Children’s Lifeworlds in a Global City: Melbourne 9819905729, 9789819905720

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Global Childhoods in the Asia-Pacific 3

Clare Bartholomaeus Nicola Yelland

Children’s Lifeworlds in a Global City: Melbourne

Global Childhoods in the Asia-Pacific Volume 3

Series Editors Nicola Yelland , Melbourne Graduate School of Education, University of Melbourne, Carlton, Melbourne, VIC, Australia Clare Bartholomaeus , Melbourne Graduate School of Education, University of Melbourne, Carlton, Melbourne, VIC, Australia

The Global Childhoods in the Asia-Pacific series provides an in-depth analysis of children’s lifeworlds in different locations in the Asia-Pacific. The volumes in the series explore connections between policy contexts, school experiences and everyday activities of children growing up in global cities in the Asian Century. The Series draws on the concept of lifeworlds to consider all aspects of primary school-age children’s lived experiences at school, at home, and in the community, where they are growing up in conditions of rapid globalisation, technological advancement and social transformation. Children’s lifeworlds are particularly important to consider in the current global educational landscape that is focused on what has become known as international high-stakes testing. This Series provides a picture of children’s lifeworlds which takes into account the broader context of children’s educational experiences and outcomes. The Series explores areas such as the broader policy context, pedagogical strategies, curriculum, timetables, assessment, wellbeing and belonging, homework and tutoring, and out-of-school activities. This Series focuses its attention on the Asia-Pacific region, and allows for a broader consideration of the impacts of location at the local, regional, and global levels. Alongside an edited overview book, each volume in the Series dedicates a book-length focus to one global city and draws on the same research methodology and methods. Each volume thus presents a thorough-going exploration of children’s lifeworlds in the location, including a consideration of complexities and diversity. By drawing on an interdisciplinary approach which utilises educational, sociological and cultural studies research design, methods and theories, this Series brings new and innovative interdisciplinary insights into dialogue with educational research. Please contact Grace Ma at [email protected] if you wish to discuss a book proposal.

Clare Bartholomaeus · Nicola Yelland

Children’s Lifeworlds in a Global City: Melbourne

Clare Bartholomaeus Melbourne Graduate School of Education University of Melbourne Melbourne, VIC, Australia

Nicola Yelland Melbourne Graduate School of Education University of Melbourne Melbourne, VIC, Australia

ISSN 2730-7816 ISSN 2730-7824 (electronic) Global Childhoods in the Asia-Pacific ISBN 978-981-99-0572-0 ISBN 978-981-99-0573-7 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0573-7 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Acknowledgements

We acknowledge the traditional custodians of the lands where we live and work, in particular we acknowledge the Wurundjeri Woi Wurrung people of the Kulin Nation and the Kaurna people. We acknowledge that sovereignty was never ceded. We thank and acknowledge all of the people involved in our school research, particularly the children, teachers and educators, principals, and parents/guardians. We also acknowledge the support of the Department of Education (DET) in Victoria. The Australian Research Council (ARC) provided funding for the project Global childhoods: Lifeworlds and educational success in Australia and Asia (DP180100325). We thank the members of our research team for discussions about the project more broadly. We also thank Dr. Sandy Muspratt for his invaluable statistical analyses and commentary. This book came about through the encouragement of Nick Melchior for a series dedicated to the study of Global Childhoods in the Asia-Pacific. We thank him for his support while he was at Springer. We also offer many thanks to our amazing editor Grace Liyan Ma for all of her work and support, along with Kavitha Sathish, Karthikeyan Krishnan, and the rest of the team at Springer. We acknowledge David Jones, Map Librarian at The University of Melbourne, for getting us started with free and open-source mapping which we used to create the maps in Chap. 1. Finally, we acknowledge and thank Fiona Richards from Expert Writing Services for her proofreading work on the book.

v

Contents

1 Introducing Children’s Lifeworlds in the Global City of Melbourne . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1 Education, Schooling, and Educational “Success” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2 Global Cities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2.1 Melbourne as a Global City . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3 (Re)presenting Children’s Lifeworlds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4 The Global Childhoods Project in Melbourne . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4.1 Schools . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4.2 Research Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.5 Outline of the Book . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1 2 4 5 9 11 12 16 21 23

2 The Context of Children’s Lifeworlds in Melbourne . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1 Demographic Overview of Children in Melbourne . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.1 Population . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.2 Culture, Languages, and Religions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.3 Home and Family Life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 Schools . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.1 School Systems in Melbourne, Victoria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.2 Students . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.3 Teachers and School Staff . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.4 Policy, Curriculum, and Assessment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3 Out-of-School Activities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.1 Leisure and Non-academic Organised Activities . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.2 Homework . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.3 Tutoring and Organised Academic Activities . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

27 28 29 29 33 35 35 37 37 39 42 43 47 48 50 51

vii

viii

Contents

3 The Structure of Schooling in Melbourne: Timetabling and Routines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 Timetables as Scheduled . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 Timetables in Practice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.1 Following Scheduled Timetables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.2 Beyond Scheduled Timetables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.3 Students’ Varied Learning Within Timetables . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

57 60 67 67 72 78 81 82

4 Pedagogical Encounters: Teaching and Learning in Melbourne Classrooms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1 The Curriculum and the Victorian Teaching and Learning Model . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2 School Context, Teaching Teams, and Pedagogical Possibilities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3 Pedagogical Encounters in the Classrooms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3.1 Learning the Concepts and Skills: Present and Practise . . . . 4.3.2 Applying the Concepts and Skills: Inquiries and Topics for Individual and Group Interests . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4 Pedagogical Encounters in Specialist Subjects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.5 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

102 106 109 110

5 School Engagement and Orientations to Educational “Success” in Melbourne . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1 School Subject and Activity Preferences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2 Views on Learning at School . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3 Feelings About School . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4 Career Aspirations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.5 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

111 113 120 125 131 139 141

6 School Belonging and Wellbeing: Everyday Stories and Practices in Melbourne . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1 Students’ Self-reported Sense of School Belonging and Student Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2 Belonging and Wellbeing in Classroom Contexts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2.1 Student–Teacher Relationships . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2.2 Wellbeing as Learning Content . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2.3 My Place, My Culture: Cultural Belonging in Classroom Topics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

85 86 88 91 92

143 145 149 149 157 161 166 168

Contents

ix

7 Screens, Play, Sport, and Homework: Children’s Out-of-School Activities in Melbourne . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1 Children’s Reported Out-of-School Activities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2 Re-enactments of Out-of-School Life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2.1 Madison’s Week . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2.2 Seb’s Week . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

171 173 177 178 181 185 187

8 Reflecting on Children’s Lifeworlds in the Global City of Melbourne . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1 Summary of Chapters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2 Children’s Lifeworlds and Educational “Success” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.1 A More Productive View of Educational “Success” . . . . . . . 8.2.2 Beyond Learning Concepts and Skills to Applying . . . . . . . . 8.2.3 Connecting Learning in and Beyond School . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3 Looking to the Future . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

191 193 196 197 198 200 201 203

Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207

Abbreviations

ABS ACARA AIHW ANZSCO ARC Auslan BYOD DET ICSEA LGA LSAC NAPLAN NDAAB OECD PIRLS PISA SCRGSP SEIFA SES SWPBS TALIS TIMSS VCAA

Australian Bureau of Statistics Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority Australian Institute of Health and Welfare Australian and New Zealand Standard Classification of Occupation Australian Research Council Australian Sign Language Bring Your Own Device Department of Education and Training (Victoria) Index of Community Socio-Educational Advantage Local Government Area(s) Longitudinal Study of Australian Children National Assessment Program—Literacy and Numeracy National Day of Action Against Bullying Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development Progress in International Reading Literacy Study Programme for International Student Assessment Steering Committee for the Review of Government Service Provision Socio-Economic Indexes for Areas Socio-Economic Status School-wide positive behaviour support Teaching and Learning International Survey Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study Victorian Curriculum and Assessment Authority

xi

List of Figures

Fig. 1.1 Fig. 1.2 Fig. 3.1 Fig. 3.2 Fig. 3.3 Fig. 3.4 Fig. 3.5 Fig. 3.6 Fig. 3.7 Fig. 3.8 Fig. 4.1 Fig. 4.2 Fig. 4.3 Fig. 4.4 Fig. 4.5 Fig. 4.6 Fig. 4.7 Fig. 4.8 Fig. 4.9 Fig. 5.1 Fig. 5.2 Fig. 5.3 Fig. 5.4

Greater Melbourne in the context of Australia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Greater Melbourne . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Naarm Primary School scheduled timetable Term 1 . . . . . . . . . . . Naarm Primary School scheduled timetable Term 3 . . . . . . . . . . . Maribyrnong Primary School scheduled timetable Week 8, Term 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Maribyrnong Primary School scheduled timetable Week 5, Term 3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Naarm Primary School actual timetable Week 9, Term 1 . . . . . . . Maribyrnong Primary School actual timetable Week 8, Term 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Daily timetable and calendar at Maribyrnong Primary School . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Daily timetable on the whiteboard at Naarm Primary School . . . Writing lesson: What-Why-How chart . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Writing lesson: Persuasive writing ideas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Writing lesson: Talking marks added to a second draft . . . . . . . . Numeracy lesson: Equations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Numeracy lesson: Flying to Europe problem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . History lesson: Green screen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Curiosity lesson: Favourite K-pop band survey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cooking lesson: Outline of lesson . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . STEM lesson: Origins of our food table . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Subjects and activities students were looking forward to during the week, as a percentage of all students . . . . . . . . . . . . Student’s drawing of what they were looking forward to at school that week . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Student’s drawing of what they were looking forward to at school that week . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Student’s drawing of what they were looking forward to at school that week . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

7 8 65 65 65 66 68 69 76 77 94 94 96 98 100 103 105 107 108 115 116 117 118 xiii

xiv

Fig. 5.5 Fig. 5.6 Fig. 5.7 Fig. 5.8 Fig. 5.9 Fig. 5.10 Fig. 5.11 Fig. 5.12 Fig. 5.13 Fig. 5.14 Fig. 5.15 Fig. 5.16 Fig. 5.17 Fig. 5.18 Fig. 5.19 Fig. 5.20

Fig. 6.1 Fig. 6.2 Fig. 6.3 Fig. 6.4 Fig. 6.5 Fig. 6.6 Fig. 6.7 Fig. 7.1 Fig. 7.2 Fig. 7.3

List of Figures

Student’s drawing of what they were looking forward to at school that week . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Students’ learning by subject or activity, as a percentage of all students . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Student’s drawing of what they learnt at school that week . . . . . . Student’s drawing of what they learnt at school that week . . . . . . Student’s drawing of what they learnt at school that week . . . . . . Student’s drawing of what they learnt at school that week . . . . . . Student’s drawing of how they felt they were doing at school . . . Student’s drawing of how they felt they were doing at school . . . Student’s drawing of how they felt they were doing at school . . . Student’s drawing of how they felt they were doing at school . . . Students’ career aspirations by category, as a percentage of all students . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Student’s drawing of what job they wanted to do when they leave school . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Student’s drawing of what job they wanted to do when they leave school . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Student’s drawing of what job they wanted to do when they leave school . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Student’s drawing of what job they wanted to do when they leave school . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Students’ career aspirations mapped onto the Australian and New Zealand Standard Classification of Occupation sub-major groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . School belonging: Students’ enjoyment of school and relationships with others . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Student identity: Students’ perceptions of themselves and their grades . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Marble rewards chart and marble jar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Wellbeing “problem roundabout” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . My Place timeline in the classroom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . My Culture research project checklist . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . My Culture research project notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Time spent on out-of-school activities over a week on weekdays . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Time spent on activities over a weekend . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Extent to which children enjoy doing the activities, of those who do the activities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

119 121 123 124 124 125 127 128 129 131 135 136 136 137 138

139 147 148 156 159 163 165 166 175 176 177

List of Tables

Table 2.1 Table 2.2 Table 2.3

Table 2.4 Table 2.5 Table 2.6 Table 2.7 Table 2.8 Table 2.9 Table 2.10 Table 3.1 Table 5.1 Table 7.1 Table 7.2

Population statistics, 5–14 year olds and total population, Greater Melbourne, Victoria, and Australia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Top 10 countries of birth, 5–14 year olds and total population, Greater Melbourne, Victoria, and Australia . . . . . . Top 10 languages spoken at home, 5–14 year olds and total population, Greater Melbourne, Victoria, and Australia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Number of students attending primary school by school type, Greater Melbourne, Victoria, and Australia . . . . . . . . . . . . In-school staff (FTE), primary school, Victoria . . . . . . . . . . . . . Australian Curriculum overview, Foundation to Year 10 . . . . . . Victorian Curriculum overview, Foundation to Year 10 . . . . . . . Participation in “cultural activities,” by sex, 5–14 year olds, Victoria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Participation in “cultural activities,” by activity, 9–11 year olds, Australia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Children participating in lessons for selected creative activities, 5–14 year olds, Australia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ACARA curriculum indicative time guidelines for Year 4 and case study class timetable allocations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . All occupations mentioned by students, by category and occupation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Madison’s activity log . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Seb’s activity log . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

29 31

32 37 39 41 41 43 44 46 62 134 179 182

xv

Chapter 1

Introducing Children’s Lifeworlds in the Global City of Melbourne

Abstract This chapter introduces the Global Childhoods project in Naarm* (also known as Melbourne), designed to investigate the lifeworlds of Year 4 children (9– 10 year olds) in the Asia-Pacific. The project explores everyday stories and practices inside and outside of school, situating these within policy and curriculum contexts. In this chapter, the key concepts in the book are outlined, including educational “success,” global cities, and lifeworlds. Detailed information about the participating schools and the research methods used is provided, together with an outline of the chapters in the book. *Naarm (also spelt Nairm or Narrm) is the Woi Wurrung word for the city also known as Melbourne. Woi Wurrung is the language of the Wurundjeri people of the Eastern Kulin Nation, one of the traditional owner groups of the lands that are also known as the Melbourne CBD. Keywords Melbourne · Australia · Global cities · Children’s lifeworlds · Educational “success” · Researching children’s lives I feel I am doing ok because I am learning a lot of stuff. And I am focusing a lot. Plus I am putting my hand up a lot. I get to learn lots of new things. (Maribyrnong Primary School, boy, How do you feel about how you are doing at school?) I learnt more about Uluru and Amazon rainforest and Amazon river in South America! I enjoyed finding more information about these things because I wanted to know more about these landmarks! (Naarm Primary School, girl, What did you learn at school this week?) I would like to be a vet or zoologist because I love animals and I would love to help or study them. I love animation movies and I would love to create them and I got inspired by stuff like the LEGO movies and How To Train Your Dragon. These type of movies I understand and enjoy. (Naarm Primary School, boy, What job do you want to do when you leave school?)

This book explores the lifeworlds of children in the global city of Melbourne, situated in the state of Victoria in Australia. The above excerpts come from a learning dialogues activity which asked students to write and/or draw in response to questions about their learning at school, feelings about school, and career aspirations. These excerpts highlight some of the diverse ways that educational “success” may be understood for primary school students in the context of Melbourne, with students expressing enthusiasm to learn, engagement in school, and connections between their current interests and future lives. These ideas about educational “success” go beyond © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 C. Bartholomaeus and N. Yelland, Children’s Lifeworlds in a Global City: Melbourne, Global Childhoods in the Asia-Pacific 3, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0573-7_1

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the often narrow focus only on academic test scores, which encourages comparison and competition between students and schooling systems. This book forms part of a series based on the research project funded by the Australian Research Council (ARC) entitled Global Childhoods : Lifeworlds and educational success in Australia and Asia and built on the earlier project Millennial Kids Learning (e.g. Yelland & Muspratt, 2018; Yelland et al., 2012, 2013, 2017). The Global Childhoods project was designed to investigate the lifeworlds of Year 4 children (9–10 year olds) in Melbourne, Hong Kong, and Singapore. The international team conducted research in Melbourne, Hong Kong, and Singapore to enable an exploration of the lifeworlds of Year 4 students in the three global cities, including a consideration of how these may in turn affect students’ orientations to educational “success.” A separate overview book provides more details on the project as a whole (Lee et al., 2023). In this book, we offer a closer analysis of children’s lifeworlds in the global city of Melbourne, situating their everyday lives in the broader local, national, regional, and global contexts. Situated within the field of education, this book focuses on the interplay between school experiences, everyday activities, and policy contexts to provide a picture of what it looks like to be a primary school-age child in Melbourne. This introductory chapter begins by setting the scene for education and schooling within the global landscape. We begin with our reflections on educational “success” and how we engage with and approach this concept in the book. Two other key concepts explored in the book are then defined and discussed: global cities and lifeworlds. Following this, a detailed overview of the research design, participants and schools, and methods is provided. Finally, the structure of the book is outlined.

1.1 Education, Schooling, and Educational “Success” It is important to explain some of the language and concepts we use in this book, namely education, schooling, and educational “success.” The terms education and schooling are often used interchangeably to denote the settings and period of time that children spend in formal learning, in systems that are publicly and/or privately funded. In this book, we view education as lifelong and life wide, with learning occurring in both formal and informal contexts that include schools, homes, and community locations. In contrast, schools are official locations of learning, with mandated curriculum and compulsory attendance regulations in place (in Victoria, schooling is compulsory for 6–17 year olds). Preschools are also formal places of learning, but attendance is not compulsory in Victoria, or in Australia more broadly. The process of schooling is thus made with reference to attendance at schools, with a recognition that learning occurs in schools as well as in other locations in children’s everyday lives. Here, we define learning as the process of acquiring and building new knowledge, skills, and dispositions and recognise that this occurs across children’s lifeworlds.Both ‘year olds’, ‘year old’ and ‘years old’ are inconsistently used

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throughout the book. Please check and suggest which one has to follow consistently.Thank you for picking this up. Sometimes these have different meanings so we cannot specify a preference for one way of writing this (as it would be incorrect in some contexts). I have paid attention to this and made changes throughout the chapters. The Global Childhoods project enabled an in-depth consideration of children’s lifeworlds and how they impact on children’s orientations to educational “success.” One of the goals of the project was to reconceptualise the concept of educational “success” to move beyond numeric scores from academic tests and consider other dimensions of educational “success” as reflected in children’s lifeworlds more broadly. We present the idea of “success” in quotation marks throughout the book to continue to problematise it. A focus on orientations to educational “success” in its broadest sense enables a holistic consideration of children’s lifeworlds, rather than attempting to identify a set of skills or dispositions that relate to what constitutes educational “success” in narrow terms as something that can be measured. This relates to but also extends Australia’s national education goals, as most recently articulated in the Alice Springs (Mparntwe) Education Declaration: The Declaration has two distinct but interconnected goals: Goal 1: The Australian education system promotes excellence and equity Goal 2: All young Australians become: . confident and creative individuals . successful lifelong learners . active and informed members of the community. (Education Council, 2019, p. 4)

Many children around the world are growing up in the context of a global education market. This goes beyond schooling systems at the local or national level, since with increasing competition, datafication, and commodification, education policies and practices influence and are being influenced by global ideas (e.g. Apple et al., 2005; Rizvi & Lingard, 2010). Rizvi and Lingard (2010) call this an “economistic reframing of education policy” (p. 16). Children are experiencing formal schooling which is considered on an international scale and where global education discourses create ideas of “the universal child” (Bloch et al., 2006). For example, the OECD Learning Framework 2030 outlines a broad global framework of a “shared vision” of formal schooling (OECD, 2018). Furthermore, the framework positions all children as adults of the future by regarding children of 2018 as “young adults” of 2030 (OECD, 2018) and, as an economic organisation, retains a focus on economic futures (Gorur, 2017). The current global educational landscape is particularly focused on what has become known as international high-stakes testing, which is regarded as a key indicator of educational “success,” judging schooling systems against each other and influencing policy (e.g. Klemenˇciˇc & Mirazchiyski, 2018). These tests, which take place in schools, include the Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) completed by Year 4s and Year 8s, the Progress in International Reading

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Literacy Study (PIRLS) completed by Year 4s, and the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) completed by 15 year olds. Students’ academic performance in high-stakes testing is viewed as signifying the “success” of various countries’ schooling systems and is a prevalent feature in the global educational landscape (e.g. Zhao, 2012, 2014). Zhao (2012) has argued that test scores do not reflect the various attributes and strengths of particular schooling systems in producing citizens that might make a valued contribution to society. At the national level in Australia, the National Assessment Program—Literacy and Numeracy (NAPLAN) also works to produce a narrow understanding of educational “success” and culminates in the My School website which is essentially designed to compare and judge the “success” of individual schools based on NAPLAN scores (Gorur, 2013, 2016). The increasing focus on academic testing and measurement is a key contributor to the rise in the datafication of formal education, where there is an increasing interest in the production and use of data to determine and define policy, curriculum, and pedagogy (e.g. Bradbury & Roberts-Holmes, 2018; Gorur, 2019; Spina, 2021). A key aspect of the Global Childhoods project is its framing around the idea of what constitutes educational “success”; what it looks like, how it is measured and who determines the extent to which it is achieved, and at what level. We contend that any discussion about educational “success” needs to include a more holistic reflection on children’s lifeworlds and move beyond simple measures of achievement, such as scores obtained in tests. These test scores are limited to a narrow range of content domains (particularly mathematics, reading, and writing) and take place in school. They do not allow for a contemplation of the broad range of everyday learning moments that are potentially important opportunities to learn knowledge and skills that enrich children’s lives now and in future. As such, the increasing focus on the global education market can mean that the complexities of children’s everyday lives, those aspects that constitute their broad and varied lifeworlds, are often overlooked. This includes the ways in which these global processes may differently impact on children, including by location, as well as the diversity of experiences within locations. The focus on Year 4 students in the Global Childhoods project was deliberate since this is the year that children participate in PIRLS and the first year that children participate in TIMSS. In Australia, NAPLAN testing occurs in the surrounding years in primary school (Year 3 and 5). Going beyond narrow definitions of educational “success” as related only to academic test scores, we think about “success” more broadly to also incorporate, for example, engagement, effort, enjoyment, and belonging, concepts which we explore in more depth throughout this book, focusing on the global city of Melbourne.

1.2 Global Cities This project draws on Sassen’s (2001, 2005) concept of the global city. As stated above, schooling systems exist in the context of a global education market in which policies and practices are influenced by global trends and economic imperatives to

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provide opportunities to produce productive worker citizens. Children’s everyday lives are intertwined with the global, for example, via media, popular culture, technology, and clothing. Increasingly their schooling is compared to those in other parts of the world. Sassen’s (2005) description of her perceived need for a “new type of organisational structure … a new type of conceptual architecture” (p. 28) that she called the “global city” provided us with an imperative to recognise our location and its global status and to frame discussions beyond the local conditions. Sassen (2001) uses the concept of global cities to describe a new form of city, similar to world cities of the past in terms of movement of capital, labour, goods, raw materials, and tourists between locations, but distinct in that they are based on fast-moving finance and information technology. Global cities may have been world cities in the past, yet this is not necessarily the case. The global economy impacts on which cities might be defined as global cities, rather than previously relating to empires and nation states (Sassen, 2001). In global cities, (digitised) financial and specialised services are now key to production, rather than manufacturing (Sassen, 2001). Global cities are networked, and they interact with other global cities rather than working in isolation like previous world cities and empire capitals. As Sassen (2005) writes, “the category global city only makes sense as a component of a global network of strategic sites” (p. 41, note 15). Sassen argues that the significance of cities remains and in some cases becomes more important than nation states. Sassen (2001) also writes about the inequality in global cities, where jobs in growing areas are often divided into low income and high income, potentially resulting in the middle class becoming less significant. While Sassen’s work has been central in understanding global cities, her definitions largely centre on finance (Block, 2006). This overlooks the significance of other key areas of economic (broader than finance), social, and cultural activities, including education, used in global city measures. We argue that dynamic education systems are integral to global cities, both producing and attracting participants and creating aspirational opportunities for citizens that are flexible and globally focused. However, education and global cities are not often written about together (Koh & Chong, 2014). When discussing education in global cities, others have noted the significance of educating future “global citizens,” the definitions of which are locally influenced, and the migration flows associated with education (Alviar-Martin & Baildon, 2016; Block, 2006).

1.2.1 Melbourne as a Global City While Melbourne is regarded as a global city, global cities are variously defined and listed. In her influential book, The Global City, first published in 1991, Sassen (2001) wrote particularly about New York, London, and Tokyo, but she indicated in 2007 that there were around 40 global cities (Sassen, 2007), and by 2016, the number had increased to over one hundred (Sassen, 2016). Importantly, there are shifts in which cities are considered global cities as they are, by necessity, not static, relying on complex processes, such as deregulation, privatisation, and foreign investment,

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to ensure their inclusion (Sassen, 2001). Thus, there are several measures of global cities, rather than an agreed upon list. The global COVID-19 pandemic has also impacted upon these, and while the pandemic will have long-lasting effects, data from the early years of the pandemic is likely to be distorted, so pre-pandemic data is drawn on here. In 2019, the A.T. Kearney (2019) report calculated that the top cities in their Global Cities Index were New York, London, and Paris, with Melbourne situated at number 16. The Global Cities Index measured 27 metrics across the dimensions of business activity, human capital, information exchange, cultural experience, and political engagement. The Global Cities Outlook was slightly different, with the top cities being London, Singapore, and San Francisco, and Melbourne at number 14 (A.T. Kearney, 2019). This was determined by measuring 13 metrics in relation to the dimensions of personal wellbeing, economics, innovation, and governance. Similarly, the Globalization and World Cities (GaWC) Research Network (2018) focuses on networks between cities and ranks selected cities in five overarching categories (Taylor, 2001). The top category (Alpha) featured London and New York as Alpha ++ and Melbourne as an Alpha city. Finally, on the Global Power City Index 2019, Melbourne ranked at number 11 overall, based on numerous indicators in the functions of economy, research and development, cultural interaction, liveability, environment, and accessibility (Mori Memorial Foundation, 2019). Importantly, global cities operate as networks, rather than being in competition with each other. They have different specialisations by necessity (Sassen, 2016). As the A.T. Kearney (2019) report notes, 17 cities were regarded as being needed to make the “perfect” city for the Global Cities Index in 2019 when examining each metric individually. Sassen (2019) discussed the status of the global cities of Melbourne and Sydney, noting that Sydney had more significant foreign investment and globally connected financial and business services. However, she emphasised that “Melbourne does not compete with Sydney for what Sydney has. Melbourne has its own specialized global city” (Sassen, 2019, p. 189). This can be seen, for example, in the Global Cities Index, where Melbourne ranked the highest in the world for international student population in 2019 (a metric of human capital) (A.T. Kearney, 2019). Melbourne ranked equal highest with Sydney for environmental performance (a metric of personal wellbeing) in the Global Cities Outlook (A.T. Kearney, 2019) and sixth overall for environment in the Global Power City Index (Mori Memorial Foundation, 2019). However, Melbourne scored less well in other categories, such as cultural interaction (24th) and accessibility (25th) in the Global Power City Index (Mori Memorial Foundation, 2019). Other sources have also highlighted the significance of dimensions of the knowledge economy and (formal) education, liveability, environmental sustainability, and large migrant populations in making Melbourne a global city (Colic-Peisker, 2014; Hu et al., 2013; Tuli et al., 2019). The COVID-19 pandemic is likely to continue to have an impact on some of these aspects, particularly the large international university student body in Melbourne (see Hurley, 2020, Appendix 1). International students, who are particularly from Asian countries, were unable to attend courses in Melbourne due to Australian border closures during the early years of the pandemic. However, the significance of global cities remains, with

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a report suggesting that global cities are key to the global recovery from the pandemic (Kearney, 2021). These global measures and discussions are useful for considering global cities broadly and as a collective for discussion of different elements of functioning cities. We are particularly interested to focus on what it is like for children to live in these global cities and experience the social and cultural aspects of everyday life, including the schooling system. As mentioned above, Sassen (2001) distinguishes global cities from world cities, and, while Melbourne would not have been considered as a world city in the past, it is currently regarded as a global city. Naarm (also known as Melbourne, which we use in this book) is the capital city of the state of Victoria, in the south of mainland Australia. Victoria is one of six states and two (internal) territories in Australia. Melbourne is located on the traditional, unceded lands of the Kulin Nation. The British established a colonial city on the banks of the Birrarung (also known as the Yarra River) in 1835 and named the city Melbourne in 1837 (for more on the history of Melbourne, see, e.g. Boyce, 2013; City of Melbourne, 1997; Melbourne Water, 2021). The colony of Victoria became the state of Victoria after the federation of Australia in 1901.

Fig. 1.1 Greater Melbourne in the context of Australia. Source Map created by the authors using QGIS: A Free and Open Source Geographic Information System (https://www.qgis.org/en/site/) in conjunction with the plugins OpenStreetMap (data available under the Open Database License, https://www.openstreetmap.org/copyright) and GeoCoding (IT Open, https://www.itopen.it/geocod ing-qgis-plugins-released/), using data from the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) (2016)

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Fig. 1.2 Greater Melbourne. Note Selected place names have been added for context. Source Map created by the authors using QGIS: A Free and Open Source Geographic Information System (https://www.qgis.org/en/site/) in conjunction with the plugins OpenStreetMap (data available under the Open Database License, https://www.openstreetmap.org/copyright) and GeoCoding (IT Open, https://www.itopen.it/geocoding-qgis-plugins-released/), using data from the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) (2016)

We use the geographic definition of Greater Melbourne (also known as metropolitan Melbourne) as defined by the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS), which covers 9992.5 km2 (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2017a). Figure 1.1 shows Melbourne’s location in the southeast of Australia, and Fig. 1.2 shows the boundary of Greater Melbourne as defined by the ABS. Greater Melbourne had a total population of almost 4.5 million in the 2016 Census, with just under 12% of the population aged 5–14 years (ABS, 2017b). Of the total Greater Melbourne population, just under 60% were born in Australia, with this increasing to over 80% for children 5–14 years old. However, this meant that nearly 20% of children in Greater Melbourne were born outside of Australia, from a diverse range of countries, particularly English-speaking countries and from the continent of Asia (ABS, 2017a). The majority of children 5–14 years old in the state of Victoria lived in Greater Melbourne (75.1%) (ABS, 2018b), reflecting the proportion of the total population in Victoria (75.8% lived in Greater Melbourne) (ABS, 2018a). A more detailed demographic overview of children in Greater Melbourne is provided in Chap. 2. Melbourne is currently regarded as being one of the most socially “progressive” cities in Australia, a source of pride to the Victorian Labor Government (Victorian

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Government, 2018). For example, when Australia held a Marriage Law Postal Survey in 2017 (a “non-binding plebiscite” in response to the question of “Should the law be changed to allow same-sex couples to marry?”), the national “yes” vote was 61.6%, compared with the highest “yes” vote of 83.7% in the inner city electorates of both Melbourne (part of Greater Melbourne) and Sydney (part of Greater Sydney) (ABS, 2017c). In terms of the environment, the inner city electorate of Melbourne was also the first place the Australian Greens party won a seat in the House of Representatives (lower house) in a general federal election in 2010 (The Greens Victoria, n.d.).

1.3 (Re)presenting Children’s Lifeworlds The Global Childhoods project enables the exploration of the lifeworlds of children in detail. The use of the concept of lifeworlds encompasses a holistic consideration of the lives and learning of children, viewing the various aspects and contexts in which children live and learn as relational. We use the concept of lifeworlds to explore children’s lives in schools, at home, and in various community and other locations (Yelland et al., 2012, 2017). Husserl (1970) and Habermas (1987) have used the term “lifeworld” in the singular to denote the realm of informal social and cultural experiences, played out in everyday practical contexts. We draw on and extend the concept to explore the vast range of children’s everyday experiences and learnings and the locations in which these occur (Yelland et al., 2021). We were also influenced by Pink’s (2012) work on everyday life, as it connects with our interest in children’s everyday experiences in the context of their lifeworlds. As Pink (2012) writes, “practices cannot be understood as being performed in isolation from the wider environments of which they are a part” (p. 3). Importantly, Pink and Leder Mackley (2014) highlight the need for researching everyday life: we need to be “in there” and part of the very flow of life that we are researching. Yet simultaneously, we need to order what we find into manageable analytical units so that it will be meaningful in academic literatures – that is, in a representational world where the everyday becomes abstracted into categories for scholarly analysis. (p. 146)

Inspired by Pink and Leder Mackley (2014), we focus on (re)presenting children’s lifeworlds as located in our research, in ways which can be made meaningful for academic analysis. In order to explore the complexities of children’s lifeworlds, the Global Childhoods project was designed to utilise a range of methods in order to consider multiple perspectives and aspects of children’s lives. Our thinking has been influenced for many years by a critical engagement with the (new) sociology of childhood, which presents alternatives to dominant, heritage theories relating to developmentalism and socialisation. In particular, James and Prout’s (1997) influential edited collection Constructing and Reconstructing Childhood (first published in 1990), conceptualised childhood as a social construction, viewed children’s relationships and cultures as being worthy of study, and viewed children as active in the construction of their own lives and societies (Prout & James,

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1997). However, while there is now a proliferation of research about children’s lives, childhood studies largely remain a separate field, often still drawing on this early body of work and largely unconnected with more recent theoretical and methodological work in other fields. This has also been noted by some of the key figures in childhood studies (Smith & Greene, 2014). As Spyrou (2018) suggests, the childhood studies field has largely remained focused on producing more research on “the emblematic socially-constructed and agentic child” (p. 5). We remain interested in children’s perspectives in order to gain an understanding of their experiences, yet we are aware that these are impacted by broader discourses and are produced in our specific research project. In particular, we are mindful that different methods and methodological approaches impact on “findings” about children’s lives, as we have written about elsewhere (Bartholomaeus, 2016; Yelland & Bartholomaeus, 2021). Although our approach includes engaging directly with children about their understandings and perspectives, we also go beyond this to consider the contexts of children’s lifeworlds, of which children’s own understandings (as produced in the research project) are just one (re)presentation of the bigger picture of children’s lives. We draw on methods that are broader than children’s perspectives to produce understandings about dimensions of children’s lifeworlds, such as talking with teachers and parents, observing in classrooms, and considering children beyond individuals to see them in action with, and in relation to, others in the locations and routines of their everyday lives. The broader schooling context, including the design and purpose of curriculum and policy, is also considered. We view a “multi-method” or “multi-modal” approach as enabling a more holistic view of children’s lifeworlds with multiple perspectives. This is similar to Clark’s (2005, 2017) Mosaic approach used with younger children. As Clark (2005) writes, “[t]he Mosaic approach acknowledges the importance of a framework for listening, which does not exclude the perspectives of practitioners and parents” (p. 39). This approach then engages children in research about their lives, but also challenges the assumptions that children (or people of any age) can offer definitive accounts of their own lives (Yelland & Bartholomaeus, 2021). It also works to avoid considering children as living in isolation from adults. While our aim in this book is to provide a picture of children’s lifeworlds in Melbourne, we also recognise that the research was designed and conducted for specific purposes. In other words, these are selected (re)presentations of children’s lifeworlds in Melbourne. The descriptions and analyses of the research are not presented as being “facts” or “truths” but as particular examples with possible (re)presentations and interpretations canvassed. The next section details the research upon which this book is based, including an overview of the schools and participants, and a description and reflection on the methods.

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1.4 The Global Childhoods Project in Melbourne This book draws on research in Melbourne schools, bringing in policy and curriculum analysis from Victoria and Australia where relevant. This book is primarily based on our research in two Year 4 primary school classrooms in Melbourne, as well as an additional two schools in a survey. The research allows for an exploration of the lifeworlds of the children who inhabit these classes, what they did, how they reflected on their school experiences, what the structure of their school lives looked like, and what they did outside of these hours. The book is simultaneously about the classes involved in the research and not about them. In other words, we recognise the specifics of producing research in these classes in particular schools (at a specific point in time), but we did not choose these classes because we viewed them as being particularly unique and worthy of documentation. These classes are interesting to us because of their location in the global city of Melbourne. They allow an in-depth look at children’s lifeworlds in Melbourne, particularly at school, without suggesting that they are definitive or representative of children in Melbourne. In addition, this is a book about Melbourne, which is at times distinct as a global city and at other times cannot be separated from its jurisdiction (the state of Victoria) and nation (the country of Australia) contexts, and is also situated in the broader regional and global contexts. The significance of the global as well as the local in children’s lifeworlds is well demonstrated by the ongoing and long-term effects of the COVID-19 pandemic across the world. The research with children and in schools which informs this book was produced in 2018 and 2019, prior to the pandemic. Impacts of the pandemic for some children included school moving online for temporary and unknown periods (creating a blurring of home and school), families losing income, and a general limitation on movement outside homes. All these impacts were particularly felt in Melbourne, where the Victorian government introduced the strictest lockdown measures in Australia (and arguably the world) in 2020 and 2021 in an attempt to stop the spread of the virus (Boaz, 2021). The ongoing and long-term social and economic impacts are likely to influence many children and their families for years to come. The pandemic has also had an impact on being able to conduct research in schools and homes and such research may be even more difficult in future due to long-lasting impacts of the pandemic. For example, the Department of Education and Training (DET) in Victoria heavily restricted research in schools for the early years of the pandemic. While the research in this book was conducted prior to the pandemic, we view it as both important and relevant to understanding children’s lifeworlds into the future. Further reflections on the impacts of COVID-19 on children’s lives and research in schools are included in the conclusions chapter. The Melbourne component of the research was approved by the Flinders University Social and Behavioural Research Ethics Committee (Project No.: 7926) (South Australia) and the Department of Education and Training (2018_003827) (Victoria, Australia). When Nicola (the lead investigator) relocated to the University of Melbourne, the project’s administration was transferred there and was approved

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by the University of Melbourne Human Research Ethics Committee (Ethics ID: 1853465/1). Individual principals approved the research within their schools, and class teachers also consented to participate. Consent was gained from students’ parents/guardians for their participation in different components of the research by sending home information sheets and consent forms. Students with parent/guardian consent were invited to participate in the research, although we acknowledge the likely impact of existing power relations which are difficult to disrupt (Bartholomaeus, 2016), meaning none of the students expressed to us they did not want to participate. Each participating school is described in the next section, and the research methods are then detailed as they occurred in the specific contexts.

1.4.1 Schools In Melbourne, the student survey was completed by children in four primary schools, and the classroom ethnographies and learning dialogues were conducted in two classes from two of these schools, which are referred to as case study classes for ease of reference. A summary of the four participating schools is provided below. The schools were selected to reflect the diverse population of Melbourne but were not intended to be regarded as representative of primary schools, or Year 4 students, in Melbourne. All school and participant names used are pseudonyms. We have chosen the school pseudonyms to pay respect to the long Indigenous history of the country on which the research was conducted. The pseudonyms for the schools involved in the research are Naarm Primary School and Maribyrnong Primary School (case study schools) and Birrarung Primary School and Merri Merri Primary School (additional schools involved in the survey). Nicola had established relationships with the two schools participating in the whole research project over a twenty year period (Naarm Primary School and Maribyrnong Primary School), and a former principal of one of these schools had relocated to one of the additional schools (Birrarung Primary School). Further, the fourth school in which the survey was conducted had been included in Nicola’s research work for nearly a decade (Merri Merri Primary School). Hence, these longstanding relationships were essential to conducting this research. They ensured that the teachers were familiar with having research going on in their classrooms or nearby. The principals of the schools had remained constant for a decade, unlike the teachers. Thus, while there were established relationships with the school leaders, this was not the case with any of the teachers who agreed to participate.

1.4.1.1

Naarm Primary School

Naarm Primary School was a preparatory to Year 6 co-educational government primary school in an inner Melbourne suburb. The school had a long history, and older buildings existed alongside more recently built facilities, which were constructed

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during the aftermath of the Global Financial Crisis of 2008. During the year of the ethnographies (2019), Naarm Primary School had nearly 850 enrolments, with almost 60% of students having a language background other than English (https:// www.myschool.edu.au/).1 Enrolments at the school had increased over the previous couple of years. Data provided by the school showed that two-thirds (65.8%) of the 111 students in all five classes in Year 4 were born in Australia, with the other students born in a range of countries, particularly from the Asian continent. English was the most common language spoken at home (50.5% of Year 4 students), with 21 other languages spoken at home by other students in Year 4 (data provided by the school). During the year of the classroom ethnographies, the school had an Index of Community Socio-Educational Advantage (ICSEA)2 of nearly 1150, with a percentile of 95 indicating its relative advantage to other schools in Australia (https:// www.myschool.edu.au/). Naarm Primary School was situated in a Local Government Area (LGA) where the median equivalised total household income was higher than the national average (ABS, 2019). Government schools in Victoria do not have tuition fees, but there are some fees levied to cover the cost of some classroom consumables and other items. A small amount of money was requested for school fees at Naarm Primary School, but this was framed as being voluntary, and financial help was available for families. Students brought their own iPads to school as part of the Bring Your Own Device (BYOD) programme, starting in Year 3. The school had an optional school uniform, although most of the students did not wear this, which is unusual in Australian government schools, where uniforms of some kind are common, and often compulsory. In the year of our classroom ethnographies, the Year 4 student cohort was divided into five classes, and each class was taught by a class teacher in separate classrooms. The five class teachers met frequently for planning sessions, with the goal to ensure that they all taught similar content at a similar pace for consistency across the year level. The Year 4 class we worked with for the ethnographies and learning dialogues for the project was made up of 22 students. Of these, 17 students (8 girls, 9 boys) had parent/guardian consent to participate, and an additional five students did not have consent so therefore were not included in the research. The class teacher Tyler was in his late 20s and in his fifth year of teaching. The teachers and staff at the school, including Tyler, appeared to be predominately from White European backgrounds. Most of the students in the class lived locally, with data collected by the school indicating that most students across the year levels walked to school (95.6%). 1

My School data has been rounded so the schools are not directly identifiable. Index of Community Socio-Educational Advantage (ICSEA) draws on multiple factors including parental occupation and education level, remoteness, and percent of Indigenous enrolment. The average ICSEA is 1000, with the higher the value, the higher the socio-educational advantage. The ICSEA percentile relates to the ICSEA value, where a percentile of 95 means that the school is “more educationally advantaged” than 95% of schools in Australia and “more educationally disadvantaged” than 5% of schools in Australia (Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority [ACARA], 2020). There have been criticisms of these metrics, but they are provided here as one of many ways to consider the relative (dis)advantage and demographics of each school.

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1 Introducing Children’s Lifeworlds in the Global City of Melbourne

Maribyrnong Primary School

Maribyrnong Primary School was a preparatory to Year 6 co-educational government primary school in the western suburbs of Melbourne. The school was established and purposely built in the first decade of the twenty-first century as the result of three local schools closing and amalgamating. The school was organised around individual year level classes, with team teaching at all year levels (i.e. often large numbers of students with multiple teachers). In the year of the ethnographies, the school had an enrolment of slightly under 450 students, with over 80% coming from a language background other than English (https://www.myschool.edu.au/). From data provided by the school, more than three in five students were funded as “English as an Additional Language” (EAL) students, and there were an increasing number of enrolments of students from refugee backgrounds. Also according to school data, 61.3% of students in the Year 4 class were born in Australia, with the other students born across a range of countries, particularly from Asia. The most common languages spoken at home amongst the Year 4 students were Vietnamese (29.0%) and English (19.4%), with over a dozen other languages also spoken (data provided by the school). During the classroom ethnographies, discussions related to a “My Culture” research project made it clear that students in the Year 4 class came from a diverse range of backgrounds, although just over half had Vietnamese backgrounds (this project is discussed further in Chap. 6). During the year of the ethnographies, the school had an ICSEA value under 950, with an ICSEA percentile of just over 20, indicating a relative disadvantage in relation to many other schools in Australia (https://www.myschool.edu.au/). The school requested a very small amount of money from parents or guardians which was voluntary, to contribute towards classroom consumables, materials, and equipment (including books and art supplies), computers, and subscriptions to online learning platforms. The school was situated in an LGA where the median equivalised total household income was lower than the national average (ABS, 2019). According to the school website, each student in Year 1–6 was provided with a Chromebook (laptop with touchscreen) by the school, to be used only at school. It was explained on the school website that a BYOD programme would be challenging at the school since some students would be classed as being disadvantaged, meaning that families may not be able to purchase or lease the digital device. Students were expected to wear the relaxed school uniform. The class had a total of 61 students in Term 1 and 63 students when we returned in Term 3, as two new students had joined the class. We conducted the ethnographies and learning dialogues with the 50 students (29 girls, 21 boys) who had obtained parent/guardian consent to participate. There were an additional 11 students (2 girls, 9 boys) during our first visit in Term 1 (together with the two new students during the second visit) who did not have consent and therefore did not participate. The class was taught in one large classroom space by three teachers, known as Miss Stella (lead teacher), Mr Jason, and Miss Monica, and one educational support worker known as Miss Bec. Each teacher took the lead for different core subjects (Numeracy, Writing, and Reading) in different school terms, and they worked together closely to plan their

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programme. The teachers were all relatively new to teaching. Miss Stella was in her fifth year of teaching and in her late 20s, Mr Jason was in his fourth year and in his mid-30s, and Miss Monica was in her first year and was in her early 20s. Miss Bec had worked in various schools for six years, including four at Maribyrnong Primary School, and was in her mid-20s. She worked with the Year 4 class most days but also worked in the Year 5 class. During our second visit, Miss Stella was on leave for the term and was replaced by Mr Phillip, a teacher they were familiar with as he was a regular casual relief teacher at the school and in their class (including during our first visit). Mr Phillip was also a relatively new and young teacher. Despite the cultural diversity of children in the school, nearly all school teachers and staff appeared to be from White European backgrounds, including those in the Year 4 classroom. In the survey in the first year of the Global Childhoods project (2018), more students from Maribyrnong Primary School reported that they were driven to school, and few reported that they walked. This, together with information provided by the class teachers in the year of the ethnographies (2019), suggested that students lived at a greater distance from the school than the students at Naarm Primary School, nearly all of whom walked to school. Victorian data suggests that most students are driven to school (an average of 7.1 out of 10 trips were by car) (DET, 2019).

1.4.1.3

Birrarung Primary School and Merri Merri Primary School

Together with Naarm Primary School and Maribyrnong Primary School, two additional schools were involved in the survey in 2018, which we have called Birrarung Primary School and Merri Merri Primary School. Birrarung Primary School was a preparatory to Year 6 co-educational government school, established in the middle of the twentieth century due to an increase in the number of primary school students in the inner west of Melbourne. In the year of the survey, according to the My School website, the school had approximately 700 enrolments, with just over 20% of students having a language background other than English. The ICSEA value for the school was 1100, and the ICSEA percentile was 85, indicating its relative advantage to most other schools (https://www.myschool.edu.au/). The LGA in which Birrarung Primary School was located had a median equivalised total household income higher than the national average, similar to the LGA in which Naarm Primary School was located (ABS, 2019). Merri Merri Primary School was also a preparatory to Year 6 co-educational government school and had been established less than a decade prior to our research. This school was located in the southwest of Melbourne, with under 800 students, just over 70% of whom had a language background other than English. The school had an ICSEA value of approximately 1050 and an ICSEA percentile of over 65, meaning it had a higher relative advantage compared to two-thirds of schools in Australia (https://www.myschool.edu.au/). Merri Merri Primary School was situated in an LGA where the median equivalised total household income was slightly higher than the national average (ABS, 2019).

