Child Delinquents: Development, Intervention, and Service Needs [1 ed.] 9781452262468, 9780761924005

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CHILD

DELINQUENTS

CHILD

DELINQUENTS

Development, Intervention, and Service Needs

Rolf Loeber David P. Farrington Editors

/ÄVSage Publications, Inc. 13^

I International Educational and Professional Thousand Oaks • London • New Delhi

Publisher

Copyright © 2001 by Sage Publications, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. For

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information:

Sage Publications, Inc. I 2455 Teller Road Thousand Oaks, California 91320 E-mail: [email protected] Sage Publications Ltd. 6 Bonhill Street London EC2A 4PU United Kingdom Sage Publications India Pvt. Ltd. M-32 Market Greater Kailash I New Delhi 110 048 India

Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress

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Child delinquents: Development, intervention, and service needs / edited by Rolf Loeber and David P. Farrington. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-7619-2400-0 (cloth: alk. paper) 1. Juvenile delinquency. 2. Criminal behavior, Prediction of. 3. Juvenile delinquents—Services for. 4. Juvenile delinquency—Prevention. I. Loeber, Rolf. II. Farrington, David P. III. Title. HV9069 .C395 2000 364.36—dc21 00-011068 This book is printed on acid-free paper.

01 02 03 04 05 06 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

Acquisition Editor: Editorial Assistant: Production Editor: Editorial Assistant: Typesetter: Indexer: Cover Designer:

Nancy Hale Heather Gotlieb Sanford Robinson Cindy Bear Janelle LeMaster Cristina Haley Michelle Lee

Contents

Foreword Shay Bilchik

ix

Foreword James F. Short, Jr.

xiii

Preface

xvii RolfLoeber and David P. Farrington

Executive Summary RolfLoeber and David P. Farrington

1. The Significance of Child Delinquency

xix

1

RolfLoeber and David P. Farrington

PARTI EPIDEMIOLOGY A N D DEVELOPMENT OF CHILD DELINQUENCY 2. Epidemiology of Official Offending

25

Howard N. Snyder 3. Epidemiology of Self-Reported Delinquency Rachele C. Espiritu, David Huizinga, Anne M. Crawford, and RolfLoeber

47

4. Later Delinquency Careers

67

Marvin D. Krohn, Terence P. Thornberry, Craig Rivera, and Marc Le Blanc 5. Epidemiology of Problem Behavior Up to Age 12 Years

95

David R. Offord, Ellen L. Lipman, and Erik K. Duku 6. Uncovering Preschool Precursors to Problem Behavior

117

Kate Keenan

P A R T II RISK FACTORS A N D INTERVENTIONS FOR CHILD DELINQUENCY 7. Individual Risk and Protective Factors

137

Richard E. Tremblay and David LeMarquand 8. Family Risk Factors and Interventions

165

Gail A. Wasserman and Angela M. Seracini 9. Peer Factors and Interventions

191

John D. Coie and Shari Miller-Johnson 10. School and Community Risk Factors and Interventions

211

Todd I. Herrenkohl, J. David Hawkins, Ick-Joong Chung, Karl G. Hill, and Sara Battin-Pearson 11. Ethnicity and Gender Issues

247

Kimberly Kempf-Leonard, Meda Chesney-Lind, and Darnell Å Hawkins

P A R T III MENTAL HEALTH, CHILD WELFARE, A N D JUVENILE JUSTICE INTERVENTIONS FOR CHILD DELINQUENTS 12. Mental Health, Education, Child Welfare, and Juvenile Justice Service Use Barbara J. Burns, John Landsverk, Kelly Kelleher, Leyla Faw, Andrea Hazen, and Gordon Keeler

273

13. Juvenile Justice Programs and Strategies

305

James C. Howell 14. Legal Issues

323

Janet K. Wiig 15. Economic Costs and Benefits of Early Developmental Prevention

339

Brandon C. Welsh

PART IV CONCLUSION 16. Summary of Key Conclusions

359

David P. Farrington and RolfLoeber 17. Key Research and Policy Issues

385

David P. Farrington, RolfLoeber, and Larry M. Kalb

APPENDIXES A. Risk/Needs Assessment and Screening Devices

395

James C. Howell B. Children Under Age 12 Years Who Commit Offenses: Canadian Legal and Treatment Approaches

405

Leena K. Augimeri, Christopher J. Koegl, and Kenneth Goldberg C. Leading Longitudinal Studies on Delinquency, Substance Use, Sexual Behavior, and Mental Health Problems With Childhood Samples

415

Larry M. Kalb, David P. Farrington, and RolfLoeber

References

425

Index

473

About the Editors

485

About the Contributors

487

Foreword SHAY BILCHIK

D

ο we as a nation love our children? This thought-provoking question was posed by one of my mentors, Judge William Gladstone, the administrative juvenile court judge in Miami, Florida, in a keynote address I was privileged to attend while a young prosecutor there. Gladstone acknowledged that, in most situations, we do love our children—as I love my children, Melissa and Zach, and as the reader loves his or her children. But he was challenging the audience on a much broader application of that love. He was questioning the gap between our nation's ideals (i.e., that all children should be cherished) and our practice (i.e., that too many children go wanting). He cited the deficit in institutional and systemic support for our most at-risk children and families as proof that, indeed, love is lacking but also as proof of a societal indifference to their plight.

My immediate reaction was to question Gladstone's position, but the truth is that the case he made was unquestionable. Child poverty, lack of adequate health and mental health care, failure to respond effectively to child abuse and neglect, overcrowded and underfunded schools, communities that fail to support families with the services they need, and a lack of opportunities for our most at-risk children all are a reflection of this societal apathy. Further solidifying this notion is how we as a nation have responded to the increase in juvenile crime over the past 15 years—vilifying youths well after the surges in youth crime rates have ended. Indeed, a fear of juvenile crime pervades our society and has resulted in states modifying their laws to be more punitive toward juvenile offenders without a corresponding focus on prevention and rehabilitation. The irony is that not only are violent juvenile crime rates declining, but at the same ix

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CHILD DELINQUENTS

time our knowledge about measures that work to further decrease this offending never has been better. We now know what works to prevent delinquency and how to intervene effectively when it occurs. And we have the right prescription for the diagnosis: The approach must be comprehensive and balanced, combining accountability with treatment and a heavy dose of prevention. Offending by particularly young juvenile offenders has similarly shocked the public conscience and initiated the same attention as that given to the broader juvenile offender population. This more specific area of concern, and its related solutions, also has seen the same growth in knowledge. We now know the developmental pathways that our children follow into delinquent behavior. We know what the first signs of "trouble" look like, and we understand many of the root causes of delinquency such as child maltreatment, family dysfunction, school failure, negative peer influences, and unstable and violent neighborhoods. The question that we now face is whether we as a society will act on this knowledge in a meaningful manner or simply, in too many instances, continue to implement well-intentioned but shortsighted and flawed responses. Too often, our current approaches to curtailing youth crime are not sustained for the long term and fail to connect research to practice and address the underlying causes of juvenile crime, particularly those offenses committed by younger children. Other disciplines have acted prudently when they have found themselves with this level of knowledge about best practice, with law enforcement being a prime example. Some of the most successful examples of community policing across the United States during the past few years, in New York City and elsewhere, have been premised on the "broken windows" prevention strategy. At the very first sign of deterioration in a community, whether it is broken windows or other vandalism, sprawls of graffiti, abandoned cars, boarded-up homes, or other instances of blight, police and other community leaders

are taking aggressive action to eliminate the problem and prevent further deterioration. The broken windows strategy works. This rapid response sets a community standard. The announcement is clear and strong: We do not allow that here. This is the same standard that we want to set for how we deal with juvenile offending and the welfare of our children across this country. Kids, like communities, bear visible warning signals. They show the earmarks of abuse or neglect. They skip school, they fail in school, they get involved in fights, or they run away. Research tells us that there typically is a 7-year trajectory, between ages 7 and 14 years, from the time when trouble first becomes evident to someone in a child's life until the signal grows loud enough to get picked up by the authorities as a result of serious offending. But it does not have to be this way. An effectual family support strategy coupled with a dynamic violence prevention strategy—one that includes a mechanism to monitor a community's quality of life—does not wait until the child or family's life is in shambles. It takes a stitch in time. It answers the first cry for help. It helps put the broken pieces back together. This is the approach that we need to take to deal with juvenile crime. With these thoughts in mind, the importance of this volume cannot be overstated. For far too many years, practitioners and policy makers have been fervently arguing for intensified focus and investment on children's issues—both prevention and intervention. The information presented by this expert and diverse group of researchers and practitioners provides a wonderful analysis of how we can do better in working with our youngest offenders. It gives us the tools, in the areas of advocacy and practice, to make a difference on behalf of these children. In essence, it provides a road map to creating safer communities and healthier children and families. There always will be a need to delve deeper and engage in additional research to learn even more about the causes of delinquency and the interventions that produce real results. But the work contained within these

Foreword §§§ xi

pages indicates that we are ready to move our current research and knowledge into practice. I commend the chapter authors of this most telling volume, and I extend special thanks to editors Rolf Loeber and David Farrington, whose tireless efforts to bring together this extensive body of knowledge will serve to advance our practice and make a difference in the lives of young people and their families. I congratulate the Office of Juvenile Justice and

Delinquency Prevention's research staff for their commitment to the ongoing work of building knowledge around juvenile justice and delinquency prevention issues. Our children deserve all of the urgency we can bring to this work and our commitment to sustain our efforts over the long haul. It is time that we as a nation fully demonstrate that we love each and every one of our children.

Foreword JAMES F. SHORT, JR.

T

his volume is both timely and relevant to our times. Recent data documenting high rates of violence among adolescents and young adults (and the expansion of youth gang activity) have focused attention on those age categories, often to the neglect of the ages preceding them. Dramatization of the most serious and sometimes outrageous behavior of older adolescents and young adults, especially in mass media of communication, has distorted the behavior of youths in general (Short, 1998). It sometimes is forgotten, or ignored, that the research literature on youth gangs strongly suggests that understanding early developmental processes and offending among gang members is of critical importance. Although the primary focus of most gang studies is on how gangs facilitate delinquent behavior, those who join gangs typically have records of delinquent behavior prior to their gang membership. Prior delinquency predicts gang membership just as gang membership predicts

delinquency. More important, surveys of preadolescents, clinical observations, and teacher and parent reports all indicate that the very young have higher rates of aggression, conduct disorders, delinquencies, and even serious crimes than appear in official data sources. Rolf Loeber, David Farrington, and their collaborators in this volume take a hard look at what is known about very young child delinquents—their epidemiology and development, associated risk and protective factors, and the efficacy of intervention strategies. It is an ambitious effort. Scholars and practitioners from several disciplines and professions review their own work and relevant work of others. Data from U.S. and Canadian studies permit comparisons between two similar, but in many ways quite different, societies. This volume also is a pioneering venture that, as is true of all such efforts, raises as many questions as it answers. Not surprisingly, because such study is relatively rare and xiii

CHILD DELINQUENTS research findings often are inconsistent, a strong case is made for more research on the topics addressed. A host of research problems are identified; age periods studied sometimes are not comparable, nor are measures of important variables used in research. Problems of reliability and validity are endemic, and the need for better samples of target populations and measures over time is ever present. Still, the findings are impressive, and empirical regularities are found. Much has been learned that will benefit future study and interventions aimed at preventing offending among the very young and changing those who already are involved in offending. The reader will find many challenges, and much to ponder, in these pages. Although the focus in many chapters is on risk (and sometimes protective) factors, and on prediction and risk assessment, a strong case also is made for better explanatory theory. Some chapters devote considerable effort to explication of competing theories that might account for child delinquency and its effects. Many findings cry out for explanation, and contributors identify both theoretical and empirical strategies for future work. A major result of generations of studies in criminology is that the best predictor of future behavior is past behavior—"a clear indication," note Tremblay and LeMarquand (Chapter 7 in this volume), "that the development of antisocial behavior was well on its way" when crime data were first collected (p. 163). Thus, the prevention of antisocial behavior requires that the developmental processes that might explain the behavioral consequences of risk and protective factors be understood. As is documented in this volume, predictive studies identify as those likely to offend many who do not offend—the familiar "false positive" (as well as "false negative") problem. Research strategies for explaining them theoretically are explored in this volume as well. The importance of experimental interventions is highlighted because, as Tremblay and LeMarquand also observe, well-designed interventions are powerful tools to test causal

hypotheses by virtue of their ability to control causal variables. However, identification of causal variables has proved to be an elusive task, one that has engaged the social and behavioral sciences for many years. As chapters discussing interventions for child delinquents clearly demonstrate, multiple risk factors, their relationships with one another, and their complexity defy simple solutions. Clearly, there are no "magic bullets" for preventing or correcting child delinquents. A second theme of Parts II and III of this volume is that intervention agencies and their programs rarely coordinate effectively with one another, nor do they typically avail themselves of the existing body of knowledge concerning child delinquents—or, for that matter, offenders at any age. These are familiar themes, repeated by crime commissions and other academic assessments, for much of the past century. Interpretation of the findings and points of view set forth in this volume is likely to be controversial and is certain to be provocative. For example, what are we to make of the finding that, although young boys have higher rates of "direct aggression" than do young girls, girls are reported to have higher rates of "indirect aggression" than their male counterparts (see Offord, Lipman, & Duku [Chapter 5] in this volume, reporting on the first wave of the National Longitudinal Study of Children and Youth in Canada)? Or, what are we to make of the finding that girls appear to have a "more discontinuous pattern of behavior problems" than do boys (see Keenan [Chapter 6] in this volume)? These and many other observations challenge our social and behavioral science imaginations. The reader might be uncomfortable with the emphasis that is placed on very young individual offenders and the relatively minor role of the macro-level structural and cultural forces that are staples of sociological and anthropological studies. For example, the assessment that "theoretical and practical perspectives suggest that the most important

Foreword

predictors" of child delinquency are individual and family characteristics, rather than community and school factors (see Wasserman & Seracini [Chapter 8], but cf. Herrenkohl, Hawkins, Chung, Hill, & Battin-Pearson [Chapter 10] in this volume) must be placed in the context of this individual level of expiation focus. The reference—here the target for treatment and prevention—is the individual child delinquent. A large body of research and theory demonstrates the importance of the early socialization of children (Furstenberg, 1993) and the production and control of offending at all ages of school (Devine, 1996) and community (Sampson, Morenoff, & Earls, 1999) processes. However, few will quarrel with the need for much more research devoted to child delinquents or, indeed, to the years prior to age 7 years, as contributors to this volume note. Farrington's 1999 presidential address to the American Society of Criminology (Farrington, 2000) suggested that intervention strategies ought to be guided not only by the "prevalence of risk factors in the community" but also by "criteria such as the strength of the relationship between a risk factor and delinquency, the extent to which the risk factor is a cause, the malleability or ease of change of the risk factor, or the cost of changing the risk factor" (p. 13). He touched on one of criminology's most long-standing controversies: the extent to which the field should focus on "root causes" or on factors related to crime and delinquency that can serve as the basis for social policies designed to control crime and delinquency. Putting the matter so boldly (in

xv

contrast to Farrington's more delicate language) sets up a "straw man," for few would argue either that sole attention should be devoted to the discovery of root causes (or to theories that are so abstract as to be meaningless to social policy) or to the production of empirical findings without attention to their causal significance. The fallacy of the "anti-root cause" position is that it is impossible to know the significance of root causes or how subject to manipulation (for experimental or social policy purposes) they might be unless they are first discovered. If this brief foreword seems overly concerned with theory, then it is because I share, with social psychologist Kurt Lewin, the belief that nothing is so practical as a good theory. Implicitly, although we might not recognize it in ourselves, we all subscribe as well to the seemingly enigmatic words of Sir Arthur Eddington "not to put overmuch confidence in the observational results that are put forward until they are confirmed by theory" (quoted in Judson, 1979). At the very least, when empirical findings contradict theoretical expectations, or logic, we first search for answers in measurement error, sample design, or some other problem with research procedures. Only then do we seek theoretical modification, especially if theory is well developed and supported by other research. Loeber, Farrington, and their collaborators have given us much to think about in this collection and much grist for the mills of social and behavioral science. They are to be congratulated, but a great deal more needs to be done. We must get on with it.

Preface

C

hild delinquents invariably attract the attention of the mass media and government officials, especially after each new disastrous offense committed by a very young offender. Ultimately, child delinquents often become adult offenders. So far as we are aware, this is the first published volume that specifically focuses on child delinquents, their early development, the risk factors to which they are exposed, their later lives, and effective preventive and remedial interventions. This volume presents the fruits of 2 years of work by 39 experts on child delinquency and child psychopathology. This working party, usually known as the Study Group on Very Young Offenders, was chaired by Rolf Loeber and David Farrington. The initial members of the study group were Barbara Burns, John Coie, Darnell Hawkins, J. David Hawkins, James Howell, David Huizinga, Kate Keenan, David Offord, Howard Snyder, Terence Thornberry, and Gail Wasserman. They later were joined by Leena Augimeri, Brendon Welsh, and Janet Wiig. The study group members enlisted many co-authors to help them with their chapters including Meda Chesney-Lind, Ick-Joong Chung, Anne Crawford, Erik Duku, Rachele Espiritu, Leyla Faw, Kenneth Goldberg,

Andrea Hazen, Todd Herrenkohl, Karl Hill, Larry Kalb, Kelly Kelleher, Gordon Keeler, Kimberly Kempf-Leonard, Christopher Koegl, Marvin Krohn, John Landsverk, David LeMarquand, Marc Le Blanc, Ellen Lipman, Shari Miller-Johnson, Craig Rivera, and Angela Seracini. The volume has been created as a truly cooperative venture, with each of the study group members and principal authors having the opportunity to meet and discuss all aspects of his or her work on several occasions. In that way, each group member had repeated opportunities to influence the work of the others, sharpen the key questions, and provide answers. In addition, many specially commissioned analyses were undertaken to address key issues that could not have been resolved on the basis of the existing literature. We are greatly indebted to each of the principal authors and their co-authors for their intense efforts to produce high-quality chapters and for their participation in a dialogue over the 2 years that sharpened each chapter and the volume as a whole. We greatly value the patience of the contributors in revising and improving their chapters in response to comments from ourselves and from other members of the study group.

CHILD DELINQUENTS We also owe much to our informal group of advisers including Alfred Blumstein, Dante Cicchetti, Nancy Crowell, Bernadine Dohrn, Joan McCord, and Christy Visher. In addition, we are grateful to many colleagues and practitioners who gave us advice including Menke Bol, Theo Dorelijers, Hans Heiner, Eric Joy, Willem Koops, Jim Reiland, and Cathy Spatz Widom. We also are grateful to more than 100 attendees at the National Conference on Juvenile Justice in Minneapolis, Minnesota, who in March 1999 responded to our survey on very young offenders, and to the attendees of the meeting on Delinquents Under 10: Targeting the Young Offender in Minneapolis in September-October 1999. Special thanks are due to Magda Stouthamer-Loeber for her continuing support and encouragement throughout the project. Larry Kalb very effectively assisted with various literature searches and prepared the list of classic longitudinal studies on delinquency, substance use, sexual behavior, and mental health problems with childhood samples at Time 1 (Appendix C in this volume). The Study Group on Very Young Offenders has been sponsored by the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention

(OJJDP) (Grant 95-JD-FX-0018). Points of view or opinions in this volume are ours and do not necessarily represent the official positions of the OJJDP. Throughout this project, we received consistent encouragement and superior counsel from the OJJDP's staff, particularly Barbara Allen-Hagen, Shay Bilchik, Betty Chemers, Charlotte Kerr, and John Wilson. Erica Spokart should be thanked for her efficient organization of meetings and for her great assistance in the preparation of the draft of the volume for submission to the OJJDP and to the publisher. Brandon Welsh's and D. J. Peck's editorial skills greatly contributed to the quality of the manuscript. As editors, we are proud to have been able to work together with so many of our colleagues in a tremendously positive spirit aimed at advancing knowledge on child delinquents, who are a serious concern to the long-term welfare of our society. —ROLF LOEBER

University of Pittsburgh and

Free University (Netherlands) —DAVID P. FARRINGTON

University of Cambridge (England)

Executive Summary ROLF LOEBER AND DAVID P. FARRINGTON

C

hild delinquents, who commit delinquent acts at ages 7 to 12 years, have a two- to threefold increased risk of becoming tomorrow's serious, violent, and chronic offenders. Therefore, child delinquents constitute a disproportionate threat to the safety and property of citizens across the United States. This is the first volume ever published that summarizes empirical information on child delinquents from hundreds of studies, several of which were newly analyzed for this volume. This volume concentrates on three categories of children: •

Serious child delinquents who have committed one or more of the following acts: homicide, aggravated assault, robbery, rape, or serious arson

Other child delinquents (excluding serious delinquents and status offenders) • Children (up to age 12 years) who engage in persistent disruptive behavior (including status offenses) •

if W H Y D O W E N E E D TO FOCUS ON CHILD DELINQUENTS?

Over the past decades, we have learned a great deal from focusing on specific high-risk groups of youths. For example, much work during the 1980s and 1990s targeted chronic offenders, usually defined as those with at least four or five arrests or convictions. The main rationale for this was that chronic of-

AUTHORS' NOTE: We are particularly grateful to James C. Howell, Kate Keenan, and Magda Stouthamer-Loeber for their comments on an earlier draft of this executive summary. xix

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fenders were responsible for a disproportionately large amount of crime (and especially serious crime). Although valuable, the problem with this approach is that, without screening methods, chronic offenders become recognizable only when they have accrued multiple offenses, which usually is late in their criminal careers when they already have inflicted much harm and property loss on others. We now turn our attention to child delinquents, who are particularly at risk for becoming serious, violent, and chronic juvenile offenders. The main advantage of a focus on child delinquents is the identification of, and possible intervention with, youths at a much earlier age, prior to the accumulation of multiple offenses and prior to them becoming chronic offenders. This approach primarily focuses on youths who commit delinquent acts at a young age or who show persistent disruptive behavior at an early age. The following report is based on 2 years of work by the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention's (OJJDP) Study Group on Very Young Offenders, consisting of 39 experts on child offending and child problem behavior. Much of the work of the study group builds on the prior work of the OJJDP's Study Group on Serious and Violent Juvenile Offenders, chaired by the editors of this volume and published as Serious and Violent Juvenile Offenders: Risk Factors and Successful Interventions (Loeber & Farrington, 1998b).

EPIDEMIOLOGY OF CHILD DELINQUENCY

Child delinquency (offending at ages 7 to 12 years) and persistent disruptive child behavior (up to age 12) are stepping-stones to later serious, violent, and chronic offending. How common are child delinquents? The latest available national data show that in a sin-

gle year (1997), just over a quarter of a million youths were arrested up to age 12 years, showing large numbers of children engaging in crime. Although boys predominate among the child delinquents, nearly 1 out of 4 is a girl. Across boys and girls, child delinquents constitute 1 out of 11 total juvenile arrestees (up to age 18). These figures are likely to be underestimates given that, in many jurisdictions, relatively few child delinquents up to age 12 are arrested or referred to the juvenile courts. Research shows that, perhaps with the exception of the most serious acts, only a minority of all delinquent acts lead to arrests. For that reason, criminologists attach much value to both official records and self-reported measures of delinquency. Homicide. Between 1980 and 1997, 27,000 murders were committed by juveniles. In about 2% of these cases (or about 600 murders), at least one of the identified delinquents was age 12 years or under. Thus, murders by child delinquents are relatively rare but still are large in number. Weapons frequently are used by child delinquents; guns were used in more than half of the murders committed by child delinquents. A national survey of youths in 1997 found that 7% of all 12-year-olds reported that they had carried a handgun during the past year. Other serious offenses. Child delinquents, as

compared to later onset offenders, commit certain types of serious offenses at relatively high rates. Child delinquents account for 1 out of 3 juvenile arrests for arson, 1 out of 5 juvenile arrests for sex offenses and vandalism, 1 out of 8 juvenile arrests for burglary and forcible rape, and 1 out of 12 arrests for violent crime. When serious self-reported delinquency is used as a criterion, 14% to 19% of inner-city children ages 7 to 12 years have committed some street offenses (thefts and assaults), 25% to 40% have committed other serious delinquency, 5% to 7% have committed serious violence, and 8% to 9% have

Executive Summary

committed burglaries. Thus, a substantial proportion of children up to age 12 commit serious forms of delinquency. Other offenses. Child delinquents tend to commit many offenses other than very serious ones such as minor theft and vandalism. Disruptive behavior. Child delinquents and children who are at risk for becoming child delinquents often engage in a variety of problem behaviors, here called disruptive behaviors, such as chronic noncompliance with adults, temper tantrums, bullying, cruelty to people or animals, and setting fires. In addition, child delinquents often engage in what often are known as status offenses such as truancy, running away from home, curfew violations, and liquor law violations. Children with persistent or recurring disruptive behavior (and status offenses) are of greatest concern here because such behavior tends to predict later delinquent acts. Race differences. The referral rate for African American child delinquents to the juvenile courts in 1997 was 2.8 times higher than that for Caucasian child delinquents. These differences in referral rates and disruptive behavior need to be examined in the context of children's exposure to risk factors, particularly in the worst neighborhoods, and a greater likelihood of detection in these areas. Gender differences. The male referral rate of child delinquents to the juvenile courts in 1997 was three times the female rate. However, over the years, the gender gap has been narrowing. Between 1988 and 1997, court referrals of female child delinquents increased by 69%, compared to male child delinquents' increase of 26%. Gender differences in disruptive child behavior already tend to emerge after age 2 years. Studies confirm the generally held belief that, already at an early age, more boys than girls show disruptive behavior such as aggression. However, the prevalence of

xxi

indirect aggression (e.g., ostracizing others, spreading malicious rumors) is about the same for both genders or, if anything, is slightly higher for females. Has the prevalence of child delinquents increased over the past years? Between 1988 and 1997, the number of arrested child delinquents increased by only 6%, although the number of those dealt with by the juvenile courts increased by 33%, indicating that law enforcement agencies were increasingly likely to refer child delinquents to the juvenile courts. A comparison of self-reported delinquency over the past 20 years does not indicate any increase in delinquency by young offenders in the United States. Moreover, between 1980 and 1997, the number of murders by offenders up to age 12 years remained about the same, averaging about 30 per year. However, more than two thirds (69%) of the practitioners we surveyed said that it now is more common than in the recent past for children to become delinquent at a very young age. Have child delinquents become more violent? The recorded offense pattern of child delinquents has changed between 1988 and 1997. During that period, several changes occurred. • Violent crimes increased by 45%. • Simple assaults increased by 79%. • Weapons law violations increased by 76%. These increases in arrests parallel the increases in these behaviors seen for older juvenile offenders. However, the increases in violence and drug abuse violations by child delinquents has received scant attention so far. It is debatable whether these changes reflect true secular changes in society or changes in prosecution practices in the juvenile justice system. Arrests of child delinquents for property crimes decreased by 17%

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between 1988 and 1997 (see Snyder [Chapter 2] in this volume). How does the juvenile justice system deal with child delinquents? • More child delinquents have been brought before the courts because of serious forms of delinquency. • The juvenile courts, in more cases of child delinquency, imposed a formal (involuntary and/or severe) sanction rather than an informal sanction. • The number of child delinquency cases that resulted in formal court-ordered probation increased by 73%. • Placements of child delinquents to residential facilities increased by 49%. In 1997, the juvenile courts placed nearly 23,000 child delinquents on formal courtordered probation and placed another 7,000 child delinquents in residential facilities for committing delinquent acts. In addition, about 18,000 child delinquents were held in secure detention facilities in 1997, an increase of 47% over the number in 1988. Do child delinquents contribute to crime disproportionately? In 1997, child delinquents made up just 16% of individuals referred to the juvenile courts, but they accounted for nearly double the proportions of all juveniles referred for serious forms of delinquency: • 29% of all violent referrals • 30% of all serious referrals Are there geographic concentrations of child delinquents? It is likely that child delinquents are not randomly distributed across the nation, but the evidence for their concentration in certain states and cities is incomplete. Child delinquents in secure juvenile facilities are unequally distributed across the nation, with the highest concentrations found

in Florida, Georgia, Wyoming, South Dakota, and Alaska. It is impossible to say whether the geographic concentration of child delinquents in those states reflects the prevalence of child delinquents, availability of residential and nonresidential services, or routine judicial practices unique to those states. However, we know that homicides (and probably other serious offenses) committed by juveniles of any age are concentrated in large cities such as Los Angeles, Houston, Chicago, Detroit, and New York (Snyder & Sickmund, 1999). Because a high proportion of the serious offenders start their delinquency careers at an early age, it follows that child delinquents probably also are concentrated in the same locations. This would agree with findings showing that the prevalence of aggression is particularly elevated in children from the lowest income groups and concentrated in inner-city children growing up in poverty. We know that many child delinquents had been highly aggressive when young. In more and more communities, the increase in the numbers of child delinquents (and disruptive youths) is reaching the level of critical mass—the point at which system professionals and policy makers realize that the problem has become too large to be ignored and that special programs are needed. What statistical information is needed? Youths under age 12 years usually are not counted in national, regional, or city-wide surveys of offenders or victims. As a result, we do not know the following: • The locations in which child delinquents are most prevalent • How many child delinquents are noted by the agencies in the community but are not recorded • What actions take place routinely for child delinquents by agencies in the community This information is crucial for channeling resources to early intervention.

Executive Summary SS MONETARY COSTS

What are the monetary costs of child delinquents to society? The monetary costs of a life of crime are very high, not to mention its human costs. Cohen (1998) calculated that the costs of a single high-risk youth engaging in 4 years of offending as a juvenile and 10 years of offending as an adult range from $1.7 million to $2.3 million (in 1997 dollars). Given that many of these high-rate offenders start their delinquent and disruptive careers early in life, we can safely assume that the costs to society of child delinquents are considerable.

Si DEVELOPMENT

Is child delinquency a predictor of serious, violent, and chronic offending? Research findings uniformly agree that the risk of later violence, serious offenses, and chronic offending is two to three times higher for child delinquents than for later onset offenders. Phrased differently, two out of three serious offenders start their offending before adolescence. Child delinquents also tend to have longer delinquency careers than do those whose onset of offending comes later. The risk of child delinquents to become tomorrow's serious, violent, and chronic offenders applies to males and females as well as to African American and Caucasian juveniles. Also, child delinquents, as compared to juvenile offenders who start their delinquency careers at a later age, are more likely to become gang members and to engage in substance use. What is the developmental context of child delinquency? Some children engage in minor delinquent acts for excitement, adventure, or other emotions common among children. For these children, offending may be considered as part of typical child development in which

xxiii

youngsters learn prosocial behavior by trial and error. This might be the case for a proportion of the early-onset offenders. However, several important points should be kept in mind. • Many of the children who come to the attention of the police and the courts because of minor delinquent acts also—unknown to the juvenile justice system—engage in more serious acts as well. • For some child offenders, early status offenses and delinquency are stepping-stones in pathways to serious, violent, and chronic offending. • About one quarter to one half of those children who engage in nondelinquent disruptive behavior are at risk for escalating to minor delinquent acts. • About one third to two thirds of child delinquents are at risk for escalating to serious delinquency. • Screening procedures are needed to distinguish prospectively (rather than after the fact) between those youths whose early offending is temporary and those who either will persist in offending over time or will escalate to serious offending. • These facts make it all the more important to take notice of child delinquency. In summary, research findings support the notion that the development of offending is part of a broader pattern of deviant development that usually starts with disruptive nondelinquent behavior (Figure E.l). Although some of the predictions may refer to similar behaviors (e.g., aggression predicting violence), some types of disruptive behaviors also may predict different types of delinquent acts. For example, research shows that boys who are aggressive by ages 8 and 9 years, as compared to nonaggressive boys, have five times as high a risk of engaging in property offenses by ages 12 and 13. Beyond these general principles, there is evidence that boys' development from minor

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CHILD DELINQUENTS

Children showing persistent disruptive behavior

Child delinquents

Serious, violent and chronic offenders

Figure E . I . Hypothesized Temporal Relationships Among Different Categories of Youths of Greatest Concern

disruptive problem behavior to serious and violent juvenile offending takes place according to orderly pathways consisting of successive problem behaviors. • Replicatedfindingsindicate three developmental pathways: the authority conflict pathway prior to age 12 years leading to authority avoidant behaviors (e.g., truancy, running away from home), the overt pathway leading to violence, and the covert pathway prior to age 15 years leading to property crime (e.g., burglary, major theft, fraud). • There are two major qualitative developmental changes toward serious offending that often take place during childhood and adolescence: from disruptive behavior in the home to delinquency outside the home and from infliction of harm on close relatives and peers to infliction of harm on strangers. How early can we predict, and what are early warning signs? Generally, the foundations for both prosocial and disruptive behaviors are laid during the first 5 years of life. Deviations from normal developmental processes can be identified during this period. During subsequent years, child behavior can undergo major changes, with some youths developing more serious disruptive and delinquent behavior and others who had an early onset of disruptive behavior eventually ceasing.

Some level of disruptive behavior is common during the preschool years, especially during the "terrible two's" and "terrible three's" when many children of both genders show high levels of aggression and noncompliance. However, the following are important warning signs of later problems: • Disruptive behavior that is either more frequent or more severe than that of children of the same age • Disruptive behavior, such as temper tantrums and aggression, that persists beyond thefirst2 to 3 years of life • History of aggressive, inattentive, or sensation-seeking behavior during the preschool years (although the majority of preschoolers with behavior problems do not go on to become child delinquents) In summary, in the case of many offenders, disruptive behavior becomes apparent during the preschool years and certainly during the elementary school-age years. The question of "How early can we tell who will become delinquent?" is critical from both a scientific and a policy standpoint. Specific early warning signs for the development of delinquency at a young age are as follows: • Physical fighting • Cruelty to people or animals • Covert acts such as frequent lying, theft, and fire setting

Executive Summary

• Not getting along with others • Low school motivation during elementary school • Substance use (without parental permission) Repeated victimization plays a role in an unknown proportion of cases of child delinquents. This victimization may take the form of child abuse by adults or of extended exposure to bullying by peers. What are common consequences of delinquency during childhood? Aside from the harm inflicted on others, there are many negative consequences of an early onset of delinquency that can affect the quality of life of the offenders. • The repeated practice of disruptive behavior and delinquent acts during a formative period of life is likely to contribute to the solidification of antisocial habits over time. • Years of engaging in delinquency robs youths of many opportunities to learn prosocial behavior. • Engaging in persistent disruptive behavior and delinquency often is associated with poor social skills, leading to major and repeated disturbances in social relationships, initially with relatives and peers and later with partners, employers, and co-workers. • Persistent disruptive behavior tends to elicit enduring negative reactions in others, possibly further aggravating the disruptive behavior. • Low interest and motivation in educational matters associated with child delinquency frequently is associated with recurrent disruptive behavior in classrooms, referral to remedial and often alternative special education services, and (eventually) chronic truancy and early school dropout. • The resulting poor educational achievement has major effects on later employment opportunities and lifetime income.

xxv

In addition, there are several problems associated with child delinquents who become recidivist offenders. • Child recidivists are more likely to become fathers at a young age and often are unable or unwilling to fulfill the father role or to assume financial responsibilities for their partners and children. For this and other reasons, the children of very young offenders are at risk for disruptive behavior. • Young aggressive delinquents have an especially high risk of emotional problems such as depressed mood. • Early-onset offenders often start using substances at a young age and are atriskfor becoming substance abusers. • Young delinquents who become serious and violent offenders are at high risk for criminal victimization in the community and, as a consequence, have a higher likelihood of being killed or seriously injured. In summary, there are many negative consequences attached to children starting their delinquent activities at an early age.

SR RISK FACTORS

What are riskfactors for offending at a young age? • Risk factors for child delinquency, like risk factors applicable to older juvenile offenders, are situated in the individual child, the family, the peer group, the school, and probably the neighborhood in which the child lives. • It is likely that early on in a child's life, the most important risk factors are individual factors (e.g., birth complications, exposure to lead, difficult temperament, hyperactivity, impulsivity, sensation seeking) and family factors (e.g., parental antisocial or delinquent behavior, parental substance

xxvi

CHILD DELINQUENTS

abuse, parents' poor child-rearing practices, mother's smoking during pregnancy, teenage motherhood). Later risk factors are peer influences, school influences, and community factors. • No single risk factor explains child delinquency. Rather, the higher the number of risk factors (e.g., poor parental supervision, poor academic performance) or the higher the number of domains of risk factors (e.g., risk conditions in the family or the school), the higher the likelihood of early-onset offending. • Although genetic effects for child delinquency cannot be excluded, there is abundant evidence that factors in the child's social environment influence long-term outcomes. • Although there are some risk factors that are common to child delinquents, the pattern and particular combination of risk factors may vary from child to child. • Nevertheless, a great deal has been learned about risk factors for child delinquents in general that is relevant for screening and intervention. There are some risk factors in the family that apply especially, but not exclusively, to child delinquents: • Family disruption, especially a succession of different caretakers • Parental antisocial or delinquent behavior • Parental substance use • Maternal depression • Child abuse and neglect • Family members' carelessness in allowing children access to weapons, especially guns Child delinquents, as compared to older offenders, are five times more likely to be placed outside the home for their protection, partly the result of their living in unsuitable family circumstances. However, such placement may itself constitute a risk factor for later offending.

The following peer risk factors are important: • Association with deviant or delinquent siblings and peers • Rejection by peers Major risk factors in the schools include the following: • • • • •

Poor academic performance Weak bonding to school Low educational aspirations Low school motivation Poorly organized and functioning schools

Risk factors in the community include the following: • • • •

Neighborhood disadvantage and poverty Disorganized neighborhoods Availability of weapons Media portrayal of violence

SS PROTECTIVE FACTORS

Protective factors are factors associated with a reduction in risk for child delinquents to develop into serious and violent juvenile offenders. Protective factors are as important as risk factors and can inform us better about what types of interventions are likely to work. Many known protective factors are the inverse of risk factors. Examples of protective factors for child delinquency and disruptive behavior include the following: • Female gender • Prosocial behavior during the preschool years • Good cognitive performance The presence of a single protective factor is no guarantee that a youth with multiple risk factors will avoid child delinquency. What

Executive Summary

matters is the proportion of risk and protective factors because the presence of multiple protective factors may buffer or offset the impact of children's exposure to multiple risk factors. But ultimately, those with many risk factors and few protective factors are at highest risk for becoming serious, violent, and chronic offenders.

if INTERVENTIONS

What are the opinions of practitioners about interventions with child delinquents? Our survey of practitioners showed that nearly three quarters (71%) thought that there were effective ways of dealing with child delinquents to reduce their risk of offending in the future. However, only 3% to 6% thought that current juvenile court procedures were effective in achieving this aim; that current mental health programs were effective; or that current child welfare, dependency, and neglect programs were effective. Nearly all practitioners (88%) agreed that there was an acute problem for the juvenile courts concerning how best to deal with child delinquents. Are there effective interventions for known child delinquents? In the juvenile justice system, an unknown proportion of child delinquents is handled by the police. Some are referred to the juvenile courts, where about half are petitioned and 60% of these subsequently are adjudicated. Of those nonpetitioned, about one third are put on probation and 1% are placed in custody. The effectiveness of these interventions in preventing serious, violent, and chronic offending is not known. At present, there are only a few well-organized, integrated programs for child delinquents in North America. Most of these involve the coordinated efforts of several of the following: the police, public prosecutors, judges, schools, and mental health services. Although innovative and promising, these programs still remain to be evaluated.

^

xvii

Funding of these programs often remains uncertain from year to year, and their long-term continuation is greatly dependent on stability in the administration and funding of services for child delinquents. Integrated and well-researched programs also are necessary for the sake of parents, who often are at a loss as to where to seek advice and treatment for their children. A common place for comprehensive assessments in communities should be established, preferably in a community mental health center or a community assessment center. Serious child delinquents. There is no evidence

to date that incarceration of serious child delinquents results in a substantial reduction in recidivism or the prevention of serious and violent offending careers. Also, there are concerns that correctional placement of child delinquents usually leads to exposure to and victimization by older serious delinquent offenders and further fuels criminogenic propensities in child delinquents. Instead, more programs specifically targeted toward child delinquents need to be devised, implemented, and evaluated. However, because serious child delinquents are relatively uncommon, this might not be feasible in many jurisdictions. Alternatively, a few specific detention facilities for child delinquents should be established so that child delinquents can receive services from child experts. Ideally, programs for serious child delinquents should be based on risk/needs assessments and should target their specific needs. The role of alternative sanctions through the child welfare and mental health systems needs to be explored. Juvenile justice, child welfare, and mental health treatments of serious child delinquents need to be more carefully based on empirical evidence about effectiveness. Nonserious

child delinquents.

We do not

advocate increasing the likelihood of legal sanctions for nonserious child delinquents. Most nonserious child delinquents can be best dealt with in the mental health and child welfare systems with a focus on the

xxviii

CHILD DELINQUENTS administration of well-evaluated nonlegal interventions to parents of child delinquents. Screening methods should be used to distinguish between those juveniles among the nonserious child delinquents who are at risk for becoming serious and violent offenders and those who are likely to desist. However, the caveat is that child delinquents who recidivate in committing nonserious offenses should be brought to court, and the threat of further court proceedings then could be used to encourage compliance with treatment interventions.

Are there early effective nonjudicial interventions? It can be argued that there is a need to prevent disruptive child behavior in the first place outside of the juvenile justice system. We agree that such primary prevention is highly desirable. Primary prevention refers to interventions to promote prosocial behavior and discourage deviant behavior in unselected populations of children. There are several well-evaluated primary prevention programs available consisting of conflict resolution and violence prevention curricula that focus on enhancing children's problem-solving and social interaction skills. In addition, programs that seek to educate children about the causes and destructive consequences of violence, such as the Second Step curriculum and the Responding in Peaceful and Positive Ways curriculum, significantly reduce aggressive behavior. Benefit-cost studies show that primary prevention programs can be highly cost-effective because they substantially reduce the costs to society of later serious offending. For example, a benefit-cost analysis of the Perry Preschool program found that, for every $1 spent on the program, more than $7 was saved by taxpayers and crime victims. Interventions for disruptive youth. Several effective programs exist that focus on the reduction of early persistent disruptive child behavior, and some of these interventions are known to reduce the risk of later serious, violent, and chronic offending. Examples in-

clude parent management training, functional family therapy, and multisystemic therapy. Other interventions focus on those parent behaviors that increase the risk of persistent disruptive behavior in children (e.g., child abuse, marital conflict and violence, parental psychopathology), but their effect on child behavior remains to be established. Stimulant medication for attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) often is used with success. However, there currently is no evidence that stimulant medication prevents delinquency during childhood or serious and violent offending later. Effective interventions in the peer domain include peer relations training, but great caution needs to be exercised by program staff because putting disruptive and delinquent youths together in groups may activate and aggravate deviant behavior. In schools and communities, the following programs are recommended: classroom and behavior management programs, multicomponent classroom-based programs, social competence promotion curricula, conflict resolution and violence prevention curricula, bullying prevention, after-school recreation programs, mentoring programs, school organization programs, and comprehensive community interventions. It is not clear which neighborhood programs are effective in preventing or dealing with child delinquents. The best and most effective programs do not focus on a single risk domain, such as the family or the peer group, but instead focus on several domains. Are there effective screening methods to identify high-risk child delinquents? Our practitioner survey indicated that the vast majority (85%) agreed that better screening instruments were needed to discriminate between child delinquents who are at high risk for becoming serious and violent juvenile offenders and those who are not. Currently, a few screening methods are available. Although they are based on known risk factors, their predictive utility remains to be evaluated. The same applies to screening devices

Executive Summary

to identify high-risk youths among very young children with disruptive behavior. Are there interventions that can do harm? Not all interventions for children are beneficial. For example, some programs bring delinquent or highly disruptive children together for group therapy. Knowledge about the effectiveness of routine interventions is an absolute necessity to eliminate interventions that can have deleterious effects. The more widely used the interventions, the more urgent this knowledge.

Si SERVICE NEEDS

For which problems (other than delinquency) do child delinquents require services? Child delinquents often have co-occurring problems. Therefore, some child delinquents can be considered multiproblem youths. Examples of problems other than persistent disruptive behavior or delinquency include the following: • • • •

Early substance use Depressed mood Peer rejection Educational problems such as academic underachievement and truancy

Knowledge of the co-occurring problems is important because they can influence the course of delinquency over time and because each of these problems requires unique interventions.

$R SERVICE DELIVERY

What are the service needs of child delinquents? Because many child delinquents have multiple problems at a young age, they tend to receive services from several agencies either concurrently or sequentially.

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Thus, during their early years, child delinquents consume a disproportionately large amount of funds and resources of the following: • • • •

The juvenile justice system Schools Mental health agencies Child welfare and child protection agencies

It is not clear to what extent educational and mental health needs are met for child delinquents who are confined. In schools, child delinquents often receive services such as special education to address learning and behavior problems. Currently, few programs in schools focus on child delinquents. Mental health services for child delinquents are meant to address disruptive behavior (oppositional defiant disorder and conduct disorder) and ADHD. However, studies show that many children qualifying for mental health services do not receive them or receive only a few sessions that cannot be expected to bring about significant behavior change. Furthermore, mental health services of child delinquents often depend on parents having adequate insurance coverage for their children to cover the costs of these services. Currently, large portions of the population, especially those in poverty, lack such insurance and, therefore, cannot receive effective mental health services for disruptive and delinquent children. Because many child delinquents are victims of child abuse and have troubled parents, child welfare services often are involved in protecting such children. However, child welfare agencies are pressed to devote resources to child abuse and neglect cases. As a consequence, programs and resources specifically to serve child delinquents (and their siblings, who often are at risk for becoming child delinquents) often are inadequate. In summary, we recommend that interventions for persistent disruptive children and child delinquents should have the following features:

XXX

CHILD DELINQUENTS • Be integrated across services • Focus on children before age 13 years • Apply multimodal interventions, addressing more than one domain of risk factors (e.g., the individual child and the family, the family and the school) • Address multiple problems of the child where necessary

Are interventions for child delinquents taking place sufficiently early? Overall, society appears more prepared to carry the huge costs of dealing with serious and violent juvenile offenders during adolescence and adulthood rather than to take cost-effective preventive measures during childhood. Currently, most juvenile justice resources are spent on adolescent juvenile offenders rather than on child delinquents and are not spent in proportion to the risk of long-term serious outcomes. The same typically applies to schools, where most of the resources of special education and behavior management are funneled into middle schools and high schools rather than into elementary schools and preschools. Similarly, programs for child delinquents undertaken by welfare agencies often are directed at children whose disruptive behavior already is persistent. We strongly argue for professionals in schools and those working with families to shift their perceptions of an early intervention time frame from elementary school to infancy and toddlerhood. The key findings on which this recommendation is based are as follows. • The foundations for developing prosocial and antisocial behavior are established during thefirst5 years of life. • Some preschool children engage in very serious antisocial behavior. • In some cases, disruptive behavior problems occurring as early as age 3 years predict delinquency at a very young age. In summary, a reorientation of agencies toward early prevention is urgently needed to redirect resources to deal with youths at a

younger age. This needs to be accomplished along with interventions for serious forms of delinquency by juveniles of any age. Do services need to be integrated? Our survey of practitioners indicated that they were nearly unanimous (99%) in agreeing that more integration among agencies (e.g., juvenile justice, child welfare, mental health, schools) was needed to deal with very young offenders. Several of the pioneering programs currently being evaluated involve consistent coordination between different agencies concerned with child delinquents.

§f SOME IMPORTANT LEGAL ISSUES

Important legal issues include the following: State jurisdiction. States differ greatly in their minimum ages for delinquency jurisdiction and their enactments of alternative bases for court jurisdiction (e.g., CHIPS [child in need of services], HNS [family in need of services]). Legal competency of child delinquents. It is

debatable whether most child delinquents are legally competent to understand the severity of charges, court proceedings, and the implications of sentences. Competency assessments are needed prior to judicial processing. Child advocates are needed to represent the interests of child delinquents. Right to counsel and other constitutional rights.

This is of importance to juvenile delinquents of any age, but often it is more complicated because of child delinquents' poor ability to understand theirrights,the administration of Miranda warnings, the privilege against self-incrimination, and so on. Legal ways in which to make parents responsible for the actions of their children who

offend. Proposals have been put forward to make parents more legally responsible for the lawbreaking of their children and especially to provide sanctions for parents who do not restrict juveniles' access to

Executive Summary

guns. In addition, parents of child delinquents may be forced to participate in parenting classes or other treatment interventions. However, the effectiveness of such interventions has not been established.

IK RESEARCH PRIORITIES

Research findings to buttress evidence-based decision making concerning child delinquents is urgently needed. Specifically, knowledge is needed on the following. • What are other warning signs signaling a deviant development toward offending at a young age and, eventually, serious and violent forms of delinquency? • What are developmental pathways toward these outcomes, particularly during the preschool years? • What are common combinations of risk factors associated with these outcomes? • What are combinations of protective factors associated with the desistance in disruptive behavior and child delinquency? • How can the range of effective interventions for child delinquents be expanded? • What are the best risk/needs assessments and screening methods to be used by the police, juvenile court officers, teachers, mental health officials, and child welfare professionals? • What are the most cost-effective interventions? CONCLUSION

When talking about the disruptive and delinquent behavior of juveniles, people often will say, "He will grow out of it" or "Boys will be boys." Either statement belies the fact that we currently do not know which children will cease their disruptive or delinquent behavior. What we know for sure is that the risk of child delinquents becoming serious, violent,

xxxi

and chronic offenders is two to three times higher than that of nondelinquent children. Several of our conclusions run counter to prevailing opinions about child delinquents and are deserving of attention. • There is no evidence of a new and more serious "breed" of child delinquents and young murderers. • Today's child delinquents are not necessarily destined to become tomorrow's "super-predators." • It is hazardous to ignore delinquent acts and problem behavior of child delinquents in the hope that they will "grow out of it." • We do not know how to predict which preschoolers will become child delinquents and, subsequently, serious and violent juvenile offenders. • Much can be done to prevent child delinquency or escalation into chronic criminal careers later. • Incarceration in a detention center or correctional facility is inappropriate for most child delinquents. • Child delinquents should not be transferred to the criminal justice system and imprisoned with adult offenders. • There is no evidence that the implementation of harsher sanctions in the juvenile justice system is efficient for reducing child delinquency. • No single agency (e.g., the juvenile justice system, school, mental health, child welfare) is best equipped to reduce child delinquency in the community. Instead, partnerships between different agencies are likely to be more productive and efficient in dealing with child delinquents. In conclusion, persistent disruptive behavior and child delinquency are necessary conditions for later serious and violent offending. For that reason, we argue that our efforts to reduce serious forms of delinquency should not consist of a single-track focus on either delinquents in general or known

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CHILD DELINQUENTS

chronic offenders. Instead, our efforts should encompass children with persistent disruptive behavior, child delinquents, and serious and violent juvenile offenders (Figure E.l). We maintain that a dual focus on children with persistent disruptive behavior and child delinquents has several major advantages. • Both groups at a young age are less likely to be exposed to additionalriskfactors that are characteristic for such youths at a later age. • Both groups are less likely to have incurred the many negative social and personal con-

sequences of disruptive and delinquent behavior persisting over many years. • There are effective interventions to reduce both persistent disruptive behavior and delinquency offenses at an early age that prevent serious, violent, and chronic offending in the long run. • The monetary savings to society of such interventions will be very large, and the reduction of harm to victims can be expected to be enormous.

1 The Significance of Child Delinquency ROLF LOEBER AND DAVID P. FARRINGTON

C

hild delinquents have a two- to threefold risk of becoming tomorrow's serious, violent, and chronic offenders. Child delinquents also tend to have longer delinquency careers than do those with a later onset of offending. For these reasons alone, child delinquents constitute a disproportionate threat to the safety and property of citizens across the nation. The main aim of this volume is to advance knowledge about child delinquents, address factors that contribute to offending starting at an early age, and show what types of interventions are effective. We define child delinquents as children ages 7 to 12 years who have committed delinquent acts. To advance knowledge on child delinquents, we constituted the Study Group on Very Young Offenders, consisting of 39 experts on juvenile delinquency and child prob-

lem behavior. They have worked for 2 years on the preparation of this volume through regular meetings, special data analyses, and the writing and joint revision of the chapters. In addition, as detailed in the preface to this volume, we received valuable input from individual practitioners in the field, from a survey of more than 100 practitioners, and from advisers to the study group. Furthermore, we are much indebted to the staff of the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (OJJDP) for their encouragement, financial support, and advice during this period. Juvenile offending is an enduring phenomenon in our society, and it persists from generation to generation of juveniles. During recent decades, crime studies have shifted in their focus on specific high-risk groups of youths. Much pioneering work during the 1980s and

AUTHORS' NOTE: We are particularly indebted to Marc Le Blanc, Magda Stouthamer-Loeber, Terence P. Thornberry, and Gail Wasserman for their comments on an earlier draft of this chapter. 1

2

CHILD DELINQUENTS

1990s focused on chronic offenders, that is, those with at least four or five arrests or convictions (Blumstein, Cohen, Roth, & Visher, 1986; Farrington, Ohlin, & Wilson, 1986). The main rationale for this was that chronic offenders are responsible for a disproportionately large amount of crime (and especially serious crime) in communities. Although this approach is valuable, the problem is that, without screening methods, chronic offenders do not become recognizable until they have accrued multiple offenses, which usually is late in their criminal careers when they already have inflicted much harm and property loss on others and possibly are beginning to de-escalate and desist. It is a waste of criminal justice resources to focus on offenders who are about to stop offending. By contrast, we focus on child delinquents who are at risk of becoming the serious, violent, and chronic offenders in the future. Also, child delinquents, as compared to juveniles with a later onset of delinquency, have longer delinquency careers (Farrington, Loeber, & Van Kämmen, 1990; Loeber, 1982, 1988; Loeber & Farrington, 1998b; Moffitt, 1993a; see also Espiritu, Huizinga, Crawford, & Loeber [Chapter 3] and Krohn, Thornberry, Rivera, & Le Blanc [Chapter 4] in this volume). The main advantage of concentrating on child delinquents is the identification of and possible intervention with children at a much earlier age, prior to the accumulation of multiple offenses. In addition, we focus on persistently disruptive children who are not yet engaged in delinquent acts but whose behavior puts them at risk for becoming child delinquents. Disruptive child behavior is defined, first, as a recurrent pattern of negativistic, defiant, disobedient, and hostile behavior toward authority figures and, second, as a disturbance of children's conduct lasting at least 6 months (American Psychiatric Association, 1994). Figure E.l in the Executive Summary summarizes the developmental links among the three groups of youths that concern us most. Children showing persistent disruptive behavior are most likely to become child delin-

quents, whereas child delinquents are most likely to become serious, violent, or chronic offenders. In summary, although many delinquency studies have focused on adolescence when the prevalence of delinquency usually peaks, the search for the early origins of serious, violent, and chronic offending necessarily focuses on the period of the elementary school-age years and even the preschool years. Many issues surrounding early onset and child delinquency are unclear. Because not all early-onset delinquents become chronic offenders, the key question is who will and under what conditions. Also, we need to know whether early onset bodes equally ill for offenders from different ethnic or racial backgrounds and for female offenders as opposed to male offenders. What are the causes of child delinquency, and are they different from the causes of a later onset of delinquency? Given the young age of child delinquents, what types of agencies, other than the juvenile justice system, are dealing with them, and how successful are their efforts in reducing early-onset offending? What are the best intervention methods for child delinquents, and what are the best opportunities to prevent delinquency in this high-risk group?

Is AN EARLY A G E OF DELINQUENCY WITH THE EARLY OTHER PROBLEM

OF ONSET ASSOCIATED ONSET OF BEHAVIOR?

Our main focus is on an early age of onset of delinquency. Several studies have shown that an early age of onset of one problem behavior (e.g., child delinquency) is associated with an early age of onset of other problem behavior such as substance use (Le Blanc & Loeber, 1998). This is likely to explain the emergence of multiple problem behaviors at a young age. Also, research consistently shows that an early age of onset of substance use is associated with later drug dependence and drug

Significance of Child Delinquency

abuse (Grant & Dawson, 1998; Kandel & Logan, 1984). These findings further reinforce our intent to examine more closely the early onset of several problem behaviors. 6. CONCLUSIONS FROM THE STUDY GROUP ON SERIOUS AND VIOLENT JUVENILE OFFENDERS

The recent report by the Study Group on Serious and Violent Juvenile Offenders (Loeber & Farrington, 1998b) recognized the importance of child delinquents. Specifically, the study group made the following conclusions: 1. The earlier the onset of offending, the greater the likelihood of serious and chronic future delinquency. Early-onset offenders, as compared to later onset offenders, have a two to three times higher risk of becoming serious and chronic offenders (see also Krohn et al. [Chapter 4] and Kempf-Leonard, Chesney-Lind, & Hawkins [Chapter 11] in this volume; see also Day, 1998). However, the findings vary depending on whether official records or self-reports of offending are considered.

7.

8.

9.

2. Chronic delinquents tend to have had earlier ages of referral to the juvenile courts than do nonchronic delinquents. 3. The proportion of early-onset offenders among all offenders over the past years appears to have remained relatively constant. However, this finding is based on a single study, and it is unclear whether it applies to other populations of early-onset offenders. 4. Most serious offenders begin delinquency before age 14 years, mostly during the elementary school-age period and well before the peaking of the age-crime curve for general delinquent populations, which often takes place at ages 17 and 18. 5. For most serious offenders, the onset of their delinquency is preceded by a history of nondelinquent problem behavior. Yet,

10.

11.

3

little is known about the development of problem behavior during the preschool period for those children who later become child delinquents. There is evidence that hyperactivity/inattention relates to the early onset of conduct problems and, therefore, influences the later risk of serious and chronic offending (Lynam, 1996). However, hyperactivity/inattention without disruptive behavior problems is unlikely to lead to serious conduct problems and serious delinquency. It is not clear what proportion of child delinquents in the community comes to the attention of the juvenile courts and to what extent those who are processed by the juvenile courts are more or less likely, as a consequence, to become serious, violent, and chronic offenders. The juvenile justice system responds to child delinquents who commit offenses thought to be sufficiently serious that the offenders are arrested by the police. Thus, it often does not deal with child delinquents' minor or status offenses, despite the fact that these often constitute stepping-stones to more serious offenses. Schools often have adopted programs to deal with high-risk youths in elementary classrooms, but in general, schools have neither the mandate, the resources, nor the specialist knowledge to undertake this task on a routine basis from year to year and from generation to generation of youths. Child delinquents up to age 12 years are seen by different agencies such as Children and Youth Services, mental health agencies, and school personnel (see Burns and colleagues [Chapter 12] in this volume). The effectiveness and coordination of services for these children are unclear. The juvenile justice system, the child welfare/child protection system, and mental health services tend to be reactive in their responses to multiple problem youths rather than proactive in attempting to pre-

4

CHILD DELINQUENTS vent their emergence. Thus, in each system, sanctions and treatment are more dominant than preventive efforts. 12. There is a relative lack of data on offending by youths up to age 12 years. Surveys are needed to discover the agency response to help seeking by parents for seriously problematic children at the preadolescent age. National surveys of crime victimization exclude youths under age 12 as informants and, therefore, do not shed light on the relationship between victimization at a young age and later serious offending.

18 W H A T ARE IMPORTANT DISTINCTIONS BETWEEN PROBLEMATIC CHILDREN?

We are particularly interested in three categories of problematic children up to age 12 years: 1. Serious child delinquents who have committed one or more of the following acts: homicide, aggravated assault, robbery, rape, and serious arson 2. Other child delinquents (excluding serious delinquents and status offenders) 3. Children showing persistent disruptive behavior (including status offenses) who are at risk for offending

We briefly discuss the importance of these three groups in what follows. Serious Child

Delinquents

It has become increasingly clear that child delinquents can commit very serious crimes, that offenders up to age 12 years constitute a surprisingly high (about 10%) proportion of all juvenile cases (Butts & Snyder, 1997; Puzzanchera, 1998; see also Snyder [Chapter 2] in this volume), and that the number of arrested child delinquents increased consider-

ably between 1980 and 1996 (Snyder, 1997; see also Snyder [Chapter 2] in this volume). Homicide. Rightly or wrongly, serious child delinquents are increasingly featured in the news media, especially after unusual and serious crimes committed in parental homes, schools, or the community (Cowley, 1998; Gegax, Adler, & Pederson, 1998; James & Jenks, 1996; Welch, Fenwick, & Roberts, 1997), including the recent murder by a 6-year-old boy who fired a gun and killed a classmate in school (Barboza, 2000). Between 1980 and 1997, some 27,000 murders were committed by juveniles, and in about 2% of these cases (or about 600 murders), at least one of the identified offenders was age 12 years or under. Thus, murders by child delinquents are uncommon but still are large in numbers. Weapons frequently are used by child offenders; guns were used in more than half of the murders committed by child offenders (see Snyder [Chapter 2] in this volume). In the Pittsburgh Youth Study (see Kalb, Farrington, & Loeber [Appendix C] in this volume), juveniles who owned guns averaged a lower age of onset of moderately serious delinquency (e.g., shoplifting, vandalism, minor fraud) than did juveniles who did not own guns (average age of onset 9.2 vs. 10.3, respectively) (Drinkwater, 1998). School killings often are featured in the media, but homicides at school committed by juveniles appear to be very rare (Kachur et al., 1996), and certainly, they are very rare for children under age 13 (M. Anderson, personal communication, May 9,1999). There are few studies on the backgrounds of children under age 13 years who have committed homicides. In the majority of these cases (59%), the homicide is the first recorded offense, and in about a third of the cases (36%), the child's guardian and/or teachers describe the offender as a discipline problem (Goetting, 1989; see also Cornell, Benedek, & Benedek, 1987; Heide, 1999). It is clear that adolescent murderers are a heterogeneous group of offenders (Benedek & Cornell, 1989; 1

Significance of Child Delinquency

Ewing, 1990; Hardwick & Rowton-Lee, 1996; Heide, 1999). Some commit murder as part of a criminal enterprise, and others commit murder because of personal conflict, often with relatives or peers (Myers, Scott, Burgess, & Burgess, 1995; Rowley, Ewing, & Singer, 1987). Homicidal victims of child delinquents are mostly younger siblings and infants (Adelson, 1972; Ewing, 1990). Child delinquents rarely commit sexual homicides (Myers & Blashfield, 1997), and it is very uncommon for them to kill more than one person. Children under age 9 who kill, in contrast to older youths, "do not fully understand the concept of death" and "have great difficulties comprehending that their actions are irreversible" (Heide, 1999, p. 30). Nonserious Child

Delinquents

Most child delinquents commit less serious forms of delinquency, such as shoplifting items of low monetary value, and/or commit other acts for which they rarely are prosecuted. These include cruelty to animals, setting fires, and status offenses such as truancy, running away from home, curfew violations, and liquor law violations. However, for some children, less serious delinquency is a stepping-stone to more serious offending. Better screening devices are needed for juvenile justice officials and others dealing with child delinquents to discriminate between those who will escalate to more serious offending and those who will not (see Howell [Appendix A] in this volume). Disruptive

Children

Many youths who become child delinquents have long histories of nondelinquent disruptive problem behavior during childhood. Typical disruptive behaviors are serious and persistent disobedience, frequent lying, aggression, minor forms of theft, truancy during elementary school, and early substance use. Longitudinal studies show that one quarter to one half of these disruptive children are

5

at risk for becoming child delinquents (Farrington, 1991; Loeber & Dishion, 1983; Tremblay, Pihl, Vitaro, & Dobkin, 1994) and that about one third to two thirds of child delinquents become serious, violent, and chronic offenders later (Blumstein, Farrington, & Moitra, 1985; Hawkins, Herrenkohl, et al., 1998; Lipsey & Derzon, 1998; Loeber & Dishion, 1983). Already early in life, disruptive children tend to show multiple problems in a diversity of areas including attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, ungovernability in the home, poor school performance, internalizing problems such as depressed mood, and at a later point, substance use and young parenthood (Loeber, Farrington, StouthamerLoeber, & Van Kämmen, 1998; see also Espiritu et al. [Chapter 3] and Offord, Lipman, & Duku [Chapter 5] in this volume). In addition, they are disproportionately victims of child abuse (see Wasserman & Seracini [Chapter 8], Howell [Chapter 13], and Wiig [Chapter 14] in this volume).

1$ W H A T ARE SOME COMMON MYTHS ABOUT CHILD DELINQUENTS?

Scientific knowledge about child delinquents often conflicts with public opinions. In the course of this volume, we address several common myths about child delinquents that are evident from the media and public opinion: 1. Compared to the past, there is a new and more serious "breed" of child delinquents and young murderers, as is evident from the spate of recent killings by school-aged children. 2. Today's child delinquents are destined to become tomorrow's "super-predators." 3. Most delinquent acts and problem behavior of child delinquents should be ignored because children will "grow out of it."

6

CHILD DELINQUENTS 4. There is little that can be done to prevent child delinquency or escalation afterward into chronic criminal careers. 5. Incarceration is the best justice response to serious child offenders. 6. A single agency (e.g., juvenile justice system, schools) can reduce the prevalence of child delinquents.

In the course of this volume, we address these myths.

18 How ARE CHILD DELINQUENTS LEGALLY DEFINED?

Child delinquents are not necessarily legally defined in the same way across states (see Wiig [Chapter 14] in this volume). If child delinquents were denned according to the age of criminal responsibility, information for 1997 shows that this was age 6 years in the state of North Carolina; age 7 in Maryland, Massachusetts, and New York; age 8 in Arizona; and age 10 in Arkansas, Colorado, Kansas, Minnesota, Mississippi, Pennsylvania, South Dakota, Texas, Vermont, and Wisconsin. The remaining states do not have a minimum age of criminal responsibility for children, but according to common law, the minimum age is 7 (Griffin, Torbet, & Szymanski, 1998). Canada has a minimum age of 12, with a minimum age of 14 for the referral of juveniles to adult court. England has a minimum age of 10. In this volume, we define child delinquency as offending at ages 7 to 12.

S$ How PREVALENT ARE CHILD DELINQUENTS?

Child delinquency is quite common. Two inner-city studies (in Denver and Pittsburgh) show that at ages 11 and 12 years, about 10% of boys and girls have police contacts be-

cause of delinquency (see Espiritu et al. [Chapter 3] in this volume). Between 1988 and 1997, the proportion of child delinquents dealt with by the juvenile courts increased by 33%. It appears that law enforcement agencies referred a larger percentage of child delinquents to the juvenile court in 1997 than in 1988. The number of violence cases involving child delinquents seen in the courts more than doubled (up 113%), and the number of drug offenses over the period increased even more (up 163%). The total volume of child delinquents handled in the juvenile courts is large; in 1997, an estimated 181,300 delinquents were under age 13 years at the time of court intake (see Snyder [Chapter 2] in this volume; see also Butts & Snyder, 1997; Puzzanchera, 1998). Particularly African Americans appear overrepre- sented among child delinquents (see Snyder [Chapter 2] and Kempf-Leonard, Chesney-Lind, & Hawkins [Chapter 11] in this volume). Official records and self-reports of delinquent acts show that early-onset offending is more common among males than among females (see Snyder [Chapter 2] and KempfLeonard et al. [Chapter 11] in this volume). For example, self-reports in two inner-city samples of children under age 13 years show that 7% to 9% of boys and 3% of girls had committed serious aggravated assaults or robberies (see Espiritu et al. [Chapter 3] in this volume). Disturbingly, the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth in 1997 found that 7% of all American 12-year-olds reported that they had carried handguns during the past year (Puzzanchera, 2000). In summary, child delinquents constitute a surprisingly high danger and burden for society and for the juvenile courts.

W H A T ARE THE MOST COMMON DELINQUENT ACTS COMMITTED BY CHILD DELINQUENTS?

In general, child delinquents commit delinquent acts similar to those committed by

Significance of Child Delinquency

older delinquents (see Snyder [Chapter 2] and Espiritu et al. [Chapter 3] in this volume). However, the proportion of juvenile arrests involving child delinquents is highest for arson (35%), followed by sex offenses and vandalism (18% to 19%), larceny-theft, minor assault, burglary, and forcible rape (12% to 14%). The proportion of child delinquents arrested for status offenses (e.g., running away from home, curfew violations, liquor law violations) is lower (about 10%), but this might reflect current practices to avoid processing children under age 13 years for status offenses. National surveys report that 6% to 9% of children below age 13 commit status offenses. However, residential placement for status offenses is relatively more common among child delinquents than among older delinquents. According to the Census of Juveniles in Residential Placement in 1997, 19% of child delinquents were held for status offenses, compared to 6% of older delinquents. In summary, child delinquency is common and includes serious offenses as well as status offenses.

W H A T ARE DEVELOPMENTAL PATHWAYS TO DISRUPTIVE/ DELINQUENT BEHAVIOR?

Research shows that status offenses can be stepping-stones to serious forms of delinquency, particularly when they first appear at a young age (e.g., Lipsey & Derzon, 1998; Loeber & Dishion, 1983; Loeber et al., 1993). The key is to understand that the development of disruptive behavior, status offenses, and delinquent acts of different severity levels are different manifestations of the same "underlying" deviancy, and children differ in the extent that they show such behavior from childhood through adolescence. The term pathway is defined as "a common pattern of development shared by a group of individuals which is distinct from the behavioral development experienced by other

7

groups of individuals" (Loeber, 1991b, p. 98). Empirical work by Loeber and colleagues, initially on the three samples of the Pittsburgh Youth Study and since then replicated in several other studies (Kelley, Huizinga, Thornberry, & Loeber, 1997; Loeber, DeLamatre, Keenan, & Zhang, 1998; Loeber, Keenan, & Zhang, 1997; Loeber, Wei, Stouthamer-Loeber, Huizinga, & Thornberry, 1999; Loeber et al., 1993; Tolan, 1998; Tolan & Gorman-Smith, 1998; Tolan, GormanSmith, & Loeber, in press), have demonstrated three pathways in male disruptive/delinquent child behavior (Figure 1.1): 1. An overt pathway, starting with minor aggression, followed by physical fighting, followed in tum by violence 2. A covert pathway prior to age 15 years, consisting of a sequence of minor covert behaviors (e.g., shoplifting), followed by property damage (e.g., fire setting, vandalism) and moderate-to-serious forms of delinquency 3. An authority conflict pathway prior to age

12 years, consisting of a sequence of stubborn behaviors, defiance, and authority avoidance (e.g., truancy, running away from home, staying out late at night); at the highest level, this pathway concerns behaviors that can be construed as status offenses. Only a minority of boys, especially those with persistent problem behavior, advance to the most serious level within a pathway. Boys can advance on one or more pathways at the same time. Those with an early onset of disruptive/delinquent behavior are more likely to progress to the highest level of a pathway (Tolan, 1998; Tolan & Gorman-Smith, 1998). Truancy, curfew violation, and running away from home all constitute the last step in the authority conflict pathway (Loeber et al., 1993) and denote avoidance of authority figures such as parents and teachers (Figure 1.1). Research findings show that boys' advancement in this pathway increases their risk of escalating in the overt and/or covert pathway,

8

CHILD DELINQUENTS

leading to violence and/or serious property offenses, respectively (Loeber et al., 1993). There are two qualitative changes that take place when children advance from the lower to the higher levels within a pathway. First, there is development of disruptive/delinquent behavior, starting in the home and spreading to the school and the community. Often, a developmental pathway toward serious offending starts with persistent disruptive behavior in the home and then spreads to delinquent acts outside the home (i.e., at school and in the community). The reverse (i.e., serious delinquent acts starting in the community, without prior disruptive behavior in the home, and then spilling over into disruptive/delinquent behavior at home), appears to be rare. Second, there is development of infliction of harm on relatives and peers to infliction of harm on strangers. Typically, early disruptive behavior during the preschool period is directed at adults, especially parents and other caretakers, but same-age and younger siblings and peers often are victimized as well. For example, the majority of murders committed by child delinquents are of acquaintances and relatives. Usually during adolescence, youths start to inflict harm on strangers in the neighborhood close to their homes, and as transportation becomes available, they do so in neighborhoods farther away from their homes. The study of developmental pathways has shown that there is a relatively wide window of opportunity for early intervention. For example, research shows that the average age of boys first brought before the juvenile courts for index offenses was 14.5 years (OJJDP, 1998b). Most of these boys had long-standing histories of earlier problem behavior. The average age of onset of minor problem behavior (Step 1 in any of the pathways) for this category of offenders was 7.0, the average age of onset of moderately serious problem behavior (Step 2 in the pathways) was 9.5, and the average age of onset of serious delinquency was 11.9 (Step 3 in the pathways). Thus, about 7 years elapsed between the onset of minor problem behavior and boys' first court appearances for index offenses. This means that

there is a wide window of opportunity for intervention during the interim period. However, early intervention is preferable to prevent all the antisocial acts committed during this time period.

3$ W H A T ARE THE COSTS TO SOCIETY OF CHILD DELINQUENTS?

Child delinquents tend to be very costly to society in several ways. First, child delinquents, as compared to later onset offenders, are two to three times more likely to become serious, violent, and chronic offenders. Cohen (1998) calculated that the costs to society of a single high-risk youth engaging in 4 years of offending as a juvenile and 10 years as an adult range from $1.7 million to $2.3 million (in 1997 dollars). Second, because a large proportion of child delinquents, in contrast to most later onset offenders, are multiple-problem youths, they tend to receive services from the juvenile justice system and from several other agencies over many years. These agencies may include special school services, services by child welfare agencies, mental health agencies, family counseling services, and so on. The costs attached to these partly overlapping services are substantial.

IS W H A T ARE THE CONSEQUENCES OF EARLY ONSET OF DELINQUENT CAREERS FOR THE OFFENDERS?

There are many negative consequences for children who start their delinquency careers early in life (Farrington, Loeber, & Van Kämmen, 1990). We list the most important ones as follows. 1. It is likely that the repeated practice of disruptive behavior and delinquent acts during a formative period of life contributes to

SOURCE:

Figure 1.1.

/

/

/

/

/

/ Z

/

4 Α

/

/

/

/

/

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Loeber, W e i e t al., 199 9

\

_

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\

\

\

(truancy, \ M I N O R C O V E R T B E H A V I O R ^ running away, \ (shoplifting, frequent lying) staying out late) \ \ CO VERT PATHWAY Λ \ (befor e ag e 15)

L

(vandalism, firesetting)

PROPERTY DAMAGE

/AVOIDANCE \

\

^

— j T^_ V

STUBBORN BEHAVIOR

/

/

-^A

MODERATELY\ SERIOUS \ \ DELINQUENCY (fraud, pickpocketing) \

SERIOUS\ DEUNQUENC\ (autottwtt, \

AUTHORITY CONFLICT PATHWAY (befor e ag e 12)

/

OVERT PATHWAY

/

/

/

i

Α ι rru i

(physical fighting, gang fighting)

Z_ J

PHYSICA L F I G H T I N G

MINOR AGGRESSION

/

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(bullying, annoying others)

/

/

/

/

/VIOLENCE (rape, attack, strongarm )

/—A

/

/

D e v e l o p m e n t a l Pathway s in D i s r u p t i v e / D e l i n q u e n t B e h a v i o r

EARL Y

LAT E

OFF ONSE ONSETT AGE: O

MANY

FEW

%B i S % BOY

CHILD DELINQUENTS

10

2.

3. 4.

5.

6.

7. 8.

9.

the subsequent stability and continuation of such acts over time. Desistance from offending is less likely for early-onset offenders, especially those who advance to the more serious forms of offending (Loeber, 1988). Years of engaging in delinquency tend to rob youths of many opportunities to learn and practice prosocial behavior. Engaging in persistent disruptive behavior and delinquency often is associated with poor social skills, leading to major and continued disturbances in social relationships with relatives, peers, partners, and (later) employers and co-workers in workplaces. Low interest and motivation in educational matters associated with early-onset offending leads to major disruption in classrooms, exposure to remedial and often alternative special education services, and (eventually) chronic truancy and early school dropout. The resulting poor educational achievement has negative effects on later employment opportunities and lifetime income. Young male repeat offenders are more likely to become fathers at a young age and often are unable or unwilling to fulfill the father role or assume financial responsibilities for their partners and children. In addition, they often provide undesirable role models for their own children (Wei & Stouthamer-Loeber, 1999). Young aggressive delinquents have a high risk of depression and suicide (Lewis, Shanok, Grant, & Ritvo, 1983). Young offenders often are at high risk for criminal victimization in the community and, as a consequence, have a relatively high likelihood of being killed or maimed for life (Loeber, Farrington, et al., 2000). Early-onset offenders often start using illicit substances at a young age and are at risk for becoming substance abusers.

In summary, early and persistent involvement in disruptive/delinquent behavior generates cumulative and cascading negative

consequences for a person's life (Thornberry & Krohn, in press).

IK W H A T ARE THE CAUSES OF CHILD OFFENDING?

Experts, as reported in the media, are not in agreement about the causes of serious crimes committed by child delinquents (Sleek, 1998). Many of the risk factors and predictors (and possibly the causes) of child delinquency tend to be partly different from the causes of juveniles' offending starting at a later age. Several theoretical explanations, based on a review of studies, have been put forward. For example, Loeber (1988), who focused on early precursor behaviors, postulated that juveniles in the aggressive/versatile path (i.e., those who eventually commit both property and violent crimes), as compared to less serious offenders with an onset during adolescence, often experience the onset of conduct problems during the preschool years and show aggressive and concealing problem behavior and hyperactive/impulsive behavior at a young age. These children often have educational problems, display poor social skills, and demonstrate poor relationships with peers and adults. This group of juveniles has a lower remission rate than do the later onset offenders. The male-to-female ratio is higher for early-onset offenders than for later onset offenders. Further support for many of these propositions has come from several studies and one meta-analysis (Lipsey & Derzon, 1998; Loeber, Farrington, StouthamerLoeber, & Van Kämmen, 1998; Moffitt, 1993a). Moreover, advances have been made in the theoretical underpinnings of the distinction between early and late onset, particularly Moffitt's (1993a) distinction between life course-persistent and adolescent-limited delinquency, Patterson's coercion theory as it applies to early-onset offending (Patterson, 1996; Patterson, Capaldi, & Bank, 1991), Thornberry and Krohn's (in press) interac-

Significance of Child Delinquency

tional theory, and Gottfredson and Hirschi's (1990) self-control theory (for a review of these theories, see Krohn et al. [Chapter 4] in this volume). In addition, several other developmental theories contain aspects relevant to early-onset offending: Sampson and Laub's (1993a) age-graded theory of informal social control; Elliott's integration of strain, social learning, and social control perspectives (Elliott, Ageton, & Canter, 1979; Elliott, Huizinga, & Ageton, 1985); and Catalano and Hawkins' (1996) social development model. Summaries of these theories can be found in Krohn and colleagues (Chapter 4) and Herrenkohl, Hawkins, Chung, Hill, and Battin-Pearson (Chapter 10) in this volume. Many risk factors are associated with child delinquency (listed in Table 1.1). The present summary is inspired by Bronfenbrenner's (1979) conceptualization of different spheres of influence that affect child behavior such as the family, the peer group, and the community. However, in the present volume, we present a more distinctive development model in which certain domains of risk factors (and possible causes) initially promote early forms of child deviancy and in which subsequent deviant development is affected by additional domains of risk factors. Specifically, we hypothesize that the initial risk factors for a child delinquent lie, first, within the individual child (e.g., impulsive behavior) (see Tremblay & LeMarquand [Chapter 7] in this volume) and, second, within the family (e.g., parents' child-rearing practices) (see Keenan [Chapter 6] and Wasserman & Seracini [Chapter 8] in this volume). Starting during the preschool years, and certainly from the elementary school period onward, the array of risk factors expands because some children will be exposed to negative peer factors in the streets or in the school (see Coie & Miller-Johnson [Chapter 9] in this volume). During this period, some children will be exposed to additional risk factors situated with schools or in the community at large (see Herrenkohl et al. [Chapter 10] in this volume). Research findings agree that no single risk factor explains serious and violent offending.

11

Instead, studies indicate that the higher the number of risk factors, the greater the likelihood of these outcomes later (summarized in Loeber & Farrington, 1998b). Research also suggests that the risk of later offending is dependent both on the number of risk factors and on the number of protective or promotive factors (i.e., factors associated with a positive outcome). Recent research on the Pittsburgh Youth Study confirms that this is the case for risk domains (e.g., the individual child and family) (Stouthamer-Loeber, Loeber, Wei, Farrington, & Wilkstöm, in press). In fact, as shown in Figure 1.2, there is a nearly linear relationship between the number of promotive/risk domains and the likelihood of persistent serious offending 5 years later. In the youngest sample, first studied at age 7 years, none of the boys with a score of - 2 or lower (indicating a preponderance of promotive domains) became a persistent serious offender later, compared to nearly 67% of those exposed to a score of 5 (indicating a preponderance of risk domains). The results showed that promotive domains may offset the impact of risk domains.

Si W H A T ARE SPECIAL NEEDS OF CHILD DELINQUENTS?

Child delinquents often have special needs that do not necessarily apply to older offenders: 1. The need to be assessed for their competence before being processed through the juvenile justice system 2. The need to have an advocate, especially in case of the absence or impairment of the parents 3. The need to be protected from the negative and criminogenic influence of older delinquent youths in institutions or in delinquency programs outside of institutions 4. The need to be protected from child physical and sexual abuse in institutions

12

CHILD DELINQUENTS

TABLE 1.1 Child

Childhood Risk Factors for Child Delinquency and Later Serious and Violent Juvenile Offending

factors

Difficult temperament

Single p a r e n t h o o d Large family

Impulsive behavior

High turnover of caretakers

Hyperactivity (but only w h e n co-occurring w i t h

L o w s o c i o e c o n o m i c status of family

disruptive behaviors)

U n e m p l o y e d parent

Impulsivity

Poorly e d u c a t e d mother

Substance use

Family m e m b e r s ' carelessness in allowing children

Aggression

access to w e a p o n s (especially guns)

Early-onset disruptive behaviors W i t h d r a w n behaviors L o w intelligence Lead toxicity

School

factors

Poor academic performance O l d for grade W e a k bonding to school

Family

factors

L o w educational aspirations

Parental antisocial or delinquent behaviors

L o w school motivation

Parental substance abuse

Poorly organized a n d functioning schools

Parents' p o o r child-rearing practices P o o r supervision Physical punishment Poor communication P o o r parent-child relations

Peer

factors

Association w i t h deviant or delinquent siblings a n d peers Rejection by peers

Parental physical a n d / o r sexual abuse Parental neglect M a t e r n a l depression

Neighborhood

factors

N e i g h b o r h o o d disadvantage a n d poverty

M o t h e r ' s smoking during p r e g n a n c y

Disorganized neighborhoods

Teenage m o t h e r h o o d

Availability of w e a p o n s

Parental disagreement o n child discipline

M e d i a portrayal of v i o l e n c e

N O T E : The table is based o n Chapters 5 through 10 of this v o l u m e ; H a w k i n s , Herrenkohl, a n d colleagues (1998); Lipsey a n d D e r z o n (1998); Loeber, Farrington, Stouthamer-Loeber, a n d V a n K ä m m e n (1991).

5. The need to benefit from the least intrusive program to reduce the risk of disruptive behavior escalating to delinquency and to reduce the risk of early-onset first-time offenders becoming recidivists 6. The need for periodic evaluations of co-occurring problems such as academic performance and depressed mood (because a proportion of child delinquents are multi-problem youths) 7. The need to assess and rectify exposure to known risk factors such as economic deprivation and child abuse

^$ How EARLY C A N W E IDENTIFY CHILDREN AT RISK FOR CHILD DELINQUENCY?

Some researchers argue that we need to identify, during the preschool years or during early childhood, those who later become child delinquents. Although in some ways it is laudable to conduct research on criteria that would facilitate such identification, there are several important complications attached to this strategy. First, the development of disruptive behavior and early forms of delin-

Significance of Child Delinquency

13

Figure 1.2. Prevalence of Persistent Serious Delinquency Increasing With the Total Risk/Promotive Effect Score S O U R C E : Stouthamer, Loeber, et al., in press

quency often takes years and is a function of juveniles' exposure to risk and protective factors during that period. Thus, although some have proposed that life course-persistent offenders can be identified very early in life (Moffitt, 1993a), this might be the case for only a minority of the eventual chronic offenders. Second, childhood is a period during which most youths learn about what is good and bad, what is permissible and not permissible in the acquisition of goods, and how to solve interpersonal conflicts without resorting to violence. Childhood also is characterized by age-normative problem behavior that most children give up as they grow up. During this period of trial-and-error learning, many children engage in problem behavior of a relatively minor nature for a short time and, therefore, are not of major concern. However, the fact is that currently we have few tools to distinguish between those young children who will continue with their problem behavior and

those who will not (Feil, Severson, & Walker, 1995, 1998; Walker et al., 1988, 1990, 1994). Third, it is unlikely that a single screening method would be of the greatest utility in identifying those at highest risk; instead, it is much more likely that screening methods applied in sequence over time would have a greater utility. Yet, researchers are not in agreement about at what age(s) such screening should be conducted (Le Blanc, 1998; see also Howell [Appendix A] in this volume). 3$ W H Y D O CHILD DELINQUENTS POSE A SPECIAL CHALLENGE TO AGENCIES?

In the juvenile justice system, procedures for dealing with child delinquents are not always as straightforward as with older delinquents, and rules for interrogation and prosecution have been challenged (Geraghty, 1997; "Police Change Methods," 1998; see also Wiig

14

CHILD DELINQUENTS

[Chapter 14] in this volume). Crucial issues are the degree to which child delinquents are competent enough to undergo the legal procedures of the juvenile courts, whether they understand their own culpability, and whether they understand the reasons for sanctions. In addition, judges' options for the disposition of child delinquents often are restricted because parents of child delinquents, as compared to parents of later onset offenders, have disproportionately more problems themselves (e.g., antisocial behavior, drug abuse, record of child abuse). Therefore, lack of resources in the home environment increases the risk for child delinquents to be institutionalized or permanently removed from the home. In contrast to most older juvenile offenders, child delinquents often are difficult to deal with in the juvenile courts because of their less than average intelligence, poor understanding of court procedures, and general immaturity (Geraghty, 1997). More child delinquents, as compared to later onset delinquents, come from dysfunctional families with one or more of the following: family disruption (especially a succession of different caretakers), parental antisocial behavior, parental substance use, mother's depression, and child abuse and neglect. These characteristics pose special challenges to agencies, such as the juvenile courts, mental health clinics, schools, and child welfare agencies, in dealing with these problematic children. Parents with their own problems are not necessarily ready to address the problems of their children. Therefore, interventions might start with addressing parent problems (e.g., marital conflict) (see Wasserman & Seracini [Chapter 8] in this volume).

§S W H A T ARE THE LIMITATIONS OF A G E AS A CRITERION TO CLASSIFY CHILDREN?

Children differ in their cognitive ability to process information. Therefore, it is not pru-

dent to set an absolute minimum age of children's competence to undergo the legal procedures of a juvenile court. Very young children, as compared to older children, probably are less well equipped in general to comprehend their own culpability and the consequences of their actions. Also, there are large individual differences in the cognitive functioning of older children, with some lagging behind their age-mates because of immaturity or low intelligence. We mentioned previously that states differ greatly in the minimum age of criminal responsibility. It is not clear how rigorously these age cutoffs are enforced or followed or what mechanisms are in place to deal with those children who, although at or above the cutoffs, are not competent in one or several ways. There is another reason why we should be cautious about using an early age of onset up to age 12 years as a criterion for intervention. First, studies do not always agree as to whether age 10 or over should be used as a cutoff to distinguish between early- and later onset groups of youths (American Psychiatric Association, 1994; Farrington, Loeber, & Van Kämmen, 1990; Loeber & Farrington, 1998b). Second, the onset of disruptive behavior in populations of children is not stepwise but instead takes place gradually. This is revealed by the onset curves of serious delinquency for male persistent juvenile offenders in three inner-city longitudinal studies (Loeber & Farrington, 1998b), as shown in Figure 1.3. For about half of the persistent juvenile offenders, the onset of serious delinquency took place by ages 12 and 13. Two years later (ages 14 and 15), more than 80% of this group had begun to commit serious delinquent acts. Figure 1.3 does not show the onset curves for disruptive child behavior (e.g., physical fighting) and nonserious forms of delinquency. However, research findings show that such onset curves usually predate the onset of serious delinquency by several years (Loeber & Stouthamer-Loeber, 1998; Loeber, Wei, et al., 1999; Loeber et al., 1993). For example, Figure 1.4 shows the onset curve for 2

Significance of Child Delinquency

moderate-to-serious conduct disorder symptoms (e.g., theft, fire setting, cruelty to animals or people, physical fighting) in a clinic-referred sample of boys before age 13 years who were followed up in the Developmental Trends Study (Loeber, Green, Lahey, Frick, & McBurnett, 2000; see also Kalb et al. [Appendix C] in this volume). By age 6, more than 40% already had experienced the onset of one or more of such symptoms, and this increased to about 90% by age 10. The onset curves do not show individual children's trajectories in disruptive/delinquent behavior over time. This is captured much better by the conceptualization of developmental pathways (Figure 1.1). In summary, even though the prevalence of delinquency peaks at ages 17 and 18, many of the most seriously delinquent offenders start their deviant careers prior to adolescence.

SR WHICH INTERVENTIONS BEST REDUCE CHILD DELINQUENCY?

Figure 1.5 schematically presents our model of the interrelations between (a) the development of problem behavior, from persistent disruptive behavior to, first, child delinquency and, second, serious and violent juvenile offending; (b) risk and protective factors in the individual, family, peer group, school, and neighborhood; and (c) preventive and remedial interventions based on knowledge of (a) and (b). As shown in Figure 1.5, preventive interventions can be aimed, first, at the prevention of persistent disruptive behavior in children in general; second, at the prevention of child delinquency, particularly among persistent disruptive children; and third, at the prevention of serious and violent juvenile offending, particularly among child delinquents. At the same time, remedial interventions to address current problem behavior can be implemented at the level of either the persistent disruptive behavior, child delinquency, or serious and violent juvenile offending. Both preventive and remedial inter-

1S

ventions can be aimed both at a reduction of child problem behavior and at a reduction of risk factors in each domain of the individual child, family, peer group, school, and neighborhood. Interventions also can be aimed at promoting protective factors in each of the domains associated with prosocial behavior instead of child delinquent behavior. Child delinquents, as compared to later onset offenders, usually are dealt with by a greater variety of agencies including the juvenile justice system, schools, child welfare and protection agencies, and mental health clinics (see Wasserman & Seracini [Chapter 8], Coie & Miller-Johnson [Chapter 9], and Herrenkohl et al. [Chapter 10] in this volume). Each of these agencies, often with the best intentions, attempts to enhance positive outcomes for child delinquents, but to our knowledge there is a paucity of published reports on the effectiveness of interventions with this population. In addition, there is a limited availability of training manuals to disseminate findings of programs with proven effectiveness. Because many child delinquents are multi-problem youths, it is crucial to have optimal integration of these services and the juvenile justice system, and this is a rare event. This volume highlights programs that achieved a successful integration of services for child delinquents (see Howell [Chapter 13] and Augimeri, Koegl, & Goldberg [Appendix B] in this volume). A proportion of child delinquents are exposed to sets of risk factors that cannot be easily changed with current methods (e.g., antisocial parent, high turnover of caretakers). A particular challenge for criminologists, psychologists, and others is to devise interventions for those child delinquents who are exposed to nonmalleable risk factors. Several countries have new juvenile justice acts (e.g., Canada, England) or have such acts in the making (e.g., United States). Currently, the effectiveness of legislation to reduce recidivism of child delinquents is far from clear. Some have suggested stiffer legal sanctions for child delinquents within the juvenile courts. Others have proposed the transfer of

16

CHILD DELINQUENTS

AQE • Pittsburgh +Denver φ Rochester Figure 1.3. Cumulative Ages of Onset for Violent and Nonviolent Persistent Serious Delinquents (weighted) S O U R C E : Loeber & Farrington, 1998b

juvenile offenders to the adult courts (Griffin et al., 1998). However, in both cases, it is unclear to what extent these measures are appropriate for what types of offenses, to what minimum age these measures are appropriate, and whether legal sanctions are effective for child delinquents. Also, proposals have been put forward to make parents more legally responsible for the law breaking of their children and especially to provide sanctions for parents who do not prevent their children's access to guns (Seelye, 1999). Theoretically, parents who are deficient in the supervision of their children (or who practice poor child-rearing methods such as harsh punishment) could be forced by court order or legislation to participate in parent training (see Wiig [Chapter 14] in this volume). However, the effectiveness of such compulsory methods remains uncertain. Of all known interventions to reduce juvenile delinquency, preventive interventions that focus on child delinquents probably will take the largest "bite" out of crime. Yet, the re-

sponses of institutions dealing with child delinquents (e.g., the juvenile justice system, mental health, child welfare/child protection agencies, schools, parents) often are inadequate on their own and fail to intercept the life course of high-rate offending that commonly follows child offending. In practice, a child is referred to the juvenile courts if (a) the offense is thought to be sufficiently serious (this depends on the judgment of a police officer or a court intake officer) and (b) the juvenile is old enough to be held criminally responsible (this applies only to those states that have statutes to that effect). If these conditions are not met, then the child may either be sent back home (with or without a message to the parent or parents) (see Espiritu et al. [Chapter 3] in this volume) or be classified as dependent, resulting in a referral to Children and Youth Services. National figures about these referrals are not available. Moreover, Children and Youth Services often are understaffed and overloaded with child

Significance of Child Delinquency

17

Figure 1.4. Cumulative Ages of Onset of Moderate to Severe Conduct Disorder Symptoms SOURCE: Loeber, Green, et al., 2000

abuse investigations. When children are not physically at risk (this applies to the majority of child delinquents), they are given a low priority, resulting in a lack of programs to prevent further offending. In summary, there are perplexing issues concerning interventions for child delinquents. There is a pressing need for both the provision of services and the assessment of service needs for child delinquents.

T H E N E E D FOR A COMPREHENSIVE STRATEGY TO REDUCE CHILD DELINQUENCY

As was the case with the work of the Study Group on Serious and Violent Juvenile Of-

fenders (Loeber & Farrington, 1998b), the Study Group on Very Young Offenders was inspired by the OJJDP's Comprehensive Strategy for Serious, Violent, and Chronic Juvenile Offenders (Howell, 1995; Howell, Krisberg, Hawkins, & Wilson, 1995; Wilson & Howell, 1993; see also Howell [Chapter 13] in this volume). The conceptual and practical thrust of this strategy lies in an integration of forces in the family and core social institutions (e.g., schools, religious institutions, community organizations) in their roles of developing capable, mature, and responsible youths. One of the strengths of the comprehensive strategy is its orientation to promote prevention as the most cost-effective approach to dealing with juvenile delinquency and its emphasis on intervening immediately and effectively when delinquent

00

Remediation

Prevention

Remediation

Child Delinquency

Prevention

Figure 1.5. Relationship Among Risk/Protective Factors, Development of Child Problem Behavior, and Interventions

Intervention

Prevention

Persistent Disruptive Behavior

Risk/protective factors in the individual family, peer group, school, neighborhood

Remediation

Serious and Violent Juvenile Offending

Significance of Child Delinquency

behavior occurs so as to prevent delinquents from becoming chronic offenders or from progressively committing more serious and violent crimes. The second strength is to view the juvenile justice system as a second screen, after family and core institutions, to deal with those child delinquents who cannot be handled by other systems. The comprehensive strategy aims to improve the juvenile justice system response to delinquent offenders through a system of graduated sanctions based on risk and needs assessments (see Howell [Chapter 13] in this volume). Attached to these assessments is a continuum of treatment alternatives that includes immediate intervention, intermediate sanctions, community-based corrections including restitution and community service, and secure corrections including community confinement and incarceration in training schools. In summary, the comprehensive strategy offers a promising approach to integrate the efforts of different institutions in society in their efforts to prevent and deal with child delinquents effectively.

ί8 INFORMATION NEEDS

The question is whether we, as a society, have the information about child delinquents that is needed to reduce this pervasive social problem. Such knowledge is crucial for the planning of services for child offenders at an early stage in children's delinquent careers. Specifically, information addressing the following questions is important. First, are child delinquents represented in national, regional, or city-wide surveys of offenders or victims? Second, how concentrated is child delinquency, particularly in metropolitan areas, and is the prevalence of child delinquents increasing over time? In addition, we need to know what proportion of child delinquents receive services from agencies in the community. And, what actions are routinely taken by service agencies in dealing with child delinquents? How well do

19

agencies document their interactions with child delinquents? Our recommendations for addressing these vexing questions can be found in Farrington, Loeber, and Kalb (Chapter 17) in this volume. Because child delinquents often are dealt with by several agencies, the issue of information exchange among agencies needs to be raised. In some locations, integration of services, with its accompanying sharing of information about the offenders and their families, has met legal opposition because of problems of confidentiality of information. However, such barriers can be overcome (see Howell [Chapter 13] and Augimeri et al. [Appendix B] in this volume; see also Etten & Petrone, 1994; Slayton, 2000).

Si THE PURPOSE OF THIS VOLUME

The main purpose of this volume is to address key questions on child delinquents. Although mention is made of child delinquents in the report of the Study Group on Serious and Violent Juvenile Offenders (Loeber & Farrington, 1998b), it does not specifically deal with this category of delinquents. The present volume attempts to fill this gap in knowledge by addressing the following questions: 3

1. What is known about the epidemiology and development of child delinquents? 2. What are the most important risk factors for child offending? 3. What are the most successful preventive interventions and treatments for child delinquents? 4. What is known about the monetary costs and benefits of such interventions? The goal of this volume is to present empirically derived insights into the nature of child delinquents, their developmental life course, key risk and protective factors affecting the developmental course, effective inter-

20

CHILD DELINQUENTS

ventions, and their cost to society. For that purpose, we surveyed hundreds of studies (see Kalb et al. [Appendix C] in this volume). Child delinquents are familiar to many youth workers, but no coherent book on child delinquents based on empirical knowledge has been published previously. This volume aims to fill this gap. It differs from most volumes on delinquency with their focus on offending during adolescence (Elliott et al., 1985; Hirschi, 1969). Instead, to be fully informative about child delinquents, this volume concentrates on ages 7 to 12 years, but it also focuses on children's disruptive behavior from the toddler years up to adolescence.

IS ORGANIZATION OF THIS VOLUME

This volume is organized into four parts, each consisting of several chapters. Part I examines the epidemiology and development of child delinquency and consists of five chapters. Chapter 2 (Snyder) concentrates on the epidemiology of offending by child delinquents based on official records from the police and the juvenile courts. The chapter reviews changes over time, the types of delinquent offenses for which child delinquents are arrested, juvenile homicides, the courts' response to child delinquents, a profile of child delinquents in residential placement, and the future of child delinquents in the juvenile justice system. Chapter 3 (Espiritu et al.) focuses on developmental aspects of child offending careers based on offenders' self-reports. In particular, the chapter shows the prevalence of delinquency and substance use before age 12 years and how these two differ by age and gender. Multiple-problem youths are identified, and data are presented on police contacts for delinquent behavior. Chapter 4 (Krohn et al.) deals with later offending patterns during adolescence and adulthood of delinquents who had an early on-

set of offending. It documents that child delinquents, as compared to later onset offenders, tend to have longer criminal careers, commit offenses more frequently, and engage in more serious forms of delinquent acts. Given that early-onset offending often is preceded by a pattern of pre-delinquent problem behavior, Chapter 5 (Offord et al.) reviews the epidemiology of this problem behavior at ages 7 to 11 years, often cooccurring with child offending. It shows that the prevalence of problem behavior varies as a function of sociodemographic, child, family, and neighborhood factors. The chapter also demonstrates the overlap between childhood psychiatric disorders and child offending. A crucial issue is to what extent eventual child delinquents can be correctly identified from problem behavior very early in life. Chapter 6 (Keenan) addresses this issue by reviewing studies of problem behavior from birth to age 7 years, focusing on risk factors that can be linked to early-onset offending. Specifically, it examines the development of disruptive behavior including aggression, noncompliance, and lying. It looks at background factors, such as temperament and behavior characteristics of the preschool child, in the context of normal developmental tasks to be achieved by young children such as self-control, control of negative emotions, autonomy, and empathy. The chapter also highlights family factors associated with very early child problem behavior. Part II examines risk factors and interventions for child delinquents. Its four chapters review major risk factors and interventions located in the individual, families, peer groups, and schools and community settings. Chapter 7 (Tremblay and LeMarquand) focuses on factors residing in individual children including genetic and physiological characteristics, physical features, emotions, cognitions, and social functioning. The various factors then are integrated in a theory of personality features of child delinquents. Successful early interventions for child delinquents that focus on child factors, including preventive interventions, are reviewed.

Significance of Child Delinquency

Chapter 8 (Wasserman and Seracini) concentrates on family risk factors and family-based interventions. It considers the association between child delinquents and family factors including family history factors, socioeconomic characteristics of families, parenting factors, problems in children's attachment to parents, child abuse, and domestic violence. Interventions in these domains to reduce the likelihood of child delinquent behavior are reviewed. Chapter 9 (Coie and Miller-Johnson) reviews the association between peer factors and child delinquency. It examines the influence of deviant peers, the early association with gangs, co-offending with delinquent peers, the impact of siblings on offending, and social rejection by peers. Results from peer-related intervention studies also are reviewed. Chapter 10 (Herrenkohl et al.) focuses on school and community factors for child delinquency and reviews successful interventions that have been delivered in schools and communities. Chapter 11 (Kempf-Leonard et al.) reviews race and gender differences pertaining to child delinquency and addresses how these vary as a function of sources of information. It investigates correlates and developmental issues of race and gender, and it addresses improvement in race- and gender-relevant policy responses to child delinquents. Part III deals with interventions for child delinquents in the child welfare, mental health, and juvenile justice systems. Chapter 12 (Burns et al.) documents what types of services child delinquents receive in the child welfare, mental health, education, and juvenile justice systems. Service needs for child delinquents and their access to services are compared using data from several large studies. The monetary costs attached to conduct-disordered children also are estimated. Chapter 13 (Howell) examines the response of the juvenile justice system to child delinquents, with particular reference to the ways in which young delinquents are processed in the juvenile courts and in correc-

21

tions. Special programs targeted to child delinquents are reviewed. The chapter closes with the formulation of a comprehensive approach linking juvenile justice, mental health, child welfare, and child protection services for child delinquents. Chapter 14 (Wiig) reviews legal issues concerning child delinquents including jurisdictional issues, depositions, age and the determination of competency, representation by counsel and other constitutional issues, and alternatives to adjudication. Chapter 15 (Welsh) reviews knowledge about the monetary costs and benefits of early developmental prevention of child delinquency. It also reviews comparative economic findings by addressing which early developmental prevention programs have the best economic returns and how this strategy compares to correctional intervention. Two concluding chapters follow in Part IV. Chapter 16 (Farrington and Loeber) provides summaries of key conclusions of the preceding chapters. Chapter 17 (Farrington et al.) presents key research and policy issues pertaining to three groups of youths: disruptive children, child delinquents in general, and serious child delinquents in particular. The chapter critically reviews research needs by appraising gaps in knowledge and in interventions, and it sets out the key policy and research issues for local, state, and federal officials and agencies that deal with disruptive children and child delinquents. The volume is accompanied by three appendixes covering specialized topics relevant to child offending. Appendix A (Howell) documents the current state of knowledge on risk and needs assessments for child delinquents and the use of screening instruments to identify those child delinquents most at risk for becoming serious and violent offenders. Appendix Β (Augimeri et al.) describes recent developments in screening and intervention methods for child delinquents in Canada and outlines proposals for change in these areas. Appendix C (Kalb et al.) lists leading longitudinal studies of problem behavior from childhood onward.

22

CHILD DELINQUENTS

In summary, across the different chapters, this volume addresses the following questions concerning child delinquents. What is the prevalence of child delinquents, and what is the frequency of offending by child delinquents? What is the developmental trajectory leading to child delinquency? What is the course of development after the onset of child delinquency? Specifically, how many child delinquents become serious and violent juvenile offenders? And, how many of the eventual serious and violent offenders had an early onset of their delinquency careers? What are the main risk and protective factors for child delinquency? Which screening devices best predict which child delinquents will become serious and violent juvenile offenders? What are effective interventions to prevent the development of child delinquency? What are effective interventions to prevent child delinquents from escalating into serious and violent juvenile offending? What are the current methods of dealing with child delinquents by juvenile justice, mental health, child welfare/child protection agencies, schools, and parents? What is the level of unmet needs for services of child delinquents? What are the needs for coordination of services among different agencies in dealing with child delinquents? What are the burdens and costs to society for child delinquents?

Child delinquents are a troubling phenomenon. Many of the conclusions of this volume agree with Attorney General Janet Reno's statements about juvenile delinquency in general, particularly that (a) prevention of juvenile delinquency is necessary, (b) the family as an agent of change can be strengthened, (c) gaps in services need to be identified and resolved, and (d) the problem of juvenile delinquency requires a multidisciplinary approach cutting across traditional professional boundaries (Reno, 1995). We hope that this volume will help to advance knowledge about child delinquents and to deal with them fairly and more effectively.

NOTES

1. By contrast, adolescent murderers tend to have histories of one or more prior arrests (Bailey, 1996; Lewis et al., 1985; Myers et al., 1995). 2. The onset of an officially recorded career (i.e., first arrest or referral to the juvenile courts) usually is 2 to 3 years later than the onset of self-reported delinquency (OJJDR 1998b). 3. The volume does not address the possible relationship between early onset of disruptive/delinquent behavior and subsequent risk of antisocial personality disorder or psychopathy (Frick & Ellis, in press; Frick, O'Brien, Wootton, & McBurnett, 1994; Lynam, 1996, 1997; Robins, 1966).

PART I

Epidemiology and Development of Child Delinquency

2 Epidemiology of Official Offending HOWARD N . SNYDER

V

ery young juveniles (i.e., those under age 13 years) are fairly common in the juvenile justice system in the United States. Even though local law enforcement policies may affect a community's response to very young juvenile law-violating behavior, more than 200,000 juveniles under age 13 entered the justice system in 1997 charged with criminal acts. Their numbers are small compared to those of older juveniles, but these youths present a unique challenge to service delivery personnel and a potentially great opportunity to those concerned with public safety. To help set the stage for this volume, this chapter quantifies the levels and types of officially recognized crime committed by child delinquents and the juvenile justice system's re-

sponse to them. It also gives evidence for the potential that effective interventions with these youths could have on public safety.

ARRESTS OF CHILDREN

The entry for some children into the juvenile justice system is a referral directly to juvenile court by family members, schools, or social service agencies. However, for most, the first contact with the juvenile justice system is an arrest by law enforcement. Based on data compiled by the Federal Bureau of Investigation's (FBI) Uniform Crime Reporting Program, law enforcement agencies made an es-

AUTHOR'S NOTE: This research was supported, in part, by grants to the National Center for Juvenile Justice from the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (Grants 95-JN-FX-K008 and 99-MU-MU-0020). Points of view expressed in this chapter are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the official positions or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. 25

26

EPIDEMIOLOGY AND DEVELOPMENT

timated 253,000 arrests of persons under age 13 years in 1997 (Snyder & Sickmund, 1999). About 10% of these arrests were for status offenses (e.g., running away from home, curfew violations, liquor law violations). Of these arrests, 17% (or about 43,000) involved persons under age 10 (Table 2.1). Some juveniles undoubtedly were arrested more than once in 1997; however, it is fair to say that about 1% of the 23 million persons ages 7 to 12 in the United States in 1997 had some contact with the juvenile justice system. In 1997, the arrests of persons under age 13 years made up 9% of all juvenile arrests (i.e., arrests of persons under age 18). This proportion varied substantially with offenses (Figure 2.1). For some offenses, arrests of very young juveniles were relatively uncommon (e.g., 1% of juvenile murder arrests, 1% of juvenile liquor law violation arrests, 2% of juvenile drug abuse arrests). For other offenses, the proportion of juvenile arrests that involved persons under age 13 was relatively high (e.g., 35% of juvenile arson arrests, 19% of juvenile sex offense arrests, 18% of juvenile vandalism arrests). Their high proportions of arrests for arson and sex offenses show that child delinquents often are brought into the juvenile justice system because they display behavior indicative of serious problems requiring interventions that the justice system can order. A young female was involved in about one of every four (24%) arrests of persons under age 13 years in 1997. The female proportion of arrests of very young juveniles varied with offenses (e.g., 12% of weapons law violation arrests, 17% of aggravated assault arrests, 22% of drug law violation arrests, 23% of simple assault arrests, 29% of curfew arrests, 31% of larceny-theft arrests). The only crime for which young females were arrested near their representation in the general population in 1997 was running away from home, as 48% of all these arrests of persons under age 13 involved females. Between 1988 and 1997, while the number of juvenile arrests increased by 35%, the total number of arrests of very young juveniles in-

creased by only 6% (FBI, 1989, 1998). Consequently, very young juveniles were involved in a smaller portion of juvenile arrests in 1997 (9%) than in 1988 (11%). However, the nature of the crimes charged against very young juveniles changed substantially over this period. Between 1988 and 1997, arrests of very young juveniles for property crimes dropped by 17%, while arrests for violent crimes increased by 45%. The arrests of very young juveniles also increased substantially between 1988 and 1997 for drug abuse violations (165%), curfew violations (121%), simple assaults (79%), and weapons law violations (76%). Therefore, very young juveniles arrested in 1997 were much more likely to be charged with violent crimes, weapons offenses, or drug law violations and were less likely to be charged with property offenses. The increase in violent crime arrests of very young juveniles paralleled the increase for all juveniles (up 49%). As a result, in both 1988 and 1997, 8% of all juvenile violent crime arrests involved very young juveniles.

§8 MURDERS BY THE VERY YOUNG

Each year, the FBI's Supplementary Homicide Reports describe the victims of homicide in the United States and the characteristics of the offenders whom law enforcement officials believe committed the crimes. Between 1980 and 1997, about 386,000 persons were murdered in the United States. Juvenile offenders (i.e., persons under age 18 years) were known to be involved in about 27,000 of these murders (Snyder & Sickmund, 1999). In about 2% of the murders involving juvenile offenders (or in about 600 murders between 1980 and 1997), at least one of the identified offenders was age 12 or under. Between 1980 and 1997, the annual numbers of murders involving an offender below age 13 years were relatively stable, averaging about 30 murders per year. Nearly all (94%)

27

Epidemiology of Official Offending

TABLE 2.1

Arrests of Juveniles Under Age 13 Years in 1997 1997 Arrest

Total Violent C r i m e Index Murder Forcible rape

Estimates

Under Age

Under Age

Ages 10 to

13 Years

10 Years

12 Years

Percentage

Ages

Percentage

253,100

42,700

210,300

83

24

10,700

1,700

9,000

84

14

< 50

< 10

0

2

7

Female

3

>0

1

1

1

Total

5

>0

>0

1

4

PROPERTY OFFENSES Property d a m a g e PYS

Male

54

13

27

7

8

DYS

Male

31

6

8

9

8

Female

22

5

4

8

5

Total

27

6

6

9

6

Theft PYS

Male

56

9

31

11

6

DYS

Male

38

11

12

9

6

Female

29

8

6

8

7

Total

34

10

9

8

7

Epidemiology of Self-Reported Delinquency

59

Burglary PYS

Male

6

>0

DYS

Male

8

>0

Female

8 9

>0

Total

>0

2 2

2 2

2 2

1 2

1 2

1 2

Arson PYS

Male

9

DYS

Male

8 4 7

Female Total

0 2 2 2

7

7

7

2 0 1

2 0 1

2 0 1

STATUS/DRUG USE Status PYS

Male

39

4

10

12

14

DYS

Male

19

1

10

6

2

Female

18

1

8

7

1

Total

19

1

9

6

2

Male

17

2

7

3

5

Male

8

2

2

1

3

Female

7

1

1

1

4

Total

8

2

1

1

4

Male

22

6

8

3

5

Male

36

11

8

6

11

Female

35

9

6

6

13

35

9

7

6

13

Tobacco PYS DYS

Alcohol PYS DYS

Total Marijuana PYS DYS

Male

5

1

3

Male

8

2

2

1

3

Female

7

1

1

0

5

Total

7

2

1

0

4

>0

>0

N O T E : P Y S = Pittsburgh Youth Study; D Y S = D e n v e r Youth Survey; N / A = not available.

person hurt?") were used to adjust the aggression/violence reports for level of seriousness, as has been done in previous studies (Huizinga & Elliott, 1986; Huizinga et al., 1991). However, no probes were available for retrospective reports of aggressive behavior before age 7, so adjustments to filter out minor reports of aggression began at age 7. Because other types of delinquency are not as affected by this tendency, data presented for participants prior to age 7 were unadjusted for seriousness for these other measures. The data presented for age 7 onward reflect such adjustments.

Aggression and Violence Table 3.2 shows that the vast majority of youths reported involvement in some form of aggression or violence prior to age 13 years (85% of boys and 77% of girls in Denver; 88% of boys in Pittsburgh). Furthermore, roughly 60% of Denver children and nearly 80% of Pittsburgh boys reported the occurrence of this behavior before the age of 9. Clearly, involvement in some aggressive behavior must be considered normative during these early ages. Moreover, roughly one quarter of the boys in both Denver and Pittsburgh

60

EPIDEMIOLOGY AND DEVELOPMENT

and one third of the girls in Denver were involved only in aggression in which no one was hurt. Involvement in more serious forms of aggression/violence was less common, and there was a steady and substantial decrease in lifetime prevalence rates with increasing severity of aggression and violence. About 50% of Denver children (57% of boys and 40% of girls) and 32% of Pittsburgh children reported involvement in minor assaults in which the victims were hurt. About 40% of Denver children (47% of boys and 28% of girls) and only 14% of Pittsburgh children reported involvement in assaults in which the victims were more seriously injured. Less than 10% of Denver children (9% of boys and 3% of girls) and only 7% of Pittsburgh children reported involvement in more serious aggravated assaults or robberies. With the exception of serious violence, most children (more than 72% in Denver) who were involved in each form of aggression or violence reported involvement in this behavior for the first time before age 11 years. Involvement in minor forms of aggression/violence, even with injury, began early (although the potential for initiation as adolescents or adults is not considered here). Furthermore, the age of first involvement in aggression/violence increased as the seriousness of the aggression/assaults increased. Thus, initial involvement in serious violence generally does not occur until ages 11 and 12 or later. How widespread is violence among children? Considering the preceding information, the answer quite obviously depends on the definition of aggression or violence employed. In these two studies, the vast majority of children of both genders were involved in less serious forms of aggression and about one half or fewer of the children were involved in more serious forms of aggression. The prevalence rates declined even further as the seriousness of the assaults considered increased, and gender differences in the prevalence rates became larger. Thus, for serious violence, only about 5% of Denver children (9% of

boys and 3% of girls) and 7% of Pittsburgh boys were involved by age 12 years. Other

Offenses

Children reported substantially less involvement in other types of offenses, as compared to aggression/violence offenses, by age 12 years. Roughly one third of Denver participants and one half of Pittsburgh participants reported theft offenses. One quarter (Denver children) and one half (Pittsburgh children) reported property damage. One fifth (Denver children) and two fifths (Pittsburgh children) reported status offenses. Less than one tenth of participants in both studies reported burglaries or arson. There were gender differences in which girls reported lower prevalence rates than did boys for most types of offenses. The ages of initiation of involvement in this behavior were spread fairly evenly across the periods from before age 7 through age 12, and roughly equivalent proportions of children initiated at each age group. As with aggression, there was early initiation, but it was not as pronounced. The uses of alcohol and marijuana were exceptions, with a higher rate of initiation in the ages 11 to 12 period.

LENGTH OF INVOLVEMENT IN DELINQUENT BEHAVIOR

Although many young people in the 7- to 12-year age range were involved in delinquent behavior at some time, this does not necessarily indicate that their involvement was particularly extensive or long-lasting. Conceivably, involvement in delinquent behavior may be limited to childhood. On the other hand, the behavior may continue over a multiple-year period once it has been initiated. Examination of information from childhood through adolescence indicated that a good deal of delinquency was limited to childhood. For example, about half of the Denver participants (49%) who initiated mi-

Epidemiology of Self-Reported Delinquency TABLE 3.4

Minor

61

Prevalence of Patterns or Combinations of Delinquency and Drug Use at Ages 7 to 12 Years Violence

(at least hurt Ο

victim)

Property

Denver

Offenses

Drug Use

Ο

Ο

Ο

Ο

Χ

Ο

X

ο χ χ χ χ

χ

ο χ

ο ο χ χ

ο χ ο χ

Youth

Survey

(percentages)

33 6 10

Pittsburgh

Youth Study

(percentages)

37 12 2 2

2 13

13

9

9

14

4

13

6

N O T E : X = involvement; Ο = n o involvement.

nor violence in which the victims were hurt or injured were involved for 2 years or less. However, for the other half, involvement continued for 5 years or more. Among those who initiated serious violence, there was a large proportion (40%) whose involvement lasted 2 years or less; for about one third, involvement lasted 3 to 4 years; and for about one quarter, involvement lasted 5 years or more. Similar findings held for most other offenses. In general, involvement was limited to childhood for three quarters or more of the youths involved in any one of these other offenses (except for status offenses and drug use).

58 PATTERNS OF DELINQUENT INVOLVEMENT AT AGES 7 TO 12 YEARS

The preceding section examined individual types of offenses. However, during childhood, it is likely that many children engage in more than one type of offense. To examine involvement in patterns of delinquent behavior, the offenses were grouped into minor violence (with at least some level of hurt or injury), property offenses, and drug use. Table 3.4 lists the patterns and prevalence of involvement at ages 7 to 12 years. Given the

low prevalence of serious violence, it was not included in these analyses as a separate category. It should be noted that these patterns reflect involvement at some time during these ages and not necessarily involvement during the same year, although simultaneous involvement also was included. In this table, an "O" indicates no involvement and an "X" indicates involvement. As can be seen, about one third of the children in both studies reported no involvement in any form of minor violence (with at least some level of hurt or injury), property offenses, or drug use. The table shows that 6% of Denver youths and 12% of Pittsburgh youths reported drug use only, 10% of Denver youths and only 2% of Pittsburgh youths reported property offenses only, and 13% of youths from both studies reported participating in minor violence only. Thus, about one quarter of the children reported involvement in only one general type of offense. This leaves slightly more than one third of the children who engaged in multiple types of offenses. Of the children involved in multiple types of offenses, the most common pattern for Denver was involvement in both minor violence and property offenses (14% vs. 4% in Pittsburgh). Roughly half of the Denver youths involved in these two types of offenses also reported having used drugs. Both studies reported that 9% of their samples were in-

62

EPIDEMIOLOGY AND DEVELOPMENT

TABLE 3.5

Prevalence of Police Contacts for Delinquent Behaviors: Ages 7 to 12 Years (percentages) Status and Very Any Delinquency

Minor and

Minor Delinquency

Serious

Delinquency

DYS

PYS

DYS

PYS

DYS

PYS

Males

3.7

Ν/Α

Females

0.0

0.0

1.6

Ν/Α

2.1 0.0

Ν/Α

Total

2.0

0.9

1.2

Ages 7 a n d 8 years

Ages 9 a n d 10 years Males

6.9

Females

3.2

Ν/Α

2.6 2.3

Ν/Α

4.3 0.9

Total

5.1

1.4

2.7

N/A

Ages 11 a n d 12 years Males

10.9

6.9

1.2

2.1

9.8

Females

8.5

1.4

7.1

Total

9.8

1.3

8.5

4.8

N O T E : D Y S = D e n v e r Youth Survey; P Y S = Pittsburgh Youth Study w i t h data only for males ages 11 a n d 12 years; N / A = not available.

volved in minor violence and drug use; however, violence and drug use was the most common pattern for the Pittsburgh sample. Both studies reported that involvement in only property and drug use was relatively unusual (2% in each). Finally, 13% of Denver children and only 6% of Pittsburgh children participated in all three types of offenses. In a rather gross generalization of these findings, about one third of the children in both samples were not involved in delinquency. Nearly one third of both samples were involved in only one form of delinquency. Another one fifth of the children from Pittsburgh and one third of the children from Denver reported involvement in multiple types of delinquency. Moreover, among the one third of the Denver sample involved in multiple types of delinquency, involvement in both minor violence and property offenses (with or without drug use) was the most common pattern and accounted for about 70% of the multiple-offense offenders.

POLICE CONTACTS FOR DELINQUENT BEHAVIOR

In Denver, a substantial number of children reported contact with the police by age 12 years. More than half of the younger participants who reported police contacts indicated that these contacts involved being helped or assisted by the police. However, other children reported that police contacts resulted from their involvement in delinquent behavior. Table 3.5 shows the prevalence of police contacts across the different age groups for the Denver and Pittsburgh children that resulted from involvement in delinquent behavior. Offenses were divided into three categories: (a) civil and very minor offenses (e.g., jaywalking, curfew violations), (b) minor and serious offenses, and (c) any delinquency (a combination of the first two categories). As one might anticipate, the prevalence of police

Epidemiology of Self-Reported Delinquency

contacts increased with age, from 2% at ages 7 and 8, to about 5% at ages 9 and 10, to about 10% at ages 11 and 12 years in the Denver sample. Boys were more likely to be contacted by the police for delinquency than were girls, especially at the early ages. At ages 7 to 8, none of the girls reported being contacted for delinquency, but by ages 11 to 12, girls were rapidly catching up; about 9% of girls and 11 % of boys had police contacts for delinquency. The Pittsburgh study, which had police contact data only for ages 11 to 12, showed that about 7% of the boys reported police contacts for delinquent behavior. The majority of these contacts were for minor and serious offenses (5%) rather than for status or very minor offenses (2%). The prevalence rates for police contacts related to delinquency obtained from Denver data were quite consistent with the prevalence of delinquent behavior described earlier in this chapter. Most of the police contacts were for simple assaults, with some aggravated assaults and thefts. These were followed, in order of frequency, by vandalism, trespass, weapons violations, and other offenses. Youngsters at ages 7 to 10 years who were contacted by police for delinquency were commonly taken home or to a social service agency, and their parents were notified of their misbehavior. During ages 11 to 12, however, the delinquency of more than half of the youngsters contacted by police for delinquency resulted in court appearances, with court dispositions commonly involving fines, community service, restitution, or being placed on probation.

CONCLUSION

This chapter has provided information on the development of child delinquents through the examination of self-report delinquency data. A review of previous and current delinquency studies was limited by several factors. First, there were very few studies on child delinquency that included young peo-

63

ple under age 13 years as participants. Second, there were definition and measurement issues surrounding the term delinquency. Although many studies examined problem behavior, a large proportion examined misbehavior rather than delinquency—two very different levels of problem behavior. Furthermore, most studies did not include items that probed reports of delinquent behavior with sufficient follow-up questions to remove trivial or non-offense behavior reports. Third, the published information often did not include epidemiological data on delinquent behavior among children and young adolescents. Despite these limitations, seven longitudinal studies were identified that examined delinquency in children and adolescents age 12 years or under. Although differences in sample characteristics, locales, years of study, and methodologies existed, the prevalence findings among these seven studies were surprisingly consistent. In summary, the results revealed that children as young as age 7 reported involvement in delinquent offenses. In fact, nearly one fifth (14% to 19%) of children ages 7 to 12 reported that they had committed at least one or more "street offenses." Involvement in minor and serious forms of delinquency increased with age. Briefly, 11- and 12-year-olds reported higher rates of involvement in minor delinquent acts (roughly one fourth to one third of youths) than in serious acts (almost none of youths). Data from two national studies indicated that the rates for major forms of delinquency have not changed over the period from 1976 to 1999. Self-reported delinquency data from the DYS and the PYS indicated that delinquent behavior was widespread during childhood and often began early. This was especially true for minor forms of aggression. Delinquent behavior was limited to childhood for many youths but extended into the teen years for other youths. About one third of the 7- to 12-year-olds were not involved in any form of delinquency when very minor aggression/assaults were excluded. Nearly one third were involved in only one type of delinquency

64

EPIDEMIOLOGY AND DEVELOPMENT

—minor assaults, property offenses, or drug use. The remaining one fifth to one third were involved in multiple types of offenses, and involvement in minor assaults and/or property offenses often preceded drug use. Involvement in minor forms of assault commonly preceded involvement in more serious forms of assault. As age increased, more children reported that their police contacts resulted directly from their delinquent behavior—2% at ages 7 to 8,5% at ages 9 to 10, and 7% to 10% at ages 11 to 12. The review of previous and current self-report delinquency studies and the findings of this chapter have several implications for delinquency research and policy development. First, the scarcity of published self-report studies on child delinquency indicates an urgent need to disseminate the available information from studies having information on this young population. The review identified studies that have basic epidemiological information about child delinquency, but these data are not always publicly available. Second, there is a need to mount new studies of epidemiology and correlates of delinquent behavior in this very young population. Unfortunately, policy implementation that affects the lives of young people often is based on responses to single episodes of violence involving young people rather than on information obtained from sound research. Third, the field of delinquency research would benefit from the use of universal definitions and measurements of self-report delin-

quency. Currently, comparisons of various research studies often are impossible, and generalizations from the different studies cannot be made. Fourth, the results indicate that the prevalence of child delinquency does translate into a substantial number of child delinquents. Delinquency is not limited to adolescence or adulthood but is present in the lives of young children as well. The findings reported in this chapter further corroborate the official information presented in Snyder (Chapter 2) in this volume and demonstrate an immediate need for further understanding of child delinquency. The age of onset and patterns of offending provide useful information that can be used for the development of prevention and intervention programs for at-risk youths.

18 NOTE

1. Quite a few child studies have examined syndromes

of

problem

behavior

(internalizing and

externalizing) by using the C h i l d B e h a v i o r Checklist ( C B C L ) (Achenbach & Edelbrock, 1983; B i r d et a l . , 1988; Stanger, Achenbach, & Verhulst, 1997; Velez, Johnson, & Cohen, 1989). Although the C B C L contains some items o f delinquency and the use of C B C L for delinquency studies has been examined (Lizotte, ChardW i e r s c h e m , Loeber, & Stern, 1992), studies that use only the C B C L definition of delinquency are not i n cluded in this review due to problems with the empirically derived operational definition of delinquency. T h e C B C L Delinquency subscale contains behaviors not i n cluded in this volume's definition of juvenile

delinquent

behaviors (e.g., swears, lies, cheats, disobeys at school).

Epidemiology of Self-Reported Delinquency

65

Appendix 3.A Items Included in Delinquency Subscales for the Program of Research on the Causes and Correlates of Delinquency Child Sample Street

Delinquency

1. Stolen or tried to steal a bicycle or skateboard 2. Taken anything at school from the teacher or other kids that did not belong to you 3. Gone into a building or somebody's house, yard, or garage and taken something that did not belong to you 4. Taken something from a car that did not belong to you 5. Hit, slapped, or shoved a teacher or another grown-up at school 6. Hit other kids or gotten into a physical fight with them 7. Snatched someone's purse or wallet or picked someone's pocket Other Serious

Delinquency

1. Broken, damaged, or destroyed something belonging to your parents or other people in your family on purpose 2. Broken, damaged, or destroyed something belonging to a school on purpose 3. Broken, damaged, or destroyed other things that did not belong to you on purpose, not counting things that belong to your family or school 4. Taken some money at home that did not belong to you, like from your mother's purse or from your parents' dresser 5. Taken anything else at home that did not belong to you 6. Hit, slapped, or shoved your brother or sister or got into a physical fight with him or her 7. Hit, slapped, or shoved one of your parents 8. Written things or sprayed paint on walls, sidewalks, or cars where you were not supposed to do that 9. Purposely set fire to a building, car, or something else or tried to do so 10. Carried a weapon with you 11. Thrown rocks or bottles at people Minor

Delinquency

1. Gone into someone's garden, backyard, house, or garage when you were not supposed to be there 2. Ran away from home 3. Skipped school without an excuse 4. Been loud or unruly in a public place so that people complained about it or you got into trouble 5. Avoided paying for things such as movies, bus rides, and food

66

EPIDEMIOLOGY AND DEVELOPMENT

Youth Sample Street Delinquency

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13.

Stolen or tried to steal money or things worth more than $50 but less than $100 Stolen or tried to steal money or things worth more than $100 Stolen or tried to steal a motor vehicle Gone into or tried to go into a building to steal something Attacked someone with a weapon or with the idea of seriously hurting or killing him or her Used a weapon, force, or strong-arm methods to get money or things from people Physically hurt or threatened to hurt someone to get him or her to have sex with you Been involved in gang fights Snatched someone's purse or wallet or picked someone's pocket Stolen something from a car Sold marijuana Sold hard drugs Knowingly bought, sold, or held stolen goods or tried to do any of these things

Other Serious Delinquency

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

Stolen or tried to steal money or things worth more than $5 but less than $50 Stolen or tried to steal money or things worth less than $5 Went joyriding Hit someone with the idea of hurting him or her Thrown objects such as rocks and bottles at people Had or tried to have sexual relations with someone against his or her will Carried a hidden weapon Purposely damaged or destroyed property that did not belong to you Purposely set fire to a house, building, car, or other property or tried to do so Used checks illegally or used a slug or fake money to pay for something Used or tried to use credit or bank cards without the owner's permission

Minor Delinquency

1. Avoided paying for things such as movies, bus or subway rides, food, and computer services 2. Lied about your age to get into someplace or to buy something 3. Ran away from home 4. Skipped classes without an excuse 5. Hitchhiked where it was illegal to do so 6. Been loud, rowdy, or unruly in a public place 7. Begged for money or things from strangers 8. Been drunk in a public place 9. Been paid for having sexual relations with someone (not asked in Wave 1 of Rochester Youth Survey)

4 Later Delinquency Careers

MARVIN D . KROHN, TERENCE P. THORNBERRY, CRAIG RIVERA, AND MARC LE BLANC

O

ffenders begin their criminal careers at different ages. Some begin their careers as early as childhood, whereas most are more age normative, starting during adolescence or even early adulthood. There is a general presumption in the criminological literature that early offenders differ from late offenders in fundamental ways and that early offenders have more extensive and serious delinquent careers (see Loeber & Farrington [Chapter 1] and Snyder [Chapter 2] in this volume). In this chapter, we examine the later delinquent and

criminal careers of early-onset offenders and compare them to the later careers of late-onset offenders to see whether this presumption is empirically accurate. The current interest in offenders who begin their offending at very young ages is a result of a number of empirical and theoretical developments that have taken place over the past 40 years. Empirically, the Philadelphia Birth Cohort Study (Wolfgang, Figlio, & Sellin, 1972) identified a relatively small group of offenders who contributed disproportionately to

AUTHORS' NOTE: Support for this work was provided by the U.S. Department of Justice's Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (96-MU-FX-0014), the National Institute on Drug Abuse (5 R01 DA05512-07), and the National Science Foundation (NSF) (SES-8912274). This work also was aided by grants to the Center for Social and Demographic Analysis at the State University on New York at Albany from the National Institute of Child and Human Development (P30 HD32041) and the NSF (SBR-9512290). Points of view or opinions in this chapter are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official positions or policies of the funding agencies. The authors thank Carolyn A. Smith and Alan J. Lizotte for their helpful comments on earlier drafts of this chapter. 67

68

EPIDEMIOLOGY AND DEVELOPMENT

the overall delinquency rate. These chronic offenders also were more likely to engage in more serious delinquent acts over a longer period of time than were other offenders. The identification of chronic offenders led to the recognition that it is important to examine the criminal careers across the life course of offenders (Blumstein, Cohen, Roth, & Visher, 1986). Criminal careers can be described by a number of basic parameters such as the length and duration of careers, offending rates, and the seriousness and nature of offending patterns. Age of onset also is an important dimension of criminal careers. Indeed, one can hypothesize an inverse relationship between age of onset and the seriousness, duration, and extensiveness of criminal careers. While empirical studies were documenting differences in criminal careers among offenders, theoretical work was incorporating the observation that there is both continuity and change in these criminal careers. Robins (1978) articulated the paradox of stability and change in criminal behavior by stating, "Adult antisocial behavior virtually requires childhood antisocial behavior, yet most antisocial children do not become antisocial adults" (p. 611). The theoretical task, then, is to determine both the initial factors that generate antisocial behavior and perhaps maintain it later in life and the developmental process that also may lead to its continuation or result in desistance from antisocial behavior. The processes involved in the initiation, continuation, or cessation of criminal behavior cover a substantial period in the life course. Therefore, developmental theories that examine both the causes and the consequences of delinquent behavior over the life course are particularly germane to this task. Developmental perspectives recognize the importance of early developmental factors on the success or failure in the transitions and trajectories of the life course. More specifically, developmental theories hypothesize that antisocial conduct early in life can have cascading consequences for later delinquent behavior and other life course transitions. From this perspective, one can hypothesize that early-

onset offenders will have more serious and more extensive careers than will late-onset offenders. This would suggest that their criminal careers are of greater duration (extending further into their life course), that they will commit more offenses and have higher individual offending rates, and that their offenses will tend to be more serious and more violent than those of late-onset offenders. This chapter examines the question of what impact early onset has on the later criminal careers of offenders. The chapter begins with a review of four theoretical perspectives that provide explanations for the effects of child delinquency on subsequent life events. It then focuses on the empirical literature that attempts to test these explanations. Particular attention is paid to longitudinal studies that compare early-onset offenders to late-onset offenders. In addition to reviewing published literature in this area, we present new analyses that examine some of these core relationships. The analysis is replicated across three data sites: those in Rochester, New York; Montreal; and Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. We now turn to a review of theoretical perspectives on the impact of very early onset of delinquent behavior on subsequent offending and other life events.

S$ THEORETICAL OVERVIEW

The recognition that individuals who initiate delinquent behavior at very young ages are more likely to have criminal careers that are longer and marked by more serious and violent behavior presents two critical challenges for theories of crime. The first challenge is to identify the reasons for earlier initiation of delinquent behavior. In addressing this issue, theories of child delinquency must answer the question of whether or not there are different pathways or explanations that account for the early initiation of delinquency. The second challenge is to determine why early-onset offending leads to more serious

Later Delinquency Careers

consequences later in life than does late-onset offending. Positing answers to these two questions requires not only examining the adolescent years, as is characteristic of many theories of crime, but also broadening the focus to include a more complete investigation of the life course. Thus, theoretical perspectives that explicitly examine the causes and consequences of child delinquency are developmental theories focusing on stability and change across the life course. We review four theoretical perspectives that focus on the impact of child delinquency on subsequent crime and other life transitions: Moffitt's (1997) life course-persistent/adolescence-limited topological theory, Patterson's coercion theory (Patterson, Capaldi, & Bank, 1991), Thornberry and Krohn's (in press) interactional theory, and Gottfredson and Hirschi's (1990) self-control theory. These theories share many common features but are different in terms of certain key assumptions. We begin our discussion of the theories by exploring these assumptions. Other relevant theories are reviewed by Herrenkohl, Hawkins, Chung, Hill, and Battin-Pearson (Chapter 10) in this volume. Basic

Assumptions

The theories that specifically address the issue of the early onset of delinquent behavior can be distinguished from one another in terms of their position on three matters of emphasis: the degree to which the theories assume that child delinquents are fundamentally different from those who initiate their delinquent behavior later during adolescence, the degree of stability of antisocial behavior they assume, and the key risk factors they posit for early onset of delinquent behavior. Both Patterson (Patterson et al., 1991; Patterson, Reid, & Dishion, 1992) and Moffitt (1993a, 1997) used age of onset as the key defining attribute that distinguishes between two types of offenders. Moffitt identified life course-persistent offenders as those who begin offending during early childhood, whereas adolescence-limited offenders are those who

69

wait until adolescence to begin their offending careers. Patterson (Patterson et al., 1991; Patterson, Reid, & Dishion, 1992) made a similar differentiation, calling the two groups early starters and late starters. Both theories posit that child delinquents will engage in more serious and violent criminal behavior than will late starters and that the delinquent behavior of early starters, unlike that of late starters, will persist into the adult years. Both theories also suggest that the two groups can be distinguished in terms of the etiologies that generate such behavior. Thornberry and Krohn (in press) questioned the topological approach to explaining child delinquents and argued that there are not two distinct types of offenders (early and late starters). Rather, they observed that curves representing age of onset are smooth and continuous (see also Loeber & Farrington, 1997, 1998a). Therefore, Thornberry and Krohn (in press) argued that onset is continuously distributed over childhood and adolescence and that theories that suggest separate etiologies for two groups of offenders distinguished in terms of their age of onset are questionable. They suggested that a unified theory recognizing that the causal influences for early onset may be more powerful than, but not necessarily different from, the causal influences for later onset might be more appropriate. A second distinguishing characteristic of theories on child delinquents is the degree to which the theories attribute offending to a static underlying trait that manifests itself as conduct disorders early in life, as delinquency during adolescence, and as criminal behavior during adulthood. This position suggests that an underlying potential for antisocial behavior is distributed heterogeneously throughout the population and exhibits itself throughout the life course (Nagin & Farrington, 1992). For Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990), this propensity is self-control—the difference in the extent to which people are vulnerable to temptations including the momentary benefits that crime provides. Individuals who are low in self-control are more likely to engage in problem behavior early in their lives and criminal

70

EPIDEMIOLOGY AND DEVELOPMENT

acts once they have reached the age of responsibility. Moreover, Gottfredson and Hirschi asserted, "The low self-control group continues over time to exhibit low self-control" (p. 108). The probability of committing a crime may change with changes in opportunities, but the potential for committing a crime is stable. Contrasted with this position are theories that emphasize a dynamic explanation for criminal behavior. Dynamic or state dependence theories (Nagin & Farrington, 1992) suggest that changing situations over the life course of individuals account for continuing antisocial behavior as much as does any stable characteristic or trait. Theories such as Thornberry's (1987) interactional theory emphasize that antisocial behavior early in life can have a cumulative effect on the ability to effectively traverse life course transitions. The earlier an individual gets involved in antisocial behavior and the more serious such behavior is, the more difficult it will be to desist from criminal behavior because the opportunities to successfully function in the conforming world will be more constrained. Nevertheless, these theories recognize the potential importance of developments during late adolescence such as completing one's education, getting a job, and getting married. These conforming influences help to explain why most delinquents "age out" of criminal behavior as they enter young adulthood. The third characteristic that distinguishes theories on child delinquents is their emphasis on different etiological factors. Although these perspectives share certain explanatory variables (most notably family interaction processes), they diverge in the influences that are emphasized elsewhere in their models. Moffitt (1997) emphasized the importance of the intergenerational transmission of neuropsychological deficits such as reading, memory, speech, and writing problems; inattention; impulsivity; aggression; and poor judgment. Patterson, Reid, and Dishion (1992) emphasized that the coercive processes unfold when parents react ineffectively to their children's misbehavior, thereby generat-

ing an antisocial trait. Although ineffective parenting is the primary reason why individuals develop low self-control in Gottfredson and Hirschi's (1990) self-control theory, the clear emphasis is on the role that low self-control plays in antisocial behavior. Thornberry and Krohn (in press) placed parenting and its consequences firmly within the social context, hypothesizing the key role of structural disadvantage in making it difficult for parents to be effective in raising children and in inhibiting youths from overcoming the cumulative disadvantages resulting from antisocial conduct. As we examine the four perspectives, we return to these differences, pointing out how these differences generate distinct hypotheses regarding the effect of child delinquency on subsequent crime and life course transitions. We also point out, where appropriate, the similarities between these perspectives. Moffitt's Life Course-Persistent/ Adolescence-Limited Typology Moffitt (1997) distinguished between life course-persistent and adolescence-limited offenders. Life course-persistent offenders have very early histories of antisocial behavior, exhibit more serious and violent delinquent behavior, and persist in their criminal careers into adulthood. Adolescence-limited offenders delay their entrance into delinquency until their adolescent years, exhibit less serious forms of delinquent behavior, and are more likely to desist from criminal behavior as they enter early adulthood. Moffitt suggested that not only can these two types be distinguished in terms of their criminal careers, but they have distinct etiologies as well. Life course-persistent offenders are the product of a transactional process between a child who exhibits problematic behavior and parents who have difficulty in coping with the challenge that such behavior presents. The process begins because the child is likely to have neuropsychological deficits such as reading and speech problems as well as deficits in the "executive functions" or symptoms

Later Delinquency Careers

such as inattention, impulsivity, and aggression. Children with neuropsychological deficits present problems for parents. These problems are particularly challenging because parents of children who are difficult to manage also might lack the psychological and physical resources to help cope. The behavior of these children coupled with ineffective parenting or other family adversity "evokes a chain of failed parent/child encounters" (Moffitt, 1997, p. 17), leading to persistent antisocial behavior. The life course-persistent offender continues antisocial behavior because of contemporary and cumulative continuity. Contemporary continuity is when the same underlying traits that resulted in antisocial behavior as a child still are evident during adulthood. For example, poor self-control during childhood may result in shoplifting a desired item. As an adult, the same trait may result in drug use (Caspi & Bern, 1990). Cumulative continuity results when early individual differences "set in motion a downhill snowball of cumulative problems that increase the probability of offending" (Moffitt, 1997, p. 22). Moffitt (1997) suggested that early problematic behavior limits the ability to learn conventional prosocial alternatives to antisocial behavior, increases rejection by peers and adults, and reduces basic educational skills. These limitations accumulate, making transition into conventional adult roles difficult, and may eliminate opportunities to break the chain of antisocial behavior. Adolescence-limited offenders engage in delinquent behavior at a later age than do life course-persistent offenders. They exhibit less serious and violent behavior, and Moffitt (1997) posited a different etiology for their behavior. Moffitt suggested that contemporary adolescents experience a maturity gap between biological and social age. They want to establish intimate bonds with the opposite sex, make their own decisions, and have material goods. Yet, they are limited by their age in pursuing those desires.

71

In this context, adolescents become aware of the delinquent behavior of older teens, especially life course-persistent ones, who already have access to the resources that the adolescence-limited youths desire. The latter then engage in what Moffitt (1997) called social mimicry so as to attain these resources. Importantly, adolescence-limited offenders do not have the biological deficits that the life course-persistent offenders have. In addition, adolescence-limited offenders have had fewer years to build up any cumulative disadvantages of their behavior. These factors combine to allow adolescence-limited offenders to take advantage of other opportunities and to explore new pathways. Thus, adolescence-limited offenders gradually will desist from criminal behavior as prosocial options become more apparent. Moffitt's (1997) theory provides an explanation for why child delinquents persist in antisocial behavior into the adulthood years. It also provides an explanation for why adolescence-limited offenders desist before or soon after entering adulthood. However, to date, many aspects of the theory, including the viability of the explanatory factors, have not been empirically tested. Patterson's Coercion

Theory

Patterson (Patterson et al., 1991) and Moffitt (1997) concurred that there are two distinct groups of offenders: those who start early and are more likely to be chronic serious offenders and those who start during adolescence and are more likely to be involved in delinquency for a relatively brief period of time. The key difference in the etiologies of these two groups in Patterson's coercion theory is the interaction between children and parents. Early starters exhibit antisocial behavior such as fighting and temper tantrums at young ages because of poor family management practices. Patterson (Patterson et al., 1991) did not focus on the biological basis for such behavior, although he did suggest that such a basis is possible. Of particular importance is the type of discipline that parents use in deal-

72

EPIDEMIOLOGY AND DEVELOPMENT

ing with their children's coercive behavior; unskilled disciplinary practices serve to strengthen their children's coercive behavior patterns rather than weaken them. Patterson depicted a process by which a family member responds to coercive child behavior with negative reinforcement; that is, a parent will remove the stimulus that is upsetting the child. For example, the parent who is holding the child so as to prevent the child from going someplace that he or she should not go will let the child go. This will reinforce the child's coercive behavior, thus escalating the antisocial behavior. Children who live in highly coercive families are at particular risk for developing early antisocial behavior. Children exhibiting early antisocial behavior are likely to fail at both social relations and academic endeavors. Patterson (Patterson et al., 1991) suggested that, at young ages, antisocial children lack social skills and that this deficiency, in turn, leads to peer rejection; children who are rejected are more likely to remain in the antisocial process than are children who are not rejected. The academic arena also is problematic for antisocial children. School failure and peer rejection enhance depressive moods and lead to the long-term maintenance of children in the coercion process. As antisocial children enter their teenage years, they begin to select settings in which they can associate with other antisocial children. As this "limited shopping" occurs, the deviant peer network feeds back to maintain the antisocial process. Thus, the delinquent peer group is not seen as playing a significant role in the antisocial process until these children are entering the teenage years. Peers play a much more important role in the process by which late starters begin to engage in delinquency. As youths traverse through the teenage years, rebellious behavior often causes a decline in the quality of parenting. This weakening in the relationship between children and parents facilitates drift into association with deviant peers. Thus, delinquent behavior is seen as largely a function

of the encouragement and support provided by peers. There are a number of similarities between Moffitt's (1997) and Patterson's (Patterson et al., 1991) theories. Both suggested that there are two groups of offenders: those who start early and those who start during their teenage years. Both theorists posited separate causal pathways for these two groups. They emphasized the importance of the interaction between parents and young children early in life and the relative unimportance of the peer group. Both Moffitt (1997) and Patterson (Patterson et al., 1991) saw the delinquent peer group as becoming important only as children enter the teenage years. There also are different points of emphasis in these two perspectives. The most apparent difference is that Moffitt (1997) emphasized the neuropsychological basis of early antisocial behavior, whereas Patterson (Patterson et al., 1991) recognized that there might be some biological basis for this behavior but did not take a strong stand on this issue. Thornberry and Krohn's Interactional Perspective The starting point for Thornberry and Krohn's (in press) interactional perspective is that onset of antisocial behavior is continuously distributed across the age structure at least from early childhood to early adulthood. Rather than identifying two types of offenders—those starting early and those starting late—Thornberry and Krohn suggested that antisocial behavior can, and in fact does, begin anywhere along this continuum. Consistent with this argument, they asserted that what differentiates earlier starters from later starters is the intensity of the structural, psychological, and social deficits experienced by individuals and their families. The process that Thornberry and Krohn posited to account for those individuals who begin antisocial behavior very early in their lives (e.g., toddlerhood, preschool years) contains many of the same factors identified by

Later Delinquency Careers

both Moffitt (1997) and Patterson (Patterson et al., 1991). Individual deficits (e.g., negative temperamental qualities) contribute to, and are adversely affected by, parenting deficits (e.g., low affective ties, explosive physical disciplinary styles). Over time, parents and children will develop a coercive interaction style, and children will develop persistent patterns of oppositional and aggressive behavior. What distinguishes Thornberry and Krohn's (in press) approach from both Moffitt's (1997) and Patterson's (Patterson et al., 1991) approaches is its strong emphasis on the broader social context. Specifically, Thornberry and Krohn (in press) pointed to structural adversity, defined as the position in the social structure that leads to accumulated disadvantage, as being important in the problematic development of earlier starters. Structural adversity increases parental stress and reduces social capital, all of which increase poor family management skills and ineffective parenting. Structural adversity also accompanies higher rates of negative temperamental qualities in children. Thus, Thornberry and Krohn suggested, Very early onset offending is brought about by the combination and interaction of structural, individual, and parental influences. Extreme social adversity contributes to both parenting deficits and negative temperamental qualities in the child; in turn, both of these attributes and especially their interaction greatly increase the likelihood of early onset offending. Thornberry and Krohn (in press) explained the continuity of antisocial behavior by identifying two processes similar to Moffitt's (1997) contemporary and cumulative continuity. Contemporary continuity is produced by the fact that the basic causal processes persist throughout the life course. Families experiencing extreme levels of structural adversity do not often escape that adversity. Structural adversity continues to impede effective parenting. In addition, the negative individual traits observed at very young ages continue through the adult years.

73

The second process affecting continuity concerns the consequences of behavior. The effect of antisocial behavior on life course development is at the core of interactional theory. Persistent antisocial behavior negatively affects the quality of relationships with parents, peer associations, and academic performance. These youths will be ill prepared to meet the developmental challenges of adolescence. Social bonds to prosocial influences are more difficult, and there is an erosion of social supports. Youths become embedded in deviant networks, entrapping individuals in deviant lifestyles. At a later age of onset, the intensity of the processes just outlined decreases. For example, the intense coupling of difficult temperament, ineffective parenting, and structural adversity is not likely to be present for children who begin antisocial behavior during their elementary school years. For these youths, some enabling sources of protection have to be available for the onset of deviant behavior to be delayed. Nevertheless, the key to explaining antisocial behavior among these youths is the structural adversity faced by the families. Structural adversity reduces children's ability to succeed in school, leading to weakened bonds of commitment to school and attachment to teachers as well as the erosion of social supports. It also increases access to deviant opportunity structures. Later onset offenders are unlikely to be exposed to these more extreme and interwoven causal forces. Prior to adolescence, their behavior is largely controlled by parents and teachers. However, the establishment of what Conger (1991) called age-appropriate autonomy creates a tension between teenagers and their parents and teachers, reducing the impact of parental bonds and control over young adolescents. Similar processes unfold with teachers and other adult authority figures. With the reduced bond to parents and teachers, adolescents gravitate toward each other. Adolescent peer groups are closed to adult authority and value behavior that demonstrates rebellion from adult authority. This results in the encouragement of deviant be-

74

EPIDEMIOLOGY AND DEVELOPMENT

havior. Such behavior has feedback effects on social bonds and results in further immersion in adolescent peer networks. These youths do run the risk of persistent involvement in deviance if their behavior has long-term adverse effects (e.g., teenage pregnancy, drug abuse). It is unlikely, however, that deviant behavior will persist among this group. The motivating force for delinquency is developmentally specific. As the need for autonomy is met, the benefits derived from rebelliousness wither. In addition, these youths have substantial levels of human and social capital to draw on so as to extricate them from whatever trouble their past behavior produced. Gottfredson and Hirschi 's Self-Control Theory Self-control is conceived as the difference in the extent to which people are vulnerable to temptations. Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) viewed self-control as "the barrier that stands between the actor and the obvious momentary benefits crime provides" (p. 53). Individuals who are low in self-control tend to be "impulsive, insensitive, physical, risk taking, short-sighted, and non-verbal" (p. 90). Importantly, low self-control is viewed as developing very early in individuals' lives and remains stable over the life course. Although Gottfredson and Hirschi did not address the age of onset issue direcdy, their theory has implications for its effect on later criminal outcomes. Because low self-control increases the likelihood that individuals will commit antisocial acts, and because this characteristic is stable over the life course, the differences among individuals in their likelihood to commit crime appear early and remain stable over the life course. As in the theories discussed previously, ineffective parenting plays a key role in the early lives of children. Parents who do not adequately monitor their children's behavior, who are unable to recognize deviant behavior when it occurs, and who do not punish such behavior effectively are likely to have children who have difficulty in resisting temptations.

Although experiences in other arenas (e.g., school) can affect self-control, self-control remains quite stable over the life course. The explanation for why those who commit antisocial behavior early in life will be more likely to continue to do so later in life is fairly straightforward. If antisocial behavior reflects low self-control that is more or less a stable trait, then those who develop low self-control early in their lives will be more likely to continue to pursue immediate pleasure later in life than will those who develop high self-control. Similarly, those with high levels of self-control are less likely to be involved in antisocial behavior either earlier or later in life. Because self-control is stable over the life course, there is little need within this theory to account for the developmental process. Summary With the exception of Gottfredson and Hirschi's (1990) self-control theory, the perspectives just outlined are similar in the causal factors that are identified. Ineffective parenting is seen as critical in the early generation of antisocial behavior and in the process by which such early behavior continues through adolescence and, in some cases, on into adulthood. As children age and spend more time in neighborhood, school, and peer contexts, interactions within these contexts become increasingly important for the later initiation of, continuation of, or desistance from antisocial behavior. It should be noted that, because the age of onset for females typically is later than that for males, these perspectives are more applicable to males than to females.

§8 REVIEW OF RESEARCH ON CHILD DELINQUENTS

Although the developmental theories discussed in the previous section differ concern-

Later Delinquency Careers

ing the specific causal factors and relationships that result in the continuation of antisocial behavior, they all share the central hypothesis that the earlier the onset of antisocial behavior, the more frequent and serious subsequent delinquent behavior will be over a longer period of time. A number of studies have examined this hypothesis, and we review them in this section. Although some of these studies examine a number of issues, our review focuses only on the outcomes of early offending versus later offending. The research on child delinquents is diverse, often making comparisons across studies difficult. Table 4.1 lists the studies reviewed in this chapter and summarizes the diversity of these studies. Some studies define the age of onset in terms of official data, other studies use self-reported delinquent behavior, and still others rely on third-party observations or ratings of aggression or delinquency (second column). There is a wide range of definitions of child delinquents, with some studies defining child delinquents as those who start offending during early childhood and others defining child delinquents as starting during either late childhood or early adolescence. Most studies measure later offending with official data, although some use self-reports and still others use both. Finally, these studies vary in the outcome measures used to test the hypotheses. Some studies focus on only one outcome measure such as prevalence, whereas others examine a range of outcome measures including prevalence, frequency, duration, and variety (sixth column). Given the differences in measurement strategies, it is impressive that nearly all of the studies we reviewed support one or more hypotheses concerning the subsequent delinquent behavior of child delinquents. Loeber and Le Blanc (1990), in their review of the literature on developmental criminology, concluded, "An early age at onset of offending, at least in males, predicts each of the three components of the activation process—acceleration, stabilization, and diversification" (p. 394). To organize our discussion of the research literature on child delinquents, we group the 1

75

studies in terms of their focus on the frequency of offending, the seriousness of offending, or the duration of offending. Some studies focus on more than one outcome, and when appropriate, we include those studies in more than one section of our discussion. Although it would be useful to present the effect sizes for age of onset in this section, including this in the discussion of each individual study would be cumbersome and attempting to summarize such information in the text is not feasible for several reasons. First, there is no common metric used throughout the literature. In other words, some studies present correlations, others present odds ratios, and still others present mean numbers of offenses, to give a few examples. As a result, it is difficult to group studies in such a way as to be useful for summarizing their effect sizes. Therefore, this information is presented in Appendix 4.A for studies that clearly indicate effect sizes. Delinquent

Outcomes

Frequency There is strong empirical support that earlier onset is related to greater frequency of subsequent offending, using both self-reported and official data. Tolan and Lorion (1988) examined a sample of males from Grades 5 to 12 (ages 11 to 18 years) from two Tennessee communities and found that age of onset was the strongest predictor of the frequency, variety, and seriousness of self-reported delinquent behavior. The correlation between age of onset and subsequent offending was -.59. In a related study using the same sample, Tolan (1987) found that early-onset offenders (defined as self-reported onset before age 12) reported a higher frequency of offending for property, personal, and status offenses. In addition, those in the early-onset group reported more police and court contacts than did either the late- or no-onset youths. Reporting on the work of the Panel on Research on Criminal Careers, which reviewed and synthesized the available statistical exam-

-J

Official Official

N a g i n and Farrington (1992)

Blumstein, Farrington, a n d M o i t r a (1984b)

Self-report

Tolan a n d T h o m a s ( 1 9 9 5 )

c

Self-report

Patterson a n d Yoerger (1999)

Stoolmiller(1998)

Official

Official

Nagin and Land (1993)

Patterson, Forgatch, Yoerger, a n d

Official

N a g i n , Farrington, a n d Moffitt (1995)

Self-report, official

Official

M a n n h e i m a n d W i l k i n s (1955)

Antisocial b e h a v i o r

Self-report

Tolan (1987)

Robins (1978)

Self-report

Tolan a n d Lorion (1988)

3

Measure

Le Blanc a n d Frechette (1989)

A g e of Onset

Summary of Research on Very Young Offenders

Study

TABLE 4.1 Range

Self-report official

Self-report, official

Official

Official

Antisocial b e h a v i o r

b

by c o n t i n u o u s high

< 12 years vs. > 12 years

other

anti-social behavior scores v s .

followed

Antisocial behavior in G r a d e 4,

< 14 years v s . > 14 years

Childhood—yes/no

3 years—continuous

10 to 13 years v s . > 13 years

10 years—continuous

Official Official

10 years—continuous

10 years—continuous

Official

Official

< 11 years v s . > 11 years

Official

10 years—continuous

Earliest Age/Age

< 12 years v s . > 12 years

3

Measure

Self-report, official

Self-report

Later Offending

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

no (official)

(self-report),

F, P, S

c,p

C

S, V

F, D, V

C

D

F, D

F, D

F, Ρ

F, S, V

F, S, V

Examined

Findings Yes

Outcomes

Significant

-J

Official

H a m p a r i a n , Schuster, Dinitz, a n d

predicted

F, C , Ο

F, D

P, S, D

F

F, S

F, Ρ

F, Ρ

c. Included both males a n d females.

o c c u r r e d , w a s related to antisocial behavior during adulthood.

b. Robins (1978) examined w h e t h e r antisocial behavior during c h i l d h o o d ( w h i c h ranged up to 18, 15, a n d 19 years in her three studies), but not the specific a g e at w h i c h it

a. T h e measure of antisocial behavior included behavior such as fighting, dropping out of school, a n d getting arrested.

not)

a n d others

significantly

outcomes

Mixed (some

Yes

Yes

Yes

(e.g., u n e m p l o y m e n t ,

noncriminal o u t c o m e s

difficult to discipline

8 to 10 years v s . later/never

1 1 , 12, 13)

ages after that c o n t i n u o u s (e.g.,

10 years grouped together, w i t h

6 years—continuous (ages 6 to

13 to 16 years

< 9 years v s . 9 to 12 years v s .

14)

age separate (e.g., £ 1 1 , 12, 13,

together, w i t h e a c h subsequent

11 years or under g r o u p e d

age separate (e.g., 1 1 , 12, 13)

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

low-status j o b , divorce)

Self-report, official,

Teacher report of

Official

10 years or under g r o u p e d together, with e a c h subsequent

N O T E : F - frequency; Ρ = participation; S = seriousness; D - duration; V = variety; C = chronic offender status; Ο « other life c o u r s e o u t c o m e s .

Farrington (1991)

c

Self-report, official

Clueck and G l u e c k ( 1 9 4 0 )

Conrad (1978)

Official

Official

Tracy a n d Kempf-Leonard (1996)°

Official

Official

Official

W o l f g a n g , Thornberry, a n d Figlio (1987)

7 years—continuous

10 years

Official

Official

Teacher-rated aggression Official

c

5 to 15 years v s . > 15 y e a r s /

8 to 10 years vs. later/never

never

Official

Self-report, official

reports of stealing

Parent a n d teacher

ratings as troublesome

behavior, teacher a n d peer

Self-report of antisocial

W o l f g a n g , Figlio, a n d Sellin (1972)

Stattin a n d M a g n u s s o n ( 1 9 8 9 )

Mitchell a n d Rosa (1979)

Farrington (1994a)

78

EPIDEMIOLOGY AND DEVELOPMENT

inations of criminal careers, Blumstein and colleagues (1986) stated that, in general, offenders who begin their careers when they are younger have higher annual frequency rates than do those who begin their careers at older ages. They also noted that this pattern is observed for both combined and separate offense types. The English Borstal Prediction Study, which examined boys admitted to a Borstal between August 1946 and July 1947 and used official records to measure onset and subsequent offending (Mannheim & Wilkins, 1955), found that youths with an early onset are at greater risk for chronic offending than are youths who begin offending later. Also, Mannheim (1967) stated that boys who had been found guilty for the first time at or before age 11 years had a failure rate after being released from a Borstal that was higher than the rate for those first found guilty after age 11. Stattin and Magnusson (1989), reporting on a longitudinal study involving a Swedish cohort of males and females who were age 10 years in 1965, stated that early aggressiveness is related to later frequency of offending for both genders. For example, they reported that nearly 43% of the most aggressive males (according to teacher ratings) committed four or more crimes (according to official records) by age 26. However, no males with the lowest aggressiveness rating had more than one offense listed in official records. Also, 17% of the most aggressive females committed four or more offenses by age 26, while less than 2% of those with the lowest aggressiveness rating had two or more official offenses. Two studies using data from the Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development (Nagin, Farrington, & Moffitt, 1995; Nagin & Land, 1993) support the early onset/higher frequency hypothesis. These studies identified a group containing 12% of the sample who displayed a pattern of official convictions that was high at ages 10 to 32 years, indicating an early onset followed by a high volume of later offending. Nagin and colleagues (1995) found that the most serious and frequent offenders, whom they labeled high-level chronics, had a

much higher conviction rate during early adolescence than did the less serious and frequent offenders. In addition, Loeber (1982) pointed out that the findings of the Cambridge study reveal that individuals who are younger than age 15 when they begin offending have a higher level of delinquent involvement during adult life than do those who begin offending after age 15. Blumstein, Farrington, and Moitra (1985), also using the Cambridge sample, found that nearly 61% of chronic offenders had been convicted at ages 10 to 13 years, compared to only 18% of nonchronic offenders. Chronic offenders were defined as those who had been convicted six or more times by age 25. Blumstein and colleagues also reported that in a logistic regression model with seven predictor variables, conviction by age 13 was the strongest discriminator between chronic and nonchronic offenders. In a longitudinal study in Montreal, Le Blanc and Frechette (1989) followed a representative sample of 1,684 youths (ages 12 to 17 years at recruitment) for 2 years as well as a sample of 470 convicted juveniles (ages 13 to 17 at recruitment) for 7 years. Both self-reported and official data were used to measure onset and subsequent offending, and age of onset in the sample ranged from 3 (self-reported) to 25. Le Blanc and Frechette found that, regardless of how offending is measured, the earlier the age of onset, the greater the frequency of later offending. Robins (1978) reported findings from three retrospective longitudinal studies that she conducted on the continuity of antisocial behavior. The first was a follow-up of 436 individuals who had been patients at the Municipal Child Guidance Clinic of St. Louis, Missouri, during the 1920s; the second was based on a sample of young black men chosen from elementary school records; and the third was a follow-up of a national random sample of men enlisted in the army who had left Vietnam in 1971 and a matched sample of nonveterans. A mix of official and interview data was used to gather childhood and adult information for the three studies. Robins

Later Delinquency Careers

found that, with the exception of drinking (in the first study), every problem behavior during childhood significantly predicted a high level of antisocial behavior during adulthood. The predictors included behavior such as fighting, dropping out of school, getting arrested, and being incarcerated. To emphasize the relationship, she noted that two thirds of highly antisocial adults had displayed high levels of these types of behavior during childhood. Tracy and Kempf-Leonard (1996) reported findings from a longitudinal study of the cohort of males and females born in Philadelphia in 1958 (N = 27,160), in which both onset and subsequent juvenile and adult offending were measured with official records. They reported that age of onset is significantly related to adult offender status in that youths whose first arrests were at age 11 years or under, as well as youths whose onset was at age 12, 13, or 14, all were more likely to be arrested as adults than were youths who began offending at age 17. Those who began at age 13 or 14 had the strongest conditional odds of being arrested as adults when compared to the oldest onset group. Patterson, Forgatch, Yoerger, and Stoolmiller (1998) analyzed data from the Oregon Youth Study, which is an ongoing longitudinal study of two successive birth cohorts of Grade 4 males and their families drawn from neighborhoods with the 10 highest delinquency rates in Eugene, Oregon. They identified an early-onset trajectory that began with antisocial behavior at ages 9 and 10 years, followed by arrest by age 14, and then by chronic offending (measured with official records) by age 18. Specifically, youths above the 50th percentile on antisocial behavior were 13 times more likely to be arrested by age 14 than were those below the 50th percentile. Also, youths with early arrests were 39 times more likely to become chronic offenders by age 18 than were those who were arrested after age 14. In further analyses of the Oregon study data, Patterson and Yoerger (1999) reported that overt antisocial behavior in Grade 4, as

79

rated by parents and teachers, is positively related to juvenile and adult arrests. More specifically, boys with chronic antisocial behavior beginning in Grade 4 had a 51% chance of chronic juvenile arrests and a 44% chance of being arrested as adults. The corresponding numbers for boys with antisocial behavior below the mean for normal boys were 2% for chronic juvenile arrests and 6% for adult arrests.

Seriousness There also is evidence that early onset is related to more serious offending later in an individual's career. In the study discussed earlier, Tolan (1987) classified the self-reported offenses of each individual into one of four seriousness categories according to Tennessee law. He then calculated frequency scores for each seriousness level as well as a score for the most serious offense reported by each participant. The early-onset group had a significantly higher mean seriousness score for subsequent delinquency, significantly higher frequencies for each level of seriousness, and a larger proportion of participants in the serious felony category. In addition, Tolan and Thomas (1995), analyzing data from the National Youth Survey, reported a positive association between delinquency before age 12 years and both official and self-reported violence during adolescence. There is evidence from the Cambridge study that supports this as well. Farrington (1994a) reported that youths who were rated as troublesome by peers and teachers and those who were identified as antisocial according to 10 measures of childhood conduct problems, both at ages 8 to 10 years, were more likely to become what he called aggressive frequent group fighters at age 18. Aggressive frequent group fighters are youths who were at or above the 75th percentile on aggressive attitudes, who reported being involved in at least three fights, and whose most serious fights had taken place in groups. Troublesome and antisocial behavior at ages 8 to

80

EPIDEMIOLOGY AND DEVELOPMENT

10 were significant predictors of being convicted for violent offenses up to age 32. In addition, Farrington (1991) found that 39% of nonviolent frequent offenders and 38% of violent offenders were rated by their teachers as difficult to discipline at ages 8 to 10, compared to 16% of nonconvicted males who were rated this way. Loeber (1988) identified two potential paths that offenders follow: an aggressive versatile path and a nonaggressive path. He reported that youths on the former path are more likely to have an early age of onset than are those on the latter path. Hence, an earlier age of onset appears to be related to more aggressive, and consequently more serious, subsequent offending. Also, in a prospective longitudinal study involving a random sample of students who were in school in England in 1961, Mitchell and Rosa (1979) found that both parent and teacher reports of stealing at ages 5 to 15 years were positively associated with official violent offending at ages 20 to 30. Further evidence of the importance of early onset is found in a review of results from the Denver Youth Survey, the Pittsburgh Youth Study, and the Rochester Youth Development Study, in which Huizinga, Loeber, and Thornberry (1994) reported that an early age of onset is predictive of more serious delinquency and drug use. Similarly, Tolan and Gorman-Smith (1998) stated, "There is evidence that earlier onset, particularly a pattern of earlier onset in increasingly serious offenses over time, seems to differentiate risk for serious offending" (p. 77). Wolfgang and colleagues (1972) examined a cohort consisting of all males born in Philadelphia in 1945 who resided there from at least ages 10 to 18 years (N = 9,945). Police records were used to identify delinquents, and onset of offending ranged from ages 7 to 17. Wolfgang and colleagues reported that youths who began at age 12 had the highest mean offense seriousness score and that there was a moderately strong negative relationship between age of onset and subsequent offense seriousness. They also found that, in general, an

earlier age of onset was related to committing a lower proportion of nonindex offenses. Wolfgang, Thornberry, and Figlio (1987) followed a 10% sample of this cohort until age 30. They also report an inverse relationship between age of onset and subsequent offending. Even when the sample was followed to age 30, those who began at age 12 had the greatest numbers of subsequent arrests. Hamparian, Schuster, Dinitz, and Conrad (1978) studied all individuals born between 1956 and 1960 who had at least one juvenile arrest for a violent offense in Columbus, Ohio (Λ/ = 1,138). Onset ranged from ages 6 to 17 years, and they found that an earlier age of first arrest was related to larger numbers of both total arrests and violent subsequent arrests. For example, those juveniles who were arrested before age 10 had a mean of 7.3 arrests, compared to a mean of 1.3 arrests for those whose first arrests occurred at age 17. In a related finding, Hamparian and colleagues also reported that the percentage of violent recidivists was higher among those who began offending earlier than among those who began later. Interestingly, those who were first arrested for violent offenses at age 12 had a higher mean number of arrests in general, as well as a higher mean number of violent arrests, than did youths whose first violent offenses were at any other age. Lipsey and Derzon (1998) conducted a meta-analysis of 66 reports from 34 prospective longitudinal studies of antisocial behavior and its development. The goal was to synthesize the literature on predictive risk factors for adolescent and early adult serious and violent offending. Predictors were grouped into those appearing either at ages 6 to 11 or at ages 12 to 14 years, whereas violent and serious offending spanned ages 15 to 25. Committing a general juvenile offense (i.e., not necessarily violent or serious) at ages 6 to 11 was the strongest predictor of subsequent violent and serious offending, compared to the other risk factors from this age period. Other factors to which child delinquency was compared included personal characteristics, family characteristics, and social factors.

Later Delinquency Careers

Duration

81

The weight of the evidence supports the contention that youths who begin offending early will desist from this behavior later than will those who do not have an early age of onset. In the Cambridge study, Nagin and Farrington (1992) found that age of onset was inversely related to persistence of offending. Also, Hamparian and colleagues (1978) noted that early age of first arrest is a likely forerunner of a lengthy delinquent career. Similarly, with the Montreal samples, Le Blanc and Frechette (1989) found that age of onset is negatively related to duration of the offending career, measured both officially and through self-reports. Drawing on their classic study of 500 delinquents and 500 nondelinquents in Massachusetts, Glueck and Glueck (1940, 1950) reported that youths who desisted from delinquency were more likely to have been arrested for the first time at a later age than were those who continued their offending careers. Thus, the earlier the first conviction, the longer the career is likely to be.

early adolescence (e.g., age 11 or 12). Combining them blurs the notion of truly "early" early-onset offenders. Also, many previous studies have looked at only one or a few aspects of subsequent offending patterns, and few have looked at multiple outcomes for the same individuals. Some prior studies have used self-reported data, whereas others have used official data; few studies have used both self-reported and official data from the same individuals. Hence, it is difficult to determine whether any differences found across studies are due to differences in measurement or to differences in the samples. Finally, most of the studies reviewed earlier focused on males and did not include diverse samples in terms of ethnicity. Because of these and other limitations, the Study Group on Very Young Offenders set out to reinvestigate this issue using data from three ongoing longitudinal studies: the Rochester study, two cohorts of adjudicated youths from Montreal (one from the 1970s and one from the 1990s), and the oldest cohort of males from the Pittsburgh study. We begin with results from the Rochester study.

^$ N E W RESULTS

Rochester Youth Development Study

As we saw in the earlier theoretical section, a number of theories hypothesize that individuals who begin offending early are likely to have longer and more extensive criminal careers than those who begin offending later. Prior empirical investigations examining this hypothesis generally are consistent with this theoretical prediction, but this work is not without its limitations. For example, many of these studies used a rather high age criterion (e.g., 12 or 13 years) to identify early-onset offenders. By that point, many offenders are active (LeBlanc & Frechette, 1989; Wolfgang et al., 1972), and theoretically, one would expect etiological differences between individuals who begin their offending very early (e.g., age 7 or 8) and those who start at

Our measure of early-onset offending is based on the self-reported delinquency data collected at each interview. In the first interview, for each of the 32 items in the self-report inventory, we asked each respondent whether he or she had committed a delinquent act and, if so, the respondent's age the first time it was committed. This retrospective account was used to estimate the age of onset of each item and, by extension, each self-report index (e.g., general delinquency, violence). If the respondent reported the act for the first time at some subsequent interview, then his or her age at that interview was used to measure onset. In this way, age of onset could vary from 4 to 22 years. To focus clearly on early onset, we divided the respondents into three categories: those

82

EPIDEMIOLOGY AND DEVELOPMENT

TABLE 4.2

Involvement in Delinquency During Adolescence (ages 13 to 17 years), by Age of Onset Group: Rochester Youth Development Study 4 to 10 Years

11 and 12 Years

13 and 14 Years

P r e v a l e n c e (percentages) Serious*

65 (n=

Violent

55

3

Serious**

(n -

48 98)

(n = 210) 40

55

a

103)

(n= Frequency (means)

51

a

103)

(n = 98)

(n =

210)

b

25.1

(n = Violent*

a

72)

9.7

(n =

19.5

18.2 60)

9.8

(n-53) C

(n = 54)

(n = 101) 9.3

(n =

86)

' O v e r a l l F statistic significant at the .05 level. " O v e r a l l F statistic significant at the .01 level. a. 4- to 10-year onset group significantly different from 13- to 14-year onset group. b. All values w e r e log-transformed prior to analysis. M e a n s presented in table are nontransformed. c. 11 - to 12-year onset group significantly different from 13- to 14-year onset group.

who first reported committing delinquent acts at or prior to age 10 years, those who began at age 11 or 12, and those who began at age 13 or 14. This measure is based on the 32 items in the general delinquency index covering a broad range of delinquent acts. This analysis is limited to the males in the Rochester study; the overall sample of females is smaller (250 females vs. 750 males), and there are too few early-onset offenders to subdivide them into these three onset groups. The central hypothesis being tested is that the earlier the onset of offending, the more extensive and serious the subsequent criminal career. We begin by examining offending during the adolescent years. To focus on more serious aspects of delinquency, we present only results for the serious delinquency and violent delinquency indexes. The serious delinquency index contains nine items ranging in seriousness from vandalism to arson; the violence index contains three items: gang fights, robbery, and attack with a weapon. Also, both the prevalence of offending (the percentage of the sample engaging in the activity) and the fre2

quency of offending (the mean number of offenses per active offender) are included. The results show a statistically significant relationship between age of onset of general delinquency and involvement in serious and violent delinquency during adolescence (Table 4.2). Starting with the prevalence data, we see that 65% of respondents who began offending at ages 4 to 10 years self-reported serious delinquency during adolescence (ages 13 to 17), compared to 51% of those who initiated delinquency at age 11 or 12 and 48% of those who began at age 13 or 14. A similar pattern is seen for the violent index, and in both cases, the youngest onset group has a significantly higher prevalence rate than the oldest onset group. For the frequency of involvement in delinquency, all of the overall associations are significant. For the frequency of serious delinquency, the youngest onset group reported the most extensive involvement in serious delinquency. Respondents in that group reported committing 25.1 acts during adolescence, compared to 19.5 acts for those who began at

Later Delinquency Careers

TABLE 4.3

Involvement in D elinquency Durin g Early Adulthood (ages 19 to by Age of Onset C r o u p : Rochester Youth Development Study 4 to 10 Years

11 and 12 Years

83

22 years),

13 and 14 Years

Prevalence Serious**

3 9

a,b

(n = 95) 30

Violent**

b

(n = 95) Frequency (means)

20

23

(n = 96)

(n = 203)

16

11

(n = 96)

(n = 203)

c

19.5

21.0

9.4

(n = 38)

(n = 23)

(n = 54)

Serious

14.7

Violent

0

= 27)

8.9 (n-18)

5.3 (n = 30)

* * O v e r a l l F statistic significant at the .01 level. a. 4- to 10-year onset group significantly different from 1 1 - to 12-year onset group. b. 4- to 10-year onset group significantly different from 13- to 14-year onset group. c. All values w e r e log-transformed prior to analysis. M e a n s presented in table are nontransformed.

age 11 or 12 years and 9.8 acts for those who began at age 13 or 14. However, for violent delinquency, the highest frequency (18.2) is associated with the middle-onset group and is about twice as high as the rates for the youngest (9.7) and oldest (9.3) onset groups. These data indicate that early-onset offending is associated with more extensive delinquency during adolescence. However, a more stringent test of the core hypothesis is to see whether there also is a relationship between age of onset and offending during early adulthood. In this case, the important points are that (a) there is a longer time lag between when onset occurred and when the outcome was measured, (b) offending at these ages is a better indicator of career length, and (c) these data begin to test the theoretical expectation that early-onset offenders have lower (or at least delayed) desistance. The relevant data are presented Table 4.3. The youngest onset group has the highest prevalence rate for both serious delinquency and violent delinquency during the early adult years, roughly ages 19 to 22 years. Fully 39% of the youngest group reported involvement in

serious delinquency despite more than a 10-year lag between the onset measure and the outcome measure. This compares to 20% and 23% for the middle and oldest onset groups, respectively. For violence, 30% of the youngest onset group reported involvement in violent delinquency during the early adult years, compared to 16% and 11% of the middle and oldest groups, respectively. However, for the frequency measures, the relationships are not statistically significant during early adulthood. Thus, although more early-onset offenders remain active offenders during the adult years, they do not commit offenses at a significantly higher frequency. Overall, it would appear from the Rochester data that the early onset of offending is related to more extensive delinquent and criminal careers. Early-onset offenders have a higher prevalence of offending during adolescence and early adulthood and also have a higher frequency of offending during adolescence. These findings are particularly noteworthy for two reasons. First, only the more serious forms of delinquency—the serious and violent delinquency indexes—are in-

84

EPIDEMIOLOGY AND DEVELOPMENT

TABLE 4.4

Frequency of Involvement in Delinquency During Adolescence (onset up to age 18 years), by Age of Onset Group Measured by Self-Reports: Montreal Cohort of 1970s (frequency means) 4 to 10 Years

11 and 12 Years

13 and 14 Years

Self-reported d e l i n q u e n c y Serious

Violent

90.7

77.6

(n = 48)

(n = 62)

25.6

21.7

(n = 48)

(n = 62)

48.7 (n=

156)

24.6 (n=

156)

Official d e l i n q u e n c y Serious

Violent

6.4

5.7

(n = 48)

(n = 62)

1.9

1.0

(n = 48)

(n = 62)

eluded. Second, by comparing groups of respondents who begin offending at ages 4 to 10, 11 and 12, and 13 and 14 years, the analysis is limited only to respondents who began offending at age 14 or under. This group, in its entirety, often is considered an early-onset group and, in the previous literature, was compared to late-onset groups. Thus, we have examined this relationship for finer gradations within a relatively early-onset group.

5.1 (n-

156)

0.9 (n-

156)

Montreal Cohort of 1970s

when the self-reported data are used to assess onset, although the expected pattern is evident for self-reported serious delinquency. In this case, we see that the frequency of subsequent offending, both self-reported and official, is unrelated to age of onset. In Table 4.5, where onset groups are based on official data, only one of the four relationships is statistically significant. The youngest onset group has a significantly higher score (11.7) on the official measure of serious delinquency, compared to the middle (4.8) and oldest (5.1) onset groups.

The relationship between onset and subsequent offending also was analyzed by Le Blanc using data from a cohort of 470 adjudicated boys recruited during the 1970s in Montreal (see Le Blanc & Frechette, 1989, for a description of the sample). This analysis represents several important extensions in this line of work. First, both onset and subsequent involvement in delinquency are measured with self-reported and official data. Thus, the relationships can be examined both within and across the two basic measures of delinquent behavior. Second, the adult follow-up period extends to age 30 years. Table 4.4 presents information on the frequency of delinquency during adolescence

Turning to the adult years, Tables 4.6 and 4.7 reveal a rather similar picture. When the self-report measure of onset is used (Table 4.6), none of the four associations is significant. When the official measure of onset is used (Table 4.7), only the relationships in which subsequent offending is measured by official data are significant. The youngest onset group has a higher rate of serious and violent official delinquency than do either of the other groups. Overall, there does not appear to be a very consistent association between age of onset and subsequent offending among the young men in the 1970s Montreal cohort. Age of onset is related to subsequent offending when both onset and subsequent offending are mea-

3

Later Delinquency Careers

TABLE 4.5

85

Frequency of Involvement in Delinquency During Adolescence (ages 12 to 18 years), by Age of Onset Group Measured by Official Data: Montreal Cohort of 1970s (frequency means) 4 to 10 Years

11 and 12 Years

13 and 14 Years

Self-reported d e l i n q u e n c y Serious

65.7

(n = Violent

40.8

38)

30.7

(n =

(n =

44)

13.2

38)

(n =

44)

47.9 (n=

137)

23.2 (n=

137)

Official d e l i n q u e n c y Serious*

11.7 ' a

(n = Violent

b

(n =

38)

(n =

5.1

44)

(n = 137)

44)

(n = 137)

1.7

1.9

(n =

4.8

38)

0.9

• O v e r a l l F statistic significant at the .05 level. a. 4- to 10-year onset group significantly different from 1 1 - to 12-year group. b. 4- to 10-year onset group significantly different from 13- to 14-year group.

sured with official data (the bottom panels of Tables 4.5 and 4.7). However, whenever the self-reported data are used to measure either onset or later offending, the relationships are not significant. Montreal Cohort of 1990s Le Blanc also analyzed a cohort of Montreal youths adjudicated during the 1990s. In this case, there are 506 boys and 150 girls (for a description of the sample, see Le Blanc, 1997). Age of onset is based on self-reported data only. Because the prevalence rates are uniformly high for these adjudicated youths, we focus on the frequency of self-reported offending and on an ever-variety score measuring the number of different types of delinquency reported by the respondents. Because of the relatively small number of female respondents, we use a significance level of ρ < .10 to determine significance, and for consistency, we do so for males as well. Table 4.8 presents the data for the males. There is a marginally significant effect of age of onset on the frequency of both serious de-

linquency and violent delinquency, with the youngest onset group having the highest mean in both cases. For the variety of offenses committed, the means are quite similar across groups, and neither relationship is significant. In Table 4.9, the same relationships are examined for the female respondents. Three of the four relationships are statistically significant, and the significance level for the frequency of serious delinquency is .12. An interesting pattern is evident. In all four comparisons, the highest scores are associated with the girls who began offending at age 11 or 12 years. Therefore, for the female respondents, it appears that early, but not extremely early, onset is associated with more subsequent delinquency. Overall, there appears to be more support in the 1990s Montreal cohort for the hypothesis that early onset is related to more subsequent offending. Although the relationships are not overpowering, there is a consistent trend in this direction. For the males, subsequent offending is highest for the youngest onset group; for the females, it is highest for the middle onset group.

86

EPIDEMIOLOGY AND DEVELOPMENT

TABLE 4.6

Frequency of Involvement in Delinquency During Adulthood (ages 18 to 30 years), by Age of Onset Group Measured by Self-Reports: Montreal Cohort of 1970s (frequency means) 4 to 10 Years

11 and 12 Years

13 and 14 Years

Self-reported d e l i n q u e n c y Serious

24.5

231.1

83.0

(n = 20)

(n = 26)

(n = 79)

Violent

15.1 (n = 20)

10.9 (n = 26)

6.3 (n = 79)

Official d e l i n q u e n c y Serious

4.9

4.1

6.0

(n = 48)

(n = 62)

(n=156)

Violent

TABLE 4.7

1.6

1.1

1.7

(n = 48)

(n = 62)

(n = 156)

Frequency of Involvement in Delinquency During Adulthood (ages 18 to 30 years), by Age of Onset Group Measured by Official Data: Montreal Cohort of 1970s (frequency means) 4 to 10 Years

11 and 12 Years

13 and 14 Years

Self-reported d e l i n q u e n c y Serious

41.9

23.5

102.8

(n=16)

(n = 15)

(n = 60)

Violent

27.5

11.7

(n=16)

(n = 15)

7.9 (n = 60)

Official d e l i n q u e n c y Serious*

9

0

a,b

(n = 38) Violent*

3.1

b

(n = 38)

4.2

3.8

(n = 44)

( n = 137)

1.6

1.1

(n = 44)

( n = 137)

"Overall F statistic significant at the .05 level. a. 4- to 10-year onset group significantly different from 1 1 - to 12-year onset group. b. 4- to 10-year onset group significantly different from 13- to 14-year onset group.

Pittsburgh Youth Study Age of onset of general delinquency was determined by retrospective self-reported data from the oldest cohort of males in the Pittsburgh study. The respondents were divided into four groups: those who began offending at ages 4 to 6 (27.7% of sample), ages 7 to 9 (26.8%), ages 10 to 12 (35.3%), and ages 13

and 14 years (10.2%). Compared to the other samples used here, there is a much higher prevalence of early-onset offending in the Pittsburgh sample. For example, 90% of the Pittsburgh sample self-reported onset before age 13, compared to 48% of males in Rochester, 41% of those in the 1970s Montreal cohort, and 42% of those in the 1990s Montreal cohort. Later offending was measured by the

Later Delinquency Careers

TABLE 4.8

87

Involvement in Self-Reported Delinquency During Adolescence (onset up to age 18 years), by Age of Onset Group Measured by Self-Reports: Montreal Cohort of 1990s, Males Only 4 to 70 Vears

7 / a n d 12 Years

13 and 14 Years

F r e q u e n c y (means) Serious*

15.3

(n = 45) Violent*

15.2

(r>

= 57)

50.3

47.6

(n = 45)

(n = 57)

13.8 (n = 140) 45.6

(n=

140)

Variety (means) Serious

3.2

2.9

2.9

(n = 4 5 )

(n = 57)

(n = 140)

9.4

8.9

8.4

(n = 4 5 )

(n = 57)

(n = 140)

Violent

* p < .10.

TABLE 4.9

Involvement in Self-Reported Delinquency During Adolescence (onset up to age 18 years), by Age of Onset G roup Measured by Self-Reports: Montreal Cohort of 1990s, Females Only 4 to 10 Years

7 7 and 12 Years

73 and 14 Years

F r e q u e n c y (means) Serious

9.8

(n-4) Violent*

38.3

a

(n-4)

12.5

10.8

(n=17)

(n = 29)

51.6

42.6

(n=17)

(n = 29)

Variety (means) Serious*

Violent**

2.7

1.5

(n =

(n=17) 10.8

8.3

4)

(n=17)

(n = 29)

8.5

(n =

1.9

(n = 29)

4)

*p• (Carlson et al, 1999; Egeland & Brunnquell, 1979)

Elkins: Minnesota Twin Family Study (United States)

A total of 585 children (304 boys and 281 girls) and their teachers and peers were assessed at home and at school annually from kindergarten to Grade 3. The focus was on socialization processes that account for later behavior problems.

A total of 650 male and 650 female twin pairs and their families initially were assessed at ages 11 and 17 years. Annual phone interviews and follow-up visits every 3 years are planned until the children are ages 20 and 26 years. The focus is on the development of substance abuse and associated psychological disorders.

J* (Dodge, Pettit, & Bates, 1994)

> (Elkins, Lacono, Doyle, & McGue, 1997)

Douglas and Wadsworth: National Survey of Health and Development (United Kingdom)

Elliott and Huizinga: National Youth Survey (United States)

Dodge, Pettit, and Bates (United States)

A total of 5,362 children were selected from all legitimate single births in England, Scotland, and Wales during 1 week of March 1946. They were followed up in criminal records to age 21 years. Medical and school data were collected at ages 26,36, and 43 years.

The study used a nationally representative sample of 1,725 adolescents ages 11 to 17 years in 1976. The youths were interviewed during 5 successive years (1977 to 1981) and again in 1984, 1987, 1990, and 1993. The focus was on self-reported delinquency, but arrest records also were collected.

J> (Wadsworth, 1991)

J> (Elliott, 1994a)

Eaves: Virginia Twin Study of Adolescent Behavioral Development (United States)

Eron and Huesmann: Columbia County Study (United States)

The study was begun in 1987 and includes 1,412 monozygotic and dizygotic twin pairs ages 8 to 16 years. The focus is on genetic and environmental risk factors for psychopathology and behavioral development.

A total of 875 8-year-old children in a semirural setting of New York State were first assessed in 1960. The focus was on aggressive problem behavior. Follow-up interviews were done 10 and 22 years later.

J* (Eaves et al., 1997)

>· (Eron & Huesmann, 1990)

418

APPENDIXES

Farrington and West: Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development (United Kingdom) The sample consisted of 411 boys ages 8 and 9 years during 1961-1962 in six London schools. Boys were contacted about every 2 to 3 years up to age 32 years. Families were contacted every year while the boys were at school. Boys and all biological relatives were searched in criminal records up to 1994. >• (Farrington, 1995b)

Fergusson: Christchurch Health and Development Study (New Zealand) The sample consisted of 1,265 children born in Christchurch, New Zealand, in 1977. They were studied at birth, 4 months, 1 year, and annually up to age 16 years and then again at age 18 years. Data from mother, child, and teacher included self-reported delinquency and substance use. >· (Fergusson, Horwood, & Lynsky, 1994)

S. Glueck and E. Glueck (United States) The sample consisted of 500 male delinquents in Massachusetts correctional schools during 1939 to 1944 and 500 matched nondelinquents. They were contacted at average ages of 14, 25, and 31 years. Nondelinquents were followed up to age 47 years by Vaillant. Original data were reanalyzed by Sampson and Laub. >• (Glueck & Glueck, 1968; Sampson & Laub, 1993b; Vaillant, 1983)

Gottfried: Fullerton Longitudinal Study (United States) This was a 10-year longitudinal study on the developmental-behavioral significance of infant temperamental difficulties. A total of 130

1-year-olds and their families and teachers were followed up to age 12 years. Behavioral problems were assessed at the 3rd year of life and annually at ages 4 to 12 years by parents and at ages 6 to 11 years by teachers. » (Gottfried, Bathurst, & Gottfried, 1994)

Gorman-Smith and Tolan: Chicago Youth Development Study (United States) A total of 362 African American and Latino boys in Grade 5 or 7 (ages 11 to 15 years) at Chicago public schools were studied in 1991. They continue to be followed up yearly, with data being gathered from the boys, their mothers, and their teachers > (Gorman-Smith & Tolan, 1998).

Greenbaum: National Adolescent and Child Treatment Study (United States) The sample consisted of 812 children ages 8 to 18 years who initially were identified as having serious emotional disturbance. They were followed up annually for 7 years. Data were obtained from children, caretakers, teachers, and educational records. >· (Greenbaum et al., 1996)

Hawkins and Catalano: Seattle Social Development Project (United States) The sample consisted of all (Λ/ = 808) consenting Grade 5 students (age 10 years) in 18 elementary schools in Seattle, Washington, during the fall of 1985. Some students in the sample had been studied since Grade 1 and had been exposed to an experimental school intervention. Annual follow-up interviews were done through 1993. Follow-ups also were done in 1996 and 1999. >• (Hawkins, Catalano, Kosterman, Abbott, & Hill, 1999)

AppendixC

419

Huizinga and Elliott: Denver Youth Survey (United States)

Kellam and Ensminger: Woodlawn Project (United States)

This probability sample of households yielded 1,500 children in high-risk neighborhoods of Denver, Colorado, who were ages 7,9,11, 13, and 15 years in 1988. Follow-ups were done at almost yearly intervals and still are ongoing.

A sample of 1,242 students in Grade 1 in an African American Chicago neighborhood (Woodlawn) was first assessed during 1966-1967. The focus was on shy and aggressive behaviors and substance use. They were reassessed during 1975-1976. They were followed up by Ensminger and McCord in 1993.

> (Huizinga, 1995)

>· (Ensminger, Kellam, & Rubin, 1983) Janson and Wikström: Stockholm Project Metropolitan (Sweden) The sample consisted of all 15,117 children born in Stockholm, Sweden, in 1953 and living in Stockholm in 1963. They were tested in schools in 1966. A subsample of mothers were interviewed in 1968. They were followed-up in police records through 1983. > (Wikström, 1990) Jessor (United States) The study included a sample of 1,126 high school students (Grades 7 to 9) first assessed in 1969 (average age 14 years) and a sample of 497 freshman college students first assessed in 1970 (average age 19 years). It included self-reports of problem behavior and substance use. Follow-ups were done through 1981. >· (Jessor, Donovan, & Costa, 1991) Kandel (United States) A total of 8,206 adolescents from a representative secondary school sample (Grades 10 and 11) in New York State were studied. Completed self-report substance use questionnaires were used during the fall of 1971 and a half year later; a total of 5,574 parents responded to questionnaires. Adult follow-ups of a subsample were done in 1980, 1984, and 1990 (n= 1,160). >• (Kandel, Yamaguchi,& Chen, 1992)

Kolvin: Newcastle 1000—Family Study (United Kingdom) The sample consisted of all 1,142 children born in Newcastle during May-June 1947. Children and families were contacted at least once a year up to age 15 years and finally at age 22 years. Children were followed up in criminal records to ages 32 and 33 years. A subsample of participants (n = 266) were interviewed at ages 32 and 33 years. Members of the original sample, their spouses, and their children were followed up in criminal records through 1994. >- (Kolvin, Miller, Scott, Gatzanis, & Fleeting, 1990)

Le Blanc (Canada) A total of 1,029 kindergarten French Canadian boys and their families were studied in 1984. Children were reinterviewed over the phone when they were ages 10, 11, and 12 years. The focus was on family and adolescent delinquency. >• (Le Blanc, McDuff, & Kaspy, 1998) Le Blanc and Frechette: Montreal Longitudinal Studies (Canada) The first study consisted of a representative sample of 3,070 French-speaking Montreal adolescents. They completed self-report ques-

420

APPENDIXES

tionnaires in 1974 at ages 12 to 16 years and again in 1976. The second study consisted of 470 male delinquents seen at age 15 years in 1974 and again at ages 17 and 22 years. All were followed up in criminal records to age 25 years. Males were interviewed at age 32 years. > (Le Blanc & Frechette, 1989)

Lewinsohn: Oregon Adolescent Depression Project (United States) A total of 1,709 randomly selected adolescents were assessed between 1987 and 1989 and were followed up approximately 1 year later. The focus was on depression and substance use. >- (Lewinsohn, Hops, Roberts, Seeley, & Andrews, 1993)

Loeber and Lahey: Developmental Trends Study (United States) The sample consisted of 177 clinic-referred boys who were ages 7 to 12 years at the beginning of the study (1987-1988). Yearly follow-ups have been done with diagnostic assessments and many other measurements. Currently, they are in the 9th year of follow-ups. > (Loeber, Green, Keenan, & Lahey, 1995)

Loeber, Stouthamer-Loeber, and Farrington: Pittsburgh Youth Study (United States) A total of 1,517 boys in Grades 1, 4, and 7 in public schools in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, during 1987-1988 (ages 7, 10, and 13 years) were studied. Information from the boys, parents, and teachers was gathered every 6 months for 3 years, and then every year, with a focus on delinquency, substance use, and mental health problems. >• (Loeber, Farrington, Stouthamer-Loeber, & Van Kämmen, 1998)

Magnusson and Stattin: Orebro Project (Sweden) The sample consisted of 1,027 children (age 10 years) in Orebro, Sweden, in 1965. They were followed up at ages 13 and 15 years. They were followed up in criminal records to age 30 years. Two other cohorts born in 1950 and 1952 also were followed up. >- (Klinteberg, Andersson, Magnusson, & Stattin, 1993)

J. McCord and W. McCord: CambridgeSomerville Youth Study (United States) The sample consisted of 650 boys (average age 10 years) nominated as difficult or average by schools in Cambridge and Somerville, Massachusetts, during 1937 to 1939. Experimental group members were visited by counselors for an average of 5 years. Follow-up was done during 1975 to 1980 by mail questionnaires and interviews and in criminal records. » (McCord, 1991b)

Mednick: Copenhagen Birth Cohort Studies (Denmark) In the first study, all 28,879 men born in Copenhagen during 1944 to 1947 and still alive and in Denmark in 1974 were followed up in police records to 1974. The second study examined 216 children born in Copenhagen during 1959 to 1961 with extensive perinatal data. They were followed up in police records to age 22 years. >• (Kandel & Mednick, 1991; Moffitt, Mednick, & Gabrielli, 1989)

Mitchell: Buckinghamshire Survey (United Kingdom) A total of 642 children ages 5 to 15 years in 1961 in Buckinghamshire, England, were rated by their parents. Their criminal records

Appendix C

were followed up to 1976. Samples were followed up by interview and mail questionnaires in 1978. J> (Mitchell, 1987)

National Institute of Child and Human Development, Early Child Care Research Network: NICHD Study of Early Child Care (United States)

421

Plomin and DeFries: Colorado Adoption Project (United States) Beginning in 1975, 182 adopted and 165 nonadopted infants and their biological or adoptive parents were tested when the children were ages 12 and 24 months. Follow-ups were done to age 12 years. The focus was on genetic and environmental origins of individual differences. >• (Plomin & DeFries, 1985)

A total of 1,364 families of healthy newborns were enrolled in the study in 1991. Biannual data collection began when the children were age 1 month and continued until approximately age 24 months, at which time assessments were continued annually. The focus was on child care experiences as predictors of later socioemotional and cognitive development. > (National Institute of Child and Human Development, Early Child Care Research Network, 1998)

Pulkkinen: Jy väskylä Longitudinal Study on Social Development (Finland) A total of 369 children (196 boys and 173 girls) ages 8 and 9 years located in Jyväskylä, Finland, in 1968 completed peer, teacher, and self-ratings. They were followed up at ages 14, 20, and 26 years with questionnaires and to age 26 years with criminal records. The study still is ongoing. »- (Pulkkinen &Pitkänen, 1993)

Offord: Ontario Child Health Study (Canada)

Raine and Venables (Mauritius)

A total of 1,302 boys and girls ages 12 to 16 years and their female heads of household participated, starting in 1983 and followed up in 1987. The focus was on substance use and problem behavior including delinquency.

A total of 1,795 children (51.4% boys and 48.6% girls) from the tropical island of Mauritius were recruited in 1972 when they were age 3 years. Most children were either Indian or Creole. Of these children, 1,130 were assessed when they were age 11 years. The focus was on physical and psychological characteristics that predispose children to aggression.

> (Boyle et al., 1992)

Patterson: Oregon Youth Study (United States) This is a follow-up of 206 Grade 4 boys in Eugene, Oregon, first assessed in 1984 and followed up at yearly intervals, with intensive assessments every other year (latest published at Grade 8). Follow-up also includes juvenile court records. >• (Capaldi & Patterson, 1994)

>· (Raine, Reynolds, Venables, Mednick, & Farrington, 1998)

Robins (United States) The first study sample consisted of 524 children treated in a child guidance clinic in St. Louis, Missouri, during 1924 to 1929 and 100 public school children. They were inter-

422

APPENDIXES

viewed more than 30 years later. The second study sample consisted of 235 black males born in St. Louis during 1930 to 1934 and located in elementary school records. They were interviewed during 1965-1966. > (Robins, 1979)

6 to 11 months at the start of the study and were followed up when they were ages 12,18, 24,36, and 60 months. The focus was on early negative child behavior and parent-child interactions in relation to later internalizing and externalizing problems. >· (Shaw, Keenan, & Vondra, 1994)

Rutter and Quinton: Inner London and Isle of Wight Studies (United Kingdom) The first study sample consisted of all 1,689 10-year-old children in inner London borough attending state schools in 1970. The second study sample consisted of all 1,279 10-year-old children on the Isle of Wight attending state schools in 1964. Both samples were retested at age 14 years. Inner London children were followed up in criminal records to age 25 years. > (Rutter, 1981) Sanson and Prior: Australian Temperament Project (Australia) A total of 2,443 children ages 4 to 8 months and their teachers and parents were followed up approximately every 6 months to age 10 years. The focus was on temperament, behavior, and family background. > (Sanson, Prior, & Smart, 1996)

Silva and Moffitt: Dunedin Study (New Zealand) A total of 1,037 children born during 1972-1973 in Dunedin, New Zealand, were first assessed at age 3 years and followed up to age 21 years. Biannual evaluations were done on health, psychological, educational, and family factors. Self-reported delinquency was measured at ages 13,15, 18, and 21 years. Police records were collected up to age 18 years. >• (Moffitt, Silva, Lynam, & Henry, 1994)

Stanger (United States) A total of 1,103 boys and girls age 4 to 18 years were followed up an average of 6 years after referral. The study sought to identify early problems that might predict later syndromes among referred children. Parent and teacher data, as well as criminal records, were obtained.

Schwartzman (Canada)

>- (Stanger, MacDonald, McConaughy, & Achenbach, 1996)

A total of 324 French Canadian students in Grade 1 (age 7 years) in Montreal were assessed by peers and self-reports in 1978. They were followed up at ages 10 and 14 years when self-reported delinquency was measured.

Thornberry, Lizotte, and Krohn: Rochester Youth Development Study (United States)

J* (Tremblay, Masse, et al., 1992) Shaw (United States) A total of 100 mother and infant dyads were recruited from a government-operated nutritional supplement program. Infants were ages

A total of 1,000 students in Grades 7 and 8 were first assessed in 1988, disproportionally sampled from high-crime neighborhoods. Three quarters were male. Initial assessments were done at half-yearly intervals. Subsequent assessments were carried out yearly and still are ongoing. >• (Thornberry, Lizotte, Krohn, Farnworth, & Jang, 1994)

Appendix C

423

Tremblay: Montreal Longitudinal Study of Disruptive Boys (Canada)

Widom: Longitudinal Study of Abused Children (United States)

Α total of 1,161 kindergarten boys in Montreal were assessed by teachers and followed up annually to age 12 years. The sample included disruptive boys who were part of a prevention experiment.

A total of 908 abused children under age 11 years were identified in court records in Indianapolis, Indiana, during 1967 to 1971. This group and 667 matched control children were studied. Both samples were followed up in arrest records to 1994.

» (Tremblay, Vitaro, et al., 1992)

> (Widom, 1991)

Verhulst (the Netherlands) A total of 2,600 children ages 4 to 16 years from Zuid-Holland were first assessed in 1983 and then followed up at 2-year intervals over 8 years. Assessment of mental health functioning was done by mothers, and self-reports were used as well. >- (Ferdinand & Verhulst, 1994)

Werner: Kauai Longitudinal Study (United States) A total of 698 children in Hawaii were tracked from birth in 1955 in Kauai. They were interviewed at ages 10, 18, and 32 years. Health, education, and police records were collected. >~ (Werner & Smith, 1992)

Wolfgang, Thornberry, and Figlio: Philadelphia Birth Cohort Studies (United States) The first study sample consisted of 9,945 boys born in Philadelphia in 1945 and living there at least from ages 10 to 17 years. A 10% sample was interviewed at age 26 years and followed up in police records to age 30 years. The second study sample consisted of 27,160 children born in Philadelphia in 1958 and living there at least from ages 10 to 17 years. They were followed up in police records to age 26 years. > (Tracy, Wolfgang, & Figlio, 1990; Wolfgang, Thornberry, & Figlio, 1987)

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Index

Abbott, R . , 418 Academic performance, 10

A g e of onset, 57,67-93 adult offending, 255-257

cognitive ability and, 150-152

aggression, 59-60

depression and, 72

chronic offenders, 3, 254

failure i n , 198,217-218, 223

defining, 140

language delays and, 124

gender and, 253

promoting achievement, 242

juvenile offenders, 14

structural adversity and, 73

race and, 253, 258

See also School

serious offending, 3

Achenbach, Τ. Μ . , 422

social adversity and, 260

Adjudicatory hearings, 31

A g e out, 7 0 , 7 1 , 8 1

Adolescent delinquents. See Juvenile delinquents

Agencies:

Adolescent peer groups, 73-74 Adolescent pregnancy, 260

special challenges, 13-14 variety of, 15

Adult antisocial behavior, 68,79

Ageton, S . S . , 214-215

Adult corrections, minority youth and, 263

Aggression, 5

Adult courts, 16, 328-329

abused children and, 182

Adult offenders, 253

age o f onset, 59-60

age o f onset, 84-85

approach behavior and, 147

gender of, 255-256

behavioral activation and, 148

race of, 255-256, 257

body size and, 153-154, 160

Adult roles, transition into, 71

caregiver responsiveness and, 126

Adversity. See Social adversity; Structural adversit y

delinquency predictions and, 130, 140-141

African American children:

gender and, 96-97, 99-100, 259, 265

conduct disorder and, 292

genetics and, 168

delinquency and, 6, 2 6 1 , 360

heart rate and, 158-159

African American families, in urban areas, 260

indirect, 96-97, 107

Aftercare, 317-318

learned, 169

After-school recreation programs, 243

motor restlessness and, 155-156

Age:

neuropsychological deficits and, 7 1 , 156,25!

court jurisdiction and, 323-329 determination of competency and, 330-332

normal, 119 number of parents and, 105-107

Age-appropriate autonomy, 73

parental effects, 73

Age-crime curve, 140

parent reports, 96, 104

Age-graded theory o f informal social control, 214

nathwavfi m iuvenile nffftndincr. 9^

473

474

CHILD DELINQUENTS

peer-related, 194,201 precursor behavior, 10 predictions, 113,142 preschoolers, 118, 119-124,140,143, 146 self-report, 59 socioeconomic status and, 109 teacher reports, 99-100,104 testosterone and, 160 treatment, 149 Akers, R. L., 213 Alcohol use, age of, 60 American Indians, service use by, 289, 301-302 Andersson, T., 420 Andrews, J. Α., 420 Anger: caregiver responsiveness and, 126 infants and, 125 Anger control training, 149,150 Anger management programs, 237 Angold, Α., 285,416 Animals, cruelty to, 5,15 Antisocial behavior, parental, 14 Anxiety: conduct disorder and, 274, 278 delinquency predictions, 130 emotional expression, 148 girls and, 259 infants and, 125 protection of, 147 single parents, 170 Apfel, Η., 344,345 Approach-withdrawal, 147 Arrests, 3,25,195 age and, 253 age of onset and, 79, 80, 81 conduct problems and, 293, 300 gender and, 251,264 pathways to juvenile offending, 95 race and, 261 serious offenders, 4 Arson, 7, 15,26 Artz, S., 259,265 Assault: age and, 56 arrests, 26,251 gender and, 56 Attachment bonds, 73-74,125-126,183,214,215 Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, 5 abuse and, 184 conduct disorder and, 274, 278,282,292 genetic transmission, 168 language delays and, 124 lifelong, 176 preschoolers, 123, 124 treatment, 181 Attention problems: adult expression, 176 conduct problems and, 3

delinquency predictions, 130 lead exposure and, 157 neuropsychological deficits and, 71,259 peer rejection and, 203 preschoolers, 123 school and, 218 Augimeri, L. K., 15,19,382,405-414 Authority avoidance, 7 Authority conflicts, 214 developmental pathways, 7 pathways to juvenile offending, 95 Authorityfigures,2,73 Autonomic nervous system activity, 158-160 Baerveldt, C, 220 Balka,E.B.,415 Bandura, Α., 213 Bank, L., 69,71-72,258 Bates, J. E., 417 Bathurst, K.,418 Battin-Pearson, S., 11,21,69,144,211-246,371 Battistich, V., 415 Behavior. See Problem behavior; specific behaviors Behavioral activation, 147-148 Behavioral inhibition, 147-148 Behavior management programs, 235-236 Benefit-cost analyses, 340-355, 379,386 Birth complications, 156-157 Body size, 153-154, 160 Boyle, M. H.,421 Boys. See Gender Bronfenbrenner, U., 11 Brook, J. S.,415 Brunnquell, D., 417 Bullying, 240,293 Burgess, R. L., 213 Burglary, 7 Bums, B. J., 3,21,273-303, 374,416 Cairns, B. D.,416 Cairns, R. B., 416 Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development, 49, 50-52 (table) Campbell, S. B., 416 Canadian legal and treatment approaches, 312,382, 405-414 Canter, R. J., 214-215 Capaldi, D. ML, 69,71-72,258,421 Caregivers, attachment to, 125-126,265 Catalano, R. F., 215,418 Chen, K., 419 Chesney-Lind, M., 3,6,21,137,247-269,372-373 Child abuse and neglect, 5,14,181-185 aggression in girls and, 259 battered women and, 174 early interventions, 156,317

Index gender and, 259, 264

Concealing behaviors, 10

investigations, 17

Conduct disorder:

race and, 263

abuse and, 184

services, 156,277,317

arrests and, 300

Child delinquency/delinquents:

comorbidity, 274, 2 7 8 , 2 8 2 , 2 9 2

causes, 10-11

costs of, 294-299, 302

consequences, 8-10

gender and, 291,297

definitions, 1,6, 12,48, 7 5 , 273-274, 324

interventions, 278, 279-290

dispositions of, 329-330

juvenile justice system and, 278

early identification of, 391

preschoolers, 118, 123

epidemiology of, 25-46,360-362, 386

prevalence of, 111

escalation of, 386

race and, 292, 297

future of, 67-93

symptoms, 15, 273-274

length of involvement, 60-61, 68, 88

treatment, 275

myths, 5-6

underlying trait, 69

outcomes, 75-81

willfulness and, 122

patterns, 61-62 precursors, 117-134, 365 predictions about. See Predictions o f delinquency prevalence of, 6, 57-60, 75, 88 special needs, 11-12 significance of, 1-22 Childhood injuries, 156 Children and youth services, referrals to, 16-17 Child welfare/child protection system, 3,263,277,286, 289,311,406-407 Chronic offenders: age o f onset, 3 , 7 8 , 254 court referrals, 40 defined, 78, 253 future delinquency, 3 gender and, 255 length of career, 68 policy issues, 389 predictions, 142 race and, 255 risk of becoming, 2 , 5, 8 Chung, I . - J . , 11,21,69,144,211-246, 369 Classroom management programs, 223-236,240,242 Cloward, R . A , 212,215

Conduct problems: delinquency predictions and, 95 hyperactivity/inattention and, 3 preschool years, 10 Conflict resolution, 145, 237,239-240 Conforming influences, 70 Conrad, J . P., 417 Conscience, 118,122 Contemporal continuity, 7 1 , 7 3 Control theory, 216 Costa, F. M . , 419 Cost-benefit analyses, 340-355, 379, 386 Costello, E . J . , 285,416 Costs of Services in Medicaid Study, 294-299 Counsel, representation by, 326-327, 332-334 Courts: gender and, 252, 260 informal processing, 258, 334 jurisdictional issues, 323-329 race and, 252 See also Criminal courts; Juvenile courts Crawfond, A . M . , 2 , 5 , 6 , 7, 16,20,47-66,251,362 Cressey, D., 215,222

Coercion theory, 69,70, 177, 178,258

Crime statistics, 249

Coercive families, 71-72, 120,177,178-179, 201,259

Criminal careers, 2

Cognitive ability, 138. See also Intelligence Cognitive deficits, 148

later- versus early-onset, 67-93, 362 Criminal courts:

Cognitive development, 150-152

minorities and, 263

Cognitive skills training, 242

transfer to, 328

Cohen, P., 416

Criminal responsibility, age of, 6, 390

Coie, J . D., 1 1 , 2 1 , 168,191-209,217,241,369,416

Criminal victimization, risk for, 10

Communities:

Croninger, R . G . , 219

disadvantaged urban, 260

Cumulative continuity, 7 1 , 260

interventions, 244, 274,280, 289, 311-312, 393

Curfew violations, 5,7, 26,251

predictors, 216-223 risk factors, 211-217,221-223, 371 services, 409

D a v i s , J . M . , 417

See also Neighborhoods

D a y care, cognitive development and, 152

Community Intervention Program, 311-312, 393

Deater-Deckard, K . , 416

Community policing, 317

Defiant behavior, 2 , 7

Competency, age and determination of, 330-332

DeFries, J . C . , 4 2 1

475

476

CHILD DELINQUENTS

Delinquency/delinquents. See Child delinquency/ delinquents; Juvenile delinquency/delinquents Delinquency careers, 1,2 later, 67-93, 362 Delinquents Under 10 program, 393,397-400 Dembo, R., 416 Denver Youth Survey, 49-64, 58-59 (table), 61 (table) Dependency cases, 266,326, 329 Depression, 5,10,72 abuse and, 184 conduct disorder and, 274,278,292 girls and, 259 parental, 14,175 parent reports, 98 single parents, 170 Developmental pathways, 7,214 delinquency careers and, 67-93, 362 delinquency precursors, 117-134, 365 distal risks, 165 gender and, 247-269, 372-373 individual characteristics and, 138 juvenile delinquency, 95 race and, 247-269.372-373 research needs, 386 Developmental prevention, economic costs and benefits of, 339-355,379 Developmental theories, 10-11 Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental

(DSM-IV), 48,122,273 Dinitz, S., 417 Discipline: coercive, 71-72, 120, 177 gender and, 265 inductive, 120 parents and, 71-72,120,176,179 preschoolers, 127 school, 220 Dishion, T. J., 70 Disobedience, 2,5 Disruptive behavior, 2,3 early interventions, 316 history of, 5 peer rejection and, 203 predictive, 13 prevention of, 15 Distal risks, 165 Divorce, 170-172 Dodge, Κ. Α., 168,416,417 Domestic violence, 173-175, 186-187 Donovan, J. E., 419 Dopamine, 161 Doyle, A. E., 417 Dropouts, 10 Drug offenses, 6 Drug use: age of onset and, 80 arrests, 26 courts and, 30

Disorders

gender and, 251 neurological impact, 153 self-report, 61-62 Drug war, 263 Duku, Ε. K., 5,20,95-116,178,363-364 Dürkheim, Ε., 212,215 Dynamic dependence theories, 70

Earlscourt Under 12 Outreach Project, 312-313,393 Early childhood: identifying risks in, 12 See also Preschool children Early Offender Program, 309,393 Eaves, L. J., 417 Economic costs and benefits, of prevention, 339-355, 379 Economic opportunities, offending and, 250 Education: conforming influence of, 70 See also Academic performance; School Educational aspirations, 218 Educational skills, 71 Egeland, B., 417 8% Early Intervention Program, 400 Elementary schools, services at, 3 Elkins, I. J., 417 Elliott, D., 250,417 Elliott, D. S., 214-215 Elmira Prenatal/Early Infancy Project, 349 Emotional awareness, 237 Emotional characteristics, 138 Emotional development, 146-150 Emotional disorders, 111, 275 Emotional response, assessment of, 139 Emotional symptoms: parent reports, 98,104 teacher reports, 101,104 Empathy, 118,120,146, 147,182 Employment: conforming influence of, 70 opportunities, 10 Ensminger, Μ. E., 419 Environmental context, race and, 262 Environmental factors, 129,137,138 Erkanli, Α., 416 Eron, L. D., 417 Espiritu, R. C , 2,5,6,7,16,20,47-66,251,362 Ethnicity issues, 247-269 Ewing, L. J., 416 Executive functions, deficits in, 70

Families: adversity, 73, 127, 169-173,185,260 coercive, 71-72. 120, 177,178-179,201,259 criminality in, 167-169 delinquency predictions and, 142

Index delinquent siblings, 169, 170, 196,199-200

emotional symptoms and, 101

disruption of, 14

frequency o f offending, 78

disruptive behavior in, 7

homicide victims, 28

dysfunctional, 14

hyperactivity, 98, 100

income, 167

moral transgression and, 127

infliction o f harm by children in, 8

oppositional disorder, 99, 107-108

interventions, 165-189,238, 316, 367

police contacts and, 63, 2 5 1 , 260

lack of resources, 14

predicting delinquency and, 141-142

minority, 2 6 3 , 2 6 4

property offenses and, 97, 100

patriarchal, 259,265

race and, 251

preschoolers, 118

risk and, 138

removal from, 3 1 , 252, 277

runaways, 26, 251,264

risk factors, 1 1 , 165-189, 367

self-reported offenses, 60

size of, 165, 166, 169-170

serious offenders, 253

socialization i n , 259, 260

service use and, 289

violence i n , 173-175, 186-187

status offenders, 264

See also Fathers; Mothers; Parent(s)

symptom complexes and, 105-107

Farnworth, M . , 422 Farrington, D. P., 1-22,69, 147, 178,215,216, 217,218, 248,249,359-383, 385-394,415-423 Fathers:

symptom scores, 105 violence and, 254, 265 weapons and, 251 Genetics, 137,139

criminal histories of, 168

aggression and, 168

See also Parent(s)

delinquency prediction based on, 158-162

Faw, L . , 3,21,273-303, 374 Females. See Gender

violence predisposition, 153 Gilligan, C , 259,265

Ferdinand, R . F., 423

Glueck, E . , 193,418

Fergusson, D. M . , 418

Glueck, S . , 193,418

Fetal development, 156

Goldberg, K . , 15, 19, 382,405-414

Fighting, 7

Gorman-Smith, D.,418

conduct disorders and, 15

Gottfredson, D. C . , 219

group, 79

Gottfredson, G . D.,219

parent reports, 96

Gottfredson, M . R . , 69-70, 74,213-214,362

pathways to juvenile offending, 95

Gottfried, A . E . , 4 1 8

Figlio, R . , 423

Gottfried, A . W . , 4 1 8

Fires, starting, 5, 15

Grade retention, 198

Fleeting, M . , 419

Great Smoky Mountains Study o f Youth, 284-290,

Forcible rape, 7

477

299-302

Foster care, 172-173,277, 301

Green, S . M . , 420

Frechette, M . , 84-86,419-420

Greenbaum, P., 418 Guardian ad litem, 327 Guilt, preschoolers and, 118, 120,146, 147

Gangs, 197-199, 207-208, 222, 250, 316

Guns, 4,6,222

Gatzanis, S . R . M . , 4 1 9

Gursen, M . D., 415

Gender: age of onset and, 6, 85-86, 253 aggression and, 96-97, 99-100, 259,265

Hamparian, D. M . , 417

arrests and, 2 6 , 2 5 1 , 264

Hawkins, D. F., 3 , 6 , 2 1 , 137,247-269, 372-373

assaults and, 56, 251

Hawkins, J . D., 11,21,69, 144,211-246,262,371,418

attachment and, 126

Hazen, Α . , 3, 21,273-303, 374

chronic offenders, 255

H e a l , K . , 220

conduct disorder and, 2 9 1 , 297

Heart rate, 158-159

conflicts between, 265

Henry, B . , 422

courts and, 31-33, 252, 260, 360

Herrenkohl, T. 1 , 1 1 , 2 1 , 6 9 , 144,211-246, 371

delinquency predictions, 132-133

H i l l , K . G . , 11, 21,69, 144,211-246, 371,418

developmental pathways, 247-269

Hirschi, T., 69-70, 74, 166, 193,213, 362

discipline and, 265

Home. See Families

drug use and, 251

Homelessness, 263

early onset and, 6

Homicide, 4-5, 8,26-29

478

CHILD DELINQUENTS

criminal courts and, 328 policy issues, 392-393 race and, 27,251-252 research needs on perpetrators of, 385 Hops, H., 420 Horwood, L. J., 418 Hospitalization, 283,293,297-298,300 Hostile behavior, 2 Howell, J. C, 5,17,21,293, 305-321, 375, 380, 395-404 Huesmann, L. R., 223 Huizinga, D., 2,5,6,7,16,20,47-66, 80,214,251,362, 419 Hyman, C, 416 Hyperactivity, 5 approach behavior and, 147 conduct problems and, 3 gender and, 98, 100 lead exposure and, 157 motor activity and, 154-155 parent reports, 98,104 precursor behavior, 10 predictors, 114,141 preschoolers, 123 prevalence of, 111 teacherreports,100, 103, 104 Impulsivity: adult expression, 176 approach behavior and, 147 assessment of, 138-139 behavioral, 155 cognitive, 155 delinquency predictions, 130 emotional expression, 148 neuropsychological deficits and, 71,259 precursor behavior, 10,11 serotonin and, 158 Inattention. See Attention problems Individual characteristics: female offenders, 266 parenting deficits and, 73 Individual risk and protective factors, 11,137-164,216, 250 Infants: antisocial, 144 difficult, 148,151 serotonin and, 162 Influence, spheres of, 11 Information needs, 19 Integrated theoretical perspective, 214-216 Intelligence, 150 academic performance and, 218 delinquency predictions and, 142 less than average, 14 See also Cognitive deficits Interactional theory, 69,70,71,72-74,125,193,258

Interrogation, 13 Interventions: child abuse, 184-185 cognitive competence, 152 community, 244,274,280,289 conduct disorder, 278,279-290 costs, 388 criterion for, 14 divorce, 171-172 early, 316-317 economic costs and benefits of, 339-355, 379 effectiveness, 15-17 emotional development, 149-150 family, 165-189,238, 316, 367 family violence, 174-175 iatrogenic effects, 146,205-207 juvenile justice, 43,277,286, 301, 305-321, 375 minority families, 263,264 parental psychopathology, 176 parenting, 179-181 peer-related, 205-208 persistent disruptive behavior, 390 pharmacological, 282-283 physical development, 156-158 policy issues, 388, 389 preschoolers, 133 proximal mediators, 165 school, 223-244,301 school-based, 3, 10, 276, 286,288 serious offenders, 392 service use, 273-303, 374 social adversity, 171-173 social behavior, 144-146 targets, 138 window of opportunity, 8 Jacobson, J. M., 417 Jang, S. J., 422 Jessor, T., 419 Jurisdictional issues, 323-329 Juvenile arrests, 26 Juvenile courts: age ofreferral,3 increased referrals to, 6 minor offenses and, 3 referrals to, 29-30,40 sanctions, 30-35 See also Juvenile justice system Juvenile delinquency/delinquents: academic failure, 150 age of onset, 14,83 effects on, 73-74 enduring quality of, 1-2 pathways to, 95 peer associations, 192-193 Juvenile justice system: future of child delinquents in, 39-45

Index gender effects, 266

L y n a m , D. R . , 422

interventions and, 277-278, 286, 3 0 1 , 305-321, 375

Lynsky,M.T.,418

479

minorities and, 263 procedures, 13-14 services and, 15,276

M a c D o n a l d , V. V., 422

See also J u v e n i l e courts

Magnusson, D., 420 Males: academic performance, 218

K a l b , L . M , 4, 19,20, 2 1 , 385-394,415-423

arrests, 26

Kandel, D. B . , 419

battering by, 174

Kandel, Ε . , 420

developmental pathways, 7

Kaspy, Ν . , 419

father role and, 10

Keeler, G . , 3, 21,273-303, 374

See also Gender

Keenan, K . , 11,20, 117-134,140,144, 178,365,420, 422 K e l l a m , S . G . , 419

M a r c h , C . L . , 416 Marijuana use, age of initiation into, 60 Marriage:

Kelleher, Κ . , 3 , 2 1 , 273-303, 374

conforming influence of, 70

Kempf-Leonard, Κ . , 3 , 6 , 2 1 , 137,247-269, 372-373

functioning, 172

Klinteberg, Β . , 420

violence i n , 186-187

Koegl, C . J . , 15,19,382,405-414

Maternal. See Mothers

K o l v i n , 1., 419

Maturity gap, 71

Kosterman, R . , 418

Maughan, B . , 220

K r o h n , M . D., 2 , 3 , 2 0 , 4 1 , 6 7 - 9 3 , 2 5 3 , 2 5 8 , 2 6 0 ,

McConaughy, S . H . , 422

362-363,422

M c C o r d , J . , 420 McDuff,P.,219,419 M c G r a w , R . E . , 417

L a c a n o , W . G . , 417

M c G u e , M . , 417

Lahey, Β . B . , 420

M c K a y , H . D., 212,215

Landsverk, J . , 3,21,273-303, 374

Media:

Language development, 70, 118, 124-125, 151 Latinos:

gender stereotypes i n , 265 violence in, 223

arrests of, 261

Mednick, S . , 420

conduct disorder and, 292

Mednick, S . A . , 421

L a u b , J . H . , 215,250,251,259,262,418

Menarche, onset of, 161

Lauritsen, J . L . , 2 5 0 , 2 5 1 , 259,262

Mental health services, 3,275-276,282,288-289,290,

L e a d , exposure to, 157-158

293,300-301

Learning theories, 213,216

Mentoring programs, 243-244

L e B l a n c , M . , 2, 3 , 2 0 , 4 1 , 6 7 - 9 3 , 2 1 9 , 253,258,362,

Merton, R. K . , 212

419-420

Michigan E a r l y Offender Program, 309, 393

L e e , V. E . , 219

Miller, F. J . W . , 419

Legal approaches, Canadian, 382, 405-414

Miller, L . S . , 165, L . S . , 223

Legal issues, 323-338, 377

Miller, S . J . , 417

Legislation, effectiveness of, 15-16

Miller-Johnson, S . , 1 1 , 2 1 , 191-209,217,241, 369

LeMarquand, D., 11, 20,137-164,168,217,366

Minnesota A l l Children E x c e l Program, 311

Lenox, K „ 416

Minnesota Delinquents Under 10 Program, 310-311

Lewinsohn, R M . , 420

Minor assault, 7

L i f e course, criminal career over, 67-93

M i n o r offending, peer associations and, 193

L i f e course-persistent/adolescence-limited topological

M i n o r violence:

theory, 69,70-71,258 L i f e events, adverse, 167

police contacts and, 63 self-report, 61-62

L i p m a n , E . L . , 5,20,95-116,178, 363-364

Miranda warnings, 333-334

Liquor law violations, 5

Mitchell, S . , 4 2 1

Lizotte, A . J . , 422

Modeling, learning based on, 213

Lochman, J . , 416

Moffitt, Τ. E . , 6 9 , 7 0 - 7 1 , 151,216,258,259,362,

Loeber, R „ 1-22,47-66,69, 80, 178, 217,218,248, 249, 258,359-383, 385-394,415-423 Longitudinal studies, 387,415-423 L y i n g , 5, 119-124

422 Monetary value, of prevention costs and benefits, 342-343, 386 Montreal Longitudinal Experimental Study, 49

480

CHILD DELINQUENTS

Moral reasoning, 259 Moral transgression, 127 Mortimore, P., 220 Mothers: education, 167 employment, 170 mental health, 170 rejection by, 156-157 See also Families; Parent(s) Motor activity, 151,154-156 Motor coordination, 151,154-156 Motor development, delinquency predictions and, 143 Multivariate studies, 185-187 Murder. See Homicide Nagin, D. S., 69 National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, 49, 51-53 (table), 56-57 National Youth Survey, 49,51-53 (table), 56-57 Needs assessments, 314,380,392,395-404 Negativistic behavior, 2 Neighborhoods: disadvantage, 221-222 disorganization, 213,221-222 risk and protective factors, 187 See also Communities Neuropsychological deficits, 70-71,151,156,165,216, 259 Neurotransmitters, 156,161-162 Noncompliance, in preschoolers, 118,119-124 Nonserious offenders, 5 Norfolk Assessment Center, 314-315 Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, 1 Offord, D. R., 5,20,95-116,178,363-364 Ohlin, L.B., 212,215 Oppositional behavior: parental effects, 73 predictors, 114,141 socioeconomic status and, 109 symptom scores, 105 Oppositional defiant disorder, 296,298 abuse and, 184 conduct disorder and, 292 parenting and, 194 preschoolers, 118, 123 Oppositional disorder: gender and, 99,107-108 motorrestlessnessand, 155-156 parentreports,104 teacher reports, 99,101-103,104 Ostroff, C, 220 Ouston, J., 220

Parent(s): antisocial behavior of, 14,142 coercive, 71-72, 120, 177,178-179 criminal, 168, 170 discipline and, 71-72,120,176,179 legal jurisdiction over, 327-328 legally responsible, 16 psychopathology, 175-176 self-control and, 74 symptomreporting,96-98,104 young, 5, 10 See also Fathers; Mothers; Single parents Parenting, 11 emotional characteristics and, 148 emotional negativity, 151 ineffective, 70,71-72,73,176-181, 260,367 minority youth, 263 poor, 16 preschoolers, 126-127 quality of, 194 skills, 165 training, 144, 184,241,328 Participate and Learn Skills program, 348 Pathways. See Developmental pathways Patterns of Care Study, 290-294,299-302 Patterson, G. R., 69,70,71-72,258,421 Peers: deviant, 143, 179,191-201, 215,260, 369 infliction of harm on, 8 learning from, 200,222 popularity with, 142 preschoolers, 118 rejection by, 71,72,73, 191,201-204 risk factors, 11 Perinatal complications, 145-146 Perry Preschool Project, 348-349 Persistent disruptive behavior: policy issues, 388,390 See also Disruptive behavior Personal failure, 215 Personality: continuity in, 148 emotional system and, 146 Person offenses: age of onset, 59-60 courts and, 30 residential placement and, 37 Pettit, G. S., 417 Pharmacological interventions, 282-283 Physical characteristics, 138 Physical development, 152-158 Physicalfighting.See Fighting Pierce, E.W., 416 Pinkerton, R., 416 Pittsburgh Youth Study, 49-64,58-59 (table), 61 (table) Plomin, R.,421 Police: neighborhood involvement, 222

Index racism of, 261 Police contacts, 253,407 conduct disorder and, 293

history of, 3 policy issues, 388 preschool precursor, 117-134, 365

deviant peers and, 194, 195

Problem-solving curriculum, 236-237

gender and, 2 5 1 , 2 6 0

Problem-solving skills, 118, 149-150,283

self-report, 62-63

Promotive domains, 11

service referrals, 276

Property offenses:

Policing, community, 317

age and, 56

Policy issues, 387-394

arrests, 26

Policy making, 165,262-263,264, 303, 308

conduct disorder and, 293

Posttraumatic stress disorder, abuse and, 184

courts and, 30

Poverty:

developmental pathways, 7, 8

minority families, 263

gender and, 100

risk factor, 2 2 1 , 2 2 2

number o f parents and, 107

single-parent households, 170, 172

parent reports, 97-98

Power control theory, 259

pathways to juvenile offending, 95

Prediction of delinquency, 2 , 12,95

police contacts, 293

accuracy of, 112-113

predictors, 114-115, 140-141

cognitive development and, 150-152

residential placement and, 37

community factors, 216-223

self-report, 6 0 , 6 1 - 6 2

emotional development and, 146-150

socioeconomic status and, 109

family characteristics, 165-189, 367

symptom scores, 105

gender and, 247-269, 372-373

teacher reports, 100,103

genetic characteristics and, 158-162

Prosecution, 13

peer factors, 191-201, 369

Prosocial behavior:

physical development and, 152-158

as predictor, 141

physiological characteristics and, 158-162

development of, 118,120

preschooler problem behavior and, 117-134, 365

lack of, 10

race and, 247-269, 372-373

peer rejection and, 203

school factors, 216-223

reinforcing, 144

social development and, 139-146 See also R i s k factors Pregnancy: abuse during, 174 interventions during, 156, 344 Preschool children:

teaching, 145,150 Prosocial bonds, 216 Protective factors, 15,216 family, 177 individual, 137-164, 366 research needs, 386

conduct problems, 10

Proximal mediating factors, 165

identifying risks, 12

Psychiatric disorders, 275,277

precursor problem behaviors i n , 117-134, 365

Psychopaths, 151

school entry, 241

Psychotism, 147

Present value, of prevention costs and benefits, 343

Pubertal maturation, 160

Prevention, 3,315-316

Public perspective, benefit-cost analysis and, 340

comprehensive strategy, 17-19

Punishment, 144,148

economic costs and benefits of, 339-355, 379

avoiding, 120

effectiveness of, 15, 16

physical, 181

persistent disruptive behavior, 390 preschoolers and, 118, 133-134 social behavior targets, 144-146

Quetelet, Α . , 137, 138, 140, 147

targeted approach, 112-115, 138 Preventive detention, 30, 3 1 , 33 Prior, M „ 422 Probation, 3 1 , 3 3 Problematic children, distinctions between, 4-5 Problem behavior, 48 age-normal, 13 co-occurring, 2 , 386 correlates of, 104-111 epidemiology of, 95-116, 363-364

Race: adult offenders, 255-256,257 age of onset, 253,258 arrests and, 261 child delinquents, 6 chronic offenders, 255 conduct disorder and, 292, 297 court disposition and, 33-35

481

482

CHILD DELINQUENTS

court referrals, 29, 30 developmental pathways, 247-269, 372-373 gender and, 251 homicide and, 27,251 -252 residential placement and, 37 school enrollment, 220 serious offenders, 253 service use and, 289 socioeconomic status and, 250, 262 stereotypes, 262-263 violence and, 254 Raine, Α., 421 Rape. See Forcible rape Reading problems, 70 Recreation programs, after-school, 243 Referrals, 16 age of, 3 juvenile court, 29-30,40 preschoolers, 118 Reid, J. B., 70 Relatives. See Families Reno, Janet, 22 Research issues, 385-394 Residential placement, 7, 31,35-39,172-173,252,258, 263,266-267,277,283,289 Rewards: dependence on, 130,147,149 for crime, 214 negative behavior, 178 Reynolds, C, 421 Risk: assessments, 314, 380, 392, 395-404 cumulative, 167 intervening variables, 185-187 models of, 166-167 Risk factors, 10,11 community, 211-217,221-223,371 family, 165-189,367 individual, 137-164,216, 366 reduction of, 15 research needs, 386 school, 211-221,316,371 serious offenders, 392 See also Prediction of delinquency Rivera, C, 2, 3,20,41,67-93,253, 362 Robberies, age of onset and, 60 Roberts, R. E„ 420 Robins, L. N., 421-422 Rochester Youth Survey, 49 Rosenbaum, L. K., 344,345 Rubin, B. R., 419 Rules: failure to obey, 155 preschoolers, 120 Runaways, 5,7,266 gender and, 26,251,264 pathways to juvenile offending, 95 Rutter, M., 220,422

Sacramento County Community Intervention Program, 311-312, 393 Sampson, R. J., 215,418 Sanctions, 3 court, 30-35 graduated, 19, 317-318 parents, 328 Sanson, Α., 422 Scarr, S., 416 Schaps, Ε., 415 Schmidt, L., 249 School: bonds to, 216,218-219 interventions, 3, 10,276,286,288,301 killings at, 4 organization and processes, 219-221,235 predictors, 216-223 risk factors, 211-221, 316, 371 See also Academic performance Scott, D. M., 419 Screening, 13,380,387,395-404 Secure detention, 263-264,308 Seeley, J. R., 420 Seitz, V., 344, 345 Self-control, 69,74, 151,156,237 Self-esteem, 149 Self-identity, development of, 120 Self-regulation, 126 Self-reported delinquency, 47-66, 81-84, 86-89,249,362 Sensitivity analyses, prevention costs and benefits and, 343-344 Separation anxiety disorder, 292 Seracini, A. M., 5,11,15,20-21,124,144,165-189, 217,367-368 Serious emotional disorder, 275,277,290,293 Serious offenders, 4-5 age of onset, 3,79-80, 82-84 defined,253 developmental pathways, 7-8 gangs, 197 gender and, 253 interventions, 392 life course, 67-93 likelihood of becoming, 2, 8 peer associations, 193-194,196, 197 police contacts, 63 policy issues, 388 preschoolers, 120 race and, 253 research needs, 385 risk of becoming, 5, 39 self-report, 61 Serotonin, 158,161-162 Services: Canadian, 312,408 coordination of, 3,281,389, 391-392 costs of, 8,294-299,302 integration of, 15, 313-320

Index juvenile justice system and, 15 research needs, 386 school-based, 3 use of, 273-303, 374 Sex offenses, 7 , 2 6 , 1 5 9

training, 145, 2 3 7 , 2 4 1 , 242 Society: bonds to, 213,215 costs to, 8, 44-45, 389 Socioeconomic status, 249

Sexual abuse, 174,259-260,264,266

age of onset and, 88, 253

Shaw, C . T., 212, 215

behavior problems and, 167

Shaw, D. S . , 422

domestic violence and, 173

Shoplifting, 5,7

effects of, 108-110

Shyness, 147

preschool problem behaviors and, 123, 127-128

Siblings, delinquent, 169,170, 196, 199-200

race and, 262

Sickmund, Μ . Η . , 387

risk factor, 221

Silva, Ρ. Α . , 422 Single parents:

single parents, 170, 172 Solomon, D., 415

domestic violence and, 173

Special education services, 10,276,286,288,289

effects o f being in family, 105-108

Speech problems, 70

poverty, 170, 172

Stanger, C , 422

stereotypes, 262

Stangl, D. K . , 285,416

Skin conductance responses, 159

State dependence theories, 70

Smart, D., 422

Stattin, Η . , 420

Smith, Α . , 220

Status offenses, 5

Smith, R . S . , 423

age and, 56

Smoking, during pregnancy, 157

arrests for, 26

Snyder, Η . N . , 6 , 7 , 2 0 , 25-46, 138, 251,252,261,2 66,

courts and, 3

360-362 Social adversity:

escalation and, 7 gender and, 264

family and, 169-173, 185,260

research needs, 386

race and, 262

residential placement and, 37, 252

Social bonds, 73-74,243

self-report, 60

Social capital, 7 3 , 7 4

Statutory exclusion, 328-329

Social characteristics, 138

Stimulation-seeking behaviors, 130

Social class:

Stouthamer-Loeber, M , 5, 217,218,249,420

race interplay, 250

Strangers, infliction of harm on, 8

See also Socioeconomic status

Structural adversity, 73

Social cognition:

483

Structural theories, 212-213,215,266

physical abuse and, 183-184

Stubborn behaviors, 7

processes, 151

Study Group on Serious and Violent Juvenile Offenders,

Social competence curricula, 236-239 Social control, 166,193,213-214, 218,221,266 Social cues, attention to, 151 Social development:

19,250,251 Study Group on Very Young Offenders, 1 , 3-4, 17,251, 387 Substance abuse/use, 5,260

delinquency prediction and, 139-146

conduct disorder and, 274, 278

preschoolers, 118, 124-129

parental, 14, 175

Social development model, 215-216 Socialization, 144

risk for, 10 Suicide, 10,259

bonds and, 215

Supervision, parental, 170

cognitive development and, 151-152

Sutherland, E . , 215,222

family, 259,260

Sutherland, Ε . H . , 213

lack of, 10

Syracuse University Family Development Research Pro-

opportunities, 212 pathways, 213-216

gram, 345 Szumowski, Ε . K . , 416

preschoolers, 119-120, 124-129, 133-134,145 Social learning, 193,213,215 Social networks, 222 Social skills, 71 peer rejection and, 72, 73

Teachers: symptom reports, 98-104 training, 144,242

poor, 10

Temperament, difficult, 148-149, 151, 165,260

preschoolers, 118

Temperamental characteristics, 73, 125, 130

484

CHILD DELINQUENTS

Terry, R., 416 Testosterone, 160 Theft, 5 conduct disorders and, IS See also Property offenses Thornberry, T. P., 2,3,20,41,67-93,253,258,260,362, 422 Thome, P., 265 Toland, P., 418 Tracy, P. £., 423 Treatment, 3 Canadian approaches, 312, 382,405-414 continuum of, 19 Tremblay, R. E., 11,20,137-164,168,217,366,423 Truancy, 5,7,10,95,220 Under 12 Outreach Project, 397 Unemployment, 150 Vaillant, G. E., 418 Vandalism, 7,26 Van Kämmen, W. B., 5,217,218,249,420 Venables, PH., 421 Verhulst, F.C., 423 Victimization, gender effects on, 265 Violence: age of onset, 59-60, 83 developmental pathways, 7, 8 family, 173-175,186-187 gender and, 254,265 genetics and, 153 learned, 222-223 media, 223 neighborhood, 222 pathways to juvenile offending, 95 prevention curricula, 239-240 race and, 254 Violent offenders: birth complications, 156-157

body size, 154 courts and, 6 gangs, 197 heart rate, 159 life course, 67-93 likelihood of becoming, 2, 8 prediction and, 141,142 research needs, 386 risk of becoming, 5 Vitaro, E, 423 Vondra, J. I., 422 Wadsworth, M. E. J., 417 Waiver, 328-329 Wasserman, G. Α., 5,11,15,20-21,124,144,165-189, 217,367-368 Watson, M., 415 Weapons, 4 arrests, 26 gender and, 251 homicide and, 29 See also Guns Wechsler, D., 150 Weis, J., 249 Welsh, B. C, 21,339-355,379 Werner, Ε. E., 423 Whiteman, M., 415 Widom, C. S., 423 Wiig, J. K., 5,6,13,21,48,323-338,377-378 Willfulness, 120 Williams, L., 416 Win, P. X, 415 Wolfgang, M. E.,423 Wraparound approach, 281-282 Yale Child Welfare Research Program, 344-345 Yamaguchi, K., 419 Youth and familyresourcecenter, 318

About the Editors

Rolf Loeber, Ph.D., is Professor of Psychiatry, Psychology, and Epidemiology at the Western Psychiatric Institute and Clinic, School of Medicine, University of Pittsburgh, and Professor of Developmental Psychotherapy at Free University in Amsterdam, Netherlands. He is co-director of the Life History Program and principal investigator of three longitudinal studies: the Pittsburgh Youth Study, the Developmental Trends Study, and the Pittsburgh Girls Study. He has published widely in the fields of juvenile antisocial behavior and delinquency, substance use, and mental health problems. His latest book (coedited with David P. Farrington) is Serious

and Violent Juvenile Offenders: Risk Factors and Successful Interventions (Sage, 1998). David P. Farrington, Ph.D., is Professor of Psychological Criminology in the Institute of Criminology at the University of Cambridge in Cambridge, England. He is director of the Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development and co-investigator on the Pittsburgh Youth Study. Until 1999, he was president of the European Association of Psychology and Law and also president of the American Society of Criminology. His extensive publications cover numerous aspects of juvenile delinquency and crime in general.

485

About the Contributors

Leena K. Augimeri, M.Ed., is a doctoral student in psychology at the University of Toronto, Manager of Earlscourt's Under 12 Outreach Project for children under age 12 years having police contacts, and Director of Camp Wimodausis (a day camp for children with behavioral problems). She is interested in the treatment of antisocial behavior in children, the early identification of chronic delinquency, differences in treatment outcomes, and program evaluation. She co-authored the Early Assessment Risk List for Boys (EARL20B) and currently is developing a similar device for girls.

Shay Bilchik is Executive Director of the Child Welfare League of America. Previously, he was administrator of the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention from 1994 to 2000, and prior to that, he served the Department of Justice as associate deputy attorney general. Before coming to the nation's capital, he was an assistant state attorney for the 11th Judicial Court of Florida in Miami from 1977 to 1993, where he served as a trial lawyer, juvenile division chief, and chief assistant for administration. He earned his B.S. and J.D. from the University of Florida.

Sara Battin-Pearson, M.Ed., worked as an analyst on the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention-funded study, "Early Onset Offending: Development and Consequences," in the Seattle Social Development Project. Her expertise is in measurement, statistics, and research design. Her research interests include the etiology of adolescent delinquency, substance use, and mental health problems.

Barbara J. Burns, Ph.D., is Professor of Medical Psychology at Duke University Medical Center and holds academic appointments at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (UNC), the University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences, and the Medical University of South Carolina. She directs the Services Effectiveness Research Program at Duke and co-directs the Postdoctoral Research Training Program in Mental Health 487

488

CHILD DELINQUENTS

Services and Systems at Duke and UNC. She is a nationally recognized mental health services researcher with more than 160 publications in this area. Her interest in health services research emerged from clinical experience in a model neighborhood health center in Boston with integrated mental health services. Subsequently, and then for nearly a decade at the National Institute of Mental Health, she pursued a range of topics directed at improving mental health care, from children to the elderly, from primary care to tertiary care, from community mental health services to economics. Throughout her research, teaching, clinical practice, and policy career, she has studied and advocated for innovative clinical interventions. Recent research includes three randomized clinical trials of comprehensive community-based interventions: assertive community treatment, case management, and outpatient commitment.

ment Project) and is affiliated with the National Consortium on Violence Research. He has worked primarily to understand the relationship between poverty and children's development, specifically, how children develop and how families function in disadvantaged social environments. His expertise is in longitudinal data analyses and latent variable analyses. His research interests are in the relationships between poverty and violence, and risk factors of chronic violence that operate at multiple levels of the social ecology as well as their implications for prevention. He recently received his Ph.D. in social welfare from the University of Washington. His dissertation employed semiparametric group-based modeling to identify distinctive subgroups among poor and non-poor children, distinguished by differently shaped trajectories in and out of offending, and the factors that influence who will follow which trajectory.

Meda Chesney-Lind, Ph.D., is Professor of Women's Studies at the University of Hawaii at Manoa. She is nationally recognized for her work on women and crime. Her books include Girls, Delinquency, and Juvenile Justice, which was awarded the American Society of Criminology's Michael J. Hindelang Award for the "outstanding contribution to criminology, 1992," and The Female Offender: Girls, Women, and Crime (Sage, 1997). Her most recent book is an edited collection titled Girls and Gangs in America.

John D. Coie, Ph.D., is Professor of Psychology at Duke University. He received his Ph.D. in psychology from the University of California, Berkeley, in 1968. He has studied the development of antisocial behavior through observations of children and longitudinal research extending from middle childhood through early adulthood. He has been particularly interested in peer social relations and peer influence on antisocial behavior. He currently is a collaborator in the Fast Track project, a federally funded, multisite prevention trial for high-risk youths, their families, and their schools.

Ick-Joong Chung, M.A., is Research Assistant in the School of Social Work and Research Analyst of the Social Development Research Group at the University of Washington. Currently, he is part of a work group of the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention-funded study, "Early Onset Offending: Development and Consequences" (within the Seattle Social Develop-

Anne M. Crawford, Ph.D., is Senior Data Analyst for the Pittsburgh Youth Study at the University of Pittsburgh Medical Center Health System. She has a Ph.D. in social psychology from the University of Kentucky and previously worked on the HIV and Alcohol Prevention Project at the University of Ken-

About the Contributors

tucky. Her research interests include highrisk behaviors related to alcohol and substance use, delinquency, and HIV/AIDS among youths, with a special interest in race and class relations related to high-risk behaviors. Erik K. Duku, B.Sc, Grad. Dip., M.Sc, is Data Coordinator at the Canadian Centre for Studies of Children at Risk. His research interests are applied methods in child mental health. His recent publications include "Slapping and Spanking in Childhood and Its Association With Lifetime Prevalence of Psychiatric Disorders in the General Population Sample," published in the Canadian Medical Association Journal in 1999, and "Helping Children Adjust: A Tri-Ministry Study—II. Program Effects," published in Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry in 1999. Rachele C. Espiritu, Ph.D., is Senior Research Associate at Evaluation Management Training Associates Inc. in Sacramento, California. She currently is the project director of a national cross-site evaluation study examining the effectiveness of a mentoring program in preventing alcohol and drug use among high-risk youths. Her research interests include developmental gender differences in the causes of delinquency, the development of child and adolescent delinquency and drug use, and program evaluation of prevention programs for high-risk populations. She obtained her clinical psychology doctoral degree in 1998 from the University of Colorado, Boulder, where she was a Patricia Robert Harris Fellow. Leyla Faw, B.S., is a doctoral student in the Department of Psychology at Fordham University. She received her B.S. in psychology from Duke University in 1997 and spent the subsequent 2 years as a research assistant to Barbara J. Burns, Ph.D., director of the Ser-

489

vices Effectiveness Research Program in the Department of Psychiatry and Behavioral Sciences at Duke University Medical Center. During this time, Faw investigated innovative community-based interventions for children and adolescents with severe mental disorders. A major project involved designing and conducting a survey of states that have implemented the wraparound approach. This work was published in a monograph about wraparound as part of the Center for Mental Health Services Promising Practices series. Further research at Duke included an investigation of the research base for wraparound and multisystemic therapy resulting in a peer-reviewed publication comparing these two interventions. A summary of the current status of wraparound and recommendations for future research has also been submitted. Continuing her focus on children and youths at risk for poor adjustment outcomes, her current interests include applied developmental psychology, development and assessment of intervention programs, and ethical issues regarding informed consent. Kenneth Goldberg, M.A., M.S.W., is Executive Director of the Earlscourt Child and Family Centre in Toronto as well as a parent educator and children's advocate. He is interested in developing systems of care for children with severe behavioral problems and in promoting empirically supported treatments. Darnell F. Hawkins, Ph.D., is Professor of African American Studies, Sociology, and Criminal Justice at the University of Illinois at Chicago. He received a Ph.D. in sociology from the University of Michigan in 1976 and a J.D. from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in 1981. He has conducted research on youth violence and racial and ethnic differences in crime and the administration of justice. He currently serves on the National Research Council Panel on Juvenile

490

CHILD DELINQUENTS

Crime and is a member of the MacArthur Foundation Research Network on Adolescent Development and Juvenile Justice. J. David Hawkins, Ph.D., is Professor in the School of Social Work and Director of the Social Development Research Group at the University of Washington. His research focuses on understanding and preventing child and adolescent health and behavior problems. He is committed to translating research into effective practice and policy to improve adolescent health and development. Since 1981, he has been conducting the Seattle Social Development Project, a longitudinal prevention study based on his theoretical work. Andrea Hazen, Ph.D., is Research Scientist in the Child and Adolescent Services Research Center, Children's Hospital and Health Center, and Adjunct Assistant Professor in the Department of Psychology at San Diego State University. She also is the project director and an associate investigator for the National Institute of Mental Health-funded study Patterns of Youth Mental Health Care in Public Service Systems. She has a Ph.D. in clinical psychology and recently completed a postdoctoral fellowship at the Child and Adolescent Services Research Center. Her areas of interest include child and adolescent mental health service use and the impact of intimate partner violence on adult and child victims. Todd I. Herrenkohl, Ph.D., is Assistant Professor of Social Work at the University of Washington and Research Analyst with the Social Development Research Group. His work focuses on the etiology of youth violence and promising prevention approaches. Since 1996, he has worked with a team of researchers conducting longitudinal analyses of data from the Seattle Social Development Project, a prospective study of individuals

(now adults) followed with annual assessments from elementary school. Currently, he is part of a work group examining the development and consequences of early-onset offending. His contribution to the project is an analysis of protective influences that inhibit the continuation of childhood aggression to later violent offending. He co-authored a chapter in the book Serious and Violent Juvenile Offenders: Risk Factors and Successful Interventions (Sage, 1998). Karl G. Hill, Ph.D., is Project Director of the Seattle Social Development Project (SSDP), a prospective study of individuals (now adults) followed with annual assessments from elementary school. Currently, he directs activities on the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention-funded studies, "The Developmental Dynamics of Gang Membership and Delinquency" and "Early Onset Offending: Development and Consequences," and the National Institute on Drug Abuse-funded study, "Early Adulthood Consequences of Adolescent Substance Use." He has worked primarily to determine the optimal conditions for development taking a systems-oriented, social-developmental, lifespan approach. During the past 5 years as project director of the SSDP, his work has focused on understanding the factors that influence the development of antisocial behavior such as alcohol and drug abuse, violence, and gang membership. Currently, he is preparing for a study of the children born to the SSDP members (now age 24 years) titled "The Intergenerational Influence of Substance Use on Children: Three Generations of the Seattle Social Development Project." James C. Howell, Ph.D., is Adjunct Researcher with the National Youth Gang Center in Tallahassee, Florida. He is co-author (with John J. Wilson) of Comprehensive Strategy for Serious, Violent, and Chronic Ju-

About the Contributors venile Offenders. He is the editor of Guide for Implementing the Comprehensive Strategy for Serious, Violent, and Chronic Juvenile Of-

fenders and is lead editor of A Serious,

Sourcebook:

Violent, and Chronic Juvenile

Of-

fenders (Sage). He also is the author of Juvenile Justice and Youth Violence (Sage, 1997).

His main interests are serious and violent juvenile careers and youth gangs. He has authored several federal reports on youth gangs. Some of his recent work on youth gangs and delinquency appears in Crime & Delinquency, the Journal of Research on Crime and Delinquency, and Crime and Justice: A Review of Research.

David Huizinga, Ph.D., is Senior Research Associate in the Institute of Behavioral Science at the University of Colorado and holds graduate degrees in mathematics and psychology. He is the principal investigator of the Denver Youth Survey and over the past two decades has been conducting longitudinal studies of child, adolescent, and young adult development that focus on the causes of delinquency, crime, drug abuse, and other problem behavior. He is co-author of The Social Psychology of Runaways, Explaining Delinquency and Drug Use, and Multiple Problem Youth: Delinquency, Substance Use, and Mental Health Problems. He also is the

author of numerous journal articles and reports. Larry M. Kalb, B.A., is a doctoral student in the Joint Clinical/Developmental Psychology Program at the University of Pittsburgh. His research interest concerns the development of antisocial behavior in juveniles and childhood noncompliance. Gordon Keeler, M.A., is Statistician II in the Department of Psychiatry and Behavioral Sciences, Developmental Epidemiology Center, Duke University Medical Center. He re-

491

ceived his master of applied statistics degree in 1985 from The Ohio State University. His research interests include analysis of longitudinal studies and automation of statistical analyses. Besides work in developmental epidemiology, he also has published research on trials of cardiac percutaneous intervention devices. Kate Keenan, Ph.D., is Assistant Professor of Psychiatry at the University of Chicago. She has two primary research interests. The first is the prospective study of developmental psychopathology, with a particular emphasis on antisocial behavior. The second is the identification of infants at risk for psychopathology and the maternal caregiving factors that can alter that risk. She has conducted a number of studies on precursors to conduct problems and delinquency in toddlers and preschool children. In collaboration with colleagues from the University of Pittsburgh, she is conducting a study on the development of conduct disorder, delinquency, and substance use in girls. She also is conducting a study to test hypotheses about individual difference in how infants respond to stress and how maternal behavior affects infant stress reactivity. Kelly Kelleher, M.D., M.P.H., is the Staunton Professor of Pediatrics and Psychiatry at the University of Pittsburgh. He is director of the Child Services Research and Development Program and director of the Mental Healthcare Policy and Research Consortium. He also is principal investigator on several federally funded grants examining the role of managed care organizations in providing pharmacy and behavioral health services to public and private sector patients. He has published numerous articles and chapters and also has conducted presentations on managed care and the evolving standards for clinician groups.

492

CHILD DELINQUENTS

Kimberly Kempf-Leonard, Ph.D., is Professor of Sociology, Crime and Justice Studies, and Political Economy at the University of Texas in Dallas. She received her Ph.D. from the University of Pennsylvania. Her research examines criminal career development, juvenile justice interventions, and race and gender issues related to crime and criminal justice procedures. Her most recent book (co-authored with Paul Tracy), Continuity and Discontinuity in Criminal Careers: The Transition From Juvenile Delinquency to Adult Crime (Plenum, 1996), includes a test of juvenile court interventions with chronic juvenile offenders. Minorities in Juvenile Justice (Sage, 1995), which she co-edited with Carl Pope and William Feyerherm, won the 1997 Gustavus Myers Award for Human Rights in North America. Christopher J. Koegl, M.A., is Criminologist and Researcher for the Under 12 Outreach Project at the Earlscourt Child and Family Centre in Toronto. His research interests include children's and youths' knowledge and use of legal rights, their perceptions of punishment, and experience of the youth justice process. He is a co-author of the Early Assessment Risk List for Boys (EARL-20B). Marvin D. Krohn, Ph.D., is Professor in the Department of Sociology at the State University of New York at Albany. His research interests include the investigation of social-psychological theories of adolescent substance abuse and delinquent behavior. He currently is involved in a panel study of inner-city youths designed to examine hypotheses derived from those perspectives. John Landsverk, Ph.D., is Professor in the School of Social Work at San Diego State University and Director of the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH)-funded Child and Adolescent Services Research Center at

Children's Hospital in San Diego. He received his Ph.D. in sociology from the University of Minnesota in 1969 and completed a 2-year National Institutes of Health-funded postdoctoral fellowship in the School of Public Health at the University of California, Los Angeles, from 1979 to 1981. He has continuing research interests in the delivery of mental health services for children and adolescents who are involved with public systems such as child welfare, probation, mental health, and education and in the impact of home visitation on the health and development of children at risk for maltreatment. He is the principal investigator of an NIMH- funded national study, "Mental Health Services Across Child Welfare Agencies"; co-principal investigator of a projected 20-year longitudinal study of foster children funded by the Agency for Children, Youth, and Families; and co-principal investigator for an NIMH-funded study of patterns of mental health care among youths in child welfare, probation, substance abuse services, mental health, and the serious emotional disorder sector of education. Marc Le Blanc, Ph.D., is Professor in the School of Education and School of Criminology at the University of Montreal. He is a member of the Royal Society of Canada and is the recipient of the Marcel Vincent medal for achievement in social sciences. He has published 10 books, 80 book chapters, and 140 articles. He is a member of several expert groups for the governments of Quebec and Canada. David LeMarquand, Ph.D., is Clinical Psychologist in the Rehabilitation and Forensic Programs of the North Bay Psychiatric Hospital in North Bay, Ontario. He previously completed his doctoral degree in 1998 at McGill University and subsequently held a postdoctoral research position at the Univer-

About the Contributors

sity of Montreal. His research interests include the neurobiological bases of human impulsivity and aggression as well as the development and prevention of conduct problems in children. Ellen L. Lipman, M.D., is Child Psychiatrist, member of the Canadian Centre for Studies of Children at Risk, and Associate Professor in the Department of Psychiatry and Behavioural Neurosciences at McMaster University in Hamilton, Ontario. Her research interests lie in the area of disadvantaged families and children, particularly lone mother families, conduct disorder, child psychiatric epidemiology, and group interventions. Shari Miller-Johnson, Ph.D., is Research Investigator at the FPG Child Development Center at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Her research interests focus on antisocial behavior, with special interest in peer factors and prevention interventions to reduce youth violence. She previously worked with John Coie on both the Fast Track project (a preventive intervention program to reduce antisocial behavior) and a basic research program on the longitudinal development of antisocial behavior. David (Dan) R. Offord, M.D., is Child Psychiatrist with major interests in epidemiology and prevention and Director of the Canadian Centre for Studies of Children at Risk, which focuses on policy issues, scientific research, and training. He also is head of the Division of Child Psychiatry at McMaster University and research director of the Chedoke Child and Family Centre in Hamilton, Ontario. He was a national health scientist for 10 years and a member of the premier's Council on Health, Weil-Being, and Social Justice until June 1995. He has played a leading role in the Ontario Child Health Study (OCHS) and its

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follow-up. He currently is involved in the OCHS Follow-Up 2000 and studies aimed at determining what data should be collected on a regular basis on children and youths at the community level in Ontario to inform and evaluate policy. The measurement of school readiness is a particular area of emphasis. He has completed pilot work on two native reserves in the area of children's health, particularly mental health, and was the co-principal investigator of the Tri-Ministry Project. He also has published widely in the scientific literature. Craig Rivera is a Ph.D. student in the School of Criminal Justice at the State University of New York at Albany, where he received his M.A. in 1996. He received his B.S. in administration of justice from Pennsylvania State University in 1994. He also is a research assistant with the Rochester Youth Development Study. Angela M. Seracini, Ph.D., is Assistant Professor of Clinical Psychology in the Child Psychiatry Department, College of Physicians and Surgeons, Columbia University, and Director of the Disruptive Behavior Disorders Clinic, Columbia-Presbyterian Medical Center, in New York City. Her research interests are risk and protective factors and preventive interventions for children of substance abusers and other at-risk children, clinical research on parenting interventions, and psychotherapy research for substance use disorders. In addition to her research activities, she directs the Columbia-Presbyterian outpatient clinic for children with externalizing behavior disorders and trains psychology interns and psychiatry residents in cognitive-behavioral therapy and parent training interventions. As the recipient of an Aaron Diamond Fellowship and a research fellowship on substance-related disorders from the National Institute on Drug Abuse,

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she conducted clinical research on behavioral treatment for perinatal cocaine-dependent women at the New York State Psychiatric Institute. She completed her Ph.D. in clinical psychology in the Ferkauf Graduate School of Psychology at Yeshiva University in New York City, where she won the Jeffrey Sage Memorial Prize for outstanding achievement in clinical psychology. She obtained her B.A. from the University of Pennsylvania. James F. Short, Jr., Ph.D., is Professor Emeritus of Sociology at Washington State University. He was a member of the Committee on Law and Justice, and the Panel on the Understanding and Control of Violence, of the National Research Council, National Academy of Sciences. He was director of research for the National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence and currently serves on advisory boards for the National Consortium on Violence Research, the National Youth Gang Center, and the Academic Advisory Council of the National Campaign Against Youth Violence. His books include Suicide and Homicide (with A. F. Henry), Group Process and Gang Delinquency (with F. L. Strodtbeck), Delinquency and Society, and Poverty, Ethnicity, and Violent Crime. He also was editor of and contributor to Delinquency, Crime, and Society: The Social Fabric—Dimensions and Issues and Organizations, Uncertainties, and Risk (with Lee Clarke). A former editor of American Sociological Review, and associate editor of Annual Review of Sociology, he is past president of the Pacific and American Sociological Associations, and the American Society of Criminology (ASC). He was an ASC fellow, was a recipient of the Edwin H. Sutherland Award, and has numerous fellowships. Other honors include the Bruce Smith Award (Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences) and the Paul W. Tappan Award (Western Society of Criminology).

Howard N. Snyder, Ph.D., is Director of Systems Research at the National Center for Juvenile Justice in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. He also is Director of the National Juvenile Court Data Archive. His research includes studies of the development of juvenile delinquent careers, murders of and by juveniles, sexual victimization of juveniles, temporal cycles in violent crime by and against juveniles, juvenile crime trends, activities of the juvenile justice system, and the transfer of juveniles to the criminal justice system. His writings reflect his interests in the improvement of available information on juvenile criminals and the juvenile justice system and the communication of this information to a wide audience. Terence P. Thornberry, Ph.D., is Professor and former Dean in the School of Criminal Justice at the State University of New York at Albany. Prior to moving to Albany, he was a faculty member at the University of Georgia and the University of Pennsylvania. He received his M.A. in criminology and his Ph.D. in sociology from the University of Pennsylvania. He is the author of a number of books, including The Criminally Insane and From Boy to Man—From Delinquency to Crime, as well as numerous articles and book chapters. He currently is the director of the Rochester Youth Development Study, an ongoing panel study examining the causes and correlates of serious delinquency and drug use. He is the recipient of numerous awards including the American Bar Association's Gavel Award Certificate of Merit and the President's Award for Excellence in Research at the State University of New York at Albany. He is a fellow of the American Society of Criminology. Richard E. Tremblay, Ph.D., F.R.S.C., is Chair of Child Development at the University of Montreal, where he is Professor in the Departments of Psychiatry and Psychology. He

About the Contributors

is the director of the Research Unit on Psychosocial Maladjustment, an interdisciplinary and inter-university research center created by Laval University, McGill University, and the University of Montreal to study children and their families. He also is a Molson fellow of the Canadian Institute for Advanced Research and a fellow of the Royal Society of Canada. For the past 16 years, he has directed a program of longitudinal studies addressing the physical, cognitive, emotional, and social development of children from the gestational stage onward. He currently is a member of the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention's Study Group on Very Young Offenders and a member of the National Consortium on Violence Research in the United States. He was formerly a member of Canada's National Crime Prevention Council. He has published, with his colleagues, more than 200 scientific articles, chapters, and books including Preventing Antisocial Behavior From Birth to Adolescence (with Joan McCord). Gail A. Wasserman, Ph.D., is Professor of Clinical Psychology and Child Psychiatry in the College of Physicians and Surgeons at Columbia University. She also holds a position as a research scientist at the New York State Psychiatric Institute. Her research interests concern the ways in which risk factors operate at many levels in vulnerable children. Her most recent work considers interrelationships between the mental health and justice systems, in particular, the assessment of mental health in youths within the justice system. Brandon C. Welsh, Ph.D., is Assistant Professor in the Department of Criminal Justice

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at the University of Massachusetts-Lowell. His research interests focus on the study of the prevention of delinquency and crime and on economic analysis of crime prevention programs and policies. He is an editor (with David P. Farrington and Lawrence W. Sherman) of two forthcoming books, Costs and Benefits of Preventing Crime and Preventing Crime 2000. Janet K. Wiig, J.D., M.S.W., is Executive Director of the Institute on Criminal Justice at the University of Minnesota Law School. Her primary research interests are in the juvenile justice area, with an emphasis on very young offenders. While working as an assistant county attorney, she developed and directed a crime prevention initiative, Hennepin County's (Minnesota) Delinquents Under 10 Program, based on her research of children under age 10 years who have committed delinquent acts. She has held positions in various settings including court administration in the Los Angeles Superior Court, child welfare administration in Minnesota state government, and policy and program development in a public law office. She has served as an adviser, consultant, or board member to several national and state organizations including the National Council of Juvenile and Family Court Judges, the American Bar Association's Center on Children and the Law, California Children's Lobby, Children's Law Center of Minnesota, and New England Resource Center for Children and Families. In addition to publishing articles, she has made presentations at numerous state and national conferences on the subjects of child advocacy, juvenile justice, and child welfare.