Changing Traditions: Al-Mubarrad's Refutation of Sibawayh and the Subsequent Reception of the Kitāb 9004105956, 9789004105959

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CHANGING TRADITIONS

STUDIES IN SEMITIC LANGUAGES AND LINGUISTICS EDITED BY

T. MURAOKA AND C. H.M. VERSTEEGH

XXIII CHANGING TRADITIONS

CHANGING TRADITIONS Al-Mubarrad's Rifutation if Sibawayh and the Subsequent Reception if the Kitab BY

MONIQUE BERNARDS

EJ. BRILL LEIDEN' NEW YORK' KOLN 1997

Published with financial support from the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Bernards, Monique. Changing traditions: al-Mubarrad's refutation of Sibawayh / by Monique Bernards. p. cm. - (Studies in Semitic languages and linguistics, ISSN 0081-8461 ; 23) Includes the Arabic text of Ibn Wallad's Kitab al-Inti~ar, edited by Monique Bernards. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 9004105956 (alk. paper) l. Arabic language-Grammar-Theory, etc.-Early works to 1800. 2. Mubarrad, Mu~mmad ibn Yazid, d. 898. Muqta~b. 3. Sibawayh, 'Amr ibn 'Uthman, 8th cent. Kitab. 4. Arabic language-Iraq-History. I. Ibn Wallad, ~ad ibn Mu~mmad, d. 943 or 4. Inti~ar. II Title. III. Series. PJ61Ol.B47 1997 492'. 75-dc20 96-32132 CIP

Die Deutsche Bibliothek-CIP-Einheitsaufnahnle Bernards, Monique: Changing traditions: Al-Mubarrad's refutation of Sibawayh and the subsequent reception of the Kitab / by Monique Bernards. - Leiden ; New York; Koln : Brill, 1997 (Studies in Semitic languages and linguistics ; 23) ISBN 90-04-10595-6 NE:GT

ISSN 0081-8461 ISBN 90 04 10595 6

© Copyright 1997 by E.J. Brill, Leidm, The Netherlands All rights reserved. No part 0/this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission .from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by E.J. Brill provided that the appropriate fies are paid directf;y to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910

In gratitude to my mother and to the memory of my father

CONTENTS Preface . . . . . .

XI

Setting the stage .

1

Chapter One SIBAWAYH, HIS

KITAB, AND THE SCHOOLS OF BASRA AND KUFA

ACCORDING TO THE CLASSICAL ARAB TRADITION

1.1 References to the Kitiib Sibawayh . . . . . 1.1.1 SThawayh in the biographical sources . . 1.1.2 SThawayh in the grammatical sources . . . . . . . . .. 1.2 References to the Basran and Kufan schools of grammar .. 1.2.1 References to Basra and Kufa in the biographical sources 1.2.2 References to Basra and Kufa in the grammatical sources 1.3 SThawayh and the formation of the schools . . . . . . . . .

3 3 4 9 11

12 14 17

Chapter Two AN OVERVIEW OF AL-MuBARRAD'S LIFE, SOCIAL CONTACTS AND THE

2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4

CULTURAL MILIEU OF THE TIME . . . .

19

AI-Mubarrad the grammarian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . AI-Mubarrad's professional contacts . . . . . . . . . . . AI-Mubarrad's contacts outside the circle of grammarians The general milieu and al-Mubarrad's place in it .

19 22 30 32

Grammaticalities. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

39

Chapter Three AL-MuBARRAD'S GRAMMATICAL POSITION: HIS ORIGINALITY AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF HIS CRITICISM. . . . . . . . . . . . . .

3.1 Preliminary remarks on al-Mubarrad's Radd 'alii Kitiib Sibawayh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1.1 Remarks from the classical Arabic sources 3.1.2 Remarks from secondary sources 3.1.3 'Ugayma's notes. . . . . . . . . . . . . .

41 41 41 42 42

VIII

CONTENTS

3.2 An inventory of the Radd ................ 3.2.1 AI-Mubarrad's quotations from the Kitab Sibawayh 3.2.2 The nature of al-Mubarrad's criticisms of Sibawayh 3.3 Collation material . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.1 Establishing al-Mubarrad's originality . 3.3.2 Establishing al-Mubarrad's development 3.4 A description of the results . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.1 Al-Mubarrad's originality expressed in quantitative terms 3.4.2 AI-Mubarrad's retraction of criticism expressed in quantitative terms. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.3 AI-Mubarrad's relationship to his predecessors. 3.5 What do the quantitative figures imply? . . . . . . . 3.5.1 On al-Mubarrad's originality. . . . . . . . . . . 3.5.2 On the development of al-Mubarrad's position.

43 44 45 45 45 46 47 47 50 51 53 53 54

Chapter Four ILLUSTRATION OF AL-MUBARRAD'S GRAMMATICAL POSITION: AN ANALYSIS OF FOUR GRAMMATICAL ISSUES. . . . . . . . . .

4.1 The conjunction of two sentences with different grammatical structures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1.1 General introduction . . . . . . . 4.1.2 Sibawayh's theory on the subject 4.1.3 Criticism of Sibawayh . . . . . 4.1.4 AI-Mubarrad in his MuqtacJab . 4.1.5 Later grammarians . . . . . . . 4.1.6 General conclusion. . . . . . . 4.2. The separation between the genitive and its regent 4.2.1 General introduction . . . . . . . 4.2.2 Sibawayh's theory on the subject 4.2.3 Comments on Sibawayh's text. . 4.2.4 AI-Mubarrad in his MuqtacJab. . 4.2.5 Contemporary and later grammarians . 4.2.6 General conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . 4.3. The status of the personal pronoun -ka in al-cJaribUlaka 4.3.1 General introduction . . . . . . . 4.3.2 Sibawayh's theory on the subject . . . 4.3.3 Criticism of Slbawayh . . . . . . . . . 4.3.4 Contemporary and later grammarians. 4.3.5 General conclusion. . . . . . . . . . .

56 57 57 58 60 61 63 65 66 66 66 67 68 69 72 72 72 73 75 76 79

CONTENTS

IX

4.4 The governance of the negative particle lii. 4.4.1 General introduction . . . . . . . 4.4.2 Sibawayh' s theory on the subject 4.4.3 Criticism of Sibawayh . . . . . 4.4.4 AI-Mubarrad in his Muqtatjab . 4.4.5 Later grammarians. 4.4.6 General conclusion. . .

86

The reception of Slbawayh' s book

87

80 80 81 82 83 84

Chapter Five SUMMARY, DISCUSSION, CONCLUSIONS AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

5.1 Summary of the main findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2 Sibawayh's reputation, the Kitiib Slbawayh, and alMubarrad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2.1 Sibawayh's innovations and al-Mubarrad . 5.2.2 AI-Mubarrad and the later tradition . . . . 5.3 The "grammatical schools" of Basra and Kufa . 5.3.1 What is a school? . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3.2 Basra and Kufa revisited: al-Mubarrad and the formation of the "schools" . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4. Main conclusions and suggestions for further research 5.4.1 Main conclusions of the study .. 5.4.2 Suggestions for further research.

89 89

90 90 92 93 93

95 97 97 98

Appendix One INVENTORY OF THE [NT/SAl? .

99

Appendix Two LIST OF OVERLAPPING ITEMS FROM THE DERENBOURG EDmON OF THE KlTAB SIBAWAYH AND THE [NT/SAl? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

102

Appendix Three EXPLICIT REFERENCES TO SIBAWAYH IN AL-MuBARRAD'S MUQTAJ;JAB

103

REFERENCES . . . . .

105 105 107

Primary sources . . Secondary sources .

x

CONTENTS

GENERAL INDEX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . INDEX OF NAMES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . INDEX OF GRAMMATICAL ITEMS

... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..