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1.4.2 Research Methods This book is based on research produced in the four Melbourne primary schools, in addition to references to curriculum and policy to situate the case studies within the broader context of Melbourne, Victoria, and Australia. Four research methods were used to explore children’s lifeworlds from multiple perspectives: an online survey of students, classroom ethnographies, a learning dialogues activity completed by students, and after-school video re-enactments. These methods are introduced here, with more specific details about the analysis provided in the later relevant chapters. Rather than using only one analytical approach, we have combined different types of analyses in order to explore children’s lifeworlds and their links to educational “success.” As Pink (2021) writes, “[r]ather than taking refuge in an analytical structure that is supposed to compute findings for them, researchers require the crucial ability to identify meaning and significance as part of their research process” (p. 30).

1.4.2.1

Student Survey

An online survey was conducted in order to provide a broad overview of children’s lifeworlds inside and outside of school. Items were designed so that responses could be selected and tabulated numerically with the use of descriptive statistics. The survey was developed by the research team and focused on activities outside of school (after school and weekends), enjoyment of school, relationships with others, school subjects and activities, students’ perceptions of themselves as students and their grades, and travel to school. The survey was a shorter version of that used in the previous Millennial Kids Learning project (Yelland & Muspratt, 2018; Yelland et al., 2012), so a pilot project was not conducted. Initial findings from this survey in all three global cities (Melbourne, Hong Kong, and Singapore) have been previously published, focusing on activities outside of school (Yelland et al., 2021) and school belonging, student identity, and school activities (Yelland et al., 2022). In this book, we are able to focus in more depth on the Melbourne responses to the survey items, when discussing school belonging and wellbeing (Chap. 6) and activities outside of school (Chap. 7). The survey was undertaken in Melbourne in October–November 2018 at a suitable time organised with the Year 4 teachers at the four schools involved. A total of 192 students participated; 103 (53.6%) identified as girls; and 89 (46.4%) identified as boys, with a mean age of 10.08 years. The survey took approximately 30 min with each student group and took place in their classrooms or nearby learning spaces. This was possible because all the schools had either a bring your own device (BYOD) policy or they provided individual devices to each child at the school. We led the session with the teachers in attendance. An introductory “script” of instructions was created for the overall project so that the survey would be explained in a consistent way across all research sites in the three global cities. The “script” contextualised the project for the students, by explaining that it was being conducted in Melbourne,

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Hong Kong, and Singapore. Several students expressed excitement and interest in being involved in an international project. As we were present when students were completing the survey, we could help them with any issues they had (including technical issues) and clarify individual questions that invariably arose. For example, the most commonly asked question by the Melbourne students was what “tutoring” was, as this is not common in Melbourne (see Chap. 2). We were able to support the students while still allowing them to complete the surveys anonymously in the online format. Students in Melbourne used touch screen laptops and tablets, and most appeared to find the survey straightforward to complete due to their skills and familiarity with these devices. The survey link was shared with students in a variety of ways, depending on the school and teacher. For example, one teacher created a QR code for the survey, and others showed the URL on a screen or wrote it out on large pieces of cardboard. The survey responses were analysed in collaboration with our colleague, statistics consultant Dr Sandy Muspratt. Participating schools were emailed a summary of the descriptive overview of the survey for their school, in a PowerPoint presentation form, so it could be shared with students. We include specific details about the analysis in the relevant chapters focusing on the survey findings in relation to school belonging and wellbeing (Chap. 6) and activities outside of school (Chap. 7).

1.4.2.2

Classroom Ethnographies

Classroom ethnographies were conducted in order to document, and be able to consider the flows of, everyday life at school. These ethnographies were conducted in Naarm Primary School and Maribyrnong Primary School in 2019 by Clare, with occasional visits from Nicola. The ethnographies focused on school-based teaching and learning practices, as well as children’s everyday experiences at school. The broad focus included teacher instructions and work tasks, interactions between teachers and students and between students, engagement, noise levels, movement in the classrooms, physical spaces, and maps of seating arrangements. Clare took extensive ethnographic fieldnotes from two full weeks in both schools (four weeks in total). We have tried to avoid calling these “observations” due to this often being associated with positivist observations or checklists used in schools. We also refer to them specifically as our fieldnotes as they are interpretations of what we understood to be happening in the classes when we were present. Alongside our fieldnotes, we also took photographs of the classrooms and adjacent teaching spaces and examples of work from a range of students. While mindful of disrupting the flow of classroom life, we also sometimes spoke informally with teachers and students in the classes while they were engaged in their everyday classroom activities, particularly to ask for more details or clarification. Scheduled timetables were collected from the teachers for each week when the ethnographies were being conducted. The ethnographies were conducted in both schools for a full school week (i.e. five days), in the first and second half of the school year (Terms 1 and 3). These may be considered “intensive” ethnographies where we were in the classes for essentially every minute of learning

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time. This differs from most of the classroom ethnographies we have read, which have tended to be conducted via visits to classrooms once or twice a week or term, over six months or a year or more (Jeffrey & Troman, 2004). Such “intensive” ethnographies allowed us to focus more comprehensively on exploring everyday lives and practices than intermittent visits would allow. At both schools, the official school day began at 9 a.m. and ended at 3:30 p.m. (more detailed information about the timetables and routines are provided in Chap. 3). Students took part in regular classroom and school activities during the ethnographies. Students were asked permission before any photographs were taken of their work in the classroom, although we note the issues with this in the power relations inherent in conducting research in classrooms (Bartholomaeus, 2016). No reference was made in our fieldnotes to students without parent/guardian consent. During the ethnographies in both schools, Clare usually sat at the back or on the side of the classroom to be as least disruptive as possible. The class teachers at both schools introduced her at the start of the week and explained why she was interested in what they were engaged with over the course of their school week. Clare also gave an outline at the start of each week, including reiterating that the research was looking at the whole class rather than focusing on individual students, to differentiate the research from regular school practices which monitor student behaviour. While the ethnographies focused on everyday practices in the classrooms, which we interpreted and recorded as fieldnotes, for clarification, we sometimes asked students and teachers questions about what they were doing, and they sometimes spontaneously shared information. Overall, the students appeared to be used to having guest adults in the classroom and so did not seem particularly distracted by the presence of a researcher. Returning later in the year for the second week of ethnographies also allowed for additional aspects to be covered, including by directly asking teachers for clarification or explanations. Occasionally, Clare was asked to assist in the classroom (e.g. helping individual students for a short time in Numeracy lessons), and this was done to increase the reciprocal relationship with the students and teachers. Short informal interviews were also conducted with each of the regular class teachers to provide a context for their work and approach in the classroom. These interviews focused on their background as a teacher, their approach to teaching and priorities, the impact of the curriculum on their teaching, and the assessments they used. We also informally interviewed the educational support worker at Maribyrnong Primary School to learn more about her background and role. Ethnographies are common in school research, and previous research has focused on classrooms in Australia (e.g. Aldridge et al., 1999; Barnes et al., 2018). However, it is rare to conduct in-depth exploration and analysis of what may appear to be commonplace or mundane everyday practices, but which we believe are important to understanding children’s lifeworlds. We made our ethnographic fieldnotes available to the teachers (the handwritten fieldnotes were typed up and emailed to the teachers) and talked with them and the students about the research. Throughout the book, we draw on analysis and narratives from our fieldnotes, as well as other artefacts produced as part of the ethnographies, to consider topics including timetabling and

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routines (Chap. 3), pedagogical encounters (Chap. 4), and belonging and wellbeing, including student-teacher relationships (Chap. 6).

1.4.2.3

Learning Dialogues

The learning dialogues activity was designed to directly prompt children to respond to questions about their schooling experiences, with a particular focus on learning at school, feelings about school, and career aspirations. The activity of learning dialogues was developed by Nicola and derived from earlier versions developed since 2011 (Yelland & Bartholomaeus, 2021). These classroom-based activities were used to prompt students to articulate their thoughts about their learning and lifeworlds. During the first week of the classroom ethnographies, students were asked to respond to different learning dialogue questions on the Monday and Friday. The students responded to four questions which were written in an informal conversational tone to encourage reflection: Monday 1. What are you looking forward to at school this week? 2. How do you feel about how you are doing at school? Friday 1. What did you learn at school this week? Was it hard to learn, or easy to learn? And did you enjoy it? 2. What job do you want to do when you leave school? Each question was printed on an unlined A4 page template to facilitate writing and/or drawing. Students were asked to individually reflect on these questions about their week and write and/or draw their responses. Where relevant, students’ responses could be linked to our ethnographic fieldnotes. For example, when they named a lesson or activity from during the week, we had extensive fieldnotes about our observations of these. During the ethnographies, suitable times to complete the learning dialogues were organised with class teachers, and approximately 20–40 min was spent completing them. Students without consent instead read independently or worked on other activities, on the advice of the teacher. Both the Monday and Friday learning dialogues were completed by 45 students (27 girls, 18 boys) at Maribyrnong Primary School and 15 students (8 girls, 7 boys) at Naarm Primary School, a total of 60 students. We focus on the learning dialogues in the school engagement chapter (Chap. 5), analysing the responses from the students who completed the Monday and Friday questions.

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Re-enactments

Re-enactments were conducted with children to explore their out-of-school lifeworlds (see also Bartholomaeus et al., 2023). Pink and colleagues developed the re-enactment research methodology as a form of video ethnography, to (re)produce understandings and experiences of people’s “hidden” everyday lives (Pink & Leder Mackley, 2014). Re-enactments are created in the interactions between the participants and researcher(s) and are (re)presentations of what people do in everyday life and their reflections on them (Pink & Leder Mackley, 2014). Pink has conducted research focusing on energy use in homes, where she has explored everyday practices, such as doing the laundry (e.g. Pink, 2012; Pink & Leder Mackley, 2014, 2016). During re-enactments, participants are video recorded “re-enacting” aspects of their everyday lives that may often seem commonplace, and they explain the processes, with their explanations enhanced by re-enacting the routines. While the re-enactment methodology appears to be particularly useful when talking with children about their everyday out-of-school activities, surprisingly it has been rarely used in research with children. According to Leder Mackley et al. (2015), the re-enactment methodology was designed for research with adult participants; however, the use of other visual research approaches has been well established with children (e.g. video diaries, photography, child-led tours). In their research with families, which focused on energy use and digital media use at home, some children participated and the “interactive and self-reflective” use of video for the re-enactments helped to provide a greater depth of understanding about everyday routines (Leder Mackley et al., 2015, p. 33). The process of the re-enactments was adapted from the re-enactment methodology from both Pink’s work and Nicola’s earlier pilot studies with children in Melbourne, Hong Kong, and Singapore. Despite our enthusiasm for this methodology, it was difficult to find families willing to participate. At Maribyrnong Primary School, one of the teachers suggested this was due to English-language barriers amongst many parents, and because families lived some distance away from the school. We conducted after-school re-enactments with two children from Naarm Primary School, who were willing to be involved and had parental consent. Nicola took the lead with the participants and Clare filmed. We followed the process used in the pilot studies which involved going home with the child and one of their parents and/or siblings after school, including filming the journey home. Once at home, children were then asked to detail their everyday routines from when school finished until they went to sleep from Monday to Friday, and on Saturdays and Sundays. These conversations were audio-recorded, and Nicola completed an “activity log” detailing the time of each activity as part of these conversations. At times, children deferred to their mothers to add extra details. After this process, children were filmed re-enacting their usual routine for that particular day, as they explained what they did. In some cases, children did not reenact each part of their day, as they became more focused on verbally explaining to us what they did. The children’s mothers and siblings dropped in and out of our conversations, contributing additional reflections. The time spent with each child

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was about 60–90 min. This methodology allows not only for a consideration of what children do outside of school, but also helps to explore how they talk about and understand these activities, and the meaning they have in their lives. Chapter 7 focuses on the re-enactments.

1.5 Outline of the Book This book focuses on children’s lifeworlds in the global city of Melbourne. Drawing on a survey with students from four schools, case studies of two classes, and reenactments with two children, the book explores what it looks like to be a primary school-age child in Melbourne, situating this research in the local and broader contexts. Chapter 2 provides a detailed introduction to children in the global city of Melbourne. The purpose of this chapter is to both bring together key existing data relating to children’s lifeworlds in Melbourne (and in the broader locations of Victoria and Australia) and provide a context for our research, including the case study classes. Existing research and policies in Melbourne, Victoria, and Australia are drawn on to provide a background to children’s lifeworlds at home, at school, and in the community. This chapter is structured around three key areas: demographic overview, schools, and out-of-school activities. Chapter 3 focuses on timetabling and routines as an aspect of children’s lifeworlds in Melbourne primary schools, providing a picture of the shape and structure of children’s everyday school lives. To begin with, scheduled timetables are examined in terms of the Victorian Curriculum and Australian Curriculum and how this links with the case study classes. How timetables were both followed and modified in practice is then considered, as well as the everyday routines that were not captured by timetables. The chapter also reflects on students’ varied learning within timetables, noting the different experiences students may have due to moving and working at different paces and levels, as well as absence from the classroom or school. Chapter 4 provides an in-depth consideration of children’s pedagogical encounters, based on an analysis of our ethnographic fieldnotes from the case study classes. As a contextual background, the class teachers’ reflections on the strategies they used and their approaches to teaching and learning are also considered. The chapter considers these encounters in the context of curriculum and policy in Victoria and Australia. The pedagogical focus was often framed on presenting and practising the concepts and skills of English and mathematics in lessons with class teachers and was less often focused on applying these in “authentic” contexts, demonstrating literacy and numeracy. In this chapter, extended vignettes are drawn on as examples of lessons in the classrooms to explore children’s pedagogical encounters, particularly in the subjects Writing and Numeracy, as well as how these were applied in other subjects taught by the class teachers. Specialist subjects and the ways these were taught are also considered.

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Chapter 5 explores students’ engagement in school and orientations to educational “success.” The chapter analyses students’ written and drawn responses to questions about their learning at school, feelings about school, and career aspirations. It discusses the largely positive experiences of schooling as reported by the students, where most appeared to be engaged with, and often enjoyed, several aspects of their schooling. This chapter further reflects on the productive use of a broader understanding of educational “success.” Chapter 6 examines school belonging and wellbeing for students in Melbourne. Drawing on a survey with students, the chapter explores students’ enjoyment of school and relationships with classmates and teachers (belonging), alongside students’ perceptions of themselves and their grades/schoolwork (student identity). The chapter then focuses on belonging in classroom contexts, drawing on our ethnographic fieldnotes from the case study classes to explore everyday stories and practices. This approach is taken in order to extend the existing research focusing on students’ self-reported sense of belonging to consider how spaces of belonging might be created and what this may look like in practice. We explore three prominent aspects from the ethnographies: student–teacher relationships, wellbeing as learning content, and cultural belonging. Chapter 7 considers the broad range of activities children engage in outside of school as an important component of their out-of-school lifeworlds. This chapter considers the ways in which drawing on two different methods helps to consider the complexities of children’s lifeworlds outside of school. First, findings from the survey with students are considered to provide a broad overview of their after-school activities. The chapter then provides examples of children’s out-of-school lives by drawing on narratives from re-enactments with two children at home, where they discussed and re-enacted their after-school activities. Finally, Chap. 8 brings together the key themes threaded throughout the book. First, it provides a summary of each chapter in the book. Then, it reflects on children’s lifeworlds in Melbourne, considering connections between children’s lifeworlds and educational “success,” focusing on a more productive view of educational “success”; the need to move beyond learning concepts and skills relating to English and mathematics to applying the skills to demonstrate literacy and numeracy; and connecting learning in and beyond school. The chapter concludes by considering the impact of the global COVID-19 pandemic and looks to the future. This full-length book allows for an in-depth focus on children’s lifeworlds in the global city of Melbourne, exploring the everyday lives of children inside and outside of school.

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City of Melbourne. (1997). The history of the City of Melbourne. https://www.melbourne.vic.gov. au/SiteCollectionDocuments/history-city-of-melbourne.pdf Clark, A. (2005). Ways of seeing: Using the Mosaic approach to listen to young children’s perspectives. In A. Clark, A. T. Kjørholt, & P. Moss (Eds.), Beyond listening: Children’s perspectives on early childhood services (pp. 29–49). Policy Press. Clark, A. (2017). Listening to young children: A guide to understanding and using the Mosaic approach (Expanded 3rd ed.). Jessica Kingsley Publishers. Colic-Peisker, V. (2014). Mobility, diversity and community in the global city. In M. B. Steger, P. Battersby, & J. M. Siracusa (Eds.), The Sage handbook of globalization (pp. 433–449). Sage. Department of Education and Training. (2019). Victorian Child Health and Wellbeing Survey: Summary findings 2017. https://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/about/research/vchws2017-summary-findings.docx Education Council. (2019). Alice Springs (Mparntwe) Education Declaration. https://www.dese. gov.au/alice-springs-mparntwe-education-declaration/resources/alice-springs-mparntwe-educat ion-declaration Globalization and World Cities (GaWC) Research Network. (2018, November 13). The world according to GaWC 2018. Loughborough University. https://www.lboro.ac.uk/microsites/geogra phy/gawc/world2018t.html Gorur, R. (2013). My School, my market. Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education, 34(2), 214–230. https://doi.org/10.1080/01596306.2013.770248 Gorur, R. (2016). The performative politics of NAPLAN and MySchool. In B. Lingard, G. Thompson, & S. Sellar (Eds.), National testing in schools: An Australian assessment (pp. 30–43). Routledge. Gorur, R. (2017). Towards productive critique of large-scale comparisons in education. Critical Studies in Education, 58(3), 341–355. https://doi.org/10.1080/17508487.2017.1327876 Gorur, R. (2019). Old power, new power and ontological flattening: The global “data revolution” in education. In C. E. Mølstad & D. Pettersson (Eds.), New practices of comparison, quantification and expertise in education: Conducting empirically based research (pp. 66–82). Routledge. Habermas, J. (1987). The theory of communicative action (T. McCarthy, Trans.). Beacon Press. Hu, R., Blakely, E. J., & Zhou, Y. (2013). Benchmarking the competitiveness of Australian global cities: Sydney and Melbourne in the global context. Urban Policy and Research, 31(4), 435–452. https://doi.org/10.1080/08111146.2013.832667 Hurley, P. (2020). Coronavirus and international students. Mitchell Institute, Victoria University. https://www.vu.edu.au/sites/default/files/international-student-update-2020-mitchell-instit ute.pdf Husserl, E. (1970). The crisis of European sciences and transcendental phenomenology: An introduction to phenomenological philosophy (D. Carr, Trans.). Northwestern University Press. James, A., & Prout, A. (Eds.). (1997). Constructing and reconstructing childhood: Contemporary issues in the sociological study of childhood (2nd ed.). Routledge. Jeffrey, B., & Troman, G. (2004). Time for ethnography. British Educational Research Journal, 30(4), 535–548. https://doi.org/10.1080/0141192042000237220 Kearney. (2021). Global cities: Divergent prospects and new imperatives in the global recovery: 2021 Global Cities Report. https://www.kearney.com/global-cities/2021 Klemenˇciˇc, E., & Mirazchiyski, P. V. (2018). League tables in educational evidence-based policymaking: Can we stop the horse race, please? Comparative Education, 54(3), 309–324. https:// doi.org/10.1080/03050068.2017.1383082 Koh, A., & Chong, T. (2014). Education in the global city: The manufacturing of education in Singapore. Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education, 35(5), 625–636. https://doi. org/10.1080/01596306.2014.931112 Leder Mackley, K., Pink, S., & Moro¸sanu, R. (2015). Knowing the world through your body: Children’s sensory experiences and making of place. In A. Hackett, L. Procter, & J. Seymour (Eds.), Children’s spatialities: Embodiment, emotion and agency (pp. 21–38). Palgrave Macmillan.

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Lee, I.-F., Saltmarsh, S., & Yelland, N. (Eds.). (2023). Childhood, learning & everyday life in three Asia-Pacific cities: Experiences from Melbourne, Hong Kong and Singapore. Springer. Melbourne Water. (2021, August 24). Yarra River. https://www.melbournewater.com.au/waterdata-and-education/water-facts-and-history/know-your-rivers-and-creeks/yarra-river Mori Memorial Foundation. (2019). Global Power City Index 2019 summary. http://mori-m-founda tion.or.jp/pdf/GPCI2019_summary.pdf OECD. (2018). The future of education and skills: Education 2030. https://www.oecd.org/educat ion/2030/E2030%20Position%20Paper%20(05.04.2018).pdf Pink, S. (2012). Situating everyday life: Practices and places. Sage. Pink, S. (2021). The ethnographic hunch. In A. Ballestero & B. R. Winthereik (Eds.), Experimenting with ethnography: A companion to analysis (pp. 30–40). Duke University Press. Pink, S., & Leder Mackley, K. (2014). Re-enactment methodologies for everyday life research: Art therapy insights for video ethnography. Visual Studies, 29(2), 146–154. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 1472586X.2014.887266 Pink, S., & Leder Mackley, K. (2016). Moving, making and atmosphere: Routines of homes as sites for mundane improvisation. Mobilities, 11(2), 171–187. https://doi.org/10.1080/17450101.2014. 957066 Prout, A., & James, A. (1997). A new paradigm for the sociology of childhood? Provenance, promise and problems. In A. James & A. Prout (Eds.), Constructing and reconstructing childhood: Contemporary issues in the sociological study of childhood (2nd ed., pp. 7–33). Routledge. Rizvi, F., & Lingard, B. (2010). Globalizing education policy. Routledge. Sassen, S. (2001). The global city: New York, London, Tokyo (2nd ed.). Princeton University Press. Sassen, S. (2005). The global city: Introducing a concept. Brown Journal of World Affairs, 11(2), 27–43. Sassen, S. (2007). Theoretical and empirical elements in the study of globalization. In I. Rossi (Ed.), Frontiers of globalization research: Theoretical and methodological approaches (pp. 287–305). Springer. Sassen, S. (2016). The global city: Enabling economic intermediation and bearing its costs. City & Community, 15(2), 97–108. https://doi.org/10.1111/cico.12175 Sassen, S. (2019). Cities in a world economy (5th ed.). Sage. Smith, C., & Greene, S. (2014). Key thinkers in childhood studies. Polity Press. Spina, N. (2021). Data culture and the organisation of teachers’ work: An institutional ethnography. Routledge. Spyrou, S. (2018). Disclosing childhoods: Research and knowledge production for a critical childhood studies. Palgrave Macmillan. Taylor, P. J. (2001). Specification of the world city network. Geographical Analysis, 33(2), 181–194. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1538-4632.2001.tb00443.x The Greens Victoria. (n.d.). History. https://greens.org.au/vic/about/history Tuli, S. C., Hu, R., & Dare, L. (2019). Planning a global knowledge city: Experience from Melbourne, Australia. International Journal of Knowledge-Based Development, 10(1), 26–42. https://doi.org/10.1504/IJKBD.2019.098228 Victorian Government. (2018). Melbourne: Progressive. https://assets-corporate.visitvictoria.com/ documents/FACT-SHEET-Progressive-Melbourne.pdf Yelland, N., & Bartholomaeus, C. (2021). Towards learning dialogues as data: Researching children’s lifeworlds in global cities. Qualitative Research Journal, 21(4), 394–407. https://doi.org/ 10.1108/QRJ-10-2020-0141 Yelland, N., Bartholomaeus, C., Muspratt, S., Chan, A. K. W., Leung, V. W. M., Soo, L. M. J., & Lim, K. M. (2022). Belonging, student identity, and school activity preferences: Views from Year 4 in the global cities of Hong Kong. Policy Futures in Education. Advance Online Publication. https://doi.org/10.1177/14782103221136380 Yelland, N., & Muspratt, S. (2018). Behind the high-stakes testing results: Hong Kong children report on aspects of their schooling experiences. The International Journal of Interdisciplinary Global Studies, 12(4), 1–14. https://doi.org/10.18848/2324-755X/CGP/v12i04/1-14

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Yelland, N., Muspratt, S., Bartholomaeus, C., Karthikeyan, N., Chan, A. K. W., Leung, V. W. M., Lee, I.-F., Soo, L. M. J., Lim, K. M., & Saltmarsh, S. (2021). Lifeworlds of nine- and ten-year-old children: Out-of-school activities in three global cities. Globalisation, Societies and Education, 19(3), 259–273. https://doi.org/10.1080/14767724.2020.1816921 Yelland, N., Muspratt, S., Chan, Y. O. C., & Gilbert, C. (2012). Asian childhoods: Exploring the lifeworlds of students in contemporary Hong Kong. Global Studies of Childhood, 2(4), 286–301. https://doi.org/10.2304/gsch.2012.2.4.286 Yelland, N., Muspratt, S., & Gilbert, C. (2013). Global childhoods, Asian lifeworlds: After school time in Hong Kong. Bank Street Occasional Papers, 30, 23–35. Yelland, N. J., Muspratt, S., & Gilbert, C. L. (2017). Exploring the lifeworlds of children in Hong Kong: Parents’ report on after school time use. Educational Research and Reviews, 12(14), 677–687. https://doi.org/10.5897/ERR2017.3271 Zhao, Y. (2012). Reforming Chinese education: What China is trying to learn from America. Solutions, 3(2), 38–43. Zhao, Y. (2014). Who’s afraid of the big bad dragon?: Why China has the best (and worst) education system in the world. Jossey-Bass.

Chapter 2

The Context of Children’s Lifeworlds in Melbourne

Abstract This chapter provides a broad picture of children’s lifeworlds in the global city of Melbourne, providing a context for the Global Childhoods project. This includes a demographic overview of children in Melbourne, focusing on population; culture, languages, and religions; and home and family life. It continues by providing a detailed introduction to schools in Melbourne and Victoria, including the schooling system, policy, and curriculum. Finally, a background to children’s out-of-school activities is provided, focusing on leisure and non-academic organised activities; homework; and tutoring and organised learning activities. This chapter not only provides a context for the project, but also collates key research and data relating to children in Melbourne to provide a picture of their lifeworlds. Keywords Children Greater Melbourne · Population Greater Melbourne · School system Australia · Primary school Australia · Education policy Australia · Out-of-school activities This chapter provides an overview of the context of children’s lifeworlds in the global city of Melbourne in the twenty-first century to situate our Global Childhoods project. It focuses on three broad contextual aspects relating to children’s lives in Melbourne: demographics, schools, and out-of-school activities. The intention is for this chapter to be a useful overview of children’s lifeworlds in Melbourne in its own right, as well as provide a contextual background to the research which is the focus of this book, including the research with the case study classes. Simultaneously, the chapter highlights the diversity of children within Melbourne, including the sociodemographic and cultural backgrounds of children and their families. However, it is important to note that our goal is to provide a picture of the dimensions of children’s lifeworlds in Melbourne, rather than attempting to address the lifeworlds of every child in Melbourne. Research and data in this chapter is drawn from key statistical collections, including from the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS), policy and curriculum documents, and previous research studies. While Melbourne, or Greater Melbourne as it is more often referred to geographically (e.g. by the ABS), is a global city, it is also situated within the broader locations of Victoria and Australia. We therefore highlight some of the similarities and differences between these locations, such as in © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 C. Bartholomaeus and N. Yelland, Children’s Lifeworlds in a Global City: Melbourne, Global Childhoods in the Asia-Pacific 3, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0573-7_2

27

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population statistics, as well as considering the interplays between them, particularly in terms of government policy and schooling. Where statistics are not available for the Greater Melbourne area, we draw on Victorian or Australian statistics. It is also important to note some caveats regarding which research and data we have decided to include and explore in this chapter. Rees (2017) notes that data often focuses on households rather than children, sometimes making it difficult to provide a picture of the complexity of children’s lives. In addition, this statistical data is primarily produced from responses from parents (or other adults) about children. The ABS often focuses on people 15 years and over, unless focusing specifically on children for particular topics. When considering children, the ABS uses certain age brackets that are not always consistent with the children’s age range in the Global Childhoods project. This has important implications and has influenced the type of information that is presented in this chapter. In the ABS categories, children are often considered to be 14 years old and under, and 5 year age brackets are used to put them into categories, including the range from 5 to 9 years old and then from 10 to 14 years old. Considering Year 4 students in Australia are likely to be 9 or 10 years old, and thus split between these two categories, sometimes both categories are drawn on when discussing this data. While data is sometimes available for individual age years, in this chapter, we focus on children of primary school age (approximately 5– 11 or 12 years), or, where data necessitates, children aged 5–14 years old, in keeping with ABS data on children. This therefore provides a broader picture of children’s lifeworlds in Melbourne beyond Year 4. For the most part, in this chapter, we decided to include data from prior to the global COVID-19 pandemic, with a particular focus on 2019 data where possible, for two reasons. First, the majority of our research in schools and with children took place in 2019 (apart from the survey which was conducted in 2018), thus providing a temporal context for the book. Second, using data that was produced during a pandemic is likely to present a severely distorted picture. While the pandemic will have ongoing impacts on people’s lives, Melbourne was one of the most “locked down” cities in the world in 2020 and 2021 (Boaz, 2021), meaning that data from these years would present more of a snapshot in time from the pandemic experience only. The project draws on Australian Census data from 2016, rather than from the 2021 Census held during the pandemic. In addition, the Australian Census is conducted every 5 years but, due the large scale, data begins to be released approximately a year after the Census date, with ongoing releases for several years.

2.1 Demographic Overview of Children in Melbourne A broad background to children’s lifeworlds in Melbourne requires a consideration of key demographic information. This section provides a brief background to children in Melbourne with a focus on population; culture, languages, and religions; and home and family life.

2.1 Demographic Overview of Children in Melbourne

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Table 2.1 Population statistics, 5–14 year olds and total population, Greater Melbourne, Victoria, and Australia Age group

Greater Melbourne

Victoria

Australia

5–9 year olds (as % of population)

278,506 (6.2%)

368,631 (6.2%)

1,502,646 (6.4%)

10–14 year olds (as % of population)

254,017 (5.7%)

341,063 (5.8%)

1,397,183 (6.0%)

Total 5–14 year olds (as % of population)

532,523 (11.9%)

709,694 (12.0%)

2,899,829 (12.4%)

Total population (all ages)

4,485,211

5,926,626

23,401,886

Note Percentages calculated by the authors. Percentages may not add up to 100 due to rounding Source Australian Bureau of Statistics (2017d, 2017e, 2017f)

2.1.1 Population As highlighted in Chap. 1, in the 2016 Census, Greater Melbourne had a population of almost 4.5 million, with just under 12% of the population aged 5–14 years old (532,523) (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2017e) (see Table 2.1). The ABS releases data on binary sex, suggesting that the proportion of females and males for 5–14 year olds was the same across Greater Melbourne, Victoria, and Australia: 49% female and 51% male (ABS, 2017a, 2017b, 2017c). The projected population growth prior to the COVID-19 pandemic indicated that Melbourne would be the most populous city in Australia by 2066, overtaking Sydney sometime between 2031 and 2057 (ABS, 2018l). The proportion of children aged 5–14 years old in Melbourne was 18% in 2017 and projections for 2066 suggested a possible drop in proportion to 15–18% (ABS, 2018l). This was similar for Victoria and Australia. In contrast, the proportion of people aged 65 years old and over in Greater Melbourne was projected to increase from 14% in 2017 to between 19 and 21% in 2066 (ABS, 2018l). These figures are calculated according to assumptions relating to fertility, mortality, and migration (ABS, 2018l). Early indications suggested the COVID-19 pandemic impacted on migration, but not birth rate or mortality rate (ABS, 2020b), although other research suggested it did impact on people’s intentions to have children, particularly in the short term (Qu, 2021). Figures during the early years of the COVID-19 pandemic continued to suggest that Melbourne would surpass Sydney as Australia’s most populous city (Centre for Population, 2021).

2.1.2 Culture, Languages, and Religions As outlined in Chap. 1, the colonial city of Melbourne was established by the British in 1835 and named Melbourne in 1837, on the unceded lands of the Kulin Nation

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2 The Context of Children’s Lifeworlds in Melbourne

(see, e.g. Boyce, 2013; City of Melbourne, 1997). Subsequent waves and trends in migration have seen the diversity of the Melbourne population change over the years. The gold rush in Victoria from 1851 onwards saw the arrival of large numbers of people from Irish, Chinese, and German backgrounds (Sharifian & Musgrave, 2013). The federal Immigration Restriction Act (known as the White Australia Policy) was introduced in the first year of Australian federation in 1901, and restricted the immigration of people from non-European backgrounds to Australia until (and beyond) its removal in 1958, influencing the demographic shape of the country for years to come. In Melbourne following World War II, there were high levels of migration from Europe, particularly Italy, Greece, and what was then Yugoslavia (Sharifian & Musgrave, 2013). More recently, Melbourne has grown with migrants and refugees from countries in conflict, including from Asia, the Middle East, and Africa; skilled workers from the 1990s onwards, often coming from China and India; and international students often from China and India, with some later settling in Australia (Department of Education, 2022; Sharifian & Musgrave, 2013). This very brief historical overview provides a context for children in Melbourne, who come from a range of countries and cultural backgrounds. The ABS Census provides cultural data in terms of Indigenous status, country of birth, ancestries, and language spoken. The total Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander population in Greater Melbourne in the 2016 Census was 0.5% of the population (24,062 people), compared with 0.8% of the Victorian population and 2.8% of the Australian population (ABS, 2017e). In Greater Melbourne, 0.9% of the 5– 14 year old population (4846 people) were Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander (ABS, 2017b), lower than Victoria (1.5%) (ABS, 2017c), and Australia (5.1%) (ABS, 2017a). In terms of country of birth, Greater Melbourne had a higher population born overseas than Victoria or Australia nationally (see Table 2.2). However, children aged 5–14 years old were much more likely to be born in Australia than the total population. In Greater Melbourne, 81.9% of children aged 5–14 years old were born in Australia, with small percentages born in other countries such as India, New Zealand, England, and China (ABS, 2018e). For Greater Melbourne, 86.3% (459,746) of all 5–14 year olds in the 2016 Census had Australian Citizenship, which was slightly lower than 87.6% in Victoria and 88.0% in Australia (ABS, 2018a). Fewer than half of 5–14 year old children in Greater Melbourne had two parents born in Australia (47.1%) in the 2016 Census, compared with 54.9% in Victoria and 56.6% in Australia (ABS, 2018d). Therefore, more children in Greater Melbourne had at least one parent born overseas than children of the same age in Victoria and Australia. Nearly a third (31.3%) of 5–14 year olds in Greater Melbourne had two parents born overseas compared to a quarter (25.0%) in Victoria and less than a quarter (22.3%) in Australia (ABS, 2018d). In terms of language, just over 30% of 5–14 year olds in Greater Melbourne spoke a language other than English at home (ABS, 2018i) (see Table 2.3). This was higher than Victoria and Australia, with just over a quarter and just over a fifth speaking a language other than English at home, respectively (ABS, 2018i). However, many of the languages other than English spoken were similar across the locations, with

2.1 Demographic Overview of Children in Melbourne

31

Table 2.2 Top 10 countries of birth, 5–14 year olds and total population, Greater Melbourne, Victoria, and Australia Greater Melbourne

Victoria

Australia

5–14 year olds Total

5–14 year olds Total

5–14 year olds Total

1

Australia 435,953 (81.9%)

Australia 2,684,068 (59.8%)

Australia 595,867 (84.0%)

Australia 3,845,494 (64.9%)

Australia 2,450,329 (84.5%)

2

India 9163 (1.7%)

India 161,079 (3.6%)

India 9749 (1.4%)

England 171,444 (2.9%)

New Zealand England 41,417 (1.4%) 907,568 (3.9%)

3

New Zealand 8247 (1.5%)

China 155,996 (3.5%)

New Zealand 9063 (1.3%)

India 169,808 (2.9%)

England New 40,306 (1.4%) Zealand 518,462 (2.2%)

4

England 6411 (1.2%)

England 133,300 (3.0%)

England 7408 (1.0%)

China 160,652 (2.7%)

India 29,012 (1.0%)

5

China 5885 (1.1%)

Vietnam 79,058 (1.8%)

China 6128 (0.9%)

New Zealand 93,254 (1.6%)

Philippines India 17,832 (0.6%) 455,385 (1.9%)

6

Sri Lanka 3038 (0.6%)

New Zealand 78,904 (1.8%)

Philippines 3380 (0.5%)

Vietnam 80,790 (1.4%)

China 16,448 (0.6%)

7

Philippines 2790 (0.5%)

Italy 63,334 (1.4%)

Sri Lanka 3183 (0.4%)

Italy 70,530 South Africa Vietnam (1.2%) 11,771 (0.4%) 219,351 (0.9%)

8

Malaysia 2412 Sri Lanka (0.5%) 54,032 (1.2%)

Malaysia 2527 Sri Lanka (0.4%) 55,833 (0.9%)

United States Italy of America 174,042 10,178 (0.4%) (0.7%)

9

United States of America 2202 (0.4%)

Malaysia 47,642 (1.1%)

United States of America 2474 (0.3%)

Philippines 51,287 (0.9%)

Pakistan 6814 (0.2%)

South Africa 162,450 (0.7%)

10

Pakistan 2051 (0.4%)

Greece 45,617 (1.0%)

Pakistan 2243 (0.3%)

Malaysia 50,048 (0.9%)

Sri Lanka 6688 (0.2%)

Malaysia 138,363 (0.6%)

Australia 15,614,834 (66.7%)

China 509,558 (2.2%)

Philippines 232,391 (1.0%)

Note Table does not include country of birth not stated. Country names and descriptions are those used by the ABS. China excludes Special Administrative Regions (SARs) (Hong Kong and Macau) and Taiwan Source Australian Bureau of Statistics (2018e, 2018f)

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Table 2.3 Top 10 languages spoken at home, 5–14 year olds and total population, Greater Melbourne, Victoria, and Australia Greater Melbourne

Victoria

5–14 year olds

Total

5–14 year olds

Total

5–14 year olds

Total

1

English only 368,855 (69.3%)

English only 2,781,183 (62.0%)

English only 526,925 (74.2%)

English only 4,026,817 (67.9%)

English only 2,271,460 (78.3%)

English only 17,020,416 (72.7%)

2

Mandarin 14,846 (2.8%)

Mandarin 184,980 (4.1%)

Mandarin 15,414 (2.2%)

Mandarin 191,796 (3.2%)

Arabic 50,450 (1.7%)

Mandarin 596,713 (2.5%)

3

Vietnamese 12,167 (2.3%)

Greek 107,392 (2.4%)

Arabic 12,793 (1.8%)

Italian 112,270 (1.9%)

Mandarin 47,492 (1.6%)

Arabic 321,723 (1.4%)

4

Arabic 12,122 (2.3%)

Italian 101,849 (2.3%)

Vietnamese 12,397 (1.7%)

Greek 110,706 (1.9%)

Vietnamese 33,002 (1.1%)

Cantonese 280,947 (1.2%)

5

Greek 8461 (1.6%)

Vietnamese 101,388 (2.3%)

Greek 8646 (1.2%)

Vietnamese 103,429 (1.7%)

Greek 18,710 Vietnamese (0.6%) 277,405 (1.2%)

6

Cantonese 4964 (0.9%)

Cantonese 76,283 (1.7%)

Punjabi 5149 Arabic (0.7%) 79,589 (1.3%)

Cantonese 18,419 (0.6%)

7

Hindi 4795 (0.9%)

Arabic 76,271 (1.7%)

Cantonese 5086 (0.7%)

Cantonese 78,078 (1.3%)

Hindi 16,079 Greek (0.6%) 237,586 (1.0%)

8

Punjabi 4788 Punjabi (0.9%) 52,766 (1.2%)

Hindi 4963 (0.7%)

Punjabi 56,166 (0.9%)

Punjabi 12,541 (0.4%)

Hindi 159,653 (0.7%)

9

Sinhalese 4047 (0.8%)

Hindi 49,449 Sinhalese (1.1%) 4182 (0.6%)

Hindi 51,236 Korean (0.9%) 11,673 (0.4%)

Spanish 140,818 (0.6%)

10

Urdu 3609 (0.7%)

Sinhalese 36,281 (0.8%)

Sinhalese 37,428 (0.6%)

Punjabi 132,490 (0.6%)

Italian 3821 (0.5%)

Australia

Urdu 11,624 (0.4%)

Italian 271,598 (1.2%)

Note English indicates only English was spoken at home. This question was designed by the ABS to record when languages other than English were spoken at home, which may be in addition to English (only one language can be selected). This question was asked for each individual on the Census, therefore, the data for 5–14 year olds here was completed in relation to children specifically (not households) (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2016). Table does not include languages spoken which were not stated Source Australian Bureau of Statistics (2018i, 2018j)

2.1 Demographic Overview of Children in Melbourne

33

Mandarin (2.8%), Vietnamese (2.3%), and Arabic (2.3%) the highest for 5–14 year olds in Greater Melbourne. In comparison with the total population across the three location categories, 5–14 year olds were more likely to speak English only at home than the total population, and there was also a shift away from European languages such as Greek and Italian. Religious affiliation is an optional question in the Census and, as with other Census questions, is likely to be responded to by parents (or other adults) rather than children. While this may not reflect children’s religious beliefs, it is likely to somewhat reflect the household they are growing up in, with the Census not seeking further information about religiosity (i.e. commitment to the religion). In Greater Melbourne, Victoria, and Australia, approximately half of all 5–14 year olds with responses to the religious affiliation question were listed under Christianity (46.2%, 46.7%, and 51.2%, respectively) (ABS, 2018m). More specifically, 26.1% of all children 5–14 in Greater Melbourne with a religious affiliation listed were Catholic (ABS, 2018m). Smaller percentages of children in Greater Melbourne had their religious affiliation listed as Islam (6.3%), Buddhism (3.1%), Hinduism (2.8%), Judaism (1.1%), and other religions (1.1%) (ABS, 2018m). These were slightly higher percentages than in Victoria and Australia, but the order was the same (ABS, 2018m). In addition, nearly a third of 5–14 year olds in Greater Melbourne, Victoria, and Australia were listed as having “no religious affiliation” in response to this question (ABS, 2018m).

2.1.3 Home and Family Life Looking now at demographics relating to children’s home and family lives, this section provides a broad overview of families and living arrangements to highlight the diversity of children’s lives in twenty-first century Melbourne. As mentioned above, data is often collected in relation to households rather than children as individuals (Rees, 2017). Therefore, it can be difficult to estimate things such as the numbers of children who move between houses (e.g. if their parents are separated) or have siblings who do not live with them. In this section. we draw on some of the broader research and data from the levels of Greater Melbourne, Victoria, and Australia to create an overall picture of children’s home and family lives in relation to family composition and home and living arrangements. Children in Australia are growing up in increasingly diverse families in terms of structure and formation (Baxter, 2016; Riggs & Bartholomaeus, 2016). However, large numbers of children continue to be raised in heterosexual couple families and are genetically related to their parents (Riggs & Bartholomaeus, 2016). Data from a nationally representative sample of children in the Longitudinal Study of Australian Children (LSAC) indicates that 75.2% of 8–9 year olds and 72.2% of 10–11 year olds live with two parents who are genetically related to them and approximately 16–18% live in single parent households with one genetically related parent (Baxter, 2016). Approximately 10% of children 8–11 years old have shared or regular care

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2 The Context of Children’s Lifeworlds in Melbourne

where they move between households (Baxter, 2016). LSAC data also suggests that nearly half of participating children at 8–11 years old lived with two or more siblings (genetically related, adopted, foster, step-, and half-siblings), just over 40% lived with one sibling, and under 10% did not live with siblings (Australian Institute of Family Studies, 2017). In Greater Melbourne specifically, the majority of 5–14 year old children (89.2%) lived in families with one or both of their birth or adoptive parents (ABS, 2018c). Data from the 2016 Census indicates that just under half (48.5%) of families in Greater Melbourne were couple families with children and 15.0% were one parent families (ABS, 2017e). For families with children, the average number of children per family was 1.8 for Greater Melbourne, Victoria, and Australia (ABS, 2017e). It is also relevant to mention the decreasing fertility rate in Australia, which in 2019 was at 1.55 births per woman in Greater Melbourne, 1.63 in Victoria, and 1.72 Australia wide (ABS, 2020a), prior to the COVID-19 pandemic. In Australia, adoption is rare and the state of Victoria preferences permanent care orders over adoption (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare [AIHW], 2019). In 2018–19, a total of 20 children were adopted by people in Victoria (310 Australia wide), including both local and intercountry adoptions (AIHW, 2019, Table S1). Children in Australia are more likely to live in out-of-home care, and these numbers are increasing. On 30 June 2019, 6.0 per 1000 children in Victoria lived in out-ofhome care (8490 children) which was lower than the total Australian proportion (8.0 per 1000, or 44,906 children) (AIHW, 2020). In Victoria, 73.3% of children in outof-home care were living in relative/kinship care on 30 June 2019, much higher than the Australian average of 52.3% (AIHW, 2020, Table S5.3). In terms of housing, data from LSAC suggest that in Australia most children (89% from 4 or 5 years old onwards) live in detached houses, with 71% of 8–11 year olds living in houses where their parents had mortgages or owned their house outright (Warren, 2018). Just over a quarter of children in this age group had lived in the same house since they were born (29% of 8–9 year olds and 26% of 10–11 year olds) (Warren, 2018). The LSAC data also indicates that a minority of children experience issues such as housing affordability stress, housing overcrowding, and/or live in neighbourhoods which their parents rate as low on a liveability scale (Warren, 2018). ABS (2018b) data classified 0.4% (3372) of children under 12 years old in Victoria as experiencing homelessness in the 2016 Census. Other data also indicates that some children experience food and financial insecurity and poverty. Department of Education and Training (DET) (2019) data for metropolitan Victoria (Greater Melbourne) indicates that 6.2% of carers of children 0–12 years old indicated food insecurity and 9.9% indicated financial insecurity, with figures much higher for one parent families and those in the lowest Socio-Economic Indexes for Areas, Index of Relative Socio-Economic Disadvantage (SEIFA IRSED) quintile. Other data indicates that 24.3% of children (0–14 years old) in Greater Melbourne live in poverty (calculated by disposable income levels), with rates varying widely across the city (Tanton et al., 2018).

