Children disengaged from armed groups in Colombia: Integration Processes in Context 9788376560441, 9788376560434

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Julia Villanueva O’Driscoll Gerrit Loots Ilse Derluyn

Children Disengaged from Armed Groups in Colombia: Integration Processes in Context

Versita Discipline: Psychology Managing Editor: Aneta Przepiórka

Language Editor: Matthew Coleshill

Published by Versita, Versita Ltd, 78 York Street, London W1H 1DP, Great Britain. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercialNoDerivs 3.0 license, which means that the text may be used for non-commercial purposes, provided credit is given to the author. Copyright © 2013 Julia Villanueva O’Driscoll, Gerrit Loots, Ilse Derluyn ISBN (paperback): 978-83-7656-042-7 ISBN (hardcover): 978-83-7656-043-4 ISBN (for electronic copy): 978-83-7656-044-1 Managing Editor: Aneta Przepiórka Language Editor: Matthew Coleshill www.versita.com Cover illustration: © Chiel Van Hoeij

Contents Acknowledgements.......................................................................................... 11 Preface................................................................................................................. 13 Chapter 1 Introduction...................................................................................... 19 1. Child soldiers: a phenomenon..........................................................................................20 2. Colombia.......................................................................................................................................21 3. Research methodology..........................................................................................................22 3.1. Study population.............................................................................................................22 3.2. Study design.....................................................................................................................24 3.3. Study data and analysis..............................................................................................25

Chapter 2 Historical, sociopolitical and geographical background................... 27 1. A Glance at the Conflict Dynamics..................................................................................27 2. Demobilizing Processes and Peace Agreements.....................................................32 3. Armed groups involved in the conflict.........................................................................35 3.1. Regular forces..................................................................................................................35 3.2. Irregular groups...............................................................................................................36 3.2.1. Guerrilla groups.................................................................................................36 3.2.2. Paramilitary groups..........................................................................................37 3.2.3. New Groups..........................................................................................................37 4. The sociogeographical situation and its diversity.................................................39 4.1. Bogotá (capital district)...............................................................................................41 4.2. Medellín (Antioquia)......................................................................................................42 4.3. San Juan de Pasto (Nariño)........................................................................................45 4.4. Cartagena de Indias (Bolívar)....................................................................................46 5. Conclusion...................................................................................................................................48

Chapter 3 Children in Colombia........................................................................ 49 1. Childhood.....................................................................................................................................49 2. Living in a war-torn country..............................................................................................51 2.1. Speaking in figures........................................................................................................51 2.2. Proximity of the conflict.............................................................................................53 2.3. A population in violated situations.......................................................................53 2.3.1. “Los desaparecidos” (The missing)...........................................................55 2.3.2. “Los secuestrados” (The abducted).........................................................56 2.3.3. Human trafficking..............................................................................................57 2.3.4. “Los amenazados” (The threatened).......................................................57 2.3.5. “Los desplazados” (The displaced)..........................................................58 3. Risks factors for engaging with armed groups.......................................................62 3.1. Poverty..................................................................................................................................62 3.2. Violence...............................................................................................................................64 3.3. Family....................................................................................................................................66 3.4. Education............................................................................................................................67 4. Conclusion...................................................................................................................................69

Chapter 4 Children Engaged With Armed Groups.............................................. 71 1. Introduction................................................................................................................................71 2. Concept of Former Child Soldiers....................................................................................73 3. Number of Children Engaged With Armed Groups.................................................75 4.     Illegal, Legal, Regular, Irregular, Emergent, Organised, Criminal, … Armed   Groups Engaging Children...................................................................................................77 5. Motivation for Engaging With Armed Groups...........................................................79 5.1. Environment sphere......................................................................................................80 5.1.1. Societal Circumstances: Lack of Opportunities..................................80 5.1.2. Fulfilling Children’s Rights: a responsibility of the state.............81 5.1.3. A Military Culture and prestige...................................................................82 5.2. Armed Group Sphere....................................................................................................85 5.2.1. Presence of Armed Group.............................................................................85 5.2.2. Recruitment as a Military Strategy............................................................86 5.2.3. Emotional availability.....................................................................................88 5.2.4. Availability of opportunities.......................................................................88 5.3. Family sphere...................................................................................................................90 5.3.1. Difficult Family Conditions............................................................................90 5.3.2. Lack of a Protection Shield and abuse...................................................91

5.3.3. Family culture......................................................................................................92 5.4. Personal sphere...............................................................................................................92 5.4.1. Difficult past.........................................................................................................92 5.4.2. A stage in life......................................................................................................93 5.5. In summary........................................................................................................................94 6. Way of entering.........................................................................................................................96 6.1. Voluntary: Undertaken of one’s own free will...............................................98 6.2. Forcibly: against one’s will....................................................................................100 7. Dynamics in the group.......................................................................................................101 7.1. Activities...........................................................................................................................101 7.2. Discipline.........................................................................................................................103 7.3. Relationships..................................................................................................................104 7.4. Sexual relations...........................................................................................................105 8. Motivation for disengaging form the armed group...........................................108 8.1. Reasons for leaving the armed group: the push factors.......................108 8.2. Reasons for (re)turning the society: the pull factors...............................109 9. Effects of engagement........................................................................................................110 9.1. Physical.............................................................................................................................111 9.2. Psychological.................................................................................................................111 9.3. Social..................................................................................................................................112 9.4. Cultural..............................................................................................................................113 10. Conclusion.............................................................................................................................113

Chapter 5 DDR Minors..................................................................................... 117 1. Legislation.................................................................................................................................117 2. The process of disengagement from armed groups..........................................121 2.1. Disengagement paths................................................................................................122 2.2. Speaking in figures.....................................................................................................126 2.3. The Governmental Reinsertion Programme...................................................128 2.3.1. Transition centre.............................................................................................132 2.3.2. Institutional path.............................................................................................132 2.3.2.1. Centre for Specialized Attention............................................132 2.3.2.2. Youth house......................................................................................135 2.3.3. Family path.........................................................................................................135 2.3.3.1. Tutor home........................................................................................135 2.3.3.2. Managed home...............................................................................135 3. Follow-up...................................................................................................................................140

Chapter 6 Broader Support Programmes: Outside the lines........................... 141 1. Dynamics of organisations..............................................................................................141 1.1. Psychosocial support.................................................................................................143 1.2. Prevention.......................................................................................................................145 1.3. Ecological approach...................................................................................................149 1.3.1 Children................................................................................................................149 1.3.2. Family....................................................................................................................151 1.3.3. Broader community.......................................................................................154 2. What support is Being Offered?....................................................................................155 2.1. Direct support to children......................................................................................155 2.1.1. Psychotherapy..................................................................................................155 2.1.2. Workshops..........................................................................................................158 2.1.3. Recreational activities: Art and sports................................................159 2.1.4. Educational support......................................................................................160 2.1.5. Vocational support........................................................................................161 2.1.6. Legal support....................................................................................................162 2.1.7. Medical support..............................................................................................162 2.1.8. Religion, spirituality, and rituals............................................................162 2.1.9. Staff team...........................................................................................................164 2.2. Indirect support: Sensitization, Public Policy, and research.................164 3. Focus of support...................................................................................................................167 3.1. Resilience.........................................................................................................................167 3.2. Individual versus group...........................................................................................168 3.3. Attention for ethnic differences..........................................................................170 3.4. Attention for gender..................................................................................................171

Chapter 7 In the field...................................................................................... 173 1. Context.......................................................................................................................................173 1.1. Ongoing conflict...........................................................................................................173 1.2. Discourse..........................................................................................................................174 1.3. Country situation.........................................................................................................175 1.4. Financial aspects.........................................................................................................176 2. Programme...............................................................................................................................177 2.1. Participant specific.....................................................................................................177 2.2. Age specific....................................................................................................................178 2.3. Institutionalization......................................................................................................179 2.4. Communication.............................................................................................................179 2.5. Follow-up.........................................................................................................................180

2.6. Avoiding assistentialism..........................................................................................180 3. Experiences staff...................................................................................................................181 3.1. Flexibility..........................................................................................................................181 3.2. Continuous development and growth.............................................................182 3.3. Overload...........................................................................................................................182 4. Children’s experiences.......................................................................................................184 4.1. Children’s needs: children in search of… ......................................................184 4.1.1. Alternatives........................................................................................................184 4.1.2. Autonomy and identity................................................................................184 4.1.3. Belonging............................................................................................................186 4.1.4. Involvement and recognition..................................................................186 4.2. Problems during the programme........................................................................187 4.2.1. Financial aspects............................................................................................187 4.2.2. Adapting..............................................................................................................187 4.2.3. Stigmatization and discrimination........................................................188 4.2.4. Programme insecurity..................................................................................188 4.3. Outcome...........................................................................................................................189

Chapter 8 Final reflections.............................................................................. 191 Index..................................................................................................................199 References........................................................................................................203

Children Disengaged from Armed Groups in Colombia: Integration Processes in Context

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Acknowledgements To begin with we would like to thank all interviewees, youths, children and organisations for opening their doors to us and sharing their stories. We understand quite well that it was not always easy, not only because of security reasons, but also because they offered us their time and space, mostly more time than they had intended. “I promised you half an hour and we’ve been talking for nearly two hours now” was what one of the interviewees said. We truly are thankful for every minute people dedicated to this research project. We would like to thank our friends and colleagues at the Centre for Children of Vulnerable Situations and the Vrije Universiteit Brussel who supported this project from near and far. This research project was made possible through the financial support of the Department of Peace Building of the Belgian Federal Public Service of Foreign Affairs, Foreign Trade and Development Cooperation.

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Julia Villanueva O’Driscoll, Gerrit Loots, Ilse Derluyn

Preface As Macmillan (2009) noted: “In a world where mass child poverty and malnutrition is a reality for hundreds of millions, it is curious how 300,000 child soldiers have gained so much international attention”. Although high numbers are needed to highlight the need for attention, numbers can also be relative whereby their significance and power easily go astray. Former child soldiers, former abducted children, children disengaged from armed groups… what is in a name? They are just words labelling children, who in the first place are human beings. So although a name or a word says nothing, it also says everything. It brings along a label, whether criminalizing, victimizing, pathologizing or more. Nevertheless, the meaning of words also has limitations. Limitations to what is meant, to what has been said, and to what was meant to be said. When writing about what is being said even more limitations enter the story. How to grasp what has been said in a precise place and moment, in a precise conversation, in a co-construction of narratives? This has been a struggle for me as I have had an uncountable amount of conversations, with others and with myself. I felt powerless and incapable when wanting to write the residues of these conversations, these moments. I hope this book does justice to the process of the conversations, indefinitely ongoing. When looking back on the conversations I had with people, discussing and reflecting upon them, I came across many questions, among which: Whom were they talking to? And what did they want to achieve with their story? I remember asking one person what it meant for children to be talking to someone like me. What were they telling to whom? And why? Not only did this influence what they were telling me and how, but it also placed a large amount of responsibility on me. Was I going to be able to live up to their expectations? Could I do with their story what they wanted me to do with it? Who was and who is their (imagined) audience? Although they were sitting there in front of me, a European white young woman, they knew the conversation was part of a research project. They knew that the audience was much broader than that one person sitting in front

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of them. Sometimes, even the recorder made them nervous and they articulated better so they would be more understandable for the gringos, the others – although most of the time their mumbling accent made it clear to me I needed to concentrate on what was being said there and then, instead of relying on the recording. Throughout my different visits to Colombia, I learned a lot about myself as a person and as a researcher. Sometimes I wondered what I was doing there: How did I end up there? In a place where one neighbour lives in a conflict zone and the other does not, according to their view. In a place where people struggle, not only for survival but also for life - a significant life -, whatever that may mean to them. Was I living a significant life being there? Some people called me crazy: “Do you realize you’re standing in the eye of the storm?”, others called me courageous, and others still could just not understand. Irrespective of being crazy, I never saw it as courageous. According to the dictionary1, courageous is “being able to face and deal with danger or fear without flinching”. I never deliberately faced or dealt with danger. I always thought of the Colombians as courageous, dealing with terrible situations every day, horrific occurrences normalizing into their daily life. But was this ever purposely? Would they have done anything to change that situation into a safe environment where opportunities are only just around the corner? Do they never flinch because the circumstances have become so normal to them that they are in a constant flinching-mode? This reminded me of a famous quote by Herman Melville: “Familiarity with danger makes a brave man braver but less daring”. The reaction of people in an armed conflict thus becomes part of a war strategy. People do not always act in accordance with their beliefs; they act in whatever way keeps them alive. That means keeping their mouths shut, closing their eyes to what is going on, paying an armed group protection money, answering questions when asked, feeding the “enemy”, engaging with an armed group… And how far can one go? When discussing children engaging with an armed group - universally known as becoming a child soldier - whereby they are being forced to commit atrocities for survival, these are common thoughts. Notwithstanding this, in Colombia I encountered a different situation. Children are not always being coerced to join by force, for primary survival. Children engage with armed groups because of hunger, lack of opportunities, normalization of conflict, power, boredom, family ties, love, revenge, resistance, societal pressure, pressure from armed groups, and many more reasons, all reasons for survival in their own way. They are all individually intricate and when put together they become a hurricane of complexities.

1 http://ardictionary.com

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The discourse on the conflict can be reflected in how Deleuze and Guattari (trans 1998/1976), referring to Nietzsche, mentioned that new philosophy entails learning to see the world anew: Paradigms working as interpretive models or pattern of reality, survive temporal and spatial borders through being shared and lived as “true” by a significant number of members of a society, establishing themself as dominant paradigms. Such dominant paradigm organise a certain social order with universal pretentions, that conduce ways of thinking, cultural values, forms of interaction, strategies that give direction to daily problems and social practices. New interpretations of the world that dare to question these “truths” occur like transitions, firstly on a rational and conceptual level, next they start to enter the practical level, coexisting for some time with some residual elements of the previous paradigms anchored in the most solid beliefs, until finally, tensions yield, the critical mass generates and qualitative changes occur (Deleuze & Guattari, trans. 1998/1976). There is no single reality… throughout more than 100 conversations I had, I cannot make general conclusions everybody would agree on. I learned people experience the conflict, and the engagement of children in it, according to where they stand and what is in their environment, whereby people constantly come across old truths and new interpretations. While getting to know all the different projects and programmes, it became clear that the above is an important aspect in offering support to these children. To offer support in an adequate way means understanding their needs and understanding their experiences through their eyes. In a country where this entanglement has crawled under the skin of societal dynamics, understanding children’s needs should be taken into account when looking to fulfil their rights. Like Dowdney (2003) suggested, the formal existence of an armed conflict is irrelevant when attending to children involved with “organised armed violence”. A psychologist from an organisation (GO Medellín) pleaded that the need for attention towards children goes much further than those disengaged from armed groups. A broader approach is needed, whereby the strategic stance is factually a strategy of peace. In the words of an interviewee: “Whether the child is disengaged from an armed group or not. If somebody is an addict, is being abused, it doesn’t matter whether he[/she] was in an armed group, whether he[/she] lives in stratum two or six” (GO Medellín). While the political and legal fields are dealing with whether children engaged with or disengaged from armed groups should be considered victims, perpetrators or other, a further question may be how this can be translated into the day-to-day reality of society? At the end of the day, does this change the way people think? Does this change people from looking at someone as a perpetrator instead of a victim? As one psychologist explained “being minors,

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they are approached as victims, but they are victims that have been part of an armed group, which makes them different from other victims that were never part of groups” (NGO Bogotá). Subsequently, it may be interesting for future research to analyse the discourses on and surrounding the concept of “former child soldiers”. Further research on the (cultural) diversity and universalist interpretation of children’s needs in the child soldier discourse (Macmillan, 2009) and its implications would be of valuable use to more thoroughly understand the phenomenon in a more global perspective and at the same time provide locally tailored support. A psychologist from the ICBF (Instituto Colombiano de Bienestar Familiar – Colombian Institute for Family Wellbeing) pleaded that work with children needs to be done from an early age because as long as children and young people do not have alternatives, they will continue to engage with armed groups. Presently, it is only after disengaging that they receive “possibilities that lie beyond poverty and misery” (“Infamia”, 2006). Furthermore, it is important to involve different levels of support so they can adapt to each other, provide sustainable support on the long term, and so new meanings can be created collaboratively. A psychologist explained that firstly direct therapeutic work with victims is needed. Secondly, there is need for working with communities to involve both the receiving and the integrating populations. Moreover, this can lead to sustainability. Thirdly, there is need for working with local political structures. Then ultimately, there is need for sensitization of society in general (IO Bogotá). An interviewee talked about researchers in the past: They were pathologizing the situation. They were responsibilizing the subject of engagement. They were focusing on: “Why are you going?”, “What was going on?” The questions were referring to individual experiences of the subject which in this case is a child or a youngster. On the other hand the researchers ended up decontextualizing the situation of engagement. Because we are in an armed conflict. And I think that is the starting point of which each attention and prevention programme should build on (NGO Medellín). Another interviewee mentioned: “We’re in an armed conflict, there are armed groups who have recruitment policies and there are social, economic, cultural conditions that also generate the engagement of children and youngsters with armed groups” (NGO Bogotá). The prompt question here is what do these programmes set out to do? Is it sufficient to change how these children stand in the world? Or is there need to change the world they stand in? Instead of looking at it as if the child has a problem, look through a lens where the society they live in has a problem.

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If I were to summarize all the conversations I have had in one word, it would be “a quest”. In a context where children’s rights are being violated in many ways, organisations are continuously looking at which ways they can effectively help children, with the common constraints and strengths of the context. Children on the other hand seem to be on a quest for belonging and recognition: in the family, the community, the conflict, armed groups, or elsewhere. Julia Villanueva O’Driscoll, December 2012

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Chapter 1

Introduction The aim of this book is to offer an overview of how the (re)integration processes of children disengaged from armed groups are experienced by staff working in different organisations and children participating in a broad range of support programmes during their (re)integration processes. The growing attention towards children engaged with armed groups internationally has led to the development of reintegration programmes worldwide. Often these programmes disappear soon after the war has ended, and because of the exhaustive work in the field, organisations seldom have time to inventory their work implying the expertise is also lost to a large extent. The Colombian situation offers a rare example of the implementation of reinsertion programmes while the conflict is ongoing. This specific situation may be of valuable use for support in other conflict situations. Considering the broad scope of the conflict and the involvement of children with it, the research possibilities and the research needs are quite broad. The aim of this book is to inventory this specific expertise from the point of view of staff working in different organisations involved in the reintegration processes and the experiences of children participating in the programmes offered by these organisations. We acknowledge the importance of taking into account different aspects of the topic (e.g. historical, social, political, and economical facets) and take this into consideration to the extent that it was addressed in the perspectives of the research participants. We based the inventory of (re)integration processes on conversations with different entities and participants, which offered us a specific perspective and positioning. We are aware this is one possible position. Other interesting perspectives for practice and future research could be more participatory. By embedding research in local organisations for example, the research can also be led by and build upon local activities. However, embedding research into local activities also implies the research is influenced by certain discourses. As we experienced throughout the research process, broadening data collection to more ethnographic data, participatory observations, and participatory research could offer complementary knowledge on the topic. Throughout the book we deal with the research design and methodology (this chapter), followed by an overview of the historical, socio-political and geographical context in which the reintegration processes take place (chapter two). Next, we expand on childhood and how children in Colombia are affected by their daily context (chapter three) with a more specific focus on children engaged with and disengaged from armed groups (chapter four). Thereafter,

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we present the official reinsertion programme for children disengaged from armed groups (chapter five), we attend to more broader support offered towards children disengaged from armed groups (chapter six) and ultimately we offer reflections from the field, involving experiences from staff and children themselves (chapter seven).

1. Child soldiers: a phenomenon In the past, children were seldom taken into account when speaking of wars and they were seen as equal to adults. Throughout the 21st century, children involved in armed conflicts gained visibility, inter alia due to the acknowledgement of their defencelessness, and the need to give them a specific role in the development of our societies and the globalization of the world (Jaramillo, 2007). Therewithal, contrary to what is being said (e.g. Singer, 2006) Jaramillo (2007) argued child soldiering is not a new phenomenon in conflicts and wars in the strict sense of the definition: Anyone under the age of 18, who is part of any kind of regular or irregular armed force or armed group in any capacity, including but not limited to cooks, porters, messengers and anyone accompanying such groups, other than family members. The definition includes girls recruited for sexual purposes and for forced marriage (Unicef, 1997). An example of the participation of children in conflicts in the past is the biblical fight between David and Goliath: David being much younger, not having any weapons besides a catapult, and being represented as the weaker one versus Goliath with a long range of weapons and protection shields (Jaramillo, 2007). In the end David overcame Goliath and was treated as the hero. Throughout history children were part of political strength from birth on and as soon as they took up weapons, were part of the military capacity and were participating in armed conflict (Jaramillo, 2007). In recent years, there has been a growing attention towards the phenomenon of children2 involved in armed groups. In the media, the topic has received attention through more commercial movies like “Blood diamond” and novels

2 Throughout this report we use the term child (or children) whereby we refer to “a human being  below the age of 18 years unless under the law  applicable to the child,  majority  is attained earlier” as defined by the Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989). By doing this, we withhold from making a specific differentiation between younger children and older children, or youth (see also chapter three).

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like “What is the what”, but also through documentaries like “Invisible children: rough cut”, campaigns like the recent “Kony 2012” YouTube movie with over 97,000,000 views and “Zero under 18”, and magazine and newspaper articles where horrific testimonies seemed to attract attention. On a political level, it is being advocated to enter the political agenda worldwide. Following reports of international organisations like “The impact of armed conflict on children” by Graça Machel (1996) it has become part of the international policy forum. Using child soldiers is described as one of the worst forms of child abuse (“Stopping the use of child soldiers”, 2002) and child labour (ILO Convention No. 182, 1999; Observatorio de procesos de desarme, desmovilización y reintegración [ODDR], 2011). Throughout the years, there has also been a great amount of research regarding the subject (examples of authors who have dedicated work to the topic are Mc Kay, Honwana, Wessels, Goodwill-Gill, Boothby, Betancourt and Cohn among others), whereby there is a strong focus on aspects like trauma (Derluyn, Broekaert, Schuyten & De Temmerman, 2004; Bayer, Klasen & Adam, 2007; Kohrt et al, 2008), protective and resource factors (Werner, 2012; Vindevogel, Wessels, Broekaert, & Derluyn, submitted), resilience (Boyden, 2003; Cortes & Buchanan, 2007; Klasen, Oettingen, Daniels, Post, Hoyer & Adam, 2010), reintegration processes (Withers, 2012), children’s rights (Rosen, 2008; Nylund, 2012), and criminal law (Happold, 2008).

2. Colombia One of the countries where the phenomenon is a hot topic on an international level is Colombia. It has a long history of children engaging in armed groups and figure estimates raise up to 18,000 minors engaged with armed groups (Springer, 2012). A lot of efforts are being put into the disengagement of children from armed groups and the support towards them during integration processes into society and in 1999 the Colombian Institute for Family Wellbeing (Instituto Colombiano de Bienestar Familiar [ICBF]) started the official programme for children disengaged from armed groups. Thus, there is a great amount of experience in organisations (local, national and international). Nevertheless, the expertise is scarcely being shared among organisations or among different countries struck by the horrendous situation of conflict, because organisations often have insufficient time and energy for inventory and writing down their used methodologies and techniques. Moreover, in these crisis situations most attention is needed for the work in the field. Little is known on the opinion and experiences of children and adolescents disengaged from armed groups and the support offered to them: What seems appropriate to them? What needs do they have? And ultimately, we know very little about the needs of children disengaged from armed groups

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who did not go through the formal reintegration structures: What support could they use? By replenishing existing knowledge and expertise on the (re)insertion processes of children disengaged from armed groups with the case of Colombia and thereby taking into account the role of the contextual and cultural factors on the character and effectiveness of the installed processes, we aim to reach greater knowledge and competency in diverse organisations working with children disengaged from armed groups worldwide currently or in the future. This might enhance that initiatives can build on existing knowledge and experience and thus be more appropriate, effective, and better attuned to the needs and expectations of former child soldiers, which would make them more accessible for the children.

3. Research methodology 3.1 Study population Our study population was threefold: we wished to involve relevant organisations and stakeholders who could map out the local situation (e.g. amount of children engaged with armed groups, profile, and characteristics of the conflict) and the local welfare support (general welfare available to the whole population and specific support for children disengaged from armed groups). Secondly, we involved organisations and services that offered support towards children disengaged from armed groups to map out the concrete working methods. As the United Nation report (2009) stated, children should get an active role and participate in the design and implementation of programmes and enabling participation of children in the decisions affecting them is moreover one of the guidelines of the Paris Principles (United Nations, 2007). Thus, we wished to involve children disengaged from armed groups to share their experiences, by listening to them and integrating their vision and opinion concerning matters like what support they have been offered, what helps them the most to cope with their past experiences, and what their further needs are. The focus of this book was (re)integration processes, and considering the (re)integration programmes are mostly based in larger cities, the current research thus focussed on four specific cities in different areas of the country. The research started in Bogotá, the capital of Colombia, which offered an overview of the general Colombian situation. Nevertheless, Colombia is very diverse and hence so is the conflict situation. For this reason, we decided to broaden the study to other cities. We chose Medellín (Antioquia department) because it has been an important city in the Colombian conflict considering the

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conflict dynamics going on there and the location of the city. But consequently and more importantly for this study, the largest amount of children disengaged from armed groups derive from Medellín and the largest amount of children disengaged from armed groups end up in the area of Medellín (Ramírez, 2005). Considering the diversity of population we also decided to research an area with mostly indigenous population, Pasto (Nariño department), and one with mostly Afrocolombian population, Cartagena (Bolívar department). Local contexts will be elaborated on further in chapter two. In every city, I3 stayed for the amount of time needed to visit the largest amount of relevant organisations working with children disengaged from armed groups as possible. As explained throughout the book, the engagement of children with armed groups is quite complex and not clear cut. For this reason, we also involved organisations working with children affected by the conflict in other ways. An example of this could be organisations offering programmes to children at risk of engaging with an armed group. Because the conflict is still ongoing (depending on the source of information4), there are certain dangers involved in researching such issues and organisations cannot always speak freely. People all over Colombia are being threatened for ideas they have, for talking to someone with certain ideas, for picking sides or for not picking sides. Even welfare workers are being threatened. Therefore, it was not always easy to attain organisations. Moreover, on various occasions, the participant asked to turn off the recorder, made sure windows and doors were shut for outsiders not to hear the conversation, or simply told me they were not willing to talk about the subject. Involving children disengaged from armed groups was an even greater challenge. In the past, journalists and researchers have not always respected ethical issues involved in such a complex situation. A boy explained: Once a journalist tried to trick me into saying something dangerous about one of the armed groups, just so he could get a story. He would have sacrificed me for that. I learned never to accuse anyone of anything – I’d always describe atrocities and denounce the violence, but I never talked about who was responsible. I simply said I did not know (Farlis in Cameron, 2010, p. 50).

3 Throughout the book “I” refers to the first author who conducted the fieldwork, “we” refers to the three authors. 4 Though the majority of Colombians experience their country in conflict, the previous government of Alvaro Uribe denied there being an armed conflict, internationally the conflict is often forgotten about, and some people I spoke to (not working in the field) sincerely doubted I would have anything to research.

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In certain situations talking to children puts them at risk, an additional risk to the ones they already encounter in their daily life. This partly explains why children are being protected from interviewers and researchers by organisations being cautious about opening their doors. Moreover, children are protected under law and their anonymity has to be secured. For these reasons we were not able to involve children to the extent we were willing to. We believed that setting recommendations for existing and future programmes would be most successful if they came from their voices. We did get to interview some children taking part in the programmes for children disengaged from armed groups and although not to the desired extent, we hope that the information obtained does enrich the set goals. We intended to pay specific attention to girls disengaged from armed groups (see chapter six) and children that have not gone through a formal reinsertion programme after disengaging from armed groups as these have received little research attention. The security aspects when speaking with children who disengaged from armed groups through an informal path may even be more of an issue than talking to those who disengaged through official programmes. The more anonymous they live concerning their past, the safer it is for them and therewithal they are quite invisible. For this reason, we did not search specifically to identify or speak to this specific group.

3.2. Study design We identified stakeholders and organisations through snowball sampling. The highest amount of possible relevant organisations was involved until saturation was obtained. Every organisation was first contacted by telephone, the research was explained and consent for participation was obtained orally. When visiting the organisation the research was once again explained more thoroughly, additional questions were answered when necessary and consent was asked to tape the conversation. Nine respondents preferred not to have the conversation taped because of security reasons. This wish was respected and in these cases I took notes. On about six occasions I was asked to turn off the recorder as sensitive information was being shared. On one occasion the organisation asked to obtain a copy of the recording. The organisations were also informed that the results of the research would be shared with them when finished. Focussed conversations (Birmingham, 2010) were held attending the following issues: nature of the conflict, children engaged with armed groups (e.g. profile and background), armed groups, recruitment policy, welfare support, financing, and insertion programmes. By using focussed conversations, the participant or conversation partner had the freedom to talk about certain subjects and go into certain subjects to the extent she/he thought relevant. This was not only

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considered to be more ethical, but also more culturally respectful (Kvale, 1996; Rapley, 2004). Before finishing the conversation I verified if the participant had any additional issues or questions she/he wanted to raise and finally, the participant was given my contact information in case she/he wished to contact me for certain issues. In total, I spent six months in Colombia over two visits. A lot of information was obtained through the conversations with different people from organisations. Nevertheless, being there and continuously having informal conversations in different contexts like with taxi drivers, people on the street, people in the bus, shopkeepers, friends, and friends of friends, and attending workshops, readings, as well as seminars on different issues enriched my experience and the research. This information was gathered in field notes and a research diary, which I kept throughout my stay.

3.3. Study data and analysis After most data was gathered, a general template was made with specific themes and topics we considered important for the book. This template was shared with peer researchers, after which some themes were accordingly added, changed or deleted. This book consists of different sources of material namely 1. A literature study of the most important sources of information and research in Colombia. We consulted as much literature as possible: books, academic articles, newspapers, websites, magazines, and organisational newsletters and publications. 2. The information of the focussed conversations and attended seminars. Table 1 offers an overview of the amount of seminars and focussed conversations according to the type of conversational partner per location (Bogotá/ Medellín/ Pasto/ Cartagena). We conducted a thematic analysis on these conversations (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Considering the data to have a very diverse range of focus (from quite broad to more specific), not all data was transcribed as this would have been too time - and energy - consuming. We listened to most data while taking notes. In some cases general thematic summaries were made, which helped to write out general ideas concerning certain themes. In other cases more ad verbum notes were taken, which are taken up throughout the book. After listening to and taking notes of each focussed conversation, the notes of that focussed conversation were added to the template. This way of ordering the information in preconceived themes allowed us to focus on the specific themes.

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International organisation

Governmental organisation

Governmental organisation individual5

Non-governmental organisation

University Researcher

Children disengaged from armed groups

Not specified (other)

Seminar

Total

Table 1.1.Locations and amount of focussed conversations.

Bogotá

5

4

2

14

6

5

3

4

43

Medellín

1

6

1

12

4

5

2

6

37

Pasto

1

3

-

-

1

-

-

-

5

Cartagena

3

1

-

11

3

1

7

-

26

10

14

3

37

14

11

12

10

111

Total

3. My field notes and ethnographic diary. I reread the field notes and ethnographic diary whereby topics fitting into the themes of the template were added. This way the template gained weight and grew into a book. In general, the outline of the template was kept, although throughout the process focus on certain themes diminished or intensified, depending on what way the data steered it.5 Throughout the following chapters, we refer to the focussed conversations by stating the type (IO, GO, GO Ind, NGO, Univ/Res, CDAG, Other, Sem) and area (Bogotá, Medellín, Pasto, Cartagena) of the organisation where the participant was working, to guarantee anonymity of the participants. When considered relevant, the role of the interviewee within the organisation is also mentioned (e.g. psychologist, lawyer, or social worker).

5 We differentiate between governmental organisation and governmental organisation individual, as some interviewees from governmental organisations explicitly mentioned they were not speaking on behalf of the governmental organisation.

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Chapter 2

Historical, sociopolitical Geographical Background

and

Although the Colombian history of conflicts is quite complex, we start this chapter with a short overview of what seems relevant considering our focus of children involved in the conflict. For more specific outlines on the conflict we recommend more detailed literature (e.g. Vranckx, 2010; Richani, 2010; Marks, 2008; Galeano, 1971; Bustamante, 1999). We also give a short overview of armed groups involved in the recruitment of children. Moreover, we discuss the sociogeographical situation of Colombia whereby the diversity is an important aspect and finally, we address the four study areas more in detail.

1. A glance at the conflict dynamics. “Not many Colombians can remember a time when there wasn’t war somewhere in the country” (Juan Elias in Cameron, 2010 p.7). A coordinator of an NGO in Bogotá who has been working in the area for over 20 years explained: We’ve always been in violence. In the 19th century we had 16 civil wars. We started the 20th century with a 3-year war, the war of 1000 days, we had the violence in the ‘20s, ‘30s, ‘40s, ‘50s, ‘60s, ‘70s, ‘80s, ‘90s and we started this century in war. Colombia has known conflict for hundreds of years. In the 16th century, the Spanish colonisation meant looting indigenous heritage whereby their harsh regime and diseases resulted in a decline in the indigenous population and African slaves were brought over to fill the gap. After the Spaniards were conquered, a succession of conflicts over power, resources, and governing arose (Richani, 2010). In 1810, Colombia declared independence and in 1819, Simón Bolívar, also known as the liberator, became the first president of Gran Colombia (current Colombia, Ecuador, Venezuela, and Panama). In 1830, Bolívar was put off his throne and Gran Colombia fell apart, resulting in the independence of Ecuador and Venezuela. The situation remained unsettled, with two main political parties: the liberals and the conservatives and a lot of turbulence on the

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social level. The desolate economic situation, several coups, and ongoing violent conflicts led to the Thousand Day’s War in 1899 between both political parties (Vranckx, 2010). The violence involved in the secession of Panama, the massacre of the “Banana Strike” and the assassination of the liberal presidential candidate Jorge Eliécer Gaitán followed by “La Violencia” war (1948-1958) which claimed the lives of hundreds of thousands of people and destroyed many towns and villages (Vranckx, 2010; Malaver & Oostra, 2001). The war ended with an agreement between the conservatives and the liberals to alternate the country’s administration, but it did not lead to a reduction of violence as many people felt excluded. The political power of landowners and commercial bourgeoisie, whereby the state authorities had less say in land distribution, only led to further conflict. The political conflicts in Colombia thus exploded into armed conflicts. The weakness of the Colombian government allowed intra-elite conflict and a reaction came through armed opposition led by rebel groups (Richani, 2010). Soon, dozens of guerrilla groups emerged, each with their own philosophy, politics and military strategies. With the fall of communism, the guerrilla movements FARC-EP (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia- Ejército del Pueblo, Revolutionary armed forces of Colombia- army of the people) and ELN (Ejercito de Liberacion Nacional, National liberation army) lost the support from Moscow and Havana (Vrackx, 2010). Consequently, they sought financial support in the drug industry, exploits, robberies, kidnappings, investments in mining (gold and coal), investment in public works, taxing economic activities and controlling territories (Mulaj, 2010; Researcher NGO Bogotá). The groups used their criminal activities to support their political agendas, but the border between both increasingly blurred (Shifter, 1999). As a response to guerrilla movements, private militia or self-defence groups were developed by landowners as private armies to defend their country with all parties intimidating people and committing murders. Initially, they were established by and connected to the government in order for the latter to distance themselves from more extreme manifestations of violence against guerrillas and other parties (Kaldor, 2006), making the manifestation of violence legitimate so to speak. The situation soon derailed as the AUC (Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia, United Self-defense of Colombia, a paramilitary group) committed many killings and terrorized the rural population (War Child, 2007; Vranckx, 2010). They were officially detached from the government and were defined as illegal. However, up to date, both are still being linked. An example is the implementation of the term “parapolitics”, used to express the link between paramilitary groups and political parties (Univ/Res Bogotá). With the emergence of cocaine production, the mafia also armed themselves on a large scale. An ideal separation between the different actors are not always clear. For example, the mafia was protected by the guerrillas and they funded the war against the

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government and other armed groups with drug money (Univ/Res Bogotá). As Keen (1988:11-12 in Newman) stated: Conflict can create war economies, often in regions controlled by rebels or warlords and linked to international trading networks; members of armed gangs can benefit from looting; and regimes can use violence to deflect opposition, reward supporters or maintain their access to resources. Under these circumstances, ending civil wars becomes difficult. Winning may not be desirable: the point of war may be precisely the legitimacy which it confers on actions that in peacetime would be punishable as crimes. American military writers argued that we are entering the “fourth generation” of warfare in which insurgencies and terrorism threaten undermining Western ways of war (Roxborough, 2006, p. 51). These new or postmodern wars involve conflict between non-state and state forces and are typically asymmetrical, where the non-state forces might not have equal means as the state forces (Wolfendale, 2011). In Colombia however, throughout the war it has not been clear who has more power. A breakdown of public authority thereby blurs the border between public and private combatants, between combatants and civilians (Newman, 2004: Kaldor, 2006; Kalyvas, 2006). There were many civilian victims in the battles between armed groups. Therewithal, many were children because attacks often occurred against schools or in the vicinity of schools, which was possibly part of a conflict strategy. A high civilian-combatant death ratio supposedly characterizes new wars. On this aspect Wolfendale (2011, p. 15) stated: New wars, it is argued, are usually fought by irregular forces (guerrillas, insurgency groups, terrorists) that target civilian populations directly and indirectly through tactics as ethnic cleansing, terrorist attacks, hostage taking, systematic rape, hiding among civilian populations, and the use of human shields. However, research has shown that former war dynamics held equal ratios concerning civilian-combatant deaths (Wolfendale, 2011). Furthermore, although postmodern wars have been explained to vary from old wars on the dimension of causes and motivation (private loot versus collective grievances), support (lack of popular support versus broad popular support) and violence (gratuitous or senseless versus controlled), Kalyvas (2001) argued that this is simplifying the situation and is based on incomplete and/ or biased information. As already mentioned, there are different levels on which wars can be approached: the actors, the motives, the spatial context, the technological means,

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the social, material and human impact as well as the political structure (Newman, 2004). All these aspects can be taken into consideration when speaking about (changes in) war dynamics on a historical level. Whereas before 1920 wars were more “interstatal”, they thereafter became more internal or “intrastatal” concerned with political power and have progressed into intrastatal conflicts over natural resources (diamonds in Sierra Leone and Angola, lapis lazuli and emeralds in Afghanistan, oil in Iran, Angola and Chechnya and drugs in Tajikistan to name but a few) (Newman, 2004: Kaldor, 2006). This can also be mirrored in the situation of Colombia. The common discourse is that the conflict in Colombia has changed in recent years whereby a clear political objective, which would consequently mark the end of the war when obtained, is no longer apparent. Though Kalyvas (2001) noted this to be a characteristic of new wars, Kaldor (2006) suggested the political aspects may still be present through political mobilization on the basis of identity and claims of political representation or control, which thereupon are connected to economic goals. Furthermore, Kalyvas (2001) stated that although historical studies showed a higher degree of ideological engagement, combatants were usually motivated by group pressure and processes involving regard for their comrades, respect for their leaders, concern for their reputation with both, and an urge to contribute to the group’s success. The author further argued that there has been an overstatement of ideological contribution to old civil wars via unwarranted inferences from the elites on the masses (Kalyvas, 2001). These were aspects mentioned throughout the different conversations I had. The so-called new wars are moreover described to be characterized by state failure as mentioned previously (or fragmented sovereignty as Richani (2010) calls it), and social transformation driven by globalization and liberal economic forces. This is thus where the aspects of natural resources, illegal commercial entrepreneurship, private armies and criminal warlords come into the picture. Interestingly, international aid and interventions exacerbates the ongoing dynamic. Global networks of vested interest frame war (Nordstorm, 1997). In that way, intrastatal new wars may be seen as “globalized wars”, involving fragmentation and decentralization of the state (Newman, 2004; Kaldor, 2006; Kalyvas, 2006). The United States have been involved in shaping the Colombian conflict (for economic, strategic, and ideological reasons), which demonstrated that “Colombia’s war is not so internal after all” (Mason, 2004). International support was offered through Plan Colombia, aimed at combating guerrilla groups and drug trafficking (Free-Will Productions, 2003) inter alia, whereby the United States funding came and the military manpower grew. Instead of this entailing an institutional redefinition of civil-military relations, the president’s (Andrés Pastrana Arango) response to the imbalance in power was an aggressive approach (Marks, 2008).

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Furthermore, countries such as Bolivia, Brazil, Cuba, Ecuador, Panama, Peru, Mexico, Venezuela, and the United States suffer spillover effects from the conflict in different ways like problems with mafia, guerrilla groups, paramilitaries and drug trafficking (Millet, 2002; Richani, 2010). The international involvement makes the conflict more globalized and furthermore only intensifies the complexity of it. Paradoxically, the United States offered support through the above mentioned Plan Colombia for example, but the Free Trade Agreement between Colombia and Unites States also resulted in poorer peasants being unable to compete with the influx of cheaper products from elsewhere. Consequently, alternatives for these peasants were displacement to cities where jobs were already scarce, or shifting to alternative cash crops, like coca (Richani, 2010). Interestingly, historical information on the influence of illicit drugs is ambiguous. Marijuana became an important crop only in the 1960s, cocaine a decade later; with significant coca plantations appearing only in the 1990s, yet the high degree of violence and civil conflict have been part of the political life since several decades before that (Angrist & Kugler, 2008). Nevertheless, in the 1990s the drug cartels and offspring brought along a lot of violence, intensifying the conflict, whereby armed groups were financed by drug-related practices (Gray, 2008; Thoumi, 2003). Indeed, around 70% of the guerrilla funding came from the drug industry (Univ/Res Bogotá). Angrist and Kugler (2008) noted that violence increased in regions where coca cultivation increased. Hereby comes the additional fact that increases in income (due to coca cultivation) fuelled the violence instead of ceasing it. One could expect an increase in resources to reduce poverty and consequently lead to a cease fire (Angrist & Kugler, 2008), but natural resources also offer armed groups something to fight over (Gray, 2008) and the income from resources provides financing for continuing the conflict. Though in Colombia the conflict is above all linked to illicit drugs, violence in Colombia has also been fuelled by licit development in the oil, mining, and agribusiness sectors (Gray, 2008). The government’s attempts to suppress drug trafficking both by force and by peace agreements failed. The drug mafia thus continued reigning the drug world. In the 90s the guerrillas and paramilitaries took over, which meant the main cartels (Medellín and Cali) were shut down and the drug industry fell apart. This fragmentation was even more difficult to control (Shifter, 1999). The political antagonism between paramilitary and guerrilla groups became a question of economic concurrence and spurred both on (Vranckx, 2009). In 2002, guerrilla and paramilitary groups were put on the list of terrorist organisations by the United States and Europe. This allowed the United States to utilize more military forces against them, which the “War on Drugs” did not allow them to do (Ungerman & Brohy, 2003). There are a lot of paradoxes in the situation. An example was pointed out to me by the coordinator of an NGO explaining that the War on Drugs is being fought in territories where the drugs are being produced, but the “war on weapons” is

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being fought in territories where weapons are being used. So why does relatively little attention go to territories where drugs are being used or where weapons are being produced (NGO Medellín)? (Up to 80% of the weapons handed over during demobilizing processes of AUC came from international contraband (Llorente & Vranckx, 2012).) Another example was pointed out by a researcher saying that the AUC was indirectly funded by the United States, but it was also on the list of terrorist organisations (Univ/Res Bogotá) and it is also questionable whether the support is peace driven or oil driven (Ungerman & Brohy, 2003). Holding into account these kinds of dynamics, it is unclear where motives for peace lie. The fight against paramilitary violence, guerrilla groups, cocaine mafia, corruption, and power abuse is a continuing influence on the political situation. Among others, the (political) abductions by guerrilla groups made the country unattractive to foreign investors and this was reflected in the economic situation (Vranckx, 2009). Throughout the years, the dynamics have also changed significantly, whereby armed groups answer the ongoing dynamics by adapting their functioning. Up until the first few years of this century, there were many massacres, with emblematic situations and a lot of victims, afterwards murders became more selective. A reason for the changing dynamics was explained by a psychologist: For example in the years 2002, 2003 there were a lot of massacres by paramilitaries. This got a lot of international attention. It got them into a lot of trouble. Now there are more selective murders, there’s a changed dynamic of the conflict (NGO Bogotá). Whilst the former counteracts popular support, the latter are more difficult to prove, more difficult to penalize and consequently perpetrators remain in impunity (NGO Bogotá). This has major (emotional) consequences for victims. The above paragraphs illustrate the entanglement concerning legal, illegal, legitimate and illegitimate aspects, whereby the discussion of conflict versus terrorism is raised. In Colombia, by altering the discourse from conflict to terrorism, it changes how the involved groups are approached, as we will elaborate on further throughout the chapters.

