally transpired. When officials attempted to be conciliatory toward French Catholic missionaries who wanted to acquire property for their mission, the local population grew extremely agitated. The French consul intervened in support of the missionaries, attempting to pressure the magistrate to yield to French demands. The magistrate eventually gave in to the French requests, but in his public announcement regarding the case he expressed a common Chinese sentiment about Catholic demands for Chinese property: “Chinese Christians should not rely on the protection of their religion to create disorder, either!”25 He could not safely attack the special privileges of the missionaries and the French Protectorate, but the magistrate could safely criticize the Chinese Christians—and thus,

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circuitously, the missionaries—for relying on their religion to coerce local non-Christian Chinese to sell or donate land to the Church for new churches and mission buildings. Commenting on Catholic negotiations for Chinese land, the famous Qing official Zhang Zhidong (1837–1909) complained that without significant Chinese oversight the missionary acquisition of property was tantamount to “taking China’s jurisdiction away.”26 Local disputes involving property purchases and ownership were rife between Catholic missionaries and Chinese officials, and it is a mark of Favier’s political sway in China’s capital that the negotiations for the transfer of Beitang to another area near the Forbidden City went off with so few complications. A letter written at Tianjin in Favier’s elaborate cursive hand provides an apt example of how his diplomacy was effected just seventy-six miles from the imperial palaces in Beijing. In his account, Favier describes a delicate negotiation he had with the viceroy of Zhili, the astute Li Hongzhang, on 21 April 1886. Favier knew what he wanted before entering the room with Li, and his recollection is worth quoting at length, for it provides a rare glimpse into the mechanics of Sino-missionary negotiation at a high level. Li: Gustav Detring informed me that you would like to have land within the Yellow City—is that so? Favier: Yes, that is true. It was the Kangxi emperor’s decision to locate us there, and it would be a loss for us if this [position] was denied us. Li: This is true. Favier: And moreover, the Guangxu emperor cannot act against the will of his ancestor, who wanted us within the imperial city. Li: This is also true; however, there is a large plot of land outside of Houmen, just behind the wall. Would not this work for you? Favier: The difference would be massive; a small area inside the Yellow City is better than a much larger area outside. Li: Why is this so? Favier: The Yellow City is the center of the whole of China, and when ­officials throughout the empire see a church within the imperial city itself, this more than anything gives them an imperial message not to do anything against churches. Li: You are quite clever. This is very true, but there is no available land there. Favier: Excuse me, your excellency, but he who seeks finds. Is Beihai too close for a church?

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Li: Oh, yes, that is not possible! The empress dowager would see it when she goes for her walks at Beihai. Favier: In the corner, there is a large area called Xishiku, and which is some distance from Beihai. (The viceroy had a map brought in.) Li: Look here, if you are located outside of Houmen, it would not be that far away, and the Christian families could move there. Favier: How would that be possible? That is more than ten li away, and we have two or three hundred Christian families here inside the ­Yellow City! Li: You are right! It will be necessary to find land within the Yellow City for the administration of the Christians. [. . .] Favier: I believe that Xishiku should be proposed to us, and perhaps while we are thinking of this, can it be measured during the coming day? Li: That is fine!27

Several aspects of this dialogue are telling. First, Li Hongzhang had clearly been in close contact with his friend and informant, the German customs commissioner in Tianjin, Gustav Detring (De Cuilin, 1842–1913). Detring became an intimate collaborator with Li in the 1870s, and remained so for the rest of Li’s life. In fact, Detring served as a Western advisor to the Kai­ ping Mining Company, which had been founded by Li Hongzhang in 1877.28 But even though Li had a well-informed Westerner near his bureau in Tianjin, Favier was even more abreast of matters in the capital. Detring was already aware that Favier would ask Li for a plot of land within the imperial city, immediately beside the Forbidden City, which had been originally designated to be a sparsely populated residential area for only Manchus and members of the imperial family. Li had thus preemptively selected an area outside of the city wall, beyond Houmen, or the Rear Gate, and recommended it to Favier. Favier, who was versed in Chinese history, especially in the history of the Catholic mission in Beijing, reminded Li Hongzhang that it was the esteemed Kangxi who had selected and bequeathed land to the Catholics that was within the precincts of the imperial city. Furthermore, when Li suggested moving Christians to the Houmen area, Favier had a ready answer; there was already a substantial number of Chinese Catholics in the area of the original Beitang, so he suggests that it would be a burden to relocate the faithful already living near

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the Forbidden City. As was his usual mode of operation, Favier was equipped to respond to court recommendations and objections that might endanger the advantages held by having the Catholic cathedral so close to China’s center of power. The question that remains is whether Detring, who was clearly shrewd in his solicitations of guarded information, was actually helping to favor Li’s cause to move Beitang away from the Forbidden City, or if he had already helped Favier to formulate answers to Li’s recommendations. Detring’s supervisor, Robert Hart, was suspicious of Detring’s loyalties, and wrote of him cautiously in correspondence to other Englishmen in China.29 Later in Favier’s negotiation with Li Hongzhang, the viceroy discloses that Detring had already given him documents verifying Kangxi’s bequeathal of the Canchikou area to the Roman Catholic mission, so Li had known about that all along and had deliberately not mentioned this detail.30 It is difficult to know whether it was Alphonse Favier or Li Hongzhang who had received special assistance from Detring, but in the end their negotiation shifts to the specific details of what the new Beitang and Xishiku will be, and Favier bargains aggressively for the most grandiose architectural edifice possible. Favier was the clear victor in this negotiation, and from that moment on arguments between the court and Favier revolved not around where the new Beitang would be located, but how dominant its architectural presence should be in such close proximity to the throne of the Son of Heaven. Only two days after his 21 April meeting with the viceroy, Favier had another meeting with Li Hongzhang, this time to confront the sensitive problem of how high the new Beitang’s towers ought to be. Li states plainly: “You ask for land in the imperial city . . ., so why do you build so high?” Favier quickly responded, “To honor God. You see, your excellency, that the [Buddhist] pagodas are also very high,” to which Li retorts, “This is true, but Beitang is really too tall. . . . If you receive this land in the Yellow City, you should not build so high—perhaps 50 feet would be tall enough?” Favier argues: “If we are given Xishiku, around Beihai, we will not be seen if we do not build with some height.” Li, apparently sensing Favier’s adamancy on this point, then changes the subject to the new cathedral’s organ. “You should leave the organ music as it is,” Li asserts. “The empress dowager enjoys it.”31 Favier was an astute interlocutor with Li, and he was not afraid to press his position, knowing very well that not too far away from Li’s Tianjin bureau was a French contingent of gunboats and French troops, poised to assert the authority of the Protectorate. The following months

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were spent working out the details of the expensive transfer of the Beitang cathedral from Canchikou to its new location at Xishiku, and most of the funds came from the imperial coffers. One of the most detailed accounts of the transfer of Beitang from its old Canchikou location to Xishiku has been provided by Albert Sohier, who was decidedly not among Favier’s admirers. Sohier notes that while Li and Favier were discussing the transfer of Beitang in Tianjin, a contest of power between the Vatican and the French Protectorate was creating an added dimension of intricacy to the negotiations. Li, under the court’s recommendation, was actively seeking strategies through which to transfer China’s principal diplomatic ties from the Protectorate, which was accompanied by sizable military support, to the Holy See, which had no military presence in the empire. In addition to Detring, Li had another Westerner within his network of connections, the British merchant John George Dunn (Dun Yuehan, 1832–1890), who was both a devout Catholic and an ambitious player on the field of Sino-Catholic relations. When the matter of the transfer of Beitang arose, Li dispatched Dunn to Rome to seek an audience with the Pope, hoping to accomplish two objectives—to investigate the possibility of securing a papal nuncio in the empire to counteract the influence of the Protectorate, and to arrange for the transfer of Beitang to a location out­ side of the imperial city.32 Dunn went to Rome at the end of 1885 to see Pope Leo XIII (1810–1903), who consulted Curia prelates regarding Dunn’s proposals, the end result of which was the continuance of the status quo; the French Protectorate would remain in place, and Catholic activities in China would resume under French administration. As Ernest Young puts it, “Pope Leo XIII subsequently wrote that the failure to establish diplomatic relations with China was for him ‘the greatest disappointment of his pontificate.’”33 Dunn’s negotiation with the pope did not go as well as hoped, and in a letter to his friend James Duncan Campbell in November 1886, Robert Hart wrote of Dunn: “Of course the wire-pulled puppets have had a bad time of it: and Dunn is done!”34 But while a newly established Sino-Vatican relationship could not be accomplished, the transferral of Beitang to an advantageous location within the imperial city was achieved, owing to Favier’s savoir-faire. By all rights, negotiations for the transfer of Beitang in China’s capital city should have rested in the hands of the bishop, François-Ferdinand Tagliabue, but as Lazarist sources explain, “He entrusted care of the matter to his ‘right hand man,’ M. Favier, who had talent dealing with ‘big’ issues,

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and what is more, had good rapport with Li Hongzhang.”35 Tagliabue sent Favier to Rome nearly a year after the failure of John Dunn’s visit to the Vatican, where he settled matters satisfactorily with the Pope and returned to Beijing on 10 November 1886 to conclude the details of the transfer. 36 Favier and Detring collaborated on finalizing the agreement with the Zongli Yamen regarding the specifics of the transfer and the new Beitang church. The imperial government would yield a plot of land near Xi’anmen Gate at Xishiku, close to the walls of the Forbidden City, that was almost twice the size of the previous property. It would also provide the enormous sum of 350,000 taels of silver from the imperial treasury in installments to fund the construction of the new church, and a yellow-roofed stele pavilion bearing imperial inscriptions.37 Sohier’s account of how Favier finagled such a good deal with the court is highly critical. Indeed, he quotes a complaint against the Lazarists in general by the French plenipotentiary Georges Cogordon (1849–1904), who wrote that “the missionaries of the other orders are dissatisfied with the way in which the Lazarists approach the issue [of Beitang] and the mysteries surrounding it—exploiting the situation to benefit their order is a matter concerning all the other missionaries.”38 What Sohier did not appear to know was that Favier knew that the court was desperate to acquire the land at Canchikou for the empress dowager’s property expansion, and that after construction had begun on the new Beitang, the court was so anxious for its completion that it provided an additional 100,000 taels to rush the project.39 The Zongli Yamen was in fact so eager to see the transfer completed that it allowed a Buddhist pagoda under the emperor’s personal patronage to be removed in order to hurry the process of reconstruction.40 The erection of the church was swift, and Favier maintained a persistent presence on the building site. Lazarist records recall that “Favier was both the architect and site manager, and he was adept at employing several teams simultaneously—there were 1,400 workers. When he was asked again to hasten the construction on the final date set for February 1888, he administered the project so well that by December 1887 the keys to the old Beitang could be delivered to the Zongli Yamen.”41 To hasten the construction, some materials from the previous Canchikou Beitang were salvaged and used in the new edifice. Two bells that were cast for the Canchikou Beitang in 1867, for example, were saved and reinstalled in the towers of the Xishiku church; one was named after Mary, the Mother of God, and the other was named after Joseph, her husband.42

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The Mary bell is presently preserved in the Big Bell Temple Museum in Beijing, and the Joseph bell remains in one of the Xishiku Beitang towers. Also, a white marble plinth that supported one of the Canchikou church columns is now held at the newly restored Xishiku bishop’s residence.43 The new cathedral was thus completed after only ten months, and the solemn blessing took place on 9 December 1888. At the time of Beitang’s well-attended rite of consecration, “the Beijing cathedral was the largest church in China, and measured eighty-four meters in total length, thirtythree meters of width in the transept, twenty meters of length in the nave, and a vault of twenty-two meters high.”44 Even though the construction was somewhat rushed due to the pressures from the Qing court, Favier was insistent that only the highest-quality materials be used. Cypress logs were shipped to Beijing from the American Pacific Northwest to be used as the church’s major beams and columns, and the roof tiles were produced in nearby kilns operated by imperial craftsmen.45 Only Favier, with his broad web of connections, could have orchestrated such an achievement, and both Western and Qing court officials were enthusiastic to celebrate the cathedral’s completion. The dedication ceremony was so extravagant that several Englishspeaking newspapers featured protracted accounts. A long entry in the January 1889 edition of the North China Herald provided a meticulous description of the grande fête. There was a large attendance of the members of the Foreign Legations, Customs and College. The Foreign Representatives were in full uniform, and four Ministers of the Tsung-li Yamen were also present. The place of honor was of course occupied by Bishop Tagliabue who was supported by a large staff of foreign and native priests. Mass was said after the con­ secration, and an efficient brass band played appropriate sacred music. The entire ecclesiastical staff paraded the large and handsome building in every part, the Bishop sprinkled holy water on the walls as he slowly passed along, while a suitable hymn in Latin was beautifully chanted by the large choir of priests. Among the foreign Ministers, the place of honor was reserved for the French Minister.46

After the ritual of consecration had been observed, Colonel Charles Denby (Tian Bei, 1830–1904), a former Civil War Union officer and US minister to China, toasted “in excellent and fluent French in honor of Père Favier the

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distinguished priest-architect of this noble building—the finest of the four Roman Catholic churches at the capital.”47 Like the previous two Beitang churches, the new church also displayed a prominent placard above the main portal that read “Catholic Church Erected under Imperial Order.” Beijing’s new cathedral at Xishiku was a testament to his diplomatic talents, as well as to Gallic confidence and the glory of the French Church. CHIN A GOTHIC: BEIJING’S FRENCH C ATHEDR AL

Depending on how crowded the streets were with peddlers, beggars, and imperial caravans, Favier could ride in his sedan chair—conveyed on the shoulders of hired coolies—from his cathedral complex to the Zongli Yamen or Forbidden City in less than thirty minutes. This convenient proximity, which allowed him ready access to China’s highest political ministers and the entrance to the imperial court, also made it convenient for the empire to keep watch over his majestic Catholic fortress. Fortress is indeed an appropriate term to describe Favier’s architectural coup, for after the reparations had been paid to restore what had been damaged or destroyed in 1900, the august French prelate set his mind to designing an even grander, even taller, Gothic church than the one he had originally built. His restored Catholic citadel exploited the French Gothic aesthetic even more than the complex he had originally erected in 1887. The Lazarist cathedral at Xishiku, both before and after its expansion in 1900, was something of a miniature French “Forbidden City” devised to represent an empire inside an empire. In Imagined Communities, Benedict Anderson refers to European provincialism during the height of Western colonialism as an “unselfconscious provincialism” that was, a priori, “accustomed to the conceit that everything important in the modern world originated in Europe.”48 A dimension of this Western attitude that Anderson does not allude to in his study is the self-conscious and purposeful aim of missionaries, in collaboration with statesmen, to convert non-Western societies to European-ness through a forceful ecclesial presence. This deliberate schema of political and missionary conversion shared an equally devoted religiosity, one that in the French context held that French-ness, being the pinnacle of European-ness, was the principal “civilizing” influence on any non-Western society. During the transition from the nineteenth to twentieth centuries, French nationals comprised around seventy-five percent of China’s missionary population,

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and they, like their secular counterparts, were products of the ideal of la mission civilisatrice. It was in this context that Favier designed the Gothic cathedral to be built in the heart of Beijing; Gothic because for him the very vision of such an edifice on Chinese soil was expected to convert and civilize “backward” China. The “civilizing mission” and the spirit of the French Gothic Revival movement imbued him with an attitude that was realized in his architecture; the aesthetic supremacy of French design was assumed. Missionary architects such as Favier and De Moerloose designed churches for China in largely Gothic Revival and Romanesque styles, as if the Christian message and Gothic style were somehow equally important to the project of engendering a Catholic China. The preparation of De Moerloose was typical of the architectural training for missionaries headed to China; courses favored the ideas of Augustus Pugin, whose works had inaugurated the Gothic Revival movement, and in which John Ruskin (1819–1900) was also a principal participant.49 The missionary architects under this influence advanced the Gothic style as much for its alleged organic suitability for Roman Catholic liturgy as for its visual connection to European sensibilities. Thus when Favier designed and built his cathedral in Beijing, his plan deliberately promoted a caractère Français, or innate “Frenchness,” in the spirit of the Beaux Arts tradition. Although Favier’s Beitang design followed the Gothic Revival principles of Pugin and the French cultural pride embedded in the ideal of la mission civilisatrice, another Christian missionary ideal was also discernible in his vision of Beitang—accommodation. It was perhaps due to the bifurcated impulses toward accommodation and French caractère that Favier’s church is today China’s most prominent example of Sino-Gothic architecture. The Roman Catholic missionary ideal of accommodation emerged from the Jesuit mission that predated the Lazarist presence in China. Jesuits such as Matteo Ricci formed a missionary approach to the conversion of nonChristians based on a rhetorical term, “accommodatio,” used by Cicero (106– 43 BCE) to elaborate how an orator could successfully adapt her or his ­discourse in various contexts to render it more persuasive. Accommodation, or contextual adaptation, was employed by Jesuits in East Asia to render the Christian message familiar in new cultural contexts.50 In his famous letter of 5 November 1549, the first Jesuit missionary to East Asia, Francis Xavier, wrote of how the Christian missionaries in Japan were “forced . . . to be like them [the Japanese], both in learning the language and in imitating the

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simplicity of small and innocent children.”51 Mastering local languages and learning to adapt to local cultural practices and aesthetics was how Jesuits envisioned themselves effectively transmitting the Catholic faith to nonWestern cultures, and the seeds of this ideal influenced the Lazarist mission in Beijing. D. E. Mungello cogently describes this impulse as an “adaptation to, rather than alienation from, Chinese culture.”52 Still, by the nineteenth century all Roman Catholic missionaries had grown more nationalistic in their attitudes and approach, and by the time Favier had arrived at Beijing in the 1860s, foreign clergy in China were somewhat conflicted between Western conceit and an inherited sense that a modicum of cultural accommodation was necessary for a successful mission. In the case of Favier’s design of Beijing’s new cathedral in 1887, the final aesthetic character of Beitang was an admixture of Sino-Western components that represented the slow transition from Western to “Chinese” style churches in China’s lateimperial to Republican Era Catholic mission. CHIN A IS IN THE DETAILS

The new Beitang was not only located close to the Forbidden City, which was already an unpopular proximity for the emperor and his court, but it was deliberately oriented on the same north-south axis as the Forbidden City and other imperial structures, mimicking the cosmological symbolism of the emperor’s imperial prerogative. 53 Many of Beijing’s Buddhist and Daoist temples, too, were oriented so that their entrances were accessible from the south, but Favier’s southern orientation both neglected traditional Catholic conventions and intentionally infringed upon the emperor’s cosmological privilege. The front entrance to both the plan of the Forbidden City and his cathedral complex were oriented to the south, the direction toward which only the emperor was allowed to face. Favier’s cathedral design actually violated the normative east-west orientation of Catholic church construction, intended to direct the liturgy of the Mass toward the east, toward the rising sun, the liturgical representation of the second coming of Christ.54 It would not have escaped the attention of his Chinese neighbors that his design was essentially a reconstruction of a Catholic and French Forbidden City, though on a smaller scale. Beyond this deliberate orientation, the actual construction closely followed French aesthetic culture, which was expected to function as a “civilizing” element over the imperial city.

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In Péking: Histoire et description, Favier included a detailed diagram and description of the vast Beitang cathedral and accompanying structures he had designed; it was a remarkable testament to Catholic and French eminence. 55 Directly to the west of the Gothic cathedral was a series of three large courtyards—dedicated to St. Joseph, the Blessed Virgin, and St. Vincent—surrounded by well-appointed buildings that housed the bishop and clergy. Surrounding these three courtyards was the bishop’s private chapel, the refectory (which was known to have served mainly French meals), a recreation room, Chinese and Western language libraries, and a small museum. To the east of the cathedral was located the minor seminary with its affiliated dormitories, refectory, and classrooms. Directly behind the cathedral, to the north, was a sizable area dedicated to the work of the sisters. Here was located a chapel dedicated to the Immaculate Conception, a dispensary and infirmary, an orphanage and school, and a residence for the sisters. The entire Beitang complex, with these and other courtyards and buildings, was enclosed by a tall and solid wall, which frustrated the Boxers, who attacked Beitang during the summer months of 1900. Courtyards such as those created by Favier in his organization of the Beitang complex bore a distinctive meaning in the context of Christian design. Entrance courtyards to churches as they were installed at foreign missions in New Spain, New France, and East Asia carried “a metaphorical sense as the corporate Body of Christ, the Church, as one corralled flock.”56 This understanding of an enclosed courtyard served to overlay a Christian connotation upon China’s indigenous use of this plan. In the minds of architects of such church spaces, those who enter into these areas arrive at a sacralized space. Indeed, the biblical passage John 10:9, wherein Christ asserts, “I am the gate; whoever enters through me will be saved,” was understood to describe how architecture and conversion are figuratively united. The liturgist Guillaume Durand (1230–1296) presented a medieval anagogical understanding of the ecclesial courtyard such as the one leading to the façade of Favier’s Beitang: “The open court signifies Christ, by whom an entrance is administered into the heavenly Jerusalem.”57 The courtyard was thus recognized as a sacralized space that functioned to, at some level, supernaturally convert those who had entered its precincts. Favier’s design of the crowning feature of his Beitang complex was his Sino-Gothic cathedral, built under the patronage of the Holy Savior. His prodigious church intentionally exaggerated the Gothic elements of the

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previous Beitang; he made the portals and windows more noticeably Gothic, adding lavish ornament to accentuate their French characteristics. Beitang’s new façade—in the shadow of China’s political center—included most of the common components of a Gothic church: two towers flanking a tall gable ornamented with crockets; an abundance of finial-capped pinnacles; arcades of finial-topped trefoil windows; a heavy-framed, spoked rose window, though the usual center window image of Christ is missing; simple, undecorated archivolts above each of the façade’s three portals; several niches; and gargoyle drain spouts. While these elements are easily recognized as typical Gothic features seen on many French Catholic churches, when one more closely observes Favier’s façade and sides, one discovers that the crockets, finials, and gargoyles more closely follow Chinese temple ornament than those found in France. In the end, it is in the details that Chinese craftsmanship is discerned in the overall Gothic schema of the church’s construction. As one approaches Beitang from a distance it is clearly identified as a Gothic Revival design, but at close view one sees Chinese dragon-shaped gargoyles, marble balustrades in the common style of Daoist and Buddhist temples, and many other small Chinese aesthetic flourishes unknown in Western Europe (fig. 4.2). Favier wanted to have a private chapel attached to the cathedral in addition to the one located at his bishop’s residence, so he added an apsidal chapel beyond the main apse, accessible most easily from an outside door. Inside his small chapel, illuminated with several tall arched windows, he designed an elaborate ceiling. The fantastic curvilinear vaulting appears to derive from late-Gothic lierne vaulting, which also seems to allude to Islamic ceiling styles that France would have discovered during its colonial enterprises in North Africa. Aesthetically very French, this was Favier’s privileged escape from the “foreign” atmosphere of the cultural Other that surrounded his ecclesial complex. The final result of his “civilizing” Gothic church design for Beijing’s cathedral was an imposing monument of French presence in China. While a small number of missionaries, such as Vincent Lebbe, disdained what they perceived as a Roman Catholic monument of colonial France, evidence suggests that the local Chinese Catholic community was in fact quite pleased with Favier’s cathedral, and many viewed it as an architectural tribute to cultural hybridism, perhaps because of its very evident Chinese details (fig. 4.3). The final manifestation of the cathedral is an amalgam of the French aesthetic of la mission civilisatrice and the craftsmanship and tastes of the

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Figur e 4.2. Chinese-style crockets, finials, and gargoyles featured on Favier’s SinoGothic Beitang cathedral. From a distance, it is difficult to discern these Chinese details embedded in the overall Gothic form of the church. Source: Anthony E. Clark Private Collection.

indigenous Chinese who were commissioned to realize Favier’s architectural vision. Favier wanted to erect an elaborate Gothic façade that presented an impressive and generously ornamented Gothic interior once one entered the church.58 What was finally built was a Sino-Gothic fusion of French Gothic with Chinese temple ornamentation, and much of this hybridism derives from the fact that the actual builders of his Gothic Revival cathedral were indigenous persons with experience building Chinese structures, with Chinese techniques and Chinese materials. Beitang’s Gothic elements were accomplished by Chinese workers, who, we have evidence to believe, were often begrudgingly employed by the French missionaries who contracted them. In the missionary handbook on church construction, Le missionaire constructeur, native craftsmen are described with pejorative undertones. Chinese workers are capable of building a Western construction, the book allows, “on the condition that they are monitored.” Even under French supervision, the quality is only “more or less” satisfactory.59 The Chinese personality, the text warns, has “a crafty

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Figur e 4.3. The small private chapel that Favier designed beyond the Beitang apse, which included late-Gothic lierne vaulting. Favier was entombed inside this private ­chapel in 1905; a commemorative inscription seen on the stele on the left marks his ­sarcophagus. This photograph was taken during the cathedral’s restoration in 2018. Source: Anthony E. Clark Private Collection.