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35

2.2 Schools This section shifts focus to schools and the schooling system in Melbourne. An overview is provided of the current state of schooling in Victoria and Australia followed by a closer consideration of policy, curriculum, and assessment in order to situate children’s lifeworlds in the context of Melbourne, Victoria. For tens of thousands of years, First Nations teaching and learning experiences existed for children prior to colonial invasion and British settlement when more formal schooling was introduced on the lands which are also known as Australia (Campbell, 2007; Campbell & Proctor, 2014). Before the federation of Australia in 1901, the British Colonies (now states of Australia) implemented schooling systems in their own jurisdictions. In the colony of Victoria, schools were often run by different Christian denominations. The Education Act 1872 legislated free, compulsory, and secular schooling for White children in Victoria. A history of schooling in Melbourne, Victoria, and Australia is beyond the aims and scope of this book but is available elsewhere (e.g. Campbell, 2007; Campbell & Proctor, 2014; Evangelista, 2015; Sweetman et al., 1922). In recent times, Victoria has been framed as “the Education State,” highlighting the significance placed by the government on formal education. The Victorian Labor government led by Daniel Andrews was elected in 2014, with the election promise of being “the Education State” (a slogan appearing on number plates of cars in Victoria since 2015). The Education State target areas are: “Learning for Life” (high achievement in reading, mathematics, science, critical and creative thinking, and the arts for more children), “Happy, Healthy and Resilient Kids” (building children’s resilience and encouraging physical activity), “Breaking the Link” (school retention and countering disadvantage), and “Pride and Confidence in Our Schools” (all communities have “access to excellence” in all government schools and classrooms) (DET, 2022a).

2.2.1 School Systems in Melbourne, Victoria In Australia, individual states and territories are basically responsible for schooling, but the federal government provides partial funding, prepares and issues policy initiatives, and is responsible for the national Australian Curriculum, on which the Victorian Curriculum is based. In Victoria, as in the rest of Australia, schools are generally organised as primary schools (preparatory to Year 6, approximately 5–11 years old) and secondary schools (Year 7–12, approximately 12–17 years old), although there are some combinations of primary/secondary schools (e.g. preparatory–12 schools or middle schools). In addition, there are also specialist schools for children living with disabilities, and schooling arrangements for children who are in custody, on remand, or in hospital (Steering Committee for the Review of Government Service Provision [SCRGSP], 2020). Schooling may also occur remotely (e.g. Virtual School Victoria,

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2 The Context of Children’s Lifeworlds in Melbourne

https://www.vsv.vic.edu.au/), or in the form of home schooling, with 6072 children in 3808 households registered at 31 December 2019 (Victorian Registration & Qualifications Authority [VRQA], 2021a), with these figures growing during the COVID-19 pandemic (VRQA, 2021b). Attending a registered school or being registered for home schooling is compulsory in Australia, with the specific ages varying between states and territories. In Victoria, the Education and Training Reform Act 2006 stipulates that schooling is compulsory for 6–17 year olds. However, data suggests that there are school-aged children across Australia who may not be enrolled in schooling of any kind (Watterston & O’Connell, 2019). Melbourne figures show a high attendance rate1 for school students in Year 1–6 in all school types at 92.9% in 2019, similar to the national figure of 92.4% (SCRGSP, 2020). The Year 12 certification rate2 in 2019 was estimated as 79% in Victoria, compared to 73% Australia wide (Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority [ACARA], n.d.-b). Schools in Australia are classed as being either government or non-government, which includes Catholic and Independent schools. Most schools in Australia are operated by state/territory governments (70.1%), and these schools are attended by 65.7% of full-time equivalent students (data from 2018, SCRGSP, 2020). In Victoria in 2019, there were 1556 primary schools: 1124 government schools, 393 Catholic schools, and 39 Independent schools (ABS, 2020c). Government schools are primarily funded by state/territory governments, with some federal government funding, whereas nongovernment schools are funded by federal and state/territory governments, alongside private fees and fundraising (SCRGSP, 2020). Tuition is free for domestic students3 attending government schools (Education and Training Reform Act 2006), although there may be school fees relating to classroom consumables and equipment. In Victoria, DET (2021a) policy requires government schools to offer supportive and flexible arrangements to families experiencing financial hardship. Non-government schools vary widely in tuition fees which are unregulated, although scholarships and exemptions can be available (McKenzie & Weldon, 2015). On the whole, Catholic schools are likely to have lower school fees than Independent schools (McKenzie & Weldon, 2015). Government schools are run by the Victorian education department (DET), and Catholic schools by the Catholic Education Commission of Victoria. Independent schools may be Christian (including non-denominational) or other religious schools, or schools influenced by certain education philosophies (e.g. Steiner or Waldorf), and are independently run but may be connected to Independent Schools Victoria.

1

Attendance rate is defined as “the number of actual full time equivalent student days attended by full time students as a percentage of the total number of possible student attendance days attended over the period” (SCRGSP, 2020, p. 4.11). 2 Year 12 certification rate is “estimated by calculating the number of students who meet the requirements of a Senior Secondary Certificate or equivalent expressed as a percentage of the potential Year 12 population” (ACARA, n.d.-b). 3 International students’ families may need to pay school fees, depending on which category of Visa they hold (DET, 2022b).

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37

Government schools are open to children living within their designated neighbourhoods, with attendance from students outside the local area depending on availability of places (Education and Training Reform Act 2006). The majority of schools in Australia are open to children of all genders (all government primary schools and the majority of non-government primary schools) (McKenzie & Weldon, 2015). The limited number of single-sex schools are mostly non-government schools at the secondary level. LSAC research suggests that parents base their choice of primary school sector on religion, socio-economic status, and/or educational expectations, whereas particular school choice relates to convenience, other family members attending the school, academic reasons, and/or religious reasons (Warren, 2016).

2.2.2 Students Just over two thirds (67.0%) of primary school students in Australia attended government primary schools in the 2016 Census (ABS, 2017e) (see Table 2.4). The proportions for the different school types were very similar across Greater Melbourne, Victoria, and Australia. At the secondary school level, students were most likely to attend government schools (over half in Greater Melbourne, Victoria, and Australia) (ABS, 2017e). Nearly two thirds (66.2% or 52,160) of students in Year 4 in Victoria across the schooling sectors were 9 years old at the Census date of 1 July 2019 (i.e. approximately the middle of the school year), with a third (26,217) 10 years old, and small numbers 8 or 11 years old (128 and 340, respectively) (ABS, 2020c).

2.2.3 Teachers and School Staff In Victoria, and Australia more broadly, primary school students are generally taught by a dedicated class teacher in a classroom space, with additional teachers for certain Table 2.4 Number of students attending primary school by school type, Greater Melbourne, Victoria, and Australia School type

Greater Melbourne

Victoria

Australia

Government

237,135 (67.0%)

313,881 (67.0%)

1,314,787 (68.2%)

Catholic

74,785 (21.1%)

102,778 (21.9%)

380,604 (19.8%)

Other non-government (Independent)

41,862 (11.8%)

52,041 (11.1%)

231,490 (12.0%)

Total

353,782 (99.9%)

468,700 (100%)

1,926,881 (100%)

Note Totals and percentages calculated by the authors. Percentages may not add up to 100 due to rounding Source Australian Bureau of Statistics (2017e)

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subjects such as languages. Classes are usually a single year level group although are occasionally taught in mixed year level classes (composite classes), particularly in smaller, rural, and/or alternative school types. In terms of class size, Year 3, 4, 5, and 6 classes in government schools in Victoria have had, on average, between approximately 23 and 24 students per class since 2002 (this is slightly lower for Preparatory, Year 1, and Year 2 classes at about 21 students) (DET, 2021b). In Victoria in 2019, the student (FTE) to teaching staff4 (FTE) ratio across all schooling sectors was 14.5, which was higher in government (14.9) and Catholic (14.4) primary schools than Independent (12.6) primary schools (ABS, 2020c). In Victoria, all teachers regardless of schooling sector are required to have teaching qualifications recognised in Victoria and to be registered as a teacher in the state (State Government of Victoria, 2022). Initial Teacher Education courses include a four year teaching degree (often called Bachelor of Education), but can also be studied as part of a double degree or as a postgraduate degree (State Government of Victoria, 2022). Initial Teacher Education is taught at 22 locations in Victoria (13 metropolitan and 9 regional campuses) (Australian Institute for Teaching and School Leadership [AITSL], 2019). In 2019, the main year of the Global Childhoods project, there were 38,826.3 full-time equivalent teaching staff in Victoria across the three school sectors and 15,961.9 full-time equivalent non-teaching staff (ABS, 2020c) (see Table 2.5). Women made up 79.4% of full-time equivalent teaching staff in Victoria (ABS, 2020c). Similarly, the OECD (2020) reports that women comprise 82% of primary teaching staff internationally. In addition to class teachers, schools in Victoria have “specialist” teachers to teach subjects such as Art, Music, Drama, PE, and languages. Alongside teachers, in Victoria, there are education support staff (sometimes called teachers’ aides) working in classrooms who may support individual students or groups of students needing extra assistance. Teachers are generally less culturally diverse than the Australian population (AITSL, 2021; McKenzie et al., 2014). The ABS Census 2016 data on primary school teachers living in Greater Melbourne highlights this lack of diversity, when compared to the total population data, as discussed above. Only 0.4% of primary school teachers in Greater Melbourne identified as Aboriginal and 0% as Torres Strait Islander (ABS, 2018h), compared to 0.5% of the total Greater Melbourne population (ABS, 2017e). In terms of country of birth, 83.9% of primary school teachers in Greater Melbourne were born in Australia (followed by England 3.0%, New Zealand 1.3%, and India 1.1%) (ABS, 2018g), compared to only 59.8% of the total Greater Melbourne population (followed by India 3.6%, China 3.5%, and England 3.0%) (ABS, 2018f). Finally, 87.3% of primary school teachers in Greater Melbourne spoke only English at home (with other languages spoken at home including Italian 2.4%, Greek 1.9% and Mandarin 0.9%) (ABS, 2018k), compared to 62.0% of the total Greater Melbourne population (followed by Mandarin 4.1%, Greek 2.4%, and Italian 2.3%) (ABS, 2018j). 4

Teaching staff includes teachers, principals, deputy principals, campus principals, and senior teachers (often working in administration), but does not include teacher aides and assistants and specialist support staff (ABS, 2020d).

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39

Table 2.5 In-school staff (FTE), primary school, Victoria Staff

School type

Female

Male

Total

Teaching staff

Government

20,550.4

5557.7

26,108.1

Catholic

6492.1

1318.5

7810.6

Independent

3800.1

1107.5

4907.6

30,842.6

7983.7

38,826.3 10,376.6

Total teaching staff Non-teaching staff

Government

9333.3

1043.3

Catholic

2513.2

251.0

2764.2

Independent

2059.9

761.2

2821.1

13,906.4

2055.5

15,961.9

Total non-teaching staff

Note Compiled by authors from original source. “Non-teaching staff” is made up of the categories of specialist support staff, administrative and clerical staff (including teacher aides and assistants), and building operations, general maintenance, and other staff Source Australian Bureau of Statistics (2020c)

2.2.4 Policy, Curriculum, and Assessment This section considers in more detail the interweaving elements of policy, curriculum, and assessment in Melbourne, situated in Victoria and Australia. We explore the Alice Springs (Mparntwe) Education Declaration (Education Council, 2019), the Victorian Curriculum and Australian Curriculum, and the National Assessment Program— Literacy and Numeracy (NAPLAN) and My School website.

2.2.4.1

Alice Springs (Mparntwe) Education Declaration

The Education Declaration is an important document which outlines the goals for education in Australia. The Alice Springs (Mparntwe) Education Declaration (Education Council, 2019) follows on from previous Declarations, most recently the Melbourne Declaration on Educational Goals for Young Australians (Ministerial Council on Education, Employment, Training and Youth Affairs, 2008). The Alice Springs (Mparntwe) Education Declaration has very similar goals to the Melbourne Declaration, as quoted in Chap. 1: The Declaration has two distinct but interconnected goals: Goal 1: The Australian education system promotes excellence and equity Goal 2: All young Australians become: . confident and creative individuals . successful lifelong learners . active and informed members of the community. (Education Council, 2019, p. 4)

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The Declaration is referred to in a range of policy documents and helps to guide the Australian Curriculum.

2.2.4.2

Australian Curriculum and Victorian Curriculum

Previously, individual states and territories had their own curriculum, with some commonalities (Lingard, 2018; McKenzie & Weldon, 2015), although a potential national curriculum had been discussed for decades (Harris-Hart, 2010; Lingard, 2018; Savage & O’Connor, 2015). In 2008, state and territory governments agreed to the creation of the Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority (ACARA) to develop and oversee the Australian Curriculum, and the new curriculum was implemented in 2013 after several years of planning and debate (McKenzie & Weldon, 2015). The Australian Curriculum was initially released in 2010 with the learning areas of English, Mathematics, Science, and History for Foundation (first year of school) to Year 10 (ACARA, n.d.-a). In 2012, Year 11 and 12 were added to the Australian Curriculum, in these four areas, but these final years of school still remain separate from the Foundation to Year 10 Curriculum (ACARA, n.d.-a). The Australian F-10 Curriculum is now structured around learning areas, general capabilities, and cross-curriculum priorities (see Table 2.6). The curriculum now contains eight learning areas from Foundation to Year 10: English, Mathematics, Science, Health and Physical Education, Humanities and Social Sciences, The Arts, Technologies, and Languages. The Victorian Curriculum (see Table 2.7) is largely based on the Australian Curriculum, and is implemented by the Victorian Curriculum and Assessment Authority (VCAA) (for a history of curriculum in Victoria prior to the Australian Curriculum, see Victorian Curriculum and Assessment Authority [VCAA], 2015). According to VCAA (n.d.), a main difference between the curricula relates to the Victorian Curriculum’s “representation of the curriculum as a continuum of learning and the structural design” (para. 3) whereby three of the general capabilities in the Australian Curriculum (Literacy, Numeracy, and ICT Capability) are addressed throughout the Victorian Curriculum. Unlike the Australian Curriculum, the Victorian F-10 Curriculum is divided into three stages: Foundation Stage (Preparatory– Year 2), Breadth Stage (Year 3–Year 8), and Pathways Stage (Year 9–Year 10) (VCAA, 2015). The Victorian F-10 Curriculum is a requirement in Victorian government and Catholic schools and is available for use by Independent schools (VCAA, n.d.). In terms of school-based assessment, VCAA (2015) has a mandated reporting format to use for students’ school reports and is required to be provided to students’ parents twice a year. The report covers each learning area and shows how students are progressing against year levels. It is focused on students’ progress, showing their achievement 12 months previously compared with their achievement in the current semester. It also includes a scale relating to effort and class behaviour.

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41

Table 2.6 Australian Curriculum overview, Foundation to Year 10 Learning areas

General capabilities

Cross-curriculum priorities

English

Literacy

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Histories and Cultures

Mathematics

Numeracy

Asia and Australia’s Engagement with Asia

Science

Information and Communication Technology (ICT) capability

Sustainability

Humanities and Social Sciences (History, Geography, Economics and Business, Civics and Citizenship)

Critical and Creative thinking

The Arts

Personal and Social Capability

Technologies (Design and Technologies, Digital Technologies)

Ethical Understanding

Health and Physical Education Intercultural Understanding Languages Source Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority (n.d.-a) Table 2.7 Victorian Curriculum overview, Foundation to Year 10 Learning areas

General capabilities

The Arts (Dance, Drama, Media Arts, Visual Arts, Visual Communication Design)

Critical and Creative Thinking Learning about Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander histories and cultures

English

Ethical

Health and Physical Education Intercultural

Cross-curriculum priorities

Learning about Asia and Australia’s engagement with Asia Learning about Sustainability

The Humanities (Civics and Personal and Social Citizenship, Economics and Business, Geography, History) Languages Mathematics Science Technologies (Design and Technologies, Digital Technologies) Source Victorian Curriculum and Assessment Authority (2016, n.d.)

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2.2.4.3

2 The Context of Children’s Lifeworlds in Melbourne

NAPLAN and My School

Coinciding with the announcement of an Australian Curriculum, the then federal Labor Government also introduced the National Assessment Program—Literacy and Numeracy (NAPLAN) in 2008 for students in Year 3, 5, 7, and 9. Following this, they established the My School website (https://www.myschool.edu.au/) which went live in January 2010 (Gorur, 2016), where results of NAPLAN performance at the school level are published, along with other data. The Australian Curriculum and NAPLAN were brought together under the new body ACARA (Gorur, 2016). Unlike international high-stakes tests (TIMSS, PIRLS, and PISA), NAPLAN is completed by all students in the designated year level rather than a sample of students and is mandatory for schools receiving federal government funding (Lingard et al., 2016). This data has been used to create performance targets at both the school and system levels (Lingard et al., 2016). Designed as a mechanism to track children’s learning progress, the results generated for the My School website act as a way to compare “like” schools, that is, schools with common socio-educational values. The website essentially allows for comparisons between schools based particularly on academic results from NAPLAN testing (Gorur, 2016). The federal government framed the advantages associated with the results and the subsequent presentation of the data on the My School website as being a source of information for parents so that they were able to make a “choice” about which school they wanted their children to attend (Gorur, 2016; Mills, 2015; Rose et al., 2020). However, as noted earlier in this chapter, government schools are primarily open to children within their designated neighbourhoods. NAPLAN has been criticised as contributing to the increasing datafication of schooling and education systems, placing increased pressure on teachers and students, and raising issues of social justice and equity (Rose et al., 2020). Studies examining children’s experiences of NAPLAN suggest that some children may view these tests negatively, experiencing them as “high stakes” and not connected to their everyday lifeworlds (Howell, 2017; Swain & Pendergast, 2018).

2.3 Out-of-School Activities Children’s out-of-school activities are an important aspect of their lifeworlds. This section considers children’s out-of-school activities in Melbourne, drawing on Victorian and Australian research and data where it is unavailable at the city level. It focuses on three overarching kinds of activities: leisure and non-academic organised activities; homework; and tutoring and organised learning activities, although there is some overlap between these. The LSAC suggests that 10–11 year old children have 4.7 h of free time/leisure time per day, including homework, which increases to 9.5 h on non-school days (Mullan, 2014). Children of this age were found to spend more time on each of the following leisure activities than homework on school and non-school days: watching

2.3 Out-of-School Activities

43

television, physical activity excluding sport, computer use including games, and organised activities including sport (Mullan, 2014).

2.3.1 Leisure and Non-academic Organised Activities Most children in Melbourne, and Victoria and Australia more broadly, are likely to have large amounts of leisure time outside of school. While there are few studies at the level of Melbourne, there are several studies at the Victorian and Australian levels which have examined these activities, both informal (e.g. screen time, reading books) and formal (e.g. lessons for creative activities, organised sports). As some studies include both organised and non-organised leisure, we have included both in this section. The ABS (2019) included children’s activities outside of school in the Participation in Selected Cultural Activities survey for the first time in 2017/18. The Victorian data highlights that a sample of parents/guardians reported that nearly all 5–14 year old children participated in at least one cultural activity (creative, screen based, or reading for pleasure) on a weekly basis outside of school. Most children participated in screen-based activities, many read for pleasure, and over half participated in one or more creative activities (see Table 2.8). The data indicated that nearly all females and males participated in at least one cultural activity, but females were more likely to participate in creative activities and reading for pleasure, and males were more likely to participate in screen-based activities. At the Australia-wide level, the data also suggests that participation was similar in capital cities and the rest of states/territories. However, there were differences by household income, with children in higher income households more likely to participate in creative activities, and more likely to read for pleasure. Screen-based activities were also slightly higher for children in higher income households. Children in one parent families were less likely to participate in creative activities or reading for pleasure, but a similar number participated in screen-based activities as children in couple families. Table 2.8 Participation in “cultural activities,” by sex, 5–14 year olds, Victoria Sex

One or more creative Screen-based activities (e.g. activities drama, singing)

Females

259,000 (69.3%)

331,800 (88.7%) 315,700 (84.4%)

367,000 (98.2%)

Males

229,800 (58.5%)

371,200 (94.4%) 308,600 (78.5%)

387,400 (98.5%)

Total

490,500 (63.9%)

706,400 (92.0%) 625,500 (81.5%)

753,200 (98.1%)

Note Numbers are estimated by the ABS Source Australian Bureau of Statistics (2019)

Reading for pleasure

At least one cultural activity

44 Table 2.9 Participation in “cultural activities,” by activity, 9–11 year olds, Australia

2 The Context of Children’s Lifeworlds in Melbourne Cultural activity

Number (%)

Creative activities total

609,500 (65.2%)

> Art and craft activities

354,300 (37.9%)

> Singing Singing a musical instrument

250,900 (26.9%)

> Creative writing

226,400 (24.2%)

> Creating digital content

194,600 (20.8%)

> Dancing

147,600 (15.8%)

> Drama activities

95,600 (10.2%)

Screen-based activities

855,800 (91.6%)

Reading for pleasure

756,300 (80.9%)

Total participants

895,400 (95.8%)

Total non-participants

37,600 (4.0%)

Note Numbers are estimated by the ABS. Percentages may not add up to 100 due to rounding Source Australian Bureau of Statistics (2019)

More information is provided on 9–11 year old children’s specific creative activities at the Australia-wide level. This data shows that art and craft activities (37.9%) were the most common form of creative activity, followed by singing or playing a musical instrument (26.9%) and creative writing (24.2%) (ABS, 2019) (see Table 2.9). In terms of average weekly time spent, most children who participated in the activities spent 5–19 h on screen-based activities (65.7%), 9 h or less on reading for pleasure (87.4%), and 2 h or less on each creative activity (ranging from 56.3% to 75.4%) (ABS, 2019). The ABS survey shows that children participated in a wide range of leisure activities, with the most common and frequent activities relating to screen-based activities. Yu and Baxter (2016) focused on screen-time activities (television, computers, electronic gaming) in a nationally representative sample of children in LSAC. They found that the average daily time spent on screen time was 115 min for 8–9 year olds and 164 min for 10–11 year olds. Children spent more time on screen-based activities outside of school at weekends than on weekdays. As might be expected, parentimposed limits on television viewing time impacted how much television children watched. About 90% of families with 8–11 year olds had rules about what could be watched and about half had limits on the quantity of television (Yu & Baxter, 2016). Due to the broad range of screen-time activities now available, watching broadcast television programmes has decreased amongst Australian children (Australian Communications and Media Authority [ACMA], 2017). Australian children now use multiple platforms to watch children’s programmes, with online services most frequently used, such as YouTube or subscription services (ACMA, 2017). However, many parents continue to implement rules about content and quantity (ACMA, 2017). The Roy Morgan Young Australians Survey found that in the 12 months to June 2020, 33% of 6–13 year old children used and owned a mobile phone, 14% used but did

2.3 Out-of-School Activities

45

not own a mobile phone, and 54% did not own or use a mobile phone (reported in ACMA, 2020). When using mobile phones, children were most likely to play games (71%), take photographs/videos (70%), and use apps (68%) (ACMA, 2020). Mobile phone usage/ownership increased with age: 25% at 6–7 years old, 31% at 8–9 years old, 46% at 10–11 years old, and 82% at 12–13 years old (ACMA, 2020). Reading is another common activity amongst children in Australia and can be related to leisure or homework. The Victorian Child Health and Wellbeing Survey found that parents estimated that, on average, children 5–12 years old read to themselves for pleasure for 4.9 h a week (DET, 2019). The survey also asked whether children were read to by a family member every day. This peaked at 2 years old (75.6% of children) and was much lower at 9 years old (15.5%) and 10 years old (8.2%) (DET, 2019). An Australian survey indicates many children enjoy reading, with 74% of 9–11 year old children reporting they were currently reading a book for fun and 43% reading books for fun 5–7 days a week (Scholastic & YouGov, 2016). This survey found that children primarily read print books, with many preferring these over ebooks. The majority of 9–11 year olds (86%) also reported that they loved or liked being read books aloud at home (Scholastic & YouGov, 2016). In Australia, non-academic organised activities are more likely to be viewed as leisure than enrichment. Drawing on data from LSAC, Rioseco and colleagues (2018) found that approximately 90% of children aged 8–9 and 10–11 participated in at least one extracurricular activity, either provided by their school or an organisation. Sports and art/music/performance were the most common activities, with very few participating in academic classes. They suggest that participation in extracurricular activities may be used by parents as a substitute for after-school care and was also impacted by income. Taylor and Fraser’s (2003) Life Chances Study in Melbourne suggested that at 11 and 12 years old, children’s participation in activities varied greatly depending on parental income. In particular, children from low income families were much less likely to be involved in sport, music, and dance lessons. Other Australian reports have also noted that parental income and education, as well as other factors, have an impact on children’s involvement in particular activities in as much as they might enable or restrict certain types of activity (Australian Sports Commission, 2018; Redmond et al., 2016; The Smith Family, 2013; Yu & Baxter, 2016). The ABS (2019) also has Australia-wide data on children’s participation in organised activities. In terms of creative activities, children participating in dancing were most likely to have lessons (81.0% of children participating in dancing took lessons) with children participating in music and drama activities less likely to participate in lessons (just under two thirds and half had lessons respectively, see Table 2.10). This provides important background information about not only children’s participation in particular leisure activities, but whether they are also participating in formal lessons for these activities.

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Table 2.10 Children participating in lessons for selected creative activities, 5–14 year olds, Australia Activities

Lessons

No lessons

Total

Drama activities

120,000 (49.0%)

124,800 (51.0%)

244,800

Singing or playing a musical instrument

446,300 (63.1%)

260,700 (36.9%)

707,000

Dancing

410,000 (81.0%)

96,200 (19.0%)

506,200

Note Numbers are estimated by the ABS. Totals and percentages calculated by the authors Source Australian Bureau of Statistics (2019)

The Australian Sports Commission (2018) indicates that out-of-school organised sports/physical activity participation rates are highest for children who are 9– 11 years old (amongst 0–14 year olds). Common activities included swimming, team sports, and artistic sports. At 9–11 years old, girls’ most common activities were swimming (31.7% of girls), netball (23.9%), gymnastics (11.8%), dancing (recreational) (11.7%), and basketball (10.1%). Boys’ most common activities were soccer (29.8%), swimming (29.7%), cricket (15.9%), Australian football (15.4%), and basketball (15.1%) (Australian Sports Commission, 2018). ABS (2013) data similarly highlights that 9–11 year olds are the most likely group of children to participate in organised sports, with 66% participating Australia wide. Demographic differences are also noted, with more males (949,900) participating than females (727,000), more Australian born children participating than overseas born children (61% compared to 52%), and more children in couple families participating than those in one parent families (64% compared to 48%). On average, children spent five hours in out-of-school organised sport in the fortnight prior to the survey. There is little academic research exploring the financial costs of children’s organised leisure activities in Australia. A Suncorp Bank (2021) report of 2000 Australians indicated that extracurricular activities cost AUD$140 per month for one child on average in 2021 (which equates to AUD$1680 per year). Similarly, an industry article suggests households spend an average of AUD$1858 per year for one activity per child (O’Chee, 2020). Piano lessons (costing an average of AUD$1319 per child each year) and language lessons (AUD$1263) are nearly double the cost of organised sports such as swimming (AUD$694) and ballet (AUD$663) (O’Chee, 2020). The Clearinghouse for Sport suggests that 96.2% of Australian children participating in sport are involved with organisations and/or venues requiring payment (May, 2021). Parents spend an average of AUD$1061 per year on sport participation for their children (an average of AUD$1272 for girls and AUD$856 for boys), with the median being approximately AUD$660 per year (May, 2021). Participation in organised sport and physical activity ranges from 84% of children in high income families to 58% of children in low income families (Australian Sports Commission, 2018).

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2.3.2 Homework Children in Melbourne are also likely to spend some time on homework outside of school. The Victorian education department requires that government schools have a homework policy, although what constitutes homework is not strictly prescribed (DET, 2020). DET (2020) defines homework as “Tasks assigned to students by school teachers that are meant to be carried out during non-school hours.” The purposes or rationale for homework are also outlined in the policy: . complementing and reinforcing classroom learning . fostering good lifelong learning and study habits . developing self-regulation processes such as goal-setting, self-efficacy, selfreflection and time management . supporting partnerships with parents/carers by connecting families with the learning of their children (DET, 2020, Details section). Previous guidelines from the Victorian education department suggested that best practice for homework for Preparatory to Year 4 “Extends class work through practising skills or gathering extra information,” “Consists of mainly reading to/with parents and older siblings,” and “Generally [does] not exceed 30 minutes per day” (Education and Training Committee, 2014, p. 35). The Inquiry into the Approaches to Homework in Victorian Schools in 2014 criticised the focus on quantitative time measures in homework policies, literature, and studies (including PISA), and suggested that a qualitative measure may be more useful to determine the value of homework (Education and Training Committee, 2014). The current DET (2020) homework policy does not include time guides. Studies certainly tend to focus on time and frequency of homework. An ABS (2013) survey of parents in 2012 found that in Victoria, 84.2% of 9–11 year old children did homework or other study in the 12 months prior to the survey. This was similar to 12–14 year olds (85.2%), but higher than 5–8 year olds (72.4%). For the 5–14 year old age group in total, homework or other study was more common amongst girls (82.0% in the 12 months prior to the study) compared to boys (77.5%). It was very similar for children in the capital city (Melbourne) (79.8%) compared with the rest of the state (Victoria) (79.4%). Time spent on homework or other study for 5–14 year olds in the two weeks prior to the survey was a mean of 6.8 h (girls 7.3 h, boys 6.3 h) and a median of 5 h (the same for girls and boys) (ABS, 2013). Redmond et al.’s (2016) Australian Child Wellbeing Project with children from multiple locations across Australia found that in Year 4, 55% of students reported doing homework “every day or almost every day,” although 10% reported they “hardly ever or never” did homework. Homework participation was related to SEIFA, with children attending schools in high SEIFA areas more likely to report doing homework more frequently than those attending schools in low SEIFA areas (Redmond et al., 2016). For Year 4 students, two thirds of children reported their parents made sure they set aside time for their homework every day or almost every day (64.6%), with 8.8% indicating their parents never did this (Redmond et al., 2016).

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Watkins and Noble (2013) suggest that in Australia, homework in primary school is important not only for learning and practising academic skills, but also for the development of embodied skills required to complete homework (such as sitting still and having a routine of homework). In their study with children from Chinese, Pasifika, and Anglo backgrounds in Australia, they suggest that children’s sociocultural backgrounds and cultural practices interact in complex ways to contribute to children’s dispositions to learning. The range of time children from the different backgrounds spent on homework per night varied considerably. School teachers generally set little homework. Children from Chinese backgrounds spent time ranging from 15 min to 2 h on homework a night. They often spent time on homework from their parents or “coaching colleges” alongside their school homework, tending to follow a regular routine after school involving homework at certain times. Students from Pasifika backgrounds spent between one and 20 min per night on homework. These students were more likely to attend homework centres which involved additional tuition, rather than spend time on completing school homework. Finally, Anglo students were more likely to do homework on two or three nights in a week for 10–30 min per night, fitting this around extracurricular activities such as sport. These studies on homework suggest that many Year 4 students are likely to have some homework but the time spent on this varies, and there is less information about what homework actually involves.

2.3.3 Tutoring and Organised Academic Activities In Melbourne (and Australia), academic tutoring is not commonplace, although it is a growing and more accepted phenomenon (Doherty & Dooley, 2018). There are particular racialised discourses relating to tutoring, where families from East Asian backgrounds are regarded as utilising it more than other groups (Butler et al., 2017; Dooley et al., 2020). However, more broadly, the framing of tutoring as “responsible” parenting has meant that tutoring has become somewhat normalised (Doherty & Dooley, 2018). It is difficult to estimate the number of children in Melbourne who participate in tutoring or other forms of organised learning. LSAC data indicates that more children participate in extracurricular academic classes as they move through primary school, with academic classes outside of school attended by 3.0% of 6–7 year olds, 7.5% of 8–9 year olds, and 9.5% of 10–11 year olds (Rioseco et al., 2018). Extracurricular academic classes at school were less common and were attended by 2.0% of 6– 7 year olds, 3.1% of 8–9 year olds, and 2.9% of 10–11 year olds (Rioseco et al., 2018). Kumon, an international tutoring company focusing on Mathematics and Reading/Language, stated on their website that they had 48,290 students in Australia in September 2019 (Kumon Asia & Oceania, 2019), although they do not give an indication of the age of their students. In Melbourne, and Australia more broadly, tutoring and other organised learning activities occur in different formats. For example, Forsey (2013) suggests there are

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three main types of tutoring arrangements in Australia, with some overlap between them: market based (individual tutors, small businesses, and multinational corporations), school based (after-school classes and structured courses), and community based (voluntary organisations and partnerships between the private sector and government). Dooley et al. (2020) suggest there are three types of private (for profit) supplementary tuition: schoolwork help, school-like programmes, and schoolrelevant courses. Organised learning outside of school may also refer to education and support programmes or “Homework Clubs,” such as for students from migrant and refugee backgrounds, which is important in the context of Melbourne’s population (Bond, 2009). In addition, language tutoring may connect to school subjects or students’ own cultural backgrounds. While it is difficult to find figures relating to primary schoolage children specifically, according to Community Languages Victoria Incorporated (n.d.), in 2020, nearly 40,000 students (of all ages) were enrolled in language classes. The highest number of community language schools was Greek (35), Chinese (27), Arabic (25), and Vietnamese (15). However, the largest numbers of students were enrolled in Chinese classes (18,202), followed by Greek (5458), Vietnamese (5228), and Arabic (3547). These languages are also those most often spoken by 5–14 year olds at home in Greater Melbourne (as well as in Victoria and Australia), as outlined earlier in this chapter. Research with teenagers attending a weekend Chinese school in Melbourne found that while students originally attended to please their parents, they later came to view learning Chinese as helping them to communicate with family members and other Chinese speakers and benefitting their education and careers (Yang, 2012). As the types of tutoring and organised learning vary, so too does the financial cost. Dooley and colleagues (2020) highlight the great variance in the financial cost of tutoring by and within type in their overview of the Australian city of Brisbane: independent teacher tutors (AUD$40–$50 an hour), independent pre-service teacher tutors (AUD$20–$25 an hour, with a broader range of AUD$15–$40), tutoring agency tutors (AUD$30–$80 an hour), school-like programmes (AUD$30–$130 an hour), and school-relevant programmes (AUD$50–$70 an hour). Kumon outlines their Australian fees, with an initial enrolment fee of AUD$100 and then AUD$140 per month per subject (Kumon Asia & Oceania, 2019). Therefore, after paying the initial enrolment fee, students of families with one child studying one Kumon subject per year would pay AUD$1680 and thus would pay AUD$3360 for two subjects per year per child. A survey by the Futurity Investment Group (2020) suggests parents in major Australian cities spend a median of AUD$1458 on out-of-school tuition at the primary level per year. In contrast, Suncorp Bank’s (2021) report suggests that AUD$58 per month per child was spent on tutoring on average in 2021, working out to AUD$696 per year. Some community and school-based activities, such as “Homework Clubs” may be free for some or all students. Finally, it is interesting to note that there appears to be a connection between tutoring and NAPLAN, the national literacy and numeracy test in Year 3, 5, 7, and 9, mentioned above. Dooley (2020) writes about tutoring related to the NAPLAN tests, which she found could be classified as NAPLAN coaching to help improve results in

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the test, or NAPLAN-responsive tutoring as a reaction to the results of the test. An analysis of LSAC data found that when NAPLAN results were released, there was a 44% increase in private tutoring and a 22% reduction in the number of extracurricular activities (including community groups and sports) (Cobb-Clark et al., 2021). In this immediate post-NAPLAN period, children spent 21 min less on leisure each week, which was largely replaced with educational activities (Cobb-Clark et al., 2021).

2.4 Summary This chapter has provided the context for the Global Childhoods project in the global city of Melbourne. By drawing on research and data, including from the ABS and LSAC, this chapter has given an overview of children’s lifeworlds in Melbourne in relation to demographics, schools, and out-of-school activities. Greater Melbourne can be identified as a city with a culturally diverse population. While four out of five children 5–14 years old in Melbourne were born in Australia (ABS, 2018e), fewer than half had two parents born in Australia (ABS, 2018d). Children in Melbourne are living in a country which has free tuition in government schools with a well-funded schooling system. Approximately two thirds of students attending primary school in Greater Melbourne attend government schools (ABS, 2017e). The establishment and overall management of government schools is the responsibility of the Victorian government in a federated system where the Victorian Curriculum is largely based on the Australian Curriculum. We explore the structure of schooling and pedagogies in Chaps. 3 and 4, respectively. Considering children’s out-of-school lifeworlds, the context for children in Melbourne was explored by drawing on the available data which is often for Victoria and Australia. Children participate in a broad range of leisure and non-academic organised activities, as well as homework, tutoring, and other organised learning activities. Participation in these activities, particularly organised activities, is affected by parental income and other factors, meaning access to these is not equal. We focus more closely on children’s out-of-school activities in Chap. 7. This chapter has demonstrated the importance of situating the global city of Melbourne in the broader context of Victoria and Australia, while also highlighting the need for more research and data specifically at the city level. This chapter therefore not only provides a context for this book, but also collates and presents key research and data relating to children in Melbourne. In the following chapters, the focus shifts to an in-depth examination of our research primarily with children and teachers in schools, with reference to the broader context.

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Qu, L. (2021). Impacts of COVID-19 on pregnancy and fertility intentions (Families in Australia Survey: Towards COVID Normal: Report No. 4). Australian Institute of Family Studies. https://aifs.gov.au/sites/default/files/publication-documents/2106_4_fias_preg nancy_and_fertility_intentions.pdf Redmond, G., Skattebol, J., Saunders, P., Lietz, P., Zizzo, G., O’Grady, E., Tobin, M., Thomson, S., Maurici, V., Huynh, J., Moffat, A., Wong, M., Bradbury, B., & Roberts, K. (2016). Are the kids alright? Young Australians in their middle years: Final report of the Australian Child Wellbeing Project. Flinders University, University of New South Wales, and Australian Council for Educational Research. http://www.australianchildwellbeing.com.au/sites/default/ files/uploads/ACWP_Final_Report_2016_Full.pdf Rees, G. (2017). Children’s views on their lives and well-being: Findings from the Children’s Worlds project. Springer. Riggs, D. W., & Bartholomaeus, C. (2016). Australian family diversity: An historical overview 1960–2015. Flinders University. https://dspace.flinders.edu.au/xmlui/handle/2328/36290 Rioseco, P., Baxter, J., & Warren, D. (2018). Kids’ care and activities before and after school. In D. Warren & G. Daraganova (Eds.), Growing up in Australia—The Longitudinal Study of Australian Children, annual statistical report 2017 (pp. 87–98). Australian Institute of Family Studies. https://growingupinaustralia.gov.au/research-findings/annual-statistical-report2017/kids-care-and-activities-and-after-school Rose, J., Low-Choy, S., Singh, P., & Vasco, D. (2020). NAPLAN discourses: A systematic review after the first decade. Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education, 41(6), 871–886. https://doi.org/10.1080/01596306.2018.1557111 Savage, G. C., & O’Connor, K. (2015). National agendas in global times: Curriculum reforms in Australia and the USA since the 1980s. Journal of Education Policy, 30(5), 609–630. https://doi. org/10.1080/02680939.2014.969321 Scholastic, & YouGov. (2016). Kids & family reading report: Australia. https://www.scholastic. com/content/dam/KFRR/InternationalReports/KFRRAUS.pdf Sharifian, F., & Musgrave, S. (2013). Migration and multilingualism: Focus on Melbourne. International Journal of Multilingualism, 10(4), 361–374. https://doi.org/10.1080/14790718.2013. 832119 State Government of Victoria. (2022). Get qualified to become a teacher. https://www.vic.gov.au/ get-qualified-become-teacher Steering Committee for the Review of Government Service Provision (SCRGSP). (2020). Report on Government Services 2020. Part B, Section 4 School education. https://www.pc.gov.au/res earch/ongoing/report-on-government-services/2020/child-care-education-and-training/schooleducation/rogs-2020-partb-section4.pdf Suncorp Bank. (2021). Cost of kids report. https://www.suncorpgroup.com.au/news/news/cost-ofkids-2021 Swain, K., & Pendergast, D. (2018). Student voice: Student feelings as they journey through National Assessment (NAPLAN). Australian Journal of Education, 62(2), 108–134. https://doi.org/10. 1177/0004944118779602 Sweetman, E., Long, C. R., & Smyth, J. (1922). A history of state education in Victoria. Critchley Parker. Tanton, R., Peel, D., & Vidyattama, Y. (2018). Every suburb every town poverty in Victoria. https://vcoss.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2018/11/Every-suburb-Every-town-Povertyin-Victoria-VCOSS.pdf Taylor, J., & Fraser, A. (2003). Eleven plus: Life chances and family income. Brotherhood of St Laurence. http://library.bsl.org.au/jspui/bitstream/1/6087/1/TaylorFraser_Eleven_plus_Life_ Chance_2003_web.pdf The Smith Family. (2013). Sport, culture and the internet: Are Australian children participating? https://www.thesmithfamily.com.au/-/media/files/research/reports/participationresearch-report-june-2013.pdf

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Victorian Curriculum and Assessment Authority. (2015). Victorian Curriculum F–10: Revised curriculum planning and reporting guidelines. https://www.vcaa.vic.edu.au/Documents/viccur ric/RevisedF-10CurriculumPlanningReportingGuidelines.pdf Victorian Curriculum and Assessment Authority. (2016). The Victorian Curriculum. Version dated April 11, 2022. https://victoriancurriculum.vcaa.vic.edu.au/ Victorian Curriculum and Assessment Authority. (n.d.). Overview. https://victoriancurriculum.vcaa. vic.edu.au/overview/about Victorian Registration & Qualifications Authority. (2021a). 2019 home schooling statistics. https:// vrqa.vic.gov.au/aboutus/Pages/homeschoolingstatistics.aspx Victorian Registration & Qualifications Authority. (2021b). Home schooling statistics. https://vrqa. vic.gov.au/aboutus/Pages/homeschoolingstatistics2020.aspx Warren, D. (2016). Parents’ choices of primary school. In K. Day (Ed.), The Longitudinal Study of Australian Children—Annual statistical report 2015 (pp. 153–172). Australian Institute of Family Studies. https://growingupinaustralia.gov.au/research-findings/annual-statistical-report2015/7-parents-choices-primary-school Warren, D. (2018). Children’s housing experiences. In D. Warren & G. Daraganova (Eds.), Growing up in Australia—The Longitudinal Study of Australian Children, annual statistical report 2017 (pp. 9–24). Australian Institute of Family Studies. https://growingupinaustralia.gov.au/researchfindings/annual-statistical-report-2017/childrens-housing-experiences Watkins, M., & Noble, G. (2013). Disposed to learn: Schooling, ethnicity and the scholarly habitus. Bloomsbury Academic. Watterston, J., & O’Connell, M. (2019). Those who disappear: The Australian education problem nobody wants to talk about (MGSE Industry Report #1). Melbourne Graduate School of Education, The University of Melbourne. https://education.unimelb.edu.au/mgse-industry-reports/rep ort-1-those-who-disappear Yang, C. (2012). Students’ educational experiences in a weekend Chinese school in Victoria, Australia. In P. W. K. Chan (Ed.), Asia Pacific education: Diversity, challenges and changes (pp. 259–274). Monash University Publishing. Yu, M., & Baxter, J. (2016). Australian children’s screen time and participation in extracurricular activities. In K. Day (Ed.), The Longitudinal Study of Australian Children, annual statistical report 2015 (pp. 99–125). Australian Institute of Family Studies. https://growingupinaustralia. gov.au/research-findings/annual-statistical-report-2015/australian-childrens-screen-time-andparticipation-extracurricular

Chapter 3

The Structure of Schooling in Melbourne: Timetabling and Routines

Abstract Children’s lifeworlds at school are structured by timetabling and routines. This chapter focuses on case studies of two classes in Melbourne primary schools to explore children’s everyday school lives. Scheduled timetables are focused on in terms of the Victorian Curriculum and the Australian Curriculum and how this links with the case study classes. The actual class timetables are then considered as they were followed and adapted in practice, together with the everyday routines that are not captured by timetables. The chapter also reflects on students’ learning within timetables, noting the varying experiences students may have due to moving and working at different paces and levels, as well as absence from the classroom or school. The chapter concludes with a reflection on the significance of timetabling and routines in children’s school lifeworlds. Keywords School timetables · School routines · School subjects · Curriculum allocation · Instructional time · Primary school Australia Most children spend a significant amount of time in school. This time is usually carefully scheduled and managed by adults, from the development of the curriculum and guidelines to the structuring of timetables to the everyday management of classrooms. However, in practice, timetables often diverge from the schedule. The significance and complexity of time management with regard to timetables is highlighted by Hohti (2016), as she reflected on her experiences as a new teacher: The issues related to time were urgent for a new teacher, and managing timetables was often the main challenge of the day. With a large group of children in a relatively small classroom, every day I had to make myriad decisions related to time: Should I hand out these papers now or later? Which way saves time and causes less noise and less commotion? …. I understood early on that time was not something neutral, operating as an outside force, but affected everything we did and what we were in the classroom. (p. 181)

This chapter draws on ethnographies from two case study classes to explore the school environment for children in the global city of Melbourne, with a particular focus on scheduled timetables, actual timetables in practice, and students’ varied learning within timetables. Attention to timetables and routines is significant in exploring children’s lifeworlds at school. Surprisingly, documenting and analysing weekly school timetables is rare in other research (for exceptions at the school level, see © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 C. Bartholomaeus and N. Yelland, Children’s Lifeworlds in a Global City: Melbourne, Global Childhoods in the Asia-Pacific 3, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0573-7_3

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Johnston & Kotabe, 2002; Low et al., 2017, and at the preschool level, see Lee & Yelland, 2017). In one example, Johnston and Kotabe (2002) describe the posted schedule and actual schedule for Kotabe’s Year 3 class in Japan, following the children throughout their day. An in-depth focus on scheduled timetables in this chapter allows for a consideration of what is planned and, combined with our ethnographic fieldnotes, what actually occurs in classrooms. This chapter also helps to frame the following chapter which focuses on the context of the teaching and learning activities with which children experience and engage. Previous studies have grouped school time in different ways in order to make distinctions between types of time. For example, Silva (2007) writes about allocated school time (hours students are at school), allocated class time (hours students are in class), instructional time (formal instruction or learning), and academic learning time (students engaged in learning). An OECD report on student learning focuses on classroom time, breaking this into “allocated instruction time,” “actual lesson time,” “engaged time,” and “actual learning time” (Gromada & Shewbridge, 2016). The OECD’s (2019b) Teaching and Learning International Survey (TALIS) examines class time in a more focused way, including how time is spent, as reported by teachers. Findings from TALIS 2018 suggest that “the typical primary teacher spends less than 80% of classroom time on actual teaching and learning” (OECD, 2019b, p. 64). Thomson and Hillman (2019) report on the Australian data at the primary level, which show that in an average lesson teachers reported spending 77% of time on teaching and learning, 15% on keeping order in the classroom, and 8% on administrative tasks. Rosenshine (1981) breaks time into academic activities (e.g. reading, mathematics), “non-academic” activities (e.g. music, art, storytime, sharing), and non-instructional activities (e.g. transitions). Relatedly, some studies have focused on the curriculum explicitly, noting the relationships between intended, enacted, and assessed curriculum (e.g. Ziebell & Clarke, 2018). In this chapter, we further interrogate what time in practice looks like in classrooms, reflecting on what this means for children’s experiences of, and learning in, school. Data available at the country level suggests that Australia has one of the highest rates of primary school instructional time in the world. This varies slightly between sources—TIMSS 2019 indicates 1015 total instructional hours per year in Australia compared with the international average of 895 (Mullis et al., 2020); PIRLS 2016 indicates 1001 h per year in Australia compared with the international average of 898 (Mullis et al., 2017); and OECD data from 2019 indicates 1000 h of compulsory instruction time in Australia compared with the international average of 804 (OECD, 2020). TIMSS and PIRLS generate data from teacher estimates of instructional time in a “typical” week in minutes in Mathematics lessons and Science lessons (TIMSS) and reading and language (PIRLS), as well as principal-reported school days per year, instructional hours per day, and school days per week. It should be noted that the teacher questionnaire asks specifically about Mathematics and Science time as distinct subjects, and language and reading across all subjects. According to teacher questionnaire data for TIMSS 2019 and PIRLS 2016, the international average time for Year 4 students to spend on Mathematics, Science, language, and reading combined equals 70.4% of total instructional hours per year, out of a total

3 The Structure of Schooling in Melbourne: Timetabling and Routines

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instructional time of just under 900 h (these numbers vary slightly in the different studies) (Mullis et al., 2017, 2020). This is comprised of Mathematics 17.2% or 154 h, Science 8.2% or 73 h, language 27% or 242 h, and reading 18% or 156 h (Mullis et al., 2017, 2020). In comparison, according to these reports, Australian Year 4 students actually spend more time on these four areas (76.9%), apart from Science, out of a total reported instructional time of just over 1000 h: Mathematics 18.7% or 190 h; Science 5.2% or 53 h; language 34% or 336 h; and reading 19% or 199 h. In other words, about three quarters of instructional time for Year 4 students in Australia relate to what are viewed as the “core” learning areas of Mathematics and English (which features language and reading). Indeed, Australia ranks amongst the top countries for the highest amount of instruction time in language, Mathematics, and reading (and total instruction time overall), although is generally only mid-ranked in achievement in terms of performance in the academic tests. As others have also noted, the correlation between instructional time and reading achievement in PIRLS 2016 (and PIRLS 2006) was not significant (Thomson et al., 2017; Van Damme et al., 2019). According to the OECD, the total compulsory instruction time in Australia in 2019 was 7000 h (across 7 years) in primary school and 4000 h (across 4 years) in lower secondary school (11,000 total), which was higher than the OECD average which has a year less in primary school and secondary school: 4598 h (across 6 years) in primary school and 3030 h (across 3 years) in secondary school (7628 total) (OECD, 2020). The OECD also collates data for instruction time per subject. Detailed data for primary education in 2018 indicates that Australia was similar to the OECD average for several subjects including “reading, writing, and literature” (24% of allocated time in Australia, compared to 25%) and Mathematics (both 17%) (OECD, 2019a). However, Australia had a much larger proportion of subjects chosen by schools than the OECD average (29–5%). It is important to consider location and context when thinking about the possibilities for teachers and schools to create scheduled timetables. Further to the background provided in Chap. 2, in Victoria, as in much of Australia, the school year usually runs from late January to early or mid-December, with a five or six week break over December/January (summer). Generally, there are 41 weeks in a school year broken into four terms, where most terms have 10 weeks and one term has 11 weeks. In between each term during the year, students have a two week break. At the Year 4 level, it is unlikely homework will be set for school breaks. The school day typically runs from 9 am to 3:30 pm with two breaks for food and there is usually allocated outdoor free play time. Non-government schools may have slightly different scheduling, but usually follow a similar organisational pattern. At the primary school level, students tend to have one class teacher and stay in their classroom for much of their scheduled lesson time. However, students may have other teachers for some subjects which are viewed as a specialisation (such as the Arts and languages), and sometimes, these have designated classroom areas in the school and the children move to the teacher.