2. Demobilizing Agreements

processes

and

Peace

Throughout the decades, there have been various attempts at peace negotiations (Vranckx, 2010). The peace agreements in 1984 are an example, after which the demobilized FARC members developed a political party (Unión Patriótica), a party whose members would later be murdered one by one, circumstances which immediately doomed future negotiations. Nonetheless, some agreements

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were more successful. An example is the peace agreement with the guerrilla group M-19 in 1989 (García-Durán, 2004). Although official numbers of 2006 indicate 31,000 AUC-members had demobilized (Vranckx, 2010), as we will see further on, the actual success of these paramilitary demobilizations is another story. Attempts to bring peace to the country are being undertaken through reconciliation processes and transitional justice to punish perpetrators6. Victims are (supposedly) being recognized and are getting compensation through the law of victims7, introducing measures of attention, support and reparation for victims of the conflict. However, considering this is taking place while the conflict is still ongoing, it is an arduous process (Vranckx, 2008). Throughout different conversations and meetings, I often wondered when speaking about a situation of omnipresent war, can borders of infraction of rights due to the war even be defined without excluding and further violating people? Several interviewees pointed out the solution for the conflict has majorly been sought on a military level; little has been done to solve further structural problems and other social concerns (Univ/Res Bogotá; NGO Medellín). When going through literature and diary notes, it seems the different armed groups continue to point their fingers at each other, while each side continues with their own transgressions. The AUC has been through several demobilizing processes (Immigration and refugee board of Canada, 2008). Nevertheless, few measures have been made to disconnect the complex structure whereby a large amount continues to be active in another group or under a different name. When demobilizing collectively, it is often a decision of the commander, whereby the individual members, do not necessarily have the will to do so (HRW, 2005). Once they become acquainted to a life of violence, it is very difficult to introduce other schemes (Vargas-Barón, 2010). As an interviewee explained to me: If McDonald’s has many stores in Colombia, and for one or the other reason they decide to leave, there are no longer any McDonald’s in Colombia. The endorsement is gone, but all the people that worked there, all the franchise of the McDonald’s is not. They’ll surely go on and do what they’ve learnt to do. So they will go on making hamburgers. They will go on selling hamburgers (GO Ind Bogotá).

6 For more information on the demobilizing processes, we recommend Labrador Araújo, K., & Gómez Jiménez M. (2010). DDR: Desarme, Desmovilización, Reincorporación en Colombia. Fundación Antonio Restrepo Barco: Bogotá. 7 For more information on the law of victims, we recommend Santos Calderón, J.M., Vargas Lleras, G., & Restrepo Salazar, J.C. (2011). Ley de víctimas y restitución de tierras. Ministerio del Interior y de Justicia: Bogotá.

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Children Disengaged from Armed Groups in Colombia: Integration Processes in Context

On this topic, a staff member of an NGO stated: There have been many strategies to point out that we were really going through demobilizing processes but in reality the armed groups continue operating where they were, with different names. And these armed groups obviously continue to threaten social organisations… because they accuse organisations of being conspirators of the guerrilla (NGO Bogotá). As mentioned on various occasions above, the dynamics of the conflict and the armed groups have changed on many levels: The political ideology of left parties against right parties has given over its throne to a conflict financed by narcotrafficking, based on criminality, search for territorial domination, domination of people, and seemingly lost its political reasoning. All armed groups are involved in narcotrafficking. It allows them to uniform themselves, to have weapons and so on (GO Ind Bogotá). On a geographical level, the conflict has become more urban (GO Bogotá), which has consequences for the dynamics in the sense that armed groups can function more invisibly in urban areas, and the conflict has become more underground (as we will mention in a further section of this chapter, this is comparable to what is happening in other South American countries like El Salvador). Moreover, the demobilization processes and the establishment of the justice and peace law, implying juridical processes for demobilizing paramilitaries, brought along certain dynamics. Situations occurred whereby demobilizing minors had in actuality never been engaged in the armed groups. They were being paid by armed groups to claim so, and were consequently being brought into the programmes for disengaging minors. Another dim aspect was explained by an interviewee saying that there were only 5 to 10% of weapons brought in during disarmament processes compared to the amount of demobilized people. Justification to this was that the people factually never carried weapons, but carried beams, though this is questionable considering the amount and cruelty of massacres carried out (NGO Bogotá).

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3. Armed groups8 involved in the conflict9 3.1. Regular forces Irregular armed groups are not the only ones guilty of violating laws regarding recruitment age. Although children are not officially enlisted, boys and girls are also used by regular forces for activities such as getting information, messaging, guiding, contacting other friends and ingratiating themselves with the people, which also puts their lives and those of their family at risk (Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers [Coalition], 2004). Firstly, children disengaged from armed groups are not always surrendered to authorities within the 36 hours decreed by law, but are sometimes detained and interrogated for days, which is also a form of using children in the conflict (United Nations Security Counsil, 2009). A researcher (Univ/Res Bogotá) explained the governmental forces need information from disengaged children for their actions against armed groups and (in the past) one of the (unofficial) conditions to participate in the reinsertion programmes was to participate in dismantling the armed groups they disengaged from. As an interviewee pointed out: “Using children for logistic information is as great of an international crime as recruitment” (NGO Bogotá). Moreover, the army organises civil-military activities under the guise of providing health care and offering activities like sports or circus games. In an indirect way, this is involving the civil society. It is said to consolidate the relationship with the army, but in a context of war, a staff member of a governmental organisation explained this is taking civilians out of the neutral zone and positioning them in vulnerable situations (GO Bogotá). Different interviewees mentioned the absence of state services brings a lot of vulnerability to certain communities, but so does the mere military presence. A staff member from an NGO explained that in areas where the military presence is high, there are also a high number of rapes for example (NGO Medellín). Moreover, different hostile groups imposing themselves in certain regions results in the forced displacement of the population. In rural areas, an interviewee

8 Throughout the book we speak about “armed groups” in general, trying not to discriminate between different groups recruiting children, as it is not our objective to enter into the discussion on the definition of an armed group, but we more so want to give an overview concerning children engaged with armed groups. In that way, how the group is defined is irrelevant. Moreover, it should be noted here that there are other actors involved in the conflict who also involve children in their actions like hit men gangs, narcotrafficking gangs, and weapon venders. 9 For more information on the history of armed groups, we recommend Gutiérrez Sanín (2010).

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explained that governmental armed groups are often only present temporarily, while other armed groups remain there. The people are thus put in a dangerous position after they have (forcibly) had contact with the governmental army, as they can easily be considered as an accomplice (IO Bogotá). A staff member of a governmental organisation illustrated an example of experiences lived by people in rural areas: The guerrilla came along with their weapons, with their power, imposing their laws and orders, the next day the regular army came along punishing those who had been forced to help the guerrilla because they had had a weapon to their head and the next day the paramilitaries came along and judging them with their own norms, punishing and executing people they considered shouldn’t be there (GO Bogotá).

3.2. Irregular groups10 3.2.1. Guerrilla groups The most famous guerrilla groups are FARC-EP (or FARC), ELN, movimiento 19 de abril (M-19), Ejército revolucionario del Pueblo (ERP- revolutionary army of the people), Ejército popular del pueblo (EPP- Popular army of the people) and Ejército popular de liberación (EPL- Popular liberation army) among others (Pizarro & Valencia, 2009; Defensoría del Pueblo, 2006). There are different opinions about the strength of existence of these groups, once again depending on the source. Though there are talks of guerrilla groups being weaker than ever, the FARC for example claim they are still strong and standing (“Las FARC ‘no están debilitadas’”, 2012; Belga, 8/4/2012). The guerrilla groups were initially left wing movements coming up for the rights of the rural population. They controlled much of the countryside (40%), remote areas where the state had little presence (Richani, 2010). As stated above, throughout the years the political motivations seemed to evaporate and economic power prevailed. Their structure and methods also changed. Johnson et al. (2005) suggested that this change in the dynamics of the guerrilla may be due to the increased infrastructure and communication. Although Llorente and Vranckx (2012) and Louage (2012) explained them

10 With the term “irregular groups” we refer to all non-state groups involved in the conflict, which are also called violent non-state actors (Mulaj, 2010), non-state armed groups (Nonstate armed groups, 2006) or illegal groups (e.g. GO Bogotá) among others.

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having to reuse couriers in recent years, as the state eavesdropping on them is too high of a risk. Some participants mentioned an alteration in motives, such as the transformation of discourse from guerrilla groups to criminal gangs. As a director of an NGO explained: “The difference with guerrilla and criminal gangs is that FARC for example had Leninist and Marxist ideas, ELN has Guevarrian ideas and the latter [i.e. criminal groups] do not have any political motive” (NGO Bogotá). Recently, the FARC and Colombian government have been undertaking attempts to peace agreements through dialogue, which are still ongoing (ODDR, 2013).

3.2.2. Paramilitary groups The most common known is the group of the AUC. Other groups are the Autodefensas campesinas del Casanare (ACC Self-defense farmers of Casanare), Bloque central Bolivar (BCB Central Bloc Bolivar) and Bloque Cacique Pipinta among others (Defensoría del Pueblo, 2006). As explained in an earlier paragraph, after demobilization processes, paramilitary groups officially no longer exist. However, throughout the research process we encountered different opinions. Interviewees explained there is no longer a national order or command, but that they still function in the same way, with illegal money, with military ranks, and uniforms and weapons, controlling the people (e.g. implementing curfew) (Other Bogotá; Univ/Res Bogotá). A staff member of a governmental organisation explained they no longer consist of groups of hundreds or thousands, but in certain towns or areas there are groups of 60 to 70 men controlling the area (GO Bogotá). A research by Nuevo Arco Iris in 2008 estimated up to 10,000 active members (Comisión Colombiana de Juristas, 2008). A lawyer from an NGO expressed his view on it: “Although there’s discussion whether paramilitaries still exist or not: what is for sure is that violence still is connected to drug trafficking, human trafficking and so on” (NGO Bogotá).

3.2.3. New groups With the years, the dynamics of the conflict changed, and with this, so did the functioning of armed groups, and the discourses concerning them. A director of an NGO explained: Paramilitarism as a phenomenon no longer exists. What does exist now are structures that continue to be important from the perspective of participation of negotiation of drugs, of narcotrafficking. Approximately ten percent of ex-paramilitaries engage with these criminal groups after the demobilization process. It goes to say that nearly ten percent of the

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paramilitaries took up weapons again and were part of armed structures again, like these [criminal] gangs. However, these gangs are very alike the paramilitary groups in their narcotrafficking. But we don’t think they have the same pugnacity towards the state in terms of wanting to substitute public authorities or wanting to handle out obstinate or rebellious crimes or having, let’s say subversive activities or engaged with subversive disputes in the conflict or groups that are ideologically committed to the left (NGO Bogotá). Several interviewees explained there are new groups originating from people demobilized from other armed groups. Interviewees mentioned many names for these new groups: sometimes they are simply called criminal gangs as they have no political motive, others call them “neoparamilitary” groups as they are demobilized paramilitaries, they work identically, and they “just changed their coat” as a staff worker explained (NGO Bogotá; GO Bogotá, NGO Medellín). The Atlantic departmental plans literarily stated criminal gangs as “returned” paramilitaries (ODDR, 2011, p. 40). On this aspect, a social worker pointed out generalizability is not possible: “Not all demobilized are good or bad. From integrants of criminal gangs arrested by police forces seven percent are former demobilized. This is low in comparison with other countries” (NGO Bogotá). Furthermore, they are simply called emergent groups, as they are newly emerging. On the subject, an NGO staff member explained: Social cleansing, threats, selective murders and so on are becoming the ways of operating of these groups. So for the government there no longer are paramilitaries, but there are emergent groups in service of narcotrafficking. [Although the group supposedly has changed its meaning,] it’s still a paramilitary group (NGO Bogotá). A coordinator of an NGO mentioned similar dynamics in other countries like Mexico and Brazil. In the Americas, the culture of violence and street gangs has been present for decades. Literature has shown a considerable diversity in gangs or organised armed groups in El Salvador, Nicaragua, Mexico, Brazil, Guatemala, and Honduras among others (Rodgers & Muggah, 2009). Drawing these parallels raises the question concerning at which point a violent situation of society is called “war” or “armed conflict” and who decides on this. Although the Colombian government may decide not to call the situation an armed conflict, for whichever reason, the actual situation and everyday life of the population may mirror a different reality. On this aspect Rodgers and Muggah (2009, p. 3) argue to take into account groups that not solely use violence against the state, but also groups that are “not consciously seeking direct control over all (or even any) of its institutions”.

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Concerning children disengaged from armed groups entering the reinsertion programmes, a psychologist explained that children entering the programme are not the same as before, considering the conflict’s change in dynamic: There was the AUC, there were massacres, there was more drugs. Many young people in urban areas are now in gangs, while they used to be in armed groups, so the youth have changed. There is also more violence in schools. Although there is the problem that youngsters are seen differently by being part of a gang or an armed group, they namely have no access to the benefits of someone who was formerly engaged with an armed group. They are legally sanctioned. They are brought to rehabilitation centres. But being part of a street gang does entail a risk of being recruited by an armed group. Another danger is that gangs are part of the criminal environment. The youth earn money. In armed groups they get no money, they are exploited. Between 2001 and 2005, the AUC used to pay the youngsters. Although the youngsters who are part of gangs also experience(d) violations of their rights, they therefore also deserve a restoration of their rights (GO Bogotá). The discussion whether children (or people in general) engaged with criminal gangs are seen and treated as delinquents whilst “children engaged with armed groups” are seen as “children disengaged from armed groups” when arriving in the hands of authorities often arose in conversations I had with staff of organisations and as an interviewee questioned: “Both are children, they engage with the armed group for the same reason, so why differentiate between them?” (NGO Medellín).

4. The Sociogeographical Situation and its diversity The republic of Colombia has over 45,000,000 inhabitants and a magnitude of 1,138,910 km² with a population density of 39.7 inhabitants per km² (Statisiques mondiales, 2012). Bogotá is the capital of the country and Spanish is the official language. Geographically, it has a border with Venezuela, Brazil, Ecuador, Peru, Panama, the Caribbean Sea and the Pacific Ocean. It can be divided into five major parts: the Caribbean coast, the Pacific coast, the Andes, the Orinoco area, and the Amazon area. On a governmental level it is divided into 32 departments and the capital district (DANE, 2005). Different aspects explain the diversity of society in the country: About 68% of the population lives in urban areas (PNUD, 2011). Concerning ethnic groups, about 3,4% of the population are indigenous, 10,6% are of

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Figure 1.1 Map of Colombia11

Afrocolombian descent and a mere 0,1% are of Rom origin according to a cultural auto-recognition census (DANE, 2005) and with further mixes between them, the diversity results in both richness (on the cultural level) and poverty (regarding the socioeconomic risk level). 11

11 Map retrieved from: http://www.tourist2townie.com/status-updates/status-update-29days-til-colombia/

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An aspect which strongly marks the diversity is poverty. Interviewees explained both wealth and income are highly concentrated, while poverty is very dispersed (IO Bogotá). Moreover, rural areas differ much from urban areas, not only on the poverty line, but also concerning the presence of the different armed groups (IO Medellín; GO Pasto). Although geographically the conflict is present in all five zones (and 29 of the 54 subregions), the conflict in concentrated on border areas, with the epicentre in the region where the guerrilla traditionally have control (Springer, 2008). As a researcher explained: In the north, you’ll find new groups and paramilitaries and from the middle [of the country] towards the south there are more guerrilla groups, although at the pacific coast you’ll find FARC, ELN, emergent gangs, all sorts of armed groups (Univ/Res Bogotá). Up to 9.7% of the children in Springer’s research (2008) reported the presence of AUC in their area, 24% reported the presence of FARC, 2.2% ELN, and 3% reported the presence of other marginal groups. Up to 50.1% of the children participating in her research indicated that more than one group was active in their living environment. These figures also bring along different dynamics concerning children disengaged from armed groups. The study of Defensoría del Pueblo (2006) found that children were recruited in all departments, spread over the country. Therewith, risk areas for recruitment include zones that form a gateway for weapon trafficking, where illegal cultivation takes place, with the presence of minefields and mine accidents, a lot of forced displacement (with a high proportion of minors in the displaced population), a high percentage of family violence, and a strong presence of armed groups (Defensoría del Pueblo, 2006; Springer, 2008). The geographic areas at high risk level are noted to be Putumayo, Arauca, Meta, Norte de Santander, Caquetá, Chocó, Antioquia, Guaviare, Cauca, and Valle del Cauca, whereby the Andean region is the region with the most communities at risk (Springer, 2008) and there is a lower concentration of recruitment in the Amazon area - the southern part of the country (Defensoría del Pueblo, 2006). As noted, considering this diversity, we decided to focus on different areas in this research. We hereby give an overview of the four areas, which have shortly been mentioned in chapter one.

4.1. Bogotá (capital district) Bogotá is Colombia’s capital with more than 7,500,000 estimated inhabitants (DANE, 2005). This area seemed primordial to take up in our research considering a lot of headquarters of organisations (national and international)

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function here. Moreover, as many interviewees had mentioned, it offered us a good starting point to gain an overview of the situation of children engaged with and disengaged from armed groups in the country, as well as of the conflict in general. Bogotá is thereby closely connected to what is happening in the rest of the country. Moreover, Pérez Ortiz (n.d.) explained it is an important strategic corridor for communication with rural zones of the district and for the transport of weapons and provisions as it functions as an important source of resources and supplies. The city (and broader capital district) consists of a broad diversity. From the south and the outlying areas to the north, it goes from miserable poverty to great wealth. The city is divided into different stratums going from one (very poor) to six (rich). The vast majority (82.2%) live in the three lowest stratums (“Mapa de información”, n.d.). There are over 270,000 displaced people in Bogotá (Albuja & Caballos, 2010). An interviewee explained many rural internally displaced people (IDPs) move to Bogotá, partly because it allows them to live more anonymously, but they moreover hope the city can offer them tranquillity and opportunities. Instead, they encounter poverty, loneliness, exclusion and fear (NGO Bogotá). An editorial by Defensoría del Pueblo (n.d.) stated that the locality of Ciudad Bolívar is one of the most common places to flee to. It is located in the southeast, the district with the highest degree of poverty (26%). An interviewee (Other Bogotá) explained that in these areas, the conflict between guerrillas, paramilitary groups, street gangs and the military and police forces is felt daily. Armed groups perform territorial control, implement curfew, control the population by charging and extorting merchandisers and perform social cleansing, for example by murdering children located on a public list of supposed drug dealers or gang leaders. The authors of the editorial (Defensoría del Pueblo, n.d.) furthermore explained that forced displacement, selective and collective murders, recruitment, coercion of politic candidates and extortion brings fear to the lives of the population.

4.2. Medellín (Antioquia) Medellín is the capital of the department of Antioquia and is the country’s second largest city with over 2,000,000 inhabitants of which around 14.5% are between ten and 19 years old (DANE, 2011). In the last 50 years the industrialization transformed Medellín from a rural to an urban area, and in recent years it has also developed on a commercial and technological level (Ramírez, 2005). The contrasts between the different neighbourhoods of the city are tremendous. A coordinator of a non-governmental organization (NGO) attended

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to the dynamics in the high class neighbourhoods explaining prestige and looks rule life, with beauty contests and plastic surgery being what matters (NGO Medellín). In lower class areas, life is about surviving. Here, Ramírez (2005) mentioned people live in overcrowded and dense areas, which are characterized by social conflict and violence. These circumstances have high implications for the quality of life on the physical level, but also concerning family and community relations and conviviality. There is no space for privacy and the private is thus made public (Ramírez, 2005). A staff member from an NGO explained how Itaguí (a neighbourhood in Medellín) functions as the southern gateway of the city and is not only characterized by poverty and a dynamic of conflict, but also by stigmatization which inhibits any form of progress (NGO Medellín). In a lot of the popular neighbourhoods12 there are so-called invisible borders, whereby gangs act out autonomy and territorial control, and going from one block to another is at the risk of losing one’s life. A coordinator of an international organisation explained how if you live in commune a, you are seen as an enemy in commune b and crossing the border becomes dangerous (IO Medellín). Another coordinator of an NGO explained this is one of the reasons for descholarization, as children drop out because it is too dangerous for them to go to school, or sometimes they have to walk a long detour to avoid entering a red zone13 (NGO Medellín). In 2002, the number of unschooled children was estimated around 30,000 (Ramírez, 2005). Furthermore, the popular neighbourhoods often have a high percentage of displaced people from rural areas, whereby even schools show discrimination towards these groups. An example was explained by a social worker from a local NGO (NGO Medellín) whereby an Afrocolombian boy was not accepted into a school. When asked why, the school explained they want quality and quality implies having a uniform, having shoes, and being clean. People living in stratums one and two (poorest) do not have the economic means for this. This way, the vicious circle of marginalization is kept operating. Moreover, many of the neighbourhoods function under their own reign and have their own rules (forcibly implemented by the armed group active in that precise neighbourhood). An example of this may be the dynamic

12 An interviewee explained popular can have three dimensions. Firstly, on an economic level it means poor; secondly, on a social level it enhances fame; and thirdly, it holds account for another form or alternative for the common, meaning resistance and contrary to the economic and social models of the elite (NGO Cartagena). We refer to popular neighbourhoods meaning urban areas where people with low financial resources live in marginalized circumstances . 13 Red zones are zones where the conflict is active and they are considered to be dangerous.

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of social cleansing, whereby rules are imposed on the population and pamphlets are spread around that if they do not obey, they will be punished (NGO Medellín). A staff member of an international organisation explained Antioquia is a strategic pathway concerning conflict dynamics (IO Medellín). Furthermore, a researcher noted that it has been strongly marked by narcotrafficking for decades. In the ‘90s the famous cartels were broken down, whereby narcotrafficking became dispersed and more difficult to track down (Univ/Res Bogotá). It was thus not surprising that in the year 2000, there were more than 200 armed groups active in Medellín (Asesoría de Paz y Convivencia, 2000 see Coalición contra la vinculación de niños, niñas y jóvenes al conflicto armado en Colombia [Coalico], n.d.). Ramírez’ research (2005) showed that these groups consist of around 10,000 members; with an estimate of 60% to 70% of these members of armed groups in Medellín being children. Taking into account the total number of members in armed groups, this means that nearly half of the children engaged with armed groups on a national level come from Medellín. The existence of such groups is due to both historic facts and specific aspects of the city, which is characterized by circumstances of violence and conflict (Ramírez, 2005). According to Ramírez (2005) insurgency groups (militia groups and urban guerrilla) have diminished due to demobilization efforts and a higher presence of paramilitaries and public forces. Paramilitaries, although active in the city as long as the city exists, had quite poor territorial control up to the year 2000. But soon after, these groups implemented a new urban strategy on a national level financed by drug trafficking, meaning they started cooperating with criminal gangs. After 2000, most of the criminal gangs worked in service of paramilitary groups. Those that refuse to be subordinate to the paramilitary groups are obliged to do so by force. Furthermore, there are gangs of reduced sizes, which are not subject to other actors, but are immersed in actions such as narcotrafficking, assault, and theft (Ramírez, 2005). Springer (2008) noted that Antioquia is the area with the highest degree of vulnerability concerning recruitment of children in absolute terms, partly due to it being a gateway for weapon and drug trafficking, an area of high intra- and interurban displacement (NGO Medellín), the presence of armed groups, and the presence of domestic violence. But relatively speaking (relative size of population compared to the size of contributions) the departments of Caquetá, Tolima, Putumayo, and Meta pay the largest contribution. Furthermore, she stated that for 46.1% of children engaged with armed groups, the area of recruitment is not equal to their birth area. Moreover, there is a change in degree of recruitment per department, demonstrating the mobility of children and difficulties locating them territorially (Springer, 2008).

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4.3. San Juan de Pasto (Nariño) Pasto, the capital of the more rural department of Nariño, is located in the southwest of the country, bordering Ecuador. An interviewee explained that Nariño is in a complex situation and has a high presence of armed groups due to its coastal line, mountain range, and boarder with Ecuador (GO Pasto). It thereby is not only a transit for trafficking, but it is also an exit for refugees. A majority of 95% of the refugees (estimates of 135,000) in Ecuador are Colombian (“ONU reubicaría a refugiados Colombianos”, 2010). They cross the border in an informal way looking for better and secure conditions (IO Bogotá). With 383,846 inhabitants (DANE, 2005), San Juan de Pasto is more of a town than a city. Since there is no governmental programme for children disengaged from armed groups in the city, a coordinator of a governmental organisation explained that when children are handed over to or taken in by authorities, they are sent to cities like Cali, Medellín or Bogotá to follow the reinsertion programme (GO Pasto). Nevertheless, we decided to give it a short visit, because Nariño is an area with a majority of indigenous inhabitants. The conflict has brought harshness to people’s life in rural areas, but besides this they have basic difficulties of marginalization due to the long distances to educational and other services. A member of an international organisation explained that the change in dynamics, whereby “before, they were called autodefensas [paramilitary self-defence groups], now they are hit men, they kill for money. That’s how it is in Pasto” (IO Pasto). In rural areas the presence of the army is often absent. A researcher explained that the relation between the guerrilla groups and the community is stronger and closer there (NGO Bogotá). Nonetheless, the discourses concerning these topics vary between guerrilla groups supporting the indigenous and rural populations, and abusing them. The land distribution is also an important topic in these areas, as a coordinator of a GO explained: “There are a lot of people that have had land for generations but they have no formal title” (GO Cartagena). People do not have documents stating the exact land they own, so although they have always lived there, officially they do not own it (IO Pasto). An interviewee explained that because the land has a spiritual importance for them, they remain with less than nothing after they have been forcibly displaced from their home. According to a programme coordinator, throughout the years, dynamics in indigenous cultures have changed, cultures are being lost, whereby ‘macho’ behaviour and gender hierarchy has grown and problems like alcohol abuse have appeared. She explained these aspects have changed societies: “The love for one’s children that used to be very strong is now lost”, and “Violence between mothers and fathers is a consequence of the macho culture. This culture is something relatively new in indigenous communities whose values were not set in this way” (IO Pasto). The coordinator continued by explaining that they are indirect consequences of the conflict (e.g.

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through the militarized culture and parting of family and community). She also mentioned that they are of great importance for the psychosocial wellbeing and development of society (IO Pasto). An example of the consequences of armed conflict is the indigenous Awá community, where in the past decades there were inter alia five massive flights, individual flights, four massacres with about 200 murders, 50 people affected by mines, abductions, threats, coercion, forced recruitment, and blocking passage of food and medication (Dh Colombia, 2009).

4.4. Cartagena de Indias (Bolívar) Cartagena, the fifth largest city of Colombia, is situated in the north of the country. It is a tourist attraction, both nationally and internationally. Its inhabitants are quite diverse, but like most coastal cities the Afrocolombian presence is strong. Though the colonial city centre and the beaches raise images of paradise, the areas some blocks away from the centre illustrate another reality where sewerage and streets are one, houses are built from wood and earth, running water and electricity are not evident, and poverty is omnipresent. A staff member of an NGO explained the tourism brings along positive consequences like a rise in job opportunities, but it has also increased the problem of sexual exploitation. Although another interviewee noted there are also cases of sexual abuse and exploitation in home environments, whereby family members allow their children (boys and girls) to be sexually exploited for money (IO Cartagena). The majority of inhabitants of Cartagena are not pure Cartageneros, inasmuch the city is a recipient for displaced people. A coordinator of an international organisation explained: We have 20 years of receiving displaced youth… about 20 years. Because Cartagena has always been a quite tranquil city and as I was saying, tourism offers a non-qualified workmanship which is informal work, which is generated by tourism (IO Cartagena). Some neighbourhoods have surged from displaced people arriving there from different parts of the country. An example is the Nelson Mandela borough which now has around 60,000 inhabitants (IO Cartagena). A community leader explained how a neighbourhood consisting of displaced people causes suspicion whereby nobody really knows who is who and where they came from. He continued by saying people presume that others have been displaced due to the conflict; however this may have been as a perpetrator or a victim. Arriving in these areas as a white person brings about looks of interest and suspicion, though once

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you are introduced to people, they are very open an inviting. Outside these neighbourhoods, people deem you insane to even consider going there. A non-governmental staff member explained that Cartagena has both historic poverty and poverty due to displacement (NGO Cartagena), whereby it is not always a consequence of the conflict, but also a development pattern (IO Cartagena). An interviewee noted: People displace to search for better social and economic conditions. In Colombia rural and coastal areas are very impoverished. So people come to the city because they find infrastructure, precarious ones, but they find it; universities, culture, public services. It’s the 21st century and some communities don’t have running water (IO Cartagena). A first distinction with the other research areas that we noticed in Cartagena, was that people did not seem to mention the presence of the conflict or armed groups as such, but they spoke about the problematic of gangs. A 2006 research identified up to 80 gangs in the city (Márquez Barbosa, 2009), sometimes referred to as youth at risk (IO Cartagena). A researcher also explained that these gangs have specific dynamics compared to other armed groups in areas such as Medellín, with these gangs not solely being a consequence of demobilization considering they were also present before these processes. Furthermore, Márquez Barbosa’s research explained that the strong presence of informal jobs is another aspect that brings along a lot of criminality related to the gangs, which was also explained by a participant talking about motor taxi’s (Univ/ Res Cartagena). According to Rodgers and Muggah (2009) there may also be a link with migration; gangs are a means for migrated youth to feel included. Furthermore, gangs are explained to be an urban manifestation and although there is no clear link between gangs and poverty, they are more likely to emerge in poorer and marginal areas of the city. When looking at arguments for joining gangs, research has shown different influencing aspects such as hanging out, avoiding family problems, friends being members, and unemployment (Rodgers, 1999). These are aspects which reflect what was explained by interviewees. As various interviewees explained, these gangs are moreover characterized by its members exclusively consisting of children and young adults up to around 25 years old in contrast with the traditional armed groups where many are also of an older age. An interviewee mentioned: Children of nine or ten years old, children form informal groups, they grow up in the streets due to absence of the parents. They spend their adolescence in the gang and when they are 20, 25 years old, if he[/she] isn’t dead, if he[/she] isn’t worn out because of drugs, he[/she] enters in the theme of maturity (IO Cartagena).

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A psychologist explained reasons for this are that they also often start having their own children and consequently develop feelings of responsibility. According to a coordinator the family plays an important role in the lives of people, so when they start their own family they dedicate themselves to this entirely (IO Cartagena). Furthermore, a staff member of an NGO explained Cartagena is an important in- and export gateway to and from Central America and thereby it is also a gateway for ‘mules’ (drug transporters). These dynamics partly result in the fact that youth are being generalized and discriminated to be drug users and traffickers and are seen as criminal (NGO Cartagena).

5. Conclusion This chapter discussed the prolonged course and therewith complexity of the Colombian conflict. It shows that the conflict is deeply rooted in society on a broad range of levels, whereby boundaries become complicated. Although there are many aspects important and necessary to dwell upon, at the same time these aspects are intertwined and bringing them together is rather complex. The whole country is affected by the conflict and the diversity of the population demonstrates itself in the diversity of affectedness. This offers a context wherein the situation of children engaged with and disengaged from armed groups should be understood. In the following chapter we continue on the situation of children in this context.

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Chapter 3

Children in Colombia Talking about children is talking about dreams, illusions, hopes ... and also about tragedy, tragedy that becomes evident in the dire living conditions to which they are subjected. Children in Colombia face the “risk of being and living” every day because they are denied the minimum conditions for personal realisation and development. (Benposta, n.d.)

This chapter is dedicated to the general situation of children in Colombia. We start the chapter with discussing childhood, which is important in defining who we are talking about. Furthermore, we discuss important aspects in the lives of Colombian children that display the extent to which they are affected in their daily life. We also review in which way children have become victims of the conflict, through (forced) displacement, disappearance, abduction, risk of recruitment, engagement with and disengagement from armed groups. As Ramírez (2005) stated, children are both directly and indirectly involved in the armed conflict: directly through participating, indirectly as victims. We more profoundly attend to the issue of engagement with armed groups in chapter four.

1. Childhood Defining childhood is something very complex, where ambiguity and simplifications are common (Estrada et al., 2006). Boyden (2003) claimed childhood and the needs of children are often regarded as universal with research agreeing that physical needs, cognitive processes, and underlying neurological development are universal. Furthermore, she noted that there are also similarities in how biology and culture interact in the development of the child. It is also assumed that childhood is not crystallized with predetermined developmental stages, but rather a diverse, changing category that follows certain biological sequences and responds to the social and cultural environment, genetic inheritance, personal settings and economic and political conditions. The child is thus very variable and context specific (Boyden, 2003; Singer,  2006). As a phase in life childhood is fairly new in the Western world. According to Estrada and colleagues (2006), starting from the 18th, 19th century, it was seen as a social delimitation with certain privileges, a period of permissiveness

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before biological and social maturity. This maturity varied among different socioeconomic sectors. In the popular classes for example, a productive contribution began as soon as circumstances allowed so. Here, it was common that adolescents have children and build a home from an early age. In higher classes, studying longer was a more normal course of progression, whereby social maturity on the economic and productive field was delayed. Other social characteristics of childhood were spare time and little social requirements. Furthermore, childhood and youth had a different connotation for girls and boys whereby girls have a more limited time, taking the biological clock of motherhood into account (Estrada et al., 2006). According to Jaramillo (2007) the idea of childhood as a different human development stage started growing in Colombia in the beginning of the 20th century. Until then, the child was seen as a little adult, with different posture and physical strength than adults. Considering childhood as a specific stage was a slow process, it implicated a different treatment and particular considerations, not only in legislation and norms, but also further in depth in the social sphere. Even up until today, in rural areas children are still seen as little adults with equal responsibilities and working duties (Jaramillo, 2007). This social category of childhood thus depends on the provenance (urban or rural), the role the child plays within the family, the race or ethnicity, religion, and the social class inter alia (Estrada et al., 2006; McEvoy-Levy, 2006). In the indigenous communities14 for example, the age until which one is categorized as a child is fourteen. Depending on the tribe to which a child belongs, they are treated differently at different ages. Parents of the Tikuna tribe take care of their child up to the age of 12 years in terms of food and other daily needs. In the Uititi community, it is normal for a son between 12 and 15 years to work with his father. The life cycle is described through different steps: The first stage is komuiyafue, which entails the beginning of a new life. This means a return to the ancestor. This includes the stage of pregnancy, birth, and first days of life. The second one, kome urue, goes from birth to six or seven years (when the teeth are renewing). This is a stage of physical dependency, and a period of learning about good and bad based on the stories of parents and grandparents. The third stage is komonaidade, which entails physical autonomy, developing moral standards, and performing certain tasks in the family and the community. It is seen as a transition period between child and youngster. Here, the child also begins to work with the parents (Sabogal Báez, 2008).

14 This study (Sabogal Báez, 2008) took place in the Amazon of Leticia, Puerto Nariño, Chorrera, Pedrera, and Tarapaca, and include the following tribes: Tikuna, Cocama, Uitono, Yucana, Matapi, Cubeo, Cabiyari, Miraña, Letuama, Maku, Bora, and Andoke.

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At first it seems logical to define childhood by chronological age, which is an objective measure and is used in most societies and social classifications (Boyden, 2003). Nevertheless, as Estrada and colleagues (2006) continued, age is relative and does not have a uniform meaning. In different societies, it has different meanings concerning behaviour, characteristics, skills and cultural codes, whereby there is no single meaning of the concept of childhood or youth, and meanings are rather multiple (Estrada et al, 2006). Clark-Kazak (2009) proposed the concept of social age as a supplementary perspective to chronological age, opting to place children’s (or people in general) experiences within broader social economic and political processes, including intra- and inter-generational relationships, but also referring to social meanings and roles ascribed to different stages in the life cycle. Although we are aware of this diversity and restrictions when applying the concept of chronological age, we followed the age limits of legislation concerning children engaged with armed groups (Convention on the Rights of the Child), setting 18 years old as the limit when speaking of children, considering that the aspects dealing with the topic of children engaged with and disengaged from armed groups in Colombia followed the concept of chronological age. Nevertheless, as Clark-Kazak (2009) mentioned, it is recommendable to take into account context-specific understandings of social age as it would contextualise initiatives (e.g. research, legal, developmental initiatives) within localized realities.

2. Living in a war-torn country Locombia15: This is the story of a country called Locombia. Very violent people lived there, they were so crazy that the children could not leave their homes because the adults were so busy killing each other. And sometimes they even beat them, and others abused them, and so these children were becoming crazy and aggressive adults as all the inhabitants of Locombia. (Corporación Ancón Corancón, 2007, p. 11)

2.1. Speaking in figures It is difficult to speak in numbers when the discussion concerning who is involved with an armed group and who is involved in the armed conflict is ongoing. In the

15 Loco is the Spanish for crazy. “Locombia” could thus be translated as “Crazombia”.

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literature, when speaking about victims of the armed conflict in Colombia, they include displaced children, children engaged with and disengaged from armed groups, threatened children, children at risk of being engaged, children living in poverty, children in children living in street situation, children suffering social and domestic violence, children with no educational access, missing children, and abducted children (Cifuentes, 2009; Benposta, n.d.; Vergara González, 2007; Defensoría del Pueblo, 2007). DANE (2005) indicated that 36.3% of the Colombian population are minors (16.5 million). In the Amazon, children under 14 years constitute 39.8% of the population (DANE, 2005). Up to 38.9% of children in Colombia live in poverty and 17,5% live in misery16, whereby 67% of children under the age of four grow up in poverty. Over 2,000,000 children have no access to education. Up to 2,500,000 children work, of who 32% are between six and 11 years old (Benposta, n.d.). Nearly 1,000,000 children spend more than 15 hours per week on house chores (Singer, 2006). Between 20,000 and 30,000 children live on the streets (Benposta, n.d.). Every year in Colombia, at least 1,000,000 children are killed, beaten or kidnapped (Sierra Gómez, 2009). In 38% of the families, there is child abuse (Benposta, n.d.), estimates up to 18,000 are engaged with armed groups and 100,000 are working in illegal economy linked to armed groups (Springer, 2012). In 2010 alone 17,318 cases of sexual abuse of minors were declared (Instituto Nacional de Medicina Legal y Ciencias Forenses, 2012), a high number considering only 30% of the cases are esteemed to be declared (“Aumenta la explotación y abuso sexual”, 2007). These figures indicate that the violations of children’s rights are a serious problem in the daily life of Colombian children. They show that violations are not solely a result of the armed conflict or armed groups.

16 As the Expert Group of poverty statistics (1998) noted, absolute poverty is understood as the minimum set of resources a person needs to survive. Furthermore, there is the concept of relative poverty, a measurement of the resources and living conditions of parts of the population in relation to others. Absolute poverty is a matter of acute deprivation, hunger, premature death and suffering. In practice, it may be difficult to measure it in a consistent way, since the dividing line between acceptable and unacceptable deprivation is not just biological and can change from society to society. The consensual understanding, however, is that absolute poverty is an intolerable situation, requiring prompt corrective action. The measurement of relative poverty, on the other hand, is clearly a matter of social equity, and is associated with the development of policies for the reduction of social inequalities and the creation of mechanisms to compensate for the more extreme differences in wealth, living conditions and opportunities.

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2.2. Proximity of the conflict Arias, Eraso and Alvarez (2009) stated that prolonged conflicts go accompanied with armed confrontations, and eventually intrude into daily habits of the population. In communities that are very exposed to the conflict, a sort of naturalization develops and it is incorporated into the culture. In school communities, where children are in direct confrontation with armed individuals daily, this proximity provides an incorporation of values ​​and norms that accompany them (Arias et al., 2009). The ongoing nature of the war impedes children’s education and destroys their future and life, positioning them in vulnerable situations concerning malnutrition, diseases, sexual abuse, and forced recruitment (Vergara González, 2007). Different interviewees expressed both the absence of state services in some areas and the presence of armed groups brings potential danger to the population. A staff member of an NGO explained that there is an absence of guaranteeing children’s rights and that other armed groups are left to rule certain areas at their will. Another interviewee pointed out: “Although you would think that having a military base nearby brings security, it is just the opposite. When a military base is attacked, citizens in the surroundings are the main victims” (NGO Bogotá). Some concrete consequences of the daily proximity of the conflict and armed individuals are shown in the case of Arauca (a department in north eastern Colombia) where social disorder, threats of the guerrilla, and anti-rebel politics provide a context of violations towards children’s rights. In October 2010, a warrant officer sexually abused two 13- and a 14-year-old girls, killing one of them and their six- and nine-year-old brothers (“Crimen niños de Arauca”, 2011). That same month seven people, of whom two minors, were injured after a motorbike bomb exploded (“Crimen niños de Arauca”, 2010). In September 2011, a ten-year-old girl (daughter of the mayor) was abducted and held captive for 23 days. In December 2011, a 14-year-old girl was abducted by a guerrilla group because her boyfriend had demobilized from the group (“Eln secuestró una niña”, 2011). These circumstances are no exceptions. The daily news brings sufficient (reported) examples of such incidents, which, although with changing dynamics, seem to have been part of the daily life of Colombian society for centuries and are circumstances that are well known to all generations of the population.

2.3. A population in violated situations In the past decade, worldwide, wars have caused the deaths of up to two million children, with a further six million mutilated, left one million orphans

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or separated from their family, converted nearly twelve million into refugees, and up to three hundred thousand are fighting in more than thirty conflicts worldwide.17 Nevertheless, these are only some of the costs they pay because of war (Vergara González, 2007; Unicef, 2006). Vergara González (2007) noted that in research in Colombia, attention has been focussed on the political violence and narcotrafficking, while other types of violence are being ignored or invisibilized such as the eruption of invisible actors like children, which relatively speaking generate a high amount of victims and are profoundly affecting the lives of Colombians (Vergara González, 2007). As noted above, children living in situations of armed conflict are victims in all sorts of ways. They are sexually abused by armed individuals, witness violence and murder, live a life with constant threats, live in poor economic and sanitary conditions, are tortured, and extrajudicial executions are carried out on them to name but a few (Defensoría del Pueblo, 2007; Humanidad Vigente, 2009b). In their report on children in armed conflict in Colombia, the United Nations noted severe abuse against children like murder and maiming, recruitment of children into armed groups, child abduction, sexual violence, attacks on schools and hospitals, as well as denying humanitarian aid for children (United Nations, 2009). Given the role of drugs in the conflict, whereby the conflict is nurtured through exploitation of resources coming from narcotrafficking, extortion, and abduction creating an “economy of war” (Vergara González, 2007, p. 580), children are also involved in the conflict as coca scrapers as mentioned previously (United Nations, 2009). Children are threatened both by warnings that something will happen to them, and suffer actual consequences of threats. The maiming and murdering by armed groups is common because children do not obey, disagree to join the group, have a relationship with someone from another group or because they are in the wrong place at the wrong time. Children are frequently victims of landmines (NGO Medellín) or get stuck in direct confrontation between different groups; they go missing or are killed and are declared as dead in the conflict. Sexual abuse is another underreported event in Colombia, both of girls and boys, both by irregular groups and regular forces. Firstly, because of the shame, and secondly, because of a lack of trust in institutions these situations are kept quiet (United Nations, 2009). An interviewee mentioned that because sexual abuse is not articulated and is taboo, there is often no support for the victims (IO Pasto).

17 It is noteworthy that these amounts are difficult to grasp, and numbers are thus estimates. Gates and Reich (2010) mentioned that these numbers are outdated considering the cessation of wars inter alia.

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In the following sections we discuss different ways through which children are victimized, namely disappearance, abduction, human trafficking, threats, and displacement, all in some way related to the dynamics of engaging with armed groups.

2.3.1. “Los desaparecidos” (The missing) Still singing, still asking Still dreaming, still waiting Tell us where they are hidden The flowers that used to scent the streets Chasing a destiny Where, where have they gone?

Todavía cantamos, Todavía pedimos Todavía soñamos, Todavía esperamos Que nos digan en donde han escondido Las flores que aromaron las calles Persiguiendo un destino Donde, donde se han ido (Heredia, 1980)

Armed groups act out social cleansing of children who are supposedly thieves, drug addicts, prostitutes, or gang members and children end up as missing, whereby family members rarely or never find out what, when, and how (psychologist NGO Bogotá; Ortigosa, 2009). A psychologist explained that in some cases the perpetrator is known, but there is no proof. On top of that, a disappearance is often a threat that is hard to ignore (NGO Bogotá). In Ciudad Bolivar (a locality in the capital district) alone, more than 2000 cases of missing children have been reported to the attorney’s office (Cifuentes, 2009). The registration office of Legal Medicine Institute has identified 9969 bodies (“Identificados 440 desaparecidos”,2012), which a social worker explained to be important to the family members, especially on an emotional level as it brings an answer concerning the whereabouts of the missing child (NGO Bogotá). Though finding and identifying the body of a missing person does bring answers, these may be horrific to bear. Talking about his brother’s abduction, a boy explained: Hernando’s kidnapping has changed everything. It holds all of us hostage. We cannot think about anything else. I don’t have conversations with my mother anymore because I know, before I begin, what she’s thinking. The kidnapping colours all my dreams. When I eat I think, “What is he eating?” When I sleep I think, “How is he sleeping?” Nothing can be right in our world until he comes back (Alberto in Cameron, 2010, p. 127). In 2008, the scandal concerning “falsos positivos” (false positives) was revealed. An interviewee explained innocent children were murdered by the

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army and accused of being part of guerrilla groups. Allegedly this was done to increase their military results or just as social cleansing strategy (Other Medellín). There are no figures of the amount of children that have fallen victim of these acts. In 2008 in Soacha (a municipality near Bogotá), nineteen bodies of minors were discovered and identified as false positives. Since then many other cases have been reported (Cifuentes, 2009). In 2010, the largest mass grave in the Americas was encountered in Macarena (a municipality to the South of the capital district), with about 2000 victims, of which many were minors (TeleSUR, 2010).

2.3.2. “Los secuestrados” (The abducted) Abductions have been linked to the armed conflict for many years, and especially in the ‘90s they were part of the conflict strategy and one of the practices linked to narcotrafficking. Nevertheless, they are clearly not part of the past. Although knowing the precise figures of the amount abducted is quite impossible, in the beginning of 2011, figures seemed to be higher than previous years. Most of the cases were the consequence of common delinquency, which may reflect how the armed conflict has infiltrated the daily practices in society. “Selective abductions” (secuestros selectivos) are still significant, though the dynamics are also changing and “express abductions” (secuestros expreses) are rising, whereby the victim is abducted for a short period of time as a form of extortion (Fundación País libre, 2010). According to Nieto (2008) abductions can be divided into simple abductions (secuestros simples) where nothing is asked in exchange, and extortive abductions (secuestros extorsivos) where money or something else is asked in exchange for the person’s liberty (Nieto, 2008, p.9). Between 1996 and 2007, the Centre of Attention for Executives under Threat of Abduction or Extortion (Centro de Atención al Empresario en Secuestro y Extorsión [CAESE]) registered the abduction of 2602 children, with highest numbers in 2002, where there was an average abduction rate of one child a day. Nearly half of the abductors are common delinquents and the motives are mostly financial, though there were also other motives like human trafficking, blackmail, and vengeance. Futhermore, Nieto (2008) suggested the consequences when children are freed after being abducted include them being more agitated, less obedient, more inhibited, and less communicative. They may suffer from nightmares, general fear, fear to leave the house, as well as sleeping and eating difficulties. The author noted that although literature is often concentrated on the abducted children, other research shows that children also suffer from the abduction of a close attachment figure. Children’s rights are violated on different levels through direct or indirect victimization including the right to life; to physical, psychological, and social integrity; to nutrition and health protection; to development; to not being separated from parents; and

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to protection against physical, mental or sexual abuse, exploitation, dangerous work, and use of illicit drugs (Nieto, 2008). A psychologist explained that threats sometimes come prior to the abductions, like the social control in certain areas whereby people from armed groups spread around leaflets forbidding people to leave their homes after a certain hour at night. She explained this to be part of “a historic dynamic that has been going on for years” (NGO Bogotá).