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conscience and is especially easy to make a promise.”60 What the booklet does not do, however, is criticize the skills of Chinese craftsmen at building structures in their own native style, which the builders of Beitang did more than in any other known “Western-style” church in China. Beitang is unique in its comparatively intense hybrid patchwork of Sino-Franco design. Chinese observers appreciate the presence of a traditional Chinese terrace (yuetai) in front of the three arched portals and two yellow-roofed pavilions (tingzi) containing imperial memorial stele flanking the Gothic façade. The terrace balustrade (langan) was made with white marble (baiy­ ushi), an indigenous Chinese stone.61 Qinghua University architectural historian Zhang Fuhe calls these Chinese elements a “strong contrast to the church’s Gothic form.”62 Zhang Youping, in his study of Beijing architecture, states plainly that “since Chinese materials were used and Chinese workers built it . . . when you look at [Beitang] one perceives its Chineseness.”63 In fact, some Chinese scholars now view the cathedral architecture to be more “Chinese” than “French Gothic,” merely by the fact that Chinese workers erected the building with Chinese materials; the ideal of the civilizing mission is largely lost on local observers today, who often see Chinese architectural conventions as the more civilizing influence. One scarcely finds a Chinese description of Favier’s Beitang that does not emphasize the Chinese characteristics of the church’s design that underscore the native tropes of its built heritage. FAVIER’S PHOENIX: BEITANG UNDER SIEGE AND RECONSTRUC TION

So far in this narrative, Alphonse Favier has largely been seen as a politically minded ecclesiastical climber who had imbibed the waters of French nationalism and the ideal of the “civilizing mission.” But during the unsettling events of the Boxer siege of Beitang from 14 June until 16 August 1900, another image of Favier emerges, one in which the previous narrative is challenged and nuanced. It is in accounts of the siege that historical records begin to depict him more as a deeply spiritual and kindhearted Catholic priest than a careerist prelate with an eye on Gallicizing the Middle Kingdom. By then, Bishop Favier was sixty-three years old, in brittle health, and had difficulty walking due to chronic gout. As French and Italian marines, along with a motley assembly of Chinese recruits, defended the cathedral

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from unrelenting Boxer attacks, Favier spent his hours “preventing panic among that crowd of women and children, comforting, consoling, exhorting, praying.”64 In fact, from the siege of 1900 on, one discerns a shift in how he appears in historical sources; his abiding friendship with local Chinese— on their own terms—underscores a different side of the French missionary from Marsannay-la-Côte, one that is less a statesman than a cleric. In just two brief months, Favier witnessed the destruction of the genteel French empire he had built over several decades of deft statesmanship, and worse, he mourned the deaths of around thirty thousand Christians, mostly Chinese men, women, and children, many of whom had been entrusted to his pastoral care as the leading prelate of northern China. The siege of 1900 marks the beginning of his rapid physical decline, and also the beginning of an era of robust Catholic reconstruction in China. The 1900 Boxer siege of what many Chinese viewed as privileged and imperialist foreign enclaves was directed not only at Favier’s Beitang complex, but also at the foreign legations located next to the Forbidden City. While Favier directed the defense within Beitang during the siege, the minister of the French legations, Stéphen Pichon, directed events at his own diplomatic compound.65 Both Favier and Pichon recorded the siege in their respective diaries, and while Favier’s account was well known in Catholic circles, Pichon’s diary received much wider circulation. The fact that Pichon had been a journalist before entering diplomatic service rendered his account, in the opinion of many readers, a comparatively more “human document of the highest interest.”66 Yet despite Pichon’s stirring account of the Boxer siege against the French legation, his diplomatic compound did not suffer as dramatic an assault as did the Beitang mission, nor did the French legation lose as many lives.67 During the siege of the French legation, fifty-nine persons were killed, while a much larger number of people perished at Beitang.68 After the siege had ended, the Protestant missionary Arthur Judson Brown (Bu Lang, 1856–1963) asked Favier about the losses at Beitang. He said that of the eighty Europeans and 3,400 Christians with him in the siege, 2,700 were women and children. Four hundred were buried, of whom forty were killed by bullets, twenty-five by one explosion, eightyone by another and one by another. Of the rest, some died of disease but the greater part of starvation. Twenty-one children were buried at one time in one grave. Beside these 400 who were killed or who died, many

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more were blown to pieces in explosions so that nothing could be found to bury. Fifty-one children disappeared in this way and not a fragment remained.69

Both men being French, Pichon and Favier remained in touch as much as possible during the siege, though there were long stretches of time during which Favier could only imagine what was happening at the legations while observing flames and billowing smoke rising from that area of the city. In addition to witnessing the enormous loss of human lives during the summer months of the Boxer Uprising, Favier watched countless cannonballs hammer the façade, towers, and sides of his splendid new cathedral. The two-month siege against Beitang was perhaps the most tormented period in his entire life. Two primary documents recount the distresses of the siege as he witnessed them: the extensive account written by the Shanghai Jesuit Li Di, and the diary of the Boxer attacks written by Favier himself in fluent, but anxious, Chinese.70 But even before the uprising began in 1898, Favier had already issued warnings to Rome that anti-Christian violence was escalating. On 24 June 1891, he wrote a distressed letter to Cardinal Mariano Rampolla de Tindaro, the secretary of state under Pope Leo XIII. His opening line is to the point: “The incidents that have occurred here in China over the past two months are very grave, and I believe that this is a matter of extreme importance.”71 A band of brigands calling themselves the “Old Brothers” had inaugurated an anti-Christian campaign in China, razed Christian properties, and already killed two British subjects, including an Anglican minister.72 The letter recounts that European powers had implored the court to address these incidents, but Favier complained that the resulting decree “did little” to help matters, since, as he put it, the “Chinese can well see gunboats coming and going . . . drawing conclusions against our holy religion . . .; the Protectorate is a danger, as it does more harm than good to those it protects.”73 Events grew increasingly critical, and he continued to send letters to Cardinal Miescelaus Ledochowski, prefect of the Propaganda Fide, airing his anxieties as anti-Christian violence grew more intense.74 By 14 June 1900, the Boxers had reached the main entrance of the Beitang complex in Beijing, and the siege had commenced.75 In his account of 14 June, Li writes: “In the middle of the night cannon fire was heard coming from the south, and a moment later Boxers descended on Beitang screaming, ‘Sha!,’ ‘Kill!’”76 Favier writes in his journal that the Boxers attacked the cathedral until two o’clock in the morning, attempting

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to break through to the cathedral and set it ablaze.77 During the two-month siege, repeated attempts were made to ignite fires on the various structures within the Beitang complex, and an unremitting barrage of cannon fire assaulted the cathedral. Favier writes on 7 July that “since half-past four in the morning, the Boxers have thrown explosives on our roof for two hours. More than two hundred and fifty of these projectiles have ignited, but our precautions were well planned.”78 Li adds that the Yellow Bannermen of the imperial army fired a volley of “330 cannonballs that flattened the third f loor” of the Rencitang orphanage behind the cathedral.79 Despite the united efforts of the Boxers and Qing troops, the Catholic militia inside the Beitang walls successfully thwarted the attacks. One Chinese official at the time of the attacks suggested that the cathedral was able to survive the siege because of Bishop Favier’s use of protective sorcery. According to him, Favier smeared menstrual fluid on his own forehead to invoke a special apotropaic shield around his church.80 According to the Catholics within the cathedral, however, their liberation on 16 August 1900 was entirely owing to the intercessory help of the Blessed Virgin Mary. However one wishes to explain the survival of the three thousand Catholics at Beitang, when the liberating troops arrived at the cathedral it was badly scarred from the incessant shower of artillery fire it had endured for two months. And, when they were finally liberated, Bishop Favier ascribed their survival not to the Blessed Virgin, but to France. On 16 August, it became clear that the allied forces had arrived at Beijing and were approaching the cathedral. As one account published in the North China Herald reported, “For the last month these poor people had been reduced to four ounces of rice per day, and during the last week they had been reduced to three.”81 Rations were down to their final day when relief arrived, and Favier himself climbed the cathedral tower to welcome what he assumed would be French troops approaching Beitang. “I sounded the Casquette du Père Buge­ aud on the bugle three times,” he writes in his diary, but, “no response, no hurrah, came from without.”82 There was no response to the French tune he blew from his bugle because the first troops to relieve Beitang were Japanese. 83 As Li writes, after the Japanese had liberated them, “the French arrived and the two bishops met them with warm greetings.”84 It would be the arrival of the French soldiers that Favier and his French Lazarist confreres celebrated as the “liberators of Beitang”; the Japanese are only tangentially mentioned in most accounts. The November edition of the popular periodical L’Illustration, for example, featured a full-page illustration of

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Figur e 4.4. French depiction of Favier greeting the French troops who liberated Bei­ tang after the Boxer siege in 1900. In actuality, the first liberators of the cathedral were Japanese troops. Source: L’Illustration, 10 November 1900.

Beitang’s liberation.85 Bishop Favier is pictured in the center of the image, surrounded by French troops; not a single Japanese soldier appears in the depiction. Beitang, meanwhile, had suffered. A photograph taken immediately after liberation reveals a beaten façade, pockmarked from sprays of cannon fire, and shrapnel-covered pavilions flanking the battered front portals. The restoration of Beitang would require a new round of negotiations with the Chinese court to solicit financial support, and another team of Chinese builders (figs. 4.4 and 4.5). While a contingent of Protestants loudly accused the Roman Catholic mission for the Boxer unrest, something of a spirit of Catholic reprisal propelled the restoration of Beijing’s cathedral after the siege.86 As the French relief troops entered the Beitang complex through the south wall, Favier and his coadjutor, Bishop Stanislas-François Jarlin (Lin Maode, 1856–1933), rushed to greet them. One of the French officers, Li recalls, “took his sword and struck the earth,” and with “tears streaming down his face . . . raised his head to evaluate the crumbling church with such extreme damage—and was furious.”87 Western diplomats provided generous indemnity funds to restore Favier’s Beitang cathedral and accompanying structures. He hired around

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Figur e 4.5. The Beitang façade immediately after the cathedral was liberated in 1900. Debris can be seen in various areas, and two of the cannons seized from the Boxers and imperial troops can also be seen in the lower right. Source: Congrégation de la Mission Archives Historiques, Paris.

eight hundred Chinese workers to complete this project, and, asserting French preeminence, he raised his two Gothic towers “above the norms admitted by the law of the empire.”88 Reaching nearly 104 feet, these towers dominated Beijing’s skyline. The statues of guardian angels surmounting the towers affirmed the authority of the French cathedral and its civilizing mission.89 While Beitang was still under repair, the French novelist and naval officer Louis Marie-Julien Viaud (1850–1923), more famously known by his pseudonym of Pierre Loti, attended a celebration Mass in the grand edifice. He wrote of how crowded the cathedral was: “When I arrived the church was already packed with Chinese men and women, crowding close on their knees and chanting together in low voice a kind of uninterrupted monotone like the humming of an immense hive of bees.”90 The soaring towers and full attendance both spoke to the success of Favier’s missionary efforts to glorify God and promote Catholic France; however, the traumas of the Boxer Uprising had taken a toll on the Lazarist priest from Marsannayla-Côte, Côte-d’Or.

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In the long shadows of Beitang’s two new heightened towers lived the weary and unhealthy Favier. He was indeed too tired to defend himself against mounting accusations of misconduct launched by some Chinese who were bitter over the victory of the Eight Allied Armies over China, and too frail to manage matters with his former keenness. Among the Christian community, however, he was viewed as a hero who had successfully saved the lives of nearly three thousand Chinese refugees who had sought protection in the Beitang complex during the peak of Boxer aggression against foreigners and Chinese Christians. And even more, evidence of his love for the Chinese, despite the Sino-Western tensions of the late-imperial era, grew more evident. An example of Favier’s inner sentiments can be found in the letter he wrote to accompany his journal, which he sent back to Europe in September 1900. In one tender passage, Favier wrote of the Chinese women sheltered in the cathedral: It was a sad sight to behold Christian women depriving themselves of their own meager allowance of food to nourish their infants; for a long time they had no breastmilk; with small pieces of tin that served as spoons, they introduced the weak gruel into the mouths of their poor children. Our number was increased during these two months by thirty new babies. One morning, before Holy Mass, one of these brave Christian women, who had been confined during the night, threw herself at my feet, with these words, “Bishop, Bishop, let me have some millet, that I might have a little milk.”91

He writes that “with tears in [his] eyes” he had no alternative but to inform the desperate mother that “there was nothing more to give.”92 Time and again, Favier’s writings, and writings about him, reveal a byzantine per­ sonality, in turns conceited and humble, materialistic and magnanimous, worldly and spiritual. His larger-than-life character was as complicated as his cathedral. Having lived in China for thirty-five years, he had evolved into a person not unlike his architecture, a combination of the French missionary ideal of la mission civilisatrice, expressed in the monumentality of his Gothic church, and an abiding appreciation for the Chinese culture and people he had come to serve with great affection. During the height of his political influence in Beijing, Favier was largely esteemed by Westerners and feared by Chinese, but after the turbulence of the Boxer Uprising it appears that

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both he and his cathedral were seen differently. His fellow Europeans had grown critical of his methods, while the Chinese had become more enamored of both the portly bishop and his impressive cathedral. After a fellow French Lazarist visited Beijing in 1901, he reported to the superior general in Paris, “I fear His Grace [Favier] quite often transgresses the prohibition against engaging in commerce. He sees things in a completely personal way, often hardly theological and canonical.”93 Only a year after this critical letter was sent to the Lazarist motherhouse in France, an imperial decree was published in Beijing that lauded him as “a man with a just heart and tremendous self-control.”94 Whatever the final assessment of Alphonse Favier, his legacy of ecclesial diplomacy and architecture have shaped the landscape of Beijing’s culture and aesthetics; his Beitang cathedral still stands as a testament to his conviction that architecture can function as one of the most salient agents of cultural conversion, a conversion that changes not just one side of an encounter, but rather improves, and perhaps civilizes, the intellectual and aesthetic riches of both.

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TH E CONTOU R S O F R ECONS TRUC TIO N Favier and the French Mission I deserve nothing, since I have done nothing; I could not even be a martyr, I missed my chance. Alphonse Favier, 1901

Per h a ps on e of A l phonse Fav i er’s most effect i v e t r a its was his ability to gain influence and prominence through maneuverings that, at their foundation, were orchestrated through artifice. Careful observation reveals that the Roman Catholic Church itself held little power upon which to fulfill its ambitions in late-imperial China without the support of the imposing gunboats of the French Protectorate, which aimed its hostilities as much at the Church as at the dragon throne in the Forbidden City. Many secular French diplomats held the Church in disdain, while an equal number of Church officials looked at the French government with suspicion. Despite his uncomfortable position between largely anti-clerical French diplomats and largely anti-state clerics, Favier was able to choreograph impressions and aesthetic realities in a manner that benefited himself, the Church, and Gallic culture in order to propagate his French Catholic program in the Middle Kingdom. This is not to say that he was self-consciously duplicitous or self-righteous, but he was adept at the art of diplomacy for a goal in which he deeply believed. Cross-culturally, he may be compared to Zhuge Liang (181–234), the ingenious chancellor of the Shu-Han (220–263) state during the Three Kingdoms period (220–280).1 Zhuge Liang was a famous Daoist and minister of early China, known for his cunning military strategems and savvy statesmanship. In a celebrated scene in Chinese opera and historical fiction known as “Empty Fortress Strategy,” the canny minister devises a method of reverse psychology to protect his empty fortress at Xicheng from an attack by the much better equipped Wei army.

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Since Zhuge Liang’s Shu army was en route to another battle, his own fortress had only a small group of men to defend against the enormous lines of Wei troops. Forced to rely upon artifice to gain victory, he ordered all of the fortress gates to be opened as he ascended to the top of the wall to a viewing platform, while his few troops swept the roads below disguised as civilians. Atop the terrace, where the Wei army could observe his actions, Zhuge sat at a table calmly playing his zither as his two pages flanked him with stoic expressions. When the Wei troops saw his composed and con­ fident demeanor, the Wei general, Sima Yi (179–251), believed that an ambush lay in wait for them inside the fortress and ordered his troops to retreat from Xicheng.2 Favier, who no doubt had seen this operatic scene at one of the many social gatherings he attended with Chinese officials and members of the imperial family, was an ecclesial version Zhuge Liang, winning victories for Church and France through decades of diplomatic experience and instinctive know-how. His missionary enterprise was as cultural as it was spiritual, and one of his preferred modes of proselytizing was through architectural aesthetics. Favier’s architectural legacy in the spirit of the “civilizing mission” has left China’s landscape punctuated with soaring testaments to France’s colonial ambitions. Secular and ecclesial forces, suffused as they were with French nationalism, arrayed themselves to transform the Middle Kindgom into an outpost of French Catholicism. Gothic cathedrals also emerged from the centers of Shanghai and Guangzhou; these French monuments of the civilizing mission are actually now the oldest structures in areas once predominated by classical Chinese buildings. Chinese modernity has replaced France’s missionary enterprise. In the wake of the collapse of newer, cheaply made buildings in recent tragic earthquakes, Chinese architects have been inspired by the sturdy construction of Western church design, and church builders in China have continued to design in a predominantly Western style, though Chinese perceptions of Western church design have changed (fig. 5.1). Local Chinese architects designed a Catholic seminary in 1989 at Shi­ jiazhuang, Hebei, with a façade they identify as “Gothic.” The curious fusion of disproportionate Gothic elements, with the addition of four Islamic-style minarets, exemplifies a growing number of churches in China that represent a mélange of architectural styles. Still, French Catholic architecture con­ tinues to influence China’s Catholic community, and for some, its continued popularity represents the uncomfortable persistence of a semi-colonial past

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Figur e 5.1. Gothic Revival façade of the Guangzhou (Canton) cathedral, modeled after the French Basilica of St. Clotilde and dedicated to the Sacred Heart. This church serves as an excellent example of the French Gothic style that dominated Catholic church design in the nineteenth century. Consecrated in 1888. Source: Congrégation de la Mission Archives Historiques, Paris.

that wounded China’s cultural pride. Edward Said (1935–2003) once said in an interview that “every empire . . . tells itself and the world that it is unlike all other empires, that its mission is not to plunder and control but to educate and liberate.”3 Favier, like his French confreres, held the firm conviction that the best way to “liberate” the indigenous Chinese was to erect Gothic churches high above them, to raise their gaze upward toward the cross of the Church and the flag of France. Influential vestiges of Favier’s life and architecture still punctuate China’s capital as it enters a new era of hypermodernity. His reputation in China today is varied. His name is reemerging as an example of ecclesial empire-building, as well as an appreciated model of Sino-missionary exchange and friendship. Perhaps the most unfavorable assessment of his legacy, and one that often appears in academic histories published in China, is the accusation that he encouraged the indiscriminate looting of China’s treasures in the immediate wake of the Boxer Uprising. These accusations tend to divert attention from Favier’s collective life and work as an architect and missionary.

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THE PLUNDERING OF CHIN A’S TRE A SURES

After the entrance of the Eight Allied Armies into Beijing in August 1900, China’s capital city suffered months of frenzied looting by the “civilized” North Atlantic nations in reprisal for what they viewed to be the Qing empire’s deliberate barbarism against the West. While Western historical sources have generally exempted the Allied Armies from critical scrutiny, Chinese historical accounts emphasize their unmitigated violence against Chinese.4 Tong Xun’s 1999 study of Christian churches in Beijing is a good example of how many Chinese sources depict the events that followed the Boxer siege against Beitang and the foreign legations: After the Boxers had been suppressed and eliminated, foreign missionaries and lawless Christians enacted malicious vengeance. They poured out of their church [Beitang] and collaborated with the Eight Allied Armies in unbridled retribution. They seized whatever they wanted and killed whoever they saw. Beitang cathedral, the sacred place where the “gospel” was pronounced, was a location of burning, killing, and looting. Under the direction of Bishop Alphonse Favier, Beijing’s silver, jade, antiques, and jewels were taken into Xishiku Beitang in an unending stream.5

Yang Jingjun likewise accuses: “Bishop Favier ordered Christians to participate in the plundering for eight days after the Eight Allied Armies had entered Beijing, beginning on 16 August.”6 There can be little doubt that Western forces indulged in widespread looting of the residences of Qing elites, imperial palaces, and private Beijing homes, including villages near the capital and in Tianjin. Some Western observers, too, expressed concern over what they viewed as the pillage of Chinese property. The cover of the popular periodical La vie illustrée featured an image critical of French looting of Chinese treasures. A French missionary is shown wearing a priest’s cassock and pith helmet, the iconic “crown” of the Western imperialist, above the caption “The War and Looting of China” (La guerre et le pillage en Chine).7 The English-language North-China Herald had condemned European plundering in Tianjin as early as 8 August 1900. “It will be a shock to the modern sentiment of the civilized world,” one article asserted, “if such orgies . . . are to be the regular thing.”8 What remains unclear is the extent to which Favier played a role in that plundering, and whether he was culpable of crass looting, as

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some sources suggest. The German field marshal Alfred von Waldersee (Wa Dexi, 1832–1904), who arrived in Beijing after the looting, heard about much of what had happened and recorded details about the plundering of Beijing’s riches. After outlining examples of Italian, German, and Japanese pillaging, Waldersee described how the French “looted freely” under the encouragement of General Henri-Nicolas Frey (Fu Lei, 1847–1932): “Most of the larger objects of value were in the great temple-compounds where General Frey had his headquarters, close to the Winter Palace, and were shipped to France in packing-cases from that point.”9 He also states that “some of the loot was delivered to Bishop Favier to compensate him and his converts for their own fearful losses. I personally bought a number of furs from him at a very low price.”10 As accusations against him were being disseminated, Favier himself denied being an unprincipled looter. A February edition of the New York Times included an account of his disavowal of one such allegation: In the course of an interview with the Archbishop to-day he declared that accusations of Lu-Sen . . . that the Archbishop looted their house of money and valuables aggregating in value a million taels the day after the siege was raised, are absolutely false. He further said that immediately upon his arrival in Peking he will place himself at the disposition of the allies and furnish a complete reply to the calumnies. If, however, it be shown that any Christian without his knowledge or order injured any Chinese family, the Archbishop said he will deem it his duty, after investigation by the allies, to make every reparation.11

He does not deny that in certain instances he authorized the appropriation of goods, and he drafted a letter to explain the instances in which he did in fact allow Christians to seize food, silver, and other items to be used to preserve the lives of those under his care who were on the verge of starvation. In this letter, he maintained that around six thousand Christians who survived the Boxer violence in Beijing had suffered “starvation [that] lasted for sixty days” and were “now without either shelter, clothing, or food.”12 Many of those with no means of survival went to the Beitang cathedral seeking food and shelter. Favier wrote: We could not permit the multitude to die of hunger. . . . It was then that I authorized my steward [ministre] to keep an exact account of all the food

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that should be taken from the Government stores in order that it might be deducted from the indemnity to be asked later on. A similar account must be carefully made of all things taken from the residences and stores of private citizens. This he did. The value of things taken from the Government stores was deducted from the amount required as indemnity, and the owners of residences and stores were all reimbursed. On the main street of the city I had public notices put up, asking those who had application to make for indemnity to come see me. All those who came were paid immediately.13

In essence, he does not deny that he allowed, or even encouraged, Christians to take items from government and private stores, but he insists that it was appropriation out of necessity rather than looting. As for the accusation that he had plundered the home of a man named Lu-Sen, he recounts that while the Boxers pillaged and burned Lu’s residence, some Christians “saved four cases of beautiful porcelains from the flames,” which he used to procure funds for rescuing homeless and starving Christians.14 In a much longer letter to the Association for the Propagation of the Faith, Favier responds in even greater detail to accusations that the Eight Allied Armies had exacerbated anti-Christian feelings in the capital. Favier notes that after the arrival of the relief forces, both Christians and nonChristians appeared at the cathedral seeking material assistance. As a ges­ ture of gratitude for relief received at the cathedral, even non-Christians in “numbers came from various parts of the city, led by principal citizens, to offer us presents and inscriptions on silk, lacquer or precious wood in which we are thanked as ‘friends of the people,’ saviors of families, etc.”15 These tokens of gratitude, Favier states, were displayed “in our residence at Peitang.”16 Also emphasized in his letter is that the most grievous cases of plundering were committed against Christians and their properties, both by the Boxers and the imperial troops who collaborated with them. These losses were noted in France’s indemnity negotiations with the court, though he adds that despite the court’s offer to pay for the lives of massacred Christians, he declined much of the offered funds because “the lives of mission­ aries could not be paid for in gold.”17 Finally, he says that what was taken after the siege was obtained out of a sense of obligation “to keep our Christians from starvation” rather than out of mere avarice.18 And to preserve affable relations with non-Christians, he claims to have affixed large posters to the gates of the Beitang complex inviting non-Christians who have