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3.1 Timetables as Scheduled In Melbourne, as in Victoria and the other Australian states and territories, school timetables are influenced by national Australian Curriculum requirements which are designated at the federal government level. At the state/territory level, local schools develop their own plans based on the broad principles established in the Australian Curriculum and national policy documents, along with any state/territory documents (if present). This section outlines the Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority’s (ACARA) (2013) indicative time guidelines for each learning area in the national Australian Curriculum. The ACARA guidelines are considered in relation to the scheduled time allocations from the case study classes, and then the class timetables are examined directly. ACARA’s (2013) Curriculum design paper includes indicative time guidelines regarding how much time should be spent on each learning area identified in the Australian Curriculum. As discussed in the previous chapter, the Australian Curriculum is currently centred on eight learning areas: English, Mathematics, Science, Humanities and Social Sciences, The Arts, Health and Physical Education, Languages, and Technologies. These are largely followed by the Victorian Curriculum, as discussed in Chap. 2. In the ACARA guidelines, each of these learning areas is provided with a suggested time breakdown for each year level. The combined learning areas of English (22%) and Mathematics (18%) make up just over half of the allocated time at the Year 4 level, with an additional 21% being unallocated time (ACARA, 2013). Victoria follows the ACARA guidelines (Victorian Curriculum and Assessment Authority [VCAA], n.d.). According to the VCAA (n.d.): At each layer of documentation, schools will make decisions about how to represent time allocations. …. Schools may find it useful to discuss how time allocations have been decided on and whether they reflect school-specific priorities to support and improve student achievement, and also to ensure that these decisions are demonstrated consistently across each layer [School, Curriculum Area, Year Level, Unit/Lessons]. It is worth noting that the time allocations in each layer of curriculum planning are not a measure of the quality of the teaching and learning program. Time allocations provide basic structural and organisational information. (How do we allocate a time allocation at each layer of curriculum planning? section)

The instructional time allocations reported by teachers in the Australian TIMSS 2019 data above are similar to the ACARA guidelines for Mathematics (18.7% for TIMSS and 18% for ACARA) and Science (5.2% for TIMSS and 7% for ACARA) (ACARA, 2013; Mullis et al., 2020). The PIRLS survey asks about language and reading in all subjects, and therefore is not directly comparable. However, this emphasises that language and reading are taught in many learning areas. The eight learning areas in the Australian Curriculum are shown in relation to ACARA’s indicative time guidelines and the time allocations for subjects in the case study classes in Table 3.1. When considering the ACARA guidelines compared to the scheduled timetables for the case study classes, it is clear that the classes/schools have scheduled more time in some areas (e.g. subjects relating to English, the Arts),

3.1 Timetables as Scheduled

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a similar amount of time in some areas (e.g. Mathematics, known as Numeracy in the schools), and less time in other areas (e.g. Health and Physical Education, Technologies, Science, Humanities and Social Sciences, and Languages). Overall, 60–70% of scheduled class time was dedicated to subjects relating to English and Mathematics. However, these timetable allocations were at times different to what actually occurred in classrooms, as documented later in this chapter. It is also important to consider the ways in which these areas are interconnected. For example, the Reading topic for Term 3 at Maribyrnong Primary School was My Place (Wheatley, 2008) (a book and subsequent TV series, discussed further in Chap. 6). This topic related not only to Reading, but also to the History and Civics and Citizenship curriculum. Similarly, the class worked on Health topics in Writing and STEM, and students at both schools learnt about using technologies in multiple areas (e.g. Writing, Reading, Numeracy, Humanities and Social Sciences, and the Arts). In Chap. 4, we explore the ways in which concepts relating to English and Mathematics were applied in other subjects and topics, where students could demonstrate their literacy and numeracy skills. It is also important to note that timetables may differ across school terms, therefore, counting specific hours for individual areas become more complex. For example, Naarm Primary School allocated one term each to Science, Citizenship, History, and Geography. In addition, Maribyrnong Primary School had a specific timetable for each week, although this followed a similar pattern each term and differences largely related to school events, such as the Athletics Carnival shown in the table. Focusing on the case study class timetables themselves, clear patterns are evident (see Figs. 3.1, 3.2, 3.3 and 3.4). Timetables and lessons were created and initiated through extensive planning by teachers outside of class teaching time. These timetables fitted in with overall school timetabling (e.g. break times, whole school assemblies) and availability of teachers who taught subjects across the school (e.g. PE, Art, languages). Both schools had school days from 9:00 am to 3:30 pm (6.5 h), which included 5 h of scheduled time and 90 min of break time. The case study classes at both schools had a focus on subjects relating to English (mostly in the form of Writing and Reading lessons, as well as other lessons including Spelling, Library time, and Vocabulary at Maribyrnong Primary School) (shaded in light grey in the figures) and Numeracy (dark grey), with far fewer lessons relating to all other areas (white). Students were taught by their class teachers for Writing and Reading (and other subjects relating to English) and Numeracy, as well as subjects/lessons including Science/Humanities, Wellbeing, and Goal Setting at Naarm Primary School and Developmental Play (free time), Homework, and research projects at Maribyrnong Primary School. They had lessons with other teachers for subjects such as languages, The Arts (Art, Drama, Music), and PE, as well as STEM (at Maribyrnong Primary School) and Cooking (at Naarm Primary School) (non-class teachers for subjects are indicated in italics in the figures). Class teachers were also present during some lessons taught by other teachers—Music at Maribyrnong Primary School and Cooking at Naarm Primary School. At Naarm Primary School, timetables were created for each term of the school year (see Figs. 3.1 and 3.2 for Terms 1 and 3). The school had five Year 4 classes, and the timetables were constructed so that the classes would have the same lessons with their

–

7% (105)

Science

Science/Humanities (Geography) (100)

4% (60)

–

2% (30)

> Geography

> Economics and Business

> Civics and Citizenship

–

–

–

4% (60)

> History

Humanities and Social Sciencesa

Numeracy (300)

18% (270)

Mathematics

Reading (250) Writers workshop (250) Independent Reading/Library (50) Spelling (50) = 600

22% (330)

English

Naarm Primary School Term 1

ACARA indicative time guideline % (calculated as minutes/week)

Learning area

–

–

–

Science/Humanities (History) (100)

–

Numeracy (350)

Reading (250) Writers workshop (300) Conventions/Library (50) Spelling (50) = 650

Naarm Primary School Term 3

–

–

–

–

STEM (40–60 approx.)

Numeracy (260)

Reading (300) Writing (300) Take home readers (30) Sound check/Vocab/Conferencing (120) Spelling (30) = 780

Maribyrnong Primary School Term 1 (Week 8)

Table 3.1 ACARA curriculum indicative time guidelines for Year 4 and case study class timetable allocations

–

–

–

–

(continued)

STEM (45–60 approx.)

Numeracy (290)

Reading (220) Writing (230) Sound check/Vocab/Conferencing (90) Spelling (45) My Place (60) = 645b

Maribyrnong Primary School Term 3 (Week 5)

62 3 The Structure of Schooling in Melbourne: Timetabling and Routines

5% (75)

8% (120)

Equivalent to 5% per year (75)

4% (60)

The Arts

Health and Physical Education

Languages

Technologies

1250 Goal setting (50) Wellbeing (50) Assembly/BTN (50) Cooking (100) = 250

79% (1185)

21% (315)

Percentage of total time unallocated

Italian (50)

PE (50)

Drama (50) Art (50) Music (50) = 150

Naarm Primary School Term 1

Percentage of total time allocated

> Digital Technologies

> Design and Technologies

ACARA indicative time guideline % (calculated as minutes/week)

Learning area

Table 3.1 (continued)

Goal setting (50) Wellbeing (50) Assembly/BTN (50) = 150

1350

Italian (50)

PE (50)

Drama (50) Art (50) Music (50) = 150

Naarm Primary School Term 3

Assembly/timetable and weather (30) SWPBS (60) Seesaw posting (60) Homework (30) Developmental play (60) = 240

1260

See STEM

–

PE (40–60 approx.)

Art (40–60 approx.) Music (60) = 100–120 approx

Maribyrnong Primary School Term 1 (Week 8)

(continued)

Assembly/timetable and protocols (30) Seesaw posting (30) Homework (20) Developmental play (40) Curiosity builder/robotics survey/choice (60) Research project (my culture) (40) = 220

1280

See STEM

Auslan (30)

PE (45–60 approx.) Athletics Carnival (150) = 190–210 approx

Drama (45–60 approx.)

Maribyrnong Primary School Term 3 (Week 5)

3.1 Timetables as Scheduled 63

1500 min

100% (1500 min)

Total time (per week)

1500 min

Naarm Primary School Term 3

1500 min

Maribyrnong Primary School Term 1 (Week 8)

1500 min

Maribyrnong Primary School Term 3 (Week 5)

Note The percentages relate to percentage of teaching time and assume there are 1000 h of teaching a year (25 h a week, for 40 weeks a year) (ACARA, 2013). The conversion of ACARA percentages to minutes per week has been calculated by the authors. The Year 4 class at Maribyrnong was divided into three groups for specialist subjects (STEM, Art/Drama, and PE) and undertook different subjects at the same time. The class had two 60 min periods and one approximately 40/45 min period dedicated to these subjects. Therefore, the time spent by each group in these subjects varied. Auslan = Australian Sign Language; BTN = Behind the News, a news programme targeted at school-age children; SWPBS = School-wide positive behaviour support, a framework used to create positive schools (see Chap. 6); and Seesaw = a platform used to upload homework and facilitate communication between parents/guardians and the school a “Humanities and Social Sciences” is called “The Humanities” in the Victorian Curriculum, but has the same four sub-areas b Time for English-related subjects (Sound Check/Vocab/Conferencing, Reading, Writing) was reduced by 2.5 h at Maribyrnong Primary School for the week of the ethnographies in Term 3 due to the Athletics Carnival for Year 3–6 Source Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority (2013, p. 9); Case study class timetables

Naarm Primary School Term 1

ACARA indicative time guideline % (calculated as minutes/week)

Learning area

Table 3.1 (continued)

64 3 The Structure of Schooling in Melbourne: Timetabling and Routines

3.1 Timetables as Scheduled

Fig. 3.1 Naarm Primary School scheduled timetable Term 1

Fig. 3.2 Naarm Primary School scheduled timetable Term 3

Fig. 3.3 Maribyrnong Primary School scheduled timetable Week 8, Term 1

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3 The Structure of Schooling in Melbourne: Timetabling and Routines

Fig. 3.4 Maribyrnong Primary School scheduled timetable Week 5, Term 3

class teachers at the same time (as much as possible), and go to different specialist lessons at different times. The Year 4 teachers also coordinated their lesson plans. The structure of the timetables used at this school was allocated to 50 min lesson blocks. The timetables were similar in Terms 1 and 3, with the biggest differences relating to the allocation of time for subjects that were taught by other teachers, which also impacted when the case study class teacher Tyler could teach his subjects. In addition, changes between the terms meant Tyler taught Geography in Term 1 and History in Term 3 as part of Science/Humanities (a grouping used by the school). At Maribyrnong Primary School, weekly timetables were produced by the teachers, based on a template for the term (see Figs. 3.3 and 3.4 for Week 8 Term 1 and Week 5 Term 3), with an accompanying detailed plan using a whole school template. The class included all Year 4 students at the school, and this large class of approximately 60 students was split into three separate groups for specialist lessons (PE, STEM, and Art). Each lesson block lasted between 30 and 60 min, unlike Naarm Primary School which had 50 min allocated for all lesson blocks. As with Naarm Primary School, the timetables were similar between the two terms, with some minor differences (such as Drama instead of Art in Term 3 and no Music in Term 3). Again, the allocation of time to subjects with other teachers impacted on the overall timetabling. It should also be noted that Maribyrnong Primary School switched their break times so that lunch came before recess. As might be imagined, these neatly ordered timetables looked different in practice during our ethnographies. The timetables as they occurred in practice are explored in the next section.

3.2 Timetables in Practice

67

3.2 Timetables in Practice The above section outlined in detail some example timetables from the schools, and considered the allocations to different learning areas of the curriculum. However, schools are complex places, where timetables may change for a number of reasons. This section considers the scheduled timetables in relation to how these were enacted in practice. Due to the in-depth focus here, only the Term 1 timetables are examined. Rather than making a judgement on the scheduled and actual timetables in the schools, we consider the timetables in practice to provide a more accurate picture of the schedule of schooling that students may experience. Figures 3.5 and 3.6 provide examples of the actual timetables in practice compared with the scheduled timetables discussed above. These have been compiled from our ethnographic fieldnotes from Term 1, and we use these to show similarities and differences in comparison with the scheduled timetables. While it is easy to focus on the differences between the scheduled and actual timetables, it should be noted that the majority of lessons on the timetable were followed in practice and that these largely followed the ACARA indicative guidelines, as detailed earlier in this chapter. In addition, students were nearly always released on time for recess and lunch so we have not added further details about this in the timetables. However, the examples in the figures highlight the ways in which timetables may be impacted by factors such as whole school events (e.g. assemblies, drills, school photographs, National Day of Action Against Bullying); external events (e.g. our research project); relief teachers/teacher absence; transitions (e.g. packing up early for moving to another lesson or break time); morning, after lunch, and afternoon routines; the need to catch up on work; and reward time. Subjects with non-class teachers proceeded as scheduled, and were unlikely to either allow for flexibility or be disrupted by other factors, although could be impacted by teacher absence. Several of these topics are discussed in more detail below in relation to the analysis of our ethnographic fieldnotes. These timetables are examined further in the following sections by first considering some strategies used by teachers to follow timetables and manage the students, and then considering examples of everyday routines and practices beyond the scheduled timetables.

3.2.1 Following Scheduled Timetables When considering the practices of following scheduled timetables in the classes, it was clear that teachers spent significant effort on managing time, in line with demands of students, timetables, and other factors occurring at the school level and beyond. This is discussed in relation to some key aspects from our analysis of our ethnographic fieldnotes: teachers directing students and managing time; teachers providing time allocations, warnings, and counting down; and teachers being conscious of the time. It was primarily teachers who managed (or attempted to manage) time, although,

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3 The Structure of Schooling in Melbourne: Timetabling and Routines

Fig. 3.5 Naarm Primary School actual timetable Week 9, Term 1. Note Underlining indicates unscheduled lessons/events and italics indicates non-class teachers. The class had different relief teachers during the week for Wellbeing and Writing Conventions (usually taught by Tyler, but he had been released from teaching for these lessons due to his workload), and Italian and Music (usually taught by specialist teachers, but they were absent due to illness)

as we discuss later in the chapter, students were likely to be at least familiar with their daily timetables as they were guided by a schedule for the day at the front of the classroom, which teachers often ran through in the morning routine. We provide examples of the management of time below, noting that while it may appear rather mundane it shows what children experience in their everyday life in classrooms.

3.2.1.1

Teachers Directing Students and Managing Time

Our ethnographic fieldnotes include a large number of observations of teachers directing students in relation to transitions. That is, the starting and ending of subject lessons and tasks, and preparing for and returning from break times. This often related to teachers directing students’ movements:

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Fig. 3.6 Maribyrnong Primary School actual timetable Week 8, Term 1. Note Underlining indicates unscheduled lessons/events and italics indicates non-class teachers. This class was taught by three class teachers. During this week, Miss Monica and Mr Jason had scheduled time out of the classroom for Professional Development (PD) and were replaced by relief teachers (including Mr Phillip). Miss Stella was absent due to illness on Monday and Wednesday and was not replaced by a relief teacher

Tyler says, “We’ll leave it there, leave iPads on desks as you might need them for the next session, bring pencils.” (Writing post-test, Naarm Primary School, Tuesday, Term 1) Miss Stella says, “Can everyone with those Maths sheets glue them in, we’re going to correct them on the floor.” (Numeracy, Maribyrnong Primary School, Friday, Term 1) The bell rings for home time. Miss Monica checks everyone got the sausage sizzle note. Then 4C may go, then 4B, then 4A. (End of day routine, Maribyrnong Primary School, Monday, Term 1)

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Teachers also managed time by cautioning students that they would need to stay in during break times or after school if they did not follow instructions. These cautions tended to be aimed at the whole class, particularly at Maribyrnong Primary School, although any ramifications of these were rarely evident: Mr Phillip claps (two patterns) and the students follow. He tells the students to sit on the floor and that they need their Maths sheets that they have been working on and a book to lean on. Mr Jason is counting up, “22, 23.” Two thirds of the students are sitting on the floor. He’s up to 29. A few students say, “Oh!” and “Ssh.” Mr Jason says, “31 seconds. What concerns me the most is people can hear me counting but aren’t doing anything about it. 31 seconds in at recess.” (Students are allowed to leave for recess on time.) (Numeracy, Maribyrnong Primary School, Thursday, Term 1)

These brief snapshots are some of many examples of teachers directing students and managing time, as one aspect of the persistent time management (needed to be) undertaken by teachers.

3.2.1.2

Teachers Providing Time Allocations, Warnings, and Countdowns

It also became evident how explicitly time itself was mentioned in class. Our ethnographic fieldnotes contain many examples where specific time allocations and warnings were given, and instances of teachers counting down to get students’ attention, to focus on their work, and to signal a transition. Teachers frequently allocated time to particular tasks or lessons and gave students warnings about how much time was left. However, the time allocations did not seem to be of particular concern to students, at least in their outward behaviours. It was also notable that students at Maribyrnong Primary School were learning about clocks and how to read time, and therefore, for some students, looking at clocks to monitor time was not something that aligned with their current knowledge levels, although mentioning them may have indicated a “real world” application of their learning: Miss Stella tells them they have 30 minutes of independent reading time and asks them to quietly go. (Reading, Maribyrnong Primary School, Tuesday, Term 1)

Time warnings were often more specific and noticeable when short warnings were given which suggested the need to move or work faster, such as: “a few more minutes of reading,” “I’ll give you 30 more seconds,” “30 seconds to get pencils,” “15 seconds to decide which corner”: Miss Monica says, “We only have about 10 minutes before we need to pack up, so voices off and focus on your own work. We’re going to do this in silence, people are getting distracted, 10 minutes, you can do it.” (Numeracy, Maribyrnong Primary School, Wednesday, Term 3)

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Teachers frequently used countdowns as a way of attempting to manage and control the behaviour of the class. This occurred multiple times every day with most teachers, so was something with which students were very familiar. The key purposes of this appeared to be to gain students’ attention, for students to focus on their work, or to signal a transition. Ultimately, this worked as a way of encouraging students to focus on tasks and to transition from one task to another. Sometimes teachers even used timers to signal the end of a time limit. Methods of clapping in patterns for students to repeat or using a whistle (by PE teachers) worked in similar ways, although were far less frequent than verbal countdowns. The following examples highlight the use of counting down to gain students’ attention to move to the floor, to stop talking and to listen to the teacher, and to start working on the task the teacher had set: Mr Jason says, “If you’ve finished your reflection, get your fruit and come down to the floor.” The students are slow to move. Some boys are watering plants on the windowsill. Mr Jason counts down. Some students are still not sitting on the floor when he gets to 1. He counts down, “Half a second, a quarter of a second, an eighth of a second.” Mr Phillip adds, “A sixteenth of a second.” Mr Jason says, “A sixteenth of a second, zero.” (Reading, Maribyrnong Primary School, Thursday Term 1) It’s nearly lunch time. Tyler says, “4B stop, leave everything where you’re sitting, come join me on the floor.” He counts down, “5, 4, 3, 2, 1.” All students are sitting on the floor. (Geography, Naarm Primary School, Friday, Term 1) The end of the day bell will ring shortly. Students are sitting on the floor, and the teachers are waiting so they can remind them about several forms they need to return, after being completed by their parents/guardians. Miss Monica counts out loud. Then she counts on her hands. Some students say, “Shush!” Miss Monica says, “15 seconds, not good enough, when I get to zero you need to be listening.” (End of day routine, Maribyrnong Primary School, Monday, Term 1) Mr Jason says, “15 seconds.” He starts counting down. There’s chattering but quicker movement as he counts down. Most students are in their seats by the time he gets to 5. Mr Jason says, “Hoping I don’t need to count to 0, reading independently.” (Numeracy, Maribyrnong Primary School, Wednesday, Term 1)

Counting down was a familiar signal to students. However, some students were not always quick to respond to this, while others occasionally expressed the need for others to be quiet. A significant amount of time instructions seemed to be required particularly for the class of over 60 students at Maribyrnong Primary School.

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3.2.1.3

Teachers Being Conscious of the Time

Teachers appeared often to be conscious of the time in the classroom. For teachers, there was an explicit recognition about the need to complete work on time, or within a specific time frame to be able to move onto the next task. Sometimes, teachers explicitly mentioned these time pressures to students, including that they had limited time and many activities to complete: Tyler says, “Guys my intro [to the lesson] went over time when you need to get into this.” It’s more than half an hour into the extended-length Writing lesson (1 hour, 40 minutes). (Writing, Naarm Primary School, Wednesday, Term 1) The class has just finished the whole class “warm up” game in Numeracy. Miss Monica says, “I don’t know why people are talking, we have a lot to get through.” (Numeracy, Maribyrnong Primary School, Tuesday, Term 3) Mr Jason says, “When we get back [from the school Athletics Carnival] after lunch we have a very busy schedule.” He runs through the schedule. (Morning routine, Maribyrnong Primary School, Friday, Term 3)

The examples in this section highlight the presence of time pressures in the classrooms, particularly the need to follow scheduled timetables and the curriculum. The ways in which teachers attempted to manage these are part of children’s everyday lifeworlds at school, essentially guiding them to focus more time on their scheduled learning.

3.2.2 Beyond Scheduled Timetables In everyday practice, timetables could vary from the scheduled timetables. These variations were mostly likely to occur due to either disruptions which needed adapting to or routines that occurred daily but were not on the timetables and did not necessarily take the same amount of time each day. An overview of these for the week of our ethnographies in Term 1 was provided in Figs. 3.5 and 3.6.

3.2.2.1

Flexibility and Managing Disruptions

The classes often experienced a number of challenges and disruptions to their regular timetables. This included teacher absence from class, events, or activities causing changes to regular scheduled subjects, minor disruptions and delays, and flexibility to adapt to students’ needs. Teacher absence from the class could impact on lessons, whether teachers were absent from school due to illness, required outside of the classroom for meetings or training, “released” from teaching due to extra work they had undertaken, or late

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to a lesson due to being held up elsewhere. Teacher absence could cause confusion amongst students and teachers, and time was spent on making arrangements to manage this (including finding out if a relief teacher had been organised by the school), sometimes at the expense of lesson time and also impacting on students’ focus during lessons. There was much variation in reasons for teacher absence and whether or not a relief teacher was allocated. At Maribyrnong Primary School, the team-teaching approach meant that there were still two teachers in the classroom if one teacher was absent. When teachers were absent from the classroom due to scheduled planning and development, they were replaced by a relief teacher, even if the absence was only for one lesson. However, when a teacher was absent from school due to illness, for two days during Term 1, she was not replaced by a relief teacher. Naarm Primary School had protocols in place to “split” classes when a class teacher was absent, a practice also occurring in some other schools in Victoria (Topsfield, 2014), but discouraged by the Australian Education Union Victorian Branch (n.d.). The decision to “split” classes is often discussed in relation to funding and budgeting issues (e.g. Topsfield, 2014; Victorian Auditor-General, 2012). At Naarm Primary School, if a class teacher was absent, the students were distributed between the other four Year 4 classes (with set allocations of who would go to which class), rather than being taught by a relief teacher. This meant that if one teacher was absent (e.g. due to illness or training/meetings), all of the Year 4 classes were impacted. Sometimes, this appeared to cause confusion and disruption to the students in the year group, including in terms of which classrooms students should be in and where students from other classes were up to with their work. It impacted on the school experience for the students when it occurred and, as noted by one teacher, it changed the class dynamic. Indeed, some teachers and students indicated that they did not particularly like this practice. For example, one student mentioned the difficulties of having extra students in the class when they were doing group work. Another student said she did not like finding another student sitting in her seat when another class had students sent to their class, and when her teacher was absent, she found the different routine and teacher disruptive to her usual routine. It seemed to cause less confusion for the classes when the specialist or non-class teachers were away, although it sometimes meant that the teacher was not a specialist in the area of the class (e.g. a language), which limited students’ learning in that subject. Whole school and external events or activities could also result in modifications to regular timetables. This occurred several times in the two weeks we observed at Maribyrnong Primary School for multiple reasons: school photographs, National Day of Action Against Bullying, extra assembly, athletics carnival, robotics survey (feedback on an external programme), evacuation drill, safety incident/lockdown due to student from another year level, lockdown drill, and our research. In contrast, we observed few short disruptions during our two weeks at Naarm Primary School. However, some of the Year 4 teachers were absent for several days during our second visit, as they were supporting students from another year level on a school trip. This

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caused disruptions for the whole week due to the preference for “split” classes rather than relief teachers. Teachers at both schools attempted to make up for time which had been disrupted, particularly for “core” subjects, but this was not always possible. For example, at Maribyrnong Primary School, the whole school was disrupted by an evacuation drill so one of the Year 4 class teachers decided that more reading needed to be done and could be continued later, rather than the lesson that had been scheduled. At other times, teachers provided space for students to catch up on work from various lessons, adapting the timetable to fit with students’ needs. Minor disruptions and delays could also impact on learning. This included microdisruptions or interruptions which took place, such as PA announcements (which were rarely relevant to the Year 4 classes) and occasional phone calls to the classroom phone, as well as students being taken out for additional learning. These can cause not only momentary interruptions, but students may continue to be distracted after the interruption, impacting on their learning at school (Kraft & Monti-Nussbaum, 2020). Disruptions and delays to learning time also related to waiting (e.g. waiting for other students, waiting due to large class size, waiting for teachers, and waiting for technology to work) and transitioning (e.g. moving to the next lesson, finishing, and packing up). These disruptions and delays were frequent but short, and teachers often attempted to manage this time as discussed above (e.g. counting down, cautions that they would need to stay in at break times or after school) or by moving onto something else if technology did not work. While flexibility with the timetable usually related to managing disruptions of some kind, teachers also adapted what they were doing to fit in with their class in terms of student mood and behaviour. For example, sometimes teachers changed the planned activities due to student mood. At Maribyrnong Primary School, Mr Jason had signed up the students to an educational website called Study Ladder with activities relating to English and mathematics skills and they did this instead of the scheduled activity for the last half hour of the school day on our first Monday visit. The students seemed to enjoy this activity and Mr Jason told us they did not usually do this on Monday afternoons but he decided to change the plan because they were distracted. In another example, on one morning, Mr Jason used the time scheduled for Vocabulary (known as “Vocab”) to talk to the class due to some ongoing conflict amongst some of the students, in an attempt to improve relationships and interactions amongst students. While this may not be strictly viewed as a lesson, this focus was essentially on boosting class morale and confidence and was probably intended to improve their learning and focus more broadly. We discuss relationships further in Chap. 6.

3.2.2.2

Everyday Routines Beyond Timetables

Timetables do not record everyday activities that may be viewed as being outside of lessons but are an important part of schooling and children’s experiences. While these may be dismissed in other research as not “learning time” and therefore unimportant or, indeed, a hindrance to “actual teaching and learning” (OECD, 2019b), these daily

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routines helped to provide a structure to the day, kept students informed of schedules and events, and contributed to the creation of a sense of belonging to the class (as explored further in Chap. 6). Again, while some of these routines may seem mundane and are not necessarily unique to these schools, they are important in understanding school and classroom cultures for Year 4 students in Melbourne. Routines appeared to be especially important to start the day. Each morning students lined up outside in the schoolyard before coming into the classroom to put their bags away and sit on the floor at the front of their classrooms. Greetings formed an important part of the daily routines and created friendly classroom cultures, with relaxed exchanges between teachers and students at the start of the day. Other daily routines appeared to involve a combination of whole school record keeping processes and individual class practices. For example, following DET (2022) policy, the attendance roll was recorded each morning and sometimes after break times, at the start of lessons with other teachers, or when students were back in the main classroom after lessons with other teachers (attendance is discussed further in the next section). Class teachers often went through the schedule of the day with students, which was also provided at the front of the classroom for students to refer to (see the examples in Fig. 3.7 and 3.8). These were sometimes slightly different to the timetables and could reflect planned changes to the schedule for the day. Important events later in the week or term were also mentioned, such as athletics carnivals, and forms were given out or collected. If students had other teachers for their first lesson of the day, these teachers took the morning attendance roll. While the general morning routine may seem like a simple process of greetings, attendance rolls, going through the day’s schedule, and possibly reminders about other events later in the week, our ethnographic fieldnotes show that each morning took a different form and there was no “typical” example to include. The more condensed versions resembled the excerpts below, although these cannot be seen to be representative of other days. At Naarm Primary School, students roughly lined up when music played over loud speakers and were usually taken up to their classroom by Tyler and were seated on the floor when the bell rang at 9 am. Tyler waited for this signal to say “Good morning 4B” and usually started taking the roll (in the example below the bell had already rung, which was unusual). In Term 3, Naarm Primary School students called out the name of the next person on the roll rather than the roll being read by the teacher. Their morning routine usually lasted 3–5 min, although was longer when other teachers were absent (and they had split classes, as discussed above) or they had lessons with another teacher: 8:57 am: Calm/rainforest music plays over the loud speakers to signal the bell will ring soon. 8:59 am: Most students are in the line-up area outside, then the bell rings. 9:00 am: Students walk upstairs and hang their bags on hooks outside the classroom. Eight students are sitting on the floor and several are putting their iPads in a box near the door. 9:01 am: Tyler says, “Good morning 4B” and students chant, “Good morning Tyler” in response. Tyler reads out the roll by saying, “Good morning (name)” for each of the students. A few reply with “I am a banana,” most say “Here” or “Hello.” Two students are absent.

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Fig. 3.7 Daily timetable and calendar at Maribyrnong Primary School

Tyler and the students complete a chart about method of travel to school (data which the school is collecting). Tyler goes through the schedule for the day. He says, “This morning we’ll be doing a post-test (in Writing). Then Maths, Wellbeing with a CRT (relief teacher), Writing – continuing with research, Italian, Drama.” (Morning routine, Naarm Primary School, Tuesday, Term 1)

At Maribyrnong Primary School, students were allowed in the classroom before school started, and each morning several students were in the classroom, putting away their bags, and talking to each other and to their teachers. When music started to play over the loud speakers, students lined up in three designated lines outside (4A, 4B, and 4C) and were taken into the classroom by their teachers after the bell rang at 9 am. They arrived in their classroom at least a few minutes after 9 am, then the morning routine started and took approximately 4–8 min, depending on the day. In Term 3, students marked themselves off the roll as they came in, rather than sitting on the floor waiting for their name to be called by a teacher:

3.2 Timetables in Practice Fig. 3.8 Daily timetable on the whiteboard at Naarm Primary School

8:59 am: Music (a current popular song) plays on the loud speakers. Students run out of the classroom and sit down in groups in the line-up area outside. 9:00 am: Mr Jason comes out. Most students are in lines. 9:02 am: The bell rings. All students sit down in time for the bell. Mr Phillip comes out. Mr Jason calls the lines to walk inside to the classroom. Some students run in. They see the laptops and mark themselves off the roll and sit down or put things away. Teachers are standing or sitting near their laptops and greet students as they do the roll. 9:07 am: Mr Phillip says, “Oh my gosh, all of 4A are here!” Mr Jason is sitting at the front and says, “I’m loving everyone in nice and tight.” Miss Monica says, “Do you know what I love? All of 4C are here on time.” Mr Jason says, “One missing, if (name) comes it’s a marble [class reward].” Mr Jason says, “I just wanted to say I had a really good day with everyone.” He refers to the conversation yesterday. He says, “Same thing today – listening, kindness, effort.” He asks if there any lunch orders not in the tub. Mr Jason says, “Today we won’t have Auslan because Miss (name) is away, catch up on My Place to make sure we don’t fall behind. After recess Curiosity which is a bit different.” (Morning routine, Maribyrnong Primary School, Wednesday, Term 3)

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These greetings and “housekeeping” routines were repeated to a lesser extent after recess and lunch breaks, and students also often came together on the floor at the end of the day for a final wrap up. Another frequent routine which happened at the end of the day or between lessons was tidying and packing up. This was often directed by the teacher and sometimes took several minutes from lessons. For example: It’s five minutes until the end of school bell will ring. Tyler says, “Can we please pack up, floor needs to be spotless, chairs pushed in, and sitting on the floor once we’re done.” (End of day routine, Naarm Primary School, Monday, Term 1)

These everyday routines provide a picture of what school is like for students in the case study classes beyond the scheduled timetables. They help to show the relaxed and friendly exchanges between teachers and students, particularly at the start of the day, and the ways in which the class comes together as a group.

3.2.3 Students’ Varied Learning Within Timetables This chapter has so far discussed the timetables as they were scheduled and enacted in practice. However, each students’ experience of school and learning will be different. While some other studies have set up a binary of “time on task” and “time off task” using lists of behaviours (e.g. Beserra et al., 2019; Stapp & Karr, 2018), it is useful to think about students’ varying experiences more broadly. Students moved and worked at different paces and levels, impacting which work they did, how much they got through, and their general experience of lessons. This section considers variations amongst students in terms of their learning experiences, including their focus, finishing work, placement in ability groupings, and absence from class and school. Students worked with different levels of enthusiasm and focus, with some starting tasks straight away, and others moving slowly, walking around, or talking with others, where they were potentially finding ways of avoiding work: Students get their individual book boxes (plastic magazine holders) which contain printed books and exercise books. Some students start reading straight away, others are sitting and talking, some are still getting their book boxes. (Reading, Maribyrnong Primary School, Monday, Term 1) Mr Jason says, “About 5 minutes left of independent reading.” Some students are walking around now. (Reading, Maribyrnong Primary School, Monday, Term 3) Tyler says, “Look at the pencil boxes there and there, at the start of the year they had 100 pencils. People who are continuing to snap leads so they can sharpen pencils and not do work – stop.” (End of day routine, Naarm Primary School, Monday, Term 1)

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Students fairly frequently ask to go to the toilet and they take another student with them (this appears to be for safety). Tyler usually says yes unless it’s just before a break. (Naarm Primary School, Tuesday, Term 1)

While we are careful not to use phrases such as “off task,” these excerpts do highlight how some students resisted attempted management from teachers, and to some extent moved and worked at their own pace. Students could also have different experiences of school work based on how quickly they completed work, which could be due to focus and/or skills. For students who were the first to complete their work, there seemed to be little chance for them to be challenged and they were only occasionally given more complicated work to do by teachers. The additional tasks students were given were often independent reading or online games (usually in Numeracy lessons). For example, a Numeracy lesson post-test at Naarm Primary School showed that students completed work at vastly different paces, with one boy finishing the optional additional back page and moving on to the placeholder task (reading) long before others had finished the test, as shown in the following condensed extract: 9:12 am: Students move from the floor to get pencils and sit down at their desks to start the Numeracy post-test on addition and subtraction. 9:24 am: Most students are still working on the first page of the test; a couple are on the second page. 9:32 am: Nearly everyone is working on the second page of the test. One boy has nearly finished the additional back page on the test papers (an optional page not part of the test). At 9.35 am, he’s finished and is now reading. 9:44 am: Tyler says, “So guys, people are starting to finish which is fantastic. If you don’t want to do the back page, that’s fine, you can read instead.” By 9:52 am, a few boys are reading. 10:02 am: Tyler tells individual students to hang on to the test, as the class is going to mark them all together. Tyler says to all students, “3 more minutes guys, some people are still testing.” There’s a boy who’s struggling a bit – he’s working slowly but his sums are correct. Tyler helps him with a question. 10:04 am: Tyler says, “4B can you please come back to the floor with your test and a different coloured pencil.” Students move to the floor to go through the answers together. (Numeracy post-test, Naarm Primary School, Thursday, Term 1)

Relatedly, students at the schools were grouped according to ability for certain subjects. While this was rare at Naarm Primary School, it occurred frequently at Maribyrnong Primary School which had a much larger group of students, and more diversity within the group. We consider this here as it means the timetable does not always reflect what individual students are doing. Students at Maribyrnong Primary School were frequently grouped according to ability in order to provide extra support for students and, less often, to provide more challenging work for students. Maribyrnong Primary School used planned groups for teachers and the

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education support worker to focus on supporting particular students with their work. In some cases, this meant small groups of students were taken out of the classroom to work on more basic aspects related to the main lesson being taught (such as Reading). In other cases, this meant students were taken out of lessons to work on something specific and missed the main lesson. For example, sometimes during Vocabulary, while most of the students were in the lesson, a small number of students were in a “Maths Intervention” group with one teacher and another smaller group did “Sound check” (working on reading sounds) with another teacher. Spelling appeared to be the main area at both schools in which students were provided with more challenging work if they needed it, although this was largely set as homework. In our visit in Term 3, there was a school-wide literacy intervention program at Maribyrnong Primary School which meant small groups of students were taken out of regular lessons several times a week during the second half of the year. Therefore, these students missed out on regular lessons and class time. For some students, this included missing a Numeracy test which they then needed to complete during another lesson. Student absence from school also impacted on students’ school experiences. From our ethnographic fieldnotes, we estimate that approximately 0–2 students were absent each day at Naarm Primary School and 0–6 students at Maribyrnong Primary School. Maribyrnong Primary School had weekly attendance awards at assembly (awarded to a year level), highlighting the school’s focus on encouraging attendance. Student absence from class and school meant that teachers needed to explain work to students who had been absent and, in some cases, students needed to catch up on work or tests. It also impacted on other students when they were working in small groups. Both schools had similar policies relating to attendance, with attendance rolls needing to be taken twice a day, in line with DET (2022) policy. At Maribyrnong Primary School, the policy specified attendance should be taken at 9:15 am (15 min into the school day) and 12:30 pm (directly after lunch). While we did not track individual students’ absence at the schools, student attendance data from the My School website (https://myschool.edu.au) shows that in 2019, Maribyrnong Primary School had an attendance rate of over 90% (actual full-time student days attended by full-time students as a percentage of total full-time student days) and an attendance level of nearly 80% (proportion of full-time students whose semester 1 attendance rate was 90% or higher). Naarm Primary School had an attendance rate that was the same as Maribyrnong Primary School (over 90%) and an attendance level of over 75%. These were very similar to figures from the state of Victoria, where in 2019, Year 4 students in all school types had an attendance rate of 92.8% and an attendance level of 77.0% and is also similar to the Australian national figures (ACARA, n.d.). However, within each of these groupings, there was likely to be much diversity. Attendance rates and levels were impacted by school sector (highest for Independent schools), Indigenous status (higher for non-Indigenous students), sex (slightly higher for female students), and geolocation (highest for students in major cities, with great variation across locations) (ACARA, n.d.).

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International measures collate student-reported school absence. PIRLS 2016 indicated that 65% of Year 4 students in Australia reported they were “never or almost never absent” from school (3% lower than the international average) (Mullis et al., 2017), which was lower in TIMSS 2019 where 57% of Year 4 students in Australia reported they were “never or almost never absent” (4% lower than the international average) (Mullis et al., 2020).The average academic achievement scores from these tests decreased with the frequency with which students were absent from school (Mullis et al., 2017, 2020). Of course, data on school attendance does not account for students who are absent from particular lessons during the day. As with teachers, students were more likely to be absent from classes rather than school entirely. This was particularly the case at Maribyrnong Primary School when students were taken out of class for additional support, as discussed above. These student absences then can clearly have an impact on learning, and mean students are not encountering the carefully scheduled and managed timetable for the class.

3.3 Summary Timetables and routines are an important aspect of children’s lifeworlds at school, as this chapter shows in focusing on two classes in Melbourne. The chapter moved from the broad structures of schooling in the form of curriculum and time allocations for subjects to the more mundane yet important everyday practices related to following and adapting timetables. The timetables could be viewed as somewhat dynamic, with teachers responding to the students in the class and adapting as needed. We argue that time is significant in the lives of children at school and it is more complex than simply a consideration of how many hours are dedicated to what are often viewed as the “core” curriculum areas of Mathematics and English. It is important to reiterate that Australia has a relatively high number of total instructional hours per year. The two case study classes had five hours of scheduled lesson time per day, five days a week for 41 weeks in a year (excluding occasional public holidays or student free days). This is equivalent to over 1000 h of instructional time per year (see also TIMSS, PIRLS, and OECD numbers above). This time was used for a variety of purposes and did not always mean direct learning relating to the curriculum. However, the use of time outside of scheduled lessons could relate to everyday routines which are not captured in timetables but are important for learning and belonging, such as morning routines and greetings (see also Shields-Lysiak et al., 2020) and other time sitting together on the floor (see also Mortlock et al., 2019). In addition, as we explore further in Chap. 7, in Melbourne and Australia more generally, most children spend little time on school-like activities outside of primary school (e.g. homework or tutoring). Therefore, the high number of instructional hours per year makes up nearly all of their school-related learning, unlike in some other locations such as Singapore where there are fewer instructional hours but more time

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spent on homework and tutoring, as we have explored in another book from the Global Childhoods project (Soo et al., 2023). The children encountered a significant amount of time management by teachers, impacting on their everyday lives and school experiences. Teachers worked hard to follow timetables as much as practical, and to ensure that key aspects of the curriculum were covered. This focus on management in the classroom relates to broader pressures on teachers about what they should be teaching and what students should be learning. Leong and Chick (2011) write about the time pressures experienced by teachers in Singapore and the need to find a balance between keeping to time and deciding what to teach within lessons. They argue that this necessarily leads to a compromise in what can be taught and how. Part of this compromise may be a preference for teacher-led activities rather than activities where students may need longer periods of time to reflect and discuss ideas (see Chap. 4 for an analysis of the structure of lessons in the case study classes). Indeed, children had little input into decision making about how their time was spent in school, as also noted by others (e.g. Devine, 2002). At the same time, the ways in which students responded to teachers’ time management and directions impacted on their learning. While most students followed teachers’ instructions, students could resist these, such as by moving slowly or avoiding work. Teachers’ work in managing time, and the implementation of timetables themselves, can also be viewed as another aspect of learning for students at school. This chapter has provided a broad picture of the structure of children’s everyday school lives, with a particular focus on timetables and routines. The next chapter focuses more closely on pedagogical encounters—the teaching and learning that occurs in lessons for students in Melbourne. This is then complemented in Chap. 5 with student reflections on what they liked and learnt at school.

References Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority. (2013). Curriculum design paper. Version 3.1. https://docs.acara.edu.au/resources/07_04_Curriculum_Design_Paper_version_3_ 1_June_2012.pdf Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority. (n.d.). Student attendance. https:// www.acara.edu.au/reporting/national-report-on-schooling-in-australia/national-report-on-sch ooling-in-australia-data-portal/student-attendance Australian Education Union Victorian Branch. (n.d.). AEU long-term plan sample: Primary school-based consultation. https://www.aeuvic.asn.au/aeu-long-term-plan-sample-primary-sch ool-based-consultation Beserra, V., Nussbaum, M., & Oteo, M. (2019). On-task and off-task behavior in the classroom: A study on mathematics learning with educational video games. Journal of Educational Computing Research, 56(8), 1361–1383. https://doi.org/10.1177/0735633117744346 Department of Education and Training. (2022, May). School operations: Attendance: Policy. https:// www2.education.vic.gov.au/pal/attendance/policy Devine, D. (2002). Children’s citizenship and the structuring of adult-child relations in the primary school. Childhood, 9(3), 303–320. https://doi.org/10.1177/0907568202009003044

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Gromada, A., & Shewbridge, C. (2016). Student learning time: A literature review. OECD. https:// www.oecd-ilibrary.org/education/student-learning-time_5jm409kqqkjh-en Hohti, R. (2016). Now—and now—and now: Time, space and the material entanglements of the classroom. Children & Society, 30(3), 180–191. https://doi.org/10.1111/chso.12135 Johnston, S., & Kotabe, T. (2002). A Japanese 3rd-grade classroom: The individual within the group. Childhood Education, 78(9), 342–348. Kraft, M. A., & Monti-Nussbaum, M. (2020). The big problem with little interruptions to classroom learning. Working paper. Brown University. https://edworkingpapers.com/sites/default/files/Int erruptions%20-%20FINAL.pdf Lee, I.-F., & Yelland, N. J. (2017). Crafting miniature students in the early years: Schooling for desirable childhoods in East Asia. International Journal of Early Childhood, 49(1), 39–56. https:// doi.org/10.1007/s13158-017-0183-7 Leong, Y. H., & Chick, H. L. (2011). Time pressure and instructional choices when teaching mathematics. Mathematics Education Research Journal, 23(3), 347–362. https://doi.org/10.1007/ s13394-011-0019-y Low, E. L., Goodwin, A. L., & Snyder, J. (2017). Focused on learning: Student and teacher time in a Singapore school. Stanford Center for Opportunity Policy in Education. https://edpolicy.sta nford.edu/sites/default/files/scope-singapore-student-and-teacher-time-report-final_0.pdf Mortlock, A., Green, V. A., Shuker, M. -J., & Johnston, M. (2019). New Zealand teachers’ use of the mat in Year 2 classrooms. Asia-Pacific Journal of Research in Early Childhood Education, 13(2), 21–38. https://doi.org/10.17206/apjrece.2019.13.2.21 Mullis, I. V. S., Martin, M. O., Foy, P., & Hooper, M. (2017). PIRLS 2016 international results in reading. TIMSS & PIRLS International Study Center. http://timssandpirls.bc.edu/pirls2016/ international-results/wp-content/uploads/structure/CompletePDF/P16-PIRLS-International-Res ults-in-Reading.pdf Mullis, I. V. S., Martin, M. O., Foy, P., Kelly, D. L., & Fishbein, B. (2020). TIMSS 2019 international results in mathematics and science. TIMSS & PIRLS International Study Center. https://timss2019.org/reports/wp-content/themes/timssandpirls/download-center/ TIMSS-2019-International-Results-in-Mathematics-and-Science.pdf OECD. (2019a). Education at a glance 2019: OECD indicators. https://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/edu cation/education-at-a-glance-2019_f8d7880d-en OECD. (2019b). TALIS 2018 results (volume I): Teachers and school leaders as lifelong learners. https://www.oecd.org/education/talis-2018-results-volume-i-1d0bc92a-en.htm OECD. (2020). Education at a glance 2020: OECD indicators. https://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/edu cation/education-at-a-glance-2020_69096873-en Rosenshine, B. V. (1981). How time is spent in elementary classrooms. Journal of Classroom Interaction, 17(1), 16–25. Shields-Lysiak, L. K., Boyd, M. P., Iorio Jr., J. P., & Vasquez, C. R. (2020). Classroom greetings: More than a simple hello. Iranian Journal of Language Teaching Research, 8(3), 41–56. https:// doi.org/10.30466/ijltr.2020.120933 Silva, E. (2007). On the clock: Rethinking the way schools use time. Education Sector. http://elenam silva.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/On_the_Clock_Rethinking_the_Way_Schools_Use_ Time.pdf Soo, L. M. J., Karthikeyan, N., Lim, K. M., Bartholomaeus, C., & Yelland, N. (2023). Children’s lifeworlds in a global city. Springer. Stapp, A. C., & Karr, J. K. (2018). Effect of recess on fifth grade students’ time on-task in an elementary classroom. International Electronic Journal of Elementary Education, 10(4), 449– 456. https://doi.org/10.26822/iejee.2018438135. Thomson, S., & Hillman, K. (2019). The teaching and learning international survey 2018: Australian report: volume 1: Teachers and school leaders as lifelong learners. Australian Council for Educational Research. https://research.acer.edu.au/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1006&con text=talis

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Thomson, S., Hillman, K., Schmid, M., Rodrigues, S., & Fullarton, J. (2017). PIRLS 2016: Reporting Australia’s results. Australian Council for Educational Research. https://research.acer.edu.au/cgi/ viewcontent.cgi?article=1000&context=pirls Topsfield, J. (2014, September 29). Grade-splitting harming children’s learning, teachers say. The Age. https://www.theage.com.au/national/victoria/gradesplitting-harming-childrens-learning-tea chers-say-20140929-10nn0t.html Van Damme, J., Bellens, K., Tielemans, K., & Van den Noortgate, W. (2019). Do changes in instructional time, professional development of teachers and age of students explain changes in reading comprehension at the country level? An exploration of PIRLS 2006 and 2016. Education and Self Development, 14(2), 10–31. https://doi.org/10.26907/esd14.2.02 Victorian Auditor-General. (2012). Casual relief teacher arrangements. PP No 117, Session 2010– 12. https://www.parliament.vic.gov.au/file_uploads/20120418-CRTs_Hc7H1hzM.pdf Victorian Curriculum and Assessment Authority (n.d.). Victorian Curriculum Foundation–10: Curriculum planning: Hints and tips. https://curriculumplanning.vcaa.vic.edu.au/global/hintsand-tips Wheatley, N. (2008). My place (D. Rawlins, Illus.; 20th anniversary ed.). Walker Books. Ziebell, N., & Clarke, D. (2018). Curriculum alignment: Performance types in the intended, enacted, and assessed curriculum in primary mathematics and science classrooms. Studia Paedagogica, 23(2), 175–203. https://doi.org/10.5817/SP2018-2-10

Chapter 4

Pedagogical Encounters: Teaching and Learning in Melbourne Classrooms

Abstract This chapter reflects on children’s pedagogical encounters in primary school classrooms in Melbourne, as a key aspect of their lifeworlds at school. In Melbourne, teachers are responsible for implementing the mandated Victorian Curriculum, based on the Australian Curriculum, but they have some autonomy in how they do this with different teaching strategies or pedagogies. The pedagogies that teachers use have a significant impact on students’ experiences of learning in the classroom and are reflective of teachers’ teaching philosophy and preferences, school contexts, and curriculum and assessment regimes. This chapter identifies some of the pedagogical strategies used by teachers in two case study classes in Melbourne and considers how they connect with the pedagogical encounters of the students in the classrooms. In particular, the pedagogical focus was often based on presenting and practising the concepts and skills of English and mathematics and was less often focused on applying these in “authentic” contexts, demonstrating literacy and numeracy skills. By drawing on extended vignettes of lessons in the classrooms, our approach in this chapter allows for an in-depth reflection on children’s everyday school learning in Melbourne classrooms, with attention to teaching strategies and interactions between the teachers and the students. Keywords Classroom learning · Children’s learning · Pedagogical strategies · Pedagogy and curriculum Australia · Literacy and numeracy · Primary school lessons Tyler (class teacher) says to the whole class, “Guys can you take your Maths books to the floor and we’ll go through the answers.” The students move slowly. After getting the students’ attention, Tyler goes through the addition and subtraction questions the students were answering. He reads the question then asks, “What’s our first step? What do we need to do to work that out?” The answer they are looking for is 43. Tyler says, “Pop your hands up if you got 43.” Several students got different answers, and he responds with “Not quite,” “Nope,” “Very close.” They continue to go through the questions. Tyler says, “We’ve finished quickly. We’re going to have a round of Bamboozle [a mathematics game].” (Numeracy, Naarm Primary School, Monday, Term 1)

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 C. Bartholomaeus and N. Yelland, Children’s Lifeworlds in a Global City: Melbourne, Global Childhoods in the Asia-Pacific 3, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0573-7_4

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Students’ everyday learning in school lessons is shaped by the pedagogical strategies and philosophy of their teachers, in the context of the individual schools and broader curriculum and assessment regimes. In the brief extract above from a Numeracy lesson in Tyler’s class at Naarm Primary School, Tyler takes the whole class through the answers to questions that the students had been working on individually, after they had been presented with the mathematical content knowledge. The students were supported to share their answers, and Tyler’s encouragement helps the class to check their answers. They are then rewarded with a mathematics game for completing the task quickly. This was often a strategy used in Numeracy lessons, where a game was used to bring an element of fun into an activity and is an example of applying the concept beyond an academic task. As detailed in Chap. 1, we conducted classroom ethnographies in two Year 4 classrooms in Melbourne for a full week in the first half of the school year and then again in the second half. These ethnographies considered various dimensions of the schooling experience, in order to examine and reflect on children’s everyday lives in school. They consisted of detailed ethnographic fieldnotes, photographs, and artefacts from the classrooms (such as the timetables discussed in the previous chapter), informal conversations with students and teachers, and informal interviews with teachers. The previous chapter focused on providing a broad overview of the structure of children’s lifeworlds at school by examining timetables and routines. In this chapter, and in the following two chapters, we consider more closely children’s experiences in relation to their learning, engagement, and sense of belonging and wellbeing at school. The focus in this chapter is on the pedagogical encounters of students in Year 4 to explore the ways in which they experience teaching and learning, with extended vignettes from our ethnographic fieldnotes used as in-depth examples. In examining pedagogical encounters in Melbourne classrooms, this chapter considers the ways in which teachers teach, and how this impacts on children’s everyday schooling experiences, which constitute such a major part of children’s lifeworlds. As Hayes et al. (2006) contend, since classroom practice is at the heart of schooling, what teachers do is at the heart of the educational experience for all students.

4.1 The Curriculum and the Victorian Teaching and Learning Model As discussed in Chap. 2, Victoria has a mandated Victorian Curriculum for government and Catholic schools (Victorian Curriculum and Assessment Authority [VCAA], 2016), based on the Australian Curriculum (Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority [ACARA], n.d.). Teachers in Melbourne are therefore responsible for teaching the broad content of the Victorian Curriculum to the children in their classes, and indicative time guidelines for each learning area of the curriculum are given, as we explored in the previous chapter. However, how teaching and learning occurs in practice depends on how teachers teach the curriculum, based

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on their personal and professional identity and beliefs, the school contexts including approaches to teaching, and the children in classrooms. These represent the everyday pedagogical encounters children experience in school. Pedagogy generally refers to the strategies that teachers use in order to support students to learn. How they do this is based on their philosophy of teaching and learning, professional experiences, teacher preparation, and how they think children learn best. Research in the sociology of education (e.g. Connolly, 2004; HempelJorgensen, 2015; Hoadley, 2008; Jones & Vagle, 2013) has noted that teachers will also adapt their pedagogical repertoire in response to student demographics, with those teaching in low socio-economic areas often focusing on specific strategies, for short periods of time that are highly directive and give teachers a high level of control. Teachers draw on their pedagogical repertoire to enact the curriculum so that children are able to make meaning of and use the requisite knowledge. The study of pedagogy is a study of how the knowledge and skills that have been deemed as being essential in mandated curriculum are imparted. This involves thinking about what is being taught and the nature of the collaborations and interactions that occur in classrooms. In Australia, pedagogies are not mandated, but increasingly state education departments are encouraging specific types of pedagogies which are considered to support optimal learning and fit with the overall policy vision for education in the state. In Victoria, a consideration of pedagogy is built into the Victorian Teaching and Learning Model (VTLM), which consists of four components: a vision for learning, Practice Principles for “excellence in teaching and learning,” the Pedagogical Model for effective teaching, and “high impact teaching strategies” (Department of Education and Training [DET], 2021). The vision for learning is outlined as “All students are empowered to learn and achieve, experiencing high quality teaching practice and the best conditions for learning which equip them with the knowledge, skills and dispositions for lifelong learning and shaping the world around them” (DET, 2020b, p. 7). The Practice Principles are considered with the Pedagogical Model and designed to support the implementation of the Australian Curriculum in Victorian schools so that all children are engaged with their learning (DET, 2020b). The department’s aim is for the Practice Principles to link directly to any school’s teaching and learning documentation that outlines what is to be taught, and moreover to the approach to assessments that they will adopt. In this way, curriculum design, pedagogy, and assessment practices are linked and form the foundation of all students’ learning in school. The Practice Principles describe actions that teachers should aim to achieve in their everyday pedagogical practices and may be regarded as guiding their pedagogical repertoire so that they can draw on the various components in their everyday work with the children in their class. The Pedagogical Model outlines effective teacher practice in the classroom and facilitates teachers to apply the Practice Principles. This model has five stipulated domains for teaching:

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4 Pedagogical Encounters: Teaching and Learning in Melbourne Classrooms Engage Teachers know their students well and engage them in building supportive, inclusive and stimulating learning environments. Teachers motivate and empower students to manage their own learning and develop agency. Explore Teachers present challenging tasks to support students in generating and investigating questions, gathering relevant information and developing ideas. They help students expand their perspectives and preconceptions, understand learning tasks and prepare to navigate their own learning. Explain Teachers explicitly teach relevant knowledge, concepts and skills in multiple ways to connect new and existing knowledge. They monitor student progress in learning and provide structured opportunities for practising new skills and developing agency. Elaborate Teachers challenge students to move from surface to deep learning, building student ability to transfer and generalise their learning. They support students to be reflective, questioning and self-monitoring learners. Evaluate Teachers use multiple forms of assessment and feedback to help students improve their learning and develop agency. They monitor student progress and analyse data to draw conclusions about the effectiveness of their teaching practices, identify areas for improvement and address student [sic] individual needs. (DET, 2020b, p. 12)

It is apparent that these guidelines are broad enough to be able to accommodate a wide range of approaches to teaching and learning with the ultimate goal being to provide schooling contexts that will support what is considered to be optimal learning for all students. Hence, while the curriculum is mandated, and assessment occurs at both the school level and the national level (NAPLAN), teachers are able to select the pedagogical strategies that they determine will be the most effective—thus bringing together curriculum, pedagogies, and assessment.

4.2 School Context, Teaching Teams, and Pedagogical Possibilities An in-depth examination of classrooms shows how pedagogical encounters are complex and shifting (Hayes et al., 2006). They are also diverse and not only related to the context of the school itself in terms of location but also to the stated “ethos” of the school and the approach taken by the teachers. We are reminded of Robertson’s (2017) argument that:

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no pedagogy occurs in a blank space; neither does thinking occur in a blank mind. The space or place of pedagogy is a mélange of edited, intentional and unintentional subjective decisions. Every decision maker brings his or her subjectivity to the event (p. 114)

In this project, one of the case study schools, Naarm Primary School, had five Year 4 classes that were taught in individual classrooms by individual class teachers, but they sometimes mixed the class groups when teaching specific subjects or topics. They also had specialist teachers for subjects including Art, Drama, Music, Physical Education (PE), Italian, and Cooking. The case study class had 22 students. The second school, Maribyrnong Primary School, had a different structure, with classes taught in larger groups with team teaching. The Year 4 students were taught by a team of three teachers with one being classified as the Year 4 lead teacher, and they taught collaboratively, based on a variety of practical and pedagogical principles. In each term, one teacher took the lead on either Numeracy, Writing, or Reading. Specialist teaching occurred in STEM (essentially just Science and Technology), Art, Drama, Music, PE, and Auslan (Australian Sign Language). The class also had an educational support worker who worked full time and was with the Year 4 class most days and also worked in the Year 5 class. They had just over 60 students in the whole group, with this number fluctuating slightly between our visits in Terms 1 and 3. In this way, as Robertson (2017) suggested, the configuration of teachers and their subjectivities all impact on the types of pedagogies that will be negotiated and used, and these were reflected in the classroom learning and activities that we observed. Both the physical and philosophical aspects of teaching impact on teachers’ pedagogical choices. During the course of the research project, we conducted informal interviews with each of the Year 4 class teachers to gain a background to their teaching experience and approaches to teaching and learning, which have a major impact on the pedagogical encounters that occur. We were interested in their approach to teaching, the guides they used when planning their teaching, the impact of the curriculum on how they taught, and the types of assessment they used. Pedagogical encounters in the classroom are designed by teachers who make their decisions based on their preferred approaches and the Victorian Curriculum, but also in the context of the school, the children’s interests and abilities, and the plan for the year. All of the teachers talked about helping the children to understand foundational knowledge and build skills that would support them in their learning in a holistic way. As we discussed in the previous chapter, extensive timetable and lesson planning took place amongst the Year 4 teachers at the schools and was supported and guided by the schools more broadly. The teaching team at Maribyrnong Primary School planned as a team, meeting frequently to consider and make any revisions to the plan based on the children’s responses to the work. The Year 4 teachers at Naarm Primary School also met frequently to plan. At Maribyrnong Primary School, Miss Stella, the Year 4 lead teacher, said that they were very aware that they were required to teach the curriculum in terms of the content specified for the learning areas, but that they had enough flexibility to do this

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with different pedagogical approaches. Indeed, she said they welcomed the structure that the curriculum offered and the flexibility of being able to decide how to teach it, a point echoed by Mr Jason and Miss Monica. One of the strategies they used was to ensure that, in each lesson, the children were clear about the learning intentions, and this was always made explicit at the start of a lesson. Miss Stella maintained that setting and maintaining these explicit goals was important for effective learning and reflected good planning as the essential learnings were mapped out and each teacher had a definite idea of what needed to be covered each term. This also had the added advantage that each bigger unit could be broken down into component parts for each lesson to facilitate the teaching process on a weekly basis. Miss Stella said that she recognised that it was important to plan ahead, but also indicated that being flexible and able to adapt to changing circumstances was important. She said that from her experience there is not a perfect way to teach, and that adapting to the needs of the teaching team and the children was an imperative for her. Miss Stella also noted that the decisions that she and the team make are in the context of the overall school direction or plan. Tyler also spoke about the importance of the curriculum in determining what they teach, and the role of the school in developing guidance on what is essential learning. While the Year 4 students were taught in five separate classes at Naarm Primary School, according to Tyler, they used the same lesson plans, so the students were learning similar content at a similar pace. Tyler said his pedagogical approach was focused on using differentiating activities and teaching children how to apply what they learnt outside of the classroom in a “real world context.” He spoke about providing opportunities for the children to learn skills and use them in an engaging way. Testing was part of the pedagogical repertoire in both schools and was generally focused on considering individual students’ progress. When thinking about the content of a unit of work, at Naarm Primary School, Tyler indicated that he would incorporate pre- and post-testing of information to determine that the students had learnt the content necessary to move on to the next phase. This testing approach was taken by the other Year 4 teachers and was reflective of the school context. At Maribyrnong Primary School, more formal assessments were used in their teaching programme, and Progressive Achievement Tests (PATs) were used for Reading and Mathematics in Terms 1 and 4 to show progressions over time. This school also used pre- and post-tests to assess children’s understandings before and after a unit of work. We observed in both case study classes that the teachers used pre- and post-tests for conceptual understanding and the use of specific skills by the children. Tests were given before and after units were taught, so the children were able to see what learning had occurred in their understanding and use of concepts and skills in an explicit way. Mr Jason said that assessment was continuous rather than periodic, and while it sometimes felt like testing was all of his job, it was more holistic at Maribyrnong Primary School than at other schools where he had taught.

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Finally, the class teachers also all spoke about building relationships with students and making learning fun. These were important aspects of their approach to teaching, as we explore in this chapter. We further consider relationships between students and teachers in Chap. 6.

4.3 Pedagogical Encounters in the Classrooms This section explores examples of pedagogical encounters that took place in the two classes and reflects on the ways in which they create a narrative for the schooling experience in the global city of Melbourne. As we reflect on the nature of the pedagogical encounters in both schools with their different configurations, we provide examples to illustrate the variety of pedagogical moves that occurred. In reflections on, and analyses of, our ethnographic fieldnotes of the lessons taught by the class teachers, we came to realise that much of this time was dedicated to equipping the children with learning concepts and skills, fundamental to the key learning areas of English and Mathematics, which in turn they could apply in their explorations of topics covered in the learning areas of the Victorian Curriculum. Accordingly, we frame this chapter around the pedagogical encounters that were designed to present, practise, and apply these concepts and skills as an essential part of the Year 4 students’ lifeworlds in schools. However, the teachers who taught specialist subjects (discussed later in the chapter) deployed pedagogies that were not only more closely aligned with their personal teaching preferences, but also related to the subject itself and the content of the curriculum. It is important to note that the Victorian Curriculum refers to the learning areas of English and Mathematics, whereas both schools had English taught as multiple subjects (particularly Writing and Reading) and Mathematics was called Numeracy, as we outlined in Chap. 3. Literacy can be demonstrated by the fluent use of English language in speaking, writing, and reading different modes of text, while the key learning area of Mathematics can be seen as the foundation for numeracy. In this chapter, we refer to the skills of literacy and numeracy to denote being able to apply the concepts and skills from English and Mathematics in everyday examples. So, numeracy (numerical literacy) refers to the application of these skills; as a DET report highlights, numeracy is “the capability to use a range of mathematical and statistical knowledge and skills to solve problems in the real world for a purpose” (Tout, 2020, p. 3). We use these distinctions in order to focus our discussions here; however, we note there is potential for different usages of these terms. It should also be highlighted that, as noted in Chap. 2, the Australian Curriculum has Literacy and Numeracy as general capabilities, whereas the Victorian Curriculum views literacy and numeracy as being addressed throughout the curriculum (VCAA, n.d.). As we discussed in Chap. 3, each school day began with an overview of the timetable for the day. Individual lessons were introduced in slightly different ways at the two schools. At Naarm Primary School, lessons often started with an overview shown on the large television screen at the front of the classroom, which Tyler

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discussed with the students who were usually sitting on the carpet as a group. At Maribyrnong Primary School, lessons similarly often began as a whole group sitting on the carpet in front of the large television screen, but this usually focused on advising the students about the Learning Intention(s) and Success Criteria of the lesson in detail, before playing a “warm up” game, particularly in Numeracy lessons. Time blocks for Writing, Reading, and Numeracy lessons were usually scheduled for 60 min at Maribyrnong Primary School, although these could be shorter due to time taken for tasks such as taking the attendance roll or moving between lessons (see Chap. 3). However, at Naarm Primary School, these lessons were sometimes almost twice as long, with some Writing or Numeracy lessons comprised of 50-min lessons and others of two 50-min blocks in a row. We frame our observations of the pedagogical encounters in the classrooms by discussing them in the context of learning the concepts and skills of English and mathematics (present and practise), and also applying these in other classroom subjects, demonstrating literacy and numeracy skills. These are written in the present tense to allow readers to get a feel for what it was like in the classrooms, as we observed and interpreted everyday learning.

4.3.1 Learning the Concepts and Skills: Present and Practise From our observations, a major part of lesson time was allocated to presenting and practising the foundational concepts and skills of English and mathematics. In the case study classes, the key learning area called English in the Victorian Curriculum was more specifically related to lessons on Reading and Writing, as well as other lessons including Spelling, Library time, and Vocabulary (at Maribyrnong Primary School) (see Chap. 3). Similarly, while called Mathematics in the curriculum, this key learning area was listed on the class timetables as Numeracy. However, the teachers at both schools used Numeracy and “Maths” interchangeably. The presentation of the concepts and/or skills relating to English and mathematics occurred in different pedagogical moves that included: teacher talk, teacher with PowerPoint, video, teacher writing on the whiteboard, worksheets given to students, and posters/anchor charts on the classroom walls. This was often conducted with the whole class in the first instance, and then sometimes with smaller groups of children who required additional teaching usually as determined by the class teacher. The practising was usually in the form of a worksheet or in the creation of a written narrative that exemplified the topic under study. These often occurred individually. Each of these are illustrated in the following sections using examples we have selected from the ethnographies to demonstrate the key ways that formal learning occurred in the classrooms.

4.3.1.1

Writing Lesson: Persuasive Writing

The extended persuasive writing lesson example discussed in this section took place on a Monday in Term 1, over a period of an hour, following an initial 50-min session on the same topic, just prior to the lunch break. In the initial session, Tyler re-familiarised

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the whole class with what constitutes persuasive writing using a brief video, and slides prepared by the Year 4 teachers, followed by a discussion of the differences between fact and opinion. Tyler also provided a list of examples of topics they might choose to focus on (e.g. the need to ban plastic bags, whether Naarm Primary School should have a school uniform), emphasising that to support an argument you need to be persuasive, and you need facts to back up your opinion. The class then had a short debate whereby individuals needed to generate arguments for or against the topic that; “School should start an hour later and finish an hour later.” After this, each student needed to come up with at least five topics, and they could then begin to write their persuasive writing piece on one of these. Thus, the pedagogical strategies used to present the topic included a video, a pre-prepared slide show, a class discussion, and a class debate, followed by individual work. This Writing lesson continued after lunch where, after another short summarising video, students again worked individually creating the text for their persuasive writing piece. The structure of this lesson was similar; moving from whole class to individual activity (and then back to whole class), so that the postlunch session started with students sitting as a group on the floor to watch a video, the second in the same series, focusing on brainstorming. The video played for a couple of minutes and all students appeared to be watching intently: At the conclusion of the video, Tyler reminds them of their task and gives examples. He says, “You all should’ve got at least five [topics] down and from that list you’re just selecting one topic.” He explains that the selected topic will be used to complete the What-Why-How (W-W-H) chart (Fig. 4.1). Tyler writes on the whiteboard: 1. Pick your topic 2. Create a WWH chart 3. Write 3 reasons 4. Research to find evidence/examples. Tyler repeats the instructions and gives another example: “I believe Naarm should get a canteen.” He suggests to the children that they could ask another classmate, or share their thoughts and feelings as a student at the school. He also reminds them to use trustworthy websites, such as those on the curated student resources section they can access on their iPads for their research, e.g. news websites, Britannica, kids’ Wikipedia, and YouTube. He then repeats the four steps they need to take. As the children embark on their tasks, Tyler puts on some relaxing music (intended to create a quiet and productive work environment). The children work individually at their tables. They are quiet and seem to be engaged using the various search tools and sources on their iPads, while also writing in their exercise books. The students have drawn WWH charts in their books and most have chosen a question (see Fig. 4.2 for an example). As the time continues, a few students come up to Tyler and ask him to check what they have done so far. Tyler then addresses the whole class as they continue to work: “Guys do not rush this…. these charts will become your persuasive writing piece, this is research, we’re finding facts. There should be maybe three or four dot points to support each reason.” The students continue quietly with their work. Many of them have chosen environmental topics and two are “anti-smoking” related.

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Fig. 4.1 Writing lesson: What-Why-How chart

Fig. 4.2 Writing lesson: Persuasive writing ideas

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After just over half an hour of individual work, Tyler asks the students to sit down on the floor as a whole class; this is to share their work and have another class debate. Then, he asks if anyone would like to share their work so far, and several students read out one fact they have found. Tyler then introduces the topic for a second debate, reading from the television screen, “Wild animals should never be kept in cages.” He says, “I’m going to give you a minute to write down some points you’d like to argue” and starts a timer. He then asks them to move to sit on either the affirmative (for) or negative (against) side of the room to reflect their conclusion about the statement. The children do so, and the result is that students are split with approximately half on each side of the room. Tyler choses some students to share their facts which support their position and congratulates them in their improvement in debating from the lesson before lunch. He says the “negatrons” win the debate, as their points were backed up by facts. (Writing, Naarm Primary School, Monday, Term 1)

This extended vignette, which spans the hour after lunch, reflects the varied pedagogical moves used by Tyler and the ways in which the children experience learning in the classroom. It also reflects the relaxed and supportive environment that Tyler has established as part of the Year 4 experience in this class. Breaking down a session into component parts of whole class and individual work and moving between them using different teaching strategies as required is common in Australian primary schools as it includes both information presentation and actions, and ensures that the children are able to benefit from targeted strategies. It is recommended as part of “high impact teaching strategies” (HITS) promoted by the education department in Victoria (DET, 2020a). In this example, while there is a focus on presenting and practising skills, there is an attempt to make connections with the children’s lived experiences, but this could have been developed further.

4.3.1.2

Writing Lesson: Using “Talking Marks”

In the second Writing lesson example, the teaching team at Maribyrnong Primary School was working with their Year 4 class to build the students’ skills in creating and writing effective texts. This particular lesson involves all three teachers and the educational support worker. The lesson begins with one of the teachers (Mr Jason, who is taking the lead on Writing this term) at the front of the classroom with the students seated on the floor. One of the routines established in this class is a reward system so that if they are deemed by the teachers as having worked well, they receive marbles to add to a jar. When they reach a specific marble target, they are rewarded with an activity the class has decided on (see Chap. 6 for more on rewards). Prior to this lesson, Miss Stella had just awarded the children two marbles for their Reading lesson, and now Mr Jason tells them for Writing today there is a challenge to independently write for 30 min, where they will receive a class marble for every six minutes they do this. This 50-min Writing lesson is focused on using “talking marks” correctly in texts and introduced to the students as a whole class sitting on the floor, before students move to their desks for individual work:

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4 Pedagogical Encounters: Teaching and Learning in Melbourne Classrooms The lesson begins with the Learning Intention for this Writing lesson of how to use “talking marks,” which is displayed on the television. The children put their hands up to be chosen as the one to read it out. Mr Jason brings up examples of text that need the insertion of “talking marks.” He points to the first example and asks, “Where do talking marks start?” Five students put their hands up, and Mr Jason adds the correct response to the document. Then, he asks, “Where do talking marks end?” Again, students put their hands up, and one provides the answer. Mr Jason types in the response as the student speaks. He then asks, “Do the talking marks go before or after the comma?” One student replies with “before,” and then, another student correctly replies “after.” They go through another example, and Mr Jason adds the “talking marks” again using the keyboard, so they appear on the television screen for the whole class to see. There are five examples in total. Mr Jason has written these examples, including some of the students’ names, which several students find amusing. For the fourth example, Miss Stella asks, “Who hasn’t said anything today?” Mr Jason chooses a student who needs a bit of encouragement to try to give an answer and then Miss Stella tells another boy to listen. After the five examples, Mr Jason outlines the options of the work they can do next; they can finish their recount of their weekend activity, or if they have not completed their story writing from the previous week, they can continue with that. If both of those tasks are completed, they can start a new piece of writing. The students are familiar with the process for writing in this class: brainstorming/prewrite, draft, revise, edit, and publish. About 20 minutes into the lesson, the children move back to their desks for individual work as Mr Jason and Miss Stella call out letters of the alphabet. They can move if their name has this letter in it. When they are seated Miss Stella says, “It might be a good idea to read over your writing from yesterday and check you’ve got talking marks in the right position.” (see Fig. 4.3). Since the class is quiet and deemed to be working well, at the six minute mark on the timer, Miss Stella says, “Six minutes up, [we’ll award you] one marble, would you agree Mr Jason?” And he does. As the students continue with writing, either in pen or pencil, the teachers and educational support worker walk around and talk with individuals and assist them with their work. The class is rewarded with another marble after another six minutes pass. Two more six minute bocks pass with no marble allocation, as there is some talking amongst students, but one is given for the final six minutes. The bell sounds, and Miss Stella tells the students to pack up and get their lunch to eat in the classroom. (Writing, Maribyrnong Primary School, Tuesday, Term 1)

Fig. 4.3 Writing lesson: Talking marks added to a second draft

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In this Writing lesson, the pedagogical strategies also move from the whole group presentation to individual work. This enables the children to be able to attend to the skills being practised, and then use them in their ongoing writing tasks, with individual scaffolding from one of the teachers if required. As it is nearing the end of the first term, the children are in the routine of how their class operates in terms of flow and movement between talk and activities and seem to recognise what is rewarded and what is not. Being able to write a coherent and well-structured narrative, with correct punctuation such as “talking marks,” is an important learning outcome for this group, and the teachers are carefully prepared to support them in this process. While we have only been able to include one Writing lesson example from each school, Maribyrnong Primary School’s strong focus on foundational concepts and skills is evident. The students at Naarm Primary School were also taught the foundational concepts and skills but seemed to have some opportunity to explore topics that they chose and that were of interest to them, as mentioned above. One potential reason for these differences may relate to the demographics of the students at the schools and the more explicit school focus on learning concepts and skills at Maribyrnong Primary School. However, as we explore in the following section, Numeracy lessons at both schools were focused on presenting and practising the foundational concepts and skills of mathematics.

4.3.1.3

Numeracy Lesson: Equations and Algebra

Similar pedagogical moves are used in Numeracy lessons. The following is an example of a 50-min Numeracy lesson at Naarm Primary School which reproduces the common pattern where the lesson begins with a whole class “warm up” game, talk, and watching a video (present) and is followed up with an activity that has instructions accessed via students’ iPads but is completed in their hard copy Numeracy books (practise): The lesson after recess begins with a teacher-led game, with all the students sitting on the floor. Tyler writes on the whiteboard, “How much is in my pocket?” and says, “Ladies and gentlemen, I have some money in my pocket, you have to guess how much [it is]. Now make a wild guess.” The students can ask Tyler questions and receive clues. Students ask questions such as, “Is it between 10 and 20?” and “Does it have an even number of dollars?” Tyler answers five questions from the students and writes the answers on the whiteboard, and the students then individually write down their guess. Another five questions are posed, and the students can change their guess. Tyler talks through some of the responses. He then says, “Do you want to know how much is in my pocket? A bit of mood music please.” The students make music sounds. Tyler takes out a $5 note, and asks, “Who’s still in the game?” Hands go up and he takes out a $10 note. There are some cheers and a few students say, “I got it!” Tyler counts down, “3, 2, 1” to settle the class. Then, he says, “Raise your hand if you guessed $15.15, and might I add good questioning.” The lesson moves on to a presentation of the concepts and tasks. Tyler says, “Pencils and books on the floor” and counts down “3, 2, 1.” He continues “Today we’re going to be looking at balanced equations. Hands up if you’ve ever heard of it.” Most students raise their

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4 Pedagogical Encounters: Teaching and Learning in Melbourne Classrooms hands. Tyler tells the class they will be watching two videos, and then reading about balanced equations. The video doesn’t work, but Tyler quickly finds it on YouTube. They watch a two and a half minute video about balancing equations from a US education organisation. After the video, Tyler shows a webpage with a drawing of scales on the television, showing one side of the scale as 3 × 2 = 6 and the other side as 9 − 3 = 6. He says, “Let’s have a look at this page because it explains it in a different way.” Tyler says, “Put your hands up if you’ve heard of algebra” and two thirds of students raise their hands. Tyler goes through some examples on the whiteboard and writes the steps the students need to follow, checking it makes sense to them. Tyler advises that they will be completing an algebra sheet (set up on the iPad but to be completed in their exercise books) with similar examples. He says they can move to their tables if they understand or stay for further explanation of what to do. Tyler also says, “Once you’ve completed this sheet, you have two options: the harder sheet with multiplication or I’m also going to put up a game.” Thirty minutes into the lesson the students start completing individual work practising the skills (see Fig. 4.4). The students can decide where to sit in the classroom to complete the sheet. Some go to the tables, a few students are sitting on beanbags and the floor because they have extra students with them from another class. As they work, Tyler moves around the classroom talking with them about the task and checking what they have done. Some students move onto the multiplication sheet or the game. After over 15 minutes of individual work, a girl asks, “Are we going to check the answers?” to which Tyler responds, “Yeah, why not?” and goes through the answers with

Fig. 4.4 Numeracy lesson: Equations

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the students. He congratulates them on their work and tells them to pack up. He gives out Dojo points [the rewards system used in this class, see Chapter 6] and reminds students they each need 15 points for their class reward. (Numeracy, Naarm Primary School, Friday, Term 1)

In what seems to be a regular pattern, a variety of pedagogical moves comprise the lesson, characterised by an inclusive atmosphere in which the teacher takes the time to bring the children alongside him in the learning process. The “warm up” game seems to be a frequently deployed strategy in Numeracy lessons followed by the introduction of the topic for the day, which is usually part of a larger unit of a week or more. This begins with a simple game which all the students can be involved in followed by a video example, then a webpage example which explains the concept in a different way to help the students understand, which in turn leads to an individual worksheet. When the sheet is complete, the children have a choice of a final activity, and then, they check their answers as a class before the lesson ends.

4.3.1.4

Numeracy Lesson: Problems of Time

In a more complex example of a Numeracy lesson, in terms of having a large group of students with three teachers, the following extended vignette was chosen to show how the teachers worked as a team while teaching the concept of time, moving between activities with different groups in a lesson of just over an hour. The lesson also begins with a whole class “warm up” game with all the students seated on the floor, and then, students who need additional help can elect to sit with one of the teachers (Miss Stella) in a small group for support: Mr Phillip is sitting next to the whiteboard. He counts down, “3, 2, 1” and says, “Ssh, voices off, facing me.” Mr Phillip explains to the students that they are going to play a number game in which they have to guess a number that he has chosen. He explains the rules of the game as being based on the game of Master Mind where they will be given clues about the accuracy of their guesses as they make them. He draws a place value chart on the whiteboard, and as he draws it, he asks the students what the headings are at the top of each column and most chant in unison, “Ones, tens, hundreds, thousands, and ten thousands.” Mr Phillip then writes a number on a sticky note, folds it, and asks, “Who wants to guess what my number is?” When one student makes the first guess of “12345,” Mr Phillip makes marks on the place value chart to provide clues about which digits are in the correct space; a cross for a numeral not in the number, a zero to show that the numeral is in a different column, and a tick to show the numeral is in the correct column. Miss Stella joins the group and is sitting on the floor with them. She asks the boys sitting near her questions relating to the game such as, “What number is in the thousands column?” Mr Phillip says, “I want you to say the actual number – not five. I want you to say fifty thousand.” The game continues with students guessing, and they exclaim with excitement “Yes!” and “No!” when numbers are right or wrong. One student guesses correctly, and some of the students scream with joy. After Mr Phillip reminds them not to scream like that in class, the group are allocated a marble to the rewards jar as a reward for this achievement. After this 10 minute “warm up” game, the main part of the lesson begins with Mr Phillip reminding the group that they have been working on the concept of time. He says, “You’ve

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been looking at time, put your hand up if you need a bit more help with this.” About a third of the group put their hands up. Mr Jason says, “It’s nothing to be ashamed of” and Mr Phillip supports this by saying, “It’s better to say you need help.” Mr Phillip then chooses a boy to read out what’s written on the whiteboard, which is to be the task for today. The boys reads: “Monica was about to fly to Europe. It will take her 6 hours and 15 minutes. Her plane was scheduled to leave at 6.45 am but it is delayed by 25 minutes. What time will she arrive?” Mr Phillip asks the class, “What’s something important there that I need to know to solve this question?” About a quarter of the students put their hands up. He gets a large clock and then begins to explain; “This is what 6:45 looks like.” He reiterates that the plane is delayed by 25 minutes. A boy suggests moving the hands of the clock 5 minutes then 20 minutes, so Mr Phillip moves the clock hand forwards, noting each 5-minute time span. He asks the students, “What’s the time now?” He then asks them, “Could I do this?” and counts each minute individually. He says, “You guys are in Grade 4 and you need to count faster.” Miss Stella joins in the conversation, “This is what we call a multi-step question.” Mr Jason adds, “And I dare say Grade 5 NAPLAN next year will have lots of these questions.” There are a few murmurings that seem to reflect negative responses from students, and Mr Phillip reassures them by joking, “We’re training you for it, you’ll be ready.” It is now 20 minutes into the lesson, and Mr Phillip writes on the whiteboard “6.45 am” and “7.10 am” and draws an arrow connecting them and writes “+ 25 m” above it (see Fig. 4.5). He then adds 15 minutes on the clock, and then, students chant each of the six hours to reach 1:25. He asks them if it is “AM or PM?” and most reply that it is now “PM!”

Fig. 4.5 Numeracy lesson: Flying to Europe problem

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Mr Phillip tells the students that they always need to show evidence of their thinking or working out. He holds up a new worksheet that they are to complete and says, “Hands up if you haven’t finished your other sheet. [If “no”] start with that.” Miss Stella counters with, “Start with the new sheet as the others [questions] got too hard.” Mr Phillip also tells the students that they can write their own time question for others to solve when they have completed the sheet and that they can do Mathletics (an online mathematics game) if they complete it all. Thus, at half an hour into the lesson, they move back to the tables to do the sheets, and Mr Phillip tells the students that they can get a clock if they need to use it to help them to solve the questions. Miss Stella says, “If you need help, sit on the floor.” While most students are working individually at their tables, eight girls and two boys join Miss Stella on the floor for additional teaching help and then another boy joins in. They form a circle. They are highlighting the important words in their mathematics problems on the sheet. Miss Stella asks the students, “What is this question asking? That’s what we need to work out first.” They are using mini cardboard clocks with moving hands. Miss Stella says “Put it on 5:10.” The students attempt to do this and keep asking her, “Is this 5:10?” because several don’t have it right after a few tries. Miss Stella works with this group on the floor for the remainder of the lessons, supporting them in their learning about how to understand time and demonstrate this on the cardboard clocks. Meanwhile Mr Jason and Mr Phillip are helping individual students at their tables. Mr Jason then tells the class that they have five more minutes to work on their sheets. Miss Stella says to Mr Phillip, “You might want to do the correct ones for people who’ve finished or write answers on the board.” At approximately the one hour mark, Mr Jason tells the class they are going to go through question four together, since that was the one they found the hardest. Mr Phillip goes through the question and demonstrates each step with a clock. Miss Stella says, “Looking at sheets I see a lot of trying to work it out, I don’t see many blank sheets, I see a lot of highlighting. These aren’t easy questions.” She advises that when they need help, she can work with them on the floor, or they can help each other. Mr Phillip says, “Show your working out in case you make a small mistake, markers can tell.” Mr Jason tells the group, “There’s a saying: you don’t really know anything until you can explain it.” (Numeracy, Maribyrnong Primary School, Thursday, Term 1)

In a broad way, this lesson seems similar in structure to the Numeracy lesson at Naarm Primary School, starting with a “warm up” game and then moving from a whole class activity to individual or small group work and then back to the whole class for a summation. But, with the team teaching approach, there would also seem to be more possibilities for small group targeted teaching for those children who need a bit more focused attention to understand a concept. In this lesson, due to the nature of the problem posed to the children and the explicit focus on making the thinking strategies visible, the teachers demonstrate specific strategies to the solution of the illustrative problem. The teaching groups formed for modelling the solutions are flexible and allow for the teachers to change them when required. The teaching approaches of each of the teaching team are friendly and supportive. A variety of materials are used to support their teaching strategies to enhance the understanding of the topic. Analogue clocks are used to show how the hands on the clock represent the movement of time—in the example used in 5 min, 20 min, and 1 h “blocks.” The teachers are very specific in their strategies in terms of outlining a sequence of moves that will enable the children to solve the story problem. The idea of recording their strategies would seem to be a requirement of formal testing regimes, and the

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reference to NAPLAN (the only one during our visits) is noted. Again, this is a strategic move by the teachers to support the children in the ways of working that they need to demonstrate to be “successful” in their academic work at school. As such the pedagogical moves exemplify the present and practise approaches to teaching we identified and are helping the students to understand how to “do” mathematics and be “successful”—on this occasion in terms of a problem associated with the concept of time. The aeroplane flight problem is presumably intended to act as an “authentic” application of time, giving the students an example of how to use time in relation to a “real world” activity. However, this is potentially problematic in terms of it not only being less relevant to the lives of the children in this part of Melbourne (where children were more likely to travel to Asia) but also in its unrealistic application of a flight that is not feasible, as it takes considerably longer to travel from Melbourne to Europe than 6 h 15 min. The pedagogical encounters shared here were chosen to reflect our observations that the learning experiences designed by the teachers and enacted in the classrooms, involved a high frequency of presenting (or introducing) foundational concepts and skills in English and mathematics and practising them in structured activities. The pedagogical moves used to achieve the learning goals associated with this involved moving from whole class to individual and/or small group learning and used varied resources including whiteboards, TV monitors connected to iPads or laptops, books, artefacts, and everyday items. They were multimodal, using language in different forms, listening to oral instructions and information, looking at visual presentations, using music to encourage focused work, and using movement to illustrate specific ideas. During our visits to the schools in the third term, while these pedagogical encounters continued to extend the foundational skills that are regarded as being relevant to Year 4 students, we were also able to observe the children engaged in applying these skills in topics of their choice set in the framework of the overall goals of the various learning areas in the Victorian Curriculum.

4.3.2 Applying the Concepts and Skills: Inquiries and Topics for Individual and Group Interests As stated above, many of the lessons that we observed involved presenting and practising concepts and skills relating to English and mathematics and less often introduced examples of some of the ways in which these might be applied in everyday life. The extent to which learning can be applied to “real world” situations in Numeracy lessons is always challenging, but teachers have more flexibility with providing opportunities for students to write both creative and factual texts in Writing, by giving them choices about the content of the specific skill or concept to be used and applied in a given scenario. The Humanities learning area is also a source of ideas for inquiries and projects that students can embark upon in an effort to make them

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relevant to their everyday lives and interests. In the following sections, we share two examples, one from each school, of such applied learning, where students are able to demonstrate their literacy and numeracy skills.