2.3.3. Human trafficking Human trafficking or trafficking in persons can be defined as: The recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation. Exploitation shall include, at a minimum, the exploitation of the prostitution of others or other forms of sexual exploitation, forced labour or services, slavery or practices similar to slavery, servitude or the removal of organs (United Nations, 2004). Following this definition, child recruitment can be seen as a form of human trafficking (IO Bogotá). Unicef estimated that about 35,000 children are sexually exploited in Colombia, with the average age decreasing and being currently estimated at nine. There are not only girls that are victims of these actions, but boys also. As mentioned above, about 2,500,000 children work, and a part of them are being exploited (DANE, 2001). Inequity, poverty, and unemployment favour the conditions to make trafficking possible. The causes of human trafficking are multiple. Quintero (2007) distinguishes criminal networking, presence of armed groups, insufficient possibilities of access to education or income generating activities, a high demand of cheap hand labour and sexual services in developed countries, as well as cultural factors.

2.3.4. “Los amenazados” (The threatened) As it has been raised in many of the above paragraphs, people being threatened are a very vague and relative group. Threats are part of the conflict strategies, whereby there are both individual (more selective) and collective threats. In September 2010 for example, three children that appeared on a paramilitary death list were killed. This death list had more than 90 minors on it. They were threatened with death through facebook messages, e-mails and telephone calls, obliging them to leave their town. Presumably these were paramilitary

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threats grafted into the frame of social cleansing. The children on the list, or a part of them, were claimed to be involved in crime and prostitution (Amnesty International, 2010). Various interviewees explained similar events, whereby the only way out alive is displacement, often of the whole family. In some cases threats toward a child or family member forces the child to engage with armed groups. In other cases, family members are threatened after the engagement of children with an inimical group. Furthermore, after disengaging from armed groups, children cannot return to their area of origin, because it may be too dangerous for them, and they have to build up their “new life” far away from their family.

2.3.5. “Los desplazados” (The displaced) Every day we would see them arrive on donkey carts, in trucks and buses, or on foot. There were old people, babies, young children, pregnant women. Many were wounded, emotionally if not physically, and stunned from what had happened to them. All they had left were the things that they were carrying. They had been driven from their homes by the struggle between the armed groups who were competing for control of the land. (Johemir in Cameron, 2010, p. 118) Colombia is the country with the most forcibly displaced people in the world (taking into account both internally displaced people and refugees) with over 5,000,000 IDPs over the past 25 years and nearly 390,000 refugees who have fled the country (Condultoría para los Derechos Humanos y el Desplazamiento [Codhes], 2011; “Colombia el país”, 2010; PNUD, 2003; United Nations, 2009). In 2010, there were seven cases of massive displacement. This means more than 50 people at the same time, or over ten families (IO Medellín). Nevertheless, between 1997 and 2010 the government only recognized the registered amount of 3,573,132 displaced people (Codhes, 2011). An interviewee explained subregistration is due to people not having information on how to do so and not knowing their rights, people not trusting the institutions, and political corruption (Other Bogotá). A social worker explained that the ongoing conflict and decennia in conflict situations results in distrust being omnipresent (NGO Bogotá). An interviewee mentioned: “The biggest problem in the country is that corruption tranquilly wanders through all the national scenes, it wanders around, and turns around… it causes no problem and nothing happens, absolutely nothing” (GO Ind Bogotá). Additionally, the country has been through so many years of war, there have been years and years of people displacing, not only once, but in a lot of cases they repeatedly displace, therefore obtaining exact numbers is quite impossible. Between 48% and 55% of the IDPs are minors (PNUD, 2003; Defensoría del

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Pueblo, 2007; United Nations, 2009). In terms of concentration, more than 60% of the cases come from 10% of municipal districts. A majority of 82% of the IDPs are received by 10% of the municipal districts, mostly in large cities (UNCHR 2009). As a psychologist explained: “[This] means that there is not one place in Colombia that has not been affected by displacement due to the armed conflict” (IO Bogotá). Internal displacement is a result of the high presence of violence in society, including armed confrontations, individual murders, killings, threats, presence of anti-personnel mines, recruitment of minors, sexual violence, denial of humanitarian and other assistance, and the socioeconomic situation of people (Springer, 2008; United Nations, 2009). Other reasons include, armed encounters in the neighbourhood, control in the area by an armed group (control over who leaves and arrives or what food is imported and exported for example) or threats accusing civilians of collaborating with the enemy. As a psychologist explained: “They control territories. If they want your land, because you have a big farm for example, they make you sell it to them at a very low price”, because of coca cultivating or industrialization of palm in the area, armed groups need more land and send people away. The psychologist continued by explaining that when there is a change of power from one armed group to another, civilians are caught in the middle (IO Bogotá). Furthermore, actions like Plan Colombia, where crops were irrigated in the fight against the cultivation of coca, ensured that residents of certain areas had to leave their region (United Nations General Assembly, 2010). On this aspect, an interviewee pointed out that victims of displacement are often a consequence of prior victimizations as mentioned above (IO Pasto). Nevertheless, not all displacements are direct consequences of the conflict, and according to a coordinator of an international organisation, another important reason for displacements is natural disasters (IO Medellín). Just as the dynamic of the conflict has changed, so have the dynamics of people being displaced. One of the reasons was said to be a lower visibility and consequently lower interferences. A distinction can be made between individual and collective displacements. A coordinator of a programme explained that in earlier years (‘80s), displacement used to be more massive, whereas in recent years displacement is more individual or family bound (IO Bogotá). Usually the entire family displaces from their home, although in some cases only a child leaves and is sent elsewhere to family or friends. This happens when only one member is being threatened or when there is danger of recruitment. A psychologist explained: “When the threat is towards a parent, or the whole family, the entire family is forced to flee” (IO Bogotá). Moreover, there is a distinction made between intercity and intra-city displacement, whereby people move to a different area in the same city (IO Medellín). After displacement people usually strike down to the most marginalized areas of the city, usually peripheral high risk zones (IO Medellín). This

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strengthens the spiral of difficulties and vulnerability (IO Bogotá). A community leader in Cartagena explained how displaced people are often excluded and discriminated, because they come from different areas, have different cultures, and thus find it hard to adapt. A researcher explained: “People and families move to the city, considering the city as a place of possibilities, like for education. But many encounter difficulties in the city like discrimination, which hinders the integration process” (Univ/Res Bogotá). Hence, it is difficult for them to build a social network, as they do not want to be identified and prefer to live in anonymity, this is also why fleeing to the city is more popular (IO Bogotá). An interviewee explained how people often do not see them as victims, but presume they did something bad for them to have had to move. There is little understanding towards them. Instead of wondering what others did to them, people wonder what they did to others (Other Cartagena). Throughout my stay in Colombia, I learned not all Colombians understand what is going on in Colombia in the same way. Some people have never left their city or town, so information arrives to them through the media, which is not always unbiased. A programme coordinator explained how current inhabitants do not want displaced people making the area unsafe: “The armed group might come find them here” and how people experience inequality in support: “You have to be displaced to receive any help or support although other people are also poor and have no educational access” (IO Bogotá). The latter shows that people’s rights have to be violated to a great extent for them to get support. This may imply that working preventively might be equally necessary (IO Bogotá). In some areas however, interviewees explained displaced people constitute the majority of inhabitants, because the town was created by displaced people settling. This is often in areas that are dangerous to live in or have bad conditions (e.g. area with high tension poles) (IO Bogotá; NGO Cartagena). Additionally, a psychologist explained domestic problems grow due to changes in family roles. An example can be when moving from rural to urban areas, men often are no longer the main source of income for the family (IO Bogotá). Many displaced people are already poor before they displace. According to a researcher in Cartagena displaced people are often from stratums one and two (Univ/Res Cartagena). Though a social worker explained there is a difference between rural and urban poverty: “In rural areas you always have something to eat, in the city you don’t” (NGO Bogotá). So when people move from rural areas to cities, they encounter a different type of poverty. Ames (2010) noted that poverty may have different consequences for different (ethnic) groups, whereby some groups may engage in more communal sharing which compensates for individual poverty. Nevertheless, people of higher classes also displace, for example if they are threatened. However, these cases are not often declared, as the people have the means to build a new life, and declaring it may be dangerous, so they prefer to displace in anonymity (IO Bogotá).

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A coordinator of an international organisation explained: But a farmer for example, lives from his cultivation, had chickens and rice… had food and used to live from selling these and small cattle. Life is cheap for them on the country side. [After displacing] They arrive somewhere where they have to pay rent, food, transport. While they have no form of income, they can’t carry out their usual work as they have no land to cultivate on, so they have to do informal work, like men selling on markets and women being a domestic employer, in which case they can no longer take care of their children (coordinator IO Medellín). However, a coordinator explained how displacement affects an individual depending on their characteristics and demographics. A young child experiences it very differently from a teenager. For an indigenous person, leaving her/his land is a disaster, as land and cosmology are very important to the indigenous people (IO Bogotá). It reiterates the importance of paying attention to aspects like age, culture and gender differentiation in practice, research, and public policy (see also chapter seven section four). According to Singer (2006) the constant movement and change of family situations may have important moral consequences for the children, as difficulties in building up social networks can affect the incorporation of social values ​​and norms. However, the migrations ensure that children are not part of social circuits that could control their development or lead to their disappearance. Although it does ensure that people lose touch with their schooling and arrive into the workplace at an earlier age. This means that children from a (supposedly) protected environment of school end up in a working environment where they are more exposed to the risks of conflict (Springer, 2008). Moreover, recruitment of children by armed groups and displacement are intertwined (Sanford, 2006; UNCHR, 2009). Springer’s (2008) research indicated an average of 3.5 displacements before children joined armed groups. Interviewees explained how recruitment of minors is both a reason and a consequence of displacement (e.g. IO Medelín). It is a reason in the sense that people and entire families displace because of threats of recruitment, while it is a consequence because displacement puts people into vulnerable situations in socio-cultural sense, and thus “makes them easier prey for recruitment” (NGO Bogotá). In some cases, engaging with an armed group becomes a survival strategy in the vulnerable situation they find themselves in. Not only before the entry but also after, children (and their families) are forced to move (Springer, 2008). Firstly, children disengaged from armed groups are not always accepted into the community, as they (and youth in general) are seen as dangerous or disrupting to the community. A psychologist from an international organisation explained that there is a high level of discrimination towards children in general

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and they are seen as criminals, having no share in society, as well as lazy (IO Bogotá; NGO Cartagena, see also chapter two, section 1.). Secondly, in a lot of situations, it is dangerous for children disengaged from armed groups to return to their place of origin, as in many cases the children deserted the armed group without the consent of the commander (GO Pasto).

3. Risks factors for engaging with armed groups The fundamental problem of children engaging with armed groups is the presence of armed conflict itself (Gates & Reich, 2010), whereby demand is what determines the recruitment rate (Andvig & Gates, 2010)18. Within such a context when speaking of children who are at risk of engaging with armed groups, both forcibly and voluntarily, risk factors are poverty, low educational level, lack of access to education, domestic violence, no support frame, no aspiration opportunities, separation from family, and specific vulnerable aspects of childhood and adolescence (see chapter four section 5.4.2.) to name but a few. All these elements are cumulative and interrelate in different ways (Brett & Specht, 2004).

3.1. Poverty The figures in a previous section of this chapter show that there is an abundant quantity of children living in poverty and extreme poverty. In Colombia, 49.1% of the income is absorbed by the richest ten percent and 0.9% by the poorest ten percent (Mercopress, 2010). By 2010, Colombia had reached a Gini coefficient (a measurement of inequality in wealth distribution)  of 0.578, one of the highest in South America (Misión para el empalme de las series de empleo, pobreza y desigualdad [MESEP], 2012). Concerning this topic, it is important to note that not only poverty, but even more importantly, the hereto inseparable socioeconomic inequality has consequences. Furthermore, poverty is both a reason for and consequence of displacement, it is related to violence (especially as the large gap between rich and poor brings social friction), is an influencing factor regarding engagement with armed groups, and is a result and reason of the conflict in general (once again it is more so the gap that has an influence than the poverty alone) (NGO Bogotá; Codhes, 2011). On a more macro

18 Notwithstanding, Singer (2010) reported half a million children serve in armed forces not presently at war.

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level, Gates and Reich (2010) noted conflict and poverty are stuck in a vicious circle. Poor countries are more likely to experience civil war and when they do become embroiled in war, they remain poor and thus are more likely to become embroiled in war again. It is difficult for poor countries to escape this cycle, due to a lack of economic opportunities, development, or state capacity (Gates & Reich, 2010). Concerning engagement, literature often indicates economic reasons for engaging with an armed group (Ruiz Botero & Hernández, 2008). Nevertheless, Carmona Parra, Moreno Martín, and Tobón Hoyos (2012) asked 21 girls disengaged from armed groups why they engaged with an armed group and found the economic factor was quasi inexistent. Furthermore, Ames (2010) reported that in areas where children are recruited, almost everyone is poor and most people refuse to enlist. Following this path of thinking, poverty possibly contributes to the vulnerable situation children live in, which facilitates the choice of engaging with an armed group, but is not a reason in itself. Ames furthermore pointed out that different aspects - of which poverty may be one - work jointly. As a lawyer from an international organisation explained, there are similar parameters in the different departments, but there are also many differences, like the engagement strategies for example. She noted that the most similar element is the ease of recruiting children, they are very susceptible and many live in very low socioeconomic circumstances (IO Bogotá). Paradoxically on first sight, an interviewee explained not only children (or people in general) from lower socioeconomic classes are victims of recruitment (or the conflict in general). People coming from higher classes are also victims of recruitment as well as the threats of robbery, extortion, disappearance, and abduction (GO Ind Bogotá).

3.2. Violence Speaking of the Colombian context, interviewees mentioned different forms of violence: political violence (e.g. corruption), socioeconomic violence (e.g. not having the means to send children to school), sociocultural violence (e.g. exclusion of certain ethnic groups), gender violence (e.g. machismo), social violence (e.g. abductions) and domestic violence (e.g. partner abuse). They are all closely connected and empowered through a culture of violence, which is reproduced through the family, the school, and media, which are the central agents of socialisation processes (Vergara González, 2007). Regarding domestic violence, the figures rose alarmingly throughout the 20th century. The changing role of women and the decrease of importance of men add to the increase. As explained above, an example of this may be their economic role after displacement. This violence has become something normal in many homes.

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Research has shown that domestic violence cannot be seen isolated from societal violence, whereby the social structure of power in the public sphere has intruded in the private (Tovar, 2003 in Pachón). Although violence used in the domestic and in the social sphere interact, there are also differences. In the latter form of violence, for example, there is often a use of weapons (GO Medellín). On many levels, there is a connection of violence with the engagement of children with armed groups. An argument that is often mentioned is the presence of domestic violence, from which children flee. Although domestic violence may not be the reason for engaging with the armed group, it may facilitate it, as it puts them in a more vulnerable position. As a coordinator mentioned, domestic violence allows the circle of violence to persist. “It’s a fish in the problem [which could be seen as the sea], but it is not the big fish. There are structural, economic, political problems that are much bigger than this” (IO Bogotá). Although domestic violence cannot be seen as an “exclusive nor fundamental factor” (Carmona Parra, 2009, p. 90), studies showed that within the families of children disengaged from armed groups, there were high levels of domestic violence (e.g. Carmona Parra et al., 2012; Alvarez-Correa & Aguirre, 2001). A quarter of the girls participating in the research of Carmona Parra et al. (2012) were abused at home. The authors explained this could partly be a consequence of the family compositions, as research has shown that domestic violence is often from the step-parent or other relative. Only 43% of the participants lived with both parents, about 75% of the children lived with one or both parent before their recruitment, and 25% of the children under fifteen did not live with their parents. A study by the Defensoría del Pueblo and Unicef (2006) indicated this figure is only 8% of the total population. Furthermore, there is a gender difference. Half of the girls in the latter study said to be abused at home, this was 26% for the boys. Not only physical violence but also a lack of attention and affection was an important factor in deciding to engage with an armed group. Notwithstanding, there was no difference in presence of domestic violence between the groups of voluntary and forced engagement in this research (Defensoría del Pueblo & Unicef, 2006). Throughout the conversations with staff from different organisations in Colombia, it became quite clear that the intertwinement and naturalization of social violence is an important aspect when speaking about the involvement of children in the conflict, whereby the armed conflict and involved armed groups cannot be separated from other social dynamics in a clear-cut way. Therefore, here we discuss violence and armed groups in a broader sense than how the problem in Colombia is defined, as similarities have been brought up in the literature and the conversations I had with local experts (NGO Medellín; Sem Mexico; Dowdney, 2003). Dowdney for example elaborated on the role of children in drug trafficking business in Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) and explained how there may be many commonalities with the lives of “child soldiers” in war situations,

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although by definition Rio de Janeiro is not officially in a state of war. Thus, we argue that although there may be discussions about whether Colombia is in a state of war (depending on the source and outfall), this becomes irrelevant when dealing with children involved in it. Just as in the case of children, adolescents and youth engaged with armed groups in Colombia, Dowdney suggests children involved in drug trafficking in Rio de Janeiro do so voluntarily, whereby “choice” may be redefined as “the best alternative among limited options”. The situation in Mexico is even mentioned to be “Colombianized”, with gangs functioning in similar ways as armed groups in Colombia, and children being involved likewise – though this comparison may also be simplifying local contexts (Sem Mexico, García Villegas, 2011; Samper, 2010). When discussing the high levels of violence in Central America, Rodgers and Muggah (2009; Rodgers, 1999) mention there are many variables shaping the dynamics of violence such as rapid urbanization, persistent poverty and inequality - Gray (2008) even adds greed to these aspects -, social exclusion, political violence, organised crime, long history of war and post-conflict cultures, the immergence of illegal drug use and trafficking, macho culture, social exclusion and inequality, migration, the unregulated availability of weapons, absence of state and authoritarian family structures. These are all factors present in the Colombian context. Although figures of December 2011 show a decrease in homicide numbers and the lowest number in 26 years (14,064 in 2010; 13,520 in 2011), these high numbers are still worrisome. A third of the homicides are a consequence of fights, whereby the murderer is at least an acquaintance of the victim (“Cifras de homocidios”, 2011). This is just one example of how violence and killing is not solely inherent to the conflict, but is also part of the societal frame. One of the influencing factors is the militarization of the society’s mindset (Salgado, 2011). Social violence, violence on the streets and in communities, both developed by and developing a culture of violence, is also part of why Colombia has been in armed conflict for many decades (Salgado, 2011; Vergara-Barón, 2010). Salgado (2011) noted that violence in the social sphere has normalized the dynamic of materialistic, ideological, strategic, economic, political considerations to the detriment of values of life. The constant physical and social exposure to violence has developed a state of mind in which people submit to those wielding violence. The study of Defensoría del Pueblo and Unicef (2006) showed that prior to their engagement, more than half of the children disengaged from armed groups witnessed violence in their environment (e.g. looting, murders, and massacres). Hereby, more than one quarter lost a family member through murder. Interviewees explained that the will for revenge in these cases might enforce children’s decision to engage with an armed group (usually the opposing group). This, along with kidnappings and threats to them or their relatives, might also influence their decision to join.

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Interviewees stated that the culture of violence makes violence in general become a natural presence in their life, transforming their norms and values and making the bridge to engaging with violent acts easier to overcome.

3.3. Family Speaking of “the Colombian family” is difficult considering the geographical, cultural and social diversity of the country. The family can be considered as nuclear, extensive, prolific, or patriarchal according to the environment (rural/ urban), social class, and region (Pachón, 2008). When elaborating on the family here, we refer to the broad sense, considering the collective culture of the Colombian society and families often constituting of members broader than the core family. The family may be one of the most important protective factors for the decision of children to engage with an armed group, but can also transform into a risk factor when circumstances are unfavourable. First of all, the engagement of family members with an armed group is an important element. When family members are already engaged with an armed group (or more extremely when there is a culture of armed groups within the family, like when children are born within the armed group for example) the threshold for children to engage with an armed group decreases. Hereby it is noteworthy that family members do not always engage with the same armed group. Interviewees explained there are cases of siblings being engaged with opposing groups (NGO Bogotá; NGO Medellín). (We elaborate on this in chapter four.) In the majority of cases in the research of Carmona Parra et al. (2012), the family was aware that the child was going to engage with an armed group. Furthermore, family members in that research had tried to withhold the child from engaging with an armed group sometimes by sending them to another part of the country. The risk of recruitment hereby forms a reason for displacement. Even after engagement with armed groups, family members tried to persuade the child to leave the group, although this brought a lot of fear that deserting would mean the death of the child or another family member (Carmona Parra et al., 2012). Furthermore, as a result of the socioeconomic situation, families break up and are (forcibly) separated from each other, potentially positioning them in more vulnerable situations. Many of the children disengaged from armed groups come from large families whose core structures regularly change for economic reasons. On top of that, families from rural areas are hypersensitive to economic changes in their area, which often results in a long absence or displacement of one (or more) family member(s) (Springer, 2008) and may entail loss of a support frame for children.

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Another way in which family influences children’s decision to engage with an armed group, is through the revenge when a family member has been murdered by another armed group (as mentioned above). This often implies the strong presence of the armed conflict in the culture of the family or its close environment. Taking it a step further to the psychosocial consequences, it implies possible traumatisation transferred over from one generation to the other.

3.4. Education In the same way as the family, education can be considered a protective factor (“Infamia”, 2006), but may become a risk factor when circumstances are poor. In contexts where the conflict is part of daily life, education plays a crucial role in maintaining the psychological wellbeing and protecting the lives of children and their families. The school is the place with the most potential psychosocial protection in this context, not only because it brings structure and organisation, but also because it contributes to the socioeconomic development of the community in general (Unicef, 2007; Vargas-Barón, 2010). Worldwide, violence caused by armed conflict is the cause of 40% children not having the opportunity to attend school. Domestic violence, the need for economic resources, and lack of proper food resulting in suffering from hunger, ensure that children are incapable of performing at school which furthermore affects their self-image and contributes to school absence (Arias et al., 2009). In Colombia, it is estimated that about one million children are limited or unable to attend school (Arias et al., 2009). Although providing quality education is crucial for overcoming poverty, Colombia is one of the only countries in South America where primary education is not completely free (Naciones Unidas, 2004). Only 82% of school aged children actually go to school (Arias et al., 2009). In indigenous communities like in the Amazons, this percentage drops to 67.2%. Nevertheless, the outcomes of these students are problematic compared to the national level (Coalico & Coalition, 2007). Although the Colombian justice system encourages an educational system that takes into account the cultural identity, in practice this is generally not implemented. The educational programmes and methodologies remain inadequate and ignore the context and culture of children and youngsters. This brings along identity problems, both for children from indigenous communities and from outside. Consequences are that children are not included in the school system, a high amount has to repeat one or more years, they perform poorly, and there is absenteeism (Sabogal Báez, 2008). The educational system being deficient in both quality and quantity can be seen as a war strategy, given that education and information are considered enemies of the armed conflict, whereby peace values could break the cycle of

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violence and the imaginary friend-enemy (Tost, 2009). Arias and colleagues (2009) therefore argued that preserving the physical, social and relational conditions within the school community is of great importance. Hereby, there is need for ad hoc assistance and training for teachers, considering their task goes beyond merely transferring knowledge and they are important key figures in the protection of children, both in prevention and attention. According to Springer (2008) both as a direct result of the conflict; and secondary consequences like their displacement situation, and the task of concurrently going to school and working (for economic reasons) often results in a school drop-out. This way, the protective factor of school regarding recruitment is lost. In general, the level of education of youth in armed groups is quite low. The majority of the children have been to school at some point, but most did not graduate from primary school and did not achieve a writing and reading level (Springer, 2008). At best, a psychologist explained, they have a functional illiteracy level (GO Ind Bogotá). About 10% of young people recruited by armed groups appear to have no education, 65.6% only went through primary education and 24.9% achieved secondary education. The average education level of children engaged with armed groups is fourth grade (Defensoría del Pueblo, 2006). In the research conducted by Defensoría del Pueblo and Unicef (2006) 40% of children disengaged from armed groups said they have to work outdoors (e.g. field work, sales, and construction). Most of the children have to work indoors (e.g. cooking, washing clothes, and minding siblings) whereby there are cases of parentification putting a heavy load on children. Nevertheless, this study analysed the activities the children performed, not what their experience regarding the performed activities was. It should be mentioned here that Colombia is a collectivist culture and the cultural norms concerning childhood and working should be taken into account. This became clear through conversations where interviewees had double discourses when talking about children working. Gates and Reich (2010) pointed out that in countries where child labour is common, it is not surprising that there is a high rate of children engaging with armed groups. Engaging with an armed group is hereby considered as one of the worst forms of child labour (see chapter one, ILO Convention No. 182, 1999; ODDR, 2011). Figures show that the amount of children staying away from or leaving school is influenced by the presence of armed groups. It is higher in municipalities where guerrillas and paramilitaries are present (9.84%), slightly less in areas with the presence of guerrillas only (8.72), or paramilitaries only (7.84%) and even less when there are no registered activities of armed groups (7.72%) (PNUD, 2003). The school environment is insufficiently protected, whereby the damaging consequences of the conflict as a restriction concerning access to education is not held into account. Furthermore, a staff member of an NGO explained that the consequences are not only the fact that the school infrastructure is damaged, but

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furthermore the curricula do not correspond to the specific needs of the crisis, and above all, the school has become an additional context for the development of the conflict (NGO Medellín). The data speak for themselves: the closure of schools, the absence of teachers, damage to infrastructure due to confrontations between armed groups, mine explosions in nearby areas, propaganda from the armed groups, and occupation of the building by armed groups (both formal and informal). An interviewee noted that the school environment is an easy way for armed groups to attain children (NGO Medellín). The United Nations (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, 2008) indicated that the most common risks for education in the midst of armed conflict is related to the killings of students and teachers, and attacks by inimical groups of groups using the school environment for recruitment purposes. Armed groups make regular use of schools for their recruitment policies. It even happens that armed groups finance schools so they can freely exercise control (United Nations, 2009). A researcher explained this is alarming, particularly since the funding of schools is a state responsibility (NGO Medellín). In 2004, in Arauca (department in the north eastern part of Colombia) nine schools were occupied by the army, which inter alia contributes to the naturalization of military life, endangers children’s education and forms a risk of clashes with paramilitary and guerrilla groups, as mentioned above. In Catatumbo (subregion in the north of Colombia) the educational system only offers education until eighth grade and foresees a Spanish teacher for only a third of the students. Additionally, in Catatumbo the conditions are difficult enough, because of the difficult attainability due to bad roads and tough winters (Humanidad Vigente, 2009a).

4. Conclusion “The future of youngsters is not very promising, there are no alternatives. The canyon among formal and real support is very big. To understand this, you should actually sit down between the youngsters for a day and just observe what they go through.” (GO Ind Bogotá) When we look at their profiles, we see children are already in vulnerable situations because of the above mentioned circumstances. Engagement with armed groups thus becomes their path out of the misery, their only alternative. The sociopolitical situation of these children is one of exploitation. Just like the abused flow on into further situations of abuse, these children flow on into situations of exploitation. With the worst consequence being the exploitation and theft of their childhood. In the armed conflict, children lose the possibility

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to be a child, which is exchanged for war activities, and a life among troops who put their lives and that of others at risk. The most frequent cases of violations of children’s rights occur through abuse, domestic violence, sexual abuse and exploitation, child labour, forced displacement, abductions and disappearances, infractions of children to the penal law as well as the engagement of children with armed groups (Gómez Cardona, 2008). Though figures are worrying, as repeatedly stated above, exact figures on the consequences of the armed conflict for children are quite impossible to obtain. It is also questionable whether it is necessary, as one victim alone is one too many. The above shows that all the raised issues are strongly intertwined and cannot be seen separately, they are part of a large multidimensional web, in which the entire Colombian population is concerned. The international community is equally concerned, in one way because it possibly enforces certain dynamics of the war (e.g. Plan Colombia), in another way because it may be part of the solution to the war. In this context, both actively engaging and passively withholding can be considered actions. In this chapter we overviewed the situation of children in Colombia and in which way they are affected by the war, in the next chapters we will focus more profoundly on the situation of children engaged with and disengaged from the armed group. This chapter is important to understand the complexity and the true scale of the problem, whereby children engaged with and disengaged from armed groups are not an isolated group, but on the contrary, a group deeply interwoven with the rest of society.

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Chapter 4

Children Engaged With Armed Groups In this chapter we will discuss the concept of “former child soldier” and the consequences of the discourses that contour this and related concepts. We will also discuss the involved armed groups and relevant legislation. Furthermore, we will attend to the topics of life before engaging with armed groups, motivations for doing so, life in the armed groups, motivation for leaving the armed group and (re)turning to society. Discussions on forced and voluntary actions join this review and finally, we also talk about the effects of recruitment. Throughout the chapter, there is specific attention to the situation of girls.

1. Introduction Throughout my research visit to Colombia, I encountered quite a few frustrations when talking to people, organisations and youth about children disengaged from armed groups. Why are children disengaged from armed groups getting so much attention? Gates and Reich (2010) noted that the amount of children engaged with armed groups worldwide is nominal compared to the millions of children who have not actively participated in armed conflicts, but are also profoundly affected by it. In this chapter we attend to the issue of categorizing a population into different pools, with the consequence that they are treated differently, concerning healthcare, psychosocial care, educational and vocational support, but also by society in general. According to the label pinned upon them, which implies a social discourse, they are approached differently. Research by Carmona Parra et al. (2012) found that children disengaged from armed groups are indeed categorized differently (victimizing, selfassertive, passional-pathologizing, ideologizing, criminalizing) according to who is speaking (children disengaged from armed groups, other children with a similar profile to the previous group, teachers, police or family of children disengaged from armed groups) and what situation they are in (e.g. political discussion, academic seminar, or therapy session). For example, an organisation working with children disengaged from armed groups will have a victimizing discourse when talking to the public, while having a selfassertive discourse when talking to children disengaged from armed groups. On the other hand, children (participants with a similar profile to the children disengaged from armed groups in the research) had a more criminalizing and pathologizing vision of the topic. According to how children disengaged from

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Figure 4.1 Photograph taken during a student demonstration in Medellín on 10th November 2011. It illustrates how 18,000,000 Colombian pesos are invested into demobilization a year, 13,000,000 into criminals, and 3,500,000 in education.

armed groups are perceived, the attention and behaviour of and towards them will deviate (Carmona Parra et al., 2012). We consider it questionable to provide attention to a specific categorized group in isolation from the rest of the population affected by the armed conflict. As illustrated in chapter three, the whole Colombian population is affected by the war, if not by being engaged with an armed group, it is by being engaged in the conflict, in most cases unwillingly. Thus, we argue that while offering this specific group of the population (children disengaged from armed groups) programmes to support their (re)insertion process into society, this support should be interwoven with attention towards the broader society. Wessells (2006) explained that the problems of children engaging with armed groups are consequences of the broader system. Moreover, offering isolated attention may stress upon the victim role of children disengaged from armed groups, understating the great amount of resilience they often have (Blattman, 2007).

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2. Concept of Former Child Soldiers The ICBF suggest the following definition of a boy, girl or youngster disengaged from the armed conflict: A minor under the age of 18 years that has participated in war actions led by irregular armed groups, with a political motivation, whether intelligence, logistics, or combat, and has been captured, has surrendered voluntarily or has been delivered over to the army or other national or international entity (ICBF & OIM, 2002). Applying global terminology has been difficult to implement considering the specific local situation. Another problem with the use of terminology is the constant change in dynamics of the groups and the formation of new (armed) groups. Nevertheless, the debate concerning terminology has implications for the support children in general and more specifically children disengaged from armed groups are offered (NGO Medellín). Similar to Foucault’s theories, the common discourse influences the ongoing power relations and thus influences the way society reacts to these powers (Hall, 2001). Throughout conversations, I noticed that in Colombia people speak of children engaged with and disengaged from armed groups. An interviewee stated: In fact in the literature you find that a part of the government's arguments not to speak of child soldiers in Colombia, which is the informal concept for regular or irregular armed forces, Colombia says “Here we do not apply this concept. Because recruitment is prohibited by the armed forces and from this point of view there are no child soldiers. There are children used and recruited by outlawed illegal armed groups” (IO Bogotá). Moreover, recruitment emphasizes and includes children that are part of armed groups and go to combat, but there are other ways of recruiting children. A psychologist explained the concepts of engagement and disengagement are thus broader concepts, which take away the necessity to define strictly, outline, and exclude the population (IO Bogotá). Following this logic, we chose to use this terminology. Nevertheless we are aware that these concepts also carry connotations (e.g. agency). In the report on demobilization, disarmament and reintegration in the departmental developmental plans (DDP) of 2008-2011 different terminologies were being used for children disengaged from armed groups. In the first place, there was a difference when referred to a minor. The terms used were: minors; children and adolescents; or children, adolescents, and youngsters. Secondly, there was a difference in use of terminology when it came to children disengaged

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from armed groups namely: disengaged from armed groups, disengaged from the armed conflict, disengaged from illegal organisations, and demobilized. Thirdly, there was a differentiation concerning what groups they referred to. In some cases, they explicitly mentioned illegal or irregular groups, in which the regular army is not included. Nevertheless, as we extend on in section 4. of this chapter, minors have also been engaged with the regular army (Unicef, 2006). Furthermore, they spoke of children engaging in the armed conflict or with armed groups, but also spoke about children participating in those groups. Additionally, they did not always make an explicit differentiation with adults. Although the nuances are often very small, they may have large consequences: such as on a legal level. As previously mentioned, in some DDPs it was stressed upon that the engagement of children with armed groups is included as one of the worst forms of child labour due to the physical and moral consequences (Pinzón, 2010; ODDR, 2011). Furthermore, the subject of child recruitment was also brought up in the matters of child trafficking (Springer, 2008). Moreover, children disengaged from armed groups were associated with a population in social risk situations. One of the reports mentioned them as a population in a particular situation. In many of the plan reports, children disengaged from armed groups were categorized with other children in vulnerable situations like displaced, disabled, rural girls, victims of domestic violence, and victims of the armed conflict. Additionally, there was mention of children disengaged from armed groups who were also displaced, in which case they were considered to be twice as vulnerable. Some report plans also mentioned the need for support towards children of demobilized adults, in which case the intrafamilial cycle was explained to be blocked or dysfunctional. One of the reports even spoke of children as “groups that for their own characteristics of their life cycle, gender or for having different limitations are considered to be in vulnerable situations” (ODDR, 2011, p. 513). (We will attend to this latter topic in section 5.4.2. of this chapter.) These reports illustrated the necessity on the one hand for a clear definition of how to label this specific population, and on the other hand it illustrated how other problems and consequences of the conflict like displacement are intertwined (see also chapter three). An interviewee explained “There is an international debate. But the debate is also on a national level. In the institutions, in society, in NGOs, in the ombudsman’s office, in the state order” (IO Bogotá). Furthermore, an interviewee questioned whether a labelling is needed at all: If I call you Laura, do you feel addressed? No. Well these children aren’t named “disengaged” either. He is called Julio, Marcos, or so. Youngsters are youngsters. If we acknowledge them as youngsters instead of disengaged, that is the way that we can find change (GO Medellín).

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3. Number of Children Engaged With Armed Groups Recording the number of children engaged with armed groups is practically impossible (DANE, 2005; “Reclutamiento de niños”, 2010; Macmillan, 2009). Firstly, the international definition may not always be locally applicable and it has become elastic (Macmillan, 2009). Secondly, recruitment of children is rarely denounced (out of fear) (IO Medellín) and moreover, there is simply no way to count them. The existing numbers are thus estimates made up with information from children disengaged from armed groups and demobilized adults (NGO Bogotá). Figures of the number of children who were recruited vary between 6000 and 18,000, depending on the source. Though governmental sources stated between 6,000 and 11,000 (Pinzón, 2010), other estimates are between 11,000 and 18,000 (Pinzón, 2010; HRW, 2005; War Child, 2007, Unicef, 2006; “Las FARC aumentan”, 2009; Springer, 2012). These figures often take no account of militia, helpers, and cooperators. Yet, for each member-fighter of an armed group there are estimated to be eight to ten people participating (as informers, doing intelligence or logistic work, claiming fees or protection money, messaging, cook, as sexual slave, and as human shields). Depending on the armed group and the source, between 20% and 50% are estimated to be minors (50% Coalition, 2007; 40% Springer, 2008; 20% Sem Medellín). The number of children in the militia, considered a means for training future combatants, may be much larger. A specialist from Human Rights Watch estimated that up to 85% of militias might be minors (in Jaramillo, 2007). In reality, we know little about either the amount of children engaged with armed groups nor what the most efficient way is to deal with children engaging with (prevention) and disengaging from (attention) armed groups. Interviewees explained that certain organisations deal with articulating recruitment so the issue is not silenced at least, despite the ignorance of the situation (Tribunal Internacional sobre la infancia Afectada por la guerra y la Pobreza, in Pinzón,2010). Considering many political issues on the level of media, local, governmental, international, and multinational organisations, and financers among others are of influence on what and how information is provided, and where and how the discourses on the topic develop and transform. In present days, there are still cases of recruitment being announced in different areas of Colombia (ODDR, 2011). According to Springer (2008) the recruitment and use of children in armed groups has expanded (especially in urban zones) because of the modified aggressive approach of armed groups (through threats, coercion, and abduction of children) and the use of children for transporting information and essential goods and being able to avoid

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security checks. An interviewee also explained recruitment or engagement with an armed group differs in urban and rural areas (GO Bogotá). When speaking about the nineteenth century, Jaramillo (2007) explained that in the city, children were often not brought to the battlefield and they considered war their favourite play game. Along with armed groups training children (e.g. soldier for a day19), this prepared them to engage with armed groups. In rural areas, children had no choice but to swap their books and spades for guns (Jaramillo, 2007). A reason for which the profile of children engaged with armed groups is changing is because the conflict has become more urban and children have a higher educational degree, although recruitment remains highest in areas with a higher degree of vulnerability (e.g. indigenous population and displaced population) (Springer, 2008). Another changing phenomenon is the average age of recruitment. It is important to underline that not only minors that are “on the border of adulthood” are being used in armed groups, but also children that are under the age of local sociocultural values (Singer, 2006). Between 2001 and 2005, the average age decreased from 13.8 to 12.8 (Defensoría del Pueblo, 2006). But more recently, the director of the Colombian Office of the High Commission of the United Nations made ​​an estimate of 11.8 (“Las FARC aumentan”, 2009). There are cases of recruitment of children from six to even four years old (e.g. for intelligence work, planting mines, and transporting explosives) (Springer, 2008). Of all (children and adults) in this study that joined armed groups underage, 74% belonged to the FARC-EP and 16% to ELN. Note that these numbers reflect official engagement with armed groups. The cooperation with the group probably started at an even earlier age. Up to 65.7% of youth in Springer’s research (2008) indicated to have been recruited between six and 14 years old. For example, they found 42.16% of the demobilized people from the FARC-EP and 45.25% from the ELN indicated to have been minors at entry (Springer, 2008). In terms of gender, around 30% of children engaged with armed groups are girls, 70% are boys (Cátedra Ciro Angarita por la infancia, 2002; Defensoría del Pueblo, 2006; Springer,  2008; “Las FARC aumentan”, 2009). These figures indicate that the use of minors in armed groups occurs massively, systematically, intentionally, strategically and disproportionately (Springer, 2008). In the next paragraph, we discuss different aspects concerning the armed groups involved.

19 This is an example of activities regular armed groups organise acquainting children with armed practices.

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4. Illegal, Legal, Regular, Irregular, Emergent, Organised, Criminal, … Armed Groups Engaging Children Throughout the years of conflict there have been various groups active in Colombia (see chapter two). In the next paragraphs we give an overview of the recruitment of children in different armed groups. The majority of children engaged with armed groups (51.2% Springer, 2008/ 57% ICBF, 2010) are part of FARC-EP, 29.1% of paramilitary groups (AUC, APP) (24% ICBF, 2010), and 16.8% in ELN-ECC (15% ICBF, 2010). The remaining 1.9% belong to emergent groups, remnants and surplus of ELN and ERP (Springer, 2008) (4% consists of Bacrim, EPL, ERP, ERG, Not specified ICBF, 2010). Although the FARC-EP seem to recruit the most minors, the ELN is the group that is considered to have most minors in their troops in relation to their total number (HRW, 2003).20 A report of Defensoría del Pueblo (in Vergara González, 2007) stated that up to 50% in paramilitary groups might be minor. Considering the number of recruited children, armed groups seem to depend on minors to a great extent (Vergara González, 2007), whereby recruitment of minors is merely a conflict strategy, but also a necessary force (United Nations Security Council, 2009). Furthermore, the recruitment of children also increases in order to compensate for deserters (Las FARC aumentan”, 2009). Not only illegal armed groups, but also the regular forces recruit children (Coalition, 2008). This is not always done in an official way and the purpose may be very broad. It may go from the use of children for information (during the DDR process for example where they should be handed over to ICBF within 36 hours which is not always respected) to using children to attract other children to engage with the regular forces. Additionally, they maintain and strengthen the militarized image in society (Coalico & Coalition, 2007; United Nations, 2009). The government also offers programmes that put children at risk. Campaigns like “Soldier for one day” attempt to strengthen communication links with the community (Quinta división Ejército Nacional, 2011) and thereby naturalizes them with military dynamics. Besides this, an interviewee explained: “What the army wants is to conquer the people so they give the soldiers information” (GO Ind Bogotá). A social worker noted that it is a way of gathering information on the community (NGO Bogotá). Soldiers seem to violate the rights of the population in different ways (Dh Colombia, 2009). Members of the armed forces also occupy important locations for children like schools and nurseries, which sometimes is

20 As Gutiérrez Sanín (2010) mentioned, when aiming to grasp the dynamics of children engaging with armed groups, it might be helpful to understand the discrepancy of engagement rates of minors in different groups.

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accompanied by social conflict, sexual violence, drug abuse, and threats towards young people and teachers (Coalition, 2007). As stated earlier, the dynamics of armed groups have been changing, as have the concepts and definitions of armed groups. Considering paramilitary groups supposedly went through DDR processes, no paramilitary members should remain. However, interviewees explained the process did not go smoothly and not everybody demobilized successfully. New groups thus emerged, which do not have a specific definition to them. This has brought difficulties concerning who has the right to being provided with support and who does not. An interviewee from an NGO working with the governmental programme for children disengaged from armed groups explained: “For the moment we don’t have many from the paramilitaries. Now there are the emergent groups which are the same, but at the same time they’re not acknowledged, only as emergent gangs in favour of narcotrafficking” (NGO Medellín). The labelling of the group the child was engaged with has serious consequences for both the discourse on them and the future support offered to them (both organisational and community support). The power of these discourses is illustrated by what that same interviewee explained: “We don’t manage gangs. We manage victims or the disengaged from the conflict that were part of the conflict” (NGO Medellín). Regarding what armed group children become engaged with, children usually engage with the armed group that is active in the region where the minor lives. Carmona Parra et al. found in their research (2012) that the armed groups usually sought contact with the child first, but it also happens that children seek armed groups themselves (50% in Carmona Parra et al., 2012). Depending on the reasons for engaging children engage with a specific group. A researcher gave an example: “Children went to the opposing group as the reason they got displaced” (Univ/ Res Bogotá). When children join an armed group out of revenge, they choose the inimical group of the one active in their area. Furthermore, it also happens that in a same group of friends or family, the youngsters are engaged with different groups. In the following quotes, this is illustrated: “Sometimes the problem is that in the same family different children are engaged with different armed groups” (Univ/Res Bogotá), “One son in the national army, the other with the paramilitaries, or other two with paramilitaries, and others with the guerrilla… it’s very frequent” (NGO Bogotá). […] in one same family, and it fractures relationships, family relationships, community relationships,… but the fact that these people opt to be part of different groups is part of the government not fulfilling their responsibility of knowing their basic necessities…. Including if we’d be thinking of a non conflict situation… Even if that were the situation, people have no access to healthcare, people have no access to education, people have no access to homing… this cuts off possibilities for people to survive… (NGO Bogotá).

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Moreover, over time, armed groups also change shape, changing from armed actors to criminal gang members (“Las FARC aumentan”, 2009). A few interviewees mentioned children also engage with different armed groups over time (e.g. NGO Bogotá). A social worker pointed out that this dynamic of changing group is often simplified, but it may instead be very complex (NGO Bogotá). A boy explained how he engaged with the guerrilla after they had tried to convince him several times. When he escaped from the guerrilla group after two years, he was caught by a paramilitary group and joined them because that was his only option to survive (CDAG). Considering the diversity of groups children engage with, in this book we speak about the engagement with armed groups without further specification. This way we try not to unnecessarily exclude different points of view. Furthermore, the definition of the group does not change the act of recruiting a minor.