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“suffered some wrong at the hand of Christians to come and receive compensation.”19 In the end, anyone consulting sources about his role in the plundering of Beijing must weigh the accounts of Favier himself and Western sources that exculpate him against post-1949 Chinese sources that almost universally accuse him of villainy. The predominance of available sources on this issue suggest that Favier was not the unscrupulous looter that some sources suggest; it does not seem to have been his character to have behaved in such a way. Whatever the case, the French mission was more wealthy after the Boxer Uprising than it had ever been in the past, and the visible signs of French Catholicism grew increasingly evident throughout northern China. RECONSTRUC TION OF THE FRENCH MISSION, AND THE “C ATHOLIC PEKING” OF PILGRIMS

After Beijing had been restored to a semblance of order, and reparation payments of around 70,000 taels of silver had been received from the imperial treasury, Favier sought not only to restore the Beijing mission to its former radiance, but also to turn China’s capital into a globally recognized Catholic pilgrimage site overseen principally by the French Lazarists.20 His cathedral edifice had even taller towers than before the Boxer Uprising, and this more imposing cathedral was only the beginning of his ambitious vision for a “Catholic Peking.” He propelled himself into a grueling itinerary of fund-raising visits in Western Europe, where his dramatic speeches about the siege of Beitang and his goals for restoration were featured in newspapers in major cities. Favier is rumored to have exclaimed, somewhat sen­ sationally: “All is destroyed; we are going to begin all over again.”21 In the early part of 1901, he delivered talks and made appeals for support in Paris, Marseille, Rome, Lille, Luxemburg, Angers, Nantes, and Dijon. Newspaper clippings related to Favier’s travels in Western Europe to solicit benefactors for the Catholic reconstruction of Beijing were meticulously collected and preserved by the French Lazarists in Paris.22 Perhaps the most detailed and celebrated stop that Favier made was at Angers on Saturday, 19 March 1901, where he presented a commemorative gift that caused the attending crowd to “rise to indescribable emotion.” He was greeted at the train station that afternoon by the bishop of Angers, Joseph Rumeau (1849–1940), who escorted him to the Université Catholique de l’Ouest, where Favier presented the tattered flag that had survived the Beitang siege to a family member of the formidable commander who had led

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the cathedral’s defense, Lieutenant Paul Henry (1876–1900). Henry was killed by Boxer gunfire on 30 July, after having told the two bishops, “I shall not die until you no longer need me.”23 Henry’s death was a tremendous blow to the confidence of the Beitang defenders, but he was acclaimed as a hero by Catholics in both Beijing and Henry’s native Angers. An article in the popular daily L’Univers described the presentation of the Beitang flag: “On that great evening, Saturday, at the Catholic University, the elite of the town and its diocese had gathered for the event. An overflowing room awaited the entrance of Bishop Favier, who suddenly appeared with the flag: faded blue, the red almost completely gone. The honor of bearing this sacred relic before Monsignor Favier was given to the senior member and dean of the University, M. Gavouyere. The crowd was raised to an indescribable emotion, which was indicated in repeated applause.”24 On the following day, Bishop Favier celebrated Mass at Saint-Maurille School, where Paul Henry had received his first Holy Communion, which was followed by vespers and a talk by Favier in the cathedral of Angers. The “influx of people” to these events, the article recalled, “was enormous.”25 All of his talks in Europe were well attended and received with intense emotion; even the Pope met him in a private audience to discuss the situation and the restoration of the Church in China. Given the generous funds received from the Chinese court and the Catholic faithful of Europe, Favier constructed a remarkable new Catholic mission in Beijing, one that became an obligatory destination for anyone visiting “Catholic China.” After the Boxer siege in 1900, Favier’s cathedral became a symbol of Catholic survival in what some missionaries called a “xenophobic Bei­ jing,” and everywhere missionaries lived in China, Beitang was discussed and commemorated. Sister Xavier Berkeley (1861–1944), an English-born Daughter of Charity who lived as a missionary in China for fifty-four years, wrote that two cannonballs that had been shot at the Beitang orphanage were sent to her order’s central house in Shanghai, where they were melted down to serve as columns supporting a statue of the Sacred Heart of Jesus in their community chapel.26 Accounts of the trials at Beitang were memorialized in books, Catholic shrines, and parish discussions all over China and in much of Europe; the saber that Paul Henry wore during the siege is still displayed today in the private library of the Lazarist motherhouse in Paris. But what would have pleased Favier even more than these widespread memorials is that by the early twentieth century, Beitang was a popular pilgrimage site for Chinese and international Catholics. His French Gothic

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Figur e 5.2. A Chinese priest on the roof of Beitang cathedral, with the Forbidden City in the distance. An example of how Favier arranged for courtyards to surround his cathedral can be seen in the lower right. Source: Harriet Cheney Cowles Memorial Library/ Société des Auxiliaires des Missions (SAM) China Photograph Collection (Whitworth University).

Revival façade was a metonym for the Roman Catholic Church in China. Visitors—Catholic, Protestant, Orthodox, non-Christian—all took photographs of the Gothic cathedral and saved them in scrapbooks (fig. 5.2).27 A notable example of a high-profile Catholic who visited Beitang as a pilgrim is the Maryknoll co-founder, Father James Anthony Walsh (1882– 1955).28 Walsh arrived at Beitang in 1917, twelve years after Favier’s death and entombment in his cathedral. Walsh’s lengthy and evocative description of Beitang appears in his widely read travelogue, Observations in the Orient, published in 1919. I had been told that at Peking I would see a belle mission, but I was hardly prepared for the extensive and varied spiritual enterprises I found flourish­ ing within the precincts of the Peitang. The mission property is approached by an avenue of trees, on one side of which is a hospital conducted by Sisters

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of Charity for poor Chinese; on the other a novitiate of native nuns, the Josephines. At the gate of the Peitang, which is entirely surrounded by a high wall of brick and is closed every night, a policeman stands, and on either side are houses for the domestics. The Cathedral itself is the first building to be seen on entering. It is the heart of the Peitang and I was much more impressed with the original than with any photograph I had ever seen of it. It is flanked by two typical Chinese buildings that look like the entrance to an imperial palace or to a pagoda, but the Cathedral itself is Gothic even to the gargoyles.29

Like most visitors to Beitang after its restoration and expansion, Walsh offers long accolades for the magnificence of the cathedral church, noting especially its Gothic monumentality. He also pays tribute to the church’s designer, Favier, “who, before giving his life to the Church, had been an architect in France.”30 A year after James Walsh visited Beitang, other Maryknoll priests visited the cathedral. After touring the capital city, Father Francis X. Ford (Fu Erde, 1892–1952) remarked that the structures of Favier’s sprawling Catholic mission complex were so vast compared to other structures in Beijing that they “seem to be the only five buildings in the city.”31 For many visitors to Beijing, the city was an entrepôt of French Catholicism in the marketplace of religions, but the prodigious presence of Favier’s “Catholic Peking” was also viewed as part of a larger Westernization of the collapsing Qing empire. In stark terms, Nigel Cameron describes well the aesthetic and mood of Beijing after the restoration of the Christian missions and Western legations: “Western triumph over the ancient traditions, over the tight, xenophobic world of court and mandarinate, was complete. And Chinese humiliation, Chinese impotence in the heart of their own land, was also complete.”32 FAVIER: A MAN ABOUT TOWN

To bring about the “Catholic Peking” that Favier had envisioned after the conclusion of the Boxer Uprising, he became a “man about town” in order to win connections that would facilitate his aspirations. Favier could assume two distinct personalities, depending upon context and goal. On the one hand, he was a priest, expected to behave with humility and circumspection, while on other the hand he was a bishop-diplomat, expected to engender spiritual, popular, and financial support for the works of the

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Church. As a young seminarian in Paris, he would have read the popular devotional work by Thomas à Kempis (1380–1471), The Imitation of Christ, in which it is said that “a sure way of retaining the grace of heaven is to disregard outward appearances, and diligently to cultivate such things as foster amendment of life and fervor of soul, rather than to cultivate those qualities that seem most popular.”33 Favier would have been aware of this aspect of expected spiritual stance and behavior; but as a bishop, he also had to navigate the political and cultural complexities of administering a vicariate or diocese. In the practical domain of rebuilding his devastated mission territory, Bishop Favier understood that he would need to have admirers and allies in Beijing’s political sphere. One French daily exclaimed: “After twenty years of constructing European style buildings in the Middle Kingdom, almost every foreigner who ventures into this distant country is sent to be welcomed and guided by him.”34 Examples of his public activities and private meetings with China’s powerful elite after he returned from his 1901 European tour are ubiquitous. By 1902, a visit to “the bishop of Beitang” was expected of anyone “of significance” in the capital. When important dignitaries visited the home of Sir Robert Hart in August 1902, they made a special trip “to see Monseigneur Favier” at his cathedral.35 And, when the prime minister of the imperial cabinet, Prince Qing (Yikuang, 1838–1917), hosted a private banquet in his palace for Beijing’s most distinguished ­p ersons, Alphonse Favier and his auxiliary bishop, Stanislas-François ­Jarlin, were invited. The North China Herald described the opulent feast, which represented the first time the prince had ever hosted an assembly of non-Chinese in his private residence: “There were over 60 to sit down to the banquet in one of the large rooms in the Prince’s palace. The dishes were of the very best that the Chinese can prepare. There were about 20 courses. The banquet began about 6 o’clock. The room and courts were well lit by lanterns beautifully decorated. The room itself was heated, to the great comfort of the guests. This was the first time that Prince Ching has ever had foreign guests to dine at his own palace.”36 Gatherings such as this provided the required proximity to China’s imperial decision makers that Favier needed to advance his plans to restore his mission in Beijing and obtain the support necessary to secure bureaucratic approvals. Socializing with court officials appears to have enabled one of his main goals, which was to support the Roman Catholic mission by procuring a

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place at the administrative table of Qing affairs. For his part in restoring amity between the court and foreign powers after the Boxer Uprising, Favier was awarded a high administrative honor in 1902; he was decorated with the rank of “first button.”37 Being the holder of a mandarin’s official hat, especially bearing the highest level of button or finial, distinguished him as one of the most illustrious officials of the realm. As Valery Garrett puts it, “The use of hat finials and spheres meant that the rank of a mandarin could be determined at a glance,” and these hats were actually “more conspicuous than badges of rank.”38 Not only was he afforded an official sar­ torial honor, but he was also appointed to a position that empowered him to speak with court-approved authority on matters pertaining to any Christian activity in the realm. Alphonse Favier, who supervised the Catholic mission in northern China for the Holy See, was also appointed by the Qing court to function as the “religious advisor to the Chinese government” to assure “more peaceful intercourse between Christian Missions and the Chinese authorities,” according to the North China Herald.39 As the Herald described this appointment, Bishop Favier was made the chief advisor to the Qing polity, which authorized him “to hold a consultation with the Ministers of the Foreign Office [Zongli Yamen] to decide upon the modus vivendi in regard to relations between converts and non-converts so as to settle for ever any chance of further disturbances in the future.”40 That is, in all practical matters concerning Christianity in China, he was situated to exert his judgments and recommendations, even over Protestant and Orthodox affairs. By the early twentieth century, he was so embedded in the social fabric of Beijing that even the baptism of a high-profile Manchu woman who served in the retinue of the empress dowager was connected to him. No less a figure than the complex lady-in-waiting for Cixi, Yu Deling (Princess Yu Der Ling, 1885–1944), benefited from her Catholic connection to the bushybearded bishop of Beijing, Alphonse Favier. Yu Deling was the daughter of Yu Geng (d. 1905), a member of the Manchu Plain White Banner Corps who served as the Qing minister to France and Japan, so she was raised in a wellconnected and well-educated household.41 Yu Geng was among the more cosmopolitan officials who served the court, and Yu Deling studied such foreign arts as Western dance, piano, and singing.42 Yu Geng also invited Alphonse Favier to baptize all of his children in the Beitang cathedral; Yu Deling was given the baptismal name Elizabeth.43 Favier was so fond of the Yu family that he arranged for them to have an audience in Rome with Pope

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Leo XIII, where Yu Deling had a short dialogue with the pontiff while receiving his blessing. She recounts that the Pope “patted my head and told me I would be a great woman,” about which she remarked, “He was a great man, but not an especially inspired prophet.”44 Favier’s social prestige in Beijing was not limited to Western dignitaries and elite court officials, however; his status after the Boxer Uprising extended even into the immediate proximity of the emperor himself. In an excited letter to the cardinal in charge the influential Propaganda Fide, Miescelaus Ledochowski, dated 1 March 1902, Favier wrote a long and detailed account of an audience he and Bishop Jarlin had with the emperor of China. He opens his letter to the cardinal with an almost theatrical first paragraph” Your Eminence, I think it is my duty to communicate with you without any delay news that I hope will delight the heart of his holiness [the Pope]: My coadjutor and I were received in a solemn and special audience in the throne room by their majesties, the empress dowager and the emperor, on Sunday, 23 February, at ten o’clock in the morning. . . . Since the audience with Emperor Kangxi on 2 March 1721, no bishop has entered the palace.45

Favier is also eager to emphasize that his audience in the palace throne room was in part facilitated by the fact that the empress dowager held him in considerable esteem. On his way to the palace, Favier and Jarlin made a brief stop to visit his “devoted friend,” Ronglu, a high official and member of the Plain White Banner Corps along with Favier’s other friend, Yu Geng. According to his letter, Ronglu recalled that when Empress Dowager Cixi heard of a possible audience with the two bishops, she exclaimed, “Bishop Favier—certainly I will receive him, and in a special audience with the greatest pleasure.”46 He devotes several pages of his letter to recount the day of his audience with unrestrained detail, describing every stage of their progress into the throne room, even noting the placement of each person in the room and the carpet-covered table that stood between them and the emperor. Favier, true to his character, wasted no time during his imperial audience to speak of what he wanted to convey to the two most powerful persons in the empire. After thanking the Guangxu emperor and Empress Dowager

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Cixi for granting him an audience, he mentioned his appreciation for their protection of the Catholics in China, careful not to mention the Boxer catastrophe, which had just ravaged the empire’s Catholic mission. He then mentioned that the Pope himself had sent his respect to the emperor and empress dowager. The empress dowager “removed a handkerchief to daub her eyes,” so full of emotion she was, and then she offered an impassioned promise to protect Christians. Couched within her remarks, however, was an exhortation to Favier to avoid allowing bad characters into the Church. “We shall protect them, and we shall see that the peace is never again disturbed. The Chinese people are just like all other people, even those of Europe, and among such a great multitude there will always be evil people. The Catholic doctrine is excellent, and you preach it only to carry men to goodness. But in spite of all your efforts, you can encounter bad people even among Christians, people who do not follow your instruction. Choose carefully.”47 After the audience, Favier’s rank was again elevated and the court sent him an additional decoration of imperial peacock feathers for his ceremonial cap. The Protestant-leaning North China Herald published an account on the audience, emphasizing that, Cixi “has probably had more kindly feelings towards him [Favier] than to any other missionary in China, and, in consequence, has admired more the Roman than Protestant system.”48 Favier had tirelessly socialized with China’s leading voices in order to advance the Roman Catholic cause in the Qing empire, and by the time of his death in 1905 he had become more than merely “a man about town,” but rather a leading voice in the machinery of China’s political elites. FAVIER’S DE ATH AND THE LEG AC Y OF A FRENCH ARCHITEC TURE OF CON VERSION

In 1905, just after Alphonse Favier’s death in Beijing, the popular Roman Catholic daily Le pelerin featured a color image of the aging prelate in his private Beitang residence. He is wearing his Chinese-style cassock to fit in more seamlessly when traversing the alleys and main avenues of the city, but he is reading a copy of the French newspaper La croix, and is seated in a French chair beside a French table. Behind him can be seen some of the rare and valuable Chinese objets d’art that he had collected during his fortythree years in China as a French missionary.49 The accompanying obituary reveals much about how Catholic France received the news of his passing.

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Figur e 5.3. Alphonse Favier seated in his private residence at Beitang in the early months of 1905. This might be the last known photograph of Favier. Source: Congrégation de la ­Mission Archives Historiques, Paris.

Bishop Favier, the apostolic vicar of Beijing, has died. It is a great loss for the Church in China—the Church in China! This seems like an unsuitable expression, but it is, however, the expression we must use when one imagines the immense Catholic work accomplished by this enterprising and zealous bishop—the builder of cathedrals, the founder of orphanages, hospitals, and seminaries.

The accolades rendered in this obituary suggest that, given his role in the construction of a Catholic Beijing, it would have been more suitable to refer to a “Church of Favier” than a “Church of China.” “Of all our bishops,” the obit­uary continues, “Bishop Favier was the most popular”; he was “an apostle and a pioneer of French influence” in the Qing empire (fig. 5.3).50 Favier’s physical decline accelerated after a stroke in 1902. His tendency to overeat and overwork likely contributed to his failing health, and a serious case of gout made it difficult for him to walk. In a letter to a friend on 31 August 1902, Robert Hart wrote: “He was down at the big hospital he had recently built and was talking cheerily to Dr. Oninas and when saying ‘good-bye’ suddenly dropped—apoplexy, the result of gout suppressed and reaching the neighborhood of the heart I am told, and probably the beginning

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of the end.”51 As a result of his collapse, caused by a severe stroke, the right side of Favier’s body was paralyzed.52 According to Lazarist sources, his collapse occurred on 15 August 1902, after which “the hospital’s chief physician and the sisters gave him first aid and kept him in the hospital until the end of October.”53 Following this stroke, he entrusted most of his duties to his coadjutor, Bishop Jarlin. Favier had entered a slow and painful decline that continued until his death on 4 April 1905. Robert Hart’s next mention of Favier in a letter to James Campbell on 9 April 1905 describes his death and funeral Mass at Beitang: “Poor Favier died aged 68. . . . On the 7th I was at the Peitang [now in the Hsi-shih-kuN.W. corner of Imperial city] at the Favier Requiem a very grand affair.”54 An obituary announcing Favier’s death was published in the New York Times on 5 April, which included a statement exonerating him of all the charges of looting that had continued to plague him during the last five years of his life. “It turned out that the charges were baseless,” the obituary asserted, “and that, as a matter of fact, the Bishop had sold his own valuable collection of porcelains to keep the Chinese Christians from starving.”55 The North China Herald announced his passing with a sequence of compliments, concluding with a simple note: “His death means a very great loss to the Church, and a personal sorrow to the Peking community.”56 His successor, Stanislas-François Jarlin, received the personal condolences of the Qing court, and the momentum of Favier’s restoration and expansion of Catholic Beijing did not slacken its pace in the years that followed his death. That Alphonse Favier died in a hospital he had himself designed and built says much about the Catholic footprint he left behind in Beijing, and he would have perhaps been pleased that his final resting place was within his private chapel behind the apse of the cathedral he had envisioned and realized.57 His goal to convert China to Catholicism and “civilize” it with French culture may not have been accomplished, but his legacy in China’s capital city remains apparent to anyone who has studied Sino-Western exchange and has visited any of the many Christian sites that still stand in Beijing. In 1937, Furen University published a small booklet, Catholic Peking!, which features locations recommended for pilgrims to visit. An extraordinary number of these Beijing locations were commissioned, designed, or influenced by the Catholic vision of Alphonse Favier: 1. The Romanesque Revival Dongtang (East Church) was designed by Favier and erected in 1884, and an almost exact replica of his original

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structure was rebuilt in the same location in 1905 under his supervision. 2. The Sino-Gothic Revival Beitang (North Church) cathedral was designed by Favier and erected in 1897. 3. The Gothic Revival church attached to the French legations, St. Michael’s, was commissioned by and erected under Favier’s super­ vision in 1901. 4. The Sino-Renaissance Revival St. Michael’s Catholic hospital was designed by Favier and erected in 1902. 5. The Baroque Revival Nantang (South Church) was commissioned by and erected under Favier’s supervision in 1904. 6. Several small buildings and chapels belonging to the Marists, Daughters of Charity, and Josephines were commissioned by and erected under Favier’s supervision between 1901 and 1904. 7. When the Xitang (West Church) was rebuilt in 1912, it was erected in the Gothic Revival style in keeping with the architectural vision of Favier.

All but one (St. Michael’s hospital) of these edifices that bear Favier’s imprint can be seen in Beijing today. Although not all are in the Gothic style, they are Western in appearance, except his most esteemed project, Beitang, with its hybrid Sino-Gothic façade. The majority of Catholic architecture in Beijing today can be traced in some way back to this French bishop, diplomat, and architect, who left the mark of the “civilizing mission” upon the contours of late-imperial and Republican Era China. It was precisely because of the distinctly Western and largely Frenchinspired architectural legacy that Favier left behind in Beijing, an architectural legacy that was expected to convert China as well as supply venues for Catholic activities, that there have always been detractors as well as admirers of his vision of erecting Gothic churches surmounted with the Christian cross and French Tricolor. The Samist missionary Albert Sohier was among Favier’s strongest critics. Remarking on the types of young missionaries he selected to return with him to Beijing after his 1901 visit to Europe, Sohier complained that he “chose only young recruits . . . who were ‘filled with faith in the Cross and the flag of France.’”58 Even beyond Sohier’s reproaches of Favier’s pro-Gallic behaviors—Sohier himself was a Belgian—the Vatican, too, often disapproved of the Lazarist attitude of la mission civilisatrice and the French sense of ownership of the Beitang

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cathedral in Beijing. The Lazarist archive in Paris preserves a folder previously held by the French minister of foreign affairs that contains a 1948 record of a caustic interaction between the Propaganda Fide and the Lazarists over who rightly owned and controlled Beitang—the secular diocese and the Roman hierarchy or the French Lazarists and France. In this dispute, the Lazarists insisted that since “Beitang is a gift from France . . . we are obliged to prove that Beitang is ours.”59 For their part, the Roman Catholic authorities in Rome agreed with Sohier’s criticism that Favier and the French Lazarist mission were overly focused on producing an aesthetically Gallican Catholic Church in China, rather than an authentically catholic expression of Catholicism. The Chinese Communist Party, too, has been critical of Favier’s legacy, which it has historically viewed as a collaboration with the semi-colonialist aggression of France against China during the late-Qing and Republican Era. Favier’s Beijing cathedral was at first tolerated—perhaps even esteemed—by China’s new Communist government after it gained control in 1949. In a 1956 book about Beijing’s history, published by the statesponsored Foreign Language Press, the church is admiringly compared to Notre Dame cathedral in Paris and is described as “fully open for services.”60 This attitude quickly changed in 1958 during the Great Leap Forward (1958– 1962), when Beitang and its accompanying properties were confiscated by the state to be refashioned for secular public use. The entire Beitang complex was stripped of anything identifiably Christian, including the crosses that adorned the cathedral façade, and was transformed into the Number 39 Middle School.61 The cathedral nave was used as the school kitchen and cafeteria.62 Yang Jingyun has described the attitude toward Catholics and Catholic locations during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976): “The religious sentiments of Roman Catholics suffered grave indignities. The party’s policies regarding the freedom to practice one’s religious faith encountered arbitrary abuses, causing a large number of cases in which people were severely beaten, and some people even died from their mistreatment. . . . And many churches were turned into factories, school workshops, and classrooms. Countless [Catholic] structures and churches, along with their treasures, were viciously destroyed.”63 Despite the party’s enduring condemnation of Favier’s perceived involvement with French semi-colonialism in China, the Chinese government returned Beitang to Catholic use in February 1985.64

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Figur e 5.4. Two panels representing the style and theme of the newly installed stained-glass windows in the Xishiku Beitang cathedral. The left panel features the major historic Roman Cath­olic churches built in Beijing; Bei­tang is located fourth from the top. The right panel features four important persons in the history of Chinese Catholicism. The uppermost person is the architect of Beitang, Alphonse Favier, seated and holding a C ­ hinese book. Source: Anthony E. Clark Private Collection.

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Beitang’s façade was restored—more or less—to its original architectural form as a Christian church, and a grand ceremony marked the reopening of its doors as a place of worship. Whether Favier’s architecture of conversion was, in the long term, effective in China is difficult to ascertain, yet his influence upon the culture and landscape of Beijing is apparent. While recently in Beijing, I was given a tour of the Beitang restoration, which had been under way since 2015, and among the new additions to the cathedral was a stained-glass window that features an image of Bishop Favier, memorialized as one of the “great persons of China’s Catholic history”; his image appears just above the window depicting Celso Costantini, Tian Gengxin (1890–1967), and Vincent Lebbe. While discussing Beitang’s 2015 restoration project, the priest in charge, Father Matthew Zhen, informed me that one of their goals was to, as much as possible, return the church to its original appearance— that is, to look French and Gothic—while also emphasizing Beitang’s “Chinese characteristics.” Perhaps both Alphonse Favier and Vincent Lebbe would have been pleased with Father Zhen’s architectural vision (fig. 5.4). FAVIER AND THE SINO - BARBARIAN POL ARIT Y: A CONCLUSION

The impulse to convert the Other under the self-aggrandizing banners of religion and nationalism, or religious nationalism, is bidirectional. France, and the West in general, has been rightly identified as “colonialist” in the most pejorative sense of that label, but what of China? The hallowed voice of China’s most influential worldview, Confucius (Kong Fuzi, 551–479), asserted that “the barbarian Yi and Di tribes, even with rulers are none­ theless inferior to the Chinese states with no rulers.”65 That is to say, from ­Confucius’s point of view, China, even without a governing polity, remains superior to other states with a political leadership. This assumption of China’s inherent cultural superiority was unapologetically expressed in the late-imperial term “Sino-barbarian polarity” (Hua-yi zhi bian). According to this expression, the Chinese states occupy the center of the civilized world, while the barbarians occupy the unrefined and uncultivated periphery. The “Kingly Regulations” chapter in the revered Confucian text of ceremony and etiquette, The Book of Rites (Liji), asserts that the Son of Heaven, who rules the Chinese states, inhabits the civilized center, while the four cardinal directions contain savage peoples.66 Whereas the French Lazarists perhaps sought to arrogate Beijing’s landscape for the Church by means of

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naming its main churches after the four cardinal directions, China’s classical canon had claimed the entire world as cosmologically revolving around the states making up the Chinese empire. In principle, Gallo-centrism has been historically matched by Sino-centrism, and whether France, as a nation, was more or less nationalistic or narcissistic than China, or any other modern nation state, is arguable. But China did not send missionaries to France to erect towering Chinese structures with sloped roofs and Chinese design elements to stand in cultural competition with the indigenous styles of France. Among the abiding effects of Favier’s missionary work in China was a clash of two civilizations that nuanced and engendered what it means to be “civilized” and what it means to be a “nation.” “French” and “Catholic” cannot be easily separated in discussions of the French Catholic mission to China. French nationalism was displayed in a muscular visual fashion in the Gothic Revival architecture of Alphonse Favier. The Gothic weight that Beitang impressed upon its neighboring structures served as an example of Western nationalism—a striking manifestation of one nation asserting its distinction, if not dominance, over another nation. Favier’s architecture served to fuel China’s sense of self as one nation-state in rivalry with other nation-states in part because the Gothic towers of his monumental Beitang cathedral broadcasted his aspi­ ration to convert China to a more “civilized” culture and religion. China’s political and cultural elites were compelled to recognize that a non-Asian society viewed itself as superior to China, and to formulate their own nationalistic response to affirm China’s own cultural authority. The old Sino-barbarian polarity of China’s classical age could no longer maintain its intellectual currency in an era in which its capital city was increasingly marked by Catholic towers and foreign legations. Favier was a significant component in the attempted conversion of China, but perhaps in areas beyond the domains of culture and religion. In their study of late-Qing Chinese views of the West, Hao Yen-p’ing and Wang Erh-min note the internal opposition between the two dominant forms of anti-foreignism that merged into Chinese nationalism during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries: Although anti-foreignism had its roots deep in the early history of China’s relations with the outside world, it did not become a significant force to reckon with until after 1860 when Western pressures intensified. There was

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a wide spectrum of anti-foreignism. On the one hand, there were those who hated foreigners but did not object to the emulation of the West in order to fight back. On the other hand, some were indiscriminately opposed to everything foreign, be it Christianity or modern technology.67

Hao and Wang do not make this connection in their study, but 1860 corresponds with the era of intensification of the French Catholic mission in China and marks the time immediately prior to Favier’s arrival in Beijing. The French mission was a prevailing factor in the outcomes of this bifurcated Chinese anxiety. With the dominance of Western trade networks in treaty ports after the second Opium War and the rising presence of missionary compounds throughout the entire empire, especially in Beijing, Sino-centrism slowly diminished. The adamant opponents of “everything foreign” were relegated to the margins while those who supported modernization (that is, Westernization) began to control decision-making. While Favier’s Gothic towers were rising in Beijing’s skyline, “the emergence of a national consciousness began”—a consciousness that precipitated a more Western-inspired notion of “national sovereignty” and a “balance of power” between what we today understand to be “nation states.”68 As China’s literati observed the West’s diplomatic and ecclesial ascent in the last decades of the Qing and into the Republican Era, a sense of urgency in defining and implementing “civilization” occupied their writings and discussions. By 1925, nationalist Chinese periodicals such as the China Pictorial (Guohuabao) published complaints directed squarely at “Western style structures” built by missionaries, and it was argued that the emerging plea for “civilization” in China also attempted to liberate China from aesthetically Western models.69 How to manifest this ideal remained elusive to China’s intellectual class. Few words appear today on Chinese billboards and banners more often than “civilization,” or wenming. The Hong Kong scholar of cultural exchange Chen Hon Fai begins his 2017 book Civilizing the Chinese, Competing with the West with a quote by the famous Shanghai writer Zhang Ailing (Eileen Chang, 1920–1995) that is a fitting conclusion for this study of the impact of Alphonse Favier on late-imperial China: “Even if the individual can wait, time is in a hurry, it is in the midst of destruction, and greater destruction will come. One day our civilization (wenming), whether sublime or super­ ficial, will be a thing of the past.”70 Zhang’s anxiety was precipitated by what she observed in Republican Era Shanghai, which seemed to her to be the

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imminent and irreversible erasure of her own traditional Chinese culture under the weight and forceful effect of modernity, which looked Western. In Beijing, this mania for ­modernization—​­Westernization—was also advancing at a hurried pace. The new mayor of Beijing (or Beiping, as it was known at the time) in 1933, Yuan Liang (1882–1953), was determined to compete with the West on its own terms, and resolved to transform the capital city into a “modernized metropolis of the world.” 71 While Yuan Liang did not mindlessly demolish Beijing’s traditional structures, he did wish to express a form of Chinese nationalism that was clearly influenced by its Western predecessor, exemplified in such buildings as Favier’s Gothic cathedral, which was a short distance from Yuan’s office.72 Alphonse Favier, however, had been less concerned with nationalism as a form of cultural pride and empowerment than in the ambitions of his religious mission. He was first and foremost a priest and a missionary, and among his most heartfelt exclamations was his disappointment that he did not die a martyr in China during the Boxer Uprising. To be a martyr means to be a “witness,” and he regretted that his greatest legacy, that of serving as a witness for his religious faith, was not realized during the dramatic siege of his Gothic cathedral in 1900. But in the end, his architecture of con­version continues to exhibit another kind of witness, one that China still confronts.

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CH I N ES E CH A R AC TE R G LOSS A RY

Ba Xiali 巴夏禮 (Harry Smith Parkes) Bai Jin 白晉 (Joachim Bouvet) Bai Luonei 伯洛內 (Henry de Bellonet) Bai Zhenduo 白振鐸 (Géraud Bray) Bai’erdemi 柏爾德密 (Jules-FrançoisGustave Berthemy) Bainiao Tang 百鳥堂 baiyushi 白玉石 Bao Nale 寶納樂 (Claude MacDonald) Bao Rulue 包儒略 (Jules Bruguière) Bao Shijie 包世杰 (Jean-Marie Planchet) Bayi pian 八佾篇 Beidi 北狄 Beitang 北堂 Bi Sheng 畢盛 (Stéphen-Jean-Marie Pichon) Bi Xueyuan 畢學源 (Gaetan Pirès-Pereira) Bo Lante 勃蘭特 (Max von Brandt) Bu Lang 布朗 (Arthur Judson Brown)

De Lige 德理格 (Theodorico Pedrini) Dong Wenxue 董文學 (Jean-Gabriel Perboyre) Dong Wenxue 董文學 (Pasquale d’Addosio) Dongergou 洞兒溝 Dongjiaominxiang 東交民巷 Dongtang 東堂 Dongyi 東夷 Du Shiliang 都士良 (Jean-Baptiste Sarthou) Dun Yuehan 敦約翰 (John George Dunn) E Erjin 額爾金 (Lord Elgin/James Bruce)

Canchikou 蝅池口 Chen Guorui 陳國瑞 Chijian Tianzhutang 敕建天主堂 Chonghou 崇厚 Cixi 慈禧

Fan Guoliang 樊國梁 (Pierre Marie Alphonse Favier) Feng Daya 豐大亞 (Henri Fontanier) Fu Erde 福爾德 (Father Francis X. Ford) Fu Laiming 弗萊明 (Peter Fleming) Fu Lei 弗雷 (Henri-Nicolas Frey) Fu Qing mieyang 扶清滅洋 Fu Shengze 傅聖澤 (Jean-François Foucquet) Furen (Fu Jen) 輔仁

Dagongbao 大公報 Dai Jishi 戴濟世 (François-Ferdinand Tagliabue) dao 道 Daoguang 道光 daotai 道台 De Cuilin 德璀琳 (Gustav Detring)

Gang Hengyi 剛恆毅 (Celso Costantini) Ge Sini 葛斯尼 (Adelbert Gresnigt) Gong Qinwang 恭親王 Gu Qiwei 顧其衛 (Jules-Auguste Coqset) Guangxu 光緒 Guanyin Pusa 觀音菩薩 Guohuabao 國畫報

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C h i n e s e C h a r a c t e r G lo ss a r y

Han Erli 韓爾禮 (George Alfred Henty) He Gengbai 和羹柏 (Alphonse De Moerloose) Hede 赫德 (Robert Hart) Hong Ruohan 洪若翰 (Jean de Fonteney) Houmen 後門 Hua-Yi zhi bian 華夷之辨

Menggao Weinuo 孟高維諾 (Giovanni da Montecorvino) Mie Qing, jiaoyang, xing Han 滅清剿 洋興漢 Ming 明 Mo Lixun 莫理循 (George Ernest Morrison)

Jin Denggan 金登幹 (James Duncan Campbell)

Nan Huairen 南懷仁 (Ferdinand Verbiest) Nanman 南蠻 Nantang 南堂

Kaiping 開平 Kangxi 康熙 Ke Teman 柯特曼 (Robert Coltman) Kong Fuzi 孔夫子 (Confucius) Kong Zhujiao 孔主教 (Bishop Kong/­ Florent Daguin) Lan Dao 蘭道 (Arnold Henry Savage Landor) Lang Shining 郎世寧 (Giuseppe Castiglione) langan 欄杆 Lei Mingyuan 雷鳴遠 (Vincent Lebbe) Li Hongzhang 李鴻章 Li Madou 利瑪竇 (Matteo Ricci) Li Mei 李梅 (Victor-Gabriel Lemaire) Libaitang 禮拜堂 Lin Maode 林懋德 (Stanislas-François Jarlin) Lin Yutang 林語堂 Liu Dapeng 劉大鵬 Liu Ying 劉應 (Claude de Visdelou) Long Anguo 龍安國 (Antonio de Barros) Lou Feidi 鏤斐迪 (Frederick F. Low) Ma Lige 馬理格 (Gédéon Marécaux) Ma Zhenyuan 馬振元 (Paul-Joseph Marty) Mei Shiji 梅士吉 (Auguste-Pierre-Henri Maes) Meiguo gui 美國檜 Meng Zhensheng 孟振生 (Joseph-Martial Mouly)

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Qing 清 Ronglu 榮祿 Sheng Ruohan xian Tianzhu er yun 聖若 翰先天主而孕 Shi Alan 旋阿蘭 (Auguste Gérard) Shu 蜀 Shu Han 蜀漢 Shunzhi 順治 Sima Yi 司馬懿 Songuo yanyi 三國演義 Tan Weidao 譚衛道 (Jean Pierre Armond David) Tang Ruowang 湯若望 (Johann Adam Schall von Bell) Tian Bei 田貝 (Charles Denby) Tian Gengxin 田耕莘 Tian Jiabi 田嘉壁 (Louis-Gabriel Delaplace) Tianzhutang 天主堂 tingzi 亭子 Tongzhi 同治 Tushanwan 土山灣 Wa Dexi 瓦德西 (Alfred von Waldersee) Wa yan qu xin 挖眼取心 Wang San 王三 Wanghailou 望海樓 Wangzhi 王制 Wanyou zhenyuan 萬有真元

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C h i n e s e C h a r a c t e r G lo ss a r y

Wei 魏 Wei Jialu 衛嘉禄 (Charles de Belleville) Wei Yuan 魏源 wenming 文明 Woguo 我國 Wu Lanzhen 武蘭珍 Wu Wensheng 吳文生 (Vincent Ou) Xi’anmen 西安門 Xicheng 西城 Xie Fuyin 謝福音 (Claude-Marie Chevrier) Xirong 西戎 Xishiku 西什庫 Xitang 西堂 Xiyuan 西苑 Xizhimen 西直門 Xu Dexin 徐德新 (Gabriel-Taurin Dufresse) Xuanhua 宣化 Xujiahui 徐家匯 Yangjiaping 楊家坪 Yikuang 奕劻

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Ying Lianzhi 英斂之 Yixin 奕訢 Yongzheng 雍正 Yu Chunbi 于純璧 (Alphonse Hubrecht) Yu Deling 裕德齡 (Yu Der Ling) Yu Geng 裕庚 Yuan 元 Yuan Liang 袁良 Yuanmingyuan 圓明園 Zhalan 柵欄 Zhang Cheng 張誠 (Jean-François Gerbillion) Zhang Zhidong 張之洞 Zhao 趙 Zhen Xuebin 甄雪斌 Zhengfusi 正福寺 Zhengyici 正義次 Zhili 直隸 Zhu Jie 朱杰 Zhuge Liang 諸葛亮 Zizhulin jiaotang 紫竹林教堂 Zongli Yamen 總理衙門

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N OTES

Foreword 1. Although Loth and Sadler focus on Gothic Revival architecture in the United States, the opening sections of their book survey the eighteenth-century European sources for the appropriateness of Gothic architecture. See Calder Loth and Julius Trous­ dale Sadler, The Only Proper Style: Gothic Architecture in America (Boston: New York Graphic Society, 1975). 2. This notion is arguable, but certainly those churches that were initiated after 1790 tended to be in the more favored French Academic classical idiom, which was seen as expressing more rational formal and structural ideals. 3. Because of the many film versions of Hugo’s novel, it is easy to think of the book as just a fictional romance. But in fact, Hugo was deeply concerned about the degradation of the building, and much of the text is focused on the physical structure of the church. Book 5, section 2, is devoted entirely to architectural issues, and how the sculpture and stained glass in Gothic churches were critical in conveying the messages of the Bible. 4. The Commission on Historic Monuments is still very active in France, and, as of the start of 2009, had more than forty-three thousand monuments listed. 5. For the impact of Viollet-le-Duc, see both the earlier sketch of his work in Sir John Summerson, Heavenly Mansions and Other Essays on Architecture (London: Cresset Press, 1948), as well as Georges Poisson and Olivier Poisson, Eugène Viollet-le-Duc (Paris: Picard, 2014). 6. Although Bishop Favier would not directly emulate Sainte Clotilde, another mission church was built in China during his years there that he must certainly have known about: the cathedral of the Sacred Heart of Jesus, built of granite in Guangzhou in 1861–1884, from designs by Léon Vautrin of Nancy, France, together with Charles Hyacinthe Humbert and Antoine Hermitte. In this case, only the façade is based directly on Sainte Clotilde, while the rest of the church is based on the late medieval cathedral church of Saint-Étienne in Toul, France. 7. From Irwin Panofsky’s translation, revised, printed in Gerda Panofsky-Soergel, ed., Abbot Suger on the Abbey Church of St.-Denis and Its Art Treasures, 2nd ed. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979), 105. 8. The term “Indochina” was coined and promoted by European geographers to denote that area that lay between the two dominant cultural influences of the region, especially in native religious influence: India to the west and China to the east.

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9. Anthony E. Clark and Amanda C. Roth Clark, “Building for the Senses: A Resurgence of Sacred Architecture in China,” Journal of the Institute for Sacred Architec­ ture 25 (2014): 10–18. Preface 1. Quoted in Isidor Schneider, The Enlightenment: The Culture of the Eighteenth Century (New York: George Braziller, 1965), 28. 2. World, 15 November 1993. 3. See Pierre-Marie-Alphonse Favier, The Heart of Pekin: Bishop Favier’s Diary of the Siege, May–August 1900, ed. J. Freri (Boston: Marlier & Co., 1901). Introduction 1. Joseph Van den Brandt, Les Lazaristes en Chine 1697–1935: Notes bibliographiques (Beijing: Imprimerie des Lazaristes, 1936), 65–66. 2. Charles de Mutrécy, Journal de la compagne de Chine, 2nd ed. (Paris: Dentu, 1862), 58. 3. Dai Xuanzhi, Yihetuan yanjiu [Research on the Society of Righteous Harmony] (Taipei: Wenhai chubanshe, 1964), 103. 4. Edward Gibbon, The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (Norwalk, CT: Easton Press, 1946), 5: 2362. 5. Nicolas Standaert, The Interweaving of Rituals: Funerals in the Cultural Exchange between China and Europe (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2008), 7. 6. For a general description of Christian architecture in China, which includes mention of several French Catholic structures, see Gu Weimin, Jidu zongjiao yishu zai Hua fazhan shi [A history of the progression of Christian art in China]. Shanghai: Shanghai shudian chubanshe, 2005), especially pp. 212–87. 7. See Zhang Li, Sichuan Yihetuan yundong [The Boxer movement at Sichuan] (Chengdu: Sichuansheng shehui kexueyuan chubanshe, 1882), 34–47. 8. See Philip C. Huang, “Biculturality in Modern China and in Chinese Studies,” Modern China, 26, no. 1 (January 2000): 3. 9. There are several studies on the French diplomatic presence in China and nineteenthcentury imperialism that offer important information about China’s late-imperial encounter with Western expressions of nationalism, including Lloyd Eastman, Throne and Mandarins: China’s Search for a Policy during the Sino-French Controversy, 1880– 1885 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1967), and Stephen R. Halsey, Quest for Power: European Imperialism and the Making of Chinese Statecraft (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2015). 10. Quoted in Christopher Heath Wellman, A Theory of Secession: The Case for Political Self-Determination (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 100. Gustave Flaubert shares Einstein’s opinion in his assertion: “Je ne suis pas plus moderne qu’ancien, pas plus Français que Chinois, et l’idée de la patrie c’est-à-dire l’obligation où l’on est de vivre sur un coin de terre marqué en rouge ou en bleu sur la carte et de

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détester les autres coins en vert ou en noir m’a paru toujours étroite, bornée et d’une stupidité féroce.” Gustave Flaubert, Correspondence (1830–1850) (Paris: BibliotèqueCharpentier, 1907), 1: 137. 11. See Peter Fleming, The Siege at Peking (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1983). 12. Victor Purcell, The Boxer Uprising: A Background Study (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963), viii. 13. See Robert Coltman, Beleaguered in Peking: The Boxer’s War against the Foreigner (Philadelphia: F.A. Davis, 1901), and Arnold Henry Savage Landor, China and the Allies (London: William Heinemann, 1901). 14. George Alfred Henty, With the Allies to Pekin: A Story of the Relief of the Legations (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1903). 15. See Jian Bozan et al., Yihetuan [The Boxers], 4 vols. (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1957. 16. Li Renkai and Jiang Wenying, Zhili Yihetuan yundong yu shehui xintai [Social mentality of the Boxer movement in Zhili] (Baoding: Hebei jiaoyu chubanshe, 2001). 17. See Li Di (Li Wenyu), Quan huoji [Record of the Boxer calamities], vol. 2 (Shanghai: Shanghai tushanwan yinshuguan, 1909). 18. See Jean-Marie Planchet, Documents sur les martyrs de Pékin pendant la persécution des Boxeurs (Beijing: Imprimerie des Lazaristes, 1922–1923). 19. Ernest P. Young, Ecclesiastical Colony: China’s Catholic Church and the French Reli­ gious Protectorate (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 6. 20. Peter J. Fleming, “Chosen for China: The California Province Jesuits in China, 1928– 1957: A Case Study in Mission and Culture.” PhD diss., Graduate Theological Union, Berkeley, 1987. 21. William T. Rowe, China’s Last Empire: The Great Qing (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009), 231–32. The definitive discussion of nationalism and imperialism, from both a Marxist and non-Marxist interpretive view, is Benedict A ­ nderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983). See especially chapters 3 and 6 in Anderson’s work. 22. Rowe, China’s Last Empire, 253. 23. Rowe, China’s Last Empire, 253. 24. See Paul A. Varg, Missionaries, Chinese, and Diplomats: The American Protestant Movement in China, 1890–1952 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1958). 25. Varg, Missionaries, Chinese, and Diplomats, 180. 26. Varg, Missionaries, Chinese, and Diplomats, 181. 27. See Yang Jingyun, Beijing Tianzhujiao shi [A History of Roman Catholicism in Beijing] (Beijing: Zongjiao wenhua chubanshe, 2009), especially pp. 87–90. Also see Karl Josef Rivinius, Im Spannungsfeld von Mission und Politik: Johann Baptist Anzer (1851–1903), Bischof von Süd-Shandong (Nettetal, Germany: Steyler Verlag, 2010); and Fritz Bornemann, Johann Baptist Anzer bis zur Ankunft in Shantung, 1880 (Rome: Apud Collegium Verbi Divini, 1977). 28. Only a small folder of loose sheets detailing the major events of Favier’s early life is kept at the main archive at the Motherhouse of the Congregation of the Mission. See

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Congrégation de la Mission Archives Historiques (hereafter CMAH), “FAVIER, Pierre-Marie-Alphonse,” dossier. For a précis of the life of Saint Vincent de Paul and the founding of the Congregation of the Mission, see The Catholic Encyclopedia 10 (New York: Robert Appleton, 1911), 10: 357–67. 29. Claude Courtépée, Description générale et particulière du Duché de Bourgogne (Dijon: Chez V. Lagier, 1847–1848), 1: 214. 30. T. de Bellaroche, “Le R. P. Favier: Missionnaire à Péking,” Le Voleur (3November 1887). 31. See Van den Brandt, Lazaristes en Chine, 321. 32. For a general history of the founding of the Daughters of Charity, see Charles Malo, Les Soeurs de la Charite, ou beautés de l’histoire des dames, soeurs ou filles de la charité (Paris: L. Janet, 1825). 33. Edmond Crapez, Venerable Sister Catherine Labouré (London: Burns & Oats, 1920), 45–46. 34. Alistair Horne, Seven Ages of Paris (New York: Vintage, 2002), 218. 35. Jeremy Clarke, The Virgin Mary and Catholic Identities in Chinese History (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2013), 76. Also see Jean-Paul Wiest, “Marian Devotion and the Development of a Chinese Christian Art,” in From Antoine Thomas, S.J., to Celso Costantini: Multi-Aspect Studies on Christianity in Modern China, ed. Ku Wei-ying and Zhao Xiaoyang (Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press, 2011), especially pp. 189–92. 36. Thomas Davitt, “John Gabriel Perboyre,” Colloque 6 (Fall 1982): 37. Also see Life of Blessed John Gabriel Perboyre: Priest of the Congregation of the Mission, Martyred in China, September 11th, 1840 (Baltimore: John Murphy & Co., 1894); G. de Montgesty [pseud. Gabriel Larigaldie], Two Vincentian Martyrs: Blessed Francis Regis Clet, C.M., Blessed John Gabriel Perboyre, C.M., trans. Florence Gilmore (Maryknoll, NY: Catholic Foreign Mission Society of America, 1925); and André Sylvestre, CM, JeanGabriel Perboyre: Prêtre de la mission, martyr en Chine (Moissac, 1994). 37. See Martin Schneider, “Fondation royale et temple des arts: L’eglise Notre-Dame-desVictoires à Paris,” in Place des Victoires: Histoire, architecture, societé, ed. Isabelle Dubois, Alexandre Gady, and Hendrik Ziegler (Paris: Maison des sciences de l’homme, 2003). 38. For an account of the early years of the Jesuit order, see John W. O’Malley, The First Jesuits (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993), especially chapter 1. 39. Jean-Pierre Charbonnier, Christians in China: A.D. 600–2000, trans. M. N. L. Couve de Murville (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 2002), 236. 40. See Pierre-Marie-Alphonse Favier, Péking: Histoire et description (Lille: Desclée de Brouwer, 1900), 269–70. Translated in Arnulf Camps, “The Chinese Martyrs among the 120 Martyrs of China, Canonized on the 1st of October 2000,” ed. Rachel Lu Yan and Philip Vanhaelemeersch Silent Force: Native Converts in the Catholic China Mission (Leuven: Ferdinand Verbiest Institute, 2009), 528–29. 41. See Raymond Deville and Agnes Cunningham, The French School of Spirituality: An Introduction and Reader (Pittsburgh: Duquesne University Press, 1994). 42. See Robin Briggs, Early Modern France 1560–1715, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford Univer­ sity Press, 1998). I am grateful to Lan Ngo, SJ, whom I met at the University of Oxford,

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for his insights into the French Dévot movement, which he expertly describes in his dissertation. Lan Ngo, “Nguyen-Catholic History (1770s–1890s) and the Gestation of Vietnamese Catholic National Identity,” PhD diss., Georgetown University, Washington, DC, 2016. 43. Louis Châtellier, The Europe of the Devout: The Catholic Reformation and the For­ mation of a New Society, trans. Jean Birrell (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 73–74. Again, I thank Lan Ngo for this reference. See the Office des morts avec les funérailles et du jour de la commémoration des défunts (Turnhout: H. Proost, 1929). 44. See John McManners, Church and Society in Eighteenth-Century France. Vol. 2., The Religion of the People and the Politics of Religion (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 335–36. 45. Gabriel-Taurin Dufresse, Synodus vicariatus sutchuensis habita in districtu civitatis Tçong King Tcheo (Rome: Propaganda Fide, 1803). Also see Pierre Jeanne, “The Early Church of the Sichuan Province: A Case Study of Conditions Leading to the Synod of 1803,” trans. T. le Blanc and P. Barry, Tripod 15 (1983). 46. Dufresse, Synodus vicariatus sutchuensis, 76–77. 47. For information about Joseph-Martial Mouly, see Jean-Marie Planchet, Histoire de la Mission de Pékin (Paris, 1925), 2: 150–51. 48. Bernard Scott, “Père Jean Pierre Armond David, CM,” Oceania vincentian 5 (Septem­ ber 2004): 58. 49. “Favier, Pierre-Marie-Alphonse,” dossier, CMAH; Scott, “Père Jean Pierre Armond David, CM,” 59. Some of Scott’s dates do not match those located in the Favier dossier in the CMAH. 50. See Jane Kilpatrick, Fathers of Botany: The Discovery of Chinese Plants by European Missionaries (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2014), 25–26. 51. See Kilpatrick, Fathers of Botany, especially chapters 3, 4, and 5. 52. Bellaroche, “Le R. P. Favier.” 53. “Favier, Pierre-Marie-Alphonse,” dossier, CMAH. Also see Scott, “Père Jean Pierre Armond David, CM,” 59–60. 54. Young, Ecclesiastical Colony, 60. 55. For further reading on this account see Li, Quan huoji, 2: 26. Chapter 1: The Civilizing Mission 1. Rowe, China’s Last Empire, 73. 2. Quoted in Timothy C. Weiskel, “Mission Civilisatrice,” Wilson Quarterly 12, no. 4 (Fall 1988): 99. For more examples of Louis Gustave Binger’s xenophobic remarks about the Ivory Coast, see his diary, Du Niger au golfe de Guinée par le pays de Kong et le Mossi [From the Niger to the Gulf of Guinea though the land of the Kong and the Mossi] (Paris: Librairie Hachette, 1892); see especially the opening pages. 3. Quoted in Weiskel, “Mission Civilisatrice,” 99. 4. Mathew Burrows, “‘Mission Civilisatrice’: French Cultural Policy in the Middle East, 1860–1914,” Historical Journal 29, no. 1 (March 1986): 109.

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5. Henri-Joseph Leroy, En Chine au Tché-ly S.-E.: Une mission d’après les missionnaires (Lille: Desclée de Brouwer, 1900), 424–25. 6. Leroy, En Chine au Tché-ly S.-E, 411. 7. Leroy, En Chine au Tché-ly S.-E, 411. For a survey of the French Protectorate in China, see H. M. Cole, “Origins of the French Protectorate over Catholic Missions in China,” American Journal of International Law 34, no. 3 (July 1940): 473–91. 8. See G. Pélissé du Rausa, Le régime des capitulations, 2 vols. (Paris: Arthur Rousseau, 1905). 9. Bulletin de l’œuvre des écoles de l’orient, no. 1 (November 1857): 8. 10. From 1856 until 1946, twelve Lazarist bishops benefited under the shield of the French Protectorate: Joseph Mouly, Florent Daguin, Jean Anouilh, Edmond-François Guirry, Louis Gabriel Delaplace, François Tagliabue, Jean-Baptise Sarthou, Alphonse Favier, Stanislas Jarlin, Jean de Vienne, Joseph Fabrègue, and Paul Montaigne. See Wei Tsing-sing, La Saint-Siege et la Chine (Paris: Éditions A. Allais, 1968), 314–15. 11. Burrows, “Mission Civilisatrice,” 117. 12. For a protracted discussion of the French dominance of world Catholic missions, see A. Kannengieser, Les missions catholiques: France et Allemagne (Paris: P. Lethielleux, 1900). 13. Catholic Encyclopedia, 12: 461. 14. Burrows, “Mission Civilisatrice,” 119. 15. Quoted in AnnalesCM, vol. 45 (1880), 244. 16. Quoted in AnnalesCM, vol. 49 (1884), 594. 17. Quoted in AnnalesCM, vol. 62 (1898), 88–90. 18. Quoted in Jean-Paul Wiest, “Catholic Activities in Kwantung Province and Chinese Responses.” PhD diss., University of Washington, Seattle, 1977, 36. 19. Alphonse Favier to Jean-Baptiste Étienne, 7 April 1862, CMAH. Also in AnnalesCM, vol. 28 (1863), 201–3. 20. Alphonse Favier to Jean-Baptiste Étienne, 12 January 1864, CMAH. Also in AnnalesCM, vol. 30 (1865), 499–501. 21. Alphonse Favier to Jean-Baptiste Étienne, 20 January 1865, CMAH. Also in AnnalesCM, vol. 30 (1865), 502. 22. Alphonse Favier to the Conseil central de l’Œuvre de la Sainte-Enfance, 25 January 1866, CMAH. 23. R. G. Tiedemann, Reference Guide to Christian Missionary Societies in China: From the Sixteenth to the Twentieth Century (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 2009), 251. Also see Alain Sauret, “China’s Role in the Foundation and and Development of the Pontifical Society of the Holy Childhood,” in Historiography of the Chinese Catholic Church: Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, ed. Jeroom Heyndrickx (Leuven: Ferdinand Verbiest Foundation, 1994). 24. For the history of the Holy Childhood Association see the periodical Annales de l’oeuvre de la Sainte Enfance, and Paul Lesourd, Histoire générale de l’Oeuvre Ponti­ ficale de la Sainte-Enfance depuis un siècle (Paris: Centre Catholique International de Documentation et de Statistiques, 1947).

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25. See Manuel de l’Oeuvre de la Sainte-Enfance (Paris: l’Oeuvre de la Sainte-Enfance, 1883), 5. 26. Musée des Familles: Lectures du soir, no.16 (1848–1849): 213–14. The illustration and a translation of the caption are in Henrietta Harrison, “A Penny for the Little Chinese: The French Holy Childhood Association in China, 1843–1951,” American Historical Review, 113, no. 1 (February 2008): 73–74. 27. Alphonse Favier to M. Devin, Visitor of the Province of Constantinople, 10 July 1866, CMAH. Also in AnnalesCM, vol. 32 (1867), 515–16. 28. Alphonse Favier to M. Devin, Visitor of the Province of Constantinople, 10 July 1866, CMAH. Also in AnnalesCM, vol. 32 (1867), 517–22. 29. Quoted in Henry Mazeau, The Heroine of Pe-Tang: Hélene de Juarias, Sister of Charity (1824–1900) (New York: Benzinger, 1928), 114. 30. Alphonse Favier to M. Devin, Visitor of the Province of Constantinople, 10 July 1866, CMAH. Also in AnnalesCM, vol. 32 (1867), 517–22. 31. Alphonse Favier to Bishop Guirry, 25 March 1869, CMAH. Also in AnnalesCM, vol. 34 (1869), 536–38. 32. For a description of the foreign presence in Tianjin during the late Qing and Republican Era that includes a précis on the 1870 attack against the Lazarist mission, see Robert Nield, China’s Foreign Places: The Foreign Presence in China in the Treaty Port Era, 1840–1943 (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2015), especially pp. 235–52. 33. See “Les massacres en Chine,” Le petit journal, supplément illustré (19 December 1891): 8. 34. Paul A. Cohen, China and Christianity: The Missionary Movement and the Growth of Chinese Antiforeignism, 1860–1870 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1963), 229. 35. Yu Xueyun, ed., Tianjin lao jiaotang [The old churches of Tianjin] (Tianjin: Tianjin renmin chubanshe, 2005), 5. In 1870, an epidemic broke out in the orphanage that killed a large number of the children, which the sisters, according to local accounts, “perfunctorily buried” in shallow graves later ravaged by dogs. As expected, this stirred indignation against the Catholic missionaries. 36. Frederick F. Low, “Dispatch to the Department of State, 27 July 1870,” quoted in Wu Chao-kwang, The International Aspect of the Missionary Movement in China (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1930), 147–48. 37. The short Chinese phrase “Wa yan qu xin” was used to describe what was believed to happen with the children taken in by the Catholic missionaries. Yu, Tianjin lao jiaotang, 6. It was rumored that the sisters produced special medicines, or even opium concoctions, and sold these for profit. See David E. Mungello, Drowning Girls in China: Female Infanticide since 1650 (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2008), 58. 38. For an account of the 1870 Tianjin incident from a Lazarist perspective, see Maurice Collard, Les martyrs de Tien-Tsin (Paris: A. Giraudon, 1926). 39. See John King Fairbank, “Behind the Patterns of the Tientsin Massacre,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 20, no. 3/4 (December 1957): 507.

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40. Fairbank, “Behind the Patterns of the Tientsin Massacre,” 495. 41. Yu, Tianjin lao jiaotang, 6. 42. Alphonse Hubrecht, Les martyrs de Tientsin (21 Juin 1870) (Beijing: Impremerie des Lazaristes, 1928), 164. 43. Hubrecht, Les martyrs de Tientsin, 165. 44. See Henri Cordier, Histoire des relations de la Chine avec les puissances occidentals (Paris: Félix Algan, 1901), 1: 352–53. 45. See Chonghou’s report to the Zongli Yamen for the Chinese account, quoted in Wu, The International Aspect of the Missionary Movement in China, 150–51. For the view commonly provided in Western sources, see The Tientsin Massacre, Being Docu­ ments Published in the Shanghai Evening Courier, from June 16th to Sept. 10th, 1870 (Shanghai: A. H. de Carvalho, 1870), xv. 46. For a full accounting, see Cohen, China and Christianity, 233. 47. For Favier’s protracted description see Alphonse Favier to the Director of the Association of the Holy Childhood, 1 November 1872, CMAH. Also in AnnalesCM, vol. 37 (1872), 206–8. 48. Alphonse Favier to the Director of the Association of the Holy Childhood, 1 November 1872, CMAH. Also in AnnalesCM, vol. 37 (1872), 208. 49. Alphonse Favier’s letter to the Holy Childhood in Paris turns to a rather dramatic description of what happened to the French nuns; see Alphonse Favier to the Director of the Association of the Holy Childhood, 1 November 1872, CMAH. Also in AnnalesCM, vol. 37 (1872), 208–9. 50. An article in the New York Times vividly described their deaths; “At Tien-Tsin June 21, 1870,” New York Times, 1 July 1900. 51. The institution of Chinese laywomen who served the local missions, called “Chinese Virgins,” was founded in Sichuan in 1744 by the the French clergy of the Paris Foreign Mission Society, or the Missions Étrangères de Paris (MEP). See Jean-Paul Wiest, “The Making of a Chinese Church: As Lived by Chinese Christians,” in Chi­ na’s Christianity: From Missionary to Indigenous Church, ed. Anthony E. Clark (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 262. 52. Further details are elaborated upon in Alphonse Favier to the Director of the Association of the Holy Childhood, 1 November 1872, CMAH. Also in AnnalesCM, vol. 37 (1872), 210–13. 53. Henry Norman, The Peoples and Politics of the Far East: Travels and Studies in the British, French, Spanish and Portuguese Colonies, Siberia, China, Japan, Korea, Siam and Malaya (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1895), 279–80. 54. “Favier, Pierre-Marie-Alphonse,” dossier, CMAH. 55. See Pierre-Marie-Alphonse Favier, Péking: Histoire et description (Beijing: Impri­ merie des Lazaristes du Pé-t’ang, 1897). This work, which was reprinted in Lille and Paris, was printed at the printing press established by Favier in the cathedral compound at Beitang. It included 660 engravings, and was at the time of its printing the most meticulous and comprehensive history of Beijing available in a Western language.

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56. For a history and description of the Qing agency in charge of foreign relations, the Zongli Yamen, see Masataka Banno, China and the West, 1868–1861: The Origins of the Tsungli Yamen (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1964). 57. Alphonse Favier to the Superior General of the Congregation of the Mission, 25 December 1896, CMAH. Also in AnnalesCM, vol. 62 (1897), 222. 58. Alphonse Favier to the Superior General of the Congregation of the Mission, 25 December 1896, CMAH. Also in AnnalesCM, vol. 62 (1897), 231. 59. Alphonse Favier to the Superior General of the Congregation of the Mission, 25 December 1896, CMAH. Also in AnnalesCM, vol. 62 (1897), 223. 60. Alphonse Favier to the Superior General of the Congregation of the Mission, 25 December 1896, CMAH. Also in AnnalesCM, vol. 62 (1897), 223. 61. Alphonse Favier to the Superior General of the Congregation of the Mission, 25 December 1896, CMAH. Also in AnnalesCM, vol. 62 (1897), 224. 62. For the entire account of these events and the official edicts of protection, see Alphonse Favier to the Superior General of the Congregation of the Mission, 25 December 1896, CMAH. Also in AnnalesCM, vol. 62 (1897), 224–31. 63. For a description of how missionary vicariates were structured during the late Qing in China, see Leo Desmet, “Organization and Recent Work of the Catholic Mis­ sions in China,” Journal of Race Development 3, no. 4 (April 1913): 457–66, especially pp. 457–59. 64. Segretaria di Stato (1900), rubr. 242, fasc. 5, p. 66, recto, ASV. 65. Segretaria di Stato (1900), rubr. 242, fasc. 5, p. 66, recto, ASV. 66. Segretaria di Stato (1900), rubr. 242, fasc. 5, p. 66, verso, ASV. 67. Young, Ecclesiastical Colony, 3. For Favier’s collaboration with the French authorities in Tianjin after 1870, see “Note relative au Consulate du Tien Tsin et à la legation de Peking,” dossier, 163–20, Pékin, 11, I, CMAH. 68. Alphonse Favier to the Superior General of the Congegration of the Mission, 25 June 1897, CMAH. Also in AnnalesCM, vol. 63 (1898), 80. 69. Alphonse Favier to the Superior General of the Congegration of the Mission, 25 June 1897, CMAH. Also in AnnalesCM, vol. 63 (1898), 76. 70. Alphonse Favier to the Superior General of the Congegration of the Mission, 25 June 1897, CMAH. Also in AnnalesCM, vol. 63 (1898), 76. 71. Alphonse Favier to the Superior General of the Congregation of the Mission, 25 June 1897, CMAH. Also in AnnalesCM, vol. 63 (1898), 76. 72. Young, Ecclesiastical Colony, 4. 73. Young, Ecclesiastical Colony, 4. 74. For an account of the ceremony from the view of France’s secular authorities, see Arnold-Jacques-Antoine Vissière, Acting Consul in Tianjin, 22 June 1897, “Pékin,” no. 418, CADN. 75. Alphonse Favier to the Superior General of the Congregation of the Mission, 25 June 1897, CMAH. Also in AnnalesCM, vol. 63 (1898), 80. 76. Alphonse Favier to the Superior General of the Congregation of the Mission, 25 June 1897, CMAH. Also in AnnalesCM, vol. 63 (1898), 81.

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77. Alphonse Favier to the Superior General of the Congregation of the Mission, 25 June 1897, CMAH. Also in AnnalesCM, vol. 63 (1898), 82. 78. See Paul Boell, Le protectorat des missions catholiques en Chine et la politique de la France en Extrême-Orient (Paris: Institut scientifique de la libre-pensée, 1899), 67. 79. “Grand Consecration Ceremony at Pekin,” New Zealand Tablet 25, no. 50 (15 April 1898). A similar assertion was made in the 20 February 1898 edition of the New York Times. 80. D’addosio to Antoine Fiat, 21 April 1890, CMAH. Also see Young, Ecclesiastical Col­ ony, 122. 81. J. Capy to Meugniot, 25 January 1897, CMAH. Also see Young, Ecclesiastical Colony, 122. 82. Alphonse Hubrecht, La mission de Pékin et les Lazaristes (Beijing: Imprimerie des Lazaristes du Pé-t’ang, 1939), 326. 83. “Favier, Pierre-Marie-Alphonse,” dossier, CMAH. 84. “Favier, Pierre-Marie-Alphonse,” dossier, CMAH. 85. Liu Dapeng, “Tuixiangzhai riji” [Diary from the Study for Retreat and Contemplation], in Jindaishi ziliao yihetuan shiliao [Materials for modern history: Documents on the Boxers] (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1982), 819. 86. Qingchao xu wenxian tongkao [Sequence to the general compendium of edicts and documents of the Qing court] (Taipei, 1986), 351: 10947. Translated in Ku Wei-ying in “The Shaping of the Late Qing’s Policy foward Christianity,” in Historiography of the Chinese Catholic Church, Ninteenth and Twentieth Centuries, ed. Jeroom Heyndrickx (Leuven: Ferdinand Verbiest Foundation, 1994), 112–13. 87. See Paul A. Cohen, “The Anti-Christian Tradition in China,” Journal of Asian Studies 20, no. 2 (February 1961): 175. Also see Wei Yuan, Haiguo tuzhi [Illustrated gazetteer of maritime countries] (Hunan, 1844). 88. Quoted and translated in Renditions: Chinese Interpretations of the West 53–54 (Spring and Fall 2000): 14–15. 89. See Robert Needham Cust, The Indo-Chinese Opium Question as It Stands in 1893 (Hertford: Stephen Austin and Sons, 1893), 6. 90. Tong Xun, Jidujiao yu Beijing jiaotang wenhua [The culture of Beijing’s Christian Churches] (Beijing: Zhongyang minzu daxue chubanshe, 1999), 9. Chapter 2: The Fruits of Diplomacy 1. Quoted in Mazeau, Heroine of Pe-Tang, 151. 2. Robert Hart to James Duncan Campbell, 23 November 1890, in The I. G. in Peking: Letters of Robert Hart Chinese Maritime Customs 1868–1907, ed. John King Fairbank, Katherine Frost Bruner, and Elizabeth MacLeod Matheson (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1973), 822. For information on Robert Hart’s significant influence in China during the late Qing, see Richard S. Horowitz, “Politics, Power and the Chinese Maritime Customs: The Qing Resto­ ration and the Ascent of Robert Hart,” Modern Asian Studies 30, no. 3 (2006): 549–81.

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3. Albert Sohier, “Msgr. Favier et la protection des missions en Chine (1870–1905),” manuscript copy held in the Archives des la Société des Auxiliaires des Missions (hereafter ASAM), Brussels, Belgium, p. 11. This is the second of two manuscripts that Sohier drafted in preparation for an article that was published with alterations: Albert Sohier, “Mgr. Alphonse Favier et la protection des missions en Chine (1870–1905),” in Neue Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaft/Nouvelle Revue de science missionaire, vol. 1, ed. Johannes Beckmann (Immensee, Switzerland: Neue Zeitschrift für Missionswissen­ schaft, 1969). The first of the two manuscripts is entitled “La protection des missions en Chine: Le rôle de Mgr. Favier (+1905),” Albert Sohier dossier, ASAM. 4. One can only speculate as to why Favier was passed over for selection to be bishop in 1890, but it is certain that he had detractors among his fellow Lazarists in China. The usual system for the election of a bishop is that a short list, or terna, of three candidates is submitted to Rome. Alphonse Favier did not appear on terna for possible consecration. See Claude Prudhomme, Stratégie missionaire du Saint-Siège sous Léon XIII (1878–1903): Centralisation romaine et défis culturels (Rome: École Française de Rome, 1994), 504. 5. AnnalesCM, vol. 64 (1899), 57. Charles O’Hucker describes the official position of daotai as “(A) Circuit Intendant, quasiofficial designation of an official in charge of a Circuit (dao) in the hierarchy of territorial administration.” Charles O’Hucker, A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China (Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, 1985), 489. A circuit, or dao, during the Qing dynasty is more commonly rendered as a “prefecture,” which is the unit of subdivision of a province, or zhou. 6. AnnalesCM, vol. 64 (1899), 59. 7. AnnalesCM, vol. 64 (1899), 60. 8. See “The Massacres at Linch’ing and Paotingfu,” North China Herald, 29 August 1900. 9. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 101. 10. “Favier, Pierre-Marie-Alphonse,” dossier, CMAH. 11. Favier, Péking: Histoire et description (Lille: Desclée de Brouwer, 1900), 10. Hereafter all citations will be from this edition. 12. Favier, Péking, 10. 13. See Favier, Péking, 112–17, for Favier’s account of Montecorvino and his Franciscan confreres, who represented the first Catholic mission to China. 14. Favier, Péking, 168. 15. Favier, Péking, 168. 16. Recent attention in China has been directed toward Favier’s history of Beijing, and a Chinese translation of his Péking: Histoire et description was published in 2010. See Fan Guoliang [Pierre-Marie-Alphonse Favier], Lao Beijing: Naxie shi [Old Beijing: Some details/Péking: Histoire et description], trans. Chen Xiaojing (Beijing: Zhongyang bianyi chubanshe, 2010). 17. “Latest Intelligence,” North China Herald, 23 October 1896. 18. “French Art and China: Memorials of the Days When China Was Great,” Peking Gazette, 2 October 1915. 19. Lin Yutang, Imperial Peking: Seven Centuries of China (New York: Crown, 1961), 42. For Lin’s corrective appendix see, pp. 210–16. Chan Hok-lam has pointed out another

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error in Alphonse Favier’s account of Beijing’s history, noting that “he erred in stating that the city was built by Liu Bowen between 1524 to 1564.” Chan Hok-lam, Leg­ ends of Old Peking (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press/Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2008), 123. 20. Favier, Péking, 229. 21. The Pioneer Sisters of Charity in China (Dublin: St. Vincent’s, 1921), 6–7. 22. Favier, Péking, 247. 23. Favier, Péking, 248. 24. See “Note de Mgr Delaplace, vicaire apostolique de Pékin, sur la fondation d’un monastère de Trappistes au Tché-ly septentrional,” AnnalesCM, vol. 48 (1883), 531– 33; “Extrait d’une lettre de Mgr Tagliabue, vicaire apostolique, à M. Fiat, Supérieur général; Péking, 19 octobre 1886,” AnnalesCM, vol. 52 (1887), 264–65; and Alphonse Hubrecht, Une Trappe en Chine (Beijing: Imprimerie des Lazaristes, 1933). 25. Ren Dayi, Yangjiaping Shengmu shenen yuanshi [A history of Our Lady of Conso­ lation abbey at Yangjiaping] (Hong Kong: Caritas Printing Centre, 1978), 1. 26. Ren, Yangjiaping Shengmu shenen yuanshi, 1. 27. See Matteo Nicolini-Zani, Christian Monks on Chinese Soil: A History of Monastic Missions to China (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 2016), 118. 28. Hubrecht, Une Trappe en Chine, 7. 29. Favier, Péking, 249–50. 30. Gaetan Pirès-Pereira, CM, to Rafael Umpierres, procurator of the mission at Macau, 15 January 1835, ASPF, Scritture riferite in Congresso, Cina e Regni adiacenti (Prop. S.R.), viii, 314–15. Cited in Wei Tsing-sing, La politique missionaire de la France en Chine, 1842–1856 (Paris: Les Nouvelle Éditions Latines, 1960), 90, and in David E. Mungello, The Catholic Invasion of China: Remaking Chinese Christianity (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2015), 18. 31. Ren, Yangjiaping Shengmu shenyuanshi, 7. Also see Thomas Coomans and Luo Wei, “Exporting Flemish Gothic Architecture to China: Meaning and Context of the Churches of Shebiya and Xunhua Built by Missionary-Architect Alphonse De Moerloose in 1903–1906,” Relicta, Archeologie, Monumenten-en Landschapsonderzoek in Vlaanderen 9 (2012): 228. 32. Coomans and Luo, “Exporting Flemish Gothic Architecture to China,” 228. 33. See Tiedemann, Reference Guide to Christian Missionary Societies in China, 21. Also see Joseph Norbert, “The Marist Brothers in China,” Catholic Missions 14, no. 11 (November 1920): 255–56. For a historical survey of Roman Catholic schools in China, see Jean-Paul Wiest, “Catholic Elementary and Secondary Schools and ­China’s Drive toward a Modern Educational System (1850–1950),” Extrême-orient, extrême occident 33 (2011): 91–114. 34. Favier, Péking, 263. 35. Kenneth Scott Latourette, A History of Christian Missions in China (New York: ­Macmillan, 1929), 499. For an English translation of the 16 March 1899 rescript, see John V. A. MacMurray, Treaties and Agreements with and concerning China, 1894–1919 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1921), 1: 718. 36. JJD, 1974–1981, VI-1: 21–22. Also see Qingchao xu wenxian tongkao, 10961.

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37. “Missionaries and Official Rank,” North China Herald, 24 April 1908. 38. Segretaria di Stato (1900), rubr. 242, fasc. 5, p. 8, verso, ASV. This specific statement attracted such attention that it is highlighted as important in the original document held in the Vatican archives. 39. See Segretaria di Stato (1898), rubr. 242, fasc. 7, pp. 45 recto–48 recto, ASV. 40. AnnalesCM, vol. 64 (1899), 471. 41. For a general history of the Beitang Library, see Joseph Van den Brandt, CM, “La bibliothèque du Pé-t’ang: Notes historiques,” Monumenta serica 4, no. 2 (1940): 616– 21; and Liu Qinghua, “The Beitang Collection in Ningxia and the Lazarist Mission Press in the Late-Qing Period,” in History of the Catholic Church in China: From Its Beginning to the Scheut Fathers and 20th Century (Leuven: Ferdinand Verbiest Institute, 2015). 42. Quoted in AnnalesCM, vol. 65 (1900), 517. Also see Van den Brandt, “La bibliothèque du Pe-t’ang,” 616. 43. See Gail King, “The Xujiahui (Zikawei) Library of Shanghai,” Libraries and Culture 32, no. 4 (Fall 1997): 456. 44. Hu Daojing, Shanghai tushuguan shi [History of libraries in Shanghai] (Shanghai: Shanghaishi tongzhiguan, 1935), 57. 45. For correspondence between Alphonse Favier and General Voyron regarding the details of establishing St. Michael’s Hospital near the French legation in Beijing, see CMAH, carton 10-42. “Hôpital des Legations/Hôpital International de Pékin,” May 1901–August 1902. This folder largely contains materials from the minister of foreign affairs (ministère des affaires étrangeres). 46. “Les hopitaux de la mission de Pékin,” Le bulletin catholique de Pékin 2 (1915): 162. Shortly after his return from Europe in February 1901, Bishop Favier successfully negotiated the acquisition of prime land “within the area of the Board of Rites” for his new hospital. North China Herald, 27 November 1901. 47. See “Les hopitaux de la mission de Pékin,” 164–65. 48. AnnalesCM, vol. 34 (1869), 266. 49. Planchet, Documents sur les martyrs de Pékin, 327. 50. Planchet, Documents sur les martyrs de Pékin, 327–28. 51. See Thomas Coomans and Xu Yitao, Building Churches in Northern China: A 1926 Handbook in Context (Beijing: Intellectual Property Rights Press, 2016), 38–43. 52. Coomans and Xu, Building Churches in Northern China, 40. 53. AnnalesCM, vol. 30 (1865), 496–97. 54. AnnalesCM, vol. 30 (1865), 497. 55. See Joseph Esherick, The Origins of the Boxer Uprising (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), 305–6; “The Massacres at Linch’ing and Paotingfu,” North China Herald, 29 August 1900; Planchet, Documents sur les martyrs de Pékin, 305–17; and Isaac C. Ketler, The Tragedy of Paotingfu: An Authentic Story of the Lives, Services, and Sacrifices of the Presbyterian, Congregational, and China Inland Missionaries who Suffered Martyrdom at Paotingfu, China, June 30th and July 1, 1900 (New York: Fleming H. Revell, 1902). 56. John Barrett, “Political Possibilities in China,” Harper’s Weekly, 7 July 1900.

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57. Yu, Tianjin lao jiaotang, 2. 58. Van den Brandt, Les Lazaristes en Chine, 69. 59. Favier, Péking, 235. 60. AnnalesCM, vol. 62 (1897), 221. 61. AnnalesCM, vol. 62 (1897), 222. 62. AnnalesCM, vol. 63 (1898), 74–75. 63. This photo is reproduced in Yu, Tianjin lao jiaotang, 7. A short description of the architectural elements of Wanghailou church is included in Wu Yanlong, ed., Tian­ jin lishi fengmao jianzhu [A history of Tianjin’s architectural styles] (Beijing: Zhongguo jianzhu gongye chubanshe, 2007), 184–89. An elevation, section plan, and blueprint of the 1904 floorplan are reproduced in this volume. 64. See Planchet, Documents sur les martyrs de Pékin, 244. A classic study of King Louis IX is William Chester Jordan, Louis IX and the Challenge of the Crusade: A Study in Rulership (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979). For a study of Sainte ­Chapelle, see Meredith Cohen, The Sainte-Chapelle and the Construction of Sacral Monarchy: Royal Architecture in Thirteenth-Century Paris (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014). 65. Yu, Tianjin lao jiaotang, 11. 66. Favier, Péking, 243. 67. Yu, Tianjin lao jiaotang, 11. 68. See “Tientsin, Past and Present,” North China Herald, 23 November 1888. 69. Yu, Tianjin lao jiaotang, 12. Also see David Francis Urrows, “The Wind Qin: Hearing and Reading Chinese Reactions to the Pipe Organ,” in Reshaping Boundaries: The Christian Intersection of China and the West in Modern China, ed. Song Gang (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2016), 57. When planning the installation of a new organ for his new Beitang cathedral, more than two decades after designing his St. Louis church in Tianjin, Favier corresponded with France’s most distinguished organ builder, Aristide Cavaillé-Coll (1811–1899). Cavaillé-Coll’s work had already been installed in some of Paris’ most famous churches, such as the Église Saint-Sulpice and the Basilique Ste-Clotilde. Correspondence between Alphonse Favier and Aristide Cavaillé-Coll, as well as Cavaillé-Coll’s drawings of his proposed organ for Beitang, are located in CMAH, carton 10, Beitang, 10–23. 70. Yu, Tianjin lao jiaotang, 12. 71. See Yang, Beijing Tianzhujiao shi, 149. Also see Dongjiaominxiang Tianzhutang [Dongjiaomin Alley Catholic church] (Beijing: Beijing Tianzhujiao jiaoqu, 2008), 1. 72. Patrick Taceirne, Han-Mongol Encounters and Missionary Endeavors: A History of Scheut in Ordos (Hetao), 1874–1911 (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2004), 557. 73. Dongjiaominxiang Tianzhutang, 1. 74. Wangfujing Tianzhu jiaotang [Wangfujing Roman Catholic church] (Beijing: Bei­ jing Tianzhujiao jiaoqu, 2008), 1, and Joseph A. Sandhaas, Catholic Peking! A Guide to Modern and Historic Places of Interest to Catholics (Beijing: Catholic University Press, 1937), 18–19. 75. Wangfujing Tianzhu jiaotang, 1. 76. Wangfujing Tianzhu jiaotang, 1.

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77. W. Devine, The Four Churches of Peking (London: Burns, Oats & Washburne, 1930), 169. 78. Devine, Four Churches of Peking, 168. 79. AnnalesCM, vol. 65 (1900), 209. 80. Devine, Four Churches of Peking, 168. 81. Favier, Péking, 248–49. 82. See Wangfujing Tianzhu jiaotang, 1. 83. Looking casually at two photographs, one of Favier’s 1884 Dongtang and another of the 1904 reconstructed Dongtang, one might miss that they are two different constructions. There are distinctions between the two designs, but Favier’s church was closely emulated, and the general sense of his 1884 plan can still be discerned in the present church of St. Joseph at Wangfujing. Devine admits, however, that Favier’s original design “was even more impressive than that which takes its place.” Devine, Four Churches of Peking, 169. 84. See “Photo Album, Gédéon Marécaux,” C 166-II, B-10, CMAH. Another photograph of the Dongtang ruins appears in Zhang Fuhe, ed., Beijing jindai jianzhu shi [A history of Beijing’s modern architecture] (Beijing: Qinghua daxue chubanshe, 2008), 48. 85. Favier, Heart of Pekin, 24. For a more detailed account, see Li, Quan huoji, 2: 8. Li writes that “at 9:30 pm, East Church was set on fire. . . . There were six Virgin Catechists in the orphanage and 400–500 Catholics parishioners, who all fled to the French legation.” Li, Quan huoji, 2: 8. 86. Favier, Péking, 249. 87. Philip Clart and Gregory Adam Scott, eds., Religious Publishing and Print Culture in Modern China, 1800–2012 (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2015), 5. 88. “L’imprimerie du Pei-Tang,” Le bulletin catholique de Pékin 3 (1916): 84. 89. Liu, “The Beitang Collection in Ningxia and the Lazarist Mission Press in the Late Qing Period,” 438. 90. “Cinquantaine de vocation religieuse du Frère Auguste Maes,” Le bulletin catholique de Pékin (1926): 368. 91. See Fang Hao, ed., Ying Lianzhi xiansheng riji yigao [Posthumous writings and diary of Mr. Ying Lianzhi], Jindai Zhongguo shiliao congkan xubian [Series of materials on modern China], vol. 23, no. 3 (Taipei: Wenhai chubanshe, 1974), 9. 92. See Fang Hanqi, ed., Dagongbao bainianshi (1902.06.17–2002.06.17) [Centenary history of Dagongbao, 17 June 1902 to 17 June 2002] (Beijing: Zhongguo renmin daxue chubanshe, 2004), 5–97. 93. See Claudia von Collani, “From the Earthly Court to the Heavenly Court: The Death and Funeral of Thomas Pereira,” in In the Light and Shadow of an Emperor: Thomas Pereira, SJ (1645–1708), the Kangxi Emperor and the Jesuit Mission in China, ed. Artur K. Wardega and Antonio Vasconcelos de Saldanha (Newcastle upon Tyne, UK: Cambridge Scholars, 2012), 117. For Mouly’s burial in the Zhalan near Ricci’s grave, see Latourette, History of Christian Missions in China, 308, 322–23. Also see Alan Richard Sweeten, Christianity in Rural China: Conflict and Accommodation in Jiangxi Province, 1860–1900 (Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 1968), 25. Mouly was actually buried at Zhengfusi cemetery; see Ming

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Xiaoyan and Wei Yangbo, Lishi yizong: Zhengfusi Tianzhujiao mudi [Footsteps of history: Zhengfusi Roman Catholic cemetery] (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 2007), 27–33, and especially 234–35. 94. An excellent source on the history of Zhengfusi cemetery is Ming and Wei, Lishi yizong. 95. See Ming and Wei, Lishi yizong, 35. 96. For the original location of Albéric Marie de Damas’s grave at Zhengfusi, see Ming and Wei, Lishi yizong, 33, and Favier, Péking, 262–63. For a description of the French Catholic mission in China during the first Opium War, see Peter W. Fay, “The French Catholic Mission in China during the Opium War,” Modern Asian Studies 4, no. 2 (1970): 115–28. 97. Von Collani, “From the Earthly Court to the Heavenly Court,” 117. To be precise, Bouvet was buried at Zhengfusi in 1730, not long after the property was acquired, and Gerbillon was first buried at Zhalan after his death in 1707, and then reburied at Zhengfusi in 1735. See Ming and Wei, Lishi yizong, 5–9. 98. See the diagram and legend of Zhengfusi French cemetery located in Favier, Péking, 262–63. 99. John K. Fairbank, “The Creation of the Treaty System,” in The Cambridge History of China, ed. Denis Twitchett and John K. Fairbank, vol. 10, Late Ch’ing, 1800–1911 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 257. 100. Fairbank, “Creation of the Treaty System,” 257. 101. Favier, Péking, 226. 102. These three photographs may be accessed in the “Anthony E. Clark Collection, Christianity in China Photographs Collection,” Ricci Institute for Chinese-Western Cultural History, University of San Francisco. 103. AnnalesCM, vol. 65 (1900), 66. 104. A nnalesCM, vol. 65 (1900), 207. 105. AnnalesCM, vol. 65 (1900), 207–8. 106. A nnalesCM, vol. 65 (1900), 209. 107. AnnalesCM, vol. 65 (1900), 209. 108. A nnalesCM, vol. 65 (1900), 209. Chapter 3: Competing Shadows 1. Elisabatta Corsi, “Pozzo’s Treatise as a Workshop for the Construction of a Sacred Catholic Space in Beijing,” in Artifizi della metafora, ed. Richard Bosel and Lydia Salviucci (Rome: Gregorian Pontifical University, 2009), 233. 2. Bi Fangji, “Shuihua erda” [Two responses to sleep and images], ARSI, JapSin II, 59a; II, 59b; II, 59 D, f. 3a-b. 3. See ARSI, S. Ignatii epistolae et instructions, Monumenta ignatiana, 1st series, vol. 8, 714: Juan Nuñez, SJ, to St. Ignatius, 14 October 1554. 4. See Stephen B. Bevans, ed., A Century of Catholic Mission: Roman Catholic Missiol­ ogy, 1910 to the Present (Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock, 2013), 141.

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5. This letter is translated in Arthur Christopher Moule, Christians in China before the Year 1550 (New York: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1930), 177–81. 6. Moule, Christians in China, 179. 7. Zhang, Beijing jindai jianzhu shi, 2. 8. Zhang, Beijing jindai jianzhu shi, 2. 9. Zhang, Beijing jindai jianzhu shi, 38. 10. Devine, Four Churches of Peking, 33. 11. ARSI, JapSin 14, II, f. 234v. 12. Corsi, “Pozzo’s Treatise as a Workshop for the Construction of a Sacred Catholic Space in Beijing,” 234. 13. Corsi, “Pozzo’s Treatise as a Workshop for the Construction of a Sacred Catholic Space in Beijing,” 237. The famous Jesuit court painter Giuseppe Castiglione was another missionary in Beijing to have painted tromp l’oeil domes. Revealing his admiration for another Jesuit painter, Andrea Pozzo (1642–1709), who had executed the false cupola in the Chiesa di Sant’Ignazio di Loyola, Castiglione completed the false ceiling fresco of Beijing’s Dongtang in the same style. 14. Marco Musillo, The Shining Inheritance: Italian Painters at the Qing Court, 1699–1812 (Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, 2016), 98. Also see Kristina Kleutghen, Impe­ rial Illusions: Crossing Pictorial Boundaries in the Qing Palaces (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2014). 15. In Jean-Baptiste Du Halde, Description, géographique, historique, chronologique, politique, et physique de l’empire de la Chine et de al tartarie chinoise (Paris: P. G. Le Mercier, 1736), 3: 140–41. Translated in Musillo, Shining Inheritance, 101. 16. Du Halde, Description géographique, 3: 140–41. Translated in Musillo, Shining Inher­ itance, 102. 17. A map locating these four churches in relation to the centralized Forbidden City is located in Susan Naquin, Peking: Temples and City Life, 1400–1900 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), 476. An 1861 Chinese map of Beijing held at the Library of Congress clearly specifies the location of these four Catholic churches, and identifies them only by their directional names: 北天主堂，南天主堂，西天主‌堂， and 東天主堂. Library of Congress Geography and Map Division, G7824.B4 1887.L5. 18. Corsi, “Pozzo’s Treatise as a Workshop for the Construction of a Sacred Catholic Space in Beijing,” 239. Also see Beijing zhi [Beijing gazette] (Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 2006), 187. 19. Liu Tong and Yu Yizheng, Dijing jingwu lüe [A summary of Beijing’s scenery] (Beijing, 1635). 20. Translated in Gail King, “Note on a Late Ming Dynasty Chinese Description of ‘Ricci’s Church’ in Beijing,” Sino-Western Cultural Relations Journal 20 (1998): 49–51. 21. Nöel Golvers, “Textual and Visual Sources on Catholic Churches in Peking in the 17th–19th Century,” in History of the Catholic Church in China, ed. Ferdinand Verbiest Institute, 13. 22. Yang, Beijing Tianzhujiao shi, 147.

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23. Devine, Four Churches of Peking, 71. 24. Devine, Four Churches of Peking, 71. 25. Liang Sicheng, Beijing jindai jianzhu [Beijing’s modern architecture] (Beijing: Zhongguo jianzhu gongye chubanshe, 2007), 37. 26. For a study of the Lazarist replacement of the Jesuits during the suppression of the Society of Jesus, see Seán A. Smith, “Surrogate Fathers: The Lazarists as Jesuit Successors in the Eighteenth Century, 1759–1814,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 69, no. 1 (January 2018): 57–85. Among the more intriguing arguments in this study is that the Lazarists were generally more popular than the Jesuits before, during, and after the suppression, though despite this the Lazarists were less successful in soliciting financial support for their global works than the Jesuits. Perhaps this was partially why Alphonse Favier focused so much of his attention on fund-raising throughout his time in China. 27. The Fontaine Saint-Sulpice was constructed between 1843 and 1848 by the French architect Louis Visconti (1791–1853), who also designed the Tomb of Napoleon in 1842. 28. Sandhaas, Catholic Peking!, 13–14. 29. For a survey of Chinese city planning and architecture, see Andrew Boyd, Chinese Architecture and Town Planning, 1500 BC–AD 1911 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962). 30. Albert Sohier, “La protection des missions en Chine: Le rôle de Mgr. Favier (+1905),” ASAM, p. 30. 31. Yang, Beijing Tianzhujiao shi, 139. 32. Devine, Four Churches of Peking, 44. 33. A copy of this inscription is preserved in ARSI, G. F., Cassetto 3, f.1. Also see Zhang Hongda, ed., Xihua jingying [A glimpse at West China] (Beijing: Beijingshi Xichengqu wenhua weiyuanhui, 1999). 34. Yang, Beijing Tianzhujiao shi, 139. The original Chinese is “敕建天主堂.” Also see Devine, Four Churches of Peking, 47. 35. Devine, Four Churches of Peking, 47. 36. Correspondence with Colin Harris, Superintendent of the Special Collections Reading Rooms, Weston Library, Bodleian Libraries, University of Oxford, 19 July 2017. See the Bodleian’s Summary Catalogue description under accession 27874. 37. Bouvet de la Touche served on the merchant vessel Amphitrite from 1701 to 1703, and his notes provide some commentary on the state of Jesuit activities in Beijing, which he learned about during his interactions with French and Portuguese missionaries. See Hélène Belevitch-Stankevitch, Le goût chinois en France au temps de Louis XIV (Genève: Slatkine, 1970), 66–67. 38. Correspondence, Bouvet de la Touche, 10 December 1701, p. 6, Weston Library, Bodleian, Ms. Add. D. 74. 39. The painting was purchased in 1969 by the Cabinet des Estampes, and is identified as “Église du Beitang en vue plongeante, avec personnages en procession dans les jardins du Palais imperial,” Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Département Estampes et Photographie, RESERVE MUSEE TAB-1. After the discovery of this painting, it

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was at first identified as Nantang. Nöel Golvers, however, has established that the church and courtyard depicted in the work are actually of the first Canchikou Beitang. See Nöel Golvers, The Astronomia Europaea of Ferdinand Verbiest, SJ (Leuven: Ferdinand Verbiest Foundation, 1993), 12, n. 43. Also see Nöel Golvers, “Textual and Visual Sources on Catholic Churches in Peking in the 17th–19th Century,” in History of the Catholic Church in China, ed. Ferdinand Verbiest Institute. 40. My comparison of the Chiesa del Gesù and the Canchikou Beitang in Beijing was assisted by a communication about these two structures with Leland M. Roth, 5 July 2017. For a description of the Canchikou church by a contemporary Jesuit, see Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, écrites des missions étrangères, vol. 17 (Toulouse, 1810), 5–8. 41. Zhang, Beijing jindai jianzhu shi, 40. 42. Wang Lianming, “Church, a ‘Sacred Event’ and the Visual Perspective of an ‘Etic Viewer’: An 18th-Century Western-Style Chinese Painting Held in the Bibliotèque Nationale de France,” in Face to Face: The Transcendence of the Arts in China and Beyond, ed. Rui Oliveira Lopes (Lisbon: Artistic Studies Research Center, University of Lisbon, 2014), 388. 43. Also of interest regarding this Chinese painting of the Canchikou Beitang is that its format, aligned in a wide vertical rectangle, was uncommon among other Chinese paintings of that era. The painter appears to have been inspired by a woodblock painting of a very similar architectural setting entitled Sheng Ruohan xian Tianzhu er yun. This painting appeared in Ai Rulue (Giulio Aleni, 1582–1649), Tianzhu jiang­ sheng chuxiang jingjie [An illustrated history of the life of Jesus Christ] (1637), 6, recto. 44. Zhang, Beijing jindai jianzhu shi, 41. 45. See Lars Peter Laaman, Christian Heretics in Late Imperial China: Christian Incul­ turation and State Control, 1720–1850 (New York: Routledge, 2006), 78. 46. Favier, Péking, 203. 47. See Devine, Four Churches of Peking, 157–58; also see Planchet, Histoire de la Mission de Pékin, 152–55. 48. Favier, Péking, 230. 49. Favier, Péking, 230. Also see Devine, Four Churches of Peking, 162. 50. Favier, Péking, 230. 51. “L’établissement du Pétang—Propriété des Lazaristes français,” 1, dossier, carton 10, Beitang, CMAH. This folder largely contains materials from the minister of foreign affairs (ministère des affaires étrangères), which bears an introductory summary by Fr. Jean-Marie Planchet, CM. 52. “Ministères des affaires étrangeres, L’établissement du Pétang,” 1, dossier, carton 10, Beitang, CMAH. 53. “Décret de la S. C. de la Propaganda du 7 décembre 1783,” 2–3, dossier, carton 10, Beitang, CMAH. 54. “Decret de la S. C. de la Propaganda du 7 décembre 1783,” 3, dossier, carton 10, Beitang, CMAH. The Samist missionary Albert Sohier was insistent that France had no rights at all over the Beitang church, though the records held in the Lazarist archives clearly contradict this claim. For Sohier’s statement see Sohier, “Msgr. Favier et la protection des missions en Chine (1870–1905),” ASAM, p. 6.

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55. “Opinion des fonctionnaires Français sur le question de propriété du Pétang,” 9, dossier, carton 10, Beitang, CMAH. 56. Joseph-Martial Mouly to Florent Daguin, 15 November 1854, CMAH. 57. Preliminary sketches of a proposed floorplan for a new Beitang by Bernard Gustave Bourrières were produced as early as March 1861. An inscription at the bottom of his drawings reads “Levé et dessiné par le lieutenant du Génie, Pékin, le 15 Mars 1861, Bourrières” (Raised and drawn by the Lieutenant of Engineering, Beijing, 15 March 1861, Bourrières), carton 10, “Pétang,” CMAH. 58. Favier, Péking, 230. 59. Favier, Péking, 230. 60. Devine, Four Churches of Peking, 163. 61. Zha Shijie, “Beijing Xishiku Tianzhujiao Beitang yu Yihetuan de duikang [Beijing’s Xishiku/Beitang church and resistance to the Boxers],” in Yihetuan yundong yu Zhongguo Jiduzongjiao [The Boxer movement and China’s Christianity], ed. Zhu Yinling and Yuan Xiaojuan (Taibei: Furen Daxue chubanshe, 2004), 454. 62. Yang, Beijing Tianzhujiao shi, 138. 63. Devine, Four Churches of Peking, 163. 64. CMAH, aerial photograph of the Canchikou Beitang Cathedral complex, ca. 1880. 65. Erwin Panofsky, Gothic Architecture and Scholasticism (New York: Meridian, 1967), 44–45. 66. CMAH, interior photograph of the Canchikou Beitang cathedral, ca. 1880. 67. Devine, Four Churches of Peking, 163–64. 68. Yang, Beijing Tianzhujiao shi, 140. 69. Liang, Beijing jindai jianzhu, 43. Also see Yang, Beijing Tianzhujiao shi, 140. 70. Favier, Péking, 230–31. 71. Favier, Péking, 231. 72. Favier, Péking, 232. 73. The circumstances and preparations for this audience are described in a letter from Alphonse Favier to the Lazarist Motherhouse in Paris, 5 July 1873. See Alphonse Favier to M. N., 5 July 1873, CMAH. Also in AnnalesCM, vol. 38 (1873), 502–7. 74. AnnalesCM, vol. 38 (1873), 506. 75. AnnalesCM, vol. 38 (1873), 507. 76. AnnalesCM, vol. 38 (1873), 507. 77. Jean-François Foucquet has described Giovanni Gherardini’s painting in Beitang. See ASPF, Sacra Congregazione per l’Evangelizzazione dei Popolo (De Propaganda Fide), S.C. Indie Orientali, Cina Misc. 2, f. 443 (ff. 411–46). 78. See Anthony E. Clark, Heaven in Conflict: Franciscans and the Boxer Uprising in Shanxi (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2015), 60. 79. See Diana Scarisbrick, ed., Royal Jewels: From Charlemagne to the Romanovs (New York: Vendôme Press, 2008), 146. 80. Yang, Beijing Tianzhujiao shi, 140.

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81. See Devine, Four Churches of Peking, 177. 82. Zhang, Beijing jindai jianzhu shi, 44. 83. See Devine, Four Churches of Peking, 185. 84. Sandhaas, Catholic Peking!, 14. Chapter 4: China Gothic 1. Beijing Catholic Diocese, Xishiku Tianzhutang [Xishiku Catholic church] (Beijing: Beijing Tianzhujiao jiaoqu, 2008). 2. Vincent Lebbe, 8 September 1917, in Lettres du Père Lebbe, ed. Paul Goffart and Albert Sohier (Paris: Tournai, 1960), 46. 3. Jacques Leclercq, Thunder in the Distance: The Life of Père Lebbe, trans. George Lamb (New York: Sheed & Ward, 1958), 36–37. 4. Françoise Aubin, “Christian Art and Architecture,” in Handbook of Christianity in China. Vol. 2, 1800 to the Present, ed. R. G. Tiedemann (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 733. 5. Thomas A. King, Les vrais principes de l’architecture ogivale ou chretienne (Brussels: Charles Muquardt, 1850). 6. Thomas Coomans, “Pugin Worldwide: From Les Vrais Principles and the Belgian St. Luke Schools to Northern China and Inner Mongolia,” in Pugin’s Global Influ­ ence: Gothic Revival Worldwide, ed. Timothy Brittain-Catlin, Jan De Maeyer, and Martin Bressani (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2016), 166. 7. Coomans, “Pugin Worldwide,” 166. 8. A. Welby Pugin, Contrasts; Or, a Parallel between the Noble Edifaces of the Four­ teenth and Fifteenth Centuries, and Similar Buildings of the Present Day; Shewing the Present Decay of Taste (London: Pugin at St. Marie’s Grange, 1936). 9. Pugin, Contrasts, 2. 10. Pugin, Contrasts, 3. 11. Chris Brooks, The Gothic Revival (London: Phaidon Press, 1999), 233. 12. Alphonse Favier to Lazarist confrere, 10 July 1866, CMAH. Also in AnnalesCM, vol. 32 (1867), 314–15. 13. Marc-Antoine Laugier, An Essay on Architecture, trans. Wolfgang Herrmann (Los Angeles: Hennessey & Ingalls, 2009), 68. 14. Laugier, Essay on Architecture, 68. 15. Occasional mentions of Costantini’s time in China can be found in his wartime diaries. See Bruno Fabio Pighin, ed., The Secrets of a Vatican Cardinal: Celso Costantini’s Wartime Diaries, 1938–1947, trans. Laurence B. Mussio (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2014). For a general biography of Celso Costantini, see Bruno Fabio Pighin, Il cardinale Celso Costantini: L’anima di un missionario (Vatican City: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 2014). 16. Quoted in Sergio Ticozzi, “Ceslo Costantini’s Contribution to the Localization and Inculturalization of the Church in China,” Tripod 28, no. 148 (Spring 2008): 19. 17. Celso Costantini, “The Need for Developing a Sino-Christian Architecture for Our Catholic Missions (A letter addressed by His Excellency the Apostolic delegate in

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China to the Rt. Rev. Msgrs. James E. Walsh and Edward J. Gavin),” Bulletin of the Catholic University of Peking 3 (1927): 7. 18. Costantini, “The Need for Developing a Sino-Christian Architecture for Our Catholic Missions,” 10. 19. For a detailed discussion of the life and work of Dom Adelbert Gresnigt, see Thomas Coomans, “Dom Adelbert Gresnigt: Agent van de roomse inculturatiepolitiek in China (1927–1932),” Bulletin van de Koninklijke Nederlandse Oudheidkundige Bond 113, no. 2 (June 2014): 89–107. 20. Adelbert Gresnigt, “Chinese Architecture,” Bulletin of the Catholic University of Peking 4 (1927): 33. 21. Gresnigt, “Chinese Architecture,” 34. 22. Furen, often Romanized as “Fu Jen,” was perhaps the site of the most intense discussion of the importance of a Sino-Christian style of ecclesial design. Gresnigt’s interest in and influence on this movement can be seen in two essays he wrote for the Bulletin of the Catholic University of Peking. See Gresnigt, “Chinese Architecture,” 33–45, and Adelbert Gresnigt, “Reflections on Chinese Architecture,” Bulletin of the Catholic University of Peking 8 (1931): 3–45. For a general history of Furen see Wu Xiaoxin, “A Case Study of the Catholic University of Peking during the Benedictine Period (1927–1933).” PhD diss., University of San Francisco, 1993. 23. See Le missionnaire constructeur: Conseils-plans [The missionary builder: Adviceplans] (Xianxian: Imprimerie de Sien-Hsien, 1926), and A. Ghesquières en P. Muller, Comment bâtirons-nous églises, chapelles, écoles en Chine [How we build churches, chapels, and schools in China], in Collectanea commissionis synodalis 14 (1941). 24. Zhang, Beijing jindai jianzhu shi, 44. 25. See Zhongyang yanjiuyuan jindai yanjiusuo, eds., Jiaowu jiao’an dang [Missionary incidents archives] (Taibei: Zhongyang yanjiuyuan jindai yanjiusuo, 1974), 4: 1349– 50. For a longer account of this incident and for a translation of this quote see Xiang Hongyan, “Regulating Church Property in Late Imperial China,” Frontiers of His­ tory in China 12, no. 1 (2017): 93–111. 26. Zhongguo diyi lishi danganguan, Shifan daxue lishi xi, eds., Qingmo jiao’an [Missionary incidents of the late Qing] (Beijing: Zhonghuashuju, 2000), 2: 593. 27. Alphonse Favier, handwritten transcription of a dialogue between himself and Viceroy Li Hongzhang, 21 April 1886, carton 10, Beitang, 10–5, CMAH. 28. Hans Van de Ven, “Robert Hart and Gustav Detring during the Boxer Rebellion,” Modern Asian Studies 40, no. 3 (2006): 651. 29. See, for example, two letters by Robert Hart that mention Gustav Detring: Robert Hart to James Duncan Campbell, 20 April 1884, and Robert Hart to James Duncan Campbell, 27 April 1884, in I. G. in Peking, ed. Fairbank et al., 540–41. 30. Favier, transcription of a dialogue between himself and Viceroy Li Hongzhang, 21 April 1886, carton 10, Beitang, 10–12, CMAH. 31. Alphonse Favier, handwritten transcription of a dialogue between himself and Viceroy Li Hongzhang, 23 April 1886, carton 10, Beitang, 10–12, CMAH. 32. The details of Dunn’s visit to Rome are outlined in Young, Ecclesiastical Colony, 56–59.

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33. Young, Ecclesiastical Colony, 59. Also see Albert Sohier, “La nunciature pour Pékin en 1886,” in Neue Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaft (Immensee, Switzerland: Neue Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaft, 1968), 24: 484. 34. Robert Hart to James Duncan Campbell, 5 December 1886, in I. G. in Peking, ed. Fair­ bank et al., 650. 35. AnnalesCM, vol. 127 (1963), 203. 36. AnnalesCM, vol. 127 (1963), 203. 37. Sohier, “Msgr. Favier et la protection des missions en Chine (1870–1905),” ASAM, p. 8. 38. Quoted in Sohier, “Msgr. Favier et la protection des missions en Chine (1870–1905),” ASAM, p. 8. 39. Yang, Beijing Tianzhujiao shi, 140. 40. Mazeau, Heroine of Pe-Tang, 155. 41. AnnalesCM, vol. 127 (1963), 204. In an article that appeared in the North China Her­ ald, it was reported that “the Abbé Favier, architect and builder, has collected great stores of brick, stone, and timber, and has 600 workmen employed daily. The fine proportions and design of the basilica are now plainly seen.” “Tientsin,” North China Herald, 29 June 1888. Bellaroche wrote that “Father Favier drafted the plans of the vast building, and for eight months he commanded an army of 1,400 workmen.” Bellaroche, “Le R. P. Favier: Missionaire à Péking.” 42. For a brief discussion of the Beitang bells, see Joann Pittman, The Bells Are Not Silent: Stories of Church Bells in China (Minneapolis: Joann Pittman, 2016), 73–77. 43. Anthony E. Clark, private meeting and tour of Beitang cathedral with Fr. Matthew Zhen Xuebin (cathedral rector) and Fr. Simon Zhu Jie (vicar of external church affairs) at Beitang, 12 January 2018. 44. AnnalesCM, vol. 127 (1963), 204. 45. For a description of the American cypress trees (Meiguo gui) used for the construction of the Beitang cathedral, see Zhang Youping, Beijing jindai jianzhu [Modern architecture in Beijing] (Beijing: Zhongguo jianzhu gongye chubanshe, 2007), 35. 46. Favier was known to have himself trained Beitang’s brass band. The North China Herald noted that “Bishop Favier had successfully trained a brass band of some 25 young Chinese Catholics to play sacred music at the old Pei-t’ang in Peking.” North China Herald, 30 August 1919. The quotation is from “Peking: From Our Own Correspondent,” North China Herald, 11 January 1889. Also see Zhang, Beijing jindai jian­ zhu shi, 44, and Devine, Four Churches of Peking, 184. 47. “Peking: From Our Own Correspondent,” North China Herald, 11 January 1889. 48. Anderson, Imagined Communities, xiii. 49. For a study of Alphonse De Moerloose, see Coomans and Luo, “Exporting Flemish Gothic Architecture to China,” 219–62. For the influences of Pugin and Ruskin, see Elizabeth Gilmore Holt, ed., From the Classicists to the Impressionists: Art and Archi­ tecture of the Nineteenth Century (New York: Anchor, 1966), 117–18. 50. See Ines G. Županov, Disputed Mission: Jesuit Experiments and Brahmanical Knowl­ edge in Seventeenth-Century India (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), and especially Johannes Bettray, Die Akkomodationsmethode des Matteo Ricci in China (Rome: Universitas Gregoriana, 1955).

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51. Francis Xavier, SJ, to his Companions in Goa, Kagoshima, 5 November 1549, in Francis Xavier, The Letters and Instructions of Francis Xavier, trans. M. Joseph Costelloe (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1992), 123–24. 52. Mungello, Catholic Invasion of China, 15. 53. For a discussion of cosmology and Chinese city planning, see Arthur F. Wright, “The Cosmology of the Chinese City,” in The City in Late Imperial China, ed. G. William Skinner (Taipei: SMC Publishing, 1995), 33–73. 54. Three works on Catholic church architecture describe well the main principles of church design vis-à-vis the theological and liturgical expectations of proper building alignment, symbolic meanings, and traditional interior appointments. See Louis Bouyer, Architecture et liturgie (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1991); Steven J. Schloeder, Architecture in Communion: Implementing the Second Vatican Council through ­Liturgy and Architecture (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 1998); and Duncan G. Stroik, The Church Building as a Sacred Place: Beauty, Transcendence, and the Eternal (Chicago: Hildenbrand, 2009). 55. See Favier, Péking, 258–59. 56. Jaime Lara, City, Temple, Stage: Eschatological Architecture and Liturgical Theatrics in New Spain (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2004), 18. 57. Guillaume Durand, The Symbolism of Churches and Church Ornaments (original title, Rationale divinorum officiorum), trans. J. M. Neale and Benjamin Webb (Leeds: T. W. Green, 1843), 19. 58. See Devine, Four Churches of Peking, 184–85, and Sandhaas, Catholic Peking!, 14–17. 59. Le missionaire constructeur, conseils-plans, quoted in Thomas Coomans, “A Pragmatic Approach to Church Construction in Northern China at the Time of Christian Inculturation: The handbook ‘Le missionaire constructeur,’ 1926,” Frontiers of Architectural Research 3 (2014): 101. 60. Le missionaire constructeur, conseils-plans, 12 and 21. Also see Coomans, “A Pragmatic Approach to Church Construction,” 101. 61. See Zhang, Beijing jindai jianzhu shi, 44. 62. Zhang, Beijing jindai jianzhu shi, 44. 63. Zhang, Beijing jindai jianzhu, 35. 64. Devine, Four Churches of Peking, 202. 65. A letter by Alphonse Favier describing the siege of the foreign legations, especially the French compound, was published shortly after the liberation of Beijing. See Alphonse Favier, “Lettre de Mgr Favier au T. H. Fiat, supérieur general des Lazaristes et des Filles de la Charité,” Les questions actuelles 56, no. 3 (20 October 1900): 75–84. A Chinese plan of the French legation in Beijing can be consulted in carton 10–20, CMAH. 66. North China Herald, 9 January 1901. 67. For Pichon’s account of the Boxer siege against the legations, see Stéphen Pichon, Dans la Battaille: La ville en flames (Paris: Albert Méricant, 1908). 68. North China Herald, 9 January 1901. 69. Arthur Judson Brown, New Forces in Old China: An Unwelcome but Inevitable Awakening, 2nd ed. (New York: F. H. Fleming , 1904), 199–200. An account by Hosea

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Morse records: “Towards the end of the siege, from August 1st the daily ration, except for the marines, was only five ounces of food, and from the 8th only three ounces. Of its 43 marine defenders 11 were killed and 12 wounded; and during the two months over 400 of their dead Chinese were buried in the garden of the cathedral. Well might the heroic chief of the mission, Mgr. Favier ejaculate—‘C’est un miracle du ciel!’—and, sorrowing over the work of centuries undone, lament that ‘it is almost a pity that we were not all massacred; we should have died martyrs.’” Hosea Ballou Morse, The International Relations of the Chinese Empire, vol. 3, The Period of Subjection, 1894–1911 (New York: Paragon Book Gallery, 1900), 282. 70. Alphonse Favier’s original diary entries written during the siege are now preserved in the Lazarist Motherhouse in Paris. The Chinese characters are hurried and reveal that Favier was under duress. See “Journal du siege du Pétang par Mgr. Favier,” ­carton 10–15, CMAH. For an example of the apparent anxiety expressed in Favier’s handwriting, see p. 8, recto. 71. Segretaria di Stato (1900), rubr. 242, fasc. 5, p. 3, verso, ASV. 72. Segretaria di Stato (1900), rubr. 242, fasc. 5, p. 3, recto, ASV. 73. Segretaria di Stato (1900), rubr. 242, fasc. 5, p. 7, recto; p. 8, verso, ASV. 74. See, for example, Bishop Alphonse Favier to Cardinal Miescelaus Ledochowski, 26 December 1898, NS, vol. 192, ASPF, and 19 January 1899, NS, vol. 192, ASPF. 75. Perhaps the most consolidated source of accounts on the siege of the Beitang cathedral is the anthology of documents collected in the volume Quan shi Beitang weikun [The Boxer era siege of Beitang] (Beijing: Jiu shi tang, 1920). The bulk of this volume is comprised of the daily journal of the siege written by Favier. 76. Li, Quan huoji, 2: 8. The Lazarist Motherhouse retains original Chinese manuscripts detailing an account of the Chinese and Europeans who perished in the Beitang compound during the siege. See “Les martyrs de Pékin: 1900, martyrs du Pétang,” carton 5, CMAH. 77. Favier, Heart of Pekin, 24. 78. Favier, Heart of Pekin, 38. 79. Li, Quan huoji, 2: 15. 80. See Chiang Ying-ho, “Literary Reactions to the Keng-tzu Incident (1900),” PhD diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1982, 100. Also see my previous work, Clark, Heaven in Conflict, 81–82. The use of menstrual fluid in Chinese sorcery is also discussed in Kang Xiaofei, The Cult of the Fox: Power, Gender, and Popular Religion in Late Imperial China (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006), 62. 81. “Besieged in Peking,” North China Herald, 19 September 1900. 82. Favier, Heart of Pekin, 55. 83. Li, Quan huoji, 2: 37. 84. Li, Quan huoji, 2: 37. Also see Mazeau, Heroine of Pe-Tang, 245, and Luciano Morra, “I Boxer e la Chiesa Cattolica in Cina nei secoli XIX e XX,” PhD diss., Pontifical Gregorian University, Rome, 1996, 65–66. 85. L’Illustration, 10 November 1900. 86. One article published before the Boxer siege in Beijing insisted that popular unrest occurred because “throughout China Roman Catholic missionaries think it their

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duty to interfere between their converts and the native officials, while Protestant missionaries as a rule decline this interference.” The article also asserts that “Bishop Favier is the real French Minister at Peking” and that China was incensed because it “was Roman Catholic priests who insisted successfully on securing official status for themselves throughout China.” North China Herald, 17 October 1900. 87. Li, Quan huoji, 2: 37. The Lazarist motherhouse has preserved several Latin and French letters to and from Bishop Stanislas-François Jarlin, many of which are related to the siege of Beitang. See box A168A, CMAH. This box also contains a large number of newspaper clippings concerning the Boxer disturbances in 1900 and their aftermath. 88. Quoted in Sohier, “Msgr. Favier et la protection des missions en Chine (1870–1905),” ASAM, p. 28. 89. Yang, Beijing Tianzhujiao shi, 141. 90. Quoted in Devine, Four Churches of Peking, 215. 91. Alphonse Favier, Letter Accompanying His Journal, September 1900, in Favier, Heart of Pekin, 13. 92. Favier, Heart of Pekin, 13. 93. Claude Guilloux, CM, to Antoine Fiat, 28 April 1901, CMAH. Translated and quoted in Young, Ecclesiastical Colony, 125. 94. Segretaria di Stato (1903), rubr. 242, fasc. 2, ASV. Also see “Décret imperial,” in Gazette de Pékin, 8 April 1902. Chapter 5: The Contours of Reconstruction 1. For a biographical essay on Zhuge Liang, see Zhang Yufa, ed., Zhongguo lishi renwu: Mingchen pingzhuan [Chinese historical persons: Critical biographies of famous ministers] (Taipei: Wanxiang tushu gufen youxiangongsi, 1993), 60–103. 2. For an English translation of this scene in the novel Songuo yanyi [Romance of the three kingdoms], see Luo Guanzhong, Three Kingdoms: A Historical Novel, part 2, trans. Moss Roberts (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 735. 3. “Blind Imperial Arrogance,” Los Angeles Times, 20 July 2003. 4. See James L. Hevia, “Looting and Its Discontents: Moral Discourse on the Plunder of Beijing, 1900–1901,” in The Boxers, China, and the World, ed. Robert Bickers and R. G. Tiedemann (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2007), 93. 5. Tong, Jidujiao yu Beijing jiaotang wenhua, 14. 6. Yang, Beijing Tianzhujiao shi, 91. 7. See La vie illustrée, 1 February 1901. A reproduction of this cover image appears in Hevia, “Looting and Its Discontents,” 103. 8. North China Herald, 8 August 1900. 9. Count Alfred Waldersee, “Plundering Peking,” in Preussische Jahrbücher [Berlin conservative nationalist historical monthly], March, reprinted in Living Age 317, no. 4118 (9 June 1923): 568. 10. Waldersee, “Plundering Peking,” 568. 11. New York Times, 10 February 1901.

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12. Alphonse Favier, Letter Denying Charges of Looting, 20 October 1901, published in New York Times, 1 December 1901. 13. Favier, Letter Denying Charges of Looting. 14. Favier, Letter Denying Charges of Looting. 15. Alphonse Favier, Letter to the Association for the Propagation for the Faith, July 1901, published in Sacred Heart Review, 9 November 1901. 16. Favier, Letter to the Association for the Propagation for the Faith. 17. Favier, Letter to the Association for the Propagation for the Faith. 18. Favier, Letter to the Association for the Propagation for the Faith. 19. Favier, Letter to the Association for the Propagation for the Faith. 20. There are varying accounts regarding the amount of silver taels that the Beijing Roman Catholic mission received from the imperial treasury. An article in the North China Herald reported that “a Peking vernacular paper states that the balance of Tls. 70,000” were given to Bishop Favier in reparations for the mission’s losses during the Boxer turbulence of 1900. North China Herald, 20 August 1902. 21. Devine, Four Churches of Peking, 214. 22. Many of the clippings related to Favier’s 1901 tour of western Europe to solicit financial support for his reconstruction efforts in Beijing are in box A162, CMAH. The comparatively well documented visits include Paris (December), Marseille (December), Rome (December), Marseilles (January); Lille (January), Luxembourg (January), Angers (January), Nantes (January), and Dijon (February). Favier returned to China from his European travels in February 1901. See North China Herald, 16 January 1901. 23. Favier, Heart of Pekin, 47. 24. L’Univers, 22 January 1901. 25. L’Univers, 22 January 1901. 26. Letter from Sister Xavier Berkeley, July 1901, in M. L. H. (anonymous), Sister Xavier Berkeley (1861–1944): Sister of Charity of St. Vincent de Paul, Fifty-Four Years a Mis­ sionary in China (London: Burns & Oats, 1949), 64. 27. See, for example, the China-mission photo albums and scrapbooks presently held in the Archives des la Société des Auxilliares des Mission, especially the Beitang photos in album 21, pp. 21–24. Also see the photos included in the photo album compiled by the French Lazarist Gédéon Marecaux; “Photo Album, Gédéon Marecaux,” C 166-II, B-10, CMAH. 28. For an account of James A. Walsh’s life and the Maryknoll mission to China, see Jean-Paul Wiest, Maryknoll in China: A History, 1918–1955 (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1988). 29. James A. Walsh, Observations in the Orient: The Account of a Journey to Catholic Mission Fields in Japan, Korea, Manchuria, China, Indo-China, and the Philippines (Ossining, NY: Catholic Foreign Mission Society of America, 1919), 117–18. 30. Walsh, Observations in the Orient, 118. 31. Letter from Francis Xavier Ford, 6 November 1918, in Maryknoll Mission Letters: China, vol. 1, Extracts from the Letters and Diaries of the Pioneer Missioners of the Catholic Foreign Mission Society of America (New York: Macmillan, 1923).

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32. Nigel Cameron, Barbarians and Mandarins: Thirteen Centuries of Western Travelers in China (New York: Weatherhill, 1970), 399. 33. Thomas à Kempis, The Imitation of Christ, trans. Robert Jeffery (London: Penguin, 1994), 153. 34. After noting that it was expected of all foreign visitors to Beijing to meet with the illustrious Alphonse Favier, Bellaroche declares that this was especially appropriate since Favier knew “almost all the languages [of the visitors] and speaks Chinese as if it is his native tongue.” Bellaroche, “Le R. P. Favier.” 35. The three friends of Robert Hart who requested a special audience with Bishop Favier are identified in Hart’s letter as “Mrs. Von Hanneken and Mr. and Mrs. Von Carnap.” See Robert Hart to James Duncan Campbell, 4 August 1902, in The I. G. in Peking, ed. Fairbank et al., 1323. 36. North China Herald, 19 March 1902. 37. See North China Herald, 9 April 1902. Bishop Jarlin was awarded the rank of second button at the same ceremony. 38. Valery Gerrett, Chinese Dress: From the Qing Dynasty to the Present (Tokyo: Tuttle, 2007), 70. See p. 73 for a photographic image of these buttons. 39. North China Herald, 3 May 1919. 40. North China Herald, 16 April 1902. 41. Koon-ki Tommy Ho, “Yu Deling,” in Biographical Dictionary of Chinese Women: The Qing Period, 1644–1911, ed. Clara Wing-chung Ho (London: M. E. Sharpe, 1998), 263. Also see Arthur W. Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (Taipei: SMC Publishing, 1991), 1: 300. 42. See Grant Hayter-Menzies, Imperial Masquerade: The Legend of Princess Der Ling (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2008), 26. 43. Ho, “Yu Deling,” 263; and Hayter-Menzies, Imperial Masquerade, 26. 44. Quoted in Hayter-Menzies, Imperial Masquerade, 117. 45. Bishop Alphonse Favier to Cardinal Miescelaus Ledochowski, 1 March 1902, NS, vol. 237, p. 148, ASPF. 46. Bishop Alphonse Favier to Cardinal Miescelaus Ledochowski, 1 March 1902, NS, vol. 237, p. 150, ASPF. 47. Bishop Alphonse Favier to Cardinal Miescelaus Ledochowski, 1 March 1902, NS, vol. 237, p. 152, ASPF. 48. North China Herald, 12 March 1902. 49. See the front cover of Le pelerine, 16 April 1905. 50. Le pelerine, 16 April 1905. 51. Robert Hart to James Duncan Campbell, 31 August 1902, in I. G. in Peking, ed. Fairbank et al., 1326. A brief note in the 5 March 1902 North China Herald indicated that “Msgr. Favier has been in poor health for some weeks,” so it was in fact already known before Hart’s August letter that Favier was deteriorating. Also see North China Herald, 18 September 1902, where it is reported that “Bishop Favier has suffered from a stroke of apoplexy and grave fears are entertained of his recovery. The last report is that his condition has somewhat improved. The gout has been his persistent enemy for some time.”

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181

52. North China Herald, 3 September 1902. 53. AnnalesCM, vol. 127 (1963), 315–16. 54. Robert Hart to James Duncan Campbell, 9 April 1905, in I. G. in Peking, ed. Fairbank et al., 1460. 55. New York Times, 5 April 1905. 56. North China Herald, 7 April 1905. 57. There has been some scholarly interest in whether Favier was in reality buried inside Beitang or in a nearby cemetery within the walls of the Beitang complex. Lazarist records reveal that he was interred within the cathedral. See Jean Gonthier, CM, to Madame B. du Columbier, 20 February 1982, correspondence, CMAH. The memorial inscription that covered Alphonse Favier’s tomb in the Beitang cathedral is intact, though it is uncertain if his physical remains are still present in the original sarcophagus. 58. Sohier, “Msgr. Favier et la protection des missions en Chine (1870–1905),” p. 22, ASAM. 59. “Question de la propriété du Pétang, affaire entre les lazaristes et le diocèse du Pékin,” 20 October 1948, carton 10–17, CMAH. This folder largely contains materials from the minister of foreign affairs (ministère des affaires étrangeres), which is unpaginated. 60. Hu Chia, Peking: Today and Yesterday (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1956), 65. 61. Tong, Jidujiao yu Beijing jiaotang wenhua, 266. 62. Anthony E. Clark, private meeting at Beitang with Fr. Matthew Zhen Xuebin, Beitang cathedral rector, and Fr. Simon Zhu Jie, vicar of foreign affairs for the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Beijing, 12 January 2018. 63. Yang, Beijing Tianzhujiao shi, 113–14. 64. Yang, Beijing Tianzhujiao shi, 142. 65. Lunyu, “Bayi pian,” 3.5. Confucius, Lunyu yizhu [Translation and commentary on the Analects], trans. Yang Bojun (Taipei: Huazheng shuju, 1990), 26. For an alternative English translation with additional commentary see Confucius, Analects: With Selections from Traditional Commentaries, trans. Edward Slingerland (Indianapolis: Hackett, 2003), 18. 66. The unrefined tribes that occupy the four cardinal directions outside of the civilized Chinese states are identified as the Eastern Yi Barbarians (Dongyi 東夷), the Western Rong Barbarians (Xirong 西戎), the Southern Man Barbarians (Nanman 南蠻), and the Northern Di Barbarians (Beidi 北狄). For a translation of the “Kingly Regulations” (Wangzhi) chapter in the Liji, see Li Chi: Book of Rites, trans. James Legge (New Hyde Park, NY: University Books, 1967), 1: 209–48. For the original Chinese, see Liji yijie [Exegesis and translation of the Book of Rites], trans. Wang Wenjin (Bei­ jing: Zhonghuashuju, 2001), 159–96. 67. Hao Yen-p’ing and Wang Erh-min, “Changing Chinese Views of Western Relations, 1840–95,” in The Cambridge History of China, vol. 2, Late Ch’ing, 1800–1911, Part 2, ed. John K. Fairbank and Liu Kwang-ching (London: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 172. 68. Hao and Wang, “Changing Chinese Views of Western Relations,” 188–99.

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69. Guohuabao [China pictorial], 24 May 1925. 70. Zhang Ailing, Zhang Aling wenji [Selected works of Eileen Chang] (Hefei: Anhui wenyi chubanshe, 1992), 135. Quoted in Chen Hon Fai, Civilizing the Chinese, Com­ peting with the West (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2017), xix. 71. “Yuan Liang,” J1, 4, 1, BGD. 72. See Madeleine Yue Dong, “Defining Beiping: Urban Reconstruction and National Identity, 1928–1936,” in Remaking the Chinese City: Modernity and National Identity, 1900–1950, ed. Joseph W. Esherick (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1999), 121–38.

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B I B LIOG R A PH Y

Achives AnnalesCM

Annales de la Congrégation de la Mission (Lazaristes) et de la Compagnie des Filles de la Charité (consulted in Paris)

ARSI

Archivium Romanum Societatis Iesu (Rome)

ASAM

Archives des la Société des Auxilliares des Mission (Brussels)

ASPF

Archivio Storico di Propaganda Fide (Rome)

ASV

Archivio Segreto Vaticano (Vatican City)

BAV

Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Vatican City)

BGD

Beijing Municipal Archives 北平市工務局檔案 (Beijing)

CADN

Centre des Archives Diplomatiques de Nantes (Nantes)

CMAH

Congrégation de la Mission Archives Historiques (Paris)

CPJA

China Province Jesuit Archive (Taipei)

JACBA

Jesuítas na Ásia Collection at Biblioteca da Ajuda (Lisbon)

JJD

Missionary Affairs and Incidents Archives 教務教案檔 (Taipei)

OCA

Oberlin College Archives (Oberlin)

TDA

Taiyuan Diocese Archive 太原教區檔案館 (Taiyuan)

UOSC

University of Oregon Special Collections (Eugene)

Other Sources Acta apostolicae sedis: Commentarium officiale. Vols. 1, 39, 43, 47, 78. June 1909–­ February 1986. Ai Rulue 艾儒略 (Giulio Aleni). Tianzhu jiangsheng chuxiang jingjie 天主降生出像經解 [An illustrated history of the life of Jesus Christ]. 1637. Allan, Charles Wilfred. Jesuits at the Court of Peking. Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh, 1935. Allies, Thomas William. Germany, Italy and the Jesuits. 1872. 183

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I N DE X

A abbey church of Saint Denis, xiii accommodationism, xx, 82, 111 anti-Christian bias, 6, 28, 41, 45, 47, 61, 70, 119, 130 anti-clericalism, 38, 87, 125 anti-foreignism, 6, 28, 37–38, 70, 145–46 Antonelli, Leonardo, 88 Anzer, Johann Baptist von, 11 architect(s): Belgian, 99; Chinese, xv; Dutch, 102; Favier as, 24, 26, 36, 56, 63, 108, 110–11, 134, 143fig.; Flemish, 50; French, xii, xiv, xvii, 83, 88; missionary, 113, 127 B Baoding, 41, 45, 57, 59 baptism, 21, 24, 71, 136 barbarians, 144–45 Baroque, xv, 11, 55, 60, 64, 82–83, 141 basilica of Notre Dame des Victoires, Paris, 13 basilica of St. Clotilde, xii, xiii, 127, 153n6, 166n69 Beaux Arts tradition, 111 Beitang, 6fig., 76, 82, 89, 96, 103, 108, 171n54; architectural details of, xi; Boxer siege of, x, xvii, 7–8, 18, 64–66, 118–20, 128, 131; completion of, 79, 88, 94; compound, 26, 44fig., 56, 82, 91, 113, 119–21, 130, 142, 181n57; design of, 32, 38, 72–73, 76–77, 90–91, 97–98, 111, 117; library, 54, 165n41; location of, 105–8; museum, 93; press of, 48, 54, 65–68; restoration of, 86–87, 134, 144; towers of, xi, 54, 64–65, 89–91, 93, 103,

106, 109, 114, 122–23. See also North Church Belleville, Charles de, 83, 151 Bellonet, Henry de, 89, 149 Berkeley, Xavier, 132 Bernini, Gian Lorenzo, 55 Berthemy, Jules-François-Gustave, 87, 149 Big Bell Temple Museum, 109 Blessed Virgin Mary, 13–14, 22–25, 113, 120 Bourrières, Bernard Gustave, 88–91, 172n57 Bouvet, Joachim, 68–69, 168n97 Boxer attacks, 44, 68, 70, 113 Boxer siege, xvii, xxiv, 18, 117–23, 128–32 Boxer Uprising, 3, 6–9, 56–57, 96, 134–38, 147; destruction during, x, 45, 51, 54, 59, 61–62, 64, 65fig.; looting, 127 Brown, Arthur Judson, 118, 149 Bruguière, Jules, xxiv, 38, 149 Buddhism, 66, 82, 106, 108, 112, 114 Buddhist Diamond Sutra scroll, 66 C Calvinist Huguenot, 15 Canchikou church, 78, 81–83, 84–85fig., 86–89, 90fig., 91–96, 103, 106–9, 149, 171n40, 171n43 Capuchin friars, 70 caractère, 111 cardinal directions, in design, 48, 77–80, 145 Carmelites, 49 Castiglione, Giuseppe, 63, 150, 169n13 Cathedral of St. Joseph, xiv, xvi Cathédrale Notre-Dame de Paris, xii, xiv, 80, 99, 142 Catholic Protectorate. See Protectorate

211

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INDEX

Daughters of St. Joseph, xvii, 71 David, Jean Pierre Armond, 16–17, 92, 150 De Moerloose, Alphonse, 50–51, 56–57, 98, 99fig., 101–2, 111, 150 Delaplace, Louis-Gabriel, 29, 32, 49–50, 59, 63–65, 150, 164n24 Detring, Gustav, 104–8, 149 devils, 22, 26, 29 Dévot movement, 15–16, 157n42 Dijon, ix, xii, xxiii, 12, 131 diplomacy: architectural, xviii; ecclesial, 18, 66, 87–88, 124–26; Favier’s, 49, 64, 103–4, 110, 134, 141; foreign, 5, 27, 42– 45, 52–53, 121; French, 20, 35–37, 94–95, 118, 154n9; legations and, 7–11; Sinomissionary, 23, 29, 30, 69–70, 107, 146 Divine Illumination, xiii Dongergou Village, xvi, 40, 149 Dongtang (church), 61–64, 65fig., 77–79, 140, 149, 167n83, 169n13. See also East Church Dufresse, Gabriel-Taurin, 16, 151 Dunn, John George, 107–8, 149 Durand, Guillaume, 113

Catholicism: architecture, 20, 24, 73–75, 82, 99; baptisms, 26; Chinese, ix, 4, 8, 50, 76, 131–32, 143; Chivalric Order of the Golden Fleece, 95; clergy, 37, 52, 117; conversions, 21, 56; empire, 54, 63, 67, 72; French, xvii, 5, 14–15, 40, 43–45, 51, 55, 113, 122, 142; hospitals, 49, 141; missionaries, 14, 20, 36, 51–53, 77, 81, 103– 4, 112; presence of, 11, 47, 86; printing presses, 66–68. See also orphanages cemetery, 54, 65, 67–70, 181n57 Charles, Pierre, 73 Chen Guorui, 28, 149 Chevrier, Claude-Marie, 29, 31, 151 Chinese Communist Party, xv, 142 Chinese Maritime Customs, 44, 162 Church of St. Joseph, 62–64, 71–72, 113, 167n83 Church of the East. See Nestorians civilizing mission. See mission civilisatrice Cixi, xi, 91–92, 96, 103, 105–6, 108, 136–38, 149 classical Greek styles, xvi, 12, 57, 82, 100 coadjutor bishop, 38, 121, 137, 140 Cologne cathedral, xiii colonialism, xiv, 9, 19–21, 110, 114, 126, 143, 144 Commission on Historic Monuments, xi, 153n4 communism, xv, 142 Confucianism, 66, 144, 150 Congregation of the Mission. See Lazarists conversion: of China, 20–21, 68, 94, 145; cultural, 44, 124; process of, 41, 73, 110–13, 138, 147; statistics of, 26, 57 Coqset, Jules-Auguste, 21, 149 cosmology, 80–81, 89–112, 145, 176n53 Costantini, Celso, 101–2, 144, 149 Counter-Reformation, 75–76 craftsmen, xiii, 55, 109, 115–17 cultural hybridism, 114–15 Cultural Revolution, 142

E East Church, 61, 62fig., 77, 140, 167n85. See also Dongtang (church) Église Collegiale de Notre Dame, xii Église Saint-Sulpice, 53, 80, 170n27 Eight Allied Armies, 69, 120, 123, 128, 130 Elgin, James Bruce, 69, 149 emperors: Shunzhi, 61, 75, 150; Tongzhi, 48, 94, 96, 150; Yongzheng, 83, 151. See also Kangxi emperor empire-building, 46, 127 empress dowager. See Cixi episcopal consecrations, 39 Étienne, Jean-Baptiste, 22 Eurocentrism, 11, 20, 25, 101, 103 evangelism, 16, 35, 73

D Dagongbao (newspaper), 66–67, 149 Daguin, Florent, 88, 150 Daoism, 66, 112, 114, 125 Daughters of Charity sisters, 12–13, 16, 18, 27, 29–31, 38, 48–49, 51, 56, 71

F Favier, Alphonse: as architect, xiii, 7–9, 51, 57, 61–63, 76, 97–98, 101–3, 111, 141; as author, 23–24, 32, 38, 47–48, 86, 89–90, 93, 123; charges of looting, 128– 31; death of, 11, 96, 133, 140; design

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INDEX

principles, 114–16, 144; legacy of, 3, 7, 9, 10, 96, 124, 126–27, 140–42; and nationalism, 10, 20, 146–47; negotiation skills, 32, 41, 43, 49, 52–53, 71, 87, 94, 104–6; portrait of, 4fig., 39fig., 139fig.; rise to power, 17, 23, 27, 33, 40, 44–45, 136–38; siege defense, 118–20 Forbidden City, 133fig.; compound xi, 125; cosmology and, 81, 112, 169n17; distance of places from, xvii, 3, 6–7, 17, 55, 61, 64, 104–6, 108, 110; legations and, 118 Ford, Francis X., 134, 149 Four Churches of Beijing, 77, 78fig., 80–81 French Academic Classicism, 55, 153n2 French legation. See legations French Protectorate. See Protectorate French Revolution, x–xi, 87 French Tricolor, 3, 14, 70, 141. See also Protectorate Furen University in Beijing, 102, 140, 149, 174n22 G Gallo-Catholicism, xvii, 68, 145 gargoyles, 114, 115fig., 134 geomancy, 81 Gérard, Auguste, 33, 37, 150 Gerbillion, Jean-François, 68–69, 151 Gérôme, Jean-Léon, 70 Gherardini, Giovanni, 76, 95, 172n77 Giovanni da Montecorvino, 47, 74, 150 Gong, Qinwang, 41, 65 Gothic cathedrals, 96, 111, 113, 133, 147 Gothic church design, xiii, 54, 89, 91, 110, 114, 123; near Forbidden City, 6fig., 17; as offensive, 97–98; in Tianjin, ix, 14, 57 Gothic Revival, 98–100, 153n1; in China, 51, 145; French, xi–xiii, xviii, 111; as Sino–Gothic, 73, 90fig., 93fig., 114–15, 127fig., 141; in Tianjin, 30fig. governors general, xxiv, 41, 46 Gresnigt, Adelbert, 102–3, 149, 174n22 Guangzhou (Canton) cathedral, 126–27, 153 Guanyin, 59, 149

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gunboats, 5, 27, 37, 106, 119, 125 H Hart, Robert, 44, 106–7, 135, 139–40, 150, 162n2 Henry, Paul, 132 hierarchy, xxi, 33, 39, 51, 53, 142, 163n5 Ho Chi Minh, xv Holy Childhood, xxiii, 23–25, 29, 31 Holy Savior (church), 5, 72, 77, 81, 113 Hubrecht, Alphonse, 28, 39, 50, 151 hypermodernity, 127 I imperial era, xx, 9, 14, 68, 93, 123 imperialism, xvii, 10–11, 19, 97, 118, 128, 154n9 indemnity negotiations. See reparations indigenous clergy, 50, 71 indigenous tradition in architecture, xv, 10, 40, 113, 115, 117, 145 J Japanese concession, 67, 111, 120–21 Jarlin, Stanislas-François, 121, 135, 137, 140, 150 Jesuits: churches, 14–15, 75–83, 91; libraries, 54; missionaries, xiv, xv, 20, 95, 169n13; missionary enterprise, 8–9, 98; presence in China, 40, 47, 50, 73, 111– 12, 119; property, 61, 66–69, 86–88; suppression of, 71, 170n26 Jesuit church of St. Ignatius, 14, 98 Josephines, 134, 141 Juarias, Sister Hélene de, 43 Jules-André, Brother, 18 K Kangxi emperor, 81–83, 104–6, 137, 150 Khanbaliq, 73 L Labouré, Catherine, 13–14 land mines, 18 Lassus, Jean-Baptiste, xii late-Renaissance features, xv, 57, 60, 64, 83, 98 Laugier, Marc-Antoine, 101

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INDEX

Lazarist missions: in Beijing, 9, 16, 23, 39, 46, 92, 112; in Tianjin, 27–28, 31–32; in Xuanhua, xxiii, 56 Lazarist motherhouse, Paris, 15 Lazarists: archive of, 32, 40, 87, 142; martyrs, 35; missionaries, xv, 13, 21, 24, 45; motherhouse of, xx, 12, 14, 71, 124, 132; publications of, 39, 46, 48, 55, 66–67; seminary of, 12, 14, 15, 100 Lebbe, Vincent, 66, 97–98, 102, 114, 144, 150 Leclerc du Trembly, François, 70 Ledochowski, Miescelaus, 53, 119, 137 legations: French, 118–19, 141, 165n45; Quarter, 55–56, 61, 109, 134, 145; siege of, 7–8, 128–29, 176n65 L’Église Notre-Dame de l’Assomption, 12 Lemaire, Victor-Gabriel, 36, 150 Leo XIII, pope, 107, 119, 137 Leroy, Henri-Joseph, 20 Li Di (Li Wenyu), 8–9, 18, 119 Li Hongzhang, 52, 103–6, 108, 150 liberation, 22, 55, 120, 121fig., 122fig., 127, 146, 176n65 Liu Dapeng, 40, 150 Liu Tong, 77 Liuhecun Catholic church, xv looting, 127–31, 140 Lord of Heaven Hall, 75, 79 Louis-Philippe, xi–xii M Maes, Auguste-Pierre-Henri, 66–67, 150 Manchu Plain White Banner Corps, 136–37 Manchus, 19, 53, 105, 136 Mao Zedong, xv Maoist era, 61 Marécaux, Gédéon, 6, 150 Marian devotion, 12, 13, 15 Marist Brothers, xxiii, 18, 32, 48, 51, 68, 71, 141 Marty, Paul-Joseph, 58–59, 150 martyrdom, 9, 35, 125, 147, 177n69 Marxism, 10, 155n21 Maryknoll, 133–34 Mass, 12, 16, 69; and architecture, 92; ­celebration of, 22–23, 38, 109, 122–23,

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132; and direction of worship, 112; funeral, 140 massacre, xxiii, 19, 24, 31, 33, 130, 177n69. See also Tianjin incident military presence, 20, 31, 37–38, 61, 68, 70, 107, 125 minister of foreign affairs (ministère des affaires étrangères), 142 Miraculous Medal, xxiii, 13–14, 16 mission churches, 50, 99 mission civilisatrice: through architecture, 114, 117, 122–23, 126; in China, 25, 66, 141; as an ideal, 5, 9, 10–11, 19–22, 31, 43, 64, 110–12; influence of, 89, 94, 97 Missions Étrangères de Paris (MEP), 14– 15, 22 Mouly, Joseph-Martial, xxiii, 3, 16–17fig., 22–23, 68–69, 86–91, 150; and the Bei­ tang Press, 66, 67fig.; and church design, 56, 96 muscular architecture, ix–x, 57, 145 N Nantang (church), 3, 47, 75, 77, 79, 88, 141, 150, 171n39. See also South Church nationalism, xvii–xviii, 31, 38, 40, 46, 112, 154n9, 155n21; Chinese, 5–7, 144–47; French, 9–12, 14, 16, 19–20, 22, 117, 126 neo-classical churches, 12 Nestorians, 74 Nguyễn Sinh Cung. See Ho Chi Minh nonresidential construction, 39, 55 North China Herald, 48, 52, 60, 109, 120, 128, 135, 138, 140 North Church, xxiv, 73, 77–78, 81, 86, 97, 141. See also Beitang Notre Dame cathedral. See Cathédrale Notre-Dame de Paris Notre Dame des Victoires (church), 13, 27, 58–59. See also Our Lady of Victory O Œuvre de la Sainte-Enfance. See Holy Childhood opera house, Hanoi, xiv Opium War, 68, 146 orphanages, 18, 27–31, 49, 66, 113, 120, 132, 139, 159n35, 167n85

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INDEX

Our Lady of Consolation Abbey, 50 Our Lady of Victory (church), ix, 13–14, 32, 34fig., 37–38, 57–58, 150. See also Notre Dame des Victoires P paganism, 21, 25, 49, 56, 95, 100 pageantry, 3, 16, 27, 37, 70 pagodas, Buddhist, xvi, 22, 106, 108, 134 Paris Foreign Mission Society. See Missions Étrangères de Paris Pedrini, Theodorico, 79, 149 Perboyre, Jean-Gabriel, 13, 35, 149 Pichon, Stéphen-Jean-Marie, 53, 70, 118– 19, 149 pilgrimage sites, xii, xvi, 131–32 Pirès-Pereira, Gaetan, 50, 149 Planchet, Jean-Marie, 9, 56, 87, 149 preaching, 26, 41, 73, 138 pre-revolution churches, xv print culture, 53, 68 Propaganda Fide (Rome), 9, 43, 52–53, 73, 88, 119, 137, 142 Propagation of the Faith (Paris), 23, 43, 130 Protectorate, 14, 20, 36, 52–53, 103, 106–7, 119, 125 Protestants: conflict with, 121; missionaries, 11, 29, 52, 57, 118, 178n86; presence of, 13, 15, 133, 136, 138; Reformation, 76 Pugin, Augustus, ix, 56, 98–101, 111 Purple Bamboo Grove Church, 59, 60fig., 61, 166n69 Q Qing court, x, 6–8, 19–20, 33, 45, 52, 69, 109, 136, 140 Qing imperial treasury, x, 33, 47, 83, 88, 108, 131, 179n20 Qing Ministry of Works, 81 Qing troops, 9, 56, 120 R railways, 71 Rampolla, Mariano, 35–36, 52–53, 119 reconstruction, 23, 38, 56, 86, 108, 112; Catholic, 118; and churches, 47, 63; ­f requency of, 101; hospitals and, 54; interest in, 58, 179n22

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Renaissance Revival, 55, 57, 60, 64, 83, 98, 141 Rencitang orphanage, 18fig., 120 reparation, 34, 47, 59, 121, 130–31 Republican Era, xv, 112, 141–42, 146 retribution, 27, 128 Ricci, Matteo, 47, 68, 75, 77, 79, 111, 150 Roman Catholic mission, 73, 81, 86, 94– 95, 106, 121, 135, 179n20; aesthetic of, 98; in Beijing, 47; in northern China, 45 Romanesque Revival, xiv, 64, 74, 111, 140 Ruskin, John, ix, 111 S Sacré-Cœur (church), xv Sainte Clotilde (church), xii–xiii, 127, 153, 166n69 Sainte-Enfance. See Holy Childhood Samiasi, Francesco, 73 Samist, xix, 45, 133, 141, 163n3, 171n54 Sarthou, Jean-Baptiste Hippolyte, xxiv, 32, 37–40, 45, 149 Satan, 22, 49, 95. See also devils Schall von Bell, Johann Adam, 47, 63, 75, 79, 150 Scheut missionaries, 50, 98 Second Empire, xii, xiv Shunzhi. See emperors: Shunzhi Sino-barbarian polarity, 144–45 Sino-centrism, 145–46 Sino-Gothic architecture, 5, 61, 73, 111, 113, 115, 141 Sino-missionary exchange, 27, 103–4, 127 Sino-Vatican relationship, 107 Sino-Western exchange, xvii, 5, 7–9, 59, 77, 112, 123, 140 Société des Auxiliaires des Missions. See Samist Society of Jesus. See Jesuit Sohier, Albert, 45, 81, 107–8, 141–42, 163n3, 171n54 South Church, 3, 47, 51, 68, 75, 77, 79, 141. See also Nantang (church) St. Joseph’s Catholic church. See Dongtang (church) St. Louis church. See Purple Bamboo Grove Church St. Michael the Archangel (angel), 95–96

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2 16

INDEX

St. Michael’s church, 61, 141 St. Michael’s Hospital, 54–56, 141, 165n45 St. Vincent’s Hospital, 54–56 starvation, 118, 129–30, 140 stelae, 33–36, 58–59, 68, 108, 116–17 Summer Palace (Yuanmingyuan), 3, 69, 86 T Tagliabue, François-Ferdinand, 32, 43, 45, 107–9, 149 temples, xvi, 80–81, 4, 9, 109, 112, 114–15; design of, x, 97, 102; destruction of, 27, 129; pagan, 21, 59, 75 Third Republic, 20–21, 31 Tian Gengxin, 144, 150 Tiananmen Square, 61 Tianjin incident, 27, 29, 31–33, 57 Tianzhutang, 75, 82–83, 149–50 Tindaro, Mariano Rampolla del, 35, 119 Trappists, xxiii, 32, 48–51, 71, 164 trompe l’oeil, 76–77, 169n13 Tushanwan (orphanage), 66, 150 V Vatican, 35–36, 97, 141; Council, 49; ­politics, 9, 43, 107–8 Verbiest, Ferdinand, 61, 150 Viaud, Louis Marie-Julien, 122 Vincentians. See Lazarists Viollet-le-Duc, Eugène Emmanuel, xii, 153n5 Virgins, 31, 160n51 von Brandt, Max, 36, 149 von Waldersee, Alfred, 129, 150 W Walsh, James, 133–34 Wangfujing district, 61–62 Wanghailou. See Our Lady of Victory (church) Wei Yuan, 41, 151

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West Church, 68, 77, 79, 141. See also Xitang (church) World War I, 57 World War II, xv World’s Fair, x X Xavier, Francis, 14, 111 xenophobia, 132, 134, 157n2 Xishiku (church), xxiii–xxiv, 32, 78, 109– 10, 128, 143. See also Beitang Xishiku (location), xxiii, 32, 44, 91, 103, 105–8, 110, 151 Xitang (church), 77, 79, 141, 151. See also West Church Xuanhua (church), 26–27, 29, 41, 51, 56– 57, 59, 151 Xuanhua (location), xxiii, 27–29, 56, 151 Y Yangjiaping (Trappist abbey), 32, 50–51, 151 Ying Lianzhi, 66, 151 Yongzheng. See emperors: Yongzheng Yu Deling (Princess Yu Der Ling), 136– 37, 151 Yu Yizheng, 77 Yuan Liang, 147, 151 Yuanmingyuan. See Summer Palace Z Zhalan cemetery, 68, 151, 167n93, 168n97 Zhalan hospital, 55–56, 151 Zhengfusi cemetery, 54, 68–70, 151, 167n93 Zhengyici Opera Hall, 77, 151 Zhili (location), xxiii, 8, 29, 40, 45, 52, 56, 59, 67, 71–72, 104, 151 Zhuge Liang, 125–26, 151 Zizhulin Jiaotang. See Purple Bamboo Grove Church Zongli Yamen, xxiv, 33, 65, 110, 151; nego­ tiations with, 41, 51, 53, 89–90, 108, 136

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