4.3.2.1

History Lesson: Applying the Skills

The Year 4 students at Naarm Primary School were working in pairs and small groups on a History project in Term 3. The overall learning goals of the project included formats for presentation (script and video production), based on the children’s selected topic of study about Australian history within their groups. The topics chosen by the students were convicts (two groups), the gold rush, the Eureka Stockade, and Aboriginal food and arts. The children had been working on the projects for some time, and some were at the stage of continuing their work on their video production, which included the use of the green screen technique, and filming portions to be included in the video, after writing the script. Tyler was responsible for teaching all of the Year 4 students across five classes how to use the green screen. On the Monday, the green screen backdrop was set up in the classroom (see Fig. 4.6) and the children in several of the Year 4 classes moved in and out of the classroom to learn about using this. Later in the week, it was set up in different Year 4 classrooms, so students could continue their filming. All of the students seemed to know what was expected of them and what they were doing and if they did not they could ask Tyler. On Monday, the class was working on the project from the start of the day (just after 9 am) to recess (10.40 am) and then again for 45 min at the end of the day. These pedagogical encounters can be described as more fluid and varied than those described above in the present and practise vignettes, as the children were at different stages of working on the projects and were applying a range of skills they had learnt. Much of the work involved research, script writing, editing, and video production that required them to act and discuss their work in very specific ways relevant to their topic and within their small group. Thus, anyone entering the classroom during this time would have seen the class in groups all engaged in working on the various aspects of their project, which were at different stages. The children continued to work on their projects throughout the week and these allocated times were complemented with a return to the pedagogical encounters described above that could then be applied to projects like the History project. They were creating texts in visual, written, and oral formats, using mathematical skills of number, time, and space to design and create their narrative. The integrated use of their foundational knowledge was fluid and drawn on for a specific purpose. They were required to communicate their ideas in video form. The pedagogical encounters continued to be responsive to the individual nature of the topics and the stage that the children were at in terms of the filming process. This was the week that was focused on becoming confident in the use of the technological skill of using the green screen.

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Fig. 4.6 History lesson: Green screen

The History projects thus allowed the students to apply and extend many of the foundational skills they had learnt in an applied task.

4.3.2.2

Curiosity Lesson: Applying the Skills

At Maribyrnong Primary School, the applying of skills was also evident in project work which included the My Place and My Culture projects which we explore in Chap. 6 and the STEM inquiries described in the next section on specialist subjects. In this section, we explore a “Curiosity” lesson instead, as this offers a different approach to applying literacy and numeracy skills in a particular task. In the Curiosity lesson time, which occurred on Wednesday afternoon in the final 45-min session before home time, the children were able to identify and research a topic about which they

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were curious. Mr Jason told us that they had been doing this lesson since the start of the term, and he spoke about it as a direct response to the curiosity children showed in different topics that could not be adequately covered in regular lesson time. For the lesson we observed, the children were gathered together at the start of the lesson to focus their ideas, and the teacher (Mr Jason) framed the activity around the need for humans to ask questions and seek out knowledge and solutions in response to them: “We ask questions every day because we’re human beings and we’re naturally curious.” He reminded the children that they need to use their research skills to explore their topics and to reflect on the sources of their information as they assemble their ideas and responses. This lesson was based around three broad questions the students needed to answer on the topic of their choice, which Mr Jason wrote on the whiteboard: “3 things you learnt…,” “2 questions you still have…,” and “1 reason why you chose this…”. The students could research in a way they thought would answer their question, such as using internet searches or surveying their classmates. When Mr Jason asked “What are you going to research?,” several students already had topics in mind. In one example, a boy decided that he was going to ask: “Is Area 51 actually real?” while another boy wondered, “Which video game do people like more; Roblox, Fortnite, or Minecraft?” and others suggested questions they had, such as, “Where do aliens come from?,” “What is the biggest star?,” “How long does it take for a star on the moon to be a star?” It was clear that these were topics of interest to individual children as they were immersed in their research for the whole lesson. At the start of the lesson, Mr Jason suggested they could use their Chromebooks, non-fiction books in the library, or interview someone, giving students options of the method they used, as well as the topic itself that they wanted to explore. This freedom is notable, as at the end of the lesson Mr Jason remarked to the class that he thought more students would research on their Chromebooks, but he allowed them to explore their chosen methods within the lesson. About 10 students chose to verbally survey other students in the class on topics, such as their favourite K-pop bands or video games, using their English and mathematics skills such as formulating a question and using tally marks to demonstrate their literacy and numeracy in an applied task (see Fig. 4.7). Again, these pedagogical encounters are fluid and flexible and afford the opportunity for the children to select their inquiry and the means to answer their question via the option that seems most suitable for them. Their findings could be recorded either on their Chromebook or in their exercise book. These are examples of being able to follow an interest and apply the foundational skills that we had observed being presented and practised on a frequent basis, but in the weeks we spent in the classrooms did not observe occurring on a regular basis.

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Fig. 4.7 Curiosity lesson: Favourite K-pop band survey

4.4 Pedagogical Encounters in Specialist Subjects As discussed in Chaps. 2 and 3, the Victorian Curriculum (based on the Australian Curriculum) has eight learning areas, and it is common in primary schools for the class teacher to teach English, Mathematics, and the Humanities, and sometimes Health (but not PE), Science, and Technologies to their class. Specialist subjects are chosen at each school’s discretion for the other learning areas, particularly the Arts (e.g. Visual Arts, Dance, Drama, and Music), Health and PE, and Languages. As outlined earlier in the chapter, Naarm Primary School had specialist teachers for Art, Drama, Music, PE, and Italian, and they also endorsed the Stephanie Alexander Kitchen Garden Program (gardening and cooking). At Maribyrnong Primary School, they had STEM, Art, Drama, Music, PE, and Auslan sessions taught by specialist teachers. Some of these lessons were across a full year, while others were for one term only (see Chap. 3). As would be expected, the pedagogical encounters in these classes were reflective of the particular area of study, the teacher’s pedagogical repertoire, and the type of activity that was being encountered on the day. They did not closely adhere to the present, practise, and apply strategies described in the previous sections in relation to learning with class teachers. They needed to be more flexible because they were more varied in the content and approaches required. For example, we observed PE

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lessons that were based on sports games (netball) with attention paid to learning skills (ball and movement skills), art lessons that involved making specified objects and creating visual art works, music lessons that were singing or instrument based (including digital instruments), drama lessons that involved filming videos, and a cooking lesson at Naarm Primary School that involved collecting ingredients from the garden and preparing food. The language lessons we observed at Naarm Primary School were mainly focused on learning oral and written words in the form of a game and a script for a performance which the students acted out. The weekly Auslan lessons at Maribyrnong Primary School did not occur while we were there in either term due to teacher illness. In the first term at Naarm Primary School, on Wednesday, there were three specialist lessons in Cooking, PE, and Art, respectively, over the course of the day. In Cooking, the children went with Tyler to another room with a specialist teacher and a gardener to make tomato and basil soup and herb bread, with some of the ingredients being sourced by children from the garden. After the students had cooked the food, it was eaten by most of the children in the class. The plan for the lesson had been carefully mapped out, with students broken into four groups to work on different aspects required (see Fig. 4.8). Fig. 4.8 Cooking lesson: Outline of lesson

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In PE, the children were on the outdoor netball courts being assessed on their ball throwing skills by the two teachers with a double class (another Year 4 class combined with them for PE). In Art, they started creating drawings that were to be displayed in a local city area based on the theme of celebrating careers, or what they want to be when they grow up. The Art teacher explained how the drawings would be framed and permanently on display, so they needed to include their name and year level on their piece of work. The Cooking and Art lessons were practical and applied skills while the PE lesson involved a culmination of the unit playing netball with an assessment on their learnt skills. At Maribyrnong Primary School on Monday of our Term 3 visit, the class broke into their regular three groups for two sessions of specialist lessons (STEM, PE, and/or Drama). We followed one group of students to the STEM lesson which took place over an hour and was related to the topic of food; its origins, type, and taste. The children had a STEM exercise book in which they recorded their observations and findings related to the various topics of study that they had embarked upon over the course of their year. In this lesson, they had already collected olives that were growing on trees on the school boundary, and they were discussing the taste (bitter) as well as the fact that some foods are processed while others are not. They were also talking about the origins of food in terms of whether they were grown from plants and/or derived from animals. Following the teacher’s demonstration on the whiteboard with the whole class, they had created three columns in their book (plants, animals, or both) in order to classify various foods (see Fig. 4.9). They worked with other students on their tables to classify the foods, and then discussed what was in each of them as a whole class group. The teacher had actually supplied items of food or food packaging for the children to engage more with this task (e.g. fruit, cereal, instant noodles, an empty milk carton). This was generally a clear task but encouraged discussion when there was uncertainty about particular items. In the PE lesson we observed, the PE teacher had set up various challenges for the children in a large multi-purpose room, which centred on ball skills and running and touching cones in a specified amount of time. The children rotated around the activities after the rules of each were explained by the teacher. Most of the children appeared to be actively engaged in the activity and trying their best, as was encouraged by the teacher. This activity was a practise for the school Athletics Carnival on the Friday of that week. In this way, the pedagogical encounters of the specialist subjects and activities were tailored for each context and displayed more variance than the subjects with the class teachers. Specialist subjects were based on the subject knowledge and the personal preference of the teacher in question. In the case of most of the specialist lessons (e.g. PE, Art, Drama, and languages), the class teachers did not attend with the children and used this time for planning and reviewing children’s work. What was not clearly evident in the ethnographies was how much consideration there was of how to connect the specialist subjects with the work being done in the subjects with the classroom teacher. In fact, some of our observations suggested more connections could have been made. For example, when we told the Drama teacher at Naarm Primary School that the students were filming videos for their History projects, he told us he had not known this and filming and editing videos was something he had planned to do with the students as they might make YouTube videos in their time outside of school.

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Fig. 4.9 STEM lesson: Origins of our food table

4.5 Summary This chapter has focused on the classroom ethnographies conducted in the two Year 4 classrooms at Naarm Primary School and Maribyrnong Primary School. The analysis of our ethnographic fieldnotes led us to conceptualise the framing of the main pedagogical experiences of the Year 4 students with their class teachers as being centred on their ability to present and practise the concepts and skills of English and mathematics in Writing and Numeracy lessons, respectively, and, to a lesser extent, apply these to demonstrate their literacy and numeracy skills in “authentic” contexts. These concepts and skills were used in activities or projects in other learning areas of the curriculum, such as in topics which were of interest to the students, like the Curiosity lesson at Maribyrnong Primary School. However, as we noted, specialist subjects did not follow the same pattern and were based more on the subject knowledge and teacher preferences. The learning scenarios in the detailed vignettes presented in this chapter reflect an often warm relationship between teachers and students and between students that corroborates the feeling of confidence and wellbeing described in chapters to follow (Chaps. 5 and 6, respectively). They also connect with the notion of having routines that are familiar to the children, with the goal of managing time and ensuring that the various components of the curriculum are adhered to, which we explored in the previous chapter. Examples of teaching and learning have been described in detail in order to provide a picture of children’s everyday learning in school, as an aspect of their lifeworlds. Rather than suggesting these are representative of lessons in the classrooms, they instead illustrate the structure and content of some of the pedagogical encounters that occurred and also show the ways in which children’s learning at school is structured, ordered, and maintained with specific goals and learning intentions stipulated.

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As we highlighted in the introduction to this chapter, in Australia, class teachers in primary schools have relative autonomy over the ways in which they teach, and thus, their pedagogical repertoires are quite personal and related to their own personalities and beliefs. This is also the case for specialist teachers who work with students in subjects such as PE and Art. In each case, it is evident that the pedagogical encounters are designed to align these personal pedagogies with the approach taken by the school and the content mandated in the Victorian Curriculum to which every teacher is accountable. The classroom ethnographies (fieldnotes, photographs, and work examples) have allowed for a detailed analysis of the school lifeworlds of the Year 4 children. This has enabled us to observe and reflect on the wide range of activities that children in Melbourne participate in over the course of a week and suggest ways in which they connect to create the conditions in which they can thrive as learners.

References Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority. (n.d.). About the Australian Curriculum. https://www.australiancurriculum.edu.au/about-the-australian-curriculum/ Connolly, P. (2004). Boys and schooling in the early years. Routledge. Department of Education and Training. (2020a). High impact teaching strategies. Excellence in teaching and learning. https://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/school/teachers/support/ high-impact-teaching-strategies.pdf Department of Education and Training. (2020b). The pedagogical model. https://www.education. vic.gov.au/Documents/school/teachers/teachingresources/practice/pedagogicalmodel.pdf Department of Education and Training. (2021, October). Victorian teaching and learning model (VTLM). https://www.education.vic.gov.au/school/teachers/teachingresources/practice/improve/ Pages/Victorianteachingandlearningmodel.aspx Hayes, D., Mills, M., Christie, P., & Lingard, B. (2006). Teachers and schooling making a difference: Productive pedagogies, assessment and performance. Allen & Unwin. Hempel-Jorgensen, A. (2015). Working-class girls and child-centred pedagogy: What are the implications for developing socially just pedagogy? International Studies in Sociology of Education, 21(2), 132–149. https://doi.org/10.1080/09620214.2015.1045010 Hoadley, U. (2008). Social class and pedagogy: A model for the investigation of pedagogic variation. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 29(1), 63–78. https://doi.org/10.1080/014256907017 42861 Jones, S., & Vagle, M. D. (2013). Living contradictions and working for change: Toward a theory of social class–sensitive pedagogy. Educational Researcher, 42(3), 129–141. https://doi.org/10. 3102/0013189X13481381 Robertson, J. (2017). Collaborative decision making in pedagogical practices. In A. Fleet, C. Patterson, & J. Robertson (Eds.), Pedagogical documentation in early years practice: Seeing through multiple perspectives (pp. 103–115). SAGE. Tout, D. (2020). Critical connections between numeracy and mathematics. Department of Education and Training. https://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/school/teachers/teachingresources/ discipline/maths/MTT_Critical_Connections_Between_Numeracy_and_Mathematics.pdf Victorian Curriculum and Assessment Authority. (2016). The Victorian Curriculum. Version dated 11 April 2022. https://victoriancurriculum.vcaa.vic.edu.au/ Victorian Curriculum and Assessment Authority. (n.d.). Overview. https://victoriancurriculum.vcaa. vic.edu.au/overview/about

Chapter 5

School Engagement and Orientations to Educational “Success” in Melbourne

Abstract Students’ engagement in school and orientations to educational “success” is the focus of this chapter. The chapter analyses written and drawn responses from students in two case study classes in Melbourne, exploring questions about their learning at school, feelings about school, and career aspirations. Overall, we found that students reported largely positive experiences of their schooling, naming core and non-core subjects and special events they were looking forward to at school, and things they had learnt in a variety of subjects, most often Numeracy (“Maths”). We consider the ways in which these responses highlight broader definitions of educational “success” than solely academic achievement, where a productive view of educational “success” relates more holistically to aspects such as engagement, effort, enjoyment, and belonging. Keywords School engagement · Educational “success” · School enjoyment · School subjects · Children’s learning · Children’s career aspirations I’m feeling great every day because I’m always learning new things that I didn’t know about before. I’m also feeling fantastic when I try something that is so hard for me but then after I get better at it because I keep trying! (Maribyrnong Primary School, girl, How do you feel about how you are doing at school?) I feel I am doing ok because I am learning a lot of stuff. And I am focusing a lot. Plus I am putting my hand up a lot. I get to learn lots of new things. (Maribyrnong Primary School, boy, How do you feel about how you are doing at school?)

This chapter explores children’s engagement and orientations to “success” at school in Melbourne. Here, we build on the previous chapters examining timetabling and routines and pedagogical encounters, by considering more specifically children’s reflections on their school experiences. This chapter also connects to the next chapter which focuses on school belonging and wellbeing. In the Alice Springs (Mparntwe) Education Declaration, the education ministers from jurisdictions across Australia encapsulated a vision for “a world class education system that encourages and supports every student to be the very best they can be, no matter where they live or what kind of learning challenges they may face” (Education Council, 2019, p. 2). As outlined earlier in the book, they established two goals for achieving this vision:

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 C. Bartholomaeus and N. Yelland, Children’s Lifeworlds in a Global City: Melbourne, Global Childhoods in the Asia-Pacific 3, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0573-7_5

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Goal 1: The Australian education system promotes excellence and equity Goal 2: All young Australians become: . confident and creative individuals . successful lifelong learners . active and informed members of the community. (Education Council, 2019, p. 4)

They noted that achievement of these goals was “the responsibility of Australian Governments and the education community in partnership with young Australians, their families and carers and the broader community” (Education Council, 2019, p. 4). Previous research has highlighted the multi-faceted aspects of school engagement: behavioural, emotional/affective, and cognitive (Fredricks et al., 2004; Jimerson et al., 2003; Reschly & Christenson, 2012). Flenley et al. (2020) argue that in Australia, school “engagement” is particularly used in relation to the middle years (10–15 years old), which positions the Global Childhoods project’s focus on Year 4 students (9–10 year olds) near the start of this range. They argue that the “invention” of adolescence combined with the concept of engagement produced the particular construction of middle years learners being at risk of “disengagement” from school, with significant policy work and data relating to engagement (Flenley et al., 2020). Indeed, the engagement of young people in the middle years is highlighted in the Alice Springs (Mparntwe) Education Declaration, with this age group being viewed as “at the greatest risk from disengagement from learning” (Education Council, 2019, p. 13). The Longitudinal Study of Australian Children (LSAC) has found strong associations between children’s academic engagement and their NAPLAN scores in Year 5 (Taylor, 2014). Importantly, socio-economic status (measured in terms of parent education level and occupation) impacted on the Approaches to Learning scale completed by teachers for children (e.g. attentiveness) but did not impact on children’s self-reported enjoyment of learning. Schools in Victoria are required to have a Student Wellbeing and Engagement Policy, with an overarching focus on attendance, care, safety and welfare policies and procedures, and discipline (Department of Education and Training [DET], 2021b). The accompanying guidance includes a broader range of engagement strategies, including at the universal, targeted, and individual levels (DET, 2021a). Both Naarm Primary School and Maribyrnong Primary School had Student Wellbeing and Engagement Policies, which included engagement strategies at the different levels. Maribyrnong Primary School’s policy was particularly comprehensive, including detailed engagement strategies. These policies tend to have a focus on students who are viewed as “at risk” of disengaging from school, but also include consideration of the student body as a whole. In this chapter, we move beyond policy to focus on children’s everyday lifeworlds in terms of how students reflected on their learning and experiences at school, with a particular focus on views on their school subjects and learning, and feelings about school, as well as their career aspirations.

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Relatedly, in terms of orientations to educational “success,” as discussed in Chap. 1, we take a broad view of “success” beyond solely academic success in tests and grades to consider children’s lifeworlds more holistically. As explored below, a more productive view of educational “success” includes other aspects such as engagement, effort, enjoyment, and belonging. This chapter draws on research with Year 4 students in the two Melbourne case study classes in the form of a learning dialogues activity which we designed with specific questions for children to respond to with their reflections on their school experiences (see also Yelland & Bartholomaeus, 2021). As outlined in Chap. 1, the students responded to questions on a template with the option to write and/or draw. These questions were designed as “provocations” to encourage students to reflect on their experiences. On Monday, they were asked to respond to the following two questions: “1. What are you looking forward to at school this week?” and “2. How do you feel about how you are doing at school?” On Friday, students responded to two additional questions: “1. What did you learn at school this week? Was it hard to learn, or easy to learn? And did you enjoy it?” and “2. What job do you want to do when you leave school?” In Melbourne, a total of 60 students (35 girls and 25 boys) at the two schools completed the Monday and Friday questions for the learning dialogues. Reflecting the differing class sizes, this comprised of 45 students at Maribyrnong Primary School and 15 students at Naarm Primary School. In reading, rereading, and reflecting on the students’ responses, we decided it would be useful to focus on the frequency of responses to the main question (e.g. frequency with which particular school subjects were mentioned) and the main themes in students’ reflections (e.g. the ways in which students described their feelings about school), as well as noting any interesting uncommon responses to acknowledge the diversity of students’ responses and reflect on different students’ experiences (e.g. the small number of students who directly expressed negative feelings about school). Examples of drawings from students are included to further explore children’s responses and consider how children “make sense of their experiences” (Lodge, 2007, p. 147). We have made some minor “proofreading” changes to the students’ written responses (e.g. spelling), as our writing in this book has benefitted from hours of proofreading and editing so it is only fair for the students to be given this too. However, unusual word usage or anything central to responses has been left as written. In this chapter, the schools are discussed together, unless there was a notable point of difference. Overall, the analysis provides a picture of these students’ engagement with school and their orientations to educational “success” now and in future.

5.1 School Subject and Activity Preferences The students were asked what they were looking forward to at school that week, enabling an exploration of their views on a broad range of subjects and activities. Previous studies have more often focused on subject preferences specifically, finding

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that older primary school students have tended to express a preference for non-core subjects, such as Physical Education (PE) and Art, over core subjects (Colley & Comber, 2003; Hasni et al., 2017; Murphy et al., 2010). In contrast, in their international Drawing the Future study, Chambers et al. (2018) found that 7–11 year olds in several countries named Maths as their favourite subject. One exception was in Australia (in the state of New South Wales), where 32% of students named Art and design as their favourite subject, followed by Maths (23%) and PE (20%). In Australia, girls were more likely to select Art and design and boys were more likely to select Maths and PE. In the case study classes, students named a broad range of subjects and activities when asked what they were looking forward to at school that week. In analysing the responses to this question, we devised four broad categories to group the different subjects and activities named by students: core subjects (Writing, Reading, Spelling, and Numeracy/Mathematics), non-core subjects (Art, PE, Cooking, Science/ICT, Drama, Italian, Geography, and Developmental Play/free time), special events1 (school photographs, National Day of Action Against Bullying (NDAAB), hat parade, and school’s anniversary celebration), and other (learning, project, school reward system, book club (catalogue), bookmark company (created by some students), play time, homework, play date, and nothing). We note here that while Numeracy was used on the class timetables and Mathematics is used in the Victorian Curriculum, in the case study classes teachers used Numeracy and “Maths” interchangeably, and most students referred to this as “Maths” or “Math.” In this chapter, we have therefore referred to this subject using the original wording, or as “Numeracy/Mathematics.” In Melbourne (and Australia), schools tend to separate subjects into core and non-core (often called specialist subjects). As detailed in Chap. 2, the Victorian Curriculum (closely following the Australian Curriculum) identifies eight learning areas: English, Mathematics, Science, Health and Physical Education, The Humanities, The Arts, Technologies, and Languages. However, it is apparent that English (sometimes broken into Writing, Reading, and Spelling at the primary school level) and Mathematics (Numeracy) enjoyed a privileged core status in the case study classes and Melbourne, Victoria, and Australia, as discussed in Chaps. 3 and 4. In addition, subjects relating to reading and literacy and Mathematics, along with Science, are privileged by their representation as the key components of international high-stakes testing (TIMSS, PIRLS, and PISA). It might be suggested that these disciplines relating to literacy and numeracy have the pedagogical content knowledge that underpins all other curriculum areas, as we explored in Chap. 4. In this way, it seemed relevant to distinguish the student responses naming specific 1

At the time of the research, Maribyrnong Primary School was preparing for these four special events. The National Day of Action Against Bullying is an Australia-wide initiative focused on bullying prevention, which the school had embraced as a large event they were preparing for (the name was later changed to the National Day of Action Against Bullying and Violence https://bullyingnoway.gov.au/preventing-bullying/national-day-of-action-against-bul lying-and-violence). The hat parade was a future school-based event that the children were preparing for by designing and creating their own hats in their Art classes.

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Other

Special event

Non-core

Core

subjects as core and non-core and then include special events (that were not subject bound) as a separate category, and other to incorporate the responses that could not be grouped elsewhere. The students reported that they were looking forward to a range of subjects and activities (see Fig. 5.1). Students were not confined to one response, and some students specified one item while others included more than three. There was only one child who indicated that there was “nothing” at school he was looking forward to during the week. The five subjects or activities most cited by the students were the school photographs (38.3%), Writing (26.7%), Art (21.7%), Numeracy/Mathematics (18.3%), and PE (16.7%). In other words, students wrote about looking forward to a range of school subjects and activities. The week that we were in Maribyrnong Primary School for the learning dialogues, the school happened to have three significant special events: school photographs, NDAAB, and preparations for an upcoming hat parade. Accordingly, these were frequently cited as something looked forward to during the week. A similar proportion of girls and boys wrote they were looking forward to core subjects, while a slightly higher proportion of boys named at least one non-core subject, and a slightly higher proportion of girls named a special event. Writing Numeracy/Mathematics Reading Spelling Art PE Cooking Free time/Developmental play Science/ICT Drama Specialist generally Music Italian Geography School photographs NDAAB Hat parade School's anniversary Book club Bookmark company Learning Project School rewards system Play time Homework Playdate Nothing 0.0%

26.7% 18.3% 8.3% 1.7% 21.7% 16.7% 10.0% 8.3% 6.7% 5.0% 3.3% 1.7% 1.7% 1.7% 38.3% 15.0% 10.0% 1.7% 1.7% 1.7% 5.0% 3.3% 1.7% 1.7% 1.7% 1.7% 1.7% 5.0% 10.0% 15.0% 20.0% 25.0% 30.0% 35.0% 40.0% 45.0%

Percentage of students

Fig. 5.1 Subjects and activities students were looking forward to during the week, as a percentage of all students. Note Students could name more than one subject/area. Percentage is calculated by total mentions of each subject/area divided by total number of students (60). Percentages may not add up to 100 due to rounding. NDAAB = National Day of Action Against Bullying

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Fig. 5.2 Student’s drawing of what they were looking forward to at school that week. Note “School photos because we get to take photos − > have fun” “Writing because we get to finish off our explanation text.” “Introduction” “Process” “Conclusion” “Writing book” (Maribyrnong Primary School, girl)

The number of responses within each of these broader categories was too low to consider gender in relation to specific subjects and activities. It was clear that many students were engaged in their learning, writing about subjects and activities they were looking forward to, with most students providing reasons why they were looking forward to these. Students frequently provided reasons for looking forward to something in relation to enjoyment and fun (a third of students/19 students in total) and/or learning (just under a third of students/17 students). The responses related to enjoyment and fun were mentioned most often in relation to non-core subjects and special events. For example: I am looking forward to all the fun but educational specialists. They are really fun because acting in drama and learning some sports in PE is interesting with all the fantastic games. (Naarm Primary School, boy) I am looking for special and fun activities. Only fun though. I only want sports and all these things that makes a person happy. (Maribyrnong Primary School, boy)

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Fig. 5.3 Student’s drawing of what they were looking forward to at school that week. Note “Photo Day. I’m also excited about Art!” “The hat parade is when you show off your hat” “These are the hats that you can choose” “Hat parade” “I made this” (Maribyrnong Primary School, girl)

The second most common response related to engaging with their learning in some way, such as liking to be challenged or learning particular skills. Learning was mentioned especially in relation to Numeracy/Mathematics, but related to core and non-core subjects more broadly. For example: National bullying day and math Like math because it makes my brain ache and also because I like it when I get challenged. (Maribyrnong Primary School, girl) I would like to practice my long division or maths skills because I’m not that good at mental maths and I sometimes forget how to do long division I’m also looking forward to be doing ICT because I FINALLY got my garden[er]’s license. I want to go into the garden and plant some plants (Maribyrnong Primary School, boy)

It is also interesting to note that a small number of students named multiple subjects and events across multiple categories (core subjects, non-core subjects, and

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Fig. 5.4 Student’s drawing of what they were looking forward to at school that week. Note “I am looking forwards to music, cooking, sport and art because I like it.” (Naarm Primary School, boy)

special events). For example, the following students wrote about looking forward to multiple aspects of the school week, mentioning enjoyment of activities: Art I like art because we can be creative and make different things I.C.T. I like I.C.T. because we get to do fun things in the garden and on the Chromebook. P.E. It [is] because we get to play lots of sport and we can work in teams. Maths I like maths because I get to challenge myself and get to learn new things. Reading The reason I like reading is I get to learn new words and I get to learn new things (Maribyrnong Primary School, boy)

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. The school photo . Specialist two times a week (ART, P.E., and I.C.T./Science) . Bullying awareness day (wear something orange) . Subject: Maths, writing, reading, PBS Positive Behaviour School [Support], and Inquiry . I like maths the most because it [is] challenging and fun. (Maribyrnong Primary School, boy)

Many students included drawings as part of their response (51 out of 60 students), often depicting people undertaking the activities they were describing, such as a photographer with a camera (sometimes with other figures), or a person (presumably the student) with a paintbrush and easel, or playing sport (see Figs. 5.2, 5.3, 5.4 and 5.5). These examples also indicate the level of detail provided by some of the students in their responses. These responses suggest that nearly all the students had a high level of engagement with at least some of their school subjects and activities, with most indicating enthusiasm for one or more things that were to occur at school in the week ahead.

Fig. 5.5 Student’s drawing of what they were looking forward to at school that week. Note “Maths because I like maths it [is a] challenge for me. I like [to] challenge myself in maths because maths is hard for me.” Speech bubble: “I love maths” (Maribyrnong Primary School, girl)

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5.2 Views on Learning at School Surprisingly, few studies seem to ask students about their views on learning at school. In the New South Wales (Australia) Tell Them From Me survey, primary school students reported high engagement in school, judged by their valuing of school outcomes, effort, and sense of belonging (NSW Department of Education, 2016, 2019). The project identified a number of features that increased students’ engagement and achievement, including teachers’ high expectations of students, the relevance of what students were learning, and supportive peers. Other studies have suggested that children prefer to learn by participating in more hands-on activities, where there is less talking and modelling from teachers (e.g. Hopkins, 2008; Murphy et al., 2012). Lodge’s (2007) English study asked Year 2 (6–7 year old) students to “draw learning in the classroom,” finding that students often included people (including themselves) in their drawings, drew learning activities which were completed individually (such as writing or sums), and linked learning with behaviour (e.g. wrote the names of “naughty” or “good” children on their drawings of whiteboards). Interestingly, students often added components to their drawings which represented learning to them, but which were not present in their classroom, such as wall clocks and detailed content (such as sums) on whiteboards which was not present when they were undertaking their drawings. Our research focused more specifically on children’s engagement in their learning, asking what they had learnt at school that week, and how they perceived the difficulty and enjoyment level. Students responded to this question while we were conducting the classroom ethnographies, on Friday of the same week that they responded on Monday to the question about what they were looking forward to at school. In considering the responses to this question, it became apparent that many of these were framed in a similar way to their previous responses about what they were looking forward to at school that week (core subjects, non-core subjects, and other), although no student mentioned learning in relation to a special event. These responses in relation to learning most often included mention of core subjects, as well as the particular topics the students had studied in these subjects that week. As with the previous question, students were not limited to naming just one subject or activity and some students mentioned multiple choices and explanations in their responses. Most students wrote about learning in core subjects, particularly Numeracy/Mathematics (61.7%) (see Fig. 5.6). At Naarm Primary School, students often wrote about the mathematics strategies they learnt that week (e.g. “bridging through ten,” “split strategy,” “compensation strategy,” and “jump strategy”), whereas at Maribyrnong Primary School, students wrote about aspects of time as that was the content area they were focusing on (e.g. “duration,” “to and from,” “counting on,” “number line,” and “how to use clocks”). It is notable that Numeracy/Mathematics was mentioned so frequently in relation to learning. Essentially, from this activity, it could be suggested that Numeracy/Mathematics was viewed as a key place for learning. Others have similarly found that Numeracy/Mathematics (e.g. sums, numbers, and symbols) is frequently depicted in drawings of learning by children

5.2 Views on Learning at School

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Core

Numeracy/Mathematics

61.7%

Writing

23.3%

Reading Vocab

13.3% 6.7%

Other

Non-core

Geography

15.0%

Drama

3.3%

Art

3.3%

PE

1.7%

Music

1.7%

First Aid

1.7%

Selling bookmarks

1.7%

0.0%

10.0%

20.0%

30.0%

40.0%

50.0%

60.0%

70.0%

Percentage of students

Fig. 5.6 Students’ learning by subject or activity, as a percentage of all students. Note Students could name more than one subject/area. Percentage is calculated by total mentions of each subject/area divided by total number of students (60). Percentages may not add up to 100 due to rounding

(Lodge, 2007) and drawings of teachers by both children and adults (Weber & Mitchell, 1995). Lodge (2007) suggests this may be because Numeracy/Mathematics depicts an “abstract” form of learning which is specific to schools, as opposed to learning outside of school. This may also represent a more specific form of learning where children learn a particular skill or strategy which is easy to identify and articulate as “learning.” Geography was only taught at Naarm Primary School at the time of the research and was mentioned by more than half of the students when writing about what they had learnt that week (9/15 or 60% of students). The students were learning about landscapes on different continents, focusing on topographical features, plants, and animals, first researching and then creating dioramas from cardboard boxes and art materials. For the learning dialogues, students named the places they were learning about, which they had chosen themselves for the project, such as Uluru, the Daintree Rainforest, the Amazon, and the Sahara Desert. Similar to Numeracy/Mathematics, students perhaps felt they were learning specific “facts” in Geography that were a clear example of learning. Similarly, students naming Writing mentioned particular types of texts they were learning to write (e.g. explanation text) and Vocabulary related to learning the spelling and meaning of particular words. Other than mentioning Geography, few students wrote about learning in a noncore subject, such as PE or subjects relating to the Arts, and while many were looking forward to special events that week (as discussed in the previous section), none wrote about learning something in relation to these. In addition, only a small number of

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students wrote about “soft skills” they had learnt at school that week, such as how to work in a team. The majority of students (38) who reflected on their enjoyment explicitly wrote about enjoying what they had learnt (e.g. “enjoy,” “fun”), indicating they were engaged in their learning. Again, comments often related to Numeracy/Mathematics: I enjoyed math because I learned how to use clocks [and] to be honest it was hard and I like it. (Maribyrnong Primary School, boy) I learnt good strategies to help me in maths and it was fun and easy (Naarm Primary School, girl) I enjoyed learning about Geography because I learnt interesting animals and climates in South America. I loved writing my persuasive piece because it needs to be heard in this world. The warm up debates gets my head in the action. I loved playing a-10 [ace to 10] and total recall as a math game because we work in partners and it’s more exciting when you vs someone (Naarm Primary School, boy)

Only two students explicitly mentioned not enjoying what they learnt, one because it was too easy, and the other who responded negatively to most of the learning dialogue questions: I learnt that you can’t subtract time. It was easy, math is too easy so I didn’t enjoy it. (Maribyrnong Primary School, boy) Writing – hard = yes – enjoy = no Reading – enjoy = ok = hard = no math – time – hard = yes = enjoy = kind of (Maribyrnong Primary School, boy)

When reflecting on the difficulty level of what they had learnt that week, nearly half (25) of the students stated that what they learnt was difficult (“hard” or “challenging”), compared to a quarter (16) who stated it was not difficult (“easy” or “not hard”). Just under a quarter (12) of students wrote more complex answers, where something they learnt was both “hard” and “easy,” varied (e.g. was difficult then became easy), or was difficult in some subjects and easy in others. Seven students did not comment on the difficulty level. These comments on difficulty level often mentioned Numeracy/Mathematics, reflecting the large number of mentions this received overall, with 15 students noting it was difficult, 14 that it was not difficult, and 9 that it varied. For example: We learned bridging through 10[,] split strategy[,] compensation strategy[,] jump strategy and it was a bit hard and a bit easy. In reading we learned what does internal and external [mean]. And it was easy. In writing we were writing letters and it was easy! (Naarm Primary School, boy)

We were particularly interested in the number of students who wrote positively about being challenged in their schoolwork. Sixteen students wrote that they enjoyed particular things they learnt even though it was difficult or specifically because it was difficult (e.g. they enjoyed the challenge). For example:

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I liked maths because it is fun, and we get to play warm up game[s] to get our brain working so we are ready to do sum time. It was in the middle because it was challenging for me. I enjoy it because [it] was challenging and I like challenging stuff. (Maribyrnong Primary School, girl) This week in math I learned time. I enjoyed it because it was challenging but I gave it a go. (Maribyrnong Primary School, girl) This week I enjoy[ed] math because [of] the super fun maths games and challenging maths problems (Maribyrnong Primary School, boy)

Students at Maribyrnong Primary School particularly wrote about their enjoyment of challenging work. We suggest students’ enjoyment of being challenged in their learning may relate to teacher praise and encouragement, as well as encouragement of effort, which was frequently present in the classrooms, as we explore in the following chapter. The students’ drawings also helped to understand the ways in which they made sense of their learning. Half of the students (30 out of 60) included drawings in their responses to this question, most often of an individual student (presumably the student themself) sitting at their desk or holding a book or sheet of paper, and/or classroom learning materials (e.g. pencils, clocks for learning time, and Vocabulary words on the wall) (see Figs. 5.7, 5.8, 5.9 and 5.10). A small number of drawings showed the teacher standing in front of the classroom with a whiteboard, and two showed groups of students sitting at their desks with books in front of them. Only a few students more literally drew what they had learnt about that week (e.g. geographical landmarks or the meaning of a word learnt in Vocabulary). These drawings again indicate that learning at school is often viewed as an individual pursuit, although we note that we explicitly asked children what they learnt at school that week, rather than what their class learnt. Students again showed a high level of engagement in at least some aspects of their schooling by writing about what they had learnt during the week, along with Fig. 5.7 Student’s drawing of what they learnt at school that week. Note “I learnt duration in math this week. It was hard a little then it became easy. I enjoy it because it makes you think.” “Duration of time” (Maribyrnong Primary School, boy)

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Fig. 5.8 Student’s drawing of what they learnt at school that week. Note “I learn[t] how to write an explanation text about ‘How to be a healthy person’ and it was hard, I enjoy it because it was challenging for me.” (Maribyrnong Primary School, boy)

Fig. 5.9 Student’s drawing of what they learnt at school that week. Note “I learnt more about Uluru and Amazon rainforest and Amazon river in South America! I enjoyed finding more information about these things because I wanted to know more about these landmarks!” (Naarm Primary School, girl)

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Fig. 5.10 Student’s drawing of what they learnt at school that week. Note “I learned time in math and it was very hard for me, so I asked in my table and I got the answer and enjoy math.” Speech bubbles: “tell me what’s the time” “can I have some help!” “please!!!” “fine I will [help] you” “thank you.” (Maribyrnong Primary School, girl)

the difficulty and enjoyment level. A range of subjects were mentioned that included both core and non-core learning areas, but overwhelmingly, the children referred to learning about time and strategies in Numeracy/Mathematics more frequently than the other subject areas. As we suggested above, Numeracy/Mathematics may supply more concrete examples of learning for children to reflect on, and their drawings also indicated the many visual representations of Numeracy/Mathematics that were available to them, as Lodge (2007) also found.

5.3 Feelings About School Students were asked how they felt they were doing at school in a broad question, which was deliberately informal and conversational (“How do you feel about how you are doing at school?”). This pertains to many aspects of their engagement in school and their orientation to educational “success,” where the open-ended question enabled students to respond in relation to aspects of their school experiences which were most pertinent to them. The Australian Child Wellbeing Project with over 5400 students in Year 4, 6, and 8, found that most Year 4 students generally enjoyed school (Redmond et al., 2016).When asked what their class teacher(s) thought of their school performance, most Year 4 students responded positively (87% reported “Very good” or “Good”). Similarly, the international Children’s Worlds survey with

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over 30,000 10 and 12 year olds in 15 countries found that two thirds of students agreed with the statement “I like going to school,” although this varied significantly between countries (Rees & Main, 2015). The mean satisfaction for school marks was 8.2 out of 10, which again varied by country (Rees & Main, 2015). In contrast to these previous studies, the learning dialogue question in this project was deliberately broad so students could respond in relation to their general feelings about school, academic achievements, or something else. When asked how they felt they were doing at school, many students in the project responded positively (over 60%). In addition, approximately a third of students wrote “okay,” but for many of these students, this seemed to indicate positive or at least neutral experiences. Only a very small number of students provided negative responses. Students wrote about one or more aspects, most often in relation to: their schoolwork and learning, mainly the difficulty level of schoolwork and rarely grades; their behaviour at school; their effort at school, including in relation to their schoolwork and behaviour; their emotions in relation to school; their enjoyment of school; and their confidence at school. Sometimes students mentioned their teachers and/or classmates/friends in their responses. These responses variously reflect the key aspects of school engagement identified in other research as behavioural, emotional/affective, and cognitive (Fredricks et al., 2004; Jimerson et al., 2003; Reschly & Christenson, 2012), as mentioned in the introduction to this chapter. Over half of the students related how they felt they were doing at school to their schoolwork or learning. Several of these focused on the difficulty level of their schoolwork, most often commenting on the work being hard and/or challenging (with challenging work viewed more negatively than in their reflections on their learning above), while others wrote about their schoolwork and learning more broadly. Notably, only two students wrote about their school grades. Boys were more likely to write about their schoolwork or learning, particularly in relation to the difficulty level of their schoolwork, compared with girls. I’m doing a little good. A few of the work is challenging, but I can do most of it. (Maribyrnong Primary School, boy) I feel amazing of my learning like writing, maths, seesaw [Seesaw: a platform used to upload homework and facilitate communication between parents/guardians and the school], reading, music and athletics. I’m good at Maths because I know lots of prior knowledge about maths. (Maribyrnong Primary School, boy) I feel okay about my grades at school because I’m not too good and not too bad (Naarm Primary School, girl)

Just under a quarter of students wrote about their behaviour at school, such as in relation to paying attention, dealing with distractions, and talking. Again, boys were slightly more likely to write about this than girls. Okay because I am behaving well in class but not too good outside (Naarm Primary School, boy) I think that I give myself 5/5 because I focus in my class. (Maribyrnong Primary School, boy)

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Fig. 5.11 Student’s drawing of how they felt they were doing at school. Note “I think I’m doing great so far, but sometimes I am a little chatty. I am confident about my learning too. I am always happy to go in front of the grade to share a piece of work and I am even confident enough to go up to assembly.” “I’m feeling CONFIDENT! (sharing work in front of the grade)” (Maribyrnong Primary School, girl)

. I think I am doing good. Because sometimes I get distracted. And sometimes I get my work done . Sometimes the work is too hard and sometimes easy . And I think I should work on not talking with my team mates a lot (Maribyrnong Primary School, girl)

Over a fifth of students wrote about their effort at school, including in relation to schoolwork and behaviour, as discussed above. While these aspects overlap, it is important to highlight that the students viewed effort as an important measure of how they were doing at school, and it also gives an indication of their engagement at school. Students wrote about their effort in relation to trying their best, focusing, putting their hands up to answer questions or contribute, listening to the teacher, and working hard. Boys were again slightly more likely to write about effort than girls. A focus on effort is well demonstrated by the two quotes that opened this chapter: I feel I am doing ok because I am learning a lot of stuff. And I am focusing a lot. Plus I am putting my hand up a lot. I get to learn lots of new things. (Maribyrnong Primary School, boy) I’m feeling great every day because I’m always learning new things that I didn’t know about before. I’m also feeling fantastic when I try something that is so hard for me but then after I get better at it because I keep trying! (Maribyrnong Primary School, girl)

Smaller numbers of students wrote explicitly about their enjoyment of school, their emotions at school (mostly happy), and their confidence at school. Responses relating

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Fig. 5.12 Student’s drawing of how they felt they were doing at school. Note “I’m going to rate myself a 4–5 because I’m having fun so far. My teachers make it fun for us all but we are all a bit too loud but other than that I think we are going to have a great year!” (Maribyrnong Primary School, girl)

to these were largely positive, showing enthusiasm for their school experiences. Girls were much more likely to write about these aspects than boys: . I am feeling awesome in this school. . I am feeling that my friends and teachers are very good. . I love my subjects . I love mathematics, reading, writing and specialist (Maribyrnong Primary School, girl) HAPPY AMAZING POSITIVE PEERS YEAR

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Fig. 5.13 Student’s drawing of how they felt they were doing at school. Note “I’m very proud of myself these days. Because I’m getting very better at homework and learning. I listen to the teacher, my best effort, so much work I’ve done, can’t give up learning!” “Writing so much” “Math can’t give up” “reading learn new words” “And many more!” (Maribyrnong Primary School, girl)

These are the thing I like about school (Maribyrnong Primary School, girl) I feel pretty good and confident about how I’m doing at school because school is not hard and not too easy (Naarm Primary School, girl) I think this school makes things fun and easy to learn with great teachers so I could become better with my work. I am satisfied with the effort and time I put into making my work good. (Naarm Primary School, boy)

While most students wrote positively about how they felt about at least some aspects of their school experiences, a small number of students indicated difficulties. One boy, who wrote largely negative responses to all the questions, in this case wrote “nothing = boring.” Three students wrote about difficulties in relation to the difficulty level of their schoolwork and/or issues with their classmates (the first response is also included as a figure): good. I don’t know :) I am struggling because the work here are hard as. mole [mainly?] math. [Speech bubbles] “This is me at math” “so easy” “SO hard. What’s 1+1[?]” (Maribyrnong Primary School, boy)

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I am struggling because lots of people were talking on the floor and it made don’t [me not] understand what the teacher talking about. (Maribyrnong Primary School, girl) Sometime[s] happy, sad and sometimes angry. [picture] When I feel happy hopscotch [picture] When I feel sad and lonely Happy means like you are happy because you got free time and school. Sad means like you can get sad when you have no one to play with right? Angry means like you get when someone say to you like bad words. (Maribyrnong Primary School, girl)

These responses are included in this chapter to highlight that, while overall the students reported largely positive experiences of school in response to this particular question, there were some students who might have benefited from more support or assistance with their schoolwork and/or relations with others in the class. In terms of drawings, just under half of the students (27 out of 60) illustrated their responses. Several students drew themselves sitting at their desks or engaged in different activities (see Figs. 5.11, 5.12, 5.13 and 5.14). Some drew the class, with teachers at the front and students sitting on the floor or at their desks, while others drew their school books or schoolwork/tests with a tick on them to indicate achievement. In some cases, these drawings can be seen to indicate enjoyment, effort, and confidence, although one drawing indicates difficulties with schoolwork. With this openly worded question focusing on children’s feelings about how they were doing at school, it was clear that students interpreted this question as relating broadly to schoolwork and/or social and wellbeing aspects. Within this, grades or marks were rarely mentioned, pointing to broader ideas about “success” in school than tests and assessments. Instead, the students’ responses could often be seen to reflect the focus of the classrooms and schools, such as having a positive approach to school and trying one’s best (which is further considered in the following chapter). While the students wrote a range of responses in relation to the question, there were some overall patterns in relation to gender. Boys were more likely to write about their schoolwork and learning, behaviour, and effort at school compared with girls, while girls were much more likely to write about their enjoyment, emotions, and confidence in relation to school. Many of the students’ responses also indicated their ability and willingness to reflect on their feelings about school, with their responses variously highlighting their enthusiasm for school, their attempts to manage their own behaviour, and their efforts at engaging and trying in class.

5.4 Career Aspirations Students’ career aspirations were explored by asking them about their ideas about their future jobs. As we noted in Chap. 1, the schools had different demographics in

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Fig. 5.14 Student’s drawing of how they felt they were doing at school. Note “good. I don’t know:) I am struggling because the work here are hard as. mole [mainly?] math.” Speech bubbles: “This is me at math,” “so easy,” “SO hard. What’s 1 + 1[?]” (Maribyrnong Primary School, boy)

relation to the Index of Community Socio-Educational Advantage (ICSEA), where Naarm Primary School had a much higher relative advantage than Maribyrnong Primary School (https://www.myschool.edu.au/). Previously, the Victorian education department collected parent occupation data via the Student Family Occupation (SFO) index, which impacted on school funding. Schools were given a number between 0 and 1 with 1 indicating the highest level of disadvantage (Department of Education & Early Childhood Development, 2013, n.d.). Data provided by the two case study schools indicated that Naarm Primary School was in the first quartile (lowest level of disadvantage) and Maribyrnong Primary School was in the third quartile. This highlights that, on average, parents of students at Naarm Primary School were more likely to have higher status jobs than parents of students at Maribyrnong Primary School. It is also important to reiterate that, as indicated in Chap. 1, both case study schools included a diverse population in terms of culture, with almost 60% of students at Naarm Primary School and over 80% of students at Maribyrnong Primary School having a language background other than English (https://www.mys chool.edu.au/), with school data also showing wide diversity in terms of country of birth and language spoken at home.

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Previous studies with Australian children (and teenagers) have indicated that career aspirations are influenced by their lifeworlds, including social backgrounds relating to socio-economic status, people they know, and media (Baxter, 2017; Bowden & Doughney, 2010; Chambers et al., 2018), as well as by their prior achievement (Gore et al., 2015). In their Drawing the Future survey, Chambers and colleagues (2018) explored the career aspirations of 7–11 year old children, including 326 children in Australia (New South Wales). The Australian findings were similar to the international findings, showing a concentration of 78% of the responses in a narrow range of jobs that had a celebrity focus (e.g. sportsperson), highly visible public service careers (e.g. teacher/lecturer, police), health (e.g. vet), and “modern growth drivers” (e.g. scientist). Three of the top five jobs were the same for girls and boys (sportsperson, teacher/lecturer, and police), although the top choices for each gender differed: the top response for boys was sportsperson, and they were much more likely to select this than girls (37% of boys, 13% girls) and the top response for girls was teacher/lecturer, and they were much more likely to select this than boys (26% of girls, 5% of boys). Forty five per cent of the respondents personally knew someone with the job, such as a parent/guardian (36%) or family member (29%). For students who did not know someone personally who had the job, they had predominantly heard about it from TV/film/radio (47%) or personal experiences/encounters (39%). In a major Australian project, also in New South Wales, Gore and colleagues (2015) conducted a longitudinal study of over 3500 Year 4, 6, 8, and 10 students exploring how career aspirations form, including in relation to socio-economic status (SES). They found fewer differences by year level and SES than expected, due to what they regarded as being the complex relationship between the variables. They found that prior achievement provided a stronger explanation of students’ career aspirations than SES in all their analyses, which they argue indicates a need for more investment in education achievement of students from low-SES backgrounds, rather than a focus on broadening or raising their career aspirations. The desire to become a vet, teacher, or sportsperson was consistently ranked among the top five occupations for nearly all the student groups (gender, location, SES quartile, NAPLAN quartile, and year level). The reasons given for selecting a job were most often because they viewed it as relating to something that they liked or loved (32.4% of students), they felt that they would be good at or were interested in that work (16.4%), they wanted to help others (14.2%), they thought the job would be fun or exciting (13.1%), or they would earn a large amount of money (7.7%). Bowden and Doughney (2010) used data from the Aspirations Online study to explore the aspirations of over 2000 Year 9–12 students from diverse backgrounds in the western suburbs of Melbourne. They found a positive relationship between the SES of students (measured by parental education level) and their aspirations, with students with a higher SES more likely to aspire to attend university. They also found students who did not speak English at home were more likely to aspire to go to university and had slightly more encouragement from their parents to do this than students from English-speaking backgrounds. Overall, university aspirations were strong across the cohort, but there was a significant gap between aspiration levels and

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enrolment levels, particularly for students from low-SES backgrounds and students who did not speak English at home. While conducted with an older age group, this is an important study in relation to our case study classes considering the diversity of backgrounds and focus on the context of Melbourne. In the learning dialogues, children responded to the question: “What job do you want to do when you leave school?” This open-ended question allowed students to choose one or more jobs, and add additional information. There were 77 individual mentions of occupations amongst the 60 students. Within this, a total of 34 different occupations were named by the students, which we grouped into nine different overarching categories from our analysis of the responses (see Table 5.1). The most common specific occupations chosen were doctor (mentioned by 13 students), teacher (7), artist (6), and vet (5). Overall, the most frequently mentioned categories of occupations were: medical/health, with 18 total mentions (mentioned by 16 students at least once, mostly girls), arts/creative, with 16 total mentions (mentioned by 14 students at least once, mostly girls), science, with 13 total mentions (mentioned by 12 students at least once, more boys than girls), and professional, with 12 total mentions (mentioned by 12 students once, more girls than boys). As the students were able to write/draw about more than one occupation, we also analysed the number of mentions in each category per student (see Fig. 5.15). The figure is similar to the overall patterns above and shows that just over a quarter of individual students wrote about a medical/health occupation and just under a quarter wrote about an arts/creative occupation. Reasons for selecting occupations were similar to other studies (Gore et al., 2015; Tzampazi et al., 2013) and often related to love of, or interest in, the area (17 students) and altruism (helping others) (16 students). For example: I want to be a singer when I grow up. Because music makes me, “me”. I’ve always loved music since I was little, music has made me grow confidence. (Naarm Primary School, girl) I would like to be a vet or zoologist because I love animals and I would love to help or study them. I love animation movies and I would love to create them and I got inspired by stuff like the LEGO movies and How To Train Your Dragon. These type of movies I understand and enjoy. (Naarm Primary School, boy) When I leave school I want to be a doctor. I want to be a doctor because when my relatives are sick I will be able to help them. (Maribyrnong Primary School, girl) When I grow up I want to be a teacher because seeing how much my teachers have helped me I’d like to do the same and help a new generation. (Naarm Primary School, girl)

Other students (10) mentioned they were inspired by other people or things, such as their teachers, family members, or films. Notably, only five students noted the financial rewards for their chosen occupation, with two of these students viewing money as a way to help their families. Only two students provided fame as a reason for their aspiration. For this question about children’s career aspirations, two thirds of the children (40 out of 60) drew pictures in their responses. As might be expected, children’s drawings of their aspired occupations often included figures of people (themselves doing the

134 Table 5.1 All occupations mentioned by students, by category and occupation

5 School Engagement and Orientations to Educational “Success” … Category (number of students)

Occupation (number of students)

Medical/health (18)

Doctor (13) Nurse (2) Dentist (2) Pharmacist (1)

Arts/creative (16)

Artist (6) Singer (3) Animator (2) Dancer (1) Photographer (1) Cartoonist (1) Script writer (1) YouTuber (1)

Science (13)

Vet (5) Palaeontologist (3) Scientist (3) Zoologist (1) Astronomer (1)

Professional (12)

Teacher (7) Lawyer (3) Architect (2)

Hospitality/retail/services (7)

Chef (3) Flight attendant (2) McDonalds (1) Pet shop keeper (1)

Uniformed services (3)

Army (1) Firefighter (1) Police officer (1)

Sports (3)

Soccer player (2)

Trades (2)

Mechanic (1)

Miscellaneous (3)

Save the world and people (1)

Actor for gymnastics (1) Builder (1)

Traveller (1) Miscellaneous (1) Note Children could name more than one occupation. There were 77 mentions of occupations in total, from 60 students

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Medical/health

26.7%

Arts/creative

23.3%

Science

20.0%

Professional

20.0%

Hospitality/retail/services

11.7%

Uniformed services

5.0%

Sports

5.0%

Trades Miscellaneous 0.0%

3.3% 5.0% 5.0%

10.0%

15.0%

20.0%

25.0%

30.0%

Percentage of students

Fig. 5.15 Students’ career aspirations by category, as a percentage of all students. Note This is the percentage of all students who chose a job in that category (e.g. if a student chose two or more occupations fitting with the Medical/Health category they were counted once for this category) (i.e. divided by 60 students). Percentages may not add up to 100 due to rounding

job or people that would be part of their job, such as patients for doctors) and/or materials relating to the occupation, such as medical instruments, computers, and buildings (see Figs. 5.16, 5.17, 5.18 and 5.19). Students’ drawings often indicated their enthusiasm for the occupation(s) they had selected. It is also interesting to consider the ways in which children’s responses map onto the Australian and New Zealand Standard Classification of Occupation (as used by the Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2021), and also how these relate to jobs in their school communities. Australian Census data relating to occupation (of all employed people 15 years and over) for the local government areas (LGA) where each school was located, indicates that in the LGA where Maribyrnong Primary School was located, the top occupation classifications were Labourers (a higher percentage than the Australian average), Professionals (lower than the Australian average), Technicians and Trade Workers (similar to the Australian average), and Clerical and Administrative Workers (similar to the Australian average) (ABS, 2017). In contrast, the LGA where Naarm Primary School was located had a high level of Professionals (a much higher percentage than the Australian average), along with Managers (slightly higher than the Australian average), Clerical and Administrative Workers (slightly lower than the Australian average), and Community and Personal Service Workers (similar to the Australian average) (ABS, 2017). Both LGAs had a similar unemployment rate, higher than the national average. While this “postcode methodology” has been criticised (e.g. Bowden & Doughney, 2010), it does give some indication of the occupations in the school areas, which children may be familiar with and may relate to their parents’ paid work.

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Fig. 5.16 Student’s drawing of what job they wanted to do when they leave school. Note “When I leave school, I want to become a doctor so that I can help people that are ill and have disease. I also want to make people have a longer life. And I get paid a lot to help my family” “Before” “After” (Maribyrnong Primary School, girl)

Fig. 5.17 Student’s drawing of what job they wanted to do when they leave school. Note “Maybe an artist or a chef? A dancer could be an option too. I’ll only do it if I enjoy it!” (Maribyrnong Primary School, girl)

In our analysis using these categories, many students listed occupations that are Professionals (major group classification 2), and relate to the following submajor groups: Design, Engineering, Science and Transport (24.7% of occupations mentioned); Health (23.4%); Arts and Media (15.6%); and Education (9.1%) (see Fig. 5.20). A smaller number of children chose jobs categorised as Community

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Fig. 5.18 Student’s drawing of what job they wanted to do when they leave school. Note “Palaeontologist because it’s kind of fun to dig up dinosaur bones and I get famous in books for finding bones” “Dig site” “Epic battle” (Naarm Primary School, boy)

and Personal Service Workers, Technicians and Trades Workers, Labourers, and/or Managers (major group classifications 4, 3, 8, and 1 respectively). While these are useful as one way of examining students’ responses, these categories are complex and do not always fully reflect the jobs that students had written about.

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Fig. 5.19 Student’s drawing of what job they wanted to do when they leave school. Note “After school I want to be a teacher because now I watched the teachers teach and I like it.” Whiteboard: “What is the time” “7:00” (Maribyrnong Primary School, girl)

While the sample size was relatively small, particularly for Naarm Primary School, it is also useful to briefly reflect on some differences between the schools, using our categories in the table. Students at Naarm Primary School were more likely to choose Science occupations and, within Arts/Creative, were more likely to choose more specific occupations such as animator, cartoonist, photographer, and script writer, compared to more general or abstract concepts such as artist. All medical/health occupations were listed by students at Maribyrnong Primary School, as were all occupations related to hospitality/retail/services (except for one Chef mention), uniformed services, and trades. Considering the average SES of students at Maribyrnong Primary School, and occupations in the local area, as discussed above, it is interesting to note the high number of students choosing doctor as an occupation, alongside the high number choosing more practical jobs which do not require a university degree. This differs from Gore et al. (2015) finding that doctor was more likely to be chosen by students from high SES backgrounds. There may also be some interesting things happening in relation to ethnicity. While students were not asked to provide an indication of their ethnicity for the learning dialogues, students from Maribyrnong Primary School were nearly all non-White (see Chap. 1). Studies in the UK have similarly indicated that students from non-White ethnic groups are more likely to select medical career aspirations (particularly girls) than students from White ethnic groups (Chambers et al., 2018; Platt & Parsons, 2018). One study suggests this may, in part, relate to the influence of parents on their children’s career aspirations (Platt & Parsons, 2018).

5.5 Summary

139

23 Design, Engineering, Science and Transport Professionals

24.7%

25 Health Professionals

23.4%

21 Arts and Media Professionals

15.6%

24 Education Professionals

9.1%

45 Sports and Personal Service Workers

6.5%

27 Legal, Social and Welfare Professionals

3.9%

35 Food Trades Workers

3.9%

44 Protective Service Workers

3.9%

Not classified

3.9%

14 Hospitality, Retail and Service Managers

1.3%

32 Automotive and Engineering Trades Workers

1.3%

82 Construction and Mining Labours

1.3%

85 Food Preparation Assistants

1.3%

0.0%

5.0%

10.0%

15.0%

20.0%

25.0%

30.0%

Percentage of students

Fig. 5.20 Students’ career aspirations mapped onto the Australian and New Zealand Standard Classification of Occupation sub-major groups. Note Students could choose more than one job. This is the percentage of all jobs chosen in relation to each category, not each student. Percentages may not add up to 100 due to rounding. The students’ career aspirations have been mapped onto the Australian and New Zealand Standard Classification of Occupation (ABS, 2021). The first number in the sub-major group indicates the major group classification

5.5 Summary This chapter has explicitly focused on children’s responses to questions about their school lifeworlds, with particular attention to engagement in school and orientations to educational “success.” In particular, the chapter explored children’s learning at school, feelings about school, and career aspirations, drawing on a learning dialogues activity in which students responded to four questions. The ways in which these four questions interweave provide a picture of children’s school engagement and orientations to educational “success,” although we note these provide a partial picture of their experiences, as produced in response to the questions we asked. Reflecting on children’s responses we argue that educational “success” may be understood in a number of often interlinking ways discussed throughout the chapter, such as engagement, effort, enjoyment, and belonging.

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Overall, most students were largely positive in their responses and appeared to be engaged at school and in their learning. They wrote about various subjects and activities they were looking forward to, mentioning core subjects, non-core subjects, special events, and other aspects outside of these categories. The enjoyment of challenging aspects of learning, particularly in relation to Numeracy/Mathematics, was also notable. The responses suggest that, for the most part, students were enthusiastic about their approaching week at school due to a range of aspects and were also enthusiastic about some of the things that they had learnt at school that week. While some of the responses were similar to responses in previous studies examining students’ favourite subjects, with Art, PE, and Mathematics often mentioned (Chambers et al., 2018; Colley & Comber, 2003; Hasni et al., 2017; Murphy et al., 2010), our research also highlighted some students were looking forward to Writing. As we noted in Chap. 4, both schools, but particularly Maribyrnong Primary School, had core Writing and Numeracy lessons which were delivered by teachers in an engaging way, which may in part explain why they were looked forward to by several students. Learning at school was largely viewed as an individual pursuit, but this partly reflects the framing of the questions, such as “What did you learn at school this week?”. Over 60% of the students responded positively to how they were doing at school when asked directly, with an additional third writing “okay” which seemed to indicate positive or at least neutral responses. Over half of the students discussed their schoolwork or learning, with several focusing on the difficulty level of their work, particularly when they perceived it as hard and/or challenging. Effort and behaviour were also mentioned by several students as a measure of how they were doing at school, with only two students specifically mentioning their school grades. Only a small number of students recounted negative experiences, but these are important to acknowledge to highlight that additional support or assistance may have been useful for these students in relation to their schoolwork and/or relations with others in the class. In terms of career aspirations, students wrote about a variety of occupations, with students most often naming careers in the medical/health and/or arts/creative fields. It is interesting to note that few students linked their career aspirations with what they were learning at school. While this linking may not be expected, we do wonder what this says about whether students view school as important for their future at work, in comparison with the importance of their lifeworlds more broadly (such as their interests or people they know), in influencing their career aspirations at this age. In their responses, the students were provided an opportunity to reflect on their learning, school experience, and feelings about school, and mentioned a range of aspects. We suggest the learning dialogues activity “provocations” helped with enabling these reflections (see also Yelland & Bartholomaeus, 2021). We also note the importance of giving space for students to include drawings as part of their responses, which allowed students to communicate their ideas and emotions, and to allow for more complexity than written responses. The following chapter provides a context to some of the responses in this chapter, exploring everyday practices to create a sense of belonging and wellbeing in classrooms.

References

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References Australian Bureau of Statistics. (2017). 2016 Census Quickstats: Australia. https://quickstats.cen susdata.abs.gov.au/census_services/getproduct/census/2016/quickstat/036 Australian Bureau of Statistics. (2021). ANZSCO—Australian and New Zealand Standard Classification of Occupations. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/classifications/anzsco-australian-andnew-zealand-standard-classification-occupations/2021 Baxter, J. (2017). The career aspirations of young adolescent boys and girls. In K. Day (Ed.), The Longitudinal Study of Australian Children Annual Statistical Report 2016 (pp. 11–34). Australian Institute of Family Studies. https://growingupinaustralia.gov.au/research-findings/annual-statis tical-report-2016/career-aspirations-young-adolescent-boys-and-girls Bowden, M. P., & Doughney, J. (2010). Socio-economic status, cultural diversity and the aspirations of secondary students in the Western Suburbs of Melbourne, Australia. Higher Education, 59, 115–129. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10734-009-9238-5 Chambers, N., Kashefpakdel, E. T., Rehill, J., & Percy, C. (2018). Drawing the future: Exploring the career aspirations of primary school children from around the world. Education and Employers. https://www.educationandemployers.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/DrawingTheFuture.pdf Colley, A., & Comber, C. (2003). School subject preferences: Age and gender differences revisited. Educational Studies, 29(1), 59–67. https://doi.org/10.1080/03055690303269 Department of Education and Early Childhood Development. (n.d.). SFO guidelines: Parental occupation groups. http://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/school/principals/finance/sfoguidel ines.docx Department of Education and Early Childhood Development. (2013). Student family occupation: Fact sheet. Issue #2. http://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/school/principals/finance/sfo factsheet.docx Department of Education and Training. (2021a, August). Student engagement: Guidance. https:// www2.education.vic.gov.au/pal/student-engagement/guidance Department of Education and Training. (2021b, March). Student engagement: Policy. https://www2. education.vic.gov.au/pal/student-engagement/policy Education Council. (2019). Alice Springs (Mparntwe) Education Declaration. https://www.dese. gov.au/alice-springs-mparntwe-education-declaration/resources/alice-springs-mparntwe-educat ion-declaration Flenley, R., McLeod, J., & Cross, R. (2020). Engaging middle years’ learners: An Australian perspective, 1990–2018. In D. C. Virtue (Ed.), International handbook of middle level education theory, research, and policy (pp. 318–330). Routledge. Fredricks, J. A., Blumenfeld, P. C., & Paris, A. H. (2004). School engagement: Potential of the concept, state of the evidence. Review of Educational Research, 74(1), 59–109. Gore, J., Holmes, K., Smith, M., Southgate, E., & Albright, J. (2015). Socioeconomic status and the career aspirations of Australian school students: Testing enduring assumptions. Australian Educational Researcher, 42, 155–177. https://doi.org/10.1007/s13384-015-0172-5 Hasni, A., Potvin, P., & Belletête, V. (2017). The status of science and technology relative to other school subjects. Results of a study conducted on primary and secondary school students in Quebec. EURASIA Journal of Mathematics Science and Technology Education, 13(6), 1575–1603. https:// doi.org/10.12973/eurasia.2017.00686a Hopkins, E. A. (2008). Classroom conditions to secure enjoyment and achievement: The pupils’ voice. Listening to the voice of Every child matters. Education 3–13: International Journal of Primary, Elementary and Early Years Education, 36(4), 393–401. https://doi.org/10.1080/030 04270801969386 Jimerson, S. R., Campos, E., & Greif, J. L. (2003). Toward an understanding of definitions and measures of school engagement and related terms. The California School Psychologist, 8(1), 7–27. Lodge, C. (2007). Regarding learning: Children’s drawings of learning in the classroom. Learning Environments Research, 10(2), 145–156. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10984-007-9027-y

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Murphy, C., Janet, V., & Veale, Ó. (2012). I’d rather they did experiments with us.... than just talking: Irish children’s views of primary school science. Research in Science Education, 42(3), 415–438. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11165-010-9204-3 Murphy, C., Kerr, K., Lundy, L., & McEvoy, L. (2010). Attitudes of children and parents to Key Stage 2 science testing and assessment. The Wellcome Trust. https://wellcome.ac.uk/sites/def ault/files/wtx062721_0.pdf NSW Department of Education. (2016). Primary school student engagement and wellbeing in NSW. Learning Curve Issue 16. Centre for Education Statistics and Evaluation, NSW Department of Education. https://www.cese.nsw.gov.au//images/stories/PDF/PS_student_engagement_and_ wellbeing_in_NSW_AA.pdf NSW Department of Education. (2019). How high expectations and engagement in primary school drive student learning. Centre for Education Statistics and Evaluation, NSW Department of Education. https://www.cese.nsw.gov.au/images/stories/PDF/How_high_expectations_and_eng agement_in_primary_school_drive_student_learning.pdf Platt, L., & Parsons, S. (2018). Occupational aspirations of children from primary school to teenage years across ethnic groups. Centre for Longitudinal Studies and the Runnymede Trust. https://cls.ucl.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/9948_CLS_Paper_Occupa tional_Aspirations_of_Children_WEB_FINAL.pdf Redmond, G., Skattebol, J., Saunders, P., Lietz, P., Zizzo, G., O’Grady, E., Tobin, M., Thomson, S., Maurici, V., Huynh, J., Moffat, A., Wong, M., Bradbury, B., & Roberts, K. (2016). Are the kids alright? Young Australians in their middle years: Final report of the Australian Child Wellbeing Project. Flinders University, University of New South Wales, and Australian Council for Educational Research. http://www.australianchildwellbeing.com.au/sites/default/ files/uploads/ACWP_Final_Report_2016_Full.pdf Rees, G., & Main, G. (Eds.). (2015). Children’s views on their lives and well-being in 15 countries: A report on the Children’s Worlds survey, 2013–14. Children’s Worlds project (ISCWeB). https:// www.york.ac.uk/inst/spru/research/pdf/ChildrensWorlds.pdf Reschly, A. L., & Christenson, S. L. (2012). Jingle, jangle, and conceptual haziness: Evolution and future directions of the engagement construct. In S. L. Christenson, A. L. Reschly, & C. Wylie (Eds.), Handbook of research on student engagement (pp. 3–19). Springer. Taylor, M. (2014). Children’s academic engagement and enjoyment in primary school. In G. Daraganova (Ed.), Growing up in Australia—The Longitudinal Study of Australian Children, annual statistical report 2013 (pp. 71–90). Australian Institute of Family Studies. https://growin gupinaustralia.gov.au/sites/default/files/asr2013.pdf Tzampazi, F., Kyridis, A., & Christodoulou, A. (2013). ‘What will I be when I grow up?’ Children’s preferred future occupations and their stereotypical views. International Journal of Social Science Research, 1(1), 19–38. https://doi.org/10.5296/ijssr.v1i1.3788 Weber, S., & Mitchell, C. (1995). That’s funny you don’t look like a teacher!: Interrogating images, identity, and popular culture. Falmer Press. Yelland, N., & Bartholomaeus, C. (2021). Towards learning dialogues as data: Researching children’s lifeworlds in global cities. Qualitative Research Journal, 21(4), 394–407. https://doi.org/ 10.1108/QRJ-10-2020-0141

Chapter 6

School Belonging and Wellbeing: Everyday Stories and Practices in Melbourne

Abstract There has been much attention to students’ sense of school belonging and their wellbeing at school, in academic research as well as in school and policy discussions. This chapter focuses on both students’ sense of belonging and contexts for belonging and wellbeing in two primary school classrooms. Drawing on survey responses from students, this chapter first explores students’ enjoyment of school and relationships with classmates and teachers (belonging), as well as students’ perceptions of themselves and their grades (student identity). The chapter then focuses on classroom contexts, drawing on classroom ethnographies in order to extend the existing research focusing on students’ self-reported sense of belonging to consider how spaces of belonging and wellbeing might be created, and what this may look like in practice. Three prominent aspects from our ethnographies are explored: student– teacher relationships, wellbeing as learning content, and cultural belonging. This chapter considers both the potential and challenges for belonging and wellbeing in classrooms, exploring everyday stories and practices. Keywords School belonging · Student wellbeing · Student–teacher relationships · School enjoyment · Cultural belonging · Wellbeing curriculum In this book, we have already touched on the importance of children’s belonging and wellbeing in schools, such as the role of everyday routines creating a sense of belonging (Chap. 3), and the ways in which children were engaged in their learning and how they felt about school (Chap. 5). This chapter more explicitly considers children’s wellbeing at school, with a particular focus on belonging. As Allen and Boyle (2018) write, “[s]chool can be a microcosm of life and for those compulsory years of education, belongingness in school is (almost) the food and water of psychological wellbeing” (p. xiii). Internationally, school belonging is increasingly being recognised as contributing positively to students’ health and wellbeing (Inchley et al., 2020), happiness (O’Rourke & Cooper, 2010), and academic achievement (Goodenow, 1993; Mullis et al., 2017, 2020; Thomson et al., 2017). While belonging as a concept is often credited to the work of Maslow (1943), school belonging is a more recent idea. Allen et al. (2018) suggest that the school belonging literature mostly draws on the definition relating to relationships with others as outlined by Goodenow and Grady (1993): © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 C. Bartholomaeus and N. Yelland, Children’s Lifeworlds in a Global City: Melbourne, Global Childhoods in the Asia-Pacific 3, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0573-7_6

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Another potentially important element of the social context is students’ sense of belonging in the school or classroom, that is, the extent to which they feel personally accepted, respected, included, and supported by others—especially teachers and other adults in the school social environment. (Goodenow & Grady, 1993, pp. 60–61)

Goodenow (1993) also highlights the importance of peers and “of feeling oneself to be an important part of the life and activity of the class” (p. 25) as contributing to belonging. In their meta-analysis, Allen et al. (2018) summarise the quantitative secondary school literature on belonging as having a focus on three aspects of belonging: “(1) school-based relationships and experiences, (2) student–teacher relationships and (3) and [sic] students’ general feelings about school as a whole” (p. 2). Their meta-analysis found that the strongest predictors of belonging for secondary school students were teacher support (e.g. promoting mutual respect, being perceived as likeable) and positive personal characteristics (e.g. conscientiousness, optimism, and self-esteem). Similarly, Craggs and Kelly’s (2018) qualitative meta-synthesis highlights the relational aspects of school belonging. Informed by, and extending on from, this previous literature, in this chapter, we focus on belonging particularly in terms of relationships with others, enjoyment of school, and cultural belonging. In terms of wellbeing, McLeod and Wright (2015) argue that, “calls to address wellbeing are now so commonplace and widespread that they can mean both everything and nothing“ (p. 2). Svane et al. (2019) highlight that school interventions and approaches draw on varied understandings of wellbeing. They suggest that the wellbeing focus in Australian schools moved from medicine in the 1980s and 1990s to psychology, counselling, and social work in the 2000s and then more recently to philosophy (e.g. positive education). These authors also suggest that although mental health and wellbeing are sometimes used interchangeably, mental health is an aspect of wellbeing. Extending the focus on belonging, in this chapter, wellbeing is explored particularly in terms of emotional wellbeing and connections to others and society. The Alice Springs (Mparntwe) Education Declaration includes several references to children’s wellbeing, broadly focusing on aspects such as emotional, cultural, intellectual, spiritual, and physical wellbeing (Education Education Council, 2019). More specifically, there are several government initiatives focusing on wellbeing for children in school. For example, the Australian Student Wellbeing Framework is intended “to support the whole school community to build and maintain safety, positive relationships and wellbeing” (Education Services Australia, 2018, p. 3), so “students can reach their full potential” (Education Services Australia, 2018, p. 2). The framework is focused on improving “physical, emotional, social and educational outcomes” for students (Education Services Australia, 2018, p. 2). Wellbeing is included in the Victorian Curriculum F-10 in Health and Physical Education, where a definition of wellbeing closely mirrors that used in the Australian Curriculum: “[wellbeing] [r]elates to a sense of satisfaction, happiness, effective social functioning and spiritual health, and the dispositions of optimism, openness, curiosity and resilience” (Victorian Curriculum and Assessment Authority [VCAA], n.d.-a., p. 6). Many schools across Australia include some form of wellbeing and/or social emotional learning programmes and initiatives in their timetables (Street, 2017). This reflects international data which indicates that many OECD countries include

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social and emotional learning in educational objectives, national curriculum frameworks, school subjects (particularly Physical and health education, Civic and citizenship education, and Moral/religious education), and assessment (OECD, 2015). This OECD (2015) report singles out the Australian Curriculum as a “good example of curriculum frameworks with a strong social and emotional element,” referring specifically to the general capabilities of Personal and Social Capability, Ethical Understanding, and Intercultural Understanding which are incorporated across the curriculum rather than in single subjects (p. 99) and which are similarly outlined in the Victorian Curriculum (VCAA, 2016, n.d.-b). Furthermore, as mentioned in Chap. 5, schools in Victoria are required to have a Student Wellbeing and Engagement Policy (Department of Education and Training [DET], 2021a), and both case study schools in our research and the two additional schools for the survey had developed slightly different Student Wellbeing and Engagement Policies. The policies at both case study schools included universal (whole school), targeted (year level), and individual approaches, but were particularly attuned to identifying and working with students who were viewed as “at risk” of disengaging from school. This chapter explores both students’ reported sense of school belonging (via survey responses) and contexts for school belonging and wellbeing (via ethnographies), to provide a broader perspective in which belonging and wellbeing are not viewed as being achieved or static but as being constantly negotiated and changing for each child (see Fattore, 2020). Drawing on the ethnographies in the case study classes enables an exploration of everyday practices of, and stories relating to, belonging and wellbeing in children’s lifeworlds at school, including teachers’ strategies to increase students’ sense of belonging and wellbeing. Through this, we reiterate that belonging and wellbeing are complex concepts, with diverging possibilities for belonging and wellbeing amongst different students and at different times.

6.1 Students’ Self-reported Sense of School Belonging and Student Identity School belonging is often discussed specifically in terms of students’ self-reported sense of belonging. In this section, we examine Year 4 students’ sense of belonging and student identity by drawing on survey responses from four schools in Melbourne. In Victoria and Australia, previous research with children which explores selfreported sense of school belonging and related topics has found mixed results. The Attitudes to School Survey in Victoria with Year 5–6 and 7–9 students includes questions about connection to school and connection to peers. Figures from this survey in 2015 indicate that in Year 5–6 84.8% of students reported feeling connected to school, which was higher for female students (86.2%) than male students (83.4%) and higher for non-Aboriginal students (85.0%) than Aboriginal students (80.5%) (DET, n.d.-a). Year 5–6 students were less positive when reporting on connection with peers than with their school. Overall, 69.4% of Year 5–6 students reported feeling

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connected to their peers, which was higher for female students (71.2%) than male students (67.7%) and higher for non-Indigenous students (69.8%) than Indigenous students (57.7%) (DET, n.d.-.b). Notably, Year 5–6 students were more likely to respond positively to these items than Year 7–9 students, with only 62.3% of the older age group reporting feeling connected to school and 54.6% reporting feeling connected to peers (DET, n.d.-a, n.d.-b). In terms of belonging specifically, the PIRLS and TIMSS reports include exhibits on “Sense of School Belonging” which are calculated from responses to five questions in the student questionnaires.1 The international averages for high sense of belonging for Year 4 students were 59% in PIRLS 2016 and 58% in TIMSS 2019. Australia had slightly lower averages: 57% of students reported a high sense of belonging in PIRLS 2016 (26 of 50 countries) and 54% in TIMSS 2019 (38 of 58 countries) (Mullis et al., 2017, 2020). Students reporting a higher sense of belonging also had higher average achievement scores in the PIRLS and TIMSS tests, both in the international average and Australia specifically (Mullis et al., 2017, 2020). Results differed according to demographics, with an Australian analysis of PIRLS data finding that students attending more affluent schools reported a significant higher proportion of students with a high sense of belonging as compared to schools classified as more disadvantaged (Thomson et al., 2017). Australian research has also considered children’s enjoyment of school, which relates to belonging and wellbeing. As mentioned in Chap. 5, Redmond et al.’s (2016) Australian Child Wellbeing Project with over 5400 students in Year 4, 6, and 8, found that Year 4 students generally enjoyed school. Most Year 4 students agreed or strongly agreed that “My school is a place where…” “I feel happy” (88.6%), “I really like to go each day” (81.9%), and “I get enjoyment from being there” (88.5%). The findings for students in primary school (Year 4 and 6) were similar, but they were notably lower for students in secondary school (Year 8). Average school satisfaction scale scores were similar between the different cohorts in the study, with those within each “marginalised” group (with disability, young carers, materially disadvantaged, culturally and linguistically diverse, and Indigenous) and non-marginalised having similar average scores. This study also found that most Year 4 students reported that their class teacher(s) regarded their school performance positively (“Very good” 42.3% and “Good” 44.7%) (Redmond et al., 2016). In the Global Childhoods project in Melbourne, a total of 192 students from four government schools completed the survey, as outlined in Chap. 1. The aspects of the survey analysed in this chapter focus on belonging (relating to enjoyment of school and relationships with teachers and classmates), and student identity (relating to descriptions of self as a student, perceptions of grades, and happiness with grades), and the relationship between these. This analysis is presented in a separate section to 1

TIMSS 2019 and PIRLS 2016 measure belonging (as an aspect of school climate) by asking “What do you think about your school? Tell how much you agree with these statements” (Mullis et al., 2017, 2020). Students respond to five statements on a four-point scale of “Agree a lot,” “Agree a little,” “Disagree a little,” and “Disagree a lot.” The statements are: “(1) I like being in school,” “(2) I feel safe when I am at school,” “(3) I feel like I belong at this school,” “(4) Teachers at my school are fair to me,” and “(5) I am proud to go to this school.”

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the classroom ethnographies for two reasons: the survey draws on students’ responses (as with other self-reported school belonging literature) and the students were from the previous year’s cohort of Year 4 students at four schools (including the two case study schools Naarm Primary School and Maribyrnong Primary School, along with Birrarung Primary School and Merri Merri Primary School). A comparative analysis of the survey conducted in Melbourne, Hong Kong, and Singapore is presented elsewhere (Yelland et al., 2022). Overall students in Melbourne reported positively on their experiences of school on questions relating to sense of school belonging (see Fig. 6.1). Nearly two thirds of students reported that they “always” (23%) or “mostly” (42%) enjoyed going to school. However, this meant that just over a third of students reported that they “sometimes” (30%) or “never” (5%) enjoyed going to school. Students responded more positively when asked about their connections with others in the classroom. Most students reported that classmates “always” (35%) or “mostly” (47%) showed they like them. Notably, while nearly half of students (47%) reported that teachers “always” showed they like them, a quarter reported that teachers only “sometimes” (22%) or “never” (3%) showed they liked them. While the responses were largely positive, this diversity shows that some students viewed their experiences much more positively than other students. In terms of student identity, most students described themselves as being “always” or “mostly” hardworking and serious (80%), described their grades/schoolwork as “always” or “mostly” good (85%), and reported being “always” or “mostly” happy with their grades/schoolwork (89%) (see Fig. 6.2). Overall, most students in the survey responded positively in relation to questions relating to student identity. Three 23% 42%

Enjoy going to school

30% 5% 35% 47%

Classmates show they like you

15% 2% 47% 28%

Teachers show they like you

22% 3% 0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

Percentage of students Always

Mostly

Sometimes

Never

Fig. 6.1 School belonging: Students’ enjoyment of school and relationships with others. Note Percentages may not add up to 100 due to rounding

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Hardworking and serious

18% 1% 33% 52%

Good grades/school work

15% 0% 49% 40%

Happy with grades/school work

11% 0% 0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

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Percentage of students Always

Mostly

Sometimes

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Fig. 6.2 Student identity: Students’ perceptions of themselves and their grades. Note Percentages may not add up to 100 due to rounding

of the four schools had similar patterns, although students at Maribyrnong Primary School scored lower on student identity, but it is difficult to draw any conclusions from this due to the small sample size. The survey also allowed for consideration of connections between sense of school belonging and student identity, enabling reflections on orientations to educational “success.” Taking the belonging and student identity components together, students were grouped into four clusters: (1) High scores on belonging and student identity (48.4% of students); (2) High scores on belonging and lower scores on student identity (18.8%); (3) Moderately high scores on student identity and low scores on belonging (22.4%); and (4) Low scores on belonging and student identity (10.4%). Importantly, nearly half (48.4%) of the students had high scores on both the belonging and student identity components, whereas only one in ten students (10.4%) had low scores on both components. The survey exploring students’ self-reported sense of belonging and student identity indicates an overall positive orientation to school amongst most students. However, it is also important to note that not all students reported positive school experiences. Some of these findings differ slightly to previous research in Victoria and Australia, although different questions and sample sizes make these difficult to compare. For example, positive views on classmates appeared to be higher in our project than in the Attitudes to School Survey (DET, n.d.-a), but enjoyment of school appeared to be lower in our project than in the Australian Child Wellbeing Project (Redmond et al., 2016). Finally, it should be noted that this is a snapshot of how students were feeling on the day, and how they responded to these particular questions. The next section more broadly explores belonging and wellbeing in the classrooms, drawing on the ethnographies in the two case study classes to reflect on three prominent aspects of belonging and wellbeing.

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6.2 Belonging and Wellbeing in Classroom Contexts Much of the existing research on school belonging has focused on the perspectives of individual students, as discussed above in relation to the survey. This section draws on our ethnographies in the two case study classes in Melbourne to examine everyday practices of (and possibilities for) belonging and wellbeing in classrooms. This broadens the existing research by considering how spaces of belonging may be created, and how this looks in practice. As is common practice in Melbourne, students had dedicated class teachers, with the Year 4 class at Naarm Primary School taught by one teacher and the Year 4 class at Maribyrnong Primary School taught by a team of three teachers with a larger cohort of children equivalent to three classes (approximately 60 students). Our ethnographic observations generally focused on the whole class, with individual students contributing to the whole experience. This enabled a broader consideration of possibilities for belonging in the classrooms, rather than focusing on individual students’ sense of belonging. At the whole class level, belonging is co-constructed in exchanges between people and in situational contexts. For example, teachers’ practices might work to increase belonging at times but do not necessarily always work for all students. Our analysis was from our perspectives as adults and researchers observing in the classroom context. Drawing on our ethnographic fieldnotes, we explore three varied and diverse ways that belonging and wellbeing could occur in the classrooms: student–teacher relationships, wellbeing as learning content, and cultural belonging. These aspects are located in the broader context of schooling in Melbourne and the Victorian Curriculum. As well as considering how possible spaces for belonging were created, potential challenges to a sense of belonging for some students are also reflected on.

6.2.1 Student–Teacher Relationships Student–teacher relationships appeared to be significant in creating a context of belonging at school. Our ethnographic fieldnotes contain multiple examples of not only specific interactions between teachers and students, but also many teacher practices that seemed to build on and increase a sense of belonging for students. As mentioned above, previous quantitative studies have found that how a teacher supports students in classrooms, and the strategies used to build relationships, are significant for students developing a sense of belonging (Allen et al., 2018). Previous research has shown a wide diversity between countries in students’ views about their teachers in terms of the support that they provide or show to their students (Inchley et al., 2020), and how well teachers listen and treat students fairly (Rees and Main, 2015). For example, researchers in one study suggest that a “good teacher” is often viewed in relation to interpersonal factors in student–teacher relationships in Australia, whereas in other locations knowledge of content is viewed as key to making a “good teacher” (Aldridge & Fraser, 2000). The Teaching and Learning

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International Survey (TALIS) 2018 suggests that nearly all Australian primary school teachers in the survey agreed or strongly agreed that “most teachers believe that the students’ wellbeing is important” (98.7%), “teachers and students usually get on well with each other” (97.4%), and “most teachers are interested in what students have to say” (96.5%) (OECD, 2019, Table I.3.47). These are slightly higher than the international TALIS average (OECD, 2019, Table I.3.47). In Australia, the relational role of teachers as being caring and having empathy for their students is often viewed as important by students and teachers (Graham et al., 2016; Kemp & Reupert, 2012). This section begins with the case study class teachers’ reflections on their approaches to teaching, then explores the ways in which relaxed and informal relationships as a key aspect of student–teacher relationships appeared to create a sense of belonging in both case study classes. Following this is a consideration of how “positive” classrooms were created via teachers’ praise, encouragement, and rewards for the students.

6.2.1.1

Teachers’ Approaches to Teaching

Teachers’ approaches to teaching, and the ways this is supported by the school and broader schooling system, can be an important contributor to students’ sense of belonging. We do not suggest practices of belonging are teacher-directed, but student–teacher relationships often position teachers in a hierarchical relationship with students. Even though Australian classrooms, and the Melbourne classrooms in our case studies, are often relaxed and informal, they are usually still teachercentred, for example, in the ways in which lessons are managed and constructed, as we explored in Chaps. 3 and 4. The four class teachers from the case study classes described their approach to teaching and priorities in similar ways in our informal interviews with them, as introduced in Chap. 4. For example, they articulated a focus on building relationships with students and the importance of enjoyment as a function of engagement. At Naarm Primary School, Tyler described his approach to teaching as making it as fun as possible, prioritising developing relationships with students, and equipping them with skills for learning. Tyler was also part of the Wellbeing community of practice at the school, which met once a term. At Maribyrnong Primary School, the three regular class teachers mentioned similar approaches. Miss Monica said she wanted to be the teacher who was fun and joked along with the students but was firm and strict when she needed to be. Mr Jason said he cherished relationships he built with students. He said he would like to think the students knew where they stood with him, and being called by his given name contributes to students not thinking they are below him and he is above them. He also spoke about the school-wide positive behaviour support (SWPBS) framework which he described as moving away from a focus on negatives to a focus on positives, teaching children what to do rather than disciplining them. He felt this was important in establishing relationships with children and for children to know that teachers support them. Finally, Miss Stella, the Year 4 lead teacher, described her approach and philosophy as needing to be prepared

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for anything. She said you can plan, but you need to be flexible, and nothing has to be perfect. She said you must try to change with the children and the curriculum and use the people above and around you to help, noting the importance of the school environment. She also mentioned building relationships with students. From these informal interviews, it is evident that all four of the class teachers were focused on the wellbeing of their students. The whole school environment also impacts on how teachers approach their teaching and has implications for student–teacher relationships and feelings of belonging and wellbeing in school. For example, as Mr Jason mentioned, the SWPBS framework was used at Maribyrnong Primary School, which is supported by the Victorian education department, but is not used in all schools in Victoria (DET, 2021b). The SWPBS framework is used to reward and encourage students and create positive school environments, although has an underlying aim to prevent the development of what is considered to be “problematic” behaviour amongst students (DET, 2021b). Teachers at Maribyrnong Primary School were working within the context of this framework, which shaped their teaching practices and approach to the students. Another example of the impact of school-wide practices on teachers was that at both schools most teachers were referred to by their given names (which, in the case of Maribyrnong Primary School, was preceded with “Miss,” “Mrs,” or “Mr”). This appeared to be a practice that these teachers were comfortable with, and it would have been more difficult to implement in a school which used more formal modes of address.

6.2.1.2

Relaxed and Informal Relationships

While teachers closely monitor time (Chap. 3) and lesson structure (Chap. 4), the case study classes at both schools had relatively relaxed and informal student–teacher relationships. This section considers the two classes in turn to provide a picture of this aspect of the classroom environment in relation to belonging. We would contend that these relationships were built on the teachers’ approaches to teaching (as discussed above), and how they set up and maintained their classrooms, in the context of the broader school and schooling system, as well as responding to the particular cohort of students for that year. However, we do not regard relaxed and informal student– teacher relationships as the only way to create spaces of belonging, despite this appearing to work in practice in these classrooms. As mentioned above, pedagogical and professional practices that are set or encouraged in individual schools can contribute to creating classrooms with relaxed and informal student–teacher relationships. Along with teachers being called by their given names at Naarm Primary School, classrooms did not have a teacher’s desk as, according to Tyler, the teacher should always be roaming. Tyler sometimes sat or stood at the front of the classroom, but at other times, he moved around the classroom, sat on a beanbag, or sat on the floor with students. Thus, he interacted with

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the students, and they approached him, probably more often than if he was sitting at a desk. The relatively small class size of 22 students, with one teacher, also allowed for a closer relationship to be created. Tyler appeared to be approachable and attempted to create a fun and relaxed classroom. Students often asked Tyler questions and approached him individually when they needed help or wanted to tell him a story or occasionally a joke. Although whole class time where students sat on the floor was used for morning greetings (see Chap. 3) and intentional teaching (see Chap. 4), it also helped create a sense of belonging and connection in the classroom, largely due to the way Tyler interacted with the students. During whole class time where the students sat on the floor, there was nearly always time for questions, sometimes invited by Tyler with his open phrase of “any other questions, queries, comments?” Tyler allowed students to take their shoes off in the classroom and to read books on their iPads (rather than only hard copy versions), and he put on playlists of relaxing music during quiet lessons. Such practices were varied between teachers at the school. Tyler also joked with students, sometimes put on funny voices, seemingly to both engage and amuse students (e.g. whispering, using a “worried” voice), and joined in a sports game he gave the class as a reward. The informal student–teacher relationship was also illustrated by Tyler’s approach to taking tests. For example, on one occasion, the students had completed an informal test about maps in Numeracy with a relief teacher the previous day, and Tyler checked in with some students about their incorrect responses. Rather than being concerned with the incorrect answers specifically, he instead wanted to understand why the students responded as they did, and whether they had understood the question incorrectly or were having trouble with the strategy. He sat with this small group of students on the floor to discuss this and go through the correct strategy. The relatively small classroom size and Tyler’s teaching style, which was often reflective of, or at least supported by the school, helped to create positive relationships between him and his class of students. His approachability and support of the students helped to contribute to creating a context of belonging in this classroom. Some similar practices occurred at Maribyrnong Primary School, although the dynamic of the classroom was very different due to the large class size and teamteaching approach. As with Naarm Primary School, most teachers were known by their given names, although at Maribyrnong Primary School this was preceded by “Miss,” “Mrs,” or “Mr” (notably the principal was more formally referred to by his title and family name). In the Year 4 class at Maribyrnong Primary School, teachers used a shared desk area in the front corner of the classroom which students approached, although during lessons teachers were more likely to be standing or sitting at the front of the classroom, “roaming” the classroom to help individual students, “conferencing” with individual students, or working with groups of students that needed extra help. Often, each role had been pre-planned in terms of how each teacher engaged in the various planned activities and detailed on the weekly planner the class teachers had compiled. At Maribyrnong Primary School, we observed the student–teacher relationships as being more relaxed outside of planned lessons. For example, there were usually

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about a dozen students in the classroom before the morning bell (often girls), chatting to the class teachers and other students. These were not necessarily the same students each day, and the numbers fluctuated prior to the morning bell. On one occasion, five students were watching Miss Stella write the “Words of the Week” vocabulary cards to stick on the wall at the front of the classroom above the whiteboard. On another day, a girl was reading out addition questions to quiz Miss Monica. Students and teachers also chatted when lining up, after the bell sounded for break times and the end of the school day, and when walking to assembly. Whole class time with students sitting on the floor was an opportunity for teachers to engage with their class in a more informal and relaxed way, although the large class size meant this dynamic was quite different from, and less interactive than, the single class context at Naarm Primary School. The time on the floor was often engaging for many of the children, such as in “warm up” games to lessons, although smaller numbers directly participated in the games, as described in Chap. 4. In addition, Mr Jason in particular shared occasional stories about his life outside of school, as they related to what he thought might interest the students, such as travel or his enjoyment of music, sometimes turning these into new learning opportunities. He also expressed his fondness for the students during these kind of relaxed whole class (teacher-directed) chats. The following excerpt illustrates both aspects, at the point in the day where the class came together for the first time, due to being split into smaller groupings for specialist lessons with other teachers: Mr Jason sits at the front of the classroom. He says to the students, “Good to see you all, I was away on Friday, I’ve missed you. Monday’s a bit weird, it gets about halfway through Monday, and we say hello.” A student says, “He says that every time.” Miss Monica says, “He misses you.” Mr Jason tells them about his travels over the weekend and tries to show them on a map on the television screen, but it isn’t working. (The next day Mr Jason shows the students the suburb their school is in and where he was using Google Maps.) (After lunch routine, Maribyrnong Primary School, Monday, Term 3)

The ways in which teachers worked together by building on and supporting each other also appeared to help create an informal and caring classroom environment. Although this relaxed and informal rapport between teachers and students was evident at both schools, in similar and different ways, belonging could be created for some students, but not for others. For example, some students may have had fewer opportunities for informal interactions with their teachers, particularly in the larger class at Maribyrnong Primary School. In addition, teachers’ jokes and attempts to amuse the students may be enjoyed by some students but not others or may have made some feel uncomfortable. This section has particularly focused on the informal aspects of classroom life in the two classes in relation to creating a sense of belonging and wellbeing. Extending the discussions of teachers attempting to manage students in relation to time in Chap. 3, the next section more specifically explores teachers’ use of praise, encouragement, and rewards.

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Teachers’ Praise, Encouragement, and Rewards

Building on the previous section, the two classes epitomised “positive” learning environments, with a focus on praising, encouraging, and rewarding students for their actions. Praise and encouragement took many and varied forms and could be for schoolwork or behaviour, and could be given to students as a whole class or individually (in front of the whole class or separately). Rewards were favoured at both schools over punishments where possible, with specific practices varying between the two schools. As mentioned above, Maribyrnong Primary School drew on a SWPBS framework, impacting the ways in which teachers and other staff in the school engaged with students. In their research with primary school students from one rural Australian school, Burnett and Mandel (2010) found that students enjoyed being praised (particularly privately), with older students (Years 5–7) preferring feedback relating to effort, and younger students (Year 1–4) preferring feedback relating to ability. These authors report four main types of teacher feedback: ability, effort, general, and negative. They observed most feedback to be general. Using these categories, teacher feedback in the case study classes can also be related to general (e.g. “great idea,” “you guys are kicking goals today”), effort (e.g. “good try,” “do your best, it’s not a spelling test as well”), ability (e.g. “you’re a genius!,” “good place value knowledge”), and negative (e.g. “far too noisy when we came in,” “this is embarrassing, what were you supposed to do?”). Ability comments were not common, which may reflect strategies by teachers to deliberately focus on effort rather than ability due to both the cohort of students and the context of teaching in Australia. Teachers at both schools frequently provided encouraging feedback to students, relating to their schoolwork as well as their behaviour, such as in this excerpt from Naarm Primary School: Tyler says, “Thank you to those people who’ve been working well. (Name of boy) looking good.” Tyler walks around, including into the class library. He encourages and helps the students. Tyler says, “Boys at this table, very, very nicely done.” (Numeracy, Naarm Primary School, Tuesday, Term 3)

At Maribyrnong Primary School, the school demographics and the range of abilities in the class meant that the teachers often focused on encouraging students to be confident in their abilities and to try their best. There were frequent examples of this during our time in the classrooms, such as from Mr Jason, “If you put in your best effort, I’m going to be so proud of you” and Miss Stella, “Looking at sheets I see a lot of trying to work it out, I don’t see many blank sheets, I see a lot of highlighting. These aren’t easy questions.” Students were also encouraged by their teachers to ask for help if they needed it, including to join small groups of students working with teachers for more supported learning (usually sitting on the floor together at the front of the classroom) and to ask their classmates.

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The focus on praise and encouragement also occurred in one-on-one interactions, such as individual conferencing where teachers worked with individual students to assess their learning. In the following excerpt from a Reading lesson, Miss Stella was checking in with a student on the progress of her reading goal, where she praised the student and told her what she liked about her responses: Miss Stella says, “I like you’re picking non-fiction, fiction, interest books (the student has chosen a range of books). Which book’s ‘just right’ for you?” The girl has picked a book she hasn’t read because it looks interesting. Miss Stella says, “Let’s read the first chapter together and I’ll see if you understand it.” Miss Stella fills out a form on a laptop as they talk. The girl is reading to Miss Stella in a quiet voice. Miss Stella says, “Fantastic.” She asks her questions about the content of the book (recount). Miss Stella asks for more information and tells the girl what she likes about her responses. (Reading, Maribyrnong Primary School, Tuesday, Term 1)

These examples of teachers’ praise and encouragement may contribute to a student’s sense of belonging as they demonstrate teachers’ support and belief in them and their learning. However, we also note that sometimes this approach can relate to control and classroom management, where students are encouraged to behave in particular ways (e.g. Conroy et al., 2009). This could be seen in several examples, such as “4C walked in beautifully, we need the others to do the same” (Miss Monica) and “You’re holding your computers properly, I love to see you holding your computers properly” (Miss Stella names a few students individually). In some cases, students who follow the rules may feel a stronger sense of belonging than other students, at least in terms of the student–teacher relationships created and the more formal aspects of schooling, such as when students are required to sit and work quietly at their desks to complete work. At the same time, this praise may not increase a sense of belonging amongst classmates, depending on the setting and context, where students may use this praise to bully other students (e.g. Burnett and Mandel, 2010), although we did not observe this during our visits. Related to praise and encouragement, teachers used rewards which helped to create a sense of belonging and teamwork amongst the students, but were perhaps more directly aimed at both engaging and managing the students. Both schools based behaviour management on rewards, rather than punishments, particularly at Maribyrnong Primary School which used the SWPBS framework, as mentioned above. This was most visible in the class in the form of students being rewarded with “high five cards” for effort, behaviour, or completing tasks (e.g. reading at home for six or seven nights in a row), which could be awarded by class teachers or other teachers at the school. Several students came back to class from specialist lessons or various assistance programmes telling one or more of the class teachers they had received a “high five card” from another teacher. “High five cards” were also mentioned at whole school assemblies, and there was a “PBS shop” on Thursdays, where students could spend their cards on activities such as a class job for the week or choosing a partner. In addition to the individual SWPBS rewards, the Year 4 class at Maribyrnong Primary School also used a system where marbles were awarded to the class, and then, the class received a reward. A student was chosen to literally

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throw a marble into a jar, and these were then tallied on a chart hung in the classroom (see Fig. 6.3). According to Mr Jason, the students chose the list of rewards as a class at the start of the year; these included icy poles, free time, and a dance party. Marbles could be used to encourage the students to be focused and quiet in their individual deskwork (such as the Writing example we explored in Chap. 4 where a marble was awarded for each six minutes of writing) or to encourage students in their whole class learning, such as “warm up” games at the start of lessons. In contrast to Maribyrnong Primary School, reward systems were used less often in the Year 4 class at Naarm Primary School. This class used the “ClassDojo” platform, where students were rewarded individually or as a class, with points added to their online character profile. These were awarded by the class teacher Tyler occasionally, as well as by relief teachers and other teachers. Tyler described this as a “positive rewards system” where good behaviours in class were rewarded (e.g. teamwork, working hard, being kind, being positive) and points were never taken away from students. In his class, they aimed for five points every week, and if they received ten in a fortnight, they were rewarded with “Dojo time.” Tyler said this was only used by a few of the year level teams across the school. In one session, Tyler brought up the students’ “Dojo” profiles on the television screen and explained they all needed 15 “Dojos” to be rewarded with a game outside. This was then referred to Fig. 6.3 Marble rewards chart and marble jar

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several times for the rest of the day, and the following day when the whole class was rewarded with a game. The “ClassDojo” platform is a popular rewards system and is used internationally (Manolev et al., 2019). However, it has been criticised for the datafication of discipline in schools and potential impacts on privacy (Manolev et al., 2019). From our time in the Year 4 class at Naarm Primary School, the “ClassDojo” system was used infrequently and did not seem to have a big impact on children’s everyday lifeworlds. These reward systems at both schools, as well as the ways in which teachers focused on praise and nurtured informal relationships with students, are all important for understanding the context of the classrooms, including in relation to possibilities for belonging and wellbeing. They also help to provide context for other findings in this book, such as students’ focus on effort and behaviour when asked how they were doing at school (as discussed in Chap. 5).

6.2.2 Wellbeing as Learning Content There has been a significant amount of critical writing about wellbeing curriculum, interventions, and programmes in schools, such as in relation to “social and emotional learning” (e.g. Frydenberg et al., 2017) and “positive psychology“ (e.g. Chodkiewicz & Boyle, 2017). While the SWPBS framework discussed above may be viewed as fitting with these approaches, this section focuses more specifically on classroom lessons with learning content relating to wellbeing. In the Victorian Curriculum F-10, wellbeing is most explicitly written about in relation to Health and Physical Education. “Mental health and wellbeing” is one focus area of the curriculum and is taught at all levels, and: addresses how mental health and wellbeing can be enhanced and strengthened at an individual and community level. The curriculum supports students to develop knowledge, understanding and skills to manage their own mental health and wellbeing and to support that of others (VCAA, 2016, Health and Physical Education, Focus areas section).

In Victoria, Health and Physical Education also includes Respectful Relationships, focusing on respect, equality, relationships, resilience, and confidence, for all primary and secondary school level students (DET, 2017). As noted above, the general capabilities in the Victorian Curriculum (and Australian Curriculum) can also be seen as relating to wellbeing, such as the Personal and Social Capability. In both the case study classes, wellbeing was at times a focus of learning content. The following section explores this in two key ways: wellbeing as a subject at Naarm Primary School and learning about belonging and wellbeing through picture books at both schools.

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Wellbeing as a Subject

A “Wellbeing” lesson was scheduled once a week at Naarm Primary School, whereas elements relating to wellbeing were incorporated into other subjects at Maribyrnong Primary School, as we discuss using the example of picture books in the section below. During our visit in Term 1, the Wellbeing lesson was taken by a relief teacher as Tyler was out of the classroom for this lesson. Despite being scheduled, there was no Wellbeing lesson in Term 3 as Tyler was absent due to other school duties, and the class worked on their History projects with two other Year 4 classes. One of the girls told us that Tyler did not like teaching the Wellbeing lesson, although we are unsure if that was the case. Nonetheless, this perception from a student and the lesson being taken by a relief teacher in one week and not taught in another suggests that perhaps Wellbeing as a discrete lesson did not receive much status in this classroom, although we note Tyler introduced wellbeing ideas at other times (and was focused on positive relationships with the students, as discussed in detail above). Continuing with our close look at everyday life in the classrooms, we provide a detailed ethnographic fieldnote narrative of the Wellbeing lesson we observed, taught by the relief teacher Liz, with whom the students were relatively familiar. In this lesson, the students were completing a “problem roundabout,” a Respectful Relationships activity (DET, 2018): After outlining some “rules” for the lesson (e.g. no talking), Liz (relief teacher) says to the class who are seated on the floor, “You’ve just got me for this lesson, it’s a feely lesson.” Liz says, “We’ve got one person talking which means we all need to listen. What do you think of when I say the word ‘problem’?” A student answers “People having arguments.” Liz asks what a dilemma is, to which a student answers with problems on TV. Liz says, “Imagine a TV show without any problems.” Several students start talking. Liz says, “I’m going to stop everyone. We’re going to need to come up with a definition for what a problem is.” Liz gets the class to brainstorm, asking students for ideas. She says she did philosophy at university with dilemmas like “If there’s a fire and the president’s in one building and Granny’s in the other who do you pull out?” Several students say, “Granny!” Liz gives another example— what to play. Students offer solutions, there are lots of hands raised. She says, “This is a feely sheet.” She explains with an example on the whiteboard. Students appear to be engaged and continue to raise their hands. Liz tells the students she wants to give a whole class “Dojo” [reward point, discussed above] and then gives students the “problem roundabout“ sheet to take to their desks to work on. She puts on some background music. The students have come up with many different problems for their “problem roundabouts,” such as “There are no teachers at the school,” “You get lost at Luna Park [an amusement park],” “2 people want to play footy, 2 soccer,” “Your mum has fainted, what do you do[?],” “One pencil left, your friend also wants it,” “There’s no train to Hogwarts.” Liz walks around helping students. Liz gains the students’ attention and facilitates some students sharing their work with the whole class. A girl reads her responses for “There are no teachers at the school” (see Fig. 6.4) and then another student reads. Liz says to share the positive and negative. After this, Liz says, “You have 5 minutes, maybe 10. If you’ve finished, add some more ideas or do another on the back. You can also use colour and decorate.” (Wellbeing, Naarm Primary School, Tuesday, Term 1)

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Fig. 6.4 Wellbeing “problem roundabout”. Note This is based on the “problem roundabout” activity from Respectful Relationships learning materials (DET, 2018). “No teachers at the school and no sub [substitute teacher] has come.” Four options are illustrated: “Have a party,” “go to the office” (outcome: “We be qui[e]t and no trouble”), “We play outside the [w]hole day!” (“no one to tell us off”/“we have fun”), “We go home!” (“Someone fined [found] us!”)

This example of one Wellbeing lesson highlights the potential for students to engage with and discuss solutions to “real life” problems. However, while the teacher creates an engaging lesson for the students, there is not much attention paid to working through solving problems as a class, and the lesson of Wellbeing did not appear to have a high status within the context of this classroom.

6.2.2.2

Learning Through Picture Books

Picture books can be used in classrooms to open discussions about different topics and encourage certain behaviours (e.g. McNamee & Mercurio, 2007). Utilising picture books was one of the ways in which emotional wellbeing was directly discussed in both the case study classes, particularly at Maribyrnong Primary School. In these classrooms, picture books were used as a tool for initiating discussions about dealing with emotions, coping with disappointment, self-esteem, and friendship and inclusion. This highlights the ways in which teachers can introduce discussions of positive feelings about the self and relationships with others in ways that adapt to their particular class. These picture books were often incorporated into subjects such as Reading where students were learning about emotional wellbeing and skills of English and literacy. Over the week of our Term 1 visit, the Year 4 class at Maribyrnong Primary School was read and discussed three books relating to emotional wellbeing: 1-2 -3 A Calmer Me: Helping Children Cope When Emotions Get Out of Control (Patterson & Miles,

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2016), The Disappointment Dragon: Learning to Cope with Disappointment (for all children and dragon tamers, including those with Asperger Syndrome) (Al-Ghani, 2014), and I Want Your Moo: A Story for Children About Self-Esteem (Weiner & Neimark, 2010). As one example, the reading of 1-2-3 A Calmer Me (Patterson & Miles, 2016), by Magination Press which is published by the American Psychological Association, was part of broader work with students in a topic on health in both Reading and Writing and embedded in a discussion about emotions: Miss Stella says, “All this week we’ll be talking about health. What is health? [It’s] not just food.” Several students put their hands up and add suggestions, mostly about bodies. A student says, “Mind.” Miss Stella says, “Yes, mind health, we’re focusing on emotional health.” Miss Monica writes on the freestanding whiteboard “Emotional health.” Miss Stella reads from the TV: “Learning Intention: To understand prior knowledge helps us understand.” Miss Stella holds up the picture book 1-2-3 A Calmer Me. She asks, “What are the types of emotions people can feel?” Several students put their hands up. A boy says, “disgusted,” and a girl says, “excited.” Miss Monica writes these words on the whiteboard. Miss Stella keeps choosing students with their hands up. She gives feedback like “That’s a good one” and elaborates on students’ responses. To several of the responses she says, “That’s a character trait” (rather than an emotion). There is some discussion amongst the educators as to whether certain suggestions are emotions or traits. Miss Stella says, “All of those emotions are normal, it’s what you do when you feel those things.” Miss Stella reads 1-2-3 A Calmer Me to the class. She holds up the book, so students can see the pictures. It’s about a girl who gets “mad” and how she deals with it. Miss Stella reads from the book, “Give yourself a big hug, nice and tight.” About half of the students do this. The students seem engaged. A boy near the front puts his hand up. Miss Stella leads a discussion with the students, asking, “What do you think’s going to happen next?” and then “What’s it trying to teach you?” (Reading, Maribyrnong Primary School, Tuesday, Term 1)

This book helped to continue a discussion on emotions and also worked to improve children’s concepts and skills in English and literacy, such as predicting what would happen next in the story. Picture books were also used to discuss emotions at Naarm Primary School. The Year 4 class read a book called The Invisible Boy (Ludwig, 2013) which told a story about a boy named Brian who was often overlooked and excluded in class. This book focused particularly on belonging in the classroom: Tyler writes “INTERNAL” and “EXTERNAL” on the whiteboard and says, “Who would like to be my scribe? You’ve got to have neat handwriting.” About half of the students put their hands up and he picks a girl. He says, “We’re going to read a book, it’s quite sad. The illustrations are ‘b-e-autiful,’ take note of the illustrations as the book goes on please.” Tyler starts reading the book out loud and all students are looking. He asks, “Can we infer character traits?” Students put their hands up and share, e.g. a girl says, “Lonely.” Tyler says to the scribe, “Write it up there.” The other two responses are from boys, “Invisible” and “Sad.” Tyler says, “Put your hand up if you’ve ever been left out of something. Keep it up if it made you feel sad.” Most students have their hands up, as does Tyler. He continues reading and asks, “What do his [Brian’s] drawings tell us?” Students put their hands up and respond. Tyler continues reading. Students become more engaged, a few move closer and sit up a bit. Tyler reads in an animated voice.

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When he’s finished reading, he says, “What do you reckon guys? Share your thoughts about the text with me.” A girl responds. Tyler says to the scribe, “Draw a line.” Then, they put what Brian was like at the end of the book; he started to feel good and was relieved. Tyler says, “Guys quite often in class it gets to the end of picking partners and there’s someone left, it could be because they didn’t attempt to find a partner, or they were excluded. I hope that doesn’t happen in this class, put yourself out there, quite often someone doesn’t have a partner, be a three. If you see someone who looks like Brian, ask them to join with you.” (Reading, Naarm Primary School, Thursday, Term 1)

As with the teachers at Maribyrnong Primary School, here, Tyler uses a picture book to both contribute to English and literacy skills (inferring and comprehension in relation to issues the children may be familiar with) and open a discussion about belonging and emotions. However, this is somewhat brief, and Tyler also mentions individual responsibility, implying some students may not try hard enough to find classmates with which to work. The examples of learning through picture books and one Wellbeing lesson have illustrated some of the ways belonging, and wellbeing was directly taught as part of classroom lessons. As documented, these examples can be an engaging way to explore these topics with students, as well as to teach other aspects of the curriculum, such as in relation to concepts and skills of English and literacy. Cultural belonging was also explored more specifically in some classroom topics as considered in the next section.

6.2.3 My Place, My Culture: Cultural Belonging in Classroom Topics One specific aspect of belonging in schools is cultural belonging. Australian studies of belonging and culture at school have tended to focus on students from refugee and migrant students (see the review by Miller et al., 2018), while others have focused on “Australian” culture and identity and students’ identification with this (Gill & Howard, 2009; Walton et al., 2018). Others have criticised the “lazy multiculturalism” (Watkins & Noble, 2019) or “food, flags and festivals” approaches (Ohi et al., 2019) occurring in schools in Australia, which draw on simplistic understandings of culture. As detailed earlier in this book (particularly in Chap. 2), Melbourne is a global city with a diverse population in terms of cultures, languages, religions, and countries of birth. Cultural belonging is important for all children in schools but can be particularly important to consider for children who come from cultural backgrounds which are outside the dominant “White” cultural values and practices of the formal education system in Australia (Rahman, 2013). The two case study schools had high numbers of students with a language background other than English, but the teachers at both schools were much less culturally and linguistically diverse (see Chap. 1), reflecting primary school-age children and teachers in Melbourne more broadly (see Chap. 2).

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We suggest that cultural belonging is both part of school belonging and broader than school belonging, as it also relates to the broader community. In the Victorian Curriculum, Intercultural is one of four general capabilities, adapted from the Australian Curriculum, and is intended to be taught across the curriculum rather than as a standalone learning area or subject (VCAA, 2016, n.d.-b).2 The Australian Curriculum has a focus on “intercultural,” whereas a focus on “culture” is more common in other countries (ACARA, 2019). While cultural belonging is not explicitly mentioned, it can be implied as part of the rationale: “Intercultural capability enables students to learn to value their own cultures, languages, and beliefs, and those of others. Students learn about diverse cultures in ways that recognise commonalities and differences, create connections with others and cultivate mutual respect” (VCAA, 2016). At Level 3 and 4 (Year 3 and 4) of the Victorian Curriculum, the focus is on “developing the knowledge, skills and understandings to enable students to learn about culture relevant to their social world of family, home, school, friends and neighbourhood” (VCAA, 2016). However, there is little attention given to how the Intercultural capability might be developed and enacted in classrooms (Deery, 2019). This section considers two examples of this teaching and learning from one of the case study classes. In the Year 4 class at Maribyrnong Primary School, data from the school showed that nearly 40% of children were born outside of Australia, and 70% of children spoke a language other than English at home, with just over half of the students having Vietnamese backgrounds. The teachers and staff at the school were predominately White, although we do not have information about their country of birth or language spoken at home. Although we do not suggest that cultural belonging is only relevant to these children, we do explore how culture was explicitly discussed in the classroom. Students at Naarm Primary School also studied topics relating to culture, such as the Australian history projects mentioned in Chap. 4. In this section, we focus on two topics explicitly about culture that the Year 4 class at Maribyrnong Primary School was studying during our Term 3 visit, as these are of particular interest to us here. It is not suggested that cultural belonging only occurs when culture is explicitly spoken about or taught, but these examples are interesting to reflect on when considering cultural belonging. The first example is a Reading topic in Term 3 based on the wellknown and often studied Australian book My Place (Wheatley, 2008), which focuses on changes relating to the people and land in one part of Sydney over many decades. The second example is a “My Culture” project which took place in dedicated research project time in Term 3, where students researched aspects of their own culture (or one of their own cultures) in groups with other students from the same country backgrounds.

2

It is also relevant to note that two of the cross-curriculum priorities relate directly to culture: “Learning about Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander histories and cultures” and “Learning about Asia and Australia’s engagement with Asia.”

6.2 Belonging and Wellbeing in Classroom Contexts

6.2.3.1

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My Place Topic

Maribyrnong Primary School’s Reading topic for Term 3 was My Place, a story which chronicles the people and land in one part of Sydney from 1988 back to 1788, with each decade told from the perspective of one child where characters and families interweave over time. My Place was published in 1987 and an updated twentieth anniversary edition was published in 2008 (Wheatley, 2008). The book was then made into a television series (Season 1 in 2009, Season 2 in 2011), which added two new years and characters (1998 and 2008) plus different/additional earlier characters. My Place also has a dedicated website for teachers to use in classrooms (https://myp lace.edu.au/). At Maribyrnong Primary School, the class was reading and discussing the book and watching the television series in reverse order, so it was in chronological order, presumably, so the children would find it easier to follow. The teachers also created a timeline that was hung in the classroom, with a new piece added as the class read about each child/year in the book (see Fig. 6.5). For the week we were there, there was no noticeable deskwork on this topic; instead the students listened, watched, and discussed the book and television series as a whole class group. During this week, the class came back to this topic five times for about 20–30 min each time, mostly as part of Reading. As mentioned in Chap. 3, My Place was a topic in Reading (where they were learning about inferring) but also related to the History and Civics and Citizenship curriculum. My Place is remarkable in its scope and the content that it introduces to children. Through the introduction of this content, the book opened discussions on many significant issues in Australia, such as the long history of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in Australia, colonialism, migration, class, and gender. Mr Jason, who was the lead teacher for Reading during this term, was very enthusiastic about these conversations, but told us he was not sure how much he should tell the children as “they’re only 9 or 10.” We were interested in the ways in which the discussions about My Place were able to unite the class as Australians, while also

Fig. 6.5 My Place timeline in the classroom

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celebrating diversity and addressing the troubling past and present in Australia. For example, in the extract below, the book sparks critical engagement with Australian history, something which the students were curious about: Mr Jason says, “My Place “to signal the start of the lesson. There’s questions and answers. Mr Jason asks students questions. There’s a discussion of migration and class. A few students put up their hands eagerly to both answer and ask questions. Mr Jason holds up the book and says, “We’re up to 1888, there’s questions to discuss and we’re going to infer, who did we last meet?” A boy says, “Henry.” Mr Jason goes on to recap the story of Heinrich. Miss Monica writes “1888” on the whiteboard, this is the year they are up to in the book. Mr Jason says, “Now there’s a bit in this book that says Australia had its 100th birthday, hands up if that’s true.” One student puts their hand up. Mr Jason says, “Hands up if that’s false.” Most students put their hands up. A few students answer, including one who says “We don’t know how long Aboriginal people have been here.” Mr Jason explains this point further. The students are interested in how long Aboriginal people live for and why it’s less than non-Aboriginal people. Mr Jason says, “That’s something for ‘Curiosity’. All the questions—that’s what makes us proud to be teachers.” (Reading, Maribyrnong Primary School, Tuesday, Term 3)

Students demonstrated both their cultural belonging and engagement in the topic, sharing what is known as “prior knowledge” (things they already knew) to contribute to the discussions about the book. In other examples, when Australia’s previous currency (including shillings) was mentioned in relation to the story, a girl told the class the date when dollars were introduced in Australia, another student predicted war in the future, and when asked to infer what might happen next, several students put their hands up to contribute suggestions, drawing on their knowledge. Students also demonstrated a desire to know more and asked questions of their teachers, prompting Mr Jason to suggest they could explore these in their “Curiosity” lesson (see Chap. 4). We were interested in the high level of interest and engagement many of the students had in this topic compared with most other lessons. Many students were highly engaged in listening to Mr Jason reading the picture book and in the discussions. Similarly, many students appeared to be captivated by the television series, to the extent that several students clapped at the end of the episodes they watched, and some students occasionally whispered to Miss Monica about something that was happening in the show. Although one potential reason may be the ways in which this was taught as a whole class rather than individual deskwork, there also appeared to be something about the connections students made with the content, learning about an Australia which was both familiar and strange.

6.2.3.2

My Culture Research Project

The Year 4 class at Maribyrnong Primary School was also undertaking a “My Culture” research project during Term 3, which explicitly linked to their individual cultures. Students worked in pairs or groups where possible, although about eight children worked individually as they were the only children in the class with that country background. More than half of the students were researching Vietnamese

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culture and worked in small groups. Others researched their cultures from other countries in Asia and Africa, with few from Europe and only one student who was explicitly studying “Australian” culture as her topic. The class planner listed the Learning Intention of the lesson as “To understand our own culture and how it differs from others,” with students using a rubric and checklist to focus their research. The checklist included different aspects to research: facts, food, music, dance, traditions, clothing, and sports, as well as prompts under each, such as “Give examples and explain different foods within that culture” and “What traditions does that culture celebrate?” (see Fig. 6.6). This sometimes appeared to be a “food, flags and festivals” approach, although at other times appeared to be more complex, with some questions appearing to presume a homogenous culture within the country, and others allowing for an exploration of diversity. As with My Place, most students were enthusiastic about the project, and several groups produced a significant amount of work (see Fig. 6.7 for an example). Only one student expressed negative feelings to us about the task, saying he was bored because they did this last year and do it every year. This student was working in Fig. 6.6 My Culture research project checklist

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Fig. 6.7 My Culture research project notes

a pair with the only other classmate from the same country background. The high level of engagement may be related to the move beyond individual deskwork, where the students mostly worked in groups (with working cohesively in groups being another aim of the project), sitting around the classroom on the floor and at their desks, talking and sharing, and using a combination of books and computers. Again, students’ engagement also appeared to be related to the ways in which they were able to connect with the topic. Taking the My Culture research project and the My Place Reading topic together, the children were able to explore and reflect on their belonging to their individual cultures or country backgrounds and Australia more broadly, in line with the Intercultural general capability in the Victorian Curriculum. These topics linked to children’s out-of-school lifeworlds, where they were able to draw on their broad range of knowledge to contribute to discussions.

6.3 Summary Belonging and wellbeing are broad and slippery concepts, generally viewed as important in children’s lifeworlds, but difficult to define. This chapter focused on stories from the ethnographies in two case study classes which illustrated belonging and wellbeing (student–teacher relationships, wellbeing as learning content, and cultural belonging), as well as on students’ self-reported sense of school belonging and student identity in the survey. It appears that belonging and wellbeing are multifaceted and pervasive across many aspects of children’s lives in school. Although

6.3 Summary

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these examples were drawn on in this chapter to explore belonging and wellbeing in children’s everyday lifeworlds at school, we do not suggest these students and classrooms are (or can be) representative of the Melbourne context, nor even the participating schools. The survey with Year 4 students from four schools in Melbourne indicated that most children reported positively on their school experiences relating to a sense of school belonging, particularly in relation to teachers showing they like them, but also in relation to their classmates showing they like them and enjoying going to school. There were connections between belonging and student identity (views on themselves as students and their grades), with over half of the students responding positively to both the questions relating to these components. However, the survey highlighted there were differences between students, with some responding more positively than others. The ethnographies complemented and moved beyond individuals’ own sense of belonging to explore spaces and practices of belonging and wellbeing in classrooms. Teachers’ approaches to teaching and the school context (and broader schooling system) in which they teach are important for student–teacher relationships and the creation of belonging in classrooms. “Positive” classrooms were created with praise, encouragement, and rewards, although these also helped teachers to maintain discipline. It is important to reiterate that individual students in the classrooms were likely to have different experiences in relation to belonging, and the focus for the ethnographies was generally on the class as a whole rather than individual students. The Victorian Curriculum (largely following the Australian Curriculum) has a particular focus on wellbeing in Health and Physical Education, with the focus area of “Mental health and wellbeing,” as well as across the general capabilities, such as Personal and Social Capability. As discussed above, Naarm Primary School had a dedicated Wellbeing lesson, although it did not appear to have a high status in this classroom. Other learning areas or subjects also appeared important for belonging and wellbeing. From the ethnographies, it was clear that Reading could be used to explore ideas around belonging and wellbeing in picture books, including cultural belonging with the reading and viewing of My Place (Wheatley, 2008). Importantly, many of the examples of belonging and wellbeing focus on whole class activities, which move beyond individuals and focus on interactions and relationships. This extends the common research approach of examining school belonging via individual self-reports in surveys. Belonging and wellbeing are not static states but are constantly negotiated and changing for each child (see also Fattore, 2020). This chapter has drawn on specific examples of the ways in which these occurred in the case study classes, highlighting that belonging and wellbeing are culturally constructed and contested concepts (Fattore et al., 2019). By considering the ethnographies alongside the survey, we were able to reflect on potential ways that spaces of belonging and wellbeing were created in the specific case study classes, but may also relate to the broader Melbourne, Victorian, and Australian contexts.

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Ohi, S., O’Mara, J., Arber, R., Hartung, C., Shaw, G., & Halse, C. (2019). Interrogating the promise of a whole-school approach to intercultural education: An Australian investigation. European Educational Research Journal, 18(2), 234–247. https://doi.org/10.1177/1474904118796908 Patterson, C. A., & Miles, B. S. (2016). 1-2-3 a calmer me: Helping children cope when emotions get out of control [C. Keay, Illus.]. Magination Press. Rahman, K. (2013). Belonging and learning to belong in school: The implications of the hidden curriculum for Indigenous students. Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education, 34(5), 660–672. https://doi.org/10.1080/01596306.2013.728362 Redmond, G., Skattebol, J., Saunders, P., Lietz, P., Zizzo, G., O’Grady, E., Tobin, M., Thomson, S., Maurici, V., Huynh, J., Moffat, A., Wong, M., Bradbury, B., & Roberts, K. (2016). Are the kids alright? Young Australians in their middle years: Final report of the Australian Child Wellbeing Project. Flinders University, University of New South Wales, and Australian Council for Educational Research. http://www.australianchildwellbeing.com.au/sites/default/ files/uploads/ACWP_Final_Report_2016_Full.pdf Rees, G., & Main, G. (Eds.). (2015). Children’s views on their lives and well-being in 15 countries: A report on the Children’s Worlds survey, 2013–2014. Children’s Worlds project (ISCWeB). https:// www.york.ac.uk/inst/spru/research/pdf/ChildrensWorlds.pdf Street, H. (2017). Measures of success: Exploring the importance of context in the delivery of well-being and social and emotional learning programmes in Australian primary and secondary schools. In E. Frydenberg, A. J. Martin, & R. J. Collie (Eds.), Social and emotional learning in Australia and the Asia-Pacific: Perspectives, programs and approaches (pp. 39–54). Springer. Svane, D., Evans, N. S., & Carter, M.-A. (2019). Wicked wellbeing: Examining the disconnect between the rhetoric and reality of wellbeing interventions in schools. Australian Journal of Education, 63(2), 209–231. https://doi.org/10.1177/0004944119843144 Thomson, S., Hillman, K., Schmid, M., Rodrigues, S., & Fullarton, J. (2017). PIRLS 2016: Reporting Australia’s results. Australian Council for Educational Research. https://research. acer.edu.au/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?referer=https://scholar.google.com.au/&httpsredir=1&article= 1002&context=timss_2015 Victorian Curriculum and Assessment Authority. (2016). The Victorian Curriculum. Version dated 11 April 2022. https://victoriancurriculum.vcaa.vic.edu.au/ Victorian Curriculum and Assessment Authority. (n.d.-a). Health and Physical Education glossary. https://victoriancurriculum.vcaa.vic.edu.au/LearningArea/LoadFile?learningArea=health-andphysical-education&subject=health-and-physical-education&name=Health%20and%20Phys ical%20Education%20Glossary.docx&storage=Glossary Victorian Curriculum and Assessment Authority. (n.d.-b). Overview. https://victoriancurriculum. vcaa.vic.edu.au/overview/about Walton, J., Priest, N., Kowal, E., White, F., Fox, B., & Paradies, Y. (2018). Whiteness and national identity: Teacher discourses in Australian primary schools. Race Ethnicity and Education, 21(1), 132–147. https://doi.org/10.1080/13613324.2016.1195357 Watkins, M., & Noble, G. (2019). Lazy multiculturalism: Cultural essentialism and the persistence of the Multicultural Day in Australian schools. Ethnography and Education, 14(3), 295–310. https://doi.org/10.1080/17457823.2019.1581821 Weiner, M. B., & Neimark, J. (2010). I want your moo: A story for children about self-esteem [J. Adinolfi, Illus.]. Magination Press. Wheatley, N. (2008). My place [D. Rawlins, Illus.; 20th anniversary ed.]. Walker Books. Yelland, N., Bartholomaeus, C., Muspratt, S., Chan, A. K. W., Leung, V. W. M., Soo, L. M. J., & Lim, K. M. (2022). Belonging, student identity, and school activity preferences: Views from Year 4 in the global cities of Hong Kong, Singapore and Melbourne. Policy Futures in Education. Advance online publication https://doi.org/10.1177/14782103221136380

Chapter 7

Screens, Play, Sport, and Homework: Children’s Out-of-School Activities in Melbourne

Abstract This chapter draws on research from the Global Childhoods project with children in Melbourne to explore their experiences of activities outside of school. Firstly, to provide a broad overview of children’s after-school activities, the chapter presents children’s responses to a survey considering their weekday and weekend activities, and their enjoyment of these. It then draws on narratives from re-enactments with two children at home exploring their out-of-school activities. This research indicates that children in Melbourne participate in a broad range of activities outside of school, often informal rather than organised activities, and more often leisure than academic. We reflect on the implications of these findings for children’s orientations to educational “success” at school, and the ways in which diversity amongst children needs to be further explored. Keywords Children’s time use · Out-of-school activities · Video re-enactments · Children’s leisure activities · Children’s organised activities · Homework and academic tuition While most children spend a significant proportion of waking time each weekday during the school year attending school, they also spend a large amount of time before and after school and at weekends in their home and community. This chapter shifts the focus from children’s school lifeworlds to explore one aspect of their out-of-school lifeworlds. Few studies have focused specifically on children’s activities in the global city of Melbourne. Children in Melbourne are living in a city which is promoted as having a rich sporting and cultural focus, with numerous activities and opportunities, although children’s access to these is not evenly distributed (Skattebol & Redmond, 2019; Taylor & Fraser, 2003). This chapter provides a broad picture of children’s out-of-school activities by drawing on a survey with children in four schools in Melbourne, as well as providing a closer picture of two children’s lives by drawing on re-enactments and discussions with them. We are interested in children’s participation in, and enjoyment of, out-of-school activities for their own sake, but we also provide a brief reflection on links between out-of-school activities and children’s orientations to educational “success” at school.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 C. Bartholomaeus and N. Yelland, Children’s Lifeworlds in a Global City: Melbourne, Global Childhoods in the Asia-Pacific 3, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0573-7_7

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This chapter builds on international studies exploring children’s time use and participation in activities. International comparative reports have not included Australia but include a useful background to children’s activities in multiple countries. In particular, the Children’s Worlds project focuses on responses from 30,000 children aged 10 and 12 in 15 countries across four continents, including the frequency of children’s participation in activities (Rees, 2017; Rees & Main, 2015). The most common activities children reported undertaking every day or almost every day were as follows: Doing homework (78% of children); Watching TV/Listening to music (69%); Helping around the house (53%); and Playing sports/Doing exercise (51%). For several of the items, these percentages varied greatly between some countries, such as for homework. Harkness et al.’s (2011) International Study of Parents, Children and Schools, focusing on time use in six western countries, examined the daily activities of 183 children under 8 years old in middle class communities, as reported by parents in week-long time diaries and interviews. They found that children spent most of their waking time outside of school or preschool in the following overarching activities: meals, family activities, play, and developmental and schoolrelated activities. They note significant differences in the sample related particularly to time spent on meals, play, developmental activities, and grooming, but there were no significant differences in relation to travel. While Australia was included in the study, it was not included in publications (Harkness et al., 2011). The Longitudinal Study of Australian Children (LSAC) suggests that 10–11 year olds spend their time engaged primarily in sleep, school, and free time (Mullan, 2014). On a school day, this comprises sleep (10.1 h), school (6.3 h), free time/leisure (4.7 h), personal care (1.8 h), travel (0.9 h), and other/unspecified (0.2 h). This shifts on non-school days where twice as much time is dedicated to free time/leisure: sleep (10.5 h), free time/leisure (9.5 h), personal care (2.6 h), travel (1.1 h), and other/unspecified (0.4 h) (Mullan, 2014). As we noted in Chap. 2, free time activities often included television, physical activity excluding sport, computer use including games, and organised activities including sport. Homework was also considered to be a free time activity, with 10–11 year olds spending 24.3 min a day on this on school days, and 8.7 minnnon non-school days (Mullan, 2014). As outlined in Chap. 2, the existing Australian research suggests that screenbased activities, reading, and sports, as well as homework, are common out-of-school activities for children aged approximately 9–11 years old (e.g. Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2013, 2019; Mullan, 2013, 2014; Redmond et al. 2016; Stanley et al., 2011; Yu & Baxter, 2016). In terms of organised activities, children in Australia are most likely to be involved in sports and/or arts-based activities (e.g. music) and are much less likely to participate in academic classes, community groups, or religious classes (Rioseco et al., 2018). Popular out-of-school sports for Australian children 9–11 years old include swimming, netball, and gymnastics for girls, and soccer, swimming, and cricket for boys (Australian Sports Commission, 2018). The 9–11year-old age group has the highest sports participation of 0–14 years old (Australian Sports Commission, 2018).

7.1 Children’s Reported Out-of-School Activities

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As also noted in Chap. 2, Victorian government schools are required to have a homework policy (Department of Education and Training [DET], 2020), although at the Year 4 level, students are generally given a minimal amount of homework each week and are unlikely to feel a significant amount of pressure in relation to completing homework. Attending tutoring and other formal learning activities outside of school is not common but is growing in Australia (Doherty & Dooley, 2018), with migrant families from East Asia particularly targeted in advertising (Dooley et al., 2020). Reports of the financial costs of these activities vary, with one source indicating that language and piano lessons are approximately twice the price of organised sports, including swimming and ballet (O’Chee, 2020) (see Chap. 2 for more details). A small number of Australian studies have also considered children’s enjoyment of their out-of-school activities. A Victorian study included consideration of enjoyment amongst Year 6 and 8 students in Victoria, finding social activities were enjoyed the most (McMullan et al., 2012). Their gender analysis found that there was little difference between girls and boys in terms of enjoyment of recreation and active physical activities, but higher enjoyment amongst girls for social, skill-based, and self-improvement activities when compared with boys. An Australian study in another state (New South Wales) found that the activities 9–14 year olds participated in were very similar to the activities they said they would like to participate in, with the exception being a preference for less homework (NSW Commission for Children & Young People, 2013). Similarly, in their international study, Rees and Main (2015) found that most children reported being satisfied with what they did in their free time and how they used their time. In his four-country study, Özdo˘gru (2010) found that children in Bulgaria, Taiwan, Turkey, and the US enjoyed most of their weekend activities, particularly when they were self-chosen rather than adult-chosen. To provide a broad understanding of children’s lives outside of school, this chapter draws on a survey of children in Melbourne focusing on their after-school and weekend activities, and their enjoyment of them. The chapter then focuses on two children with whom we spent time discussing and re-enacting their after-school routines. We draw on these to illustrate some examples of children’s lives outside of school, rather than suggesting these are representative (or that it is possible to be representative) of all children in Melbourne. The chapter concludes with a reflection on the diversity of children and their out-of-school activities, as well as the ways in which these activities can link to orientations to educational “success.”

7.1 Children’s Reported Out-of-School Activities To provide a broad picture of children’s out-of-school activities, this section discusses findings from a survey conducted with Year 4 students in Melbourne. It focuses on the survey questions about children’s out-of-school weekday and weekend activities, and their enjoyment of these (see also Yelland et al., 2021). As discussed in Chap. 1, the survey was completed by 192 students (103 girls and 89 boys) in Melbourne from four government schools—the two case study schools (Naarm Primary School and

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7 Screens, Play, Sport, and Homework: Children’s Out-of-School …

Maribyrnong Primary School) and two additional schools (Birrarung Primary School and Merri Merri Primary School). The survey questions included 18 activities which focused primarily on leisure and academic activities. Students were asked how much time they spent doing each of the activities after school over a week on weekdays, and over a weekend. They responded on a four point scale: “No time at all (I don’t do the activity),” “A little bit of time (less than 1 h),” “Some time (1–3 h),” “A lot of time (more than 3 h).” Students were also asked if they liked doing the activities. They responded on a four point scale: “It’s great,” “It’s okay,” “I don’t like it,” “I don’t do it.” This method allowed for a consideration of activities as reported by students, which incorporates both their estimated time spent on activities and their enjoyment of them. Individual students reported participating in an average of 11.2 of the 18 activities outside of school on weekdays (median 11, range 3–18) and 10.4 activities at weekends (median 10, range 4–17). The most common activity (i.e. reported by the most students) during the week was homework (94%) (see Fig. 7.1). In contrast, just over half of the students (54%) reported that they undertook homework during the weekend (see Fig. 7.2). Notably, a large number of students reported spending less than an hour on homework on weekdays across a week and/or weekends. Most students reported spending time on weekdays and weekends on screen activities (using a tablet, iPad, or smartphone, watching TV), interacting with others (talking and sharing with their parents, visiting friends or relatives), outdoor activities (sports and other activities), and other leisure activities (playing indoors, reading books). Spending three or more hours on an activity was most commonly reported in relation to visiting friends or relatives (33% of children at the weekend) and using a tablet, iPad, or smartphone (29% of children at the weekend). Apart from homework, the key difference in most common activities for the weekend compared to weekdays was shopping, with more students reporting they did this at weekends. There were no statistically significant differences in relation to gender for participation in activities on weekdays or weekends. From the survey, it was apparent that some activities were only undertaken by a minority of students. Again, this was similar for weekdays and weekends. The three types of tutoring (Mathematics, Language, and English) were the least common activities, with 60% of students not participating in any tutoring activities, which was similar for girls and boys. However, 14% of students reported participating in all three forms of tutoring, and 8% of students reported participating in all three tutoring activities on weekdays and at weekends. Being read to by someone else, classes in artistic activities, and activities with a club were also not common amongst students on weekdays or weekends, with under a third of students engaging in these activities. In terms of enjoyment of activities, of the students who reported participating in the activities, many enjoyed leisure outside of the house, often with others, and including organised activities (see Fig. 7.3). Seven of the top eight most enjoyed activities were all undertaken outside of the house, with many children enjoying going to the movies (81% of children reported “it’s great”), visiting friends or relatives (78%), and outdoor sports or activities (75%). The fourth most enjoyed activity was using

7.1 Children’s Reported Out-of-School Activities Doing homework

9

175 31

Using a tablet, iPad or smartphone

54

20

Reading books

6

38

13

35

29

7

51

7

Playing indoors

22

35

33

9

Outdoor sports or activities

23

35

31

10

Watching TV

10

Talking and sharing with your parents

10

Visiting friends or relatives

32 21

13

Shopping

46 56 37

9

11 12

29

26

21

40

25

Going to the library

4

Practise a musical instrument

5

15

28

53

Going to the movies

4

17

25

54

Activities with a club

11

39

12

Classes in artistic activities

19

9

14

Being read to by someone else 2 3 Tutoring - Mathematics Tutoring - Language Tutoring - English

5

14

56

19

58

29 9

11

5 5

12

4

6

0%

46

8

66 76 79 82

10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%

Percentage of students A lot (>3 hours)

Some (1-3 hours)

A little (3 hours)

Some (1-3 hours)

A little (