111 113 116

. INTRODUCTION TO THE EDmON OF THE INTI$}.R

0~ ~\ ) .....::..~1 \ j~J ~\

y ••

i~~\

IJ".J+' IJ".J+' IJ".J+' IJ".J+'

~\~ .j~\ 0~""';) IJ"~\ ~~\\ C.)W~ Jl!..~\

. . . . . . . . .. WI \

IJ".J+' IJ".J+'

PREFACE The introduction and subsequent reception of the Kitiib Sibawayh at the end of the second A.H/eighth A.D. century were the most important factors for the development of the long tradition of Arabic grammar. "SIbawayh's book" was and still is, even after nearly twelve hundred years, "a classic" and its contents permeate the entire tradition of Arabic grammar. The Basran school of grammar claimed SIbawayh as its founder thereby gaining more fame than its traditional counterpart, Kufa. The book's importance and pivotal position within the Arab grammatical tradition suggests that it was adopted by the grammarians with immediate and overwhelming consent. The early sources-though few in number-take exception to this view, however. Grammatical texts from the third/ninth century do not attest to SIbawayh's authority nor to a dichotomy between a Basran and a Kufan school of grammar. From the end of that century, however, the Arab grammatical tradition can be said to have become definitively marked by these two characteristics: centrality of the place of SIbawayh's Kitiib and the existence of two competing schools of grammar. In attempting to shed some light on this formative period of Arabic grammar, i.e., the end of the second/eighth till the end of the third/ninth century, I propose to focus attention on the way the early grammarians received and commented upon the Kitiib Slbawayh and especially on the role the so-called Basran grammarian Mu}:lammad b. Yazld al-Mubarrad (d. 285/898) played in the process. The decision to put al-Mubarrad on center stage was based on the view that he once had written a critical commentary on SIbawayh's Kitiib (most of which already formulated by his predecessors and teachers) and that he had retracted his criticisms later in life. Additionally, al-Mubarrad was reported to have authored a biographical work on Basran grammarians, indicating that he had played a role in the creation of a specific Basran grammatical tradition as well. It was reasoned, then, that an analysis of al-Mubarrad's grammatical position would provide more insight into the reception of the Kitiib Slbawayh and the influence it exerted on the development of the Arab grammatical tradition. To guide this analysis I have adopted, as a working hypothesis, the position that in retracting his criticisms of SIbawayh, al-Mubarrad was in effect acknowledging the authority and long and "firm" tradition of the Kitiib in order to legitimize his position and to

XII

PREFACE

emphasize his Basran identity; this book is an elaborate scrutiny of this working hypothesis. At the outset of this study information will be gathered from biographical and historical texts about al-Mubarrad's personal situation such as data on where he lived, the people with whom he had frequent contact, his teachers, pupils and educational development, and on his activities and place within his scholarly circle and social surroundings. These data will contribute to a better understanding of al-Mubarrad's professional endeavors and will furthermore provide insight into how the theories of both Sibawayh and al-Mubarrad were transmitted. The main source for our investigation into al-Mubarrad's grammatical position is the above-mentioned critical commentary, his Radd 'alii Kitiib Sibawayh, "Refutation of SThawayh' s book". This work is the oldest extant commentary of the Kitiib and is included in the grammatical treatise entitled Kitiib al-Inti:;iir aw kitiib al-naqd 'alii al-Mubarradfi raddihi 'alii Sibawayh, "The book of triumph, a critique of al-Mubarrad's refutation of Sibawayh" by the fourth/tenth century Egyptian grammarian A}:lmad b. WalHid. An edition of this text is found at the end of this book. An inventory of the Radd will give insight in what the critical remarks of al-Mubarrad exactly amounted to. A comparison of these criticisms with al-Mubarrad's views presented in the Muqtafjab-which I believe to be a later work-will show if he did indeed retract his critique of Sibawayh. Attention will also be given to the opinions of alMubarrad's teachers and predecessors in order to establish whether or not he stood alone in his critical attitude towards SThawayh, and information from later grammatical works will complete the picture of alMubarrad's grammatical position seen in light of the entire Arab linguistic tradition. The book comprises three parts: Setting the stage (Chapters I and 2), Grammaticalities (Chapters 3 and 4) and The reception of Sibawayh's book (Chapter 5). In the introductory or first chapter a survey will be made of references to Sibawayh, his Kitiib and the alleged schools of Basra and Kufa in the classical Arabic biographical and grammatical sources. The second chapter is devoted to a sketch of al-Mubarrad's professional and social life. The second part presents the grammatical evidence to test my assumptions. Chapter 3 deals with al-Mubarrad's refutation of SThawayh and answers questions as to whether or not al-Mubarrad's criticisms

PREFACE

XIII

were originally his own and the extent to which, if any, he had retracted his critique of SIbawayh. Four of the grammatical issues discussed in the Radd have been selected for further in depth analysis in Chapter 4. This analysis will give insight into the peculiarities of the disagreements and the way in which they are treated by al-Mubarrad and other grammarians. The third part, The reception of Slbawayh' s book, contains the final chapter which summarizes and discusses the results of my research. The book closes with Ibn Wallad's Inti!fiir which is edited and annotated for the first time. Acknowledgments

A number of organizations and individuals have provided aid which enabled me to write my dissertation as well as its transformation into this book. A four-year grant awarded by the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) enabled me to conduct the research for my dissertation; it then furnished a travel-grant so that I could return to Egypt to complete work on the edition of the manuscript. Finally, NWO met the high publication costs primarily due to the Arabic text. The Department of Semitic Languages and the Centre for Oriental, Medireval and Renaissance Studies of Groningen University sustained the project by providing an environment in which I could edit the manuscript and rewrite parts of my dissertation. My thanks also go to my colleagues at Nijmegen University who have welcomed me back after fulfilling a temporary appointment of two years at Groningen University as though I had never left. It was at the Institute for Languages and Cultures of the Middle East of Nijmegen University where I began the project and where I have received continuous support. The past and present directors of the Dutch Institute in Cairo, Kees Versteegh (Nijmegen University)-who was additionally my dissertation supervisor but who refuses any acknowledgment by me of that role-and Han den Heijer both helped in obtaining a microfilm of the manuscript of Ibn Wallad's Inti!fiir. Dr. Ayman Fu'ad Sayyid of the Dar al-Kutub in Cairo was supportive in attempts to get as close as possible to the manuscript itself-though in the end this turned out to be impossible. lowe much gratitude to Rafi Talmon (Haifa University) who, as a member of the examination board for my dissertation, urged me to edit Ibn Wallad' s text. He did more than I should have asked of him by go-

XIV

PREFACE

ing over the greater part of the edition and ensured that several errors did not find their way into the final version. Geert-Jan van Gelder was always excited when I popped up with a line of poetry which I could not identify; his swiftness in locating where the verse came from was at times dazzling. Those two scholars of I}adlth, Gual Juynboll and Harald Motzki were always there when I needed them and have contributed in broadening the scope of the investigation. In no way, however, do these acknowledgments absolve me from the responsibility of remaining flaws in the study or edition. My father-in-law Professor M.M. Nawas has very concretely illustrated to me what his students wrote he had taught them: " ... the force and life in the ideals of integrity, charity, and excellence". John has given me his unabated love, friendship, and support; the warmth of our relationship belongs to that realm of emotions which language is unable to comprehend. Noordhom, April 14th, 1996.

Setting the stage

CHAPTER ONE

SIBAWAYH, HIS KITAiJ, AND THE SCHOOLS OF BASRA AND KUFA ACCORDING TO THE CLASSICAL ARAB TRADITION This introductory chapter surveys the manner in which Arab grammarians and historiographers referred to both Sibawayh's Kitiib and to the professed grammatical schools of Basra and Kufa. The first paragraph (1.1) relates what the sources have to say about Sibawayh and his Kitiib. How the Arab tradition describes the schools of Basra and Kufa with focus on the use of the term madhhab, is the subject matter of the second paragraph (1.2). Paragraph 1.3 compares the results of the two sets of references of paragraphs 1.1 and 1.2. Further, this chapter will argue that the Arab tradition conveys the impression that the Kitiib Slbawayh was generally accepted from its very inception as the grammatical analysis par excellence of the Arabic language. And while the Arab tradition emphasized a strict division between the two schools of Basra and Kufa and considered Sibawayh as the founder of the former, his book was all the same important to representatives of the Kufan school. 1.1 References to the Kitiib Slbawayh

From the beginning of the third/ninth century onwards, many grammarians wrote commentaries on the Kitiib Slbawayh.! Among them we find al-Akhfash al-Awsat (d. 215/830 or 221/835), Sibawayh's pupil-his Ta'/iqiit is probably the oldest commentary-al-Jarmi (d. 225/839), alMazini (d. 248/862), al-Sijistam (d. 255/869), Ibn Abi Zur'a (d. 257/871), al-Mubarrad (d. 285/898), al-Zajjaj (d. 311/923), Ibn al-Sarraj (d. 316/ 928), al-Zajjaji (d. 337/949 or 340/953), al-Na.\:Jl:las (d. 338/950), al-Srrafi (d. 368/958) and ru-Rummani (d. 384/994). Most of these works carry the title of Shar~ Kitiib Slbawayh or Tafslr Kitiib Slbawayh which probably means that they provided explanatory notes rather than critical remarks. There are, however, two exceptions. One is a work by Ibn Abi Zur'a entitled Nukat 'alii Kitiib Slbawayh which suggests that it was at the very ! Sezgin (1984, 58-63) includes a list of 76 commentaries. See also al-I:IadithI (1967, 151 ff.).

4

CHAPTER ONE

least a critical commentary. We do not know anything about this work beyond al-Qifti's (d. 624/1227) description of it as "rather useful" (Iii ba's bi-!awii'idihii).2 The other exception is al-Mubarrad's Radd 'alii Kitiib Sibawayh which undoubtedly was a critical treatise. This work by al-Mubarrad, which has been included in edited form at the end of this book, will be the focus of attention in the chapters to corne. The large number of early commentaries on the Kitiib indicates that this work did arouse much attention. However, such an abundance of commentaries in and of itself provides no real insight into how Sibawayh's ideas were received during the formative period of the science of Arabic grammar. In order to gain this insight we need to know, amongst other things, how often Sibawayh was quoted in these works and where commentators agreed or disagreed with his ideas. Filling this gap is one ofthe major aims of this study. We commence, however, with a description of the manner in which Sibawayh and his book are portrayed in the sources. A mere glance at the Nuzhat al-alibbii' fi tabaqiit al-udabii' indicates that in the life and times of the sixth/twelve century grammarian Ibn alAnbari, the author of this work, the reputation of Sibawayh's Kitiib had been firmly established and the schools of Basra and Kufa were considered a well-known fact. This is the reason why I have not used works written after Ibn al-Anban's compilation-though invaluable for other purposes-for the reconstruction of the development of references to the Kitiib Slbawayh offered here since we are interested in the reception of the Kitiib before it received its unquestionable status which it has re• tained till this very day. 3 1.1.1 Slbawayh in the biographical sources The oldest extant biographical sources scarcely mention Sibawayh.4 A biographical entry on him was made by Abu al-Tayyib and al-Siriifi to2 AI-Qif!I, lnbiih IV, 190. MuIJammad b. AbI Zur'a al-Bahill was a colleague of alMazinI. AI-SuyutI (Bughya I, 104), a scholar of the ninth/fifteenth century, also mentions the Nukat 'alii Kitiib Sfbawayh. 3 See for instance MakhzumI (19863), payf (1968), Yasln (1980) and Fawwru Babt! (1983) who stress the centrality of the Kitiib Sfbawayh and the existence of the two competing schools of Basra and Kufa. 4 Abu I:Iamid al-TirmidhI (d. ca. 280/893) refers to SIbawayh only once and on the authority of his teacher Abu Said al-panr, who claims that al-Kisiil (d. 183(799) was more accurate in handling oral information than SIbawayh was (Makh{u{ 141). This corroborates the anti-SIbawayh reaction from the Kufan side which appears in the later sources. We will discuss this later. Abu Tahir al-Muqri' (d. 349/960) does not mention SIbawayh at all in his Akhbiir.

SlBAWAYH, HIS KITAB, AND THE SCHOOLS OF BASRA AND KUFA

5

ward the end of the fourth/tenth century, Three major themes emerge in the entry: (1) a high esteem for SIbawayh and the Kitiib; (2) the originality of SIbawayh's ideas, and, (3) critical comments made about the Kitiib. 5 Although SIbawayh does not receive special attention when compared with other grammarians, he invariably is praised for being the best grammarian after aI-Khalil. His reliability is discussed and affirmed. His book is considered to be very valuable; it receives the epithet "the Qur'an of grammar" (Qur'iin al-naJ:tw) and when someone in Basra speaks of "the book", it is immediately clear that it is Kitiib Sibawayh that is meant. We are told that no one had studied the Kitiib under SIbawayh himself; al-Akhfash al-Awsat made it public after SThawayh's death and that is why he is referred to as "the road to SIbawayh's book" (al-{ariq ilii Kitiib Sibawayh). Several anecdotes are found in which it is made abundantly clear that though the Kitiib is a work of genius it is nevertheless far from easy to understand. 6 Most of the references to the Kitiib-Ieaving aside the separate entries on SIbawayh-deal with grammarians who had either studied the book or who had read it to their pupils. Interestingly enough, the sources tell us about grammarians from Kufa who studied the Kitiib but who, unlike their Basran colleagues, did not transmit it. The sources also express some doubt about the originality of SIbawayh's ideas. Ibn al-Nadlm tells us that, according to Tha'lab, SIbawayh is but one of the forty-two authors of the Kitiib; however, this story does not seem to have been taken very seriously.7 That SIbawayh relied heavily on aI-KhalIl as his teacher and most important informant does not in any way tarnish his reputation or diminish the praiseworthiness of his book. Negative remarks on the Kitiib Sibawayh deal primarily with shortcomings and carelessness in handling the linguistic material of poetry and the kaliim al- 'Arab as well as ungrammatical language used by SIbawayh himself. All remarks of this kind come from Kufan grammarians; aI-Farra' (d. 207/822) appears to be the most ardent adversary. 5 References to SThawayh and the Kitab are: AbU al-Tayyib, Maratib 42, 65, 67, 68, 69,78,85,87-88; al-Sirafi, Akhbar 34, 40, 43-44, 48-50, 72, 88, 93, 101, 107-109. These two works clearly set the tone for the biographical compilations which followed them. See al-Zubaydi, Tabaqat 52, 66-72, 73, 93, 100, 110, 114, 119, 121, 131, 142, 145-46, 153,169,185,187,217,281; al-Marzubani, Nilr al-Qabas 5, 58, 95-97,174,220,225, 228,279,287,288,339; Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist 76-77; al-Tanukhi, Tarikh 19,22,30,33, 46,52,54,59,68,73,76,79,82,85, 110, 123, 139, 154; al-Kha!Th, Tarikh Baghdad XII, 195-99; Ibn al-Anban, Nuzha 28, 35-39, 46, 49, 56, 77, 79, 84, 85, 90, 107, 112, 116, 122, 126, 132, 150, 175,202,231,238,240. 6 See, for instance, Abu al-Tayyib, Maratib 78. 7 Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist 76.