5. Motivation for Engaging With Armed Groups In chapter three we mentioned some risk factors for engaging with armed groups (poverty, violence, family, and education). Nevertheless, speaking to different organisations working with children disengaged from armed groups, one question often protruded and prevailed namely “What brings children to engage with armed groups?” As we will discuss in the following paragraph, the large majority of children engage with armed groups “voluntarily”. This question thus becomes prominent in both the prevention and attention21 towards engagement with and disengagement from armed groups. When gathering the information on the answers to this question, we quickly noticed it is highly complex, chaotic, and intertwined. Furthermore, it is difficult to generalize, as there are many individual variations, and as noted above; focusing too much on one aspect marginalizes the other. A director of an NGO explained: We’ve noticed that they do not always [enter because they] like military life, but they’re scared of being alone. You leave your family, enter the group, you have someone there that leads you, you leave the group. You go in and there’s someone there and afterwards you know that there’s nobody (NGO Medellín).

21 We use the term prevention when speaking about support towards children who are at risk of engaging with armed groups and attention for children who have disengaged from armed groups, although both are intertwined. In the first place, because children disengaged from armed groups are still at risk of engaging with armed groups and secondly, because in the context of conflict this research has shown no distinction should be made, and attention should be offered to all children in order for their rights to be fulfilled.

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Notwithstanding the complexity in Colombia, we attempt to bring together information gathered in the literature, as well as what is living in the institutional discourses on the topic. These aspects - or at least some - may explain why engaging with armed groups makes sense, but not why a minority (but not negligible amount) joins while the rest refrain (Gutiérrez Sanín, 2010; NGO Medellín). For future research, it would be interesting to focus on the subjective drives of children to engage with armed groups, which extends beyond external factors. After analysing the different reasons for engaging with an armed group, putting them into themes and superordinate themes brought us to four large categories in which the arguments fit: the personal (microsystem), family, armed group (mesosystem), and environment (exosystem) sphere (Bronfenbrenner, 1977). We will thus outline the arguments according to these themes, starting with the latter. As explained later, reasons for disengaging from armed groups both exist out of push and pull factors. This is also the case when speaking about reasons for engaging with armed groups. Both aspects that push children away from civil society and pull them towards armed groups are relevant and as Wessells (2012) stated, decisions to join armed groups reflect a mixture of both. Throughout the different spheres we see both types of factors.

5.1. Environment sphere In the environment sphere, we identified different aspects: the circumstances Colombian society lives in, the State presence and fulfilment of rights, and the naturalization or militarization of society.

5.1.1 Societal circumstances: lack of opportunities “Children are forced by the conditions of constant violation of their rights, they engage or are engaged with the tragedy of war” (Benposta, 2010). Up to 6.5% of the youth in Springer’s research (2008) indicated that the only option to survive was engaging with an armed group. In many areas, there are no other options besides engaging with an armed group. Children live in poor social and economic circumstances. According to Brett and Specht (2004) child soldiering permits many to leave situations of extreme poverty. A psychologist from an international organisation explained engagement with an armed group forms a solution for (economic) exploitation, lack of educational or vocational opportunities, and little or no future perspectives. Engaging with an armed group hereby offers a way of filling in the needs and experienced gaps in the societal and community environment (IO Bogotá).

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That same psychologist expressed the following: “The majority of the children that are generally attended to by organisations are children coming from very poor conditions” (IO Bogotá). On the topic a psychologist from an NGO argued: My impression… in areas where engagement was more of adolescents and was more of youngsters between 16, 17 years, had more to do with there not being any other offer of a kind, and a… let’s say no option of entering university, no option on the labour market, no possibilities of the family to offer them anything either… and wanting to be someone from a status that would permit someone to have a weapon, to have certain honour… this theme of identity has been a very strong one in Colombia… and I suppose that it has been in many different places around the world, like an attractiveness towards engagement (NGO Bogotá). Although the lack of alternatives for children is often an argument for engaging with an armed group, Gutiérrez Sanín (2010) pointed out that children have many options to work illegally, that would even be more profitable and less risky than joining an armed group (e.g. narcotrafficking). Children in the study by Carmona Parra et al. (2012) did not give this as a prior reason and the majority of the children went to school or/and worked before they engaged with an armed group. Nevertheless, alternatives can be seen in a broad way, and it is difficult to understand the similarities and differences between objective and subjective experiences, or dominant societal and personal discourses. Some questions raised during various conversations were: If school or working is seen as possibilities and alternatives in life, then what is with the level of education? What about the gap between what children want in their future and the options they get to fulfil this? What about the need for a place in society, the community, and the family? Vargas-Barón (2010) pointed out that the recruitment of children by armed groups becomes possible more as a result of antecedent lack of security and social conditions that affect children, families and communities than because of the recruitment efforts by armed groups.

5.1.2. Fulfilling Children’s Rights: a responsibility of the state According to Pinzón (2010) the intervention of the state is virtually non-existent. In many cases in rural areas the presence of the state is limited to military presence, whereby on a social level, the state is rather absent: educational services are precarious, health services are very bad and there is a non-existent support service for youth or family in the sense of being able to make use of recreational

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time, and strengthening family ties, thereto the violation of the human rights is total. An interviewee claimed these circumstances favor a “before movement” of recruitment of children (GO Ind Bogotá). Another interviewee explained how a child disengaged from an armed group extended on this phenomenon explaining the guerilla kills people, with just one shot or explosion, whereas the government kills people, slowly but surely with hunger and no alternatives in life (NGO Bogotá). In areas where the state is not present, children see the guerrilla as role models (León Valencia in Springer, 2010). Children get involved with armed groups as a consequence of some form of pressure, like absence of educational and job opportunities, the failure of the state to provide social and economic needs and insufficient protection of children in risk situations involving armed groups and the conflict (UNCHR, 2009). The absence of the state (or fragmented sovereignty as Richani (2010) calls it, see chapter two), their inability to guarantee dignified life conditions, lack of opportunities and the banality of militarization are situations that lead to engagement with armed groups being their only attainable outcome (Coalico & Coalition, 2007). In line with the title of this paragraph, the state has a responsibility in guaranteeing children’s rights. However, as ICBF (n.d.) noted on their website, this is not only the task of ICBF and the national government. Territorial authorities, the family, the private sector, and society in general are also responsible actors in fulfilling children’s rights (Springer, 2010).

5.1.3. A military culture and prestige An interviewee explained: Certain cultural behaviours that have been passed on from parents to children, that are preserved, that the culture itself maintains them, even the imagery of going to war to be able to hold a weapon, a position, recognition, there are even many people who go to war for special family situations, poverty, out of revenge because they [i.e. armed group] have killed a family member, some of them go because they belonged to gangs, youth groups who have organised themselves in the neighbourhoods, localities, the areas and they move on from one group to another, converting themselves into combatants of one or other armed group (NGO Bogotá). According to a psychologist, in some communities engaging with an armed group is perceived as part of the natural phase in life (IO Bogotá), especially in certain areas (NGO Bogotá). Although throughout conversations many mentioned the aspect of military naturalization (whereby the military has become natural in people’s environment and life), a psychologist claimed: “A great part of the youngsters grew up in an environment that is not natural, [they grew up in] an

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environment of armed conflict and militarization, which [is not natural, but] has become a natural phenomenon to them” (NGO Medellín). An interviewee explained that when youngsters are asked what they want to do after secondary school the answer is often “to join an armed group”, according to him it demands little effort for them and brings them more results. “A good salary, a lot of girls, I don’t have to go through five or ten years of higher education to get paid badly anyway…” is what children say. He continued, saying that in the children’s mind it does not matter if they get killed at a young age. “If they die at 40 at least they’ll have taken care of their family and they’ll have had pleasure in life” (GO Bogotá). Following the militarized culture, interviewees explained children express how uniforms, weapons, power, authority, and materialism are part of their aspirations and make armed groups attractive to them. Research results from Cátedra Ciro Angarita por la infancia (2002) showed children are attracted to uniforms and weapons (52% of children in Cátedra Ciro Angarita por la infancia, 2002), the jungle life (4%), and the guerrilla life in general (60%) (Cátedra Ciro Angarita por la infancia, 2002). Their role models in society are militarized role models who have power, weapons, proper clothes, women and so on. This ideal motivates them to engage with armed groups (NGO Medellín). We recognized these dynamics in the discourses of different staff members. A woman wearing a uniform, carrying a weapon, and having authority over men, becomes an idol in the eyes of a young girl that experiences an inferior position in her environment. The interviewees explained materialism is part of the recruitment strategy of armed groups. Armed groups offer children the newest cell phones, i-pods, mp3’s, and computers, implying that being in an armed group means being able to have whatever they want. At an early age at school children are taught that uniforms and a neat haircut equal prestige. All these aspects make armed groups attractive and play a role in the decision making process, where individuals become likely to voluntarily engage with an armed group. An interviewee noted: Children see the armed groups as power, especially in native communities, where most people are very ignorant and unknowing because of their isolated situation. They see power as freedom and freedom as progress. Additionally, children get promised money, which is not always fulfilled, or mostly doesn’t continue like promised (NGO Bogotá). As already mentioned, Carmona Parra et al. (2012) found that some children sought the armed groups themselves, implying that children not only engage with armed groups voluntarily, but being part of an armed group becomes an aspiration. Furthermore, the politics and media play a paramount role in this dynamic. An interviewee explained how television soaps for example, bring role models on the screen with power and money and naturalize the experience of violence and

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weapons (nonspecified Medellín; Malaver & Oostra, 2001). Another example is a conversation I had about a huge billboard hanging at the side of one of the main roads, outside a military camp in Bogotá. It showed pictures of military operations against guerrilla groups, whereby “Proud Colombians” was written in the middle of it. During the conversation, we wondered about the humanitarian or civilian correctness of this: the country is in conflict, in poverty, in misery and they are highlighting so-called successful military operations (Nonspecified, Bogotá)? In that way, an interviewee pointed out that the media management of the war forms a great role in the construction of discourses concerning the war (NGO Bogotá). Vargas-Barón (2010) and several interviewees mentioned how the media are important in preventing recruitment and for reaching out to children engaged with armed groups. Besides this, the army actively contribute to militarization by organising events like circus and sports activities with children. Children are involved in searching for and encouraging desertion of guerrilla members. Thereby, the social and political situations in which these children live are not in accordance with the degree of development and vulnerability of the children (Humanidad Vigente, 2009a). Springer (2008) stated armed groups are not peripheral phenomena that threaten social order and society, but are seen as forces that are part of the social and familial order as well as daily life. Armed groups are a phenomenon that is often part of their life path. Around 29% in Springer’s research (2008) said they have a relative in an armed group. A psychologist explained that in some cases children engaged with armed groups are children of guerrilleros (NGO Bogotá), an aspect to which we will come back to in the family sphere section later on in this chapter. Salgado (2011) elaborated on militarization of society on different levels. He explained that most children (and adults) in the Colombian context are in close contact with armed groups who push them to engage in activities. As a coordinator explained: “The distance between military and civil is very diffuse” (NGO Bogotá). Salgado suggested this influences their morale and predisposes them to a voluntary engagement. Moreover, children and adults voluntarily deciding to join: armed groups, demonstrates an effective strategy of the armed groups. In this way, the conflict and violence have achieved the level of dynamics where war is a goal in itself. As illustrated in chapter three, violence has soaked into society. Salgado (2011) furthermore noted the form and level that this violence has acquired in society stands in relation to how different dimensions of society are implicated in producing conditions and dispositions that have made violence inherent to the societal culture. The militarization process of society has invaded the cultural sphere, beliefs, education, and family relations. The transformation has not only developed in the military sphere, but has transcended to other spheres such as education. This has brought the transformation of the body into the “armed

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body”, illustrating the profound change in which militarization has literally incorporated society, community and children. It entails the incorporation of the weapon (and related concepts like military practices, incontestable obedience, hierarchical thinking and military idealizing) in the perceptual schema of the self and of others, influencing social interaction. This includes that seeking a solution in conflicts is mediated through violence. In the same way death is instrumentalized as another way to realize goals (Salgado, 2011). As a coordinator put it: “We have gotten used to the fact that killing is a way of resolving problems” (NGO Medellín). “Growing up in the middle of war, creates meanings around despair towards the future, which makes that the relationship with death is different and possibly less dreaded” (Ruiz, 2002 p. 30 see Carmona Parra et al., 2012).

5.2. Armed group sphere In the armed group sphere we identified the aspects of: presence of armed groups, the strategy of armed groups, emotional availability and available opportunities.

5.2.1. Presence of Armed Group A boy explained the following about a friend that had engaged with an armed group: “Many people were like him. They were sweet and caring and just happened to be living in the middle of war” (Farlis in Cameron, 2010, p. 40). The mere presence of the armed conflict and consequently the presence of armed groups in  the everyday  environment of children (NGO Bogotá) results in the  violation of  the  rights of children.  To give an example of the scope of their presence: in 2012 the  FARC-EP was active  in 30 departments (out of 32 departments in Colombia),  ELN  in 16  departments and  criminal gangs in all 32 departments (ODDR, 2012). A great part of the population thus lives with the presence of armed groups, whereby at any time a riot or attack could take place, evolving in particular threats to life and physical integrity as displacement, abduction, murders and killings (Springer, 2008). Concerning recruitment, Dolo (2007) mentioned that most children who engage with armed groups were previously directly affected by the armed conflict with which they became involved. Various authors (e.g. Springer, 2008; Brett & Specht, 2004) stated children usually engage with armed groups that are familiar to them because they are operational in the environment and seek contact with children, or because they have family or close friends in the group. On this aspect Gutiérrez Sanín (2010) noted that there are long periods in which adversities overlap territorially. The more presence armed groups have, the more

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children (and communities in general) become acquainted and familiarized with them, the smaller the threshold to engage with them becomes. Moreover, as mentioned above, they bring a militarized culture with them. In most cases, children do not engage with unknown groups. They know the groups because they are active in their neighbourhood or because family or friends are engaged with them. In 60% of the cases in the research by Defensoría del Pueblo (2006), a boyfriend, girlfriend or family member was already a member. Besides the high risk of recruitment in certain areas of the country, an analyst of the armed conflict from the organisation Corporación Nuevo Arco Iris explained that the high presence of armed groups also brings an increase in vulnerability, such as a high risk of prostitution of girls  (In Springer, 2010).

5.2.2. Recruitment as a Military Strategy Contrary to prior reasons for engaging with armed groups in the past, an interviewee explained: There’s a very low political level. There are even youngsters who you can even ask why they entered the armed group and no… Most have no political ideologies. They talk about the sorrows of the family difficulties and so on [when the reason for engaging is asked]. The [armed] groups aren’t even concerned with informing them about it [i.e. ideology]. In the ‘60s it was different. The armed groups were more political. At this moment [they’re] not. In addition, there are many children who left home very young, with low schooling. Many cannot read or write. Many are indigenous. Their cognitive level is quite low (NGO Bogotá). According to a Defensoría del Pueblo study (2006), only 4% had political motivations. In line with this, an interviewee stated: “Ninety-five percent do not engage out of political reasoning, but because of problems at home, power and peer pressure” (GO Ind Bogotá). As noted earlier, an interviewee explained that the use of minors itself is part of the war strategy. In the strategic development of armed groups children are essential, inter alia because recruiting children in armed groups brings extra forces (UN, 2009). Considering armed groups are continuously seeking to replace their members, an analyst of Corporación Nuevo Arco Iris explained young people are an easy prey (In Springer, 2010) and authors have mentioned children are known for their recklessness, courage (e.g. Jaramillo, 2007), and impetuousness (IO Medellín), and compared to adults they are less likely to desert (Gates & Reich 2010). Nevertheless, MacMillan (2009) remarked that although “child soldiers” are sometimes seen as brutal, because of excitement or mere

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innate evilness, viewing them in this way is also (unrightfully) dehumanizing them and positioning them as prerational subjects. Standing face to face with a child also provokes the enemy as it is morally difficult and politically costly to face children (Gutiérrez Sanín, 2010). Furthermore, minors are less punishable for potential criminal assaults they may undertake and it is forbidden to use minors for information when they are captured by regular forces (in the case of adults, they may be questioned thoroughly for information regarding strategies and whereabouts of the group they demobilized from) (IO Bogotá). The recruitment method thereby depends on the operational needs and territorial dynamics of the conflict. According to Springer (2008), often a combination of seduction and violence is used. An interviewee mentioned that armed groups often offer false promises to attract children into the group (NGO Medellín), from this point it is already too late and the children can no longer withdraw (Linares Cantillo, 2008; Defensoría del Pueblo, 2006). An interviewee explained: The youngsters become cannon fodder, both for paramilitaries and for insurgency groups. Forced recruitment continues to be a manner of operating for the groups. Especially in the south and the southwest where the insurgency is still present, they continue to recruit minors and paramilitaries continue to pay minors, promising them that they’ll become rich and they’ll be able to take care of their family (NGO Bogotá). The armed groups take advantage of people living in poor conditions, like rural families living in the city (Univ/Res Bogotá). Furthermore, recruitment of children is strategic considering children easily learn values ​​of violence, they seem less suspicious and they play a fundamental role in the formation of the frontlines (Springer, 2008). According to Vergara González (2007) children were the principle hit men in the 1980s, the factory of death of the narcotrafficking. Children can be seen as “a desired soldier”. A Human Rights Watch investigator explained: “As guerrilleros, they are docile, gregarious, loving competence and adventure, they do not know limits nor have they fully developed their individual consciousness. The commanders consider them as perfect soldiers and therefore use them as cannon fodder” (Vergara González, 2007, p. 582). Just like Jaramillo (2007) explained on the popularity of children in the 19th century, the agility, vivacity, submissive compliance to orders, the nearly inexistence of immorality, and the audacity towards risks and death were the qualities most admired in child soldiers. The armed groups involve the broader society, particularly the environment influencing the situation of children. They involve schools and teachers in their strategies by invading schools and terrorizing teachers. In doing so,

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armed groups also familiarize children with violence (Univ/Res Bogotá). Gutiérrez Sanín (2010) noted the participation of children (and women) in armed groups is a huge moral and political victory, considering it symbolizes the capacity of armed groups to motivate new social layers into the public space. Vargas-Barón (2010) noted it is important to understand the modus operandi of armed groups to prevent recruitment and disengage children from the conflict. As interviewees mentioned, this is constantly changing which makes understanding and reacting adequately difficult.

5.2.3. Emotional availability A coordinator of an international organisation explained children are touched in an affective way and are emotionally drawn to the armed group: Sometimes when approached by members of armed groups, it’s the first time children actually receive a hug, or a present… One boy was telling me he joined because he got a watch. He had never before gotten a present from someone (IO Bogotá). In some cases children feel emotionally lost, because of emotional unavailability of significant others as a consequence of displacement, dispersed family, or domestic violence. Children have a need for inclusion, belonging, and recognition (Margulis & Urresti, 1998). For children, armed groups seem to offer these aspects, which they do not encounter elsewhere. Another example of the emotional attractiveness of groups is when one or more family members have been killed and children engage with the inimical group out of revenge. In other cases the children engage with a group because one or more family members have been killed and the children’s only protective possibility is engaging with an armed group (IO Bogotá). In that way, the armed group forms a protection, both on an emotional level and on the level of survival.

5.2.4. Availability of opportunities Armed groups offer children answers to their situation, noted here by an interviewee: As an indigenous girl explained: "Hey, guess what? Eh ... I, as a woman, had no access to land. I had to marry to gain access to land. And I did not want to marry. And if not I had to go as a domestic maid in domestic service to the city, and I didn’t want to be a domestic maid. And I see a commander, a woman, commanding men with authority, with a gun. So what person do

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you think I want to be like? These other opportunities they are offering me or that woman that was power to me" So for them. Because some say: "It is not that they like the camouflage or the gun" Sure, but many children like camouflage and weapons. And one goes to the armed groups. What they find there very strongly is power. And power for many things: being able to have a boyfriend or girlfriend. Yes? It may be for recognition of authority. Power to create fear and hearing. And of course, the guys also want to look like their relational models. For lack of positive role models. … A lot, which was led on by the drug trafficking scheme in the country. So if you have a truck, luxury, jewellery. This is all part of the whole culture of drug dealer. And you want to look like what they are offering you. Well those are the routes. But where is the alternative (GO Bogotá)? As discussed above, the living conditions often offer insufficient opportunities for children to live a decent life or build a respectable future. Throughout conversations, it became clear that the influence of the conflict has become so great that engaging with armed groups seems to be the only plausible remaining survival option and way out of their unsatisfactory social situation. A psychologist from an NGO explained how a child that had been engaged with a guerrilla group, disengaged from the armed group and entered a reinsertion programme, after which he engaged with a paramilitary group, disengaged from the paramilitary group and returned to the reinsertion programme, and thereafter wanted to join the regular army. The boy explained he found some sort of tranquillity in the groups: he did not have to worry about food, a roof above his head, social relationships, getting a girl, or plan his days and activities. Associated to this may be the identity search that seems to be strong in children. This aspect can be considered under the personal sphere and the specific period in life (see section 5.4.2. of this chapter). On the other hand (and closely related to emotional availability in the previous section), there is also the aspect of armed groups offering children respect and recognition, which they do not seem to find elsewhere. For children, recognition in an armed group has the supplementary meaning of recognition of their status as adult (Gutiérrez Sanín, 2010). An armed group suggests a soldier identity, whereby weapons offer symbols of power. Engaging with an armed group thereby offers children status and the possibility of upward social mobility (Gutiérrez Sanín, 2010). The uniform, the alias, the name of the squadron, war objects, and rituals offer a feeling of belonging to the armed group, a differentiation of the civil population. In this respect, an armed group proposes an attractive option in the search for identity (Estrada et al, 2006). Engagement hereby offers a life option and an armed group offers an affective bond (UNCHR, 2009). Talking about gangs, an interviewee mentioned:

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Young people encounter in gangs what they do not encounter elsewhere. It gives them identity, protagonism, fame… The gang as a group, identity features, belonging, meeting opportunities and opportunities of protagonism… opposed to other weak group processes (NGO Cartagena); He explained there are more youth groups than there are gangs, but gangs have more protagonism and thus feature opportunities children do not encounter elsewhere. “Young people are hungry to become somebody, to meet other people of their age. And gangs offer them this” (NGO Cartagena). Gates (2002) mentioned the dynamics of gangs are similar to those of armed groups, involving intimidation, coerced membership, racketing and robbery, and enhancing the construction of identity and group solidarity. Partly related to this, an interviewee mentioned an example of armed groups offering workshops on domestic violence, and using this to attract children or to keep them in the armed group: “They are using the same tools as us” (IO Pasto).

5.3. Family sphere A level closer to the lives of children and playing a large role in their life, is the family. As noted in chapter three (section 3.4. of this chapter), when speaking of family, we include the extended family in this concept. Here, we identified the aspects of: family conditions, family protection and abuse, and the family culture.

5.3.1. Difficult Family Conditions Most of the children who enter into armed groups are part of contexts where the violation of rights is no exception. Their families are victims of economic, emotional and social conditions, which translate into emotional flaws, basic deficits, and domestic violence. About 54.2% of youth in Springer’s study (2008) indicated to have an atypical family situation. They all come from large families where almost everyone has to contribute economically in order to get by. A quarter of young people said their family structure changed in the past, this was mostly due to economic reasons or direct effects of the conflict. Up to 25.1% of the youth in the above research indicated to have displaced at least once. In 66.1% of cases the parents worked in agriculture, although few worked on their own land. Other activities of the parents were in commerce (8.8%) and transport (1.8%). In 59.6% of cases mothers were housewives. In 40.3% of cases the parents needed two sources of income to get by (Springer, 2008). All of this makes engagement with armed groups an attractive alternative. Extreme poverty places children in a vulnerable situation. In the study by Springer (2008), several youngsters explained that their parents could not

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maintain them and they had no guarantee of food. This brings up a new reason for engagement whereby many young people join the groups as an economic survival strategy. Only 2.2% of youth indicated to have “more than necessary” at home. Up to 45.5% of the cases said they “just meet with needs to survive”, 36.8% indicated they only “scarcely” get by, and 15.7% said to have “insufficient resources to survive”. In more than half of the cases, (51.8%) families suffered from precarious economic situations. Springer’s research shows that half of the children that engaged in armed groups indicated their family had no access to land, education or money. A third of respondents (34.7%) reported to have no social or economic opportunities (Springer, 2008). A coordinator explained: “In some occasions families agree with the engagement of a child with an armed group. One of the reasons for this is economic” (NGO Medellín). Although poverty often takes up an important space in the reasons for engagement with armed groups, children disengaged from armed groups in the research of Carmona Parra et al. (2012) did not state poverty as one of their arguments for engaging with the armed group.

5.3.2. Lack of a protection shield and abuse One of the reasons said to be a major cause for recruitment is that the family loses its role of protector and does not offer care and fulfilment of children’s rights. As an interviewee put it: I think that the biggest reason for engagement is this: families losing their role and sense of protection, of protection and promotion of this girl or boy. To protect and promote the fulfilment of their rights, the family nearly drives away the children and the decision to engage with an armed group (NGO Bogotá). As mentioned above, a lot of families are dispersed or displaced and thus lose their protective qualities, like offering a support frame for their children and influencing children’s choices in life (Brett & Specht, 2004). Although it is not  always  a  direct  factor,  domestic violence is related to other circumstances of vulnerability.  Children disengaged from armed groups come from family situations with high levels of domestic violence and a threatening social environment. An interviewee explained how parental abuse grows: “Abandonment, parental neglect, little labour opportunities, nutritional problems, educational desertion, and unemployment of parents. So this generates negative conduct of aggression and resentment” (IO Cartagena). Between 2008  and  2009,  the National Institute of Legal Medicine  noted 22,406  cases of  child  abuse  (Conpes, see  Springer,  2010). In Springer’s research 42.9% of the children disengaged from armed groups said they have been victims of abuse, 6.1% stated to have been sexually abused (Springer, 2008; in 2006

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30% of children disengaged from armed groups Defensoría del Pueblo, see Springer, 2010) and as a psychologist noted, although the number of complaints are very high, they are still way below the actual occurrences of it (NGO Medellín). Nevertheless an interviewee pointed out: “It wasn’t always domestic violence that was the reason of engagement with the armed group” (GO Bogotá).

5.3.3. Family culture In some cases engaging with an armed group is just part of the family culture. In most of these cases, the youth were prepared for entry by an acquaintance within the group (Singer, 2008). There are also cases where being engaged with an armed group is a natural concurrence. As noted previously, children in armed groups today are the children and grandchildren of people who fought in previous wars like the war of 1000 days and some children are practically born into the armed groups (Vergara, González, 2007). As a director of an NGO pointed out: “Others were born in families engaged with armed groups. They do not know another way of living. It’s the only world they know” (NGO Medellín). Vargas-Barón (2010) suggests children of people engaged with armed groups are often forgotten and they should be treated equally as children disengaged from armed groups. Alvarez-Correa and Aguirre (2001) made a distinction between four different types of families, influencing the reasons why children engage with armed groups: expulsive families (dysfunctional families with a high level of domestic violence), families living in areas controlled by armed groups, families in extreme poverty, and normally conformed families. In each of the family types, the authors explain the children have different reasons for engaging with armed groups. In the second type for example, children engage with armed groups because they are socialized to do so through their family and social environment. In normally conformed families on the other hand, children join armed groups out of personal reasons like romantic relationships with other members.

5.4. Personal sphere In the personal sphere we identified the aspects of: the difficult past children have experienced, and their specific stage in life.

5.4.1. Difficult past An aspect which was mentioned throughout conversations was that most of the Colombian population have been through traumatic experiences, and consequently children engaging with armed group have often had to cope with a difficult past. Living in a society of war inevitably creates scars. A boy

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spoke to me how his father’s murder was a constant festering wound for him. Nevertheless, a psychologist pointed out: This is not a justification. There is a very big emotional impact of what people have experienced, but it is not a justification to engage in an armed group. To me, it is nor a justification nor a reason for engaging (NGO Medellín). As mentioned on various occasions, the influence of the situation of people in the child’s environment is of importance to the child’s wellbeing; here it may also be part of a vicious circle that therewithal is transferred on intergenerationally. For example, the difficulties a father has been through can be carried on through the family dynamics and the rest of the family members.

5.4.2. A stage in life Different interviewees pointed out that adolescence22 is a difficult stage for children, whereby they go through all sorts of transformations, which may be crucial in life path decisions. In the literature, Margulis and Urresti (1996) explained adolescence as a way of being in the world, to experience a variety of opportunities and freedom, and a sense of invulnerability due to inexperience. Moreover, Welti (2002) noted it as a time to make a life plan, involving expectations for the future. Although previous theories explained it as a period of storm and stress on a social perspective, with both biological and universal origins (e.g. Hall, 1904 in Arnett, 1999; Alvarez-Correa & Aguirre, 2001), more contemporary theories explained adolescence as a period with biological, cognitive, emotional, and social reorganisation with the aim of adapting to cultural expectations of adulthood (Susman & Rogol, 2004). All these theories illustrate it as a period of transformation. Nurmi (2004) hereby noted that the social environment adolescents grow up in is important for their further life path. In the case of Colombian children, this means growing up in a situation of conflict. Living a life in these conditions, with consequences like a lack of education or employment opportunities, might thereby create frustrations (Welti, 2002). These frustrations might consequently influence decisions. Carmona Parra et al. (2012) found adolescents look for recognition, power, status and a sense of belonging. Vergara González (2007) and others (e.g. Ruiz Botero & Hernández, 2008) stated adolescents tend to rebel, have the urge to

22 We decided to use adolescence here as a more general term, as this was mostly used by interviewees. In the literature we mention in this section, authors used different concepts like youth (e.g. Margulis & Urresti, 1996), adolescence (e.g. Welte, 2002), and puberty (e.g. Arnett, 1999).

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explore and seek adventure, and go through a process of identity search. Often, armed groups offer the only opportunity for children to identify themselves with their aspirations, whereby the war is often seen as a fratricide game (Vergara González, 2007). Throughout the search for identity (and influenced by the mass media), opportunities appear where armed groups offer attractive options for children (Castro, 2002) (see section 5.2.3. of this chapter), even if this is at the expense of their youth and forces maturity on them, as well as responsibility, entry into the productive world, the disappearance of the academic world, the loss of a projection shield, and even the possibility of dying (Estrada et al, 2006). In an article on “The tough transition from child soldier to civilian”, Biderman (2012) mentioned a child who could not explain why he joined the armed group when he was thirteen, saying it had something to do with “typical adolescent restlessness” and “the curiosity of holding a gun”. Carmona Parra et al. (2012) noted the search for adventure and esthetical pleasure of weapons and uniforms as ludic aspects forming an attraction towards armed groups. Children disengaging from armed groups in our research expressed they should never have engaged with an armed group, but that they were in search of adventure and opportunities they were not getting elsewhere (NGO Bogotá; NGO Medellín).

5.5. In summary As noted above, all these reasons cannot be seen as independent arguments. As a child disengaged from armed groups mentioned to an interviewee: “We were poor, but we were not starving to death. My parents hit me, but only when I misbehaved. My neighbour was much worse off than me [but he didn’t engage with an armed group]” (Univ/Res Medellín). The mentioned aspects cannot be accounted for individually. Engagement should more so be seen as an interplay between different aspects. Table 4.1. offers an outline of the different reasons cited in the above paragraphs. Table 4.1. Push and pull factors for engaging with an armed group in the environment, armed group, family, and personal spheres. Push Factor

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Societal circumstances: lack of opportunities (Environment sphere)

- Poor social and economic conditions (lack of educational and vocational opportunities, poverty…) - No future perspectives - Boredom

Fulfilling children’s rights: a responsibility of the State (Environment sphere)

- Low intervention of the state on a social level (e.g. education and health services)

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Table 4.1. Push and pull factors for engaging with an armed group in the environment, armed group, family, and personal spheres.

continued

Push Factor

Pull Factor

A military culture and prestige (Environment sphere)

- Inferior position in society (girls)

- Engagement as a natural phase in life (aspiration) - Children are attracted to military aspects like uniforms and weapons - Militarized role models - Materialism - Development of the “armed body”

Presence of armed groups (Armed group sphere)

- Danger of riots and attacks in the neighbourhood - Increase of vulnerability (e.g. prostitution)

- Acquaintances and friends in armed groups - Low threshold for engagement - Familiarity with armed group - Military culture

Recruitment as a military strategy (Armed group sphere)

- Seduction by armed groups - Low political motivation - Need of human forces - Low legal consequences for minors - Children as desired soldiers - Armed groups take advantage of vulnerability

Emotional availability (Armed group sphere)

-Emotionally lost in society

- Affective attention - Recognition, belonging inclusion in the armed group - Armed group as protector - Revenge for harm by inimical group

Availability of opportunities (Armed group sphere)

- Insufficient living conditions

- Assured living conditions - Survival option - Identity, respect, recognition, and prestige

Difficult family conditions (Family sphere)

- Atypical families (large families, changing composition) - Displacement - Difficult economic, emotional, and social conditions - Emotional flaws, and basic deficits

- Economic survival

Lack of a protection shield and abuse (Family sphere)

- Lack of support frame - Parental absence - Dispersed family - Domestic violence

- Family part of armed group - Engagement prepared by acquaintances

Family culture (Family sphere)

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- Protection from armed group

Difficult past (Personal sphere)

- Coping with traumatic experiences - Intergenerational transference

A vulnerable stage in life (Personal sphere)

- Period of transformations - Adolescents in search - No opportunities in society

- Adventure - Identity - Esthetical pleasure

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6. Way of entering Throughout the literature a distinction can be made between voluntary (when a child seeks the armed group), suggested (when the family bring the child to the armed group), as a share (when families are obliged to send one child per family to the armed group), obliged (through coercion), and forced (through physical force) engagement (Instituto Colombiano de Bienestar Familiar [ICBF] & Organisación Internacional para las Migraciones [OIM], 2002; Ruiz Botero & Hernández, 2008). In the 19 th century, although many children entered armed groups voluntarily, others were brought in through family members, and a further number entered the armed group by force. There were cases of children being taken from their homes, but more often there were lasso recruitments, where armed groups went to a meeting point like a main plaza and took away whoever seemed appropriate to them (Jaramillo, 2007). The old model of engagement whereby children were forcibly abducted was the case in many African countries. In Uganda for example the majority of children were abducted from their homes and forced to commit atrocities and be part of the armed group. This brings consequences to the whole discourse around them, whereby in the literature, they are formerly called abducted children (e.g. Corbin, 2008). However, this model does not hold for worldwide generalization and the current complex aspects involved in many different areas worldwide (Coomaraswamy, 2012). In Colombia, when children are asked how they engaged, around 85% (depending on the source this figure varies between 83% and 87% Springer, 2008; Gómez, n.d.) said the decision to engage was personal and voluntary. Defensoría del Pueblo (2006) stated that 15.1% of children engaged with armed groups are recruited forcibly through blackmail, violence, or threats. How adequately these figures mirror the reality is difficult to say. Often families do not report forced recruitment out of fear of retaliation (Vergara González, 2007). Children are also recruited as a form of payment by the family to the armed group (Sem Medellín; Springer, 2008). A common activity adopted by armed groups in certain areas is making people pay protection money. Members of armed groups go around houses, forcing people to pay them money for the protection against other armed groups. However, an interviewee explained it is more of a payment to be left alone by the armed group receiving the money. “We don’t have a choice. We do not even think about it. They come at the door and you pay them. No questions asked” (Nonspecified Medellín). In some situations the protection money is paid through a child of the family engaging with the armed group.

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Although international laws consider all children under the age of 18 engaged with armed groups as victims whose rights should be restored, local concepts of the situation might question this generalization, or at least provoke it. When what is said about children does not match with what children say, the discourse is shaken and a more suitable corresponding discourse is sought. This shows there is not one reality, but rather many ways of approaching a situation. There is an ongoing discussion, both nationally and internationally, in social organisations, public policies and civil society, both with victims and perpetrators as to whether children engage with armed groups voluntarily or forcibly. Some Colombian organisations (as for the juridical laws) are very clear in their policies. A lawyer explained all engagement of minors with armed groups is forced, forced whether through obligation by armed groups, or obligation by their living conditions (NGO Bogotá). Besides this, forced recruitment is considered an additional violation of the International Humanitarian Law (Vergara González, 2007). Nonetheless, we see there is a struggle of discourses, of which the outcomes become crucial for the way that children disengaged from armed groups are going to be approached (see chapter five). As mentioned previously, research shedding light on the subjective motivation of children could help us to better understand the impact of the aforementioned push and pull factors. In line with the discussion on voluntariness, in his essay “Atrocities by situation” Tripodi (2011) explained that understanding what people do and why needs to take into account the situation the individuals operated in. What people do does not necessarily correspond to who they are. He speaks about the “evil zone”, a space in which individuals might commit acts they usually would not, making it not who an individual is, but where the individual is when she or he committed an act. There may be situations in which we might choose a different course of action than we know is right as abnormal circumstances “tempt” us to deviate from the right course of action. Individuals acting in such environments are thus making decisions in fundamentally abnormal circumstances. Although Tripodi (2011) spoke about committing atrocities during war, we could translate his theory back to making a decision of engaging in an armed group voluntarily as making a decision in abnormal circumstances, being a circumstance of war. In Colombia, where the war has been going on for decades, one could wonder what is abnormal about war for someone who has never known a different situation. Nevertheless we argue that the situation in which a person, or in this case a minor, is somehow forced to make a decision, may bring about a decision deviating from what one knows to be right, from what one would decide in other circumstances, where alternatives would be present (this is also related to the military naturalization in society).

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On this aspect, an interviewee explained that there is a difference between option, decision, and obligation. “You’re actually only part of the group when it is a decision. If you are in a bank while a robbery takes place. Are you part of the robbery? Yes, although it is as a victim. This is similar to children being part of armed groups. Very little of them actually take the decision to act against the law” (GO Medellín).

6.1. Voluntary: Undertaken of one’s Own Free Will The numbers of children engaging voluntarily are worryingly high and as suggested above, there is a continuous discussion on how voluntarily voluntary recruitment may be. A director pointed out: “Eighty-three percent say to have engaged voluntarily. But when investigating the elements that are needed to be fulfilled for voluntariness to be valid, hardly any are fulfilled” (NGO Bogotá). “It is voluntary between quotation marks” (IO Pasto). Another interviewee explained it would be a different story “if you ask them about their living conditions” (NGO Medellín). The voluntary decision to engage with armed forces is often more a consequence of the lack of opportunities for young people (NGO Medellín). In evaluating this figure it should thus be taken into account that children may see forced recruitment as recruitment using force or threats (Springer, 2008). In line with this, a psychologist said: A lot of these children enter voluntarily. But let’s say it is not a conscious voluntariness, it’s not explicit. Why? Because for example, I’ll explain an example to you; a girl that had been abused by her own father, nobody in the family intervened. She was very very very cross and the village where she was, the armed group was present there, so “I’m going with them and I’ll have a weapon and I’ll take revenge for what they’ve done to me.” But it’s not that voluntary, because if she did not have the disadvantaged conditions, the children wouldn’t be going to war…It’s a supposedly voluntary (NGO Bogotá). Moreover, it is said that children have no knowledge of which activities they have to engage in, or what risks are involved in doing these activities. “They have no correct information and in some cases they are under influence of drugs” (Defensoría del Pueblo, 2006). Carmona Parra et al. (2012) found a negative correlation between the risk of engagement with armed groups and the information children had on it. In their research, the children had a

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relatively large amount of grounded information. Notwithstanding, the authors noted children’s fantasies about armed groups were maybe more based on what they desired than on the actual information they had. For example, the children emphasized the interaction with others, adventure, parties, quiet life, and enjoyment. Carmona Parra et al. further explained this by the fact that the contact that children had with armed members was mostly when the armed group was in a rest period, which possibly offered restricted references. The above arguments show that although the view of child soldiers being forced into joining armed groups is more and more being countered by voluntary narratives, this voluntarism is portrayed as an irrational and naïve action. As Macmillan (2009) pointed out, voluntarily joining an armed group rather than facing starvation is assumed to be an irrational action, whereby in local environments - where children may be limited and desperate - these choices may actually be rational. Moreover, besides a voluntary decision in the light of it being “their only way out of their situation”, joining an armed group may also be seen as a form of resistance towards the society they live in, which does not seem to offer them any viable or positive options in civilian life (Wessells & Jonah, 2006). As mentioned throughout conversations, voluntary engagement is another one of the strategies the armed groups use. Entry into the armed group is thereby progressively and systematic by first getting in contact with the children and estimating their values. Then, little by little the children get assigned greater responsibilities. In Springer’s research (2008) children often fulfilled tasks for the group before formally entering, such as transporting mines or explosives, intelligence work, logistic jobs, militia work, and transporting food and goods. An even larger number carried out a favour for the armed groups before engaging with them, such as making a telephone call or doing deliveries (Vergara González, 2007). Moreover, Gutiérrez Sanín (2010) raised the point that voluntary members are preferred considering they are more likely to be loyal to the armed group compared to members who were forcibly recruited. According to Carmona Parra et al. (2012) and as mentioned throughout conversations, the impossibility of leaving the armed group and fear of death when doing so strengthens the argument that engagement is forced, even when the decision to do so was not forced in a strict sense. Once engaged with an armed group children do not have the freedom to leave. On the other hand, as appointed heretofore, de Silva, Hobbs, and Hanks (2001) claimed children’s involvement in armed conflict should always be considered as forced, whatever the justifications may be, considering children cannot truly comprehend their actions in war. This may raise another issue, namely the issue of accountability of children’s agency. Withal, perhaps it

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more so raises the necessity to involve the voice of children (e.g. in research, public policy, programme development) (United Nations, 2007).

6.2. Forcibly: Against One’s Will As already mentioned, it is argued that recruitment of children into armed groups is always forced recruitment, whether it is out of bribery, betrayal, or through violence. The reasons can be economic (poverty), cultural (society, family), social (abuse, sexual violence, the inability to continue education), or psychological (influence of other people, propaganda). Children (and adults) join to protect themselves and their family from danger because of the ongoing conflict in their communities or areas. They hope the group will protect them and help them protect their families (e.g. a sister from sexual abuse, the killing of the father). They are unaware what being part of an armed group consists of and what the consequences are (Univ/Res Medellín). A psychologist explained “kids join to forget their situation; of poverty, of abuse, the death of a loved one ...” (NGO Bogotá). Nevertheless, 50% of the girls in the study by Carmona Parra et al. (2012) sought contact with the armed group themselves. In Springer’s research (2008) this was 28.3% of the youngster, in which case they hypothetically considered engagement with an armed group as the only visible solution to escape death. On the other hand, 75% of children joined the armed group under the influence of a “third” which weakens the hypothesis of voluntariness (Springer, 2008). A psychologist explained: The girl or boy makes a decision at a critical moment … I don’t think it’s voluntary when you make a decision in this frame of situation. Let’s say it’s the only way out he[/she] sees, or to have some power and protection… Many kids come in with a voluntarism that is not conscious, not explicit (NGO Bogotá). Another example was given of a girl who was abused by her father and where no family intervened. So she wanted to join the guerrillas to protect herself. Another girl also wanted to enter because her stepfather was abusing her and she could no longer stand it. The girl makes the decision in a moment of very strong crisis and at a time when she is very disturbed. So it is a voluntary between quotes. It is the only thing left she sees to do something and protect herself (NGO Bogotá).

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7. Dynamics in the group Considering the diversity of armed groups and Colombia in general, the dynamics are also very diverse. The visible understanding of children engaged with armed groups thereby barely reaches the complex reality (Coalico, 2008). The average time of being part of the gang is more than two years (“Las FARC aumentan”, 2009), with a majority of children being engaged between six months and three years (Carmona Parra et al., 2012). Carmona Parra et al. (2012) found that the meaning of armed groups and the engagement with an armed group transformed throughout children’s engagement with the armed groups. They identified three phases. In the first phase, curiosity and the wish for adventure make the experience exciting. In a second phase, the attractiveness of the new has disappeared and the children adjust their expectations to the situation or to cope with the harshness of life in the armed group. This is a process of negotiation between meanings, of reinterpreting the context. Examples are seeing the armed group as substitution for the family or as a community, seeing their engagement as a career, and recognizing they have sexual and personal freedom in the group. Half of the girls in the research of Carmona Parra et al. did this through finding a partner. On this aspect Gutiérrez Sanín (2010) explained the original motivations for joining generally change, whereby the reasons to join are quite different from the reasons to remain in the group. Although it may be a very difficult task, research on why children remain in armed groups could be useful to understand their needs during insertion processes. The third phase, usually appearing after six months to two years, is one of exhaustion whereby the negative experiences become more and more prominent. There is no more space for negotiation and they want to leave the group. In the research of Carmona Parra et al., this last phase often coincided with the death of a partner or a break-up.

7.1. Activities As discussed in chapter one, children have always been part of armed groups. However, it is said that more and more, children are being used in direct confrontations worldwide (HRW, 2008). In Colombia, 88% of children in armed groups participate in activities such as fighting, and constructing and installing mines and explosives (Unicef, 2010; Vergara González, 2007). Because there is a tendency of engaging younger children, the average age is also decreasing (Univ/Res Bogotá). Furthermore, the activities carried out in and for armed groups can be set on a line from strongly engaged (intimately involved) to engaged very distantly (bystander) (McEvoy-Levy, 2006). Examples of the latter are children engaged

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with armed groups in a clandestine way, whereby they remain living at home and their environment (family) does not realize they are engaged with an armed group (NGO Medellín). This is a dynamic which has become more common in recent years. It reflects the entanglement between armed groups and civil society. “The parents think they go to school by day. And by night they go home as if everything is normal” (NGO Medellín). There are also the sympathizers: for example boyfriends, girlfriends, friends, and siblings that are invited to certain activities. In some cases children are engaged with armed groups through the family. For example: A girl whose family did things for the guerrilla like shopping, taking things and all that, she never had a gun in her hand. When the police went to the family, she was taken to the ICBF, the family went to jail (NGO Bogotá). “Girls and women in armed groups, they are attracted by men, become girlfriends and are soon involved in crimes, by just being present, and before they know it, they are part of the armed group” (NGO Cartagena). The armed groups have a subculture of support networking, which not only functions as logistical and moral support, but also as a reserve for possible recruitment (Ferro Medina & Uribe Ramón in Springer, 2008). An example of this may be gang members. An interviewee pointed out: “It is much easier to convince a gang member”. However, as innocent as their participation may seem, with a gang may seem, it offers a step up to engage with armed group. As they are very young, once engaged many are used for domestic chores like cooking, being companions, carrying things, spying, doing logistic and intelligence work, recruiting others and guarding (Coalition, 2004; Springer, 2008). Informants for example, have to listen to conversations and rumours and observe the enemy’s movements (Jaramillo, 2007). Many people abducted by armed groups mentioned they were being guarded by children not older than 15 (Vergara González, 2007; Betancourt, 2010). An interviewee explained: Because they are children, they haven’t killed. They are used more so to perform tasks, to be an informant, to cook, to be a companion and so on. Some did participate in violent activities like cleaning out the terrain, they are sent on in front to clean the terrain [e.g. mines] (NGO Bogotá). Furthermore, children serve as assistants, as an interviewee said: “It is part of childhood dreams to serve commanders” (NGO Bogotá). This is a prioritized role in the armed group, as it gives them liberty and permissions that others do not have. Due to their closeness to the commander, they are often respected and even feared. The role of the assistant is to mind the commanders stuff, pack when

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they have to displace, maintain the weapons, clean their medals and shoes, take care of their uniforms and clothes, bring them food, serve them drinks, be their messenger, as well as to mind their animals and tools (Jaramillo, 2007). Besides, figures show that within armed groups there is a demand for manual workers in the field, like coca scrapers. This explains how rural areas are more vulnerable (Springer, 2008). According to Singer (2006), the use of women and girls in armed conflicts is a new phenomenon. She stated that the sexual (ab)use girls are put through demonstrates that the recruitment of girls is not a progressive dynamic (Singer, 2006). Some interviewees stated there is a difference between the use of boys and girls, whereby girls are more so used as companions, cooks, and for logistical work (GO Medellín). However, other interviewees pointed out that girls claim they are treated equally to boys in the armed group. In some cases, the inequality in society is even a factor that attracts them towards the armed group, because there, women get more and equal opportunities (NGO Medellín). Children also receive nicknames and according to their chores they are called “little bells” (when used to alarm the presence of the enemy), “little bees” (because they stab the enemy before they notice they are being attacked) and “little carriers” (because they are capable of bringing weapons and other material past the checkpoints unnoticed) (Singer, 2006; Vergara González, 2007). Based on interviews with children disengaged from armed groups, Defensoría del Pueblo found that 18% claim to have committed at least one murder, 60% saw a murder, 78% saw mutilated cadavers, 18% saw torturing, and 28% have been injured during combat (in Vergara González, 2007). Furthermore, they are used to clear land with mines or as human shields in battles (Unicef, 2010).

7.2. Discipline A psychologist noted: “They leave the home for abuse and there they encounter other abuse” (NGO Bogotá). However, armed groups used seducing tricks and progressive engagement as part of a strategy to reduce deserting. Often, there is a repressive discipline within the armed group, where violence and draconian practices are part of the training (Vergara González, 2007). Children often state they are treated equally as adults. In Springer’s (2008) research, 82.4% of the minors indicated that there was no discrepancy with the tasks performed by adults within the armed group. Though interviewees explained when children are very young, they sometimes have lighter chores. In punishments they are also treated equally. In a documentary on girls disengaged from armed groups, a girl explained punishments usually consist of heavy chores like collecting and carrying wood, digging toilet holes or getting less food for a while. “There are war councils, there’s carrying firewood, thrashing

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with machete, digging trenches, digging toilets ... a little of everything” (RCN Telmevision. Especiales Pirry, 2008). However, a girl in this research explained they would be murdered when they misbehaved badly, like having contact with inimical groups, trying to escape, or falling asleep during guarding. Often, others are forced to witness punishments as a warning. Concerning the use of drugs, there seem to be different dynamics in different groups and generalisations are difficult. In some groups, members were not allowed to use drugs, while in other groups drugs are part of the dynamic (NGO Pasto). Children have been said to drink milk with gun powder to take away fear (Vergara González, 2007). Nothwithstanding the above, there are also other discourses on the topic. An interviewee pointed out that if life in the armed groups was really as harsh as it is said to be, the armed groups would not have any members. He noted that many of the children he had worked with never mentioned these kinds of events (NGO Cartagena).

7.3. Relationships Among the many discussions on the lives of children engaged with and disengaged from armed groups, the hypothesis is that for many children, armed groups offer them more than their family or society could. A psychologist pointed out: Although there were problems in the group, they weren’t treated badly. They had a better security, they were taken better care of, they were allowed to have a partner, have money, have power, have sexual relationships at an early age, consume alcohol and drugs… (NGO Bogotá). As mentioned in section 5.1.3. of this chapter, children engaging with armed groups is part of development of the “armed body”, the internalization (and eventually naturalization) of military concepts (Salgado, 2011). On a relational level, engagement can be seen as part of a “collective soul”. Similar to the discussion by Wessells (2012), Brett and Specht (2004) spoke about the children’s need for a sense of belonging or family and Gutiérrez Sanín (2010) spoke about the social motivations. This idea was supported by different psychologists and social workers telling me about how children seem to go from armed group to armed group. They leave their family, engage with an armed group, disengage from an armed group, enter a reinsertion programme, but do not seem to find their balance, so they return to an armed group, to disengage again after a while. This dynamic seems like an urge to belong to a group, to be part of a family. In the armed group, children seem to find recognition they do

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not find in society (Carmona Parra et al., 2012). A social worker explained the case of a seven-year-old boy: He entered the war, he never knew his family, he didn’t know his mother. The family was displaced, he saw them in bad circumstances, but couldn’t help them. He didn’t feel affection for them, because he didn’t know them. The people he had an affective relationship with were in the guerrilla (NGO Bogotá). This is an example where children also find fulfilment of certain needs they have in the armed groups. Gutiérrez Sanín (2010) pointed out that in the FARC, “the cement that unites its strong ‘organisational culture’, is its capacity to build links between individuals and the group”. He continues explaining that its high activity rate results in “platoon solidarity”, a powerful human gregarious sentiment. Furthermore, it is a dynamic that has become part of the conflict strategy, whereby children who have supposedly disengaged from armed groups are used to attract children into armed groups (NGO Bogotá). This may be an effective strategy in the life stage where peers become important social factors in children’s life, thereby being an important source of influence (Gutiérrez Sanín, 2010).

7.4. Sexual relations The topic of sexual relations is controversial and how it is approached depends on who is speaking to whom, and why. Literature often states the vulnerability of girls in armed groups is high, in part because of early sexual initiation, high pregnancy rates (36% of minor girls in armed groups have already been pregnant one or more times) and abortion rates (31% of total pregnancies) (Defensoría del Pueblo & Unicef, 2006; Humanidad Vigente, 2009b). A majority of 97% of children disengaged from armed groups in the ICBF programme indicated to have had sexual relationships (Defensoría del Pueblo & Unicef, 2006). More than half of the children in Springer’s  research (2008)  indicated to have had  their first  sexual experience between four and 13 years old (one out of ten between five and nine in Defensoría del Pueblo & Unicef, 2006). It is said that all armed groups violate the sexual and reproductive rights of youngsters by forced sterilization, compulsory abortion, sexual  humiliation as  punishment method, sexual slavery… Children are also sexually abused as a direct war strategy used to recruit children and in order to disclose information (Springer, 2008). At a seminar I attended, it was explained that girls’ extra vulnerable positions such as sexual vulnerability is used against them in contradicting ways: as a punishment and as a treat. If they do not behave or do not do as they are told,

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they become victims of abuse. If they do behave and do what they are told they might be given to a powerful person (for example a commander) as a wife and will thus have privileges. Having a relationship may hereby be an important safety matter for girls. The higher ranked their partner is, the more safety it brings them: they are given easier chores, have an easier life in the armed group in general, will not be abused by others, will be cared for better and it also brings prestige as they grow in the hierarchy (Sem Medellín). A psychologist also gave an explanation challenging girls’ vulnerability. According to him, girls can be seen as having sexual power: “There are so many men wanting them they can actually choose”. He also mentioned though that girls are also forced to do certain things, and explained this to be related to the macho culture and treating women with disrespect: “Men look differently to their mother than they do to another woman” (GO Medellín). Additionally, they are forced to use contraception that is harmful to their health (United Nations Security Council, 2009). Though when the girls get pregnant, it mostly depends on the group what happens with their pregnancy. According to Humanidad Vigente (2009) the FARC-EP, for example, obliges them to abort. Sometimes the baby is given to the family in the community, who rear the child until she/he is considered old enough to join the group (Humanidad Vigente, 2009b). When girls pick up a sexually transmitted disease (STD) they’re murdered (NGO Medellín). Interviewees explained girls claim the sexual relationship was with their consent (NGO Bogotá; Carmona Parra et al., 2012). One of the girls I spoke to mentioned she was raped soon after she engaged with an armed group. Notwithstanding the above, the topic of sexual abuse raises mixed opinions when speaking to organisations. Some say there is a lot of sexual abuse, some say there is none at all, and some say there are a moderate amount of cases. Contradictory to how it is illustrated in literature, girls often talk about having relationships with others and get upset when it is referred to as sexual abuse (NGO Bogotá). Girls are what Park (2006, in MacMillan, 2009) called “supravictimized”, stressing their more vulnerable gender position, even though Rosen (2005 in MacMillan) points out that they do not always see themselves as victims. Furthermore, interviewees explained having a relationship within the group, often had to be with consent of the commander, whereby monogamy is the dominant state of affairs. However, the relationship dynamics defer from group to group. In some cases, partner relationships within guerrilla groups are prohibited and have to stay secret, as they may cause problems of jealousy. For example, there have been cases where commanders or women have been murdered by another wife of a commander. In cases where relationships are not allowed, there is no distribution of contraceptives (pills or injections) and so pregnancies are frequent. As a result, there are many forced abortions (Univ/Res Bogotá). Apparently in guerrilla groups there are few sexual violations. The girls

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mostly want and have sexual relationships with guerrilleros, and preferably the highest ranked like commanders. Nonetheless, the question here remains as to whether you can speak of a sexual relationship of an adult with a 13-year-old. This is a question which is being discussed worldwide concerning the topic of pedophilia (Univ/Res Bogotá). A coordinator pointed out: Professionals see a sexual relationship between a 13-year-old and an adult as sexual abuse. But culturally, this is not always the case. In the indigenous community, for example, it is normal for a child around that age to start a family. In some indigenous communities a 14-year-old needs to have land, a family and a dowry ... we see it differently. For us a 14-year-old has to study, he[/she] has a different life. So it depends on the culture. If they indicate that it is abuse, then a legal intervention is needed. Another problem is that many come from isolated areas, and know little about their rights, so they see it as something normal. It is a challenge for the programme to teach youngsters their rights, so they have other options. There are armed groups where abuse happens, but it is not generalizable (IO Pasto). An interviewee mentioned this discrepancy between what the literature says and what girls themselves say may even be part of the war strategy, where even the mass media is included and whereby the enemy is portrayed as “the bad and evil” as opposed to sympathizing with the enemy (NGO Medellín). Additionally, as we will discuss later, for girls disengagement has an emotional aspect to it, whereby death of a companion, or pregnancy and wanting to keep the baby are the main reasons for leaving, as for them, the sexual relationship has an affective side to it (Univ/Res Medellín). Having a relationship is also a reason for engaging and possibly for staying within the armed group. More broadly as part of the armed conflict, armed actors use sexual violence against women (and often girls) as a war strategy, to make the public submit, to terrorize and to extract information (Humanidad Vigente, 2009b). An interviewee summarizes the above: There are often speculations that the youngsters have STDs, but this is not always so. There are speculations that they were sexually abused, but they see it differently. They say they fell in love. Within the groups, no promiscuity is allowed. There are girls that get pregnant and had to have an abortion. It often happens that young girls left the group because they want to keep their child. The children become furious when people talk about them having STDs and HIV (GO Bogotá).

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8. Motivation for disengaging form the Armed Group Disengagement from armed groups can happen in different ways, individually or collectively; forcibly or voluntarily. In chapter five, we discuss the paths through which children disengage from armed groups. In this paragraph, we will focus on the motivations for disengaging, specifically the voluntary reasons for disengaging or for wanting to leave the armed group. As we explain later, leaving the armed group is not always similar to disengaging from it. The prior can be interpreted as physical, whereby the latter can have an emotional undertone. Considering this voluntariness, we can talk about motivating reasons pushing them to leave the armed group on the one hand, and motivating reasons pulling them to (re)turn to civil society on the other hand. Besides, the reasons are also complex and intertwined as stated in this quote by a psychologist from an NGO: Because the tasks are very hard… they have very heavy positions. On the other hand, their motive for disengaging may be that they are captured, so they didn’t leave on voluntary basis. They left because the army arrived…. Or after negotiations and others because they had heard of the propaganda of the government. And they are tired, thinking they’ll have another life (NGO Bogotá).

8.1. Reasons for leaving the armed group: the Push Factors An interviewee suggested that children disengage from armed groups because the activities they carry out are very hard and heavy (NGO Bogotá). Throughout a workshop with children disengaged from armed groups, I learned that the life in the armed group is one of the most difficult circumstances. Especially when they stay in camps, the jungle life is difficult; sometimes food is scarce, they have to walk for days, and restrictions are put upon them. When talking to a girl disengaged from an armed group, she explained that the hardest thing she had been through in life, was the hours and hours of carrying heavy firewood for long distances. Counternarrating this, a social worker stated: “There is a discourse that everything is negative in the groups, but if there were no positive aspects to counterbalance these, armed groups would have no members, and people wouldn’t stay in the groups for years” (NGO Bogotá). He explained the life in armed groups is hard, but that this is explained to be relative as life in society and at home is also difficult:

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They have to follow orders for example, but they also have to do so at home… Work in rural areas, in the field, is hard work. From the age of six, they have to work hard on the field, compared to this, the guerrilla is a holiday… Life at home is harsh… with domestic violence, especially in rural areas (NGO Bogotá). He also noted that “the children that are in armed groups for three, four or even up to ten years, are in the group because they want to be there” (NGO Bogotá). Once in the lines, it is often hard to escape. In the first place, Jaramillo (2007) mentioned children do not have the will to escape, as for many, war is like a game. For others, it is hard because they know the punishment that deserters await. They know that deserting may lead to execution. Even children that have been captured by regular forces and are participating in reinsertion programmes are at risk (Vergara González, 2007). Moreover, an interviewee explained that although political ideology is not a reason for engaging, children not agreeing with the (lack of) ideology during engagement is a reason for disengagement (GO Bogotá). An example of this may be what a boy explained to me. He explained that he decided he wanted to leave the armed group when he realized killings were being committed for no reason (CDAG). Furthermore, Carmona Parra et al. (2012) found that, especially for girls, the affective factor was important in disengagement from armed groups, reflecting both pull and push factors, with the affective reasons being aspects like the death of a companion in the group, wanting to keep their child, form a family of their own, and missing their family.

8.2. Reasons for (re)turning the society: the pull factors A psychologist commented on the affective factor: What caught my attention was that at the moment of disengagement, there was this great interest and aspiration to contact the family. Families which they had not rung - I don’t know whether it was because they couldn’t, I’m not sure this was the reason - but that they hadn’t rung for birthdays, for Christmas, for any important date, and when they left the armed group it becomes something tremendously anguishing for the youngster. “I want to know about my mother…” Why does the child all of the sudden want news of the family after years of not having any? This reasoning among others, to dispel the myth a little bit around the fact that all of them engaged because of the hell they had to go through with their family (NGO Bogotá).

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Another psychologist explained the connection with the reasons for engagement, whereby it seems the children are in a constant search for something. Perhaps it is the same reason that makes them engage [with the armed group]. Because they get involved because they think they will have a better life there. They leave [the armed group] because they also believe that outside [the group] they will have a better life (NGO Bogotá). Furthermore, the government disperses propaganda and children hear it and they turn themselves in, in order to have a different life (NGO Bogotá; Betancourt, 2010). In the armed group, they listen to the radio (sometimes secretly) and hear this propaganda. A boy disengaged from an armed group said: “We heard the ads, former comrades telling us to demobilize, that the government would help us” (In Biderman 2012). In the case of children deserting and giving themselves in, there is the motivation of support they will receive, but at the same time interviewees mentioned the fear for interrogations and danger of disengaging. In chapter five, we will discuss the way children leave the armed group more profoundly, as part of the process of disengagement from the armed group.

9. Effects of engagement Throughout conversations, little attention went towards the effects of engagement. In hindsight, this may be due to the inseparability between effects of engagement and effects of living in a conflict situation, whereby the specific effects of engagement are difficult to ascertain. As Smith (2001) reported, children growing up in the midst of armed conflict often lack basic necessities face disrupted family relationships, and experience increased patterns of family violence. Furthermore, when staff workers were asked what situations children suffered from, many answered they often found children had difficulties dealing with situations before and after their engagement in the armed group. However, because the effects do seem of importance for the psychosocial attention offered, we give a short overview. An interviewee explained: “The violations of their rights are total. Our general conclusion is that they [i.e. armed groups] practically steal their childhood. The fact that someone has lost his[/her] childhood has inevitable consequences for their future development” (GO Ind Bogotá). As stated earlier, not only after engagement with armed groups, but also prior to this, children witness different forms of violence due to the armed conflict (Defensoría del Pueblo, 2006). On the aspect of the consequences of recruitment being inseparable from the consequences of living in the midst

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of conflict situations, a psychologist noted: “We have to realize that a huge amount of the population has been a victim of violence. In that sense we have to deal with children of victims of victims of victims” (NGO Medellín). The results are physical, psychological, social, and cultural and are influenced by their experiences in the armed group (and conflict in general) (de Silva, Hobbs, & Hanks, 2001).

9.1. Physical Children suffer physical injuries due to anti-personnel mines and injuries from direct confrontations during conflict like gunshot wounds. As previously stated, children are often used as human shields, hereby putting their life at risk (Springer, 2008). Various children disengaged from armed groups talked to me about their physical burdens, like gunshot wounds, or back problems due to heavy work. When the injury was serious, this was also mentioned as a reason for armed groups to free the child so she/he could get proper care (CDAG). Furthermore, those in the armed groups who die first are the youngest and least experienced (“Infamia”, 2006). Moreover, the heavy activities like carrying heavy loads for long distances mark their body for life.

9.2. Psychological Children experiencing or having experienced a lot of violence, have a high level of psychological distress (Blattman & Annan, 2010). De Silva, Hobbs, and Hanks (2001) illustrated child recruitment as a form of child abuse: “The inherent emotional abuse and acts or omissions by caregivers may cause behavioural, cognitive, emotional and mental disorders in children” (de Silva, Hobbs, & Hanks, 2001 p. 1). The document “You’ll learn not to cry” by Human Rights Watch (2003) mentioned one of the major effects of recruitment is the hardening of the youth. Children are abused and obliged to commit or witness atrocities. This not only ensures that the children unquestionably obey commands, but also that they develop poor moral values of violence, through fear and trauma. Macmillan (2009) pointed out that the fact that children learn to unquestionably obey orders in armed groups may mistakenly be seen as a failure to think and act rationally, rather than taking into account that obeying for survival’s sake may be very rational. Nevertheless, children engaged with armed groups go through accumulated terror, abandonment of family, friends and land, hunger, unknown cultures, lack of opportunities, repressed dreams, and risk of death (HRW, 2003). According to Springer (2008), the consequences of these

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traumatic experiences are profound and multifaceted and create difficulties during reinsertion. Experiences during engagement with armed groups, like exposure to violence, participation in killings, sexual abuse, and long periods of engagement lead to negative psychosocial outcomes (de Silva, Hobbs, & Hanks, 2001). Furthermore, when talking about children engaged with and disengaged from armed groups, posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) often enters the stage (de Silva, Hobbs, & Hanks, 2001; Derluyn, Broeckaert, Schuyten, & De Temmerman, 2004). Paardekooper, de Jong, and Hermanns (1999) also mentioned there are other similar consequences of traumatic experiences in war situations like depression, anxiety, fear of recurrence, guilt, worrying, and grief. A director of an NGO explained: “Demobilized have very severe psychosocial problems, a lot of them have a lot of remorse for having taken part in the armed group” (NGO Bogotá). A psychologist from Unicef (in Vergara González, 2007) stated: “The violence they see is not easy to forget”. A psychologist working with children disengaged from armed groups in an NGO added it is impossible for children disengaged from armed groups to forget what they have been through. She thereby stressed upon the fact that there is a need for focusing on supporting children disengaged from armed groups by dealing with these memories, such as by transforming the meanings given to these experiences. However, throughout the different conversations, little attention was offered to trauma and PTSD. When I asked the interviewees about it, they often responded that they did not focus on trauma, and believed it was more important to focus on aspects like resilience and the strength of these children (NGO Bogotá).

9.3. Social As Blattman and Annan (2010) suggest, children voluntarily engaging with armed groups might experience social exclusion upon return. The transition to civil society is tough, where children bump into a wall of discrimination, closed doors and lack of opportunities. Children disengaged from armed groups have been found to be more at risk for engaging in gangs, conducting violent behaviour and returning to armed groups (McClure & Retamal, 2010). The long term consequences are ever more disastrous. In many countries, formally at peace, the homicides and juvenile violence is very high. It not only affects children, but also their families and communities (Vergara González, 2007). On a larger scale, so many children engaged with armed groups worldwide could hinder a nation’s productivity and growth for decades, due to lost education and physical and psychological trauma resulting in a human capital loss (Blattman & Annan, 2010).

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9.4. Cultural Verney (2009) talked about the cultural loss when displacing. The same is true for children engaged with armed groups. Especially in rural areas, where the people are culturally bonded to their land, engaging with an armed group and leaving the community means disconnecting from cultural bounds. Children lose this cultural connection with their origins (Verney, 2009). Similarly, after disengaging from armed groups, they often cannot return to their community and land as this may mean putting their life at risk. Though the full scope of the consequences are quite impossible to measure, it is assumed that they are significant and widespread. Despite there being a tendency of researchers and practitioners to portray children disengaged from armed groups as traumatized victims - in some cases they are even called ‘the lost generation’ (see Blattman, 2007) - there is also a discourse whereby the remarkable resilience of children disengaged from armed groups allows a positive view on their future (Wessells, 2006; 2012). As previously mentioned, and just like Wessells (2012) argued, various interviewees mentioned that the greatest challenge for children disengaged from armed groups do not originate from experiences concerning their engagement with the armed group, but have to do with dealing with problems concerning their current living conditions. However, as a psychologist explained, these cannot be separated, and their current living situation is most probably inherent to their situation as disengaged from an armed group (NGO Bogotá).

10. Conclusion An interviewee mentioned: The majority went to the group because of domestic violence... Very little because of poverty, because of vulnerable situations like that. No. There are some that did go for that, that are tricked, they go for work. There’s a lot that are forced too. And besides that a lot of them are rural youngsters and in the zone where they are, there’s presence of the group. And they come from families of the group. I mean, they come from families where the father is from the group, the mother, aunts and uncles. And it turns out to be the same context for them. It makes it easier for them to enter the group (NGO Cartagena). In this chapter, we attempted to illustrate the large connection of children disengaged from armed groups and children in general, especially in the case of an ongoing conflict, where perpetrators can be seen as victims of recruitment.

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Thus, we argue there is a need for thorough attention to children whereby both prevention of engagement and attention towards disengagement are combined. This is especially so considering the risk of reengagement after disengagement from armed groups. There are many arguments pushing children toward and pulling them into armed groups. When we overview the different aspects of children engaged with armed groups and children disengaged from armed groups, we can only acknowledge these different aspects to be banal in the life of children in general, forming a grey zone concerning involvement with armed groups. Unfortunately, it is impossible to speak about the situation Colombian children live in, without speaking about the aspects related to the conflict. The threshold between engaging and not engaging is thereby minimal. The family and personal trajectory of children, the individual and collective influences, along with disappointments and frustrations due to structural factors, the attraction of violence and children who have nothing to lose, the desire to belong somewhere in a society with a high degree of demographic exploitation and a high level of unemployment, psychological and physical wounds, hope for change and self-altruistic intentions are all factors that close that gap (Springer, 2008). As Ames (2010) suggested, it may be enriching for research to compare child combatants to non-combatants to understand what makes that they respond to incentives. By focusing on children in vulnerable situations, and thereby focusing on the situation of children in general, this threshold may enlarge, both preventing engagement with armed groups and strengthening support for children disengaged from armed groups. Following this line of thinking, a social worker claimed: The ones working with children disengaged from the armed conflict generally 80% focus on recruitment by guerrilla and paramilitaries. And they don’t look at other forms of engagement of youth with the conflict. Because they kill them and control their lives or because they are recruited to gangs, mobs, but nobody hardly looks at them - youth are engaged in the conflict in many many ways (NGO Bogotá). The above also takes into account the notion of engaging with armed groups as part of a resistance towards society (claiming a dignified life option). Though the Colombian context offers children options of engaging with armed groups, children in all societies demonstrate resistance for example, through criminality and living in street situations. This underlines the need for a broader focus of attention. It may be interesting for future research to target these aspects. Integration into society can only be successful if conditions in society are appropriate to fulfil rights. As we will see in chapter five, the official reinsertion

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programme is very fulfilling in theory. However, in practice it seems more difficult to implement. Reinsertion processes do not exist isolated from the conflict context. Consequently, what is best for the children is not always attainable and their subjective needs cannot always be taken into account considering that their survival is regarded as more important. The latter is mirrored in the experiences of staff and children in chapter seven.

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Chapter 5

DDR Minors DDR stands for demobilization, disarmament, and reintegration (United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations & Transitional Demobilization and Reintegration Programme, 2011). These are the terms which are mostly used when speaking about the process of disengagement from armed groups. Throughout different national and international workshops and seminars, I have witnessed various discussions on the use of this term. Some people claim rehabilitation should be added (DDRR), they suggest rehabilitation is a necessary phase before reintegration. Others believe rehabilitation incorrectly gives it a pathological connotation. It is deemed the terminology should be different for minors. Another point is that not every person engaged with an armed group is officially a member of the armed group. Furthermore, not all engaged with an armed group have actually carried a weapon. These discussion points come down to the diversity of the topic, not only nationally, but also internationally, and it not being possible to grasp this diversity in generalities. The terms used in this book are thus general terms, trying to respect the subjects in their diversity as much as possible. In the first part of this chapter we attend to the legal aspects of DDR, in the second part we will elaborate on the official reinsertion programme for children disengaged from armed groups.

1. Legislation23 Romero (2007) argued there has been a cultural change in the role of children in society, which has been translated through national and international politics, seminars, meetings, recommendations, resolutions, agreements, consents, decrees, conversions, and norms. In Latin America during the 20th century legislation reflected a protectionist disposition, especially when referring to child populations in “irregular situations”, namely abandoned and delinquent children (Romero, 2007). In 1968, the Colombian Institute for Family Wellbeing (Instituto Colombiano de Bienestar Familiar - ICBF) was created. This was created through Law 75, which also specified norms on parentage, obligating the acknowledgement of “natural” children and providing the authority of parents to mothers. The ICBF took on the

23 For more information on the legislation of children in armed conflicts we recommend Human Rights & International Legal Discourse, 2001, Vol. 5 (1).

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materialistic, physical, and mental wellbeing of the child, through institutional coordination and distribution of sources for institutional projects. It had to take care of minors that were not in custody of an adult and watch over those who had parental authority of a child to ensure they were fulfilling their obligations. They were also responsible for legal processes of adoptions (Romero, 2007). A coordinator of a governmental organisation reasoned: So the task says firstly, it recognizes children as subjects of rights that is an important mandate of guaranteeing the exercise of their rights. The second great task… But there are conditions... precarious for the guarantee. So you have to set up actions to prevent the undulation of the law… but also recognition of the fact that there are children whose rights have been violated. So you have to restore the right. So we have to ensure this, we must prevent violating them and restore them if they have been violated. These are the tasks that the law requires from the state, family and society (GO Bogotá). Furthermore, Romero (2007) noted that throughout the ’50s, ’60s, and ‘70s legislations kept a quite protectionist stance, marked by an assistentialist policy. The adopted measures intended to centralize different instances that were responsible for issues of children. The first phase of this was conducted in 1968. In a second phase these systems were put into effective creation with the development of the National System of Family Wellbeing (Sistema Nacional de Bienestar Familiar) in 1979. In 1979 came the proclamation of the international year of the child by the General Assembly of the United Nations. It acknowledged the basic rights of children (education, health, name), giving them a special character of citizenship under care of the State. This law restructured ICBF, giving them more administrative capacity as an entity independent of the Health Ministry (Romero, 2007). In 1989, the Convention of Children’s Rights was developed, and in Colombia the Code of the minor (1989) tried to include the Convention’s principles and recommendations. The code dictated norms on the State’s protection of children, consecrated the fundamental rights of children and established that the State could only intervene for children in “irregular situations” (Romero, 2007). From here on, the State not only had to acknowledge children as entitled to having rights, but also had the obligation to offer integral protection to children concerning their rights (Linares Cantillo, 2008). In 1996, Graça Machel, the Expert of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, wrote a report on the impact of armed conflict on children, which drew global attention to the devastating impact of armed conflicts on children all over the world. An interviewee explained:

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The issue is worked out by the ombudsman’s office with support of the ICBF, the Colombian Institute for Family Welfare, with the work you are doing concerning children, child soldiers, Ms. Graça Machel, Special Coordinator of the United Nations. And she comes to Colombia in ‘96 and begins to prepare reports, on questions in a systematical way: How many are there? Where are they from? Why are they there? How are they? In what situation are they in the groups (GO Bogotá)? In 2002, there was a special session of the General Assembly of the United Nations in favour of childhood. The Assembly included the participation of numerous children representing their countries and NGOs (Romero, 2007). That same year, the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict entered into force (adopted in 2000). On this topic, a coordinator explained: And why is an additional protocol developed? Because recruitment is not explicit enough in the convention. So the assembly, the countries decided to elaborate deeper into the subject and that came out in the last decade of the last century (GO Bogotá). This protocol requires that countries which ratified the protocol ensures no forced recruitment into the regular army under the age of 18 occurs and forbids non-state forces to recruit children under 18 for any purpose (which previously was 15). Although this was part of a consequence of the campaign to draw back numbers of children recruited by armed groups (by Coalition among others), Leibig (2005) argued attention toward the broader consequences of armed conflict on children was lost, claiming this was an example of an existing challenge within human rights whereby an issue becomes oversimplified and subgroups become marginalized. Concerning incrimination, the age of penal responsibility in different countries worldwide varies between seven and 16. A point of reference can be considered to be that recruitment of children under the age of 15 is a war crime. Consequently, a child is considered too young to fight a war, they should be considered too young to be condemned for violating the International Humanitarian Law when associated with armed forces or armed groups. On the other hand, if children under the age of 15 cannot be condemned, it may be a reason for commanders to let them do the “dirty work” (Irin, 2011). A psychologist questioned: “Can a child be seen as a perpetrator? Legally, the code of infancy and adolescence says that children between the age of 15 and 18 can be penalized for a crime committed, but this contradicts international standards” (NGO Bogotá). A United Nations report (2011) articulated that states should find more appropriate and effective ways of dealing with children involved in armed conflict, without using detention and criminal prosecution.

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A psychologist participating in this research explained that through resolution 1612 (2005) the United Nations Security Council obliged countries in armed conflict to: Collect and provide timely, objective, accurate and reliable information of the recruitment and use of child soldiers in violation of applicable international law and on other violations and abuses committed against children affected by armed conflict, and that such a mechanism must operate with the participation of, and in cooperation with, national government and relevant United Nations and civil society actors (NGO Bogotá). The Justice and Peace Law (2005) was introduced in the frame of collective demobilizations, but was highly criticized. It allowed armed groups to be more leniently sentenced when demobilizing (through collective demobilization) and permitted paramilitaries not to disclose information about their criminal activities. In Colombia, the following rules apply concerning enlistment into the state forces: The age for compulsory and voluntary military service is between 18 and 24, with an obliged service of 18 months (CIA, 2004). As interviewees explained, exceptions are made when the youngster is denominated as incapable because of illness, they have a student status, they are an only child, or they are from an indigenous community (NGO Bogotá; Other Medellín). The voluntary recruitment age is 16 years old, in which case the consent of parents is needed. Children from the age of 16 can participate in the programme of the air force and from the age of 17 children can be engaged as a nonqualified officer. Students can also study at the military secondary school. Furthermore, there are also governmental programmes as: “Soldier for a day” and “Rural soldier”, which popularized being a soldier and fortified the militarized ideal (see also chapter four) (NGO Medellín). The official rules of the FARC of 1999 indicate that people between 15 and 30 years of age may join voluntarily and consciously. In their Code of War, ELN indicate that the minimum age to join is 16 years old and AUC claim in their Article 9 that the minimum age to join should be 18 years. These rules conform with international laws, which state that the minimum age for recruitment and participation in hostilities is 15 years (ICRC, 2004). Reality shows however, that different groups do not follow these age limits (PNUD, 2003). The recruitment of minors by illegal and government armed groups is considered a war crime (Rome Statute of International Criminal Court, Art.8, 1998). Nonetheless, the laws and implementations are contradictory. Children’s rights organisations advocate for not using children disengaged from armed

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groups for release of information, interviews, or espionage work, not to hold on to them for longer than 36 hours and to increase resources for social reintegration and rehabilitation. Nevertheless, an interviewee explained children can only be treated as children who had been part of a group if they confirm that they belonged to this group and therefore disclose information about it. As noted previously, children are also used for intelligence work and at times they are financially rewarded for releasing information (NGO Bogotá). Furthermore, not only more appropriate legislation is needed, but also change of the culture. Summerfield (1996) suggested that culture is affected by war. A war is incorporated into the existing culture, influencing the continuously growing culture, which is not fixed and crystallized, but is rather fluid and changeable. This is a difficult aspect in Colombia, as the problems are deeply rooted (the drug industry is an example of this). It thereby becomes difficult to distinguish between criminal and political aims of the armed groups. Officially, laws and implementations claim that recruited children are treated as victims of the armed groups, bringing along the pragmatic problem that children’s unaccountability has become an incentive for recruitment (Gutiérrez Sanín, 2010). In practice, interviewees explained that this is not always respected, let alone experienced by families and communities. Mack (2010) noted that a real problem with legal instruments, norms, and advocacy campaigns is that they make little impact on the incentive structures that incite armed groups to recruit children.

2. The process of disengagement from Armed Groups As we discussed in chapter one, people participating in this research come from a broad range of organisations. This section is exclusively based on interviews of staff members (psychologists, coordinators, lawyers, and social workers) who work for the governmental reinsertion programme for children disengaged from armed groups. For security and anonymity reasons, the references of interviewees in this chapter are not always mentioned. Colombia has a long history of peace attempts. As a consequence of various crises in these peace processes, the DDR programmes often came to a stop or were put on hold, such as during the DDR of the paramilitary group AUC (Cárames, Fisas, & Luz, 2006). Furthermore, outcomes of DDR programmes vary throughout different areas. For example, the DDR programme in the department of Nariño brought negative consequences like an increase in murders (Spagat, 2006). As mentioned in the first part of this chapter, the Colombian government has the (co)responsibility for the fulfilment of the rights of children. When children

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and adolescents leave armed groups, this is also the case. A psychologist explained their rights have been violated and thus need to be restored: The state is resituating rights that have been violated, but who violated them? If the state had been present in many of these areas, it’s for sure that many wouldn’t have gone, or wouldn’t have been forced. Presence of security, of medical, educational attention, everything. Not only can you walk around freely, but you also have your food, your education, your diversion. The programmes supporting the DDR processes are separated for adults and minors. Both programmes are taken charge of by governmental organisations, in partnership with national and international, governmental, and non-governmental institutions. Local governments, educational, health, and recreational organisations also play a paramount role. The differentiation between adults and children in the programmes is based on the fact that children are protected by law because of their status of minor. Every person under the age of 18 engaged with an armed group is legally seen as a victim, with an exception of minors who committed a crime against humanity which can be proven. The principle of opportunities (Law 1095 of the Code of Infancy and Adolescence) states that if a minor disengaged from an armed group has not acted out a crime against humanity, they will not be sanctioned (GO Ind Bogotá). Up to 2011, no under aged child had been charged with this crime in Colombia. For this to happen, an interviewee explained that there has to be a specific accusation against this person and proof of the crime, which is practically impossible (GO Pasto).

2.1. Disengagement paths In chapter four we discussed the motivations for disengaging, here we give an overview of the paths children (and people in general) can disengage through. Usually disengagement from an armed group comprises of three possibilities. In the first place, people can disengage individually whereby the person leaves (or deserts) an armed group and can reach civilian, military or juridical authorities or organisations. The person enters the governmental programme or informally returns to society. In some cases, this can be with the agreement of the commander, although in the study by Springer (2008), children expressed it was not possible to leave the group in consensus with the leader as leaving the group was seen as deceit. Up to 68.4% of the children disengaged from armed groups reported they had thought of deserting at a certain point (before they

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left the armed group). Given that leaving the group is seen as betrayal and is punished with death, most of the children thus deserted from the group at risk of their own lives (Springer, 2008). Secondly, they can disengage collectively, when the armed group releases a group of members to citizen, military or juridical authorities or organisations. The minors of the group get handed over to the governmental programme for minors. This was mainly so during peace processes with AUC groups (see also chapter 2 section 3). And thirdly, people can be liberated or retrieved; in this case, individuals are liberated by governmental security forces. The minor is then handed over to the governmental programme. The term captured is also used in this situation, : meaning the minor is captured by regular forces. A study by Defensoría del Pueblo (2006) found that 45% of children disengaged from armed groups escaped, 35% were captured by the government, 8.5% reported themselves, 2.8% were released by the armed groups and the rest gave themselves in during a group demobilization, or their release was demanded by the community. In the majority of the cases, children arrive at the governmental reinsertion programme through an army unit, police, or community leader. An interviewee explained that children present themselves to authorities, have to be brought to the governmental programme for children disengaged from armed groups within 36 hours, consistent with international law (GO Bogotá). Nevertheless, as mentioned in chapter four, interviewees noted this is not always the case, and children are being used for intelligence work in which case governmental forces are committing the same crime as which they are “saving” children from (NGO Bogotá; NGO Medellín). An example is given in an article by Biderman (2012): “Carlos, as a minor, could not legally be interrogated, but was kept in a holding cell for three weeks while they verified his age”. In that way, people disengaged from an armed group may have the same outcome (being disengaging from an armed group) but the whole dynamic behind it is very different. Disengaging as part of a collective demobilization means the commander took the decision to disengage, the child thus disengages voluntarily (when she/he agrees with the decision) or forcibly (when she/he disagrees with the decision). When someone disengages individually, it usually means they have been thinking about it for months and in many cases have risked their lives in doing so. The impossibility of leaving the armed group and fear of death when doing so strengthens the argument that engagement is forced, even when the decision to do so was not forced in a strict sense. This reinforces the notion that children engaged with armed groups do not have the freedom to leave the group (Carmona Parra et al., 2012). In other cases, children are released to go

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home (temporarily) in agreement with the commander, and eventually give themselves in to authorities or are picked up by authorities , in which case the emotional disengagement from the armed group may be questionable. Being liberated or captured by regular forces may again be voluntarily or by force. Throughout different conversations it was argued that the meaning and reasoning behind these may be quite different and are important to take into account throughout the insertion process. A psychologist explained some children have affectively disengaged from the group, but others have not: This is easier when the youngster withdraws [voluntarily] than when he[/she] is retrieved [liberated or captured] because of the context and the group have become his family. And when they are born there, when their mother or father are there, when they are retrieved they don’t feel well, because it is their context, their family. Because we have a child whose father is a commander. You then have to work more, because in some way there’s an affective constraint, independent of anything, there’s an affective constraint. Going a step further, a social worker said: How can a child want to be here [i.e. in civil society] when he[/she] is captured from his[/her] group, where he[/she] had friends and loved ones, to be given false promises that he[/she]’ll get education, that they’ll take care of his[/her] family, and [is] abused during questioning by pouring acid in the eyes… Additionally, Rouw (2010) raised the question whether DDR processes are part of a peace process or a war strategy. A civilian spokesperson in Biderman’s article (2012) expressed: “The idea is to take down the enemy, but without firing a shot”. A social worker noted: “I think that behind many military interventions, there is information of demobilized. Alone, they [i.e. the government] would never have achieved it”. This implies that regular forces need disengaged children and adults for military reasons. During discussions on this topic, both of the above discourses were raised. Related to this, is the ideological aspect. As noted earlier and found in the literature (e.g. Carmona Parra et al., 2012), interviewees agreed that the ideological motives are almost absent, and receive no specific attention in the programme. Though Gutiérrez Sanín (2010) stressed the importance of recognizing that children recruited from group X will be very different from those from group Y, we found there is no differentiation made concerning the group

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they disengaged from (e.g. FARC, ELN, AUC…) in the programme. However, there is a differentiation made between the types of groups (e.g. recognized illegal armed group, street gang…), which we discussed in chapter four. Notwithstanding, staff sometimes noticed differences in children disengaged from different groups, where children disengaged from certain groups showed more discipline (ELN), others showed more aggression (FARC), had drug addiction problems (paramilitaries), or were more disobedient because they were used for economic compensation (paramilitaries). Although Gutiérrez Sanín (2010) suggested staff of reinsertion programmes should recognize these differences, interviewees mentioned they experienced this was not necessary. An interviewee explained that officially, one of the conditions to be allowed to participate in the DDR programme is to have demobilized in a formal way (GO Bogotá). Following this thought, the significant amount of the children that demobilize in an informal way (for example when they are released by their commander or when they escape) would thus lose their possibility of participating in the programme. Nevertheless, these rules have bended and these children are equally taken up in the programme considering that their rights were also violated. However, when they do not want to disclose their identity, they do lose the possibility to participate. Another condition is that only minors disengaged from armed groups that are illegal but officially recognized can participate in the programme. Children that disengage from groups that are being categorized as criminal gangs are thus treated as criminals without additional benefits or support (Valero, 2012). When minors disengage from an armed group, they are asked to leave behind their weapon, their armed group - which in some cases has become their support and emotional bond - and the soldier, paramilitary or “guerrillero” with who they identify themselves. Leaving the group to them may mean losing their identity, norms, models, and symbols, like their weapon and uniform (Estrada et al., 2006). As discussed in chapter four on the militarized culture, a problematic factor is that these norms and ideals usually did not originate in the group, but are part of the reason and cause of engaging with an armed group, have been constructed a long time prior to engagement and are thus strongly incorporated into their ideals. Considering the complexity of the dynamics of engagement with and disengagement from armed groups in Colombia, an interviewee noted setting up a programme to provide for the needs of children disengaged from armed groups is an enormous challenge and has been a process of trial and error. A psychologist explained: It’s like a cassette that has been played over and over again and all of the sudden turned around and has to play is the reverse way. For example,

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the contact with their weapon, leaving the groups is like an amputation. Responsibilities for acts in the group are not individualized but taken up in the group identity. After leaving the group their identity has to be taken up individually, not from the group as an “us” but from the individual as an “I”. “What I do doesn’t depend on what the commander tells me to anymore, but I am the one that needs to act from my own subject”. There come some grades of individualization of responsibility that are very complex and are very very important to work on therapeutically.

2.2. Speaking in figures The governmental organisation started their specific programme for minors in 1999. Since then 4295 youngsters have been received by the programme. The majority of the youngsters were aged 17 years old, although there were also cases as young as nine. A majority of 72.6% are boys and nearly half of them have disengaged from the FARC. Other common groups are AUC, ELN, EPL, and criminal gangs. Though numbers may vary according to the source, ICBF state that 81.71% of the youngsters gave themselves in voluntarily, the others were captured by regular forces. In 2011, 521 minors were participating in the programme, of which 45% were attended through the institutionary path (ICBF, 2010). About 10% of participants in the DDR programme were children (Carames, Fisas, & Luz, 2006). As mentioned in chapter four, estimates show between 20% and 50% of the people engaged in armed groups are minors in age (50% Coalition, 2008; 20% Sem Medellín). Consequently, the amount of minors that have been through the programme does not correspond with the amount of minors engaged with armed groups (lawyer NGO Bogotá). Research from 2008 suggested that only 32% of children estimated to have participated in the conflict have entered the programme (Coalico, 2010). Other numbers showed that between 1999 and 2006, it is estimated that only 20% of youngsters coming from armed groups entered the ICBF programme (ICBF, 2010). There are various reasons for this discrepancy. In the situation of individual disengagement, a lot of minors disengaged from armed groups in an informal way and returned to their families. The children that have disengaged informally are difficult to find or to contact. A lawyer explained they withhold declaring themselves considering there is often danger involved. Others do not trust governmental authorities, fear the armed group they have deserted from, and are concerned they will suffer social discrimination (NGO Bogotá). That way, a great amount of the youngsters do not find their way to the ICBF programme. Another interviewee also raised the fact that going through the reinsertion programme does not always mean the best alternative for the children. “They don’t enter

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because of a lack of trust in the state system and because paramilitaries arrive with a much more ‘beneficial’ consent to what demobilizing or disengaging meant”. In the case of collective demobilizations there were only 1000 minors out of 53,000 people that collectively demobilized, 300 children were handed over by the AUC to the government during demobilizing processes in 2003 and during the demobilization process of 2005 no minors were given in to demobilize (NGO Medellín), although expectedly 25% of AUC-members were minors (Eight Quarterly Report of the Secretary General to the Permanent Council on the Mission to Support the Peace Process in Colombia, MAPP/OEA, 2007; Springer, 2008; HRW 2008; United Nations, 2009). Children were released “through the back gate” and were paid not to give themselves in (Coalico & Coalition, 2007; “Así escondieron”, 2008). A programme coordinator explained “they decided to send them to their homes with an allowance in their pocket”. These children thus became invisible, nobody knows where they went and what happened to them, with the consequence that their rights are not being restored (Coalico & Coalition, 2007). A consequence of the above is that that these youngsters get involved or were “recycled” in the formation of new groups or joined another armed group (NGO Medellín; United Nations, 2009). Cases of the recruitment of children are still being reported (more on re-recruitment is mentioned at the end of this chapter and in chapter six). There is also a risk of demobilized and disengaged reorganising themselves into criminal groups, the development of new armed groups and the strengthening of existing armed groups in areas that have been evacuated. A 2011 report on the mission to support the peace process in Colombia (MAPP/OEA, 2011) noted there are still emergent groups as well as the expansion of established groups. ICBF (2010) noted these children never learned how to deal with money, the sum which they got when demobilizing was quickly spent and since they are used to be able to afford certain things, they are out to make money quickly and easily. Another reason is that minors were possibly murdered. This is presumed considering the amount of minors found in mass graves and the detection of false positives (see chapter four section 2.3.1.), as well as holding into account the possibility of mass graves that have not yet been encountered (Lawyer NGO Bogotá). Interviewees explained the two latter reasons are the result of recruiting minors having additional juridical consequences for the commander of the armed group concerned (Lawyer NGO Bogotá; psychologist NGO Medellín). Most of the youngsters in the programme have consequently disengaged from the group by being captured (18%) or deserting individually (82%) (psychologist NGO Medellín; ICBF, 2010). ICBF has its own organisational structure, but also forms subcontracts with NGOs and other organisations, which get financing for filling in parts of the ICBF

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programme. Examples of these are health care units, educational institutions or support units on regional level like registration offices for sociojuridical issues. Some of these organisations are directly financed by ICBF, others have different regional, national and/or international financing, but are controlled by ICBF, as ICBF have the responsibility to ensure the attention for the minor (NGO Bogotá).

2.3. The Governmental Reinsertion Programme In this section we explain what the programme consists of. Firstly we explain the goals and the basic concepts of the programme. Next, we overview what type of attention is offered and finally we expand on the paths the children go through. The programme’s goal is to repair the children’s rights: “Every person is recognized as a unique person, with potentials and capacities to be free, responsible and autonomous to practice their rights”. This included registration of citizenship and social integration “including the dynamic participation of education, vocation and income generating activities, as for the repair of family and social affective ties” (Psychologist ICBF). The basic conceptions of the programme’s model include (1) the holistic perception of a person from the biological, emotional, recreational, communicational, ethical, productive, relational positions and at the same time (2) a differential view as an individual who deserves specific attention. An interviewee noted: “Some people have abilities, others need strengthening of their capacities. Attention should therefore be personalized”, (3) a dynamic approach focussing on active participation, variation and in constant interaction with others and (4) a reflective posture where the past, present and future interact which creates new meaning for certain circumstances. A coordinator explained this is important considering “They should not forget the past, but handle it with resilience”. The ICBF work with multidisciplinary teams adapted to the needs of the children. We expand on this aspect in chapter six. The programme consists of four phases. The first phase was described as an emotional stabilizer. In the second phase, specialized attention is offered. In a third phase, the life plan is worked out and strengthened further and finally, the fourth phase is a follow-up after the youngster has left the programme. Considering this is very broad, it is important that various social sectors, responsible entities of the state and the family are involved. As noted, the aim of the programme is to restore (or fulfil for the first time) the rights of children. An interviewee explained: “Three elements are important here: labour insertion through formation, social insertion ‘How

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to relate to others without a weapon’, and mental health ‘How do I start to recognize the other not as an enemy, but just as another person’”. The attention throughout the insertion process includes the following aspects, summarized in Figure 5.1.

Socio-juridical Healthcare assistance

Occupational Formal education education (adults)

Creating income generating possibilities (adults)

Departure from the programme

Psychosocial support

Figure 5.1. The reinsertion process and the support offered.

They get sociojuridical assistance to bring their identity documents in order such as a civil registration, an identity card, a citizenship card, a military book, and a coda-certificate (a certificate which children sign to assure they will never take up arms again). Up to 90% of the demobilized (including adults) do not have proof of identity when leaving the armed group (Coalico, 2010). A staff member explained difficulties with this: “Some youngsters engage with the armed group from a very early age and no longer know their real name. Sometimes they give false names to avoid danger. So it’s not always easy to bring their identity documents in order”. Nevertheless, this is important for them to be able to obtain other support. As an example, without civil registration they cannot attend to educational institutions. Furthermore, a staff worker explained there is also an agreement with healthcare institutions that the youngsters are entitled to care. In some cases children disengaged from armed groups have problems due to combat injuries, mine injuries, injuries due to hard labour work, or diseases due to the life in the group, whereby they need a secure follow-up (e.g. NGO Medellín). A girl disengaged from an armed group explained how she was given permission to leave the armed group due to physical problems, and she needed to be operated upon because of hip injuries. In these cases they are cared for until they have recovered. Half of the adolescents had no access to education. Most of the children disengaged from armed groups entering the ICBF programme have gotten to 5th year (of primary school). The average of the educational level is 4th year (of primary school) (ICBF, 2010). Education is thus a necessary aspect of the programme. The children get educational training through flexible methodologies. (See also chapter six, section 2.1.4.) A staff worker explained:

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In agreement with the Ministry of Education. Often young people arrive that have not been through primary school. They are ashamed that they have to sit in the same classroom with much younger children. So there is a customized programme, in which they have shortened and individual programmes. Participants explained these individual educational programmes to be motivating to finish their education. However, interviewees noted children need sensitization on the value and benefits of education. Furthermore, they need to be offered opportunities to do something with their education. Examples include, advanced studies like university, or job opportunities. In chapter six, we explain the importance of involving teachers in prevention and attention programmes for children. They are also prepared to enter the labour market. An interviewee explained it is important for the children to find out what they want to do and that they are supported in this in sustainable terms: “Not that they choose to mind chickens for example and change their mind after one month. Or that the family is hungry and eat all the chickens. In that case their rights are not being fulfilled”. Finally, throughout their process in the reinsertion programme psychosocial support is offered. Therapeutic activities include both individual and group sessions. The methodologies used are eclectic (e.g. systemic, gestalt…) and depend on the psychologist’s background. There is no pre-set course of the therapeutic sessions; this depends on the needs of the children. Aspects of why the children engaged with the armed group, what happened in the armed group, and how the children disengaged from the armed group are attended. A psychologist explained some children have profound problems like personality disorders, schizophrenic disorders, or addiction problems and need specialized attention. Some children have posttraumatic problems: “They have problems dealing with the war, their identity, self-care, assertively and so on”. A psychologist from a governmental organisation also mentioned that throughout the psychosocial process children learn that they are victims, “Minors know they are victims, they know they entered due to maltreatment, for economic reasons, after being tricked by the group”. She explained that this is an important process to take away feelings of guilt. There are also some very specific situations however. An example is when the youngster has a child of her/his own. Usually the child is minded by family or the partner for the time the youngster is in the shelter. On this aspect the relationship with staff was emphasized. “Many come from destructured [sic] families, without a father or mother. They are often looking for affection”. As the shelter is their home, the staff become like their family. Interviewees explained: “Often they’ve never received a hug before or not in a very long time”, “We are like their family, we are part of them”, and “They become like our children, their joy is our joy, their sorrow is our sorrow”. Throughout the week psychosocial attention from professionals depends on the child’s timetable.

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This is both done individually and through meeting groups where discussions are held on how they are doing, what feelings they have been dealing with, and auto-critical issues. An interviewee explained: “A process is individual, so there is individual attention, but it is part of living together. How one person behaves has an influence on the other, that’s why we also work in group”. Another argument for the importance of a good relationship with staff members is that it promotes their will and abilities for communication and expression. There are also weekly workshops organised on specific subjects like values, sexual competences, community competences, and prelabour competences which are considered part of the psychosocial attention as they are aimed to strengthen social and personal functioning. An interviewee noted that through the law, children disengaged from armed groups are treated as victims, but outside international and national laws, they are also perceived as perpetrators (by themselves and others): “so we work on responsibility of the neighbourhood, cleaning the neighbourhood, because they also use the neighbourhood’s infrastructure like the soccer pitch”. The interviewee explained that this positively benefits their image, which is also important in their reinsertion. Furthermore, there are projects organised whereby children give workshops to other children from the area on topics they have learnt about. It is important that children participating in the programme acknowledge that there are children that do not receive the benefits they do. An interviewee explained: “We use this to motivate them. They already realize this with their siblings that don’t get the benefits they get”. Disengagement from armed group

Transition Centre (2.3.1)

Family path (2.3.3)

Institutional path (2.3.2)

Centre for specialized attention (2.3.2.1)

Tutor home (2.3.3.1)

Managed home (2.3.3.2)

Youth house (2.3.2.2)

Youth house Integration into society

Figure 5.2. The different phases of the reinsertion programme.

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2.3.1. Transition centre Firstly, the youngster is brought to a transition shelter. She/he stays there for two to three months. The aim is focused on identifying, assessing and diagnosing the problems and needs of the youngster. On average there are between 25 and 30 boys and girls per shelter. In this phase it is important for the youngster to build a trustful relationship with the staff. This is highly important for the further (re)insertion process. Furthermore the first attempt is made to contact family. For the following phases there are two possibilities; the youngster follows the programme through the institutionalized way (2.3.2.), or she/he goes through the family route (2.3.3.). Depending on the situation and profile of the children and the possibilities, one of them is selected (e.g. possibilities of family support, safety of the child, and age of the child).

2.3.2. Institutional path In the transition centre the situation of each child is evaluated and the most feasible path is chosen: “Diagnosing the need of attention the child needs, based on different ways of acquiring information like talking, playing… what happened in their life, diagnosing risks, strengths, possibilities…”. The institutional path, which already starts in the transition centre, continues in the centre for specialized attention and finally ends in the youth house.

2.3.2.1. Centre for Specialized Attention If the youngster goes through the institutional path, he/she is brought to a centre for specialized attention (Centro de atención especializada [cae]). There are different centres in different areas of Colombia. When it is possible, children are placed in a centre near their area of origin, which moderates their insertion into society. The youngster stays here for about nine to 12 months. In cases where children have no family to return to, they sometimes stay longer. A director explained how some children have been in these centres for four or five years, because the conditions for leaving have not been achieved. During this stage, the greatest part of repairing violated rights takes place concerning education, health, and the registration of citizenship. An interviewee explained “the restitution of their rights has to be assured: their legal documents have to be in order, their life project has to be worked out, and they have to be ready psychosocially”. The youngster’s needs to continue in the programme and further needs in life are explored and psychosocial support and specialized interventions are offered here. An interviewee explained that the course of the admission into the programme, whereby children are received by a psychologist, social worker, and

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the director in some cases. Personal and family data are recorded, the child is welcomed and presented to the rest of the group; and the course of the day, the rules, and the tasks the child is responsible for are explained. She/he gets a “big brother” assigned to him/her that accompanies him/her throughout the first few days. Throughout the following days the psychologist and psychiatrist complete a personal file on the child, registering further information. On average 25 to 30 children stay here. Children are transferred to another centre if they want a change of environment. Reasons for this include if they find it hard to adapt in a certain city or they would prefer to move to another area or for pedagogical reasons such as if the youngster’s behaviour is inadequate for the centre, when there is inappropriate sexual behaviour between youngsters, or for safety reasons. Cultural and recreational activities such as sports, leisure and cultural activities are organised both within and between centres. Children also participate in cultural activities of the community like holiday celebrations. On Sundays, the children get a free afternoon, whereby they may ask permission to leave the shelter. Throughout the week they may also ask to leave the shelter for specific reasons. These kinds of rules depend on the functioning of the specific shelter. In their daily routine they have to do homework, chores and help in the household (e.g. kitchen chores). They also have activities like watching television, washing clothes, resting, playing soccer, park visits and so on. Besides the above mentioned aspects of healthcare, educational, psychosocial, and vocational support, the following issues are also of importance throughout the support. Attention is paid to family circumstances when possible, as relationships with the family were described as being very diverse: some youngsters may have no communication with family due to the danger, others do not know where their family is, some do not want contact or the family is not interested in the child, others have contact through telephone calls and there are also family visits organised twice annually or more often when possible. An international organisation finances visits of families to the centres. The staff members contact the family and look what possibilities there are. In the next step, they try to visit the family and finally, the encounter between the child and his/her family is organised. The family usually stays two to three days and then returns. This process also depends on the possibilities of encounter with the family; sometimes the conditions (external and internal) are not optimal. External conditions may be the difficult geographical access, internal conditions could be the family situation. During the visits, the family is offered support to strengthen the relationship with the child. As we discuss in chapter seven, the family are a key component for children in their process of reinsertion.

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In research on the needs of children in centres for specialized attention, children indicate they would like to carry out other activities like technical capacity building, computer training, music, cooking, and dance and modelling lessons. With regard to the technical team children believe the following characteristics to be important: trust, friendship, the ability to mitigate feelings of irritation, orientation, honesty, support and equality (ICBF & OIM, 2002).

Textbox 5.1. Typical course of a week day: The children wake up around 5 or 6 a.m. They do their personal cleaning, household cleaning and have breakfast. From 7 a.m. until 12 a.m. they have capacitating or educational training, which can consist of both theoretical and practical tasks. After this they have lunch and rest time. In the afternoon they have different activities depending on the day. Some examples are: • Educational strengthening pedagogues, because many have an educational delay and learning disabilities. • Workshops on diverse activities like craftwork. • Sport activities like football or volleyball. • Workshops on topics like human rights, sexuality and sexual reproduction, values, and spirituality. • Folkloric music workshops. At 5 p.m. they prepare themselves to go to the educational institution. They usually have classes in cycles which permits them to pass two school years in one year time. When they arrive back around 10:30 p.m. they eat and go to bed. The weekend is usually filled with folkloric activities related to Colombian knowledge, or activities on self-regulation and behaviour.

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2.3.2.2. Youth house Finally, the last step of the institutionalized path consists of the youth house. Here social integration is actively promoted. The average stay is six to nine months and on average about 11 children staying here. Here the children live more independently and their further life project is worked out.

2.3.3. Family path As stated by an interviewee: “The need for involving family in the reintegration process seems to be important for a positive outcome”. Attention through family paths should be favoured considering up to 80% of the children in the research by Defensoría del Pueblo (2006) said they left the armed group to reunite with their families. However, reuniting with family or living in a foster home is often not possible due to fear of re-recruitment and security concerns. Stigmatization of children disengaged from armed groups, who are seen as dangerous and violent, also make families and communities aversive.

2.3.3.1. Tutor home If the child goes through the family programme, one possibility is the tutor home. Here the youngster is received by a foster family for an average of 14 to 18 months. Usually one to two children disengaged from armed groups stay in a family. This facilitates the personal, family, and social developmental process. After they have stayed with a foster family, they usually become independent with the financial support of ICBF. An interviewee explained: More than 200 Colombian families have accepted this challenge and they have welcomed them [i.e. the children]… Today the biggest effort is being made on the level of socio-family models. With their biological families or with other families called tutors. The reinsertion process is wonderful. To go back to encounter functional relationships, to be able to encounter other youngsters with their problems, youngsters with their defaults, with their challenges, with their dreams.

2.3.3.2. Managed home If the situation permits so, in terms of safety but also in terms of the family situation, the youngsters are received by their own families under the guidance of ICBF. This part of the programme is called the managed home. ICBF first does an evaluation of the family situation in which safety is an important factor. This

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can be the nuclear family or wider family, like an aunt or uncle, or a significant other that lives in a stable socioeconomic situation and has the possibility to send the child or adolescent to school. The process is financially supported for 10 to 15 months. An interviewee explained that the rationale behind this part of the programme: “Offering them alternative options to the entrance into an armed group. For example, one of the risk factors for entering is domestic violence. So living with the family again is one of the goals of the programme”. Nevertheless, as interviewees explained it is not always easy to set up programmes with the family. As an interviewee put it: “the family can be expeller or receiver”. In the literature, some factors affecting the reunion with family were a long distance with family, loss of family, difficult (economic or emotional) reunification circumstances, and changed family composition (Defensoría del Pueblo, 2006). Staff explained parents do not always turn up when activities are organised. Different reasons were given for this. One of them is that parents are very worried about earning money to survive. A lot of the families are displaced and they need to work in which case they do not make time to capacitate themselves when trainings are offered. Difficult family conditions were explained to be a risk factor for children returning to armed groups. An interviewee explained: “A lot of the time recruitment has to do with families, for example girls being sexually abused by their father or stepfather, domestic violence or abandonment. The boy has a very bad relationship with the family”. In those cases it is important for families to receive proper support when the child returns. In other cases a problem is that families are not well informed and do not know what the programmes have to offer. For minors coming from an indigenous community it is opted for children to return to their community as quickly as possible (Defensoría del Pueblo, 2006). The indigenous community can thereby decide whether the youngster is accepted back into the community or whether he/she should be followed up by the ICBF.

Textbox 5.2. Example of an NGO offering psychosocial support throughout the ICBF programme This specific NGO has an agreement convention with ICBF and is subcontracted to offer psychosocial support to children disengaged from armed groups staying in tutor homes. Their mission is to promote the development of personal, family, community, and social resources of children, families, and communities affected or at risk of being affected by socio-political violence and

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strengthening human development through the psychosocial wellbeing and human rights. In this they aim to work out innovative methodologies. Their main values are solidarity, frugality, team work, respect, honesty, prominence, flexibility, innovativeness, democracy, and engagement. Their psychosocial focus is on family systemic psychology, expressive arts, psychodrama, and art therapy. Although they keep the same standard procedure to work with the children and organise activities in groups, there is individual monitoring and they offer individual therapy when needed: such as when they notice a specific problem with one of the children or when one of the children asks them for additional individual attention. Additionally, the staff discuss each child individually during regular meetings. One of the staff members explained: “Psychosocial attention needs to be done in group, while therapeutic can be more individual when necessary, when need for specific attention is detected”. Depending on the person’s experiences, they set up a plan and life goals. They do not aim to evoke specific attention to the children’s personal story as a staff member explained “individual stories of the youngsters come up during the activities we do”. Nevertheless, the staff explained that it is important for children to talk about their experiences instead of silencing them: We do believe it is important to talk about their experiences. Strong experiences like those cannot be forgotten. By looking at my experience, I can make something positive out of it. It also depends on how we talk to them and how their story is asked after: in an activity from a resilient point of view. We do not work with trauma, but with resources. Nevertheless, they find the attitude towards the children important when relating with them, noting there should not be a victimizing attitude, but the children should be treated as resilient and empowered. By working in group they build common stories, which allows the children to transform their own stories: “When I listen to your story and you listen to mine, your story can nurture me in a different way”. Staff explained this generates a process: “An important aspect to keep in mind is that the children are in transit, they have left the armed group and they are entering society”. The relationships with other children disengaged from armed groups change their perspectives on the world, on society. The collectivism can be approached as a means of progression, from where they can strengthen individual resources.

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They aim to approach the children with “The prejudice that they are not aggressive, but more so are looking for affect and recognition, a meaningful relationship”. Art has a central role in realizing these goals. They work on: • Developing and creating psychosocial programmes and projects that help develop personal, collective, and social abilities of children, families, and the community. • Improving sensitization within different populations concerning their situation, their social role, and their rights. • Supporting processes that enhance understanding, appreciation, and new meaning of individual experiences of political violence on the family, community, local, regional, and national levels. • Supporting the construction of life projects on concepts like autonomy, self-determination, development, and strengthening of expression, processing, and dealing with the conflict. • Strengthening and supporting families, organisations, institutions, and networks that stimulate social interaction and integration. • Designing, organising, and evaluating of methodologies for psychosocial and pedagogical support. • Generating knowledge and information on the consequences of political violence, with the aim to influence public and political programmes. The children participating in the NGO activities are aged between 13 and 18 years old. The majority are between 16 and 18. Around half of the group are girls and half of them are boys. A staff member explained: First of all they are invited to our shelter and are explained how things work, what we do. We do a first workshop so they get an idea of what we do. Usually they like it. The foster family is also invited for explanations. When entering, the children sign an agreement on the rules of the NGO concerning non-violence. The tutor families and friends are invited for occasions where the children present work they did like photograph expositions, film presentations, and theatre shows. Some of the work is also presented to local organisations and schools as a means of sensitization. Concerning children participating in their programmes, a staff member explained: We try and keep a baseline, so children are not coming and going all the time, so we can work with a similar group on the long term. The whole

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process takes about two years. Usually they move home after they’re 18 years old. They become independent or return to their families. But if they need our support, we do so. We help them to line out a project for example. Cases where the attention is prolonged is when the youngster has mental retardation, when a girl is pregnant or has a baby, [or] when they have war lesions like an amputated leg. The staff of the organisation finds it important to build up a trustful relationship with the children, so the children can come to them when they are in need. In addition to the weekly activities, special occasions like Christmas are celebrated, where friends and family are also invited. This way the organisation opens up to the children’s environment, which helps them share their experience in and outside the organisation. The programme consists of three processes: • Strengthening personal development resources • Strengthening skills focussing on resilience • Training in human rights and artistic training In Bogotá, the organisation shelter where children are received is situated in an area where most of the tutor homes are. About 75 children arrive there every Saturday at around 8 a.m. and spend the whole day there until 5:30 p.m. Between 7:30 and 8:30 a.m. the children arrive at the shelter, they are offered a breakfast and they greet and talk with each other and the team. After breakfast they sing a song, which allows them to enter into a different type of contact. This is part of the ritual to start the day. Next, the agenda of the day is explained and they play a game so the children can prepare themselves for the day. Usually every meeting has a specific topic. An example of a topic can be “abilities”, whereby all workshops are organised around this theme. They usually divide the group into smaller groups of 15 to 20 children. They have about three different workshops and every smaller group rotates between the parallel workshops. There are workshops on the specific topic of the day, where the children are encouraged to think and talk actively about the topic and where space for discussion is offered. Furthermore, there are workshops on photography, video, theatre, and music. The children choose in what workshop they want to participate in and they learn new skills such as using a camera, how to develop pictures, and different techniques to take pictures. Usually the workshops have a finished product as final goal, like a photograph exposition or a video presentation. At the end of every day the activities are discussed in group where children explain their experiences to each other. It is important here that there is space to talk about positive things as well as about negative or difficult situations and experiences.

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3. Follow-up When leaving the programme, youngsters get financial support to start up their independent life, look for a place to live and possibly continue their education. There is a planned follow-up six months after leaving the programme whereby their situation is evaluated. Nevertheless, an interviewee explained this is not always possible due to children moving away. Other times, children actively remain in contact with the staff. An interviewee explained: “They come by [to visit], they call me, we keep in touch”. Most of the youngsters go to live independently, with their partner, their family or with friends. Usually, they carry on studying or have a job. However, interviewees explained that in some cases they return to an armed group. As mentioned throughout the book, and more specifically in chapters three and four, the situation of children and people in Colombia is not easy, whereby engaging with an armed group sometimes seems like the only alternative. Just like interviewees questioned why some children living in similar situations decide to engage with an armed group and some do not, after going through the reinsertion programme, the same questions remains. Why do some children (re)insert into society successfully, and why do others return to armed groups? An interviewee noted: It is sad, but in situations where youngsters can’t find balance in society, society becomes a pause between engaging in another group, because the benefits of the programmes are exhaustive. So they meet a society, where there are no job opportunities where there’s no money and where the only possibility is to return to an armed group. One of the reasons for children to engage with another armed group (than the one they had previously disengaged from) is because if they return to the armed group they had been engaged with, they would be punished for deserting it. Another reason is because in some cases the armed groups offer them more money than the programme. Several of these aspects are discussed in chapter seven, whereby we give an overview of the needs, difficulties, limitations, challenges, and recommendations interviewees brought up.

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Chapter 6

Broader Support Programmes: Outside the lines In chapter five we discussed the governmental reinsertion programme, but as mentioned previously, many children disengage from armed groups in an informal way and do not arrive at the governmental programme. There are many other local, national, and international, both governmental and non-governmental organisations involved in supporting children disengaged from armed groups. As a psychologist stated: As the official attention programme for children and adolescents disengaged from armed groups is monopolized by the ICBF, other organisations and NGOs work with this population older than 18 years old, or minors that have disengaged from the armed group in an unofficial way (NGO Bogotá). There is also an intertwinedness with other children, who may not officially be (or never have been) engaged with armed groups, but who are at risk due to the presence of the armed conflict (as outlined in chapters three and four). Many organisations access children in a different way, and seem to work more (indirectly) in the prevention of children engaging with armed groups. For these reasons, we also decided to offer attention to programmes supporting the broader community.

1. Dynamics of organisations In this section we discuss how different organisations work on different levels (International organisations, governmental organisations, non-governmental organisations, social movements, and the Church). Furthermore, we address aspects important for the wellbeing of children in the care offered by organisations, namely the psychosocial support, prevention, as well as the ecological approach. The discourse on the conflict has implications for the support offers, as explained in previous chapters. These discourses differ largely and seem to influence who offers what support, and to whom. Furthermore, this is explicit in some cases, but in most cases it is an implicit motion. Nevertheless, as a psychologist argued, the support towards children should transcendent the diversity of the discourses (NGO Medellín).

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On a more macro level, there are many international organisations involved. In the first place, interviewees mentioned entities from countries like Canada, the United States, the Netherlands, Germany, Spain, Italy, and many others offer organisations working in the field providing financial support. Furthermore, there are some international organisations in Colombia working on a policy level, contributing to political discussion (ODDR, 2011). They are also involved in coordinating collaboration between different entities and supporting field programmes. As the ODDR (2011) put it, the contribution of international actors is mostly accompanying, guaranteeing, and cooperating with processes on regional and local levels. An interviewee of an international organisation suggested that in some cases they have the freedom to implement their fieldwork as they wish (IO Bogotá). On the other side, a psychologist explained international relations between their country’s and Colombian governments imply they are restricted (e.g. intergovernmental organisations) (IO Bogotá). An example may be what population or what area they attend. On a national level, broadly taken, there are two types of organisations. In the first place there are the governmental organisations. Secondly, there are the non-governmental organisations. The latter are sometimes financed through the local or national government, in which case their functioning is restricted to the philosophy of the government, as was made clear throughout the interviews. Furthermore, it seemed that having governmental financing has both advantages and disadvantages. An advantage may be that it allows cooperation and thus compliments the work being done. In Medellín for example, the reinsertion programme for children disengaged from armed groups receives regional governmental financing, which facilitates the programmes by supporting it with broader programmes working on issues like prevention (psychologist NGO Medellín). Vargas-Barón (2010) mentioned partnership between civil society (e.g. NGOs) and the government are very important. On the other side, considering the government is part of the conflict, the programme is sometimes questioned to be part of a war strategy as explained by a lawyer from an NGO (NGO Bogotá): “It’s like a way of taking away power from their military structures [of the armed groups]. So they [i.e. the government] are not thinking in terms of protecting children, but rather so in bringing down the armed structure”. As mentioned previously, participants mentioned the governmental support also brings restrictions. An example may be in who is being attended, whereby a differentiation is being made between the groups children disengaged from (whether the group is recognized or not) (NGO Cartagena). Organisations working independently from governmental support explained that they have the freedom of positioning themselves in whichever way they want. However, informally their position is sometimes implemented upon them through threats and implicit messages, as explained by different interviewees (e.g. NGO Medellín).

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There is also an informal way of social organising, especially in smaller and rural communities, whereby local leaders, youngsters, and others promote human rights and organise support for people in vulnerable situations through more formal grassroot campaigns or informal organisations. Examples of these community initiatives are youth clubs, church and parish groups, workshops on human rights, productive units, support groups, and community restaurants (NGO Cartagena; IO Bogotá; Sanford, 2006). However, a coordinator of an international organisation mentioned armed groups sometimes use threats and violence towards leaders of those social movements as part of the conflict strategies, which breaks up their entire structures and their continuity. Moreover, the interview data showed that the Church has had an important role in bringing visibility to and sensitizing the problems concerning the armed conflict and victims of the armed conflict that are often imperceptible like the displaced population and sexual violence. They have also played a primordial part in the peace processes. Thereby, an interviewee explained it is more so their social actions of defending human rights and offering victims attention that has strengthened their role, than imposing their religion (director NGO Medellín). “Opportune is their relationship with the different actors: with the state they have a relationship of respect and cooperation, but they are also critical concerning the fulfilment of human rights of the population” (coordinator IO Bogotá). Considering their presence in (remote) areas, the Church also has a high amount of credibility compared to other entities. An interviewee explained that people consider them as being honest, regardless the presence of corruption in the country (coordinator IO Bogotá). A psychologist mentioned this might be helpful for social organisations as a means to enter the community in a safe way or negotiate with armed groups reigning the area (NGO Bogotá). An interviewee mentioned cooperation between all the above actors is essential: “On political level on local, regional, national level attention and involve the private sector to broaden possibilities. It is important for them all to speak the same language and that integral support is offered” (GO Pasto).

1.1. Psychosocial support A coordinator of an NGO explained: “Mental health has never gotten a lot of attention in the agenda of public health in Colombia. In comparison with neighbouring countries like Chile, Uruguay, Argentina, Peru, where there’s more attention for the mental aspect of health” (NGO Bogotá). A psychologist commented that international attention and cooperation saw these topics in similar situations of conflict and brought up the importance of mental health in Colombia, which brought change to political documents:

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We haven’t had a tradition of care for the emotional and even less when speaking of victims of the conflict. This is a topic that has been completely marginalized. Support has always been prioritized towards other things, more existential ones, more urgent ones (NGO Bogotá). Psychosocial support can be understood quite differently by different organisations, disciplines, and countries (IASC, 2007). For certain organisations this can mean workshops where people learn how to obtain an identity card, excursion activities, or watching a movie; and for others it is psychotherapy (we elaborate on therapy more specifically in section 2.1.1. of this chapter). Moreover, as a psychologist argued, it is thus important for organisations to fill in the psychosocial area in an effective way: Another problem is that there’s no insight regarding the impact on society. Although in programme proposals the psychosocial aspect often has an important role, the realisation of it is not always set out adequately. For example it is inappropriate to question children about the psychosocial impact by someone that is not suitable for the job asking them “How do you feel? Are you happy?” (NGO Bogotá). Furthermore, an interviewee explained repair is often seen as economic, but she pointed out the psychological aspect is also important. She thereby mentioned that there is not only need for therapy with the affected person, but there is also need for accompaniment of the family and the environment: “There are people that have seen family or other people murdered or tortured and they’ve never received psychological attention” (IO Pasto). Interviewees explained psychosocial interventions should be integral, fulfilling the whole scope of human rights: “It’s about regaining confidence, cohesion of the social web, repairing family ties, regaining the life project” (IO Bogotá). There has been a lot of research on psychosocial intervention for children in war-affected areas (e.g. Kalksma-Van Lith, 2007; Paardekooper, 2002; de Berry, 2004; Machel, 1996). In the different approaches identified, one is more focused on individuals and is more trauma-orientated and the other usually includes the broader community, considering that the community as a whole plays a paramount role in the wellbeing of children (e.g. Richman, 1996 in Loughry & Eyber, 2003; Kalksma-Van Lith, 2007). Kalksma-Van Lith (2007) argued for a two-fold approach, respecting individual differentiation and the specificity of socio-cultural context, while ensuring long-term attention by involving significant others and the broader community. On this issue, interviewees noted psychotherapy is used when a specific traumatic problem is identified, needing specialized attention, but as a coordinator commented: “Psychosocial has to be seen as affections of a person, but the person needs to be seen in her[/his] social and family sphere, not

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isolated” (NGO Bogotá). A boy disengaged from an armed group explained he sees psychosocial support as conversations with a psychologist, which helps him cope with fears concerning his new environment, the big city, and feelings of insecurity that armed groups are searching for him. As a coordinator noted, the needs of children can be very broad and diverse: “Another important aspect of recovery is no impunity, clear truth of what happened, recovery of memories, symbolic, moral and financial repair, depending on each case” (IO Bogotá). Save the Children (2004) differentiated between approaches that are curative, preventive, and promote psychosocial wellbeing. In the situation of Colombia, we understand that approaches promoting psychosocial wellbeing (e.g. offering opportunities to go to school) form part of prevention, considering the lack of wellbeing being an influencing factor for children engaging with armed groups. On this aspect, promoting psychosocial wellbeing or offering preventive support is needed for the broad community. This is also the case for children who have disengaged from armed groups, considering the staff of organisations explained that they return to armed groups after or during the reinsertion programmes. In the next section we elaborate on this more extensively.

1.2. Prevention As we noted earlier, in the context of Colombia, where the dynamics of the conflict are complex (and ongoing), victims are affected in intertwined ways. Attention24 is thereby centred towards children who disengaged from armed groups through the formal path. Different levels of violations of rights (explained in chapter three and four) are continuously present in society, daily and in high numbers, regardless of whether a child has disengaged from an armed group or has never been engaged with one (so far). The question may be raised as to what prevention actually consists of in a society where the borderlines between engaging with an armed group and not is quite vague. As a psychologist explained time and time again “Why are these kids being labelled with a name, when every child in Colombia is in the same boat? Every child needs education, opportunities, a family, food, love… they are all equal, and so are their rights and duties” (NGO Medellín). Therewithal, how can we speak about the (re)integration of children disengaged from armed groups into society, when society can only offer them the same alternative as the one they fled from? One of the biggest challenges in the situation children and adolescents live in is that they not only need support in integrating

24 We use the term attention, as this is how interviewees expressed it. We hereby refer to what would be known as care or treatment during the reinsertion process.

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into society, but there is also a need for prevention for them not to re-enter into an armed group. Often the reasons or situations that led to engaging with an armed group remain when disengaging and returning to society. For this reason, the term reinsertion is questionable. Have children and adolescents ever been inserted into society? Was their engaging with an armed group partly a consequence of feelings of exclusion? These questions arose when I had a conversation on the street with a group of adolescents, saying that speaking about reintegration or reinsertion was absurd. In this way the challenges for children and society (organisations, the family, and the community) are twofold (GO Cartagena). Moreover, the prevention becomes paramount and intertwined with attention, considering reasons for engaging partly have a societal influence (e.g. lack of educational opportunities). If there is no prevention, it would be like an automatic belt whereby children go from society into armed groups, disengage from armed groups to integrate into society and back. Prevention can hereby be seen as a path to elevate protective factors (e.g. resilience, a family network, and a social network) and decrease risk factors (e.g. sexual violence, domestic violence, lack of adult support, irresponsibility of parents to protect children, and irresponsible educators, teachers, and guarantors of rights) (IO Bogotá) or promote the psychosocial wellbeing as mentioned by Save the Children (2004). Living on the streets, working in the streets, showing behavioural problems, living in poverty, being abused, being threatened, living in high risk areas, and being forcibly displaced are characteristics which bring along a larger vulnerability concerning the engagement with armed groups, as explained in chapter three of this book. In that sense, programmes working with children in these situations are all contributing to the prevention of children engaging in armed groups. Furthermore, a coordinator of a programme added that prevention is important because attention is more costly concerning financial and human resources (GO Medellín). Textbox 6.1. and 6.2. offer examples of prevention programmes for children. Besides prevention work with children, interviewees mentioned there is a lot of prevention work to be done in the broader community by working on decreasing risk factors. Examples given were training workshops and schooling for parents (NGO Cartagena).

Textbox 6.1: Prevention programme example 1 An example of prevention is a programme set up by the regional government to reintegrate youngsters who are or were part of “criminal gangs” (as seen in previous chapters, these are a risk group to engage with armed groups). The aim of this programme is to transform “delinquency pays off” into “delinquency does not pay off”: as we will come back to later, leaving out certain children from receiving support, leads to children believing

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that those disengaged from armed groups are better off. The programme consists of three more specific programmes with different populations. 1. Youngsters aged between 12 and 20 years old: Considering that 50% of the prisoners are aged between 18 and 23 years old, prevention in this age group seems necessary. The programme offers activities like visits to prisons, where prisoners offer their testimony about how they ended up in prison and what life is like in prison. The aim of this activity is not to “terrify” the youngsters, but more so to make them conscious of their behaviour and its consequences. “By showing them what the reality is like, you offer them alternatives of which they can make decisions”. This way the programme aims to make non-violence a lifestyle. Children aged between seven and 11 years old: Through games and workshops they try to teach the children values. For girls, there is special attention offered for respect towards their body. Since the school and family may work as protective factors, they also try to involve the parents and school in their work. The coordinator explained some examples: “By supporting a mother who has conceived after being raped, and sees the rapist in her child, a father that has no attention for his children…” This way they attempt to prevent negative consequences for the child’s future. 2. Another programme is for children in high risk situations, where the aim is to offer children legal options. Members of street gangs who leave the group get offered education, psychosocial support, economic support, cultural and recreational activities, as well as social services. This can be seen as a parallel programme with the one for children disengaged from armed groups, with the difference that people leaving a street gang cannot be taken up in the Peace and Justice Law, due to a difference in definition. As the director of the programme stated “prevention is cheaper and easier than intervention where re-education is necessary”. One of the problems these children often encounter is labour exclusion. They find it difficult to get a job as a consequence of discrimination. The programme thus organises business or employment sensitization campaigns. 3. A third programme is intervention in prisons for women and men who are sentenced to leave the prison within six to 26 months. Experiences have shown that people who come close to their date of release encounter difficulties, become anxious, and cannot eat nor sleep anymore. Considering they have lost their role in the family, the programme works on strengthening family ties. Furthermore, habits in prison differ a lot from habits at home, and prisoners need to be prepared for this when they come out. Finding a job as an ex-convict is also very difficult, so they are offered technical training.

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Textbox 6.2.: Prevention programme example 2 On a different level, an NGO offers prevention programmes through workshops on human rights, children’s rights, risks of the conflict, gender, and how schools are being affected. They work with children in rural areas from ages 12 to 16, as this age group is at highest risk of being recruited. A problem here is that working with different age groups is difficult, as each age needs a different approach. The NGO would also like to implement a programme for children younger than 12, but they temporarily do not have the means to do so. The NGO works with more local organisations in communities, paying visits twice a year to the community. Activities are planned a few days in a row to lower difficulties like the logistical complications of travelling. Children go through different modules: the context of the armed conflict, recruitment, children’s rights, human rights, international rights, gender, and non-violence. Ideally, workshops would be organised more frequently but financial resources are not available. They explained working with the same group for two years allows follow ups, but it is difficult to keep hold of the same group because the children change or stop school, they start to work, or displace. The coordinator of the programme explained: The context in which the children live remains an important aspect for the outcome of the work. Despite work delivered, the armed groups fetch them in their homes. Despite the work done with the children, they still want to engage with the army. Although we do work on objection of conscience25,1they have no alternatives or possibilities when they finish school… For example in [name of a town] there are serious threats of recruitment by the guerrilla. So you can work with the kids all you want, invite them to workshops, but if they return to their community and there are threats of recruitment, the situation exceeds even their capacity to resist to recruitment… We work with objection of conscience, because our policy is no to war and no to recruitment (NGO Bogotá).

25 An interviewee explained youngsters obliged to render military service can retain from this obligation when their moral or political conviction impede them from doing so (NGO Medellín).

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1.3. Ecological approach As an interviewee pointed out, it is important to work on different levels, with the entitled person of her/his rights (children), the coresponsible of someone’s rights (e.g. caretakers or families) and guarantors of someone’s rights (e.g. public political entities) (IO Bogotá). An example of the latter level can be empowering capacities of government staff and offering them technical support. An interviewee explained in some cases they do not fulfil their duties because they do not have the capacity to do so: We do not want to offer assistential work. Only working with entitled people, and because it is the government’s duty, we also involve them. We try to make our role more subsidiary, complimentary and solidary [to that of the government], but never substituting the obligations of the government. That’s why we work on different levels (IO Bogotá). Moreover, children can be supported to integrate in society, but as a staff member of a governmental organisation stated: There comes the question whether society is adequately ready for children disengaged from armed groups. Programmes for the integration of children disengaged from armed groups need to offer attention to the aspect of society, involving them in activities and holding sensitization campaigns. Children disengaged from armed groups receive threats and are victim of assaults. At first society doesn’t want to accept them (GO Bogotá). In the following sections, we overview the three levels organisations involve in their work.

1.3.1. Children As outlined and argued in chapter three, other children at risk or in vulnerable situations should not be denied support. In the first place, when talking about children’s rights all children are involved and Wessells and Jonah (2006) mentioned programmes should be cautious about privileging and exclusively focusing on children disengaged from armed groups. One child disengaged from an armed group explained that during a workshop another child told him the following: I was an excellent student, I was the best of my family, I’ve worked my entire life to support my family and I didn’t even receive one peso [i.e. Colombian currency] or help from the government. And you killed people

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and were in an armed group, you received a whole lot of things that I never did. So the message they send me is: for me to receive support from the state I have to join an armed group. Interviewees mentioned that it is difficult for people affected by the conflict to understand support toward people who have done horrific things (e.g. NGO Bogotá). Though the differentiation into categories is easily made, the prior conditions of these children are often very similar (McEvoy-Levy, 2006). On this aspect, Coalico (2010) mentioned it is important to incite awareness in society on the innocence of disengaged minors and Orozco (2003) mentioned it is important to involve different levels of society in the truth and reconciliation processes. Furthermore, other children are part of the environment of children disengaged from armed groups and they thus influence the integration processes. A psychologist explained it as part of bringing justice to the community and to the wellbeing of children. For the wellbeing of the broader society, to develop a society of peace, it is important for perpetrators, victims and all in-between to be able to live in harmony (NGO Bogotá). As a psychologist explained: Not only have we worked with victims of armed conflict … the work we did with reintegrated [children] into civil society and for whom we consider it very important to do such work because it is not just about working with victims of conflict but also with people who are perpetrators and who at a certain moment have also been victims of this spiral or the ladder of violence (NGO Bogotá). However, some organisations clearly differentiate their support between victims and children disengaged from armed groups, categorizing them as different victims. When they speak of victims of the conflict, they speak of victims that have not actively taken part in the conflict as a perpetrator, like displaced, tortured, or threatened individuals. They consider working with both victims and people that have been actively involved with armed groups to be complicated. An interviewee stated: That the victim is in the same organisation as the perpetrator, in the middle of impunity in this country, can cause an enormous revictimization for the victim… Emotionally, it causes a very complex situation. Because in this country, the impunity level is nearly of 95%. None of the cases have really gotten concrete and applicable sentences coming from the Colombian justice that punish or responsibilize crimes. As there are no punishments, the emotional impact for victims is very big (NGO Bogotá).

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Textbox 6.3: Programme example A child explained how he works in an organisation in which children give other children workshops (e.g. in schools) on topics like self-care, communication, and respect. Controlling, understanding, and communicating emotions are the central pillars in their workshops. The children go through different levels of capacity building. They start off receiving workshops and become trained on these different issues. The higher level they reach, the more responsibilities they get in giving workshops themselves. This way, children get empowered themselves, and the information and strengths are diffused more broadly. Furthermore, they not only learn values, but they also practice them and learn how to act them out.

1.3.2. Family On another level, a psychologist explained the day-to-day philosophy should change to a long-term way of thinking where both children and families are offered support and opportunities. The family is often a motivation for disengaging from the armed groups, and as a social worker from an international organisation explained, working with the social context (like family, educators, and teachers) may be an important facilitating factor in the inclusion processes (IO Bogotá). Identifying important family ties and how the family perceives the events is thus important (Coalition, 2008). Following this mindset, research (Defensoría del Pueblo de Colombia y Unicef, 2006) has also illustrated that there needs to be concurrent support between the children and their families, thus avoiding problems that may impede a successful integration (Univ/Res Bogotá). Considering many of the children disengaged from armed groups are from large families, when they get support they wonder “And what about my brothers and sisters? What about my family?” (GO Medellín). A coordinator of an NGO mentioned family to be meaningful to children in developing resilience (NGO Medellín) and research in Colombia found there was a great importance of social support and family cohesion in coping with severe violence, whereby they may have a protective influence in the development of psychopathology and distress (Bolton & Betancourt, 2004). Several studies have shown an affective and trustworthy relationship with the family, especially the mother, is an important factor in prevention of and attention toward recruitment (“Infamia”, 2006). Furthermore, research in different parts of the world found coping strategies, belief systems, social relations, parental wellbeing, active community involvement, and school enrolment may be possible protective factors in dealing with stressful situation (Lustig et al. 2003; Arafat, 2003; Betancourt, 2001).

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When possible, the ICBF programme accompanies and offers support to families receiving their children back into their homes (see chapter five). Not all organisations in this research worked with the families, but the majority noted them to be important. A coordinator of a programme stated that in most cases the families are very open and thankful towards organisations (IO Pasto). Children participating in this research indicated that family is “indispensable” to them in different ways after disengaging and they find it important to have contact with their family again (CDAG). Furthermore, they explained this support to the family from organisations is important because the family also has needs and fears. A paradoxical dynamic, considered as striking by a therapist of a nongovernmental organisation, is that children in armed groups seem to freeze when it comes to their family. They do not contact or call the family. It is only after they have disengaged that the family seems to be something anxiously important to them (NGO Bogotá) (see also chapter four section 8.2.). However, this may be due to the different stadia children go through when going from engagement to disengagement as outlined in chapter four (section 7). In the first phase they are attracted by adventure. In the second phase they reinterpret their situation. They may thus distance themselves from the family as part of negotiating their circumstances. In the third stage, they want to leave the group and there is no more space for negotiation. Their wish to contact the family may become more prominent then. Another hypothesis may be that leaving the group is like leaving behind a family, whereby the feelings of absence of their biological family grow. Notwithstanding, problems in the family may also be a risk factor for engaging with armed groups (see chapter four). An example is when sexual abuse occurs within the family (ICBF, n.d.). In this regard, it is of great importance to offer both children and adults adequate training and support to improve their economic status, their parenting skills, and access to basic services. Well-supported parents would be better able to support and protect their children (Vargas-Barón, 2010). Concerning the importance of family, a psychologist noted that it is important to consider who is perceived as important in the lifeworld of each child (GO Medellín). For example, as explained in chapter five, children disengaged from armed groups also have the possibility to live with a foster family. The interviewed children explained that their foster family - and especially the foster mother - is an important support source from whom they seek advice (CDAG). Furthermore, children disengaged from armed groups start building their own family, find a partner and have children themselves (CDAG). The literature shows this is also a reason for children to disengage from armed groups (especially for girls when they get pregnant) (Carmona Parra et al., 2012). One girl explained she did not want her child to have the same life she did: “My child is not going to have the life I did. My husband is not going to abuse me like my mother was

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abused, like my aunts were abused”. This is a motivation for her to get on with life (CDAG). Furthermore, in Cartagena, where there is a strong dynamic of gangs, building a family is given as a reason why children leave the gang at a certain age (between 20 and 25 years old) (see chapter two). Nevertheless, given the ongoing conflict, families cannot always be involved in the reinsertion process. One of the reasons for children disengaged from armed groups to have limited or no contact with their family is that their families or the children themselves could be brought into danger when identified by armed groups. An interviewee explained that in some areas (like Medellín) contact with family is easier to achieve than other regions; this often depends on where the person was recruited, where the armed group was active and whether the armed group is still active in the area. A coordinator of an NGO noted how this impedes the restoration of their rights: Because the youngster has often been in the programme for five to six years and they do not return to the place where they are at risk. The Justice and Peace Law is about restoring their rights. This is not only administratively, but integral… that they return to the place where they were taken away, but this is often not possible because the conditions do not allow it. Often entire families are displaced because the conditions do not allow the youngsters to return to their surroundings. They give up everything to be with the youngster. Some of them do return, when they didn’t engage with the armed group in that area and didn’t work in that area. But young people who entered [the armed group] in that area, worked in that area and left the armed group in that area, can no longer return (NGO Bogotá). In some cases, the family has displaced in the meantime and is thus difficult to trace (NGO Bogotá; GO Bogotá). One of the children disengaged from armed groups explained he never has contact with his father as his father is a guerrilla commander (he himself used to be engaged with a different armed group) (CDAG). Furthermore, families often live in difficult situations and are incapable of ensuring care for the children disengaged from armed groups. An example is when the family is displaced or lives in remote areas (NGO Medellín). A social worker explained that this however should not be a problem: “These should be supported by the programme for displaced people. They have money and strategies for this” (NGO Bogotá). Another argument is that after disengaging, children are used as informants by regular forces, which brings their return and their families into danger (NGO Bogotá). In some cases, children do not want to return to the homes they left because of domestic violence, or parents do not want to receive their child after she/he has been engaged with an armed group (NGO Bogotá).

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1.3.3. Broader community Interviewees pointed out people who are part of the everyday lifeworld of children should also be included. Initially it should be noted that in the context of armed conflict the whole community is in a vulnerable situation (Gates & Reich, 2010). Offering training to people in the social sphere (teachers, members of the church, public officials, victim associations, and NGOs) are ways to make short-term support sustainable and empower society to cope with the situation on a long-term basis, especially when there are no long-term possibilities for organisations to be present in certain areas (usually because of financial limitations or geographical difficulties) (NGO Bogotá). This training would culminate in strengthening social and cultural capital formation, which is much more effective than international responses that focus on direct programme services (McClure & Retamal, 2010). On an integration level, working with the broader community is a way of bringing children closer to the community (GO Pasto). A psychologist from an NGO explained they work on the psychosocial aspect, not in terms of dealing with trauma, but in relational terms, focusing on significant individuals for children like teachers. We do this through workshops or working with other organisations that work with victims like for example organisations working on health prevention, going to the areas for vaccinations or midwives, it is important to offer these people psychosocial tools, as they are constantly in contact with victims (NGO Bogotá). Moreover, working with the community makes processes more (culturally) appropriate: Although organisations cannot fill the scope of support for certain population in the whole country, it is advisable to work with local organisations for support when working in unacquainted areas. This way the people working with the population are adapted to the area and to the community culture. Additionally, it uses local resources and supports sustainability of the work and support offered (IO Bogotá). This is especially the case in rural areas where indigenous communities live (Unicef, 2009). Furthermore, the above enforces the goal organisations would ideally have, namely to offer support in order for them to become unnecessary in the long run (Berckmans, Losantos Velasco, Pinto Tapia, & Loots, 2012). Schools are also important socializing environments. Establishing or restoring social relations through school thus contributes to the insertion process (Arias, 2005). Children participating in this research mentioned they got to know their friends at school, and friends are important in their life. This may be especially the case when they cannot have close contact with their family.

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An example was noted by a social worker: “How teachers can integrate psychosocial attention into their teaching. About 60% of the teachers have also been victim in one way or the other. So they have a lot to seal with[in] themselves”. He continued to explain that one of the problems when working with schools is that the teachers are not always involved in the activities of organisations: “During workshops for example, they leave the room instead of participating” (NGO Bogotá). This may be due to difficulties encountered when working with children, and the heavy mental and emotional workload on the other hand (see also chapter seven). By offering training to teachers, their reflection level and capacities can be strengthened (NGO Bogotá). On the other hand, an interviewee noted it should be taken into account that organisations often attain children through school, which is not accessible for all children and consequently a large percentage of children are not reached. This interviewee stressed upon the fact that children should also be approached through other means (NGO Bogotá).

2. What support is Being Offered? In this second part of the chapter we will outline in what way attention and prevention programmes offer support. Firstly, we explain the direct support organisations offer children, the actual work with children. Secondly, we attend to the indirect support, meaning working with children’s environment in the frame of their support. A lawyer explained: What people need is the repair of their rights, reunification with family, that people have a decent house, so they can have good health, that they have access to healthcare, education, recreation, participation and on top of that they need psychosocial attention, this would be an integral approach based on human rights (NGO Bogotá). Although this lawyer speaks about repair, as an adolescent pointed out to me in many cases it is the first time obtaining fulfilment of their rights.

2.1. Direct support to children 2.1.1. Psychotherapy Therapy is something that can be seen as very broad. Some organisations have individual therapy sessions with a certain frequency (e.g. once every fortnight),

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others have it in groups, and others have it informally during conversations or when a specific problem has been diagnosed (e.g. drug addiction). Most organisations work with specific therapeutic approaches (e.g. systemic or psychoanalytic therapy) depending on the psychologists in their staff team, but as a psychologist (NGO Bogotá) explained, what seems to be of great importance for children is the relational aspect with the staff. A method that has been mentioned by various organisations is brief psychotherapy. It focuses on the present and future, and on the goal instead of the problem. A psychologist explained that the focus and the final goal of the therapy is set by the client at the beginning (NGO Medellín). Sometimes, brief therapy schemes are set up to make goals clear (psychologist NGO Bogotá). Furthermore, it allows focusing on the resilience of the client. Brief psychotherapy methods are often more feasible in conditions of pressure to reach a great amount of people, the short time available, the urgent necessity, and the insecurity of financing. A coordinator explained: Brief psychotherapy is often used because there’s no money and because of the amount of people in need. You cannot attend to five million poor people, how do you attain their emotional and other aspects, offering five million people a psychiatrist or therapist, when they’re not even getting food (IO Bogotá)? This coordinator mentioned a difficulty herein is that there are higher needs to be fulfilled besides therapy. In that sense, interviewees indicated the need for organisations to offer support on different levels and/or organisations to work complementary. Another example of a therapeutic approach used was narrative therapy in groups, which is flexible according to the needs of the specific group. An interviewee noted it is important to have a quite homogenous group, where themes raised by one person will be relevant for other people. Several interviewees explained that certain groups (e.g. rural population) are more reserved, in which case it is advisable to use more visual material or let them do things during workshops or therapy, like working with plasticine, chalk boards, and colours. A psychologist from an NGO hereby explained that they usually come together twice a month for a period of six months. During sessions, individual needs are identified and offered additional attention. Sometimes entire families need additional attention and they have family sessions. The psychologist explained: “This is often so with cases of sexual violence”, whereby the family needs to be involved in the therapy (NGO Bogotá). According to Rethmann (2010), the recognition of the history of the children is important. Arias (2005) mentioned it is crucial to avoid a fragmented view of his/her emotional life before, during, and after being engaged with the armed

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group, but to find a connection so that the traumatic experiences can be seen as a whole over time, whereby changes occur but the future is not perceived as doomed. He stated it is also important to offer space for the recognition of the selfhood, by listening and understanding how the children experienced entering and leaving the armed group. Interviewees mentioned children react differently concerning their need to talk about their past experiences. “I don’t think there can be an overall rule in neither direction. But I consider not talking often to be superficial, that they don’t speak or don’t want to speak out of fear, not out of not needing it” (NGO Bogotá). A young male participant explained he did not like speaking about the past, while other participants were not bothered by it, depending on who they talked to. They mentioned they did not talk to friends about it and did not want to burden their family with it. They explained talking to a professional helps them, but they also want to get on with life and not dwell upon it forever (CDAG). An adult that had demobilized from an armed group mentioned I was one of the only people he ever spoke to about his engagement. He said he had not had the need to talk to people around him about it, but talking about it to me - a stranger - did do him well, as he felt he could explain himself (Nonspecified, Cartagena). A psychologist noted: “There are some that cry, some say they don’t want to remember it: ‘I don’t want to talk about it anymore’, or others that say ‘no’… and they stay quiet about it…” (GO Cartagena). Another psychologist explained that what children disengaged from armed groups have been through cannot be ignored, and it is now part of who they are, so talking about it, without pressure, and in their time and rhythm is important for them to be able to give it a place in their life, give meaning to the past, and continue to grow and develop, along with the experiences they have. “It is impossible for someone to forget an event in her/his life. So it is important to speak about it so the youngster goes on in his/her process. Working from resilience, not from the trauma” (NGO Bogotá). Sanford (2006) explained children’s experiences within the armed group are remembered within the framework of preceding structures and these are important to take into account. Considering so many children engage with armed group due to push factors in their everyday life (see chapter four), the psychosocial support should focus on aspects prior to the situation of engagement like poverty, abuse, and dispersed family; and the subsequent problems induced by their experiences in the armed group. Though Sanford (2006) spoke about forced recruitment in her research, she described these children face double trauma: of the (violent) conditions that preceded and made them vulnerable to recruitment, as well as trauma of witnessing and participating in violence while in the armed groups. As a psychologist explained:

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The sorrows and pains they have, they live, do not come only from the experiences in the groups. While it is important to differentiate between boys and girls, girls are more affected by what they went through before their experiences in the group. But those who had an abortion, are also very hurt…They do not talk about their experiences in groups, like the activities they had…They complain about for example abuse in the family or that the family turned their back on them, or a parent that was killed, also when they lost a body part [i.e. amputation due to an accident]. It’s not like they are affected by the group itself. It’s about their families, or a breach of relationship within the group. The betrayal of a commander, an abortion... someone who had to kill a cousin, or friend. Many have used drugs too (NGO Bogotá).

2.1.2. Workshops Considering it is easier to attain a greater group through workshops, a lot of organisations use this to train children on certain topics, such as citizenship, participation, public policy, leadership, gender equality, equity, life projects, sexual health, drug prevention, human rights, children’s rights, ecology, culture, life values, peace, diversity, community competences, resolving conflicts, tolerance, empathy, communication, self-care, and care towards others (NGO Medellín; NGO Bogotá; Unicef, 2009; CDAG). We could call these more thematic workshops. The aim is to empower children by offering them tools and knowledge. When being in Colombia, and in South America in general, I often wondered why NGOs offered human rights so much attention. Having grown up in Europe, I didn’t always understand the sense of it. However, with time I learned the violation of rights is not so much the exception, whereby working on teaching people their rights (which is not part of the education system) enables them to recognize their rights being violated, and this may help in breaking the cycle of violations. What children disengaged from armed groups liked about the workshops is that they get to know people, whereby they also learn to be tolerant and have respect for one another (CDAG) and that they get to talk about their own points of view on things (NGO Medellín). A child disengaged from an armed group also explained it helps and is important to recognize one’s own emotions and the emotions of others. Interviewees explained they encountered several problems when organising workshops. For example, a challenge when working in remote areas is that it is not only difficult for organisations to access, but that children are also spread over the area and to reach the meeting point they often have to walk for days. Interviewees explained that they had to concentrate various

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activities on consecutive days so both the staff and the participants of the workshops need to travel less frequently (NGO Bogotá; IO Pasto).

2.1.3. Recreational activities: Art and sports Other organisations used recreational workshop to attain children, teach them certain artistic capacities, but at the same time using this to talk about life, and life goals. As a staff member explained, these are both playful and expressive activities, which allow children to elaborate their situation of what happened and is happening with them both emotionally and rationally and construct a life plan that nurtures social inclusion. These activities have the primary aim of completing the protection against recruitment (NGO Medellín). Examples of artistic workshops can be on video, photographs, music, dancing, theatre, and psychodrama (Unicef, 2009; IO Bogotá, NGO Bogotá). A psychologist explained that art is often used because in many cases expressing oneself is difficult: By using art, dance and theatre they can express themselves. Talking scares them. They’re scared they’ll be killed. Additionally [by using art] they breathe, they feel satisfied, happy… it is very powerful as a means for communication, to strengthen relationships, to create a climate of trust, to help people to speak out (IO Bogotá). She continued pointing out a lot of communities express themselves through dance and music: “Through music and dance you can reach transformations that cannot be reached through verbal or intellectual means” (IO Bogotá). Staff of an NGO explained that art therapy is very useful when working with children (NGO Bogotá). An example was given of a photograph workshops where children photographed life experiences, like why someone joined an armed group. A girl participant explained these workshops helped her to develop and “to grow as a person”. Another example she gave was a video project about social cleansing in the neighbourhood whereby they portrayed situations of prostitutes being killed to abolish sexually transmitted diseases. In the rap group activities, a boy explained they sing about “what’s going on in the street, in the war, problems, and violence”. Different participants explained theatre helps to strengthen communication skills. It can be used as a tool to work on human rights, both for children and the broader public through sensitization (e.g. by performing in schools) (IO Bogotá; NGO Bogotá). Various children disengaged from armed groups also talked about how music in general is an important part of their life. Interviewees explained how sports can be used to join children together in a positive way, as an alternative to getting together in gangs (NGO Cartagena).

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Interviewees mentioned these types of activities are also important because one of the arguments for engaging with armed groups is boredom. “These activities don’t only fill time, but they also teach children values by playing in group” (NGO Cartagena; NGO Pasto).

2.1.4. Educational support In chapter three, we elaborated on the importance of education as a protective factor for children, whereby it may also be a risk factor when it is not being fulfilled in an adequate way. Because education is important for children to develop perspectives in life, a lot of organisations offer educational support. Furthermore, conversations with children disengaged from armed groups showed that although their school degree prior to engagement was usually low, education is very important to them now. They explained this to be part of their future plans and also something they enjoy doing. The support goes from finding an adequate school or educational system, offering afterschool support, to following up their progress. An interviewee explained: We support youngsters to do a technical course through an educational system. After secondary school, students rarely have the possibility to study at university. By offering them technical courses we aim to prepare them better for the labour market. We also promote inclusive education, for people of different ages, who have a delay in their educational career, for people of different backgrounds coming from different cultures and so on. There’s a need for flexible education that is hospitable for a broad public (IO Bogotá). A coordinator of an NGO working to promote children’s education explained how a lot of their work consists of pressuring schools to allow children from certain backgrounds to enrol. They do this by going to talk to schools when children are denied to mediate between both parties (NGO Medellín). A psychologist from an international organisation working in rural areas explained that ensuring children’s education is one of the most important parts of their work. In 2007, 90% of the children in the indigenous communities they worked in were unschooled, whereas in 2010, 90% were schooled. She also mentioned: “The quality is still difficult, because teachers come from the communities and do not always have a degree to teach” (IO Pasto). Interviewees explained people who do have a teaching degree are not always available or interested to work in isolated locations. Furthermore, there are organisations that promote the development of acknowledging schools as humanitarian areas and the prohibition of armed groups’ access to schools (Unicef, 2009). With

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regard to recruitment of youth and its prevention, given the known reasons for entry (i.e. a lack of alternatives), an interviewee explained that in indigenous communities (which are the most marginalized population and at great risk of recruitment) it is of great importance that the rights of children are conserved. Therefore, it is important to include the possibility of adequate education, whilst paying attention to the norms and values ​​within communities considering their important cultural significance (IO Pasto). Due to children disengaged from armed groups having a very low educational level and them consequently having a delay when they disengage, difficulties arise. As a psychologist from an NGO explained: “They had recognition and respect in the armed group. They come out of the armed group and have to go to a school with other children that think they are stupid” (GO Medellín). There are thus systems for children that are behind on the educational level to enrol in a special educational programme through cycles, whereby they can pass two or three scholar years in one (NGO Medellín). A girl explained she had not gone to school before engaging with the armed group and she completed her whole primary school education in three years. According to a psychologist the educational aspect gives children perspective, when asked about children disengaged from armed groups having aspirations to join the army, she answered: “Children from here [Cartagena] no, those who didn’t finish their bachelor [i.e. secondary school], they are finishing their secondary school, they are finishing university career, technical career…” (GO Cartagena).

2.1.5. Vocational support Some organisations offer workshops on income generating activities to empower children. Participants explained this can go from jewellery making, carpentry, bakery, sewing, manicure, pedicure, to nursing (CDAG). Some staff of organisations explained problems like children not being offered true alternatives in life. They raised questions like “Why are children receiving a bakery training, when there is no need for an extra baker in the area?” Or children get demotivated because they realize there are no job opportunities. Moreover, a social worker explained children have been disappointed so often in life that additional disappointments are like a “proof” that their only plausible alternative is engaging with an armed group. Another problem refers to the fact that children often have no input into which training they receive. A further question was “Why teach a child how to bake, when she[/he] is not interested in bakery?” and ultimately complaints were about trainings not being thorough enough, whereby children receive a certificate that they are capable in a certain craft, so organisations can fulfil their obligations of attending x amount of children, but they are not capacitated properly in what their certificate says “They need a true training… Don’t give them a certificate if you don’t teach them it” (NGO Bogotá).

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2.1.6. Legal support Certain organisations offer children legal support for bringing their documents into order. As a social worker from a governmental organisation explained, the restitutions of rights is a slow process, especially when it comes to juridical matters (GO Bogotá). Coalition (2010) offered an example of legal deficits in the programme explaining that there were nearly 400 cases of children who were awaiting trial in the juvenile court. Children disengaged from armed groups therefore get specific legal support to facilitate their demobilization process (Unicef, 2009). Besides this, organisations offer children assistance when they have problems with the legal system (GO Bogotá). As previously mentioned, children need an identity card to be allowed to attend school, but in some cases they have never had an identity card or birth certificate. An NGO explained how in certain communities, this had previously been done in an inhumane way. Officials had given the whole community citizen cards, but had given them all the same birth date, and given them different (derogatory) names, hereby offending them and their different culture and origin (NGO Bogotá).

2.1.7. Medical support When children have medical problems organisations have cooperation agreements with medical institutions or in some cases they have a doctor working in their organisation (sometimes part time). A psychologist explained how health care is not very accessible to people in general: “This is even more so for the population that does not work and whose healthcare is subsidized. Mental health is nearly treated equally to cosmetic surgery” (NGO Medellín).

2.1.8. Religion, spirituality, and rituals In some organisations the role of religion has a place in the programme, although it often has more of a spiritual focus. A coordinator of an NGO explained: “It helps them to find a sense in life, to find support in a superior being, to overcome difficulties and problems”. He continued, noting spirituality and a relationship with a superior being to be important protective factors for children (NGO Medellín). Nevertheless, the importance of this depends on children’s background. The importance of culture in indigenous communities has a spiritual connotation, and by offering children workshops on culture, teaching them what has become lost through the conflict, this cultural spirituality is brought back to them. Various interviewees explained there is no specific religious attention in their programmes, although children are free to practice their religion if they want. A

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social worker noted: “Usually we say grace before dinner, they are not forced to do this” (NGO Cartagena). Furthermore, an interviewee explained that in some cases, for children disengaged from armed groups spirituality may be important in their process because they cannot ask the people they have harmed for forgiveness. Spirituality allows them to do this, for example by asking God for forgiveness. What was striking to me in the stories I received was the importance of God. For example, a man that had demobilized from an armed group explained his process of demobilization as God taking him away from the bad. He explained he was now following the path God had paved out for him, to do good. During our conversation, anytime discussion went towards what exactly had happened, he started talking about how great God was and how thankful he was towards God. A social worker explained he experienced that when people go through significant life changes, such as demobilizing or “rehabilitating from bad to good” they depend on God. “Everything is God to them” (NGO Cartagena). Another aspect related to this, is the importance of rituals in the recovery process of victims (Estrada et al., 2006). Dealing with losses can be very traumatic when certain rituals are not able to be carried out. As a psychologist explained, in certain indigenous communities it is important for the dead person to have his/her eyes closed for him/her to rest in peace when she/he died. When this has not been possible it can be very distressing to the family. This is sometimes used by armed groups as a way of torturing the population. He explained an example where armed groups had killed people from a village, and anyone who came near the bodies to try and close the eyes was shot in cold blood. Not being able to close the eyes can be more disrupting for the person than losing the loved one. By working on this therapeutically and going through mental rituals, the person can be helped to deal with it (NGO Bogotá). Certain rituals also allow them to give emotions a place, which helps them to cope with difficulties (NGO Medellín). During activities in organisations rituals are also used. An interviewee explained how at the beginning of the day and as closure of a day the group of children always does the same type of activity. These rituals permit the youngsters to first of all get in contact with things of their lives that they didn’t know. Like songs they didn’t know, the importance of rituals… bring them an attitude that allows them to learn, to be able to permit the other’s identity, to give them time to trust in the team that will accompany them…Youngsters are also very fetish. When they leave the group for example, they buy a card that tells them they will be protected or things like that. Or use amulets (NGO Bogotá).

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Furthermore, a psychologist noted: The dynamics of war are also filled with rituals, for example the practices. Sometimes they [i.e. the youngsters] talk about the ways they are thought to kill, the ways they’re thought to decorticate… these types of things are full of rituals… (NGO Bogotá). This interviewee explained that using rituals in different ways after disengaging helps them to break with these dynamics (NGO Bogotá).

2.1.9. Staff team As brought up in chapter five and illustrated in the above paragraphs, children get support in a broad range of areas. Depending on what areas the organisations work with, organisations thus work with a multidisciplinary team, consisting of a mix of dentists, educators, social workers, workshop instructors, spiritual guides, psychologist, therapist, nutritionist, anthropologists, forensic specialists, and criminologists among others (International Committee of the Red Cross, 2009; NGO Medellín). The reason for this disciplinary team is to be able to offer integral work, for example: “You can’t work with children who are starving” (NGO Medellín), so in many organisations a nutritionist, who follows up children with malnutrition, is part of the team (e.g. NGO Medellín; IO Bogotá). However, staff also rotate or change with time and so their expertise changes, as a director of an NGO explained: “It also depends on the financing. For example, we had financing for a project and we had a technical team for it, but when the project finished, we were no longer able to pay the team” (NGO Bogotá).

2.2. Indirect support: Sensitization, Policy, and research

Public

In an indirect way, but equally important is sensitization to the broader public (NGO Bogotá; Arias, 2005) because when speaking of integration of children, the social sphere is the receiving party of the integration and they have to learn to be open towards children (and adults) reinserting (IO Pasto). As Biderman (2012) noted, this is part of the peace process; if people do not want conflict, soldiers, or child soldiers, they have to accept “former combatants” into society. Wessells and Jonah (2006) claimed stigmatization and fear towards children disengaged from armed groups retains communities from

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recognizing common suffering on all sides, and impedes restoring a sense of unity. Thus, it is necessary for organisations to include the broader society by doing sensitization activities to avoid discrimination (NGO Bogotá). Inequality in support makes people find it difficult to understand others or to accept others: “When a group of displaced arrive they receive help, while the receiving community, who are historically poor, don’t receive anything, so social ties are broken” (NGO Bogotá). An interviewee pointed out trust is an important aspect in this in a bidirectional way; both children disengaged from armed groups need to develop trust in society and society in them (NGO Cartagena). There were several sensitization initiatives mentioned throughout the interviews. One of them was the awareness of soldiers and policemen on humanitarian law, children’s rights, and procedures for demobilization (Unicef, 2009). This way, violating their rights by using them for logistical purposes when disengaging can be avoided. Another example was the organising of radio programmes, to sensitize people about what is going on in their community and avoiding things being silenced, creating awareness of cases that would otherwise be unknown. In doing so the political policy and local government is pressured (NGO Medellín; NGO Cartagena). However, there is a problem to give issues a place politically, because facts and figures are needed, and often information is passed on by word of mouth whereby there is no hard proof (IO Medellín). Regarding the role of the media, an interviewee noted: “In ciudad Bolivar, 300 youngsters were murdered last year [2009]. The people here [i.e. city centre] don’t even know about it because it doesn’t come out in the news”. He explained that people get the idea that “the war is doing better” (NGO Bogotá). Another NGO staff member explained: “What comes in the media is only 17% of what is really going on. If they mention six dead in Cartagena, there are actually 17 dead” (NGO Cartagena). Social organisations try to raise this curtain and inform people on what is going on. Partly related to this is what an interviewee explained about the evaluation of the reinsertion programme: If people are constantly tapping shoulders and talking about how good things are going, we’re going to become convinced that we’re doing well. But when we realize that there are places like Putumayo, that there are places like Guaviare, that in Chocó children are being abducted, that in Cauca indigenous and Afrocolombians are victimized in its highest intensity because of the armed conflict, that in Arauca children are being recruited and girls are being abused by officers of the state, that in Puerto Carreño there are situations of trafficking of children for sexual purposes. If we tap our shoulders and don’t see what happens, then we’ll only be worse off (GO Ind Bogotá).

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And finally, initiatives like photograph expositions appeal to people in a different way than that they are used to. As a psychologist explained: In the news you constantly hear about those things [i.e. the conflict]: “They killed X today… tomorrow they killed Y” It has become something normal of the landscape. People have kind of lost the sensitivity of the seriousness of what is going on (NGO Bogotá). Furthermore, there are a great amount of local and regional organisations who promote human rights. They reunite to try and get certain issues on the political agenda concerning education, children affected by the conflict, and children’s rights. These organisations are sometimes organised from bottom-up, where local people organise themselves in a manner that they might generate change in a peaceful way. Because the subject is quite dangerous to deal with - people being murdered for defending human rights is no exception - there are also larger less local organisations working on certain issues like peace and development, education, land organising, democratic governing, and sustainable integral human development. They support the smaller local organisations, offering them decent conditions, helping them voice their findings, supporting them to bring information together, and promoting collaboration between them (NGO Bogotá). There are also platforms set up of different NGOs to join forces and information. Organisations go to different areas, to talk to inhabitants and observe what is going on there. This is especially necessary in areas where organised governmental entities are absent (e.g. NGO Bogotá; Res/Univ Bogotá). In order to get political attention organisations set up monitoring systems, whereby researchers draw a system for monitoring the situation of children; in what way they are affected by the conflict, by whom, and in which areas (e.g. NGO Bogotá; Res/Univ Bogotá; Unicef, 2009). “It is about making childhood, the armed conflict and the answers to this visible on the political agenda” (NGO Bogotá). These are furthermore important for differentiation in psychosocial support: In different areas of the country, different armed groups are active. With one there are more massacres and rapes, with the other it’s more about forced displacement… Moreover, in some places the guerrilla was active and now the paramilitaries. They didn’t only expel the guerrilla, but they will also accuse the people of collaborating with the guerrilla (psychologist NGO Bogotá). Thus, there is need for careful assessment of specific situations. Working on recovery of memories and of lost stories about what happened is important for victims and the ones left behind. This brings recognition to what happened to them, so it is not swept under the carpet. An example is declaring cases of false positives (see chapter three) (NGO Bogotá).

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3. Focus of support 3.1. Resilience An aspect raised as important in psychosocial care, is treating children in waraffected situations as capable, resilient, and resourceful in dealing with problems in contrast to viewing them as weak, vulnerable, and traumatized (Tolfree, 1996). As Macmillan (2009) noted, in the (Anglophone –USA, UK, and Ireland) discourses on child soldiers, childhood is reduced to a state of innocent victimhood or extreme culpability, dependent and in need of protection while children are irrational and vulnerable. Different interviewees mentioned that stepping away from this view is important for children disengaged from armed groups to get on with life (NGO Bogotá; NGO Medellín; NGO Cartagena). “Children not only have to be seen as victims, their responsibilities also have to be underscored. They have to be conscious of their qualities, not as poor little ones” (GO Medellín). A director of an NGO said resilience makes it possible to focus on the life project of the children (NGO Medellín). In this regard, Carmona Parra (2012) found that staff working with children disengaged from armed groups take on a different approach concerning children disengaged from armed groups (e.g. as victims/ vulnerable or self-assertive/resilient) according to who they are addressing (e.g. children disengaged from armed groups, financers or academics) (see also chapter four). Boyden (2003) argued it is important to take into account the views and perspectives of children and treat these as a source for learning and strength. For example, during a workshop I attended, children were constantly being challenged by opening up, reflecting, speaking, and listening to each other (NGO Medellín). McEvoy-Levy (2006) argued political activism (involving children in political peace building) might foster resilience. Cortes and Buchanan (2007) conducted a study on the experiences of children disengaged from armed groups in Colombia. They found participants had a wide repertoire of strengths and resources to deal with war experiences. They identified six themes: sense of agency; social intelligence, empathy, and affect regulation; shared experience, care giving figures, and community connection; sense of future, hope, and growth; connection to spirituality; and morality (maintaining respect for human life). Throughout different conversations, several of these aspects were stressed upon. Nevertheless, it also seemed to me some aspects were impeded, as an interviewee explained the personal attention is not always possible to the desired extent considering the high needs and limited capacities. In that way, children cannot be offered space for agency throughout their process (GO Pasto). Other aspects like the connection to spirituality were present in most organisations in different forms. And although organisations try to offer continuity concerning

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care givers, because of the heavy (emotional) workload this is not always possible (NGO Bogotá). Though Cortes and Buchanan mentioned the importance of hope by thinking proactively about their possibilities for their present and future life, children participating in our research mentioned that the insecurity about future support (e.g. after the age of 18) was difficult for them (CDAG) (see also chapter seven). Furthermore, a psychologist explained that sometimes the children don’t understand or care about the support being offered to them. She stated children take the support for granted and sometimes mention it is unfair they do not get extra support (NGO Medellín). Another NGO staff member explained this varies a lot from child to child (NGO Bogotá). One interviewee explained that children often have difficulties recovering from what they have been through, but at a certain point this changes: “When they make a ‘click’ these kids arise to recover all these lost times. To capacitate themselves, to educate themselves, to integrate themselves… They’re full of life. And their resilience capacity is very very strong in most cases” (IO Bogotá).

3.2. Individual Versus Group The needs of children are difficult to generalize, and individual attention and adjusting to the specific individual needs in a flexible way is important (GO Bogotá; NGO Bogotá). Interviewees brought up different aspects related to this. An example is the role people play in the family, community, and society: “Was someone a mother, a father, a son… What role did she/he have in the family? Did this role change?”. It all has to be held into account. “One unique model is not possible to offer” (NGO Bogotá). Another example is the kind of war experiences the children have been through and the kind of support they need to surpass these experiences. A child that has been in combat with an armed group since she/he was 11 years old has different needs from a girl that had been engaged with an armed group through affectionate recruitment by a commander or a youngster of 16 being used to transport packages (IO Bogotá). Furthermore, the profile of children, and children disengaged from armed groups in specific, are constantly changing. An interviewee noted: For example the youngsters that entered in 2006 came from paramilitary groups. Now we don’t have kids from paramilitaries. Their needs were different. The kids [disengaged from paramilitary groups] were more like warriors, they had a warrior body, like [they were] used to managing a weapon. Now, they aren’t like that, they’re smaller… (NGO Bogotá). Programmes and projects consequently need to be flexible. In that way the staff and the methodologies also go through a process. A psychologist

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pointed out: “Through work we learn the needs of the youngsters” (NGO Bogotá). Through individual activities children get specific and individualized attention. However, in many organisations resources are restricted and there is insufficient staff, financing, and time for this. Group activities allow organisations to have a broad attainableness, which is demanded by financers, as explained by a psychologist: “It is important that organisations can put ‘We reached 5000 youngsters’ in their reports” (NGO Medellín). By having group activities, children socialize and learn important life values (NGO Medellín). A psychologist noted: “A positive outcome from working in group is that one story nourishes the other. It also strengthens abilities in building and maintaining social relationships” (NGO Bogotá). In the case of children disengaged from armed groups, they learn that a child that was in an inimical group is in fact a nice person and was in an identical situation as him/her. Furthermore, children participating in programmes together become important social networks for each other. This is especially the case when their families live far away or they have little contact (NGO Bogotá; NGO Cartagena). Arias (2005) claimed programmes should allow open spaces with clear boundaries, in order for children to get the chance to build relationships that can continue to exist after leaving the programmes. A boy disengaged from an armed group explained he appreciated activities being individual in the reinsertion programme as he finds it hard to mix with other children disengaged from armed groups. In the organisation he was participating in at the moment of interview, activities were always in groups with other children disengaged from armed groups. He found it annoying when they went for an excursion and the staff of the organisation wore jackets (which are used for reasons of recognition and security), making it clear that they are a group of children disengaged from armed groups. People in the neighbourhood see this and there may be some gangs keeping an eye out on behalf of armed groups, so he doesn’t feel comfortable and prefers it to be more private. According to him an advantage of group activities is that you get to know others, even when at the beginning you don’t exactly like them, you get to know and respect them. Therewithal, both group and individual activities have advantages and disadvantages. A member of an NGO explained how on another level, generalizing and individualizing at the same time is important: “mixing different problematics, results in it not being the problem that identifies the youngster within the experiences” (Benposta, n.d.). In various organisations, there are projects with very heterogeneous groups (e.g. children in street situation, children disengaged from armed groups, abused, exploited, threatened, abandoned, difficulties with the law, and other children at risk). Although in some cases specific attention is needed, when participating in workshops staff encountered children all act and react in the same way (NGO Medellín).

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3.3. Attention for Ethnic Differences The outlines of the governmental reinsertion programme mention it adapts to the children and the culture in which they live. Importantly, for indigenous people there is a special legal attention. Since 1991, the Colombian Constitution acknowledged the indigenous community as a fully honourable group (previously they were not recognized as a minority with specific needs) and Colombia is renowned as pluri-ethnic and multicultural, whereby which organisations are obliged to offer a differentiated focus and programmes corresponding to different cultures. Indigenous communities have autonomy in certain areas such as social control, in that they have an indigenous governor and indigenous police with their own forms of punishment corresponding their culture (Defensoría del Pueblo, 2006). Thus, organisations try to offer a differential approach, both in recognizing that children belonging to different ethnic groups (especially Afrodescendent and indigenous groups) face specific risks and vulnerabilities associated with their location of origin (generally in remote places with a precarious presence of governmental services), and their own cultural characteristics and identity (e.g. in some communities there is no concept of adolescence) (IOM 2010; Arias, 2005). As an example, children from indigenous communities are often less open to speaking and other methodologies are thus preferable. In the Afro culture, music and dance is very important. These are tools which can be used to work with children as mentioned previously. When programmes are offered in cities, like the ones for children disengaged from armed groups, children from rural communities find it difficult to adapt, considering they have never known cities and a lot of the urban customs are new for them (NGO Bogotá). Moreover, returning to their rural areas later seems like a step back to them (Coalico, 2010). It is also important for the cultural identity of indigenous communities and their abilities to have a significant contribution, not only within their community but also outside, to have an open discussion and agreement between the governing bodies. There needs to be an intercultural balance between the laws and rules of the indigenous community with national and international laws. This also means strengthening the local governments through the opportunity to participate in political and social councils at municipal and departmental level. Both identifying problems, decision making and implementing solutions in different communities should be taken into account. Thereby, there needs to be respect for diversity: the history, the culture, and the language of the different communities. Although the outlines of the governmental programme mention the above, others explained there is no differentiation or specific attention offered to other cultures (NGO Bogotá; Arias, 2005).

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3.4. Attention for gender Coalico (2010) explained there is need for gender-specific programmes (also Vargas-Barón, 2010). Gender differentiation is present in the Colombian culture and societal roles, and children have gender specific experiences. This is consequently an important aspect in the attention and support towards children, but this gender differentiation should also be included in research designs and implementations. An interviewee pointed out the impact of sexual abuse, pregnancies, and abortions in the armed groups, and mentioned disengaged from armed groups having specific difficulties in reintegrating into a patriarchal society enforces this need (NGO Bogotá). Girls may need to be treated for symptoms of sexual abuse for example (like STDs, war-rape pregnancies, and feelings of worthlessness) (McEvoy-Levy, 2006). On a broader scale, concerning the need for gender specific attention, a psychologist noted: There was no gender perspective in the work with demobilized or reinserted. Women as such did not get any particular or specific restitution of their violated rights in the outline, whether it was as a victim of criminal armed groups or whether it was as a member of a demobilized group in the sense that many of them as wife or as part of the demobilizing group received much less than their husband just as occurred historically in peace processes of this nature where the perspective of gender is not attended to rigorously enough (NGO Bogotá). Girls’ experiences seem to have more of an affectionate personal significance. Research has shown (e.g. Carmona Parra et al., 2012) that aspects of decisions concerning engaging with and disengaging from armed groups are more often affection related for girls. Consequently, there is a higher need for dealing with those emotions. “It is important to differentiate between how girls think and how boys think” (NGO Bogotá). Many interviewees also mentioned girls may feel empowered by their participation in armed groups, which Sanford (2006) explained as sometimes providing the only way for girls (or women) to perform as equals to boys (or men). Concerning this issue, a psychologist described girls are more often affected due to what happened before their time in the group: But in the group, when they’ve experienced abortions, it marks them a lot. I mean, what has been their affective experience in the armed group. Aspects like family, or breaking up a relationship or an abortion, to lose the relationship with their partner or a commander, this affects them more than the life in the armed group (NGO Bogotá).

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In various organisations, interviewees mentioned girls also get offered more specific attention on certain topics like: […] motherhood, pregnancy, abortion, self-respect, and so on. Often girls do receive this attention at some stage. But boys are often forgotten in this picture, they are not prepared to become fathers for example and when their girlfriend becomes pregnant, they leave her behind as a single mother-to-be. Boys and men need to be educated on matters like masculinity, paternity, machismo, and responsibility of gender equity (IO Bogotá).

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Chapter 7

In the field In this chapter we deal with what is going on in the field and we mirror ideas and opinions about the existing support programmes: the needs, difficulties, limitations, challenges, and recommendations. We look at this from the point of view of organisations working in the field and from children receiving the support. Throughout conversations, discourses went from very pessimistic to very optimistic, goals and objectives might seem easy to one and unattainable to the other: from both, and all in between there are lessons to be learnt.

1. Context 1.1. Ongoing conflict One of the biggest and most obvious restrictions for the (re)establishment of children’s rights and a successful (re)insertion of children into society is the ongoing conflict and the continued violation of people’s rights (GO Bogotá; United Nations, 2009) through murders, minefields, threats to community leaders, and forced recruitment. Programmes cannot be implemented in certain locations because of inaccessibility or danger in that area (NGO Bogotá; Vargas-Barón, 2010). The Colombian reinsertion programme is being implemented while the conflict is still ongoing is a rare phenomenon (Vargas-Barón, 2010). Mack (2010, p. 246) stated “ending war is the soundest way of ensuring that children can surrender their arms and embrace the opportunity to live normal lives”. Moreover, the changing nature of the conflict and the emergence of new actors also bring a high risk to humanitarian operators (NGO Bogotá; UNHCR, 2010). For children, the resocialisation in areas where armed groups are still active entails a risk of re-recruitment (Coalico, 2010). As a psychologist explained: As long as there are armed groups, children need to be supported... The armed actors find new ways of engaging children and they find new children and youngsters. In recent times for example, they approach children having problems with the law, or drug problems (IO Bogotá). Herein lays a difficulty for organisations: what governmental policies claim does not always correspond to what people experience in their everyday life. The debate whether there is or is not an ongoing conflict to people who experience the conflict daily may seem beyond absurdity (GO Bogotá).

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An interviewee explained: “Children disengaged from armed groups relapse or go back to war because the situation is still the same as before they engaged with the armed group” (IO Medellín). Another interviewee noted: “The conflict continues, so children and adolescents continue to have the opportunity to go [join armed groups], just as the levels of poverty remain, the levels of vulnerability…” (GO Ind Bogotá).

1.2. Discourse Because of the implementation of demobilization processes and reinsertion programmes there was a common discourse of a post-conflict situation. According to a programme coordinator “In Colombia the armed conflict has been denied. If there’s no conflict, there are no victims, and there’s no need to attend them” (IO Bogotá). Internationally, this was taken over and consequently support was based on a post-conflict situation. As a result, this meant a lot of support was given to the reintegration of people who were involved in armed groups, while there was a lack of support offered to victims. Another aspect was that because of the post-conflict situation certain crimes like massacres were not acknowledged. “There’s a lot of possibility of discussion on the matter, who is fighting who and so on, regardless of the discussions, the victims remain” (psychologist NGO Bogotá). When the government claimed that there was no conflict, this brought stigmatization to social organisations. This indirectly portrayed organisations as being partners of guerrilla groups and put them at risk (NGO Bogotá). Furthermore, some organisations not only had problems with irregular armed groups, but also with governmental entities; for example the government did not agree when organisations talked about a “conflict” (Univ/ Res Bogotá). As mentioned in chapter six, when organisations express any form of criticism toward the government, this creates problems for the financing of these programmes and organisations (NGO Medellín). This makes cooperation between organisations who have different ideas and a distinct philosophy difficult (NGO Bogotá). At times, there was also a negation of the armed conflict by the population in general because of the security aspect, there was fear too because “whoever dares to claim anything, will be threatened by armed groups. Others say it’s schizophrenia. The pain is so colossal that they do not want to accept it nor recognize it, so they just ignore it” (IO Bogotá). As a psychologist from a governmental organisation explained, although the political connotation of the conflict may be unclear, the violence is still present (GO Bogotá). “It’s like a façade of no conflict” (NGO Bogotá). A researcher mentioned: “They [i.e. the government] say what ever suits them, but when you walk the streets, you see the poverty remains the same, the hunger remains…” (Univ/Res Bogotá).

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Considering the armed conflict not being one of constant weapon use and attacks, but it also consisting of underground indirect attacks (like using the civilian population as part of a war strategy), it is of great importance to keep demobilization and disengagement programmes out of the armed conflict, and out of the war strategies. “What is done for children should be for children, and not for military programmes of the country” (NGO Bogotá). The goal of the existence of the governmental reinsertion programme is not always clearly visible to everyone. An interviewee pointed out: “The problem [with the programme] that it is more so a strategy of war than of peace… whereby children are engaged with the armed conflict instead of disengaged from the armed conflict, but in a more complicated way” (NGO Bogotá). A lawyer explained reinsertion, attention, and financial support programmes have been seen as combat strategies against armed groups. “It’s like a way of taking away power from their [i.e. irregular armed groups] military structures. So they’re [i.e. government] not thinking about protecting children, but rather so about knocking down the armed structure” (NGO Bogotá). A social worker explained using children for information after their disengagement is also part of this: Taking away children from the war is not only taking them out of the guerrilla. It is really taking them out of the war. We should forget that they have such information. We should forget that they have experiences and construct a scene where they can have a life (NGO Bogotá). He explained that there is or has been corruption inside the governmental organisation, whereby complaints were not taken into consideration and motivations of staff were not always clear (NGO Bogotá). As noted in a newspaper article on the limits of the demobilization programmes: A perceived lack of time to consult recipient communities, the state’s lack of a legitimate monopoly on violence, and a government that doesn’t control all of its territory are commonplace as a context in which DDR has to take place. It should therefore not come as a surprise that DDR in Colombia seems to be primarily used to consolidate state power rather than to ensure security for civilians (Rouw, 2010).

1.3. Country situation The needs of children and society in general are very much connected to the situation which the country is in, like poverty and no access to education

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(IO Bogotá). “Into what kind of a country do the children arrive?” (IO Bogotá). They encounter the same situation as the one before their engagement. It is a paradox reinserting children into a society they have never been integrated into (psychologist NGO Medellín). A psychologist claimed: “You cannot build up a life plan in a country where there are no conditions for a life plan” (IO Bogotá). A big challenge is how to strengthen the children who are no longer engaged in the armed conflict but who are entering a society with very high levels of violence, high levels of stigmatization against them in general, and very high levels of violation of basic rights (IO Bogotá). “They have to reintegrate into society with very little tools” (psychologist NGO Medellín). Another psychologist noted an example of this may be regarding the importance of transformations of the broader structure too; “Why offer children training on certain skills, when there are no jobs available?” (GO Medellín). As an interviewee put it: “The problem is not children engaging with armed groups. The problem is children not finding a respectable position in the world they live in” (GO Medellín).

1.4. Financial aspects That the conflict has not always been recognized by the government has subsequently made it more difficult for organisations to obtain international financing. This makes long term financial security difficult, which in turn makes continuity and follow-up work arduous (e.g. NGO Bogotá) and allows less means for individual attention (Coalico, 2010). In a conflict situation like Colombia, long-term economic support is important, so the population cannot only be helped during the acute crisis, but also in the reconstruction of a better society, which is often more energy, time and money intensive than bridging the crisis (e.g. UNHCR, 2010). In a conflict context a quick-fix does not offer a suitable solution (Vargas-Barón, 2010). Often organisations are dependent of yearly projects and staff must continuously look for more funding (NGO Bogotá). When the financing stops, so does the programme (NGO Bogotá). As a consequence of financing changing and programmes closing down, there are also rotations of staff working in projects (NGO Bogotá; GO Bogotá). In some cases, there are few professionals to attend to a high amount of children, for financial reasons but also due to a lack of policy clarity. An interviewee explained: “There’s one professional attending 120 children in psychosocial support”. She consequently wondered to what extent depth and follow-up in this support is possible (NGO Bogotá). Furthermore, the programme is too bureaucratic rather than being concentrated on the wellbeing of the children (Coalico & Coalition, 2007). Organisations thus need to try and implement a sustainable project capable of continuing work when the project no longer receives further financial support (NGO Bogotá). An additional problem is

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programmes not ensuring follow-up could cause an opposite effect and turn out harmful. A staff member explained: “So we attempt to empower the community as a whole to make the help we offer sustainable” (NGO Bogotá). Another financial aspect is that support varies between regions. As the departmental development reports state, there is no or little money on departmental level to invest in the programmes (ODDR, 2011). Nevertheless, in some regions (e.g. Medellín) the municipality invests money in programmes whereby additional complementary programmes can be set up like programmes for children disengaging from gangs or additional support for the reinsertion programme for youngsters above the age of 18 and adults (NGO Medellín). Besides this, financial donors are often very demanding. An example is that there usually is a financing per project, whereby it must be very clear what the funding is for. An interviewee explained an example could be that the feedback report needs to state “organisation x funded six workshops and organisation y funded four workshops”. For NGOs the ideal situation is to become selfmanaging, independent of external financing, whereby certainty of continuity and growth can be assured (NGO Bogotá). What sometimes can seem a negative consequence of external financing are the many reports that have to be sent in. Staff complained this increases their administrative workload, while more work in the field is preferable and necessary. Although other organisations (e.g. NGO Bogotá) advocate that their years of experience writing reports makes the work easier and it also helps them to produce knowledge, to systematize knowledge in information, to share knowledge with the staff, and to ameliorate their methodologies and work. “If [financing] organisations did not require reporting, we would require it for ourselves” (NGO Bogotá). On the other hand, it becomes a problem when donors impose their mindset. An interviewee noted “the Western European mind is trauma-orientated, we do not think in that way” (NGO Bogotá). Some donors are very rigid and want the workshop of a certain kind and on such a topic, which does not always answer the needs of young people. Moreover, all funding is for direct work with children, but the staff also need possibilities for training and a continuous professional development (e.g. NGO Bogotá; NGO Medellín).

2. Programme 2.1. Participant specific As mentioned throughout various interviews, because of the change in dynamics and the changes in armed group, the state should not treat children disengaged from new emergent groups differently from children disengaged from armed

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groups, and further clarity should be brought upon this aspect (e.g. NGO Bogotá). A lawyer pointed out: If initially an armed group is not recognized, as anticipated by the international human rights for Colombia, then these children are not victims of recruitment, and they are not going to get possibilities of participation in the disengagement programme. Then they are looking for a treatment for children that have problems with the penal law, in conflict with the penal law, so they are not treated as victims of recruitment, but rather as delinquents, as perpetrators (NGO Bogotá). Because paramilitary groups so to speak no longer exist, children no longer engage with paramilitary armed groups. Following this logic, it can be said that the amount of minors used for criminality has increased (NGO Bogotá). Legally, they will obviously get a distinct treatment, but in which way these children should be treated remains unclear (NGO Bogotá). Hereby, some organisations involve them and others (mostly governmental organisations) do not. Although they are not always easy to identify, doors should also be opened for children who disengaged informally from armed groups. How best to approach, support, and fulfil their rights (NGO Bogotá)? Nevertheless, as a social worker lined out, they might not need support. He explained the institutionalized governmental programme to be noxious: “The ones I know that succeeded in life, left the ICBF programme [prematurely]’ (NGO Bogotá).

2.2. Age specific The governmental programme is formally for children up to the age of 18 years old. In recent years, children over 18 whose rights have not been fulfilled can continue a process in the governmental programme for adults. These programmes have the aim to complement the work of the insertion programme for minors with what the youngsters further want in their life (GO Medellín). A social worker expressed that one of the problems (in the past) was that not all the phases of the governmental programme had been fulfilled properly. For example, there were children whose identity papers were not in order (without these papers they could not enrol in school) and children had open juridical processes (NGO Bogotá). There needs to be clarity on what is going to happen after minors turn 18 years old. As an interviewee noted, the support may officially stop (and in some cases adolescents remain in programmes even after the age of 18 years old), but their life goes on (NGO Bogotá). Therewithal, it is practically impossible to put a time limit on the insertion process. A researcher pointed out: “An

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insertion or integration of eight months for example is too short” (Univ/Res Bogotá). Furthermore, a problem with the programme for adults is that there is no differentiation made between an 18-year-old and an older adult, but as a psychologist explained: “There is a fundamental difference. The adult is considered a perpetrator, a child is considered a victim” (GO Medellín).

2.3. Institutionalization Institutionalization of the programme should be avoided. An interviewee noted: If you look at the international literature, like the Oslo Agreements on the protection of children. Increasingly, the recommendations state: “Listen, do not institutionalize children. Do not institutionalize. It is not the best way. It is not the best way the restoration of their rights is ensured. Use sociofamilial models. Integrate them more into the social dynamics through the families”. Now, because of the issue of violence it would be the same, boys and girls threatened by violence. The country then booted institutional models but with variations, but with awareness that it was not the best way. But there was also the question: “What other way is there, when the country is still the situation of confrontations and children cannot return to their communities because there is pressure from armed groups in conflict?” And some of them, when they escape, this is shown by statistics, 80% escapes from the groups and are considered military targets (IO Bogotá). Similarly, according to Coalico (2010) there is need for a higher degree of family integration or foster care when the family cannot be involved for previously stated reasons.

2.4. Communication There is a lack of communication between organisations concerning children entering the governmental programme. On the one hand this has security reasons. On the other hand, organisations and NGOs who have been part of the process get no feedback information about psychosocial support and methodologies that are used in the attention toward children disengaged from armed groups (NGO Bogotá). As stated in different departmental developmental reports (ODDR, 2011), there is need for more interinstitutional and intersectional coordination to strengthen programmes, ensure more follow-up, continuity, and complementarity (ODDR, 2011).

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Furthermore, there is a need for communication and coordination between the different centres in the programme (transition homes, specialized care centres, youth houses) and a better integration of other agencies with these (Coalico, 2010). On another level, there is a lack of communication towards children. We will come back to this issue in section 4.2. on programme insecurity.

2.5. Follow-up An interviewee noted the lack of adequate follow-up provides insufficient guarantee for a real restoration of their rights and integration into society (GO Bogotá). Up to 25% of the individuals involved do not complete the programme and many relapse into their old lives and return to life in an armed group (Coalico & Coalition, 2007). Once the programme ends and the children become independent, they have no support network to replace it. Moreover, society is not ready for them (Coalico, 2010). An example of a project aiming to obviate this is a programme gradually lowering the intensity of meetings from once a week, to once every second week, to once every month, and eventually once every three months (CDAG), whereby the intensity lowers (according to the process of the child) but the children stay in longer contact with the organisation.

2.6. Avoiding assistentialism An interviewee pointed out: “There is a difference between assistentialism and repair. It is more effective to empower them by improving their skills which they gain from on the long term” (NGO Bogotá). As we will come back to in section 4.1. on children’s needs, the participation and active decision making of children is an important part of their process (IO Bogotá). When assistential support is offered, children do not search or develop a new form of living and they are put into a position of dependency (NGO Bogotá). An example is when children receive financial support according to the amount of activities that they attend (NGO Bogotá), reflecting the idea: “You have to make an effort to obtain something” (GO Pasto). See also section 4.2. on problems of financing of the programme. A lawyer explained that children do not always want to enter the programme for children disengaged from armed groups offered by the government: Because it is a closed programme. They go from being in an armed group, where they have control, where they have blocs, their troops, they have money, they have power, they have weapons… and they enter a programme

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where all these things are taken away from them. They have to submit to the programme, to the rules of the programme. The programme gives them everything, it is very assistential, it gives them everything. They give them humanitarian help, they give them the coda, the give them the productive product… so there are many children that leave the programme. Many children withdraw from the programme (NGO Bogotá). When they leave the programme, institution or organisation, they have no alternatives to what they used to have - they are not empowered to deal with life. They are not prepared for reinsertion into civil society. This sometimes results in them engaging with a new armed group or returning to the armed group they have disengaged from (NGO Bogotá) (See also chapter four and five). Talking about empowering children, psychologists from NGOs explained: “We want to avoid the dependency of people with whom we work. We want people to empower themselves, and with the same skills and capabilities as they themselves already have” (NGO Bogotá). Wessells and Jonah (2006) also stipulated that dependency on external sources of income is a great challenge in such programmes. According to another interviewee: They also need to be empowered in being better human beings… with the capacity to see what are their human rights, to be able to strengthen certain abilities and competences so they can guarantee their rights won’t be violated and also… so they’re able to cope with disadvantageous surroundings and difficult situations (NGO Bogotá).

3. Experiences staff 3.1. Flexibility As mentioned in chapter six, flexibility is paramount when attending children to follow the transformations of the dynamics children go through. As an example, a social worker explained how even when silence is imposed on them as a strategy, there is space for movement. He explained that when a curfew is set, there are alternative ways of crossing the line, like how their organisation once went to play music in the neighbourhood after curfew, crossing the silence limitations in a public and inarguable positive way (NGO Bogotá). He noted: Youth have to learn to take charge of their own lives. They should see they are never completely with their back against the wall. They should see there is always room for action so that they don’t allow themselves to be

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submitted. To let them see I’m not condemned to shut up. So they see I can name, that I can speak, that I can act. So they find sources within themselves to overcome adversities in their lives (NGO Bogotá). A coordinator of an NGO explained how through their twenty years of existence, they have not only changed their focus group, but they have also changed their methodologies. The organisation is continuously rethought, renurtured, looking for more knowledge. “It is very important to evaluate the different processes. So you can see what helps them [i.e. children], where we have to change things, methodology, logistics. It is not standardized. In a project we did last year, we learn and change things for the draft this year” (NGO Bogotá).

3.2. Continuous development and growth Being flexible and being able to adapt methodologies, also requires continuous developing and learning, as a psychologist from an NGO explained: We also participate in trainings, we study to change and learn in order to improve the support we offer. Sometimes, we have a day to reflect on our processes. It is not an individual job. It’s a team effort; we all pass through the learning stage (NGO Bogotá). There are also organisations training staff from other organisations. They transfer their experiences of working with children and in doing so not only offer knowledge, but by sharing experiences they learn a lot themselves (NGO Bogotá), this moreover strengthens ties between organisations (Arias, 2005). As an interviewee pointed out: “We need to stay up-to-date” (NGO Cartagena).

3.3. Overload The staff of organisations have to cope with both an emotional overload and a work overload. Thus, some organisations have programmes like “Support to support” whereby staff do activities to unload, by going away on a weekend (e.g. NGO Medellín). A researcher criticized the staff in the governmental programme by stating: These are people who have mechanized attention to youth. I mean; one more, one more and ready. There is no attention; they do not differentiate the youngsters from one another. Every youngster functions differently, in therapeutic terms in family term, in terms of ... in every way (Univ/Res Bogotá).

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This may be related to the fact that there is too little staff to be able to offer adequate attention. On the other hand it may be due to an emotional workload, whereby staff do not have the capacities to cope with the children adequately. Moreover, there is a constant pressure that children’s outcome is dependent on the programme functioning. A social worker explained: “Every time the programme fails in something, or makes a mistake, it brings the children closer to delinquency” (NGO Bogotá). Staff also live in a conflict situation, and are not indemnified from threats. Social organisations are continuously threatened from relatively innocent actions like selective thefts, whereby computers and other materials are stolen, to more serious actions like the murder of a staff member. During my fieldwork, two meetings were cancelled due to this and many more of the organisations explained that they had been confronted with threats in the past. During one meeting, I noticed somebody was following us around from a certain distance, I found it strange, until the interviewee explained this was his bodyguard. Recently, another interviewee’s co-worker was accidently murdered during an attack towards him. Though the people concerned explained they have to continue working, because stopping is like giving in. Furthermore, organisations reporting violations to children’s rights are seen as being cooperating with the enemy and are treated as an inimical threat (IO Bogotá). In addition, people that denounce violations have no guarantee of protection, so violations become part of daily life (NGO Medellín). As a psychologist from an organisation explained: Not me, but others in the organisation have been threatened in the past. A few men came up to her [i.e. a co-worker] and told them to leave [they were visiting a village]. You can’t do anything against that. There have also been others that have gotten threats without knowing from whom, although you do presume it. When getting such threats it’s hard to know what to do, but you’re better off obeying, because they do act out their threats (NGO Bogotá). An organisation offering support to staff of social organisations pointed out that when one member of the organisation has problems like being threatened, it affects the whole team. In that sense, there is need for support towards the whole team (NGO Bogotá). A psychologist explained it is kind of part of the job: For us it’s also difficult. When taking on such a job, you also take on the risks that go with it. If I would have another job, it would look so much more surreal, but now it’s reality. First of all, we carry all that with us, but we also carry all the stories we hear along with us. Their [i.e. children’s] hard lives and heavy stories. It’s not always easy, as you know. What helps me deal with it all it the warmth of my family, just being with them, the feeling of security (NGO Bogotá).

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4. Children’s experiences 4.1. Children’s Needs: Children in search of… 4.1.1. Alternatives Organisations realize children are not being offered alternatives in society for engaging with armed groups. They need to be offered alternatives and referents. Only telling them they cannot engage with an armed group does not withhold them from doing so (NGO Medellín; ODDR, 2011). The needs of the children go further than psychosocial support: “They need proper education, guarantee of public services and infrastructure among others…That the offer of the armed group not be seductive, the seductive should be the other [option]” (psychologist NGO Medellín). A programme coordinator explained the needs of children: Alternatives to the Mafioso culture that is portrayed highly in popular television soaps. They need to be offered positive referents and positive acknowledgment. An example of this can be organising alternative cinema projects where youth have an active voice in the organisation (IO Bogotá). Several interviewees pointed out children have no say in society; they feel like they are being excluded. Offering them alternatives includes allowing their input of voice (e.g. IO Bogotá). According to a girl disengaged from an armed group it is important for children to claim their rights and develop meaning in life (CDAG). Another girl hereby explained how she wants a different future for her children, with different circumstances than the ones she has lived (CDAG).

4.1.2. Autonomy and identity As mentioned in previous chapters, children go through a process of identity search. An interviewee explained: Building autonomy in these children is one of the biggest challenges, a critical way of thinking, but also a way of thinking that permits the growth of autonomy… In the armed group ​​decisions were made for them, they were guaranteed everything. They leave, and the government does the same, as if they changed owner, boss. Our job is to show them they are their own boss. That they start to think for themselves (NGO Bogotá).

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Another interviewee explained: In general with all youngsters... the topic of their identities: the youngsters are looking for that identity: “Who am I in the world?” Yes? They want to define their gender roles, their roles in the groups. They want to have boyfriends and girlfriends. They want to integrate, to learn ... to build their identities. But they want recognition. And a recognition that doesn’t only have a negative connotation. For the negative things, consequences of life they have to live. So how to build an identity and positive recognition? And then they want to participate actively (IO Bogotá). In the past, the programme has been criticized because children learn to act in the armed groups without thinking and throughout the programme they are inadequately trained and supported for independent thought and action. For example, a social worker explained how children never learned how to deal with money. These mundane things are necessary so that the support children received has long term benefits (NGO Bogotá). A psychologist mentioned children come with many resources, skills, talents, but are not aware of it (NGO Bogotá). Organisations need to help children strengthen their abilities to overcome difficulties, construct their life plan and build constructive relationships (IO Bogotá). Unicef’s ‘Return to Happiness’ project showed that this can help children to strongly identify with civil society (McClure & Retamal, 2010). A member of an NGO explained: “The effort we make daily is to make it possible that each child can discover their own individual power, their own ability, and are able to overcome this social victimization” (Benposta, n.d.). Furthermore, various interviewees mentioned confidence is a key aspect for children. Related to this, a psychologist explained that this also had consequences for the “armed body” (Salgado, 2011 see chapter four, section 5.1.3.): “when they disengage their weapon is taken away from them, they are nobody and nothing” (GO Medellín). Wessells and Jonah (2006) mentioned children disengaged from armed groups maintain their militarized identity and revert to violence as means of meeting their basic needs and desires for power, wealth and identity. Transforming the militarized identity forms a challenging element to work on. An interviewee remarked organisations should deal with “how to transform their identity of warrior, how to support them in participating in society, how to let them be acknowledged by society” (IO Bogotá). Just like Salgado (2011) demonstrated, this forms part of the military culture which broadens the identity to a higher (community) level. When speaking to children disengaged from armed groups about how they had changed throughout the programme, they spoke about physical aspects like their posture, their strict look, their frowned eyebrows, up to the colour of their

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hair (CDAG). These physical changes can be seen in the mindset of letting go of and transforming the “armed body”. According to an interviewee “self-confidence is important to successfully work on other aspects, like education; so they [i.e. children] believe they can reach higher up” (GO Pasto). Research on autonomy has shown self-confidence, self-respect, and self-esteem are important qualities to act autonomously (Mackenzie, 2008). Kagitcibasi (2011) interestingly linked agency (autonomy versus heteronomy) and interpersonal distance (relatedness versus separation) whereby she argued both autonomy and relatedness are universal basic needs (though their manifestations and interface may show variation). Furthermore, Kagitcibasi (2011) suggested they are not attained automatically but need to be nurtured. Sanford also (2006) found in her research involving peace communities in Colombia, that new modes of agency and citizen participation are necessary for peace resolution and for community reconstruction and as mentioned earlier, may in turn foster resilience.

4.1.3. Belonging When asked what children needed, a coordinator explained that they need a combined potion of paternity and maternity: “A dose of control and authority with a dose of love and fondness and kindness, accompaniment, pedagogical follow-up” (NGO Medellín). Just as Estrada et al. (2006) explained a support figure to be important, children themselves noted that “the support of people during the process is very important” (CDAG). According to a psychologist, having a significant person in their life that offers children fundamental acceptance, who they can count on at all times is essential (NGO Bogotá). “They are girls and boys in search of affect, that are looking for relationships, they are looking to be accepted and acknowledged” (NGO Bogotá). In the first place, many children mentioned their family (see chapter 6, section 2. Family), but also teachers, staff from organisation, and friends who support them and give them advice (CDAG). Talking about staff, a girl mentioned: “You get attached to them” and staff members become significant people in children’s lives (CDAG).

4.1.4. Involvement and recognition A psychologist explained how they involve children in the work they do by asking them about their needs concerning the programme and support during activities, formally and informally. “Before starting a workshop sequence, a preliminary workshop was organised to question their wishes and needs; going from what they’d like to eat to what issues they’d like to attend to during workshops” (NGO Bogotá). In relation to involving children, another psychologist

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asked: “How can we take decisions about children without their involvement? They should be engaged in public policy making, they have to be respected, just like they have to respect adults” (GO Medellín). Children lack a positive social role in civilian life (Wessells & Jonah, 2006) and find it important to be treated as an equal, receiving responsibility (Benposta, n.d.), to become autonomous and become part of society in an active way (NGO Bogotá). Moreover, belonging and involvement enhance experiencing recognition in society (Margulis & Urresti, 1996). Considering belongingness may have important implications for psychosocial wellbeing (Sargent, Williams, Hagerty, Lynch-Sauer, & Hoyle, 2002) and may play a key role in the attention towards children and prevention of children engaging with armed groups, this may be an important aspect to be considered for further research.

4.2. Problems during the programme 4.2.1 Financial aspects Children mentioned the financial support they receive through the reinsertion programme to be very important to them (CDAG). One boy even mentioned he goes to the workshops once a month so he can continue economic support. Children are given economic support in condition they attend capacitating workshops (NGO Bogotá). The question here may arise what the motive of the children to attend these workshops is: do they solely have an external motivation of money, or do they also have an internal motivation of developing, empowering, and learning? Coalico (2010) wrote that children are “spoiled” whereby rights become benefits and support is taken for granted. As a result, the legal and political reasons for leaving the war are lost. Various staff members explained children do not realize the limits of the programmes. For example, a psychologist explained how a boy talked about how the president is paying for his education (NGO Bogotá). An interviewee noted: “The kids do not ask themselves why they receive governmental support. They expect to be paid for their education and such, but they do not wonder where that comes from or why” (NGO Bogotá).

4.2.2. Adapting A coordinator of a centre for specialized attention explained the major difficulties they encounter with children are on values of conviviality as well as the rules and norms of the house, such as smoking inside the building. Furthermore, not everyone can adapt adequately to a new city or region (Univ/Res Bogotá), which was previously mentioned in chapter six on attention for ethnic differences. As

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an example, children from rural origins who displace to the city have difficulties because they usually have a lot of labour experience concerning rural work, but have no experience that can be useful to them in the city (NGO Bogotá).

4.2.3. Stigmatization and discrimination According to Defensoría del Pueblo (2006), one of the problems children disengaged from armed groups encounter during integration is stigmatization (see also Wessells & Jonah, 2006). An interviewee explained: “Because for some people it isn’t easy to live or work with a demobilized. They have to learn that demobilized are people like us, but who made a distinct decision in life” (GO Pasto). Most of the children explained the majority of the people in their environment did not know anything about their past. A boy said he was received well after disengaging because people did not know he had been engaged with an armed group. He thinks it is easier and better for them not to know as they would become wary (CDAG). A girl also explained that she is scared of being discriminated and so she does not tell others about her engagement with an armed group.

4.2.4. Programme insecurity As noted previously, communication between organisations is important, but children also find communication towards them important (Other). Estrada et al. (2006) found that clarity for children about the process as well as the norms and values was important when entering the insertion programme. Moreover, children expressed that the insecurity towards the ending of the programme was difficult. A boy explained he finds it important to know his rights within the programme: What will happen after the support? Where does the support stop? The questions are ongoing and unclear to him (this issue is linked to the problem of age limits; see section 2.2. of this chapter). This insecurity problem is also due to the change in politics. A boy said that people returned to armed groups because they were unsure about the support they were going to get as the rules would become increasingly strict from a political point of view (CDAG). These conversations were held a few months after change of presidency, whereby the discourse on the conflict slightly changed with the change in politic reign. Another important value for children is false promises from organisations. It is very disappointing for them when they are guaranteed something which is later not fulfilled, and they seem to generalize it easily towards other organisations and situation. A girl mentioned: “For example they promise excursions but never do it” (CDAG). Finally, the ongoing conflict also brings insecurity for children. In some cases, they have to displace to another area. An interviewee explained: “Some

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participants do not want to move but they have to because of security reasons”. Consequentially, they have to adapt to the new area again and are followed-up by different professionals (GO Pasto).

4.3. Outcome A boy explained there was no general explanation for the difference in outcome between children ending up in delinquency or not, he considered the outcome to be very personal. An NGO coordinator noted: It also happens that there are some who are looking for a comfortable life and they start drug trafficking to have money. Just like there are others who stay [and] study... there are others who want to join the army. The way in which the story ends has to do with their previous history. If a kid has a family, and has a partner, already has a child, he[/she] no longer wants to return into this [armed groups]. He[/she] wants to develop and makes many efforts to move forward. But if a kid has nothing to support it, a family, a partner... he[/she] keeps looking for commotion that supports them (NGO Bogotá). Besides the many efforts to try and understand why and how children engage with armed groups, and how the reinsertion processes can be facilitated, identifying how and why some children are able to (re)insert into society successfully may also be important for future research (Vargas-Barón, 2010).

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Chapter 8

Final reflections Many specialists believe that during conflict it is close to impossible to develop policies or guidelines to deal with human rights, social protection and development issues. It is often said that the solution to victims of war is ending war. Just like the solution to the “problem” of child soldiers - not considered a peacetime phenomenon (Gates & Reich, 2010) - is having no war in which children can be involved (Brett & Specht, 2004; Gates & Reich, 2010). Rather than trying to stop children from being used in wars, it makes far more sense to try to stop the wars themselves (Mack, 2010). Nevertheless, worldwide there are estimates of up to 300,000 children engaged with armed groups (Macmillan, 2009). In different countries programmes are being set up for children returning from armed groups with the aim to rehabilitate and reintegrate them into society. The mindset or assumption behind such programmes is physically and psychologically recovering children who were (forcibly) engaged with armed groups, and preparing them to return to a post-war society. In the situation of Colombia, where there hitherto is no post-conflict situation, this mindset is a paradox as our research findings show us society is often part of the reasons causing children to engage with armed groups in the first place. Though many economic and human efforts are being put into the reinsertion processes, and authors like Vargas-Barón (2010) mentioned Colombia is an impressive example of a programme implementation during conflict situations, the findings presented in this book indicate that the reinsertion programme operates as a band aid on a bleeding wound. Up to nearly five thousand children have gone through the programme (ICBF, 2010), which is an underrepresented number considering many more thousands remain in the armed groups, are at risk of and continue to engage with armed groups, and have informally disengaged from armed groups and are subsequently “lost” in society. Furthermore, as has been noted in the literature (e.g. Gates & Reich; 2010), this book demonstrates many more children are profoundly affected by war than there are children active in armed groups. When supporting children through their insertion processes into society, our findings showed us it is crucial to understand what brought them to engage with armed groups in the first place, or in other words, what led them to ”leave society”. Though a lot of research has been conducted on the topic, many interviewees mentioned that there is still need for a better understanding. In Colombia, 80% of the children engaged with armed groups say they have done so voluntarily. Others mention children’s engagement with armed groups should always be regarded as forced (see chapter four). But does decision making

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influenced by lack of options and the need for survival - from one’s own stance - take away agency and make it forced? What does this mean for their insertion process? Should children be treated as victims that need help, as traumatized patients that need rehabilitation, as perpetrators that need punishment or even otherwise? This book challenges these categorizations. Related to this are some questions raised by McMahan (2010, p. 27): “Do conditions of ignorance and duress in which child soldiers normally act ever make their action morally permissible, even if the war in which they are fighting is unjust and even if they commit war crimes? Might it be that even though they act wrongly, they are fully exculpated by their nature as children, in conjunction with the conditions in which they act? Can they be seen as morally responsible agents at all? Can they deserve punishment or blame?” Indeed, a child’s responsibility is often regarded as diminished. McMahan (2010) stated only voluntary action can generate liability, but in many cases of child soldiers, the capacity for moral agency is considered as absent or has been systematically subverted. He argued it seems most reasonable to contemplate a child soldier (in general) as a person who has a diminished capacity for morally responsible agency and who acts in conditions that further diminishes her/his personal responsibility for her/his actions in war (McMahan, 2010). Though the cut-off age of the Colombian governmental reinsertion programme is 18 years, our findings also show that the margin between child and adult of 18 years old as a strict limit is debatable: what is the difference between the capacity for moral responsible agency of a 17-year-old “child” and an 18-year-old “adult”? Research findings concerning this topic remain divided. On the one hand, it shows children living in the midst of violence show lower levels of moral reasoning, while other research show that the moral development of these children was not negatively affected. This is connected to the question of whether children are actually being treated differently in the armed groups. Do combatants restrain in fighting child soldiers for example? And if so, is this out of justice or mercy (McMahan, 2010)? What about if commanders regard children as having adequate decision-making abilities, emotional maturity, and psychological stability (Chikuhwa, 2010), then what does it mean to treat them as victims without such characteristics when they come out? What does this mean for children’s subjectivity? And what does it mean for the society they return to? Though children are regarded as victims through the support they receive, our findings show society is reluctant in receiving them so. Wainryb and Pasupathi (2008) conducted research in Bogotá with displaced children, and found that despite children’s appalling experiences, they develop moral concepts. Important herein was the negotiation of the view of themselves and others as moral agents in relation to specific experiences of victimization and perpetration.

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Understanding these discourses are important on the legal and policy level, but are also relevant on the individual, familial and societal level as it has consequences for the arrival of disengaged children in the community. What is the impact on the social field? The discourses determine (partly) how society (including communities, policy makers, NGOs…) look at these groups and what kind of support is (not) created. Besides, how children identify themselves (whether they joined voluntarily or not) could also have an influence on how they evaluate their participation and possibly also its impact on their insertion processes and their well-being. In their research for example, Wainryb and Pasupathi (2008) found that in the narratives of displaced children, when telling a story of perpetration, the focus was on the idea that their perpetration turned them into victims. The authors argued reconciling children with their experiences is a challenge, because they must integrate their violent and aggressive experiences without denying their own moral agency and without adopting a sense of themselves as amoral or immoral. They need to end up with a sense that they are moral agents and that they are also capable of doing the right thing (Wainryb & Pasupathi, 2008). The findings of our study show these aspects are important challenges, especially considering how the militarized culture has “invaded” children’s identity, and transforming this identity is important for a sustainable reinsertion. Vargas-Barón (2010) stressed the partnership between civil society (including NGOs, community development organisations, universities, institutes…) and the government (local, regional and national) are critically important in settings of conflict. In the context of Colombia, we wonder what this may mean when governmental institutions are part of the conflict. In this case can such reinsertion programmes be seen as part of peace building? Building peace during conflict by “rehabilitating” alienated children and reinserting them back into society? Or could it rather be seen as part of a war strategy as was mentioned on various occasion by our research participants (chapter five)? As noted earlier, Gutiérrez Sanín (2010) suggested the participation of children in war can be seen as symptoms of support towards armed groups from different levels of the social layers, implying social inclusion, and a moral and political victory of armed groups. In the same way, the disengagement of children and involving them in governmental programmes can equally be seen in the frame of a war strategy. Up to now the insertion programme has been centralized by a governmental body (ICBF), certain participants of this research questioned the political meaning behind this. Would a more decentralized structure take away the possible political agenda behind it? The dynamics of the Colombian conflict, whereby our findings show even organisations are targeted and operate in a context of insecurity, causes cooperation to seem a hardly feasible challenge on the one hand but an extremely necessary one on the other hand. Furthermore, Springer (2010) mentioned it is not solely the responsibility of the national government

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(or ICBF in this case) to fulfil children’s rights but territorial authorities, families, private sectors, and society in general should also play their role. Our findings suggest that to spread this responsibility, society needs the opportunity to do so with support focusing on a broader structural level. To use the words of an interviewee: They [i.e. researchers] were pathologizing the situation. They were responsabilizing the subject of engagement. They were focusing on “Why are you going?”, “What was going on?” The questions were referring to individual experiences of the subject which in this case is a child or a youngster. On the other hand the researchers ended up decontextualizing the situation of engagement because we are in an armed conflict. And I think that is the starting point on which each attention and prevention programme should build on. […] We’re in an armed conflict, there are armed groups who have recruitment policies and there are social, economic, cultural conditions that also generate the engagement of children and youngsters with armed groups (NGO, Bogotá). Specific attention towards children disengaged from armed groups fits into the discourse of post-conflict situation (at times a dominant governmental discourse): phasing out the armed groups and the governmental institutions fulfilling the rights of the children (in contrast to the armed groups who violate their rights). They receive (inter)national financing for it and show the international community they’re doing the right thing, namely fulfilling the rights of children. By doing so, they are strengthening the discourse of good (government) versus bad (irregular armed groups), which is not necessarily always true for children who were engaged in the armed groups on a voluntary basis for a large number of years. An additional problem encountered in this research, is that organisations depend on financing agencies, and need the problem (in this case children disengaged from armed groups as a specific population in need) to continue to exist. Understanding why children join armed groups, why armed groups recruit children, why children leave armed groups, and what problems they face after leaving helps craft policies to reduce child soldiering (Ames, 2010). However, organisations participating in this research seemed to lack alternative approaches towards children disengaged from armed groups: looking outside the pull and push risk factors. These social explanations are often inherent to children’s conditions and can explain why joining makes sense, but not why a minority joins, while the rest refrain or why child recruitment is higher in certain armed groups (Gutiérrez Sanín, 2010). Though these multiple causations demonstrate child soldiering should be tackled as a multifaceted, difficult and complex problem (Vargas-Barón, 2010) linking microsocial and macrosocial

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processes (Wessells & Jonah, 2006), there is a lack of alternative approaches like the “armed body” elaborated by Salgado (2011; see chapter four) which focus more on a societal structural explanation, and demonstrate the importance of tackling child soldiering as a phenomenon within a much broader context. In the current programme lines the role of society and public policy is lacking to a large extent. Due to the cyclical violence the Colombian population has suffered (VargasBarón, 2010), a culture of violence has developed. This book demonstrated that child soldiering is only one aspect of this. The consequences of the conflict situation spill over from one generation to the next. Trauma healing, conflict resolution (e.g. territorial aspects), and individual, familial and community reconciliation are essential measures for inhibiting the intergenerational conscription of children into armed groups. Within this culture of violence, as McClure and Retamal (2010) mentioned, the problem is no longer solely one of civil rights, but a larger problem of generational survival; “The problem of child soldiers is not an engineering problem to be fixed by technically competent people […]. It cannot be fixed by building more schools or offering more workshops, short-term training programmes educational quality standards or individual therapy. Nor is it a problem of access. There is a need to strengthen social and cultural capital formation” (McClure & Retamal, 2010). Different chapters in this book put forward that there is need for broader attention towards children to help or participate in structurally changing society instead of dealing with marginal phenomena. By “fulfilling” the rights of children disengaged from armed groups, marginal phenomena are being “mended”, but the broader structural problem (of which the children are part of) is not being attended to. Children’s rights in general should be tackled on a structural level. Our findings show the reinsertion programme, offering children disengaged from armed group possibilities and support on many different levels, should take place after - or at least during - a structural transformation, focusing on offering these children a society where engaging with armed groups is not an evident option. This raises the question of what insertion efforts are actually being put into the situation of children disengaged from armed groups by the Colombian society and its institutions. What all respondents in this research agreed on is that children’s rights should be fulfilled. Doubts occurred concerning the delineating of fulfilling these rights to a certain group of children. This is especially apparent since the threshold for children engaging with armed groups seems so low and there is a strong intertwinedness of these children and children who have not engaged with armed groups (as demonstrated in chapters three and four). Furthermore, focusing solely on empowering children means withdrawing the responsibility of social structure, society, organisations, and the government. Attention towards children disengaged from armed groups is high, but the attention towards other

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children, networks, and communities in that support is out of balance. Though our findings show discourses of how society leans on this, how discourses are connected to the support offered needs further research. Altering the attention from children disengaged from armed groups would possibly result in stigmatizing the context instead of these children. Treating children (disengaged from armed groups) as objects of intervention ignores social order and social relations. The question may be raised as to whether insertion processes should concentrate on transforming these children or whether it may be more appropriate to focus on transforming the social environment they live in. The message would no longer be that the problem lies within the child, but that the problem lies within the child’s context. What should programmes set out to do? Is it sufficient to change how these children stand in the world? Or is there need to change the world they stand in? The problem would be seen as one of massive social failure (McClure & Retamal, 2010) with the solution being a movement from individual treatment towards community support. The findings indicate materialistic change is insufficient, and that discourse and structural change is equally necessary. The fundamental question of this book is what is considered to be a successful insertion process of children disengaged from armed groups? When is a programme considered successful at doing so? The results of this research show it seems insufficient to temporarily “salve” an individual’s situation. Hence, should the goals not transcend this? This book demonstrates the great amount of effort towards children’s reinsertion processes and the literature also shows there are many successful stories of children going through these programmes (e.g. Santiago, 2007; McCausland, 2010), thus these programmes help individuals to a certain degree. Though efforts have come far, they should continue and broaden their course, and in the first place this means monitoring and reporting abuses against children in the context of armed conflict like killing or maiming children; recruiting or using child soldiers; attacking schools or hospitals; raping or otherwise gravely violating children sexually; abducting children; denying humanitarian access for children (Chikuhwa, 2010). The findings demonstrated that the dynamics of the Colombian conflict provoke silencing and the covering up of violated rights. Although one important aim of this research project was to export the experiences of the Colombian insertion programmes to other countries in similar situations, Alvarez-Correa and Aguirre (2001) mention it is essential, when transferring a reinsertion programme from one context to another, to identify what the nature of the conflict is (religious, socioeconomic or economic, racial, ethnic) as this will (partly) determine the motives for engaging with (and disengaging from) armed groups. As outlined in chapter four, they mention that in the Colombian case children more often engage for socioeconomic reasons (money, family abandonment). Throughout the wide range of research on children

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engaged with and disengaged from armed groups, there is a strong focus on the reasons leading children to do so. Throughout the literature it becomes clear that these reasons are dynamic, changing over time, and are context specific. Thus, these reasons are crucial to take into account. Furthermore, VargasBarón (2010) stressed the significance of assessing each country situation thoroughly, because each phase of a conflict can present different types of problems and opportunities for planning and implementing support services. Ames (2010) argued that within any context, it is important for research (and implementations) to remain up to date, as all contexts are in constant state of flux. Though this research demonstrates the importance of a context specific focus, Ames (2010) mentioned this complicates making generalities but at the same time it ensures a gain of accuracy of theoretical arguments. In doing so, she suggested organisations (and researchers) should coordinate their research (and support) so questions relating to similar topics and methodologies would be consistent. Ultimately, our findings demonstrate the importance of the social context of (potential) child soldiers, a lot of knowledge would be gained by involving the social context in research (Ames, 2010).

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Index A

Abduction, abducted children 13, 52, 54, 56, 96 Access to education 52, 57, 60, 62, 68, 78, 129, 175 Activities in armed groups 68, 101, 108, 111 Adolescence 47, 62, 93, 119, 170 Affective aspects of (dis)engagement 88, 89, 109, 151 Afrocolombian population 23, 40, 43, 46 Age differentiation 61, 178 Agency 73, 99, 167, 186 Annan, J. 111, 112 Anti-personnel mines 41, 46, 54, 59, 76, 99, 101, 103, 111, 173 Armed group sphere 85, 95 Assistentialism 118, 180 Autonomy 43, 50, 138, 170, 184, 186

B

Belonging 17, 88, 89, 90, 93, 95, 104, 186, 187 Betancourt, T.S. 21, 102, 110, 151, 164 Biderman, S. 94, 110, 123, 124 Blattman, C. 72, 111, 112, 113 Bogotá 25, 26, 41 Boyden, J. 21, 49, 51, 167

Index

C

Carmona Parra, J.A. 63, 64, 66, 71, 72, 78, 81, 83, 85, 91, 93, 94, 98, 99, 100, 101, 105, 106, 109, 123, 124, 152, 167, 171 Cartagena de Indias 23, 25, 26, 43, 46, 153 Childhood 49 Child labour 21, 68, 70, 74 Children in street situation 52, 114, 169 Children’s rights 52, 81, 82, 118, 128, 148, 158, 165, 166 Child soldiers 13, 16, 20, 21, 22, 64, 73, 86, 87, 99, 119, 120, 164, 167 Chronological age 51 Civil society 29, 35, 59 Coalición contra la vinculación de niños, niñas y jóvenes al conflicto armado en Colombia 44, 67, 77, 82, 101, 127, 176, 180 Coalition to stop the use of child soldiers 35, 67, 75, 77, 78, 82, 102, 119, 126, 127, 151, 162, 176, 180 Conflict dynamics 23, 27, 44 Criminal law 21 Culture differentiation 61

D

DDR 32, 33, 34, 127 Defensoría del Pueblo 36, 37, 41, 42, 52, 54, 58, 64, 65, 68, 76, 77, 86,

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92, 96, 103, 105, 110, 123, 135, 151, 170, 188 Departamento Administrativo Nacional de estadística (DANE) 39, 40, 41, 42, 45, 52, 57, 75 Disappeared children 52 Discourse 15, 16, 30, 32, 37, 68, 71, 73, 80, 84, 96, 97, 104, 108, 113, 141, 188 Conflict discourse 65, 174 Disengagement Collective 33, 108, 120, 123, 127 Individual 108, 123, 126, 127 Displacement 41, 43, 45, 46, 52, 58, 59, 60, 61, 74, 76, 78, 90, 91, 105, 136, 143, 146, 150, 153, 165 Diversity Poverty 41 Society 39, 42 Domestic violence 21, 44, 52, 62, 63, 64, 67, 70, 74, 88, 90, 91, 92, 95, 100, 109, 111, 113, 136, 146

E

Ecological approach 141, 149 Effects of engagement 110 Emotional availability 85, 89 Environment sphere 80, 94, 95 Exclusion, stigmatization 42, 43, 63, 65, 112, 146, 147, 164, 174, 176, 188

F

Falsos positivos 55 Family 66 Family reinsertion path 135 Family sphere 84, 144 Forced engagement 64 Forced recruitment 46, 53, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 119, 173 Formal disengagement 22, 24, 178 Future research 16, 19, 23, 24, 51, 61, 79, 80, 96, 100, 101, 114, 164, 187, 189

200

G

Gender 45, 61, 63, 64, 74, 106, 148, 158, 171, 172, 185 Gender differentiation 61 Girls 20, 24, 35, 46, 50, 54, 57, 63, 64, 71, 74, 76, 83, 86, 95, 100, 101, 103, 105, 106, 107, 109, 132, 136, 138, 152, 158, 165, 171, 172, 179, 186 Governmental reinsertion program 121, 123, 128, 141, 170, 175 Guerrilla 36 ELN 28, 36, 37, 41, 76, 77, 85, 120, 125, 126 FARC 28, 32, 36, 37, 41, 75, 76, 77, 79, 85, 105, 106, 120, 125, 126 Gutiérrez Sanín, F. 35, 77, 80, 81, 85, 87, 88, 89, 99, 101, 104, 105, 121, 124, 125, 193, 194

H

Human trafficking 37, 55, 57

I

Identity 30, 67, 81, 89, 90, 94, 125, 126, 129, 130, 144, 162, 163, 170, 178, 184, 185, 193 Ideological aspects 30, 86, 109, 124 Indigenous population 23, 27, 39, 45, 46, 50, 61, 67, 76, 86, 88, 107, 120, 136, 154, 160, 161, 162, 163, 165, 170 Informal disengagement 125, 126, 178 Institutional reinsertion path 132, 178, 179 Instituto Colombiano de Bienestar Familiar (ICBF) 16, 21, 73, 77, 82, 96, 102, 105, 117, 118, 119, 126, 127, 128, 129, 134, 135, 136, 152, 169, 178, 191, 193, 194 International attention 19 International Humanitarian law 97, 119, 165 International involvement 30, 31, 45, 70, 142, 154 International law 97, 120, 123, 170

Index

Julia Villanueva O’Driscoll, Gerrit Loots, Ilse Derluyn

J

Jaramillo, C.E. 20, 50, 75, 76, 86, 87, 96, 102, 103, 109 Justice and Peace law 34, 120, 153

K

Kalksma-Van Lith, B. 144

L

Law of victims 33

M

Machel, G. 21, 118, 119, 144 Marginalization 43, 45 Meaning of armed groups throughout engagement 101, 152 Meaning of armed groups throught engagement Medellín 25, 26, 42 Media 20, 60, 63, 75, 83, 84, 94, 107, 165 Military culture 82, 95 Motivation for disengaging 108, 151 Motivation for engaging 79

N

Narcotrafficking 30, 31, 34, 35, 37, 38, 44, 54, 56, 64, 65, 78, 81, 87, 89, 189 Naturalization of the conflict 53, 64, 69, 80, 82, 97, 104 New groups, emergent groups 37, 38, 41, 73, 77, 78, 127, 177

O

Observatorio de procesos de desarme, desmovilización y reintegración (ODDR) 21, 37, 38, 68, 74, 75, 85, 142, 177, 179, 184 Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child 119

P

Paramilitary groups 37 AUC 28, 32, 33, 39, 41, 77, 120, 121, 123, 125, 126, 127

Index

Pasto 25, 26 Perpetrator 15, 46, 55, 119, 150, 179 Plan Colombia 30, 31, 59, 70 Popular support 29, 32 Posttraumatic stress disorder 112, 206 Poverty 13, 16, 31, 40, 42, 43, 46, 47, 52, 57, 60, 62, 63, 65, 67, 79, 80, 82, 84, 90, 91, 94, 100, 113, 146, 157, 174, 175 Prevention 16, 68, 75, 79, 114, 130, 141, 142, 145, 146, 147, 148, 151, 154, 155, 158, 161, 187 Protection money 14, 75, 96 Protective factors 66, 67, 68, 146, 151, 160, 162 Public policy 61, 100, 158, 164, 187 Push and pull factors for disengaging 80, 108, 109 Push and pull factors for engaging 80, 94, 95, 114

R

Recognition 17, 40, 82, 88, 89, 93, 95, 104, 118, 138, 156, 161, 166, 185, 186, 187 Regular forces 35, 54, 77, 87, 109, 123, 124, 126, 153 Regular forcesmilitary presence 35, 81 Researcher 14 Resilience 21, 72, 112, 113, 128, 139, 146, 151, 156, 157, 167, 168 Richani, N. 27, 28, 30, 31, 36, 82 Risk factors 62, 67, 79, 136, 146 Role models 82, 83, 89, 95

S

San Juan de Pasto 45 Sensitization 16, 130, 138, 143, 147, 149, 159, 164 Sexual abuse 46, 52, 53, 54, 57, 59, 70, 78, 100, 105, 106, 107, 112, 143, 146, 152, 156, 171

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Sexual relations 105 Singer, P.W. 20, 49, 52, 61, 62, 76, 92, 103 Social age 51 Social conflict and violence 43 Social risk situations 74 Socioeconomic aspects 67 Sociogeographical situation 39 Sociopolitical situation 27, 69 Springer, N. 11, 21, 41, 44, 59, 61, 66, 68, 74, 75, 76, 77, 80, 82, 84, 85, 86, 87, 90, 91, 96, 98, 99, 100, 102, 103, 105, 111, 114, 122, 123, 127, 193 Summerfield, D. 121

T

Terrorism 29, 32 Therapy 130, 144, 155 Art therapy 159 Brief psychotherapy 156 Narrative therapy 156 Threats 23, 52, 54, 57, 58, 59, 146, 150, 169, 174, 179, 183 Trauma 111, 112, 113, 130, 137, 144, 154, 167, 177, 195

202

U

Urban 34, 39, 41, 42, 43, 44, 47, 50, 60, 65, 66, 75

V

Vergara González, O. 52, 53, 54, 63, 65, 77, 87, 92, 93, 94, 96, 97, 99, 101, 102, 103, 104, 109, 112 Victimhood 13, 46, 71, 106, 137 Voluntary engagement 64, 84, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 120 Vulnerability 35, 44, 57, 60, 76, 84, 86, 91, 95, 105, 106, 146, 174

W

Warfare 29, 30 War on Drugs 31 War strategy 14, 67, 86, 107, 124, 142, 175 Weapon trafficking 41 Wessells, M. 72, 80, 99, 104, 113, 149, 164, 181, 185, 187, 188, 195

Index

Julia Villanueva O’Driscoll, Gerrit Loots, Ilse Derluyn

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