6

CHAPTER ONE

When SIbawayh, in a discussion about a verse of poetry by Bashshar, claims that the verse is in contradiction with Bedouin speech, aI-Farra' goes so far as to call him "a truly great calamity" Cucjla min al- 'ucjal).8 There is little mention of criticism from Basrans. One such critic is Abu I:latim al-Sijistanl (d. 255/869).9 AI-Sijistanl is of the opinionwhich runs counter to the above-mentioned remarks-that the Kitiib is remarkable for its elegance in metrics and poetry but whose author is otherwise of lesser quality than al-Mazinl as a grammarian. \0 Abu IsJ:taq al-Ziyadl (d. 249/863) is said to have read parts of the Kitiib Sibawayh but never finished it; he wrote a short critical commentary in which he presented some points of disagreement with the Kitiib. ll Only one source makes mention of al-Mubarrad's Radd 'alii Kitiib Slbawayh but not without emphasizing that the Basran al-Mubarrad had later withdrawn most of his critical comments. 12 There is a tendency in the biographical sources to couple criticism of the Kitiib Sibawayh with the issue of the alleged BasranlKufan dispute. The example of this phenomenon par excellence is the "case of the scorpion" (al-mas'ala al-zunbUriyya),13 an account of the greatest victory of the Kufans over the Basrans. 14 The "case of the scorpion" is about a discussion between the Kufan grammarian al-Kisal (d. 183n99) and Slbawayh, which took place in the presence of the Kufan grammarians aI-Farra' and al-AJ:tmar (d. 194/809),15 under the supervision of YaJ:tya b. Khalid the AI-MarzubanI, Nur al-Qabas 95. Contrary to Versteegh (1977, 193) who says he died in 182/798. This seems unlikely because al-SijistanI was reportedly one of al-Mubarrad's teachers. 10 AI-Slrafi, Akhbiir 93; Ibn al-AnbarI, Nuzha 116. 11 AI-Slrafi, Akhbiir 88; Ibn al-AnbarI, Nuzha 126. 12 AI-TaniikhI, Tiirlkh 19,59. 13 So called due to the subject material of the grammatical discussion which deals with the expression: "I thought that the scorpion stung more severely than the wasp, and behold, the one is like the other". The issue at hand is whether fa-idhii huwa hiya or faidhii huwa iyyiihii is the correct way to express "the one is like the other". 14 This famous story is told for the fIrst time by al-ZubaydI (d. 379/989; Tabaqiit 68-71) and transmitted in several versions through numerous channels. The story is usually related as being told by Tha'iab 'an Salama 'an ai-Farra'; sometimes one also finds the chain of transmission as 'an al-Mubarrad or 'an al-MazinI 'an al-Akhfash. See also al-MarzubanI, Niir al-Qabas 288; al-TaniikhI, Tiirlkh 101-105; Ibn al-Anban, In!fiif II, 702 ff.; al-Suyii!I, Bughya II, 230; al-Qif!I, lnbiih II, 358; Ibn al-Nadlm, Fihrist 76-77; al-ZajjajI, Majiilis 910; Yaqiit, lrshiid III, 134. On this grammatical issue, see Blau (1963) and Talmon (1986). 15 His full name was 'All b. l:Iasan al-AJ:nnar, a friend of al-Kisa'i (see Bernards 1989, 25), and not, as Talmon (1986) asserts, the well-known grammarian Khalaf al-AI).mar (d. 180/ 796). Ibn al-Anban, In!fiifII, 703 as well mistakenly identifIes him as Khalaf al-AJ:nnar. According to the most elaborate veffiion of the story, ai-Farra' and al-AJ:!mar also discussed some grammatical problems and they behaved rather disrespectfully towards SIbawayh. 8

9

SIBAWAYH, HIS KITAB, AND THE SCHOOLS OF BASRA AND KUFA

7

Bannakid (d, 190/805), vizier to the caliph Hfuiin ai-RashId, No agreement on the subject under discussion is reached by the protagonists, Eventually they decide to submit the case for judgment to some Bedouins who were waiting at the palace gate for an audience with the caliph, The Bedouins are ushered in, the problem discussed and al-Kisa'I was pronounced right. Talmon (1986; 1988) has analysed in depth both the historiographical and the grammatical aspects of the "case of the scorpion", The fact that there are many different versions of the story leads Talmon to conclude that it has been tinkered with intentionally in order to emphasize the negative way the Kufans treated Sibawayh. In one of the versions, the Bedouins who are to judge the case are not mentioned at all; in another, they are mentioned with names and surnames in order to convince the reader of their trustworthiness. 16 As the various reports have it, sometimes all the judges agree with al-Kisa'I, at other times they disagree amongst themselves, and there is also the suggestion that these Bedouins were bribed. One version even leaves out the whole passage on the Bedouin judges. In some of the versions aI-Farra', not al-Kisal, is Sibawayh's opponent; in another account Ya}.lya b. Khalid advises SIbawayh not to take part in the debate. Yet one point is stressed in all of the different versions of the story. However strong SIbawayh's arguments may have been, al-Kisa'I triumphs on the basis of evidence from the kaliim al- 'Arab. According to tradition, the Kufan recriminations against SIbawayh---culminating, as we have just seen, in aI-Farra' 's exclamation that Sibawayh is a "great calamity" ---center on SIbawayh' s alleged negligence of Bedouin speech. In this respect, the mas 'ala zunburiyya stands as a model for the traditional Basran/Kufan dispute: the Basrans derive their arguments from their own neatly reasoned theoretical framework while the Kufans support their views by referring to the kaliim al- 'Arab. References to Sibawayh in the biographical sources increase in number as time goes by-from eight references and a separate entry of six lines in Abu al-Tayyib's Mariitib (fourth/tenth century) to twenty-three references and seventy-four lines in Ibn al-Anban's Nuzha. The growing number of references is not very surprising since it was the biographers' habit to enumerate the grammarians who read the Kitiib Sibawayh-and 16 According to Talmon (1986) silence about the identity of the Bedouin judges was disadvantageous for the Kufans. Ibn al-Anban (Nuzha 38; In$iiJ II, 703) emphasizes the fact that the judges came from both Basran and Kufan sides.

8

CHAPTER ONE

the number of these was on the increase. More interesting for our purposes is the fact that the information on SIbawayh that is found in separate entries becomes more extensive and it undergoes changes in the course of time. From the outset the Kitiib is described as a wonderful book, important for all who are interested in grammar. However, the first references also tell us that it was not accepted without any critical comments. Gradually, new information is added; al-ZubaydI tells us, for instance, that Ibn Kaysan (d. 299/911 or 320/932), a pupil of both Tha'lab and al-Mubarrad, refused to read the Kitiib to Mabraman (d. 326/938). Ibn Kaysan sent Mabraman to al-Zajjaj as if he himself was not enough of a "Basran" to transmit the Kitiib SlbawayhY AI-ZubaydI's Tabaqiit also presents the first references to the mas'ala zunburiyya. AI-MarzubanI gives us some unique new facts and is our only source for the anecdote about alFarra"s furious outburst in which he called SIbawayh a "calamity" .18 He additionally provides us with information on how SIbawayh died of a broken neck while visiting a hospitable friend. 19 New in Ibn al-NadIm's Fihrist is Tha'lab's claim, mentioned earlier, that SIbawayh wrote the Kitiib with over forty other writers. 2o This disclosure was apparently not deemed shocking at the time (fourth/tenth century); we have to wait until the seventh/thirteenth century for the story to tum up again in alQif~I's InbiihY The information about al-Mubarrad's Radd 'alii Kitiib Slbawayh is provided by al-TanukhI. This writer tells us that al-Mubarrad originally brought forward more than four hundred points of disagreement with SIbawayh and that, eventually, only forty critical points remained. 22 AIKha~Ib aI-BaghdadI brings in yet another new element. He illustrates the extraordinary reputation of the Kitiib Sibawayh by narrating the story of al-JaQi~ (d. 255/869) who presented the Kitiib as a gift to a friend, a man who already possessed everything. Receiving such a gift was the crown of his collection. 23 Another example of information which has changed over time is the story of Ibn Kaysan' s dream. The story appears for the first time in the Al-ZubaydI, Tabaqat 153. Al-MarzubanI, Nilr al-Qabas 95. 19 Al-MarzubanI, Nilr al-Qabas 96-97. To my knowledge, this story of how SIbawayh died is not told by any other biographer. 20 Ibn aI-Nadlm, Fihrist 76. 21 Al-Qif~I, lnbah II, 347. 22 Al-TaniikhI, Tiirlkh 19,59. 23 Al-Kha~Ib, Tarlkh Baghdad XII, 196. 17 18

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9

Mariitib of Abu al-Tayyib and goes as follows, Ibn Kaysan sees in his dream some jinn who were discussing various scholarly problems. He inquires as to whom they incline in grammatical matters and they answer: "To SIbawayh, of course!". One AbU Musa al-I:Iami4 (d. 305/ 917; literally "the sour-one"), a Kufan grammarian with little respect for SIbawayh's Kitiib, heard of this story and comments "small wonder, SIbawayh is an imposter (dajjiil), a devil (shay{iin)" .24 In the version of aI-Khatib aI-Baghdadi, Abu Musa's comment is mitigated to the less offensive "SIbawayh is a jinn himself". 25 Of all augmentations and alterations of information about SIbawayh, those linked to the story of the mas 'ala zunbUriyya stand out perhaps most. Talmon (1986) points out that while it is difficult to say which of the versions is the oldest and in what chronological order the alterations have taken place, it is clear that all information outside the boundaries of the grammatical discussion invariably speaks in favor of SIbawayh. Summarizing the above, it can be stated that the way the references developed through time reflects a growing interest in SIbawayh and, moreover, a growing concern about his reputation. The Kitiib itself had never been completely exempt from criticism. As time went by, however, the negativism of the Kufan grammarians-like aI-Farra' and alKisa'I-about SIbawayh's theories was on the increase while the reverse was true of references to Basran critical commentaries-notably of alZiyadI and al-Mubarrad. Although, in comparison with other grammarians, SIbawayh does not seem to receive special attention in any of the biographical works, the centrality of his Kitiib cannot be doubted. All biographers refer to those grammarians who have studied and transmitted the book, thereby creating the unbroken chain-found at the end of Ibn al-Anban's Nuzha--of Basran grammarians from SIbawayh back to Abu al-Aswad al-Du'alI, the reputed founder of grammar, to 'Ali b. AbI al-Talib. 1.1.2 Slbawayh in the grammatical sources Collating the biographical references to SIbawayh with references to SIbawayh and his Kitiib in grammatical sources is our next step. The presentation will inevitably be wanting, however, because the information available especially in the early sources is scanty and quite often 24

Abu al-Tayyib, Martitib 87-88, Ttirlkh Baghdad XII, 197.

25 AI-Kha~ib,

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CHAPTER ONE

these and later sources lack indexes. Nevertheless, the references from the grammatical sources which I have been able to garner do give us valuable information. They corroborate two points which also emerge from the biographical sources: (1) the growing importance of the Kitiib Sibawayh as compared to other grammatical works and (2) the central role of the Kitiib, at least from the time of al-Mubarrad and Tha'lab onwards. The oldest sources-those of aI-Farra', Ma'iini al-Qur'iin and alMudhakkar wa-al-mu'annath, of al-Akhfash Ma'iini al-Qur'iin and of alMiizinI Kitiib al-ta~rif-do not mention SIbawayh at all. We then encounter a gap of about sixty or seventy years. After that, we find in alMubarrad's Muqtaejab sixty-nine references to SIbawayh; in comparison, aI-Khalil is mentioned thirty-nine times, al-Akhfash twenty-eight and al-Mazini nineteen times. In his Majiilis, Tha'lab (d. 291/904) refers to SIbawayh thirteen times; there are six references to al-Akhfash and four to al-Mazini. That Tha'lab refers seventy-seven times to aI-Farra' and thirty-nine times to al-Kisii'l bespeaks his Kufan lineage, a point which will be taken up in Chapter 5. The tendency to rely more and more on the Kitiib Sibawayh than on any other grammatical study appears from the works of, amongst others, al-Zajjaj, al-Zajjaji and al-Farisl (d. 377/987). An exception to this is Ibn Shuqayr (d. 318/930) who has only one reference-" SIbawayh the grammarian" .26 The references to Sibawayh in the grammatical sources do not corroborate the strong Kufan anti-SIbawayh reactions which are found in the biographical sources. Contrary to what Arab tradition would have us believe, the Basrans did have criticism of substance. We know for sure that both al-Akhfash and al-Mubarrad presented points of disagreement with SIbawayh.27 From a chronological point of view, the collation of the biographical and grammatical references provides us with the following. The very first biographical sources available originated in the life and times of al-Mu26 AI-Zajjaj, Mii yan~arif: 69 times SThawayh, 37 times ai-Khalil, ten times al-Mubarrad, four times al-Akhfash, three times al-MazinL AI-Zajjaji, h/iil): 24 times SThawayh, eight times aI-Mubarrad, six times aI-Akhfash. AI-Zajjaji,lumal: 16 times SThawayh, four times aI-Farra'. Ibn Shuqayr, Mul)allii: one time SThawayh, four times aI-Khalil, one time ai-Farra'. AI-Farisi, Ba~riyyiit: ca. 60 times SThawayh, 30 times aI-Akhfash, 45 times Tha1ab, 35 times al-Mubarrad, 27 times al-Mazini, 25 times aI-Farra', and 29 times al-Kisa'i. 27 AI-Mubarrad's points of disagreement are to be found in Ibn Wallad's Inti~iir. The critique of al-Akhfash is included in the marginal notes of the Derenbourg edition of the Kitiib. Chapters 3 and 4 deal extensively with these critical remarks.

SIBAWAYH, HIS KITA.B, AND THE SCHOOLS OF BASRA AND KUFA

11

barrad and Tha'lab. Many of the stories are transmitted through isnads that include the names of either of them. It is unfortunate that we do not have their own {abaqat works, the more so since it seems that they have been important if not even responsible for the way the Kitab Sibawayh found its final place in tradition. 1.2 References to the Basran and Kufan schools of grammar In discussing the development of the Arab grammatical tradition, modem scholars use the terms madrasa or madhhab to denote "school". The word madrasa is not found in classical Arabic literature though the term madhhab is frequently used. 28 According to Lane, a madhhab is "a way, course, mode, or manner of acting" and dhahaba ila madhhab is "he betook himself to ... a belief, a creed, a persuasion, a doctrine, an opinion, a tenet, or a body of tenets or articles of belief". 29 In the field of Islamic jurisprudence, madhhab developed from a personal approach to a common method and hence into a technical term for "school" .30 It would seem worthwhile to learn if madhhab has developed in the Arab grammatical tradition in a comparable fashion,3l In trying to discover how grammarians and their biographers have referred to the dichotomy of the schools, the sources have been scrutinized with due attention to the following two points. (1) Straightforward references to Basran or Kufan grammarians as a group; (2) the use of the term madhhab in relation to individual grammarians or to grammarians as a group. Hence only references to individual grammarians, with no mention of their alleged Basran or Kufan background, have been taken into account (like madhhab al-Akhfash, madhhab ai-Farra' and so on). Phrases like qala ai-Farra' have been disregarded, but not, for instance, the explicit ahl al-Kufa, al-Kisal wa-al-Farra'.32

28 The tenn madrasa for a "grammatical school" was introduced for the first time in 1955 by al-MakhzumI; madhhab is used by Baalbaki (1981), Talmon (1986), and others. 29 Lane (1863-1893, 3:982-983). 30 Injuridical studies madhhab is translated as "school" albeit, as Makdisi (1981, 1) states, for lack of a better tenn. I have translated the tenn as "approach" on the basis of Lane's definition. 31 The development of Arabic grammar has been compared with that of Islamic jurisprudence (Carter 1973; Talmon 1985b). In studies on juridical schools, the tenn madhhab is commonly translated as "school". Hence special attention is paid to the way the tenn madhhab is used in allusion to the schools of grammar in this paragraph. 32 Tha'lab, Majalis 427.

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CHAPTER ONE

1.2.1 References to Basra and Kufa in the biographical sources

As one scrutinizes the biographical sources two major points come to light. (1) The sources usually refer to Basrans and Kufans as ahl alBa:fra/ahl al-Kufa or as Ba:friyyun/Kufiyyun. (2) The term madhhab is used for a personal approach as well as for the approach of a group, i.e., for Basran or Kufan grammarians. Al-Tirmidhl (d. ca. 280/893) seems to be the only biographer to have written his Risiila not as a mere survey of the grammarians' lives but as a proclamation of Kufan supremacy over Basran grammarians. He refers to the Basrans as ahl al-Ba:fra,33 to the Kufans as ahl al-Kufa. 34 He does not discuss grammatical differences but alludes to the Basran lack of knowledge and understanding of Arabic poetry-which we have come to know as the traditional difference between the Basrans and Kufans. For al-Tirmidhl, madhhab is a personal approach.35 In al-Muqri"s (d. 349/960) Akhbiir there is only one single reference to the Kufans 36 and none to the Basrans. His contemporary, Abu alTayyib (d. 351/962), wrote the Mariitib supposedly out of annoyance that nobody seemed to bother any more about who was who: They say 'al-Akhfash said' and do not differentiate between Abu al-Khanab al-Akhfash and Abu aI-l;Iasan Sa'Id b. Mas'ada al-Akhfash, both Basrans on the one hand, and Abu aI-Hasan 'All b. aI-Mubarak al-Akhfash, a Kufan . on the other. 37

It is therefore not surprising to find ten references to Kufans and twelve to Basrans in the Mariitib. 38 Both Basrans and Kufans have 'ilm and 'ulamii', according to AM al-Tayyib, but he uses madhhab only to re-

flect a personal approach. 39 Al-Slriifi (d. 368/978), a grammarian himself, includes in his Akhbiir only Basran grammarians. He refers to them as a group (ahl al-Ba:fra/alBa:friyyun) when he explicitly disassociates them from the Kufans (ahl al-Kufa/al-Kufiyyun).4o Although he does not touch upon differences between the two groups as to grammatical content, he is the first to use the AI-TirmidhI. Makhtut 139b, 140a, 142a. AI-TirmidhI, Makhtut 140a, 143b. 35 For instance, madhhab AM 'Amr, madhhab al-A~ma'f: al-TirmidhI, Makhtut 140a, 140b, 143a. 36 AI-Muqri', Akhbar 22: ahl al-Kufa. 37 Abii al-Tayyib, Mariitib 2. 38 Abii al-Tayyib, Mariitib: Ahl al-Kufalal-Kufiyyun 88, 94, 95; ahl al-Ba~ralal­ Ba~riyyun 84, 85, 92, 93; both Kufans and Basrans 26, 47, 68, 71, 74, 86. 39 Abii al-Tayyib, Mariitib 88, of aI-Farra', al-KisaI and SIbawayh. 40 AI-SIrafi, Akhbar 56, 44, 108, 109. 33 34

SIBAWAYH, HIS KITAB, AND THE SCHOOLS OF BASRA AND KUFA

13

term madhhab for a group approach. Additionally, he tells us that there are two approaches (madhhabiin) and that some grammarians mix the two, khalata al-madhhabaynY AI-Slrafi starts to use this expression when he discusses the generation of his own teachers, Ibn Kaysan, Ibn Shuqayr, and Ibn al-Khayyat (d. 320/932). AI-Zubaydl (d. 379/989) classifies grammarians according to their geographical origin.42 He, too, speaks of a Basran and of a Kufan madhhab,43 two approaches which some grammarians explicitly maintain but others do no1. 44 AI-Zubaydi makes mention also of differences between the two groups45 but discusses only points of disagreement amongst individual grammarians. AI-Marzubani (d. 384/993), like al-ZubaydI, has a geographical classification. He presents Basrans and Kufans in opposition to each other, not only in terms of general rivalry between their two cities46 but also in relation to differences and disagreements between the grammarians in particular.47 AI-Marzubanllimits his use of the term madhhab to denote a personal approach.48 Ibn al-Nadlm (d. 385/995) also speaks of differences amongst the grammarians and uses madhhab, contrary to al-MarzubanI, only in reference to Basrans and Kufans as groups.49 In al-Taniikhi (d. 442/1050) we find madhhab denoting both a personapo and a group approach.51 Ibn al-Anban (d. 577/1181) clearly presents the grammarians as representatives of two divergent groups. Repeatedly, he mentions a grammarian's descent52 or his inclination to one of the madhhabayn.53 NoneAI-SIrafi, Akhbiir 108; khalata 'ilrn al-Ba$riyyfn bi- 'Urn al-Kiijiyyfn: 109. AI-ZubaydI has separate chapters on grammarians and lughawiyyiin from Basra, Kufa, Egypt, Kairouan and Spain. 43 AI-ZubaydI, Tabaqiit 104 (rnadhhab a$/;iibihi, i.e., the colleagues of al-Mubarrad), 141, 153,215. 44 Notably Tha'iab (al-ZubaydI, Tabaqiit 141); also al-DInawari (Tabaqiit 215). 45 AI-ZubaydI, Tabaqiit 215: ikhtiliif al-Ba$riyyfn wa-al-Kiijiyyfn. 46 Al-Marzubam, Niir al-Qabas 41-42,226-27. This is the fIrst time such a rivalry is highlighted in the sources. The story goes back to al-SijistanI and is about a governor from Kufa who expressed his pride of the Kufan scholars who, in his view, were superior to the Basrans in their general knowledge and cultural development. The same story is also told by al-Kha!ib, Tiirfkh Baghdad XI, 409-10. Versteegh (1977, 110) also refers to rivalry between the two cities. 47 For instance al-MarzubanI, Niir al-Qabas 110, 224, 245. 48 AI-MarzubanI, Niir al-Qabas 97, 110, 153,319,344. 49 Ibn al-NadIm, Fihrist 66, 110, 111, 115 (khalata al-rnadhhabayn, 120). 50 AI-TaniikhI, Tiirfkh 27, 76. 51 AI-TaniikhI, Tiirfkh 31 (rnadhhab al-Baghdiidiyyfn), 51, 178. 52 Min ahl al-Ba$raIKiifa: Ibn al-Anban, Nuzha 21, 22, 26, 56, 71, 79, 132, 139, 144, 184. 53 Ibn al-AnbiirI, Nuzha 124, 136, 143, 149, 150, 151, 152, 158, 173. 41

42

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CHAPTER ONE

theless, Ibn al-AnbarI also uses madhhab to refer to a personal approach.54 1.2.2 References to Basra and Kufa in the grammatical sources References to the Basran/Kufan dichotomy in the grammatical sources show similar features as the ones which came to light in our discussion of the biographical sources: grammarians refer to Kufans and Basrans as a group as ahl al-Kufalal-Kufiyyun and ahl al-Ba:jralal-Ba:jriyyun respectively, and they use the term madhhab for both a personal and a group approach. In the oldest sources, however, no trace is found of a dichotomy between a Basran and a Kufan school. Neither SIbawayh nor aI-Farra' mention their colleagues as a group of scholars organized according to geographical origin or common doctrine. To my knowledge, al-Akhfash al-Awsa! does not mention Basrans or Kufans as a group either. AI-Mubarrad and Thalab are the fIrst to allude to two different groups of grammarians. In al-Mubarrad's work references to Basrans are scarce55 and he refers only once to the Kufans. 56 AI-Mubarrad uses the term madhhab only sparingly and in reference to both a group of grammarians and to individual ones. 57 In Tha'lab's Ma}alis, which specifIcally deals with grammatical discussions, not only do differences between individual grammarians come to light but this grammarian also refers to the Basrans and the Kufans as groups: ahl al-Ba:jra (sixteen times), al-Ba:jriyyun (three times), a:j/Jabuna "our colleagues" (six times); and of the two references to ahl al-Kufa, one is made explicit as "al-Kisa I wa-al-Farra '" .58 Tha'lab Ibn al-Anbiiri, Nuzha 30, 85, 195. Al-Ba$riyyun: al-Mubarrad, MuqtaeJab 1,240,245,248; 11,82; III, 56. 56 Al-Kufiyyun: al-Mubarrad, MuqtaeJab 11,153. According to Owens (1988, 268), the references are in the first two volumes of the MuqtaeJab. He thinks that this may have 54 55

something to do with the establishing by al-Mubarrad of his identity as a Basran. After making this suggestion, Owens states that al-Mubarrad "does not have to continue using the term and prefers instead more useful ones for scholarly purposes ... ". Al-Mubarrad's Kamil, though not a grammatical work, does include grammatical features and discussions. In it, numerous references to ahl al-Ba$ra and ahl ai-Kula are made (see the index), but all of these clearly refer to geographical location and origin. 57 Madhhab akthar al-nal,lwiyyin (al-Mubarrad, MuqtaeJab I, 278/6) and madhhab Abi 'Uthman al-Mazini (MuqtaeJab III, 117/2) were the two instances I have encountered. The latter reference is used by al-Mubarrad as the opposite of qawl al-nal,lwiyyin almutaqaddimin (MuqtaeJab III, 123/5-6). Al-Mubarrad regularly refers to al-nal,lwiyyun; Baalbaki (1981, 9-13) is of the opinion that when al-Mubarrad speaks of "a qawm of the grammarians" he is referring to the Kufans. 58 Tha'lab, Majalis 427.

SIBAWAYH, HIS KITAB, AND THE SCHOOLS OF BASRA AND KUFA

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uses the tenn madhhab only once, in qiila ahl al-Ba~ra .. , wa-hiidhii madhhabuhum. 59 The tendency to refer to the two groups of grammarians in relation to divergences in theories and opinions increases with al-Zajjaj,al-ZajjajI, and al-Slrafi.60 Frequent references to ahl al-Ba~ralal-Ba~riyyun and, though less in number, to ahl al-Kufalal-Kufiyyun appear in the texts of these three grammarians. Not all occurrences refer to disagreements between the two groups; in some instances, the stress is on agreements between Kufans and Basrans--or some of them-61 and sometimes the grammarians in toto are referred to as one group, the naJ:iwiyyun. 62 Noticeable is the fact that al-Zajjaji points out that the Kufans use a diverging vocabulary, "a technical language, probably for the greater part incomprehensible to someone who has not studied their writings" .63 This seems to be somewhat exaggerated; the only other explicit reference from an early date to a specific Kufan tenninology comes from Ibn Kaysan who simply states that what the Basrans call ism aljii'il is referred to by the Kufans as alji'! al-dii'im. 64 In grammatical texts, the tenn madhhab appears to be predominantly used to denote a group approach even though it remains in use to refer to a personal approach. AI-Zajjaj does sometimes refer to a madhhab of the Basrans,65 but his use of the tenn is generally restricted to personal opinions. 66 Moreover, expressions like wa-hiidhii madhhabun,67 wa-kiina liAbi al- 'Abbiis madhhabun fi hiidhii68 and wa- 'alii madhiihib man khiilafahu 69 confinn that according to al-Zajjaj there were more than two madhiihib-not only in general but also for individual grammarians. Tha'lab, Majiilis 422. AI-SIrafi's Mii dhakarahu al-Kiifiyyun min al-idghiim is a refutation of Kufan criticism of SIbawayh. References to his SharI; Kitiib Sibawayh have been found randomly: 61 AI-Zajjaj, Mii yan~arif7, 101; al-ZajjajI, Jumal84, 98; al-SIrafi, SharI; 1,184; II, 104, 137-8. 62 AI-Zajjaj, Mii yan~arif. 17, 29, 101; al-SIrafi, SharI; II, 145; also al-FarisI, Aqsiim 207. 63 AI-ZajjajI, J4iil; 79-80 and al-ZajjajI, Jumal 142 "biib al-fa~l wa-yusammihi alKufiyyuna al- 'imiid". See Versteegh (1977, 108-109 and 1995, 132) who highlights this aspect as the most important argument for the existence of two different grammatical traditions. 64 Ibn Kaysan, al-Muwaffaqi 108b. 65 AI-Zajjaj, Mii yan~arif 52, 63. 66 Frequently madhhab Sibawayh, but also madhhab al-Akhfash (al-Zajjaj, Mii yan~arif 8), and madhhabi (Mii yan~arif 52). 67 AI-Zajjaj, Mii yan~arif 63, 93. 68 AI-Zajjaj, Mii yan~arif 76. 69 AI-Zajjaj, Mii yan~arif 122. 59

60

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CHAPTER ONE

It appears to be the other way around for al-ZajjajI: the Basrans and the Kufans each have their own madhhab,70 but individual grammarians can have one, too. AI-ZajjajI's exposition of the different opinions on the declination of the dual and the plural manifestly shows that there are more than two madhiihib,?l The texts of al-Slrafi indicate that the term madhhab remained in use for both a personal and a group approach,?2 Moreover, in linguistic studies it was not restricted to grammarians' opinions as the expression "wamadhhab al- 'Arab" illustrates,?3 It is evident from this review of references to the BasraIKufa dichotomy in the grammatical sources, that when grammarians wanted to identify with one particular group that opposed the other, they used the denotation which originated in geography-ahl al-Ba~ra/al-Ba~riyyuna and ahl al-Kufa/al-Kufiyyuna. They did not have a technical term for "schools". Madhhab sometimes comes very close to denoting a schoolwhen it is used to reflect a group approach-but it remains in use for a personal approach as well. Very interesting in this regard is the fact that the use of madhhab for an individual approach seems to be mostly restricted to the early grammarians. AI-KhalIl, Sibawayh, al-Akhfash, alKisal, aI-Farra', and sometimes QU!Jub (d. 210/825) as well as al-Mubarrad, are said to have had their own madhhab. It may be concluded from our inquiry into the biographical and grammatical sources that the two sets are consistent with each other. As far as the way of referring to the alleged dichotomy between Basra and Kufa is concerned, both grammarians and biographers started to make references to Basrans and Kufans in the second half of the third/ninth century. As time went by, the references to Basrans and Kufans in the grammatical sources increased and these were more and more associated with grammatical differences. As a consequence, the biographers felt the need to link the grammarians' geographical origin to an assumed academic lineage. The term madhhab was introduced in both the grammatical and biographical sources, and as time went by it evolved from a usAI-ZajjajI, lumall12, 165,281,341; lqiil} 56, 60, 72, 93, 107, 132. AI-ZajjajI, it/iiI} 130-134. 72 AI-SIrafi, Idghiim 132, 136, 144; SharI} I, 222. 73 AI-SIrafi, Idghiim 136; SharI} II, 76; also al-Zajjaj, Mii yanijarif 76: fa-hiidhii madhhab ahl al-Jfijiiz. The term madhhab is not used by Ibn Kaysan, MuwaJfaqf, nor by Lughda, Muqaddima, or al-Zahid, Fii'it. The last-mentioned refers to the Basrans once (Fii'it 358). 70

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SIBAWAYH, HIS KITAB, AND THE SCHOOLS OF BASRA AND KUFA

17

age which designated a personal approach into one for a group approach; it did not, however, fully develop as a concept to denote a technical meaning of a "school". 1.3 Slbawayh and the formation of the schools Interesting observations can be made as we compare the results of our survey of references in the biographical and grammatical sources to the Kitiib Slbawayh on the one hand and to the Basra/Kufa dichotomy on the other. References to SIbawayh and his Kitiib in the grammatical sources start to occur in the second half of the third/ninth century which is about the same time that we find the first references to Basrans and Kufans. The sources we have from that period are the works of al-Mubarrad and Tha'lab. When we scrutinize the sources from the beginning of the fourth/tenth century onwards-the works of al-Zajjaj, al-ZajjajI and alShafi-we see more and more references to the Kitiib Slbawayh in conjunction with an increasing number of references to Basra and Kufa. Additionally, these references address grammatical differences as well as agreements between grammarians. Around the middle of the fourth/tenth century we observe a shift in the use of the term madhhab. Grammarians and biographers start to use it not only to designate an individual approach-especially of the early grammarians-but to signify the approach of a group as well. Sometimes they even convey the impression that there are two distinct madhhabs, a Kufan and a Basran one. Simultaneous with this development of the term madhhab, we find SIbawayh's name and the reputation of his Kitiib firmly established in the grammatical tradition while biographers emphasize more and more an anti-SIbawayh reaction from the Kufan side. The prelude to these developments-the establishment of SIbawayh' s unquestioned status in the tradition, the change in the use of the term madhhab and the strong reaction of the Kufans-must have coincided with the lives of al-Mubarrad and Tha'lab since there are no references to SIbawayh nor to Basrans and Kufans before that era. After alMubarrad and Tha'lab, the Kitiib assumes its firm and strong position, leaning on a common Basran madhhab which provided it with unabating support. The scrutiny of the sources gives us, then, reason to believe that it is al-Mubarrad who has set the development in motion or at least played

18

CHAPTER ONE

some important role in the process. At the beginning of his career, he had made critical remarks about the Kitiib Sibawayh. Later on in his life, al-Mubarrad is said to have apologized for this deed and he withdrew most of his criticism. His Muqtagab plainly shows the influence of the Kitiib and it makes many references to SIbawayh's ideas. One may even state that the Muqtagab is the first testimony to the consolidation of the Kitiib Sibawayh within the Arab grammatical tradition. Whether al-Mubarrad presented his personal views in the Radd 'alii Kitiib Sibawayh or, as some have suggested,74 he merely collected the remarks of al-Akhfash al-Awsat and other grammarians, still remains to be seen. The question can then be asked if al-Mubarrad did in fact withdraw his criticism later in life, and, if so, what it is that prompted him to take such a step. In light of the fact that the beginning of the tradition of the schools of Basra and Kufa coincided with the first phase of the consolidation of the Kitiib Sibawayh, a likely motive for al-Mubarrad may be this: a need to emphasize his own Basran identity. Acknowledging and stressing the authority of the Kitiib as the basis of Basran grammar may well have been his way of buttressing the group he identified with, the grammarians of Basra. In the chapters to follow, this hypothetical motive will serve as a working hypothesis through which one could determine if it is indeed justifiable to attribute to al-Mubarrad any special status in the development of the Arab grammatical tradition.

74

Ibn JinnY,

Kha~ii'i~

J, 206; III, 287. See also Fawwal BahtY (1983,62).

CHAPTER TWO

AN OVERVIEW OF AL-MUBARRAD'S LIFE, SOCIAL CONTACTS AND THE CULTURAL MILIEU OF THE TIME

In the previous chapter, the discussion ended by suggesting that in order to obtain insight into the reception of the Kitiib Sibawayh and the alleged fonnation of the schools of Basra and Kufa, al-Mubarrad should receive focal attention. The present chapter will sketch his life and professional activities and attempts to assess the sources of his ideas. And once information about al-Mubarrad's teachers and pupils is set forth, we will have a better understanding of the early line of transmitters of the Kitiib Sibawayh and ultimately of the reception of the Kitiib. The first paragraph (2.1) presents a short description of al-Mubarrad's career as a grammarian. In the second paragraph (2.2) attention is given to his professional contacts. Since al-Mubarrad is better known as an adib, a man of letters, rather than as a grammarian, paragraph 2.3 describes his most important contacts outside the circle of grammarians. The last paragraph (2.4) narrates the historical background of alMubarrad's life and times. l 2.1 Al-Mubarrad the grammarian Abu al-'Abbiis Mu}:lammad b. Yazld, known as al-Mubarrad,z was born on 10 Dhil al-lfijja 210/24 March 826 in Basra. He was a descendant of 1 As is the case in the previous chapter, information is derived from both biographical and grammatical works. In addition to the biographical sources, al-Suyii~i's Bughyat al-wu'iit, al-Qif~i's lnhiih al-ruwiit, Ibn Khallikan's Wafayiit and Yaqiit's lrshiid have been consulted. Of the grammatical sources, those which include discussions (the Majiilis-works of Tha'iab and al-ZajjajI and al-Suyii!I's al-Ashbiih wa-al-na;;ii'ir fi al-naJ;w) have especially been taken into account as far as al-Mubarrad's professional contacts are concerned. 2 Biographical information is found in Abii al-Tayyib, Mariitib 7, 21, 23, 53, 61, 64,· 66,83; al-SIrafi, Akhhiir 50, 53, 61, 89, 96-109; al-ZubaydI, Tabaqiit 101-10, 116, 143, 153,171,215,217,220; al-MarzubanI, Nur al-Qabas 324-33; Ibn al-NadTm, Fihrist 52, 69,77,85-87,92,111; al-TaniikhI, Tiirikh 19,45-47,51,53-65, 191; al-Kha~Tb, Tiirikh Baghdiid III, 380-87; Ibn al-Anban, Nuzha 132-38; al-Suyii~T, Bughya I, 269-71; al-Qif!T, lnhiih III, 241-53; Sezgin (1984, 78-80); Fliigel (1862, 92); Ef2 VII, 279b-282a. See also al-Mas'iidT, Muruj III, 426, 481, IV, 7, 8, 9, 10, 86ff. and 'Uqayma's introduction to the Muqtaejab 15-28. For the different explanations on why he was called al-Mubarrad/alMubarrid see Ef2 VII, 279b and cf. Bohas/Guillaume (1984, 8).

20

CHAPTER TWO

the AzdI clan of ThumiHa from the Yemen. Nothing is known about his childhood and early life except that he had started his grammatical studies when he was still very young. AI-Mubarrad's teachers in grammar were more than satisfied with their pupil. It is said that al-MazinI, one of his teachers, sometimes had al-Mubarrad take over his lessons, while he himself attended the I}alqa (circle) merely as a member of the audience. 3 AI-SijistanI, another teacher, is said to have referred to al-Mubarrad a youth from Nlshiipiir, who wanted to read the Kitiib Sibawayh.4 According to al-Mubarrad's own account, he was still rather unknown when the caliph al-Mutawakkil sent for him at Samarra', in 246/860. The caliph and his kiitib, al-Fatl). b. Khaqan, had disagreed on the reading of a particular verse from the Qur'iin. They wanted al-Mubarrad to judge who was right. AI-Mubarrad, who was afraid to offend both the caliph and his kiitib, settled the matter diplomatically.5 After this introduction to the court of al-Mutawakkil, al-Mubarrad remained for some time in Samarra'. AI-ZubaydI tells us about another visit to the majlis of al-Mutawakkil,6 but al-Mubarrad never became a regular visitor let alone an official court-grammarian. After the violent death of al-Mutawakkil in 247/861, al-Mubarrad left Samarra' for Baghdad. There, and at liimi' al-Man~ur,7 he started his formal career as a grammarian and a teacher. As al-TaniikhI has it, alMubarrad introduced the Kitiib Sibawayh in the circles of Baghdadian grammarians, but this seems unlikely since al-Akhfash (d. 215/830 or 221/ 835), al-JarmI (d. 225/839) and al-MazinI (d. 249/863), who all were acquainted with the Kitiib, had also been active in Baghdad at the time. 8 Be AI-ZubaydI, Tabaqat 101. AI-Zubaydi, Tabaqat 101; al-Taniikhi, Tarikh 56. 5 AI-TaniikhI, Tarikh 54-55; al-ZubaydI, Tabaqat 102-103. That al-Mubarrad was yet unknown may possibly be inferred from the fact that both the caliph and his secretary addressed him as ya Ba~ri. In. any event, the discussion revolved around Qur'an 6: 109: annaha idha ja 'at according to al-Mutawakkil and innaha idha ja 'at according to aI-FatJ:! b. Khiiqan. AI-Mubarrad stated that most people read annaha, thus putting the caliph in the right. Afterwards he told al-FatJ:! b. Khiiqan that all those people were wrong since innaha was the correct reading. 6 Tabaqat 103-104. 7 The Great Mosque which was built by al-Man~iir and completely rebuilt by Hiiriin ai-Rashid then later enlarged by al-Mu'ta4id was the most imposing one of Baghdad. During the entire 'Abbasid period this mosque was used for Friday prayers. The mosque was situated in the traditionalist quarter of Baghdad, Bab al-Ba~ra (Le Strange 1924, 3337; Makdisi 1981, 15-16). 8 Al-Taniikhi, Tarikh 55. Speaking on the authority of AbU al-Qasim al-Daqiqi, alTaniikhi maintained that the Kitiib Sibawayh was ignored and not used in Baghdad until 3

4

AN OVERVIEW OF AL-MUBARRAD'S LIFE

21

that as it may, al-Mubarrad soon acquired a noticeable reputation. In a very short time he assembled a considerable /:lalqa which even attracted several pupils of other grammarians. AI-Mubarrad's fame and authority increased steadily. Tradition tells us that in his time he was far superior to others and he even excelled his teachers al-JarmI and al-Mazinl. He was praised for his intelligence, good memory, scholarly qualities, eloquence as teacher and excellence in adab. He had a quick mind, was sharp and straightforward in his criticisms and had excellent command of the Arabic language. In short, according to the sources, al-Mubarrad could serve as a model for the intellectuals of his time. The only negative characteristic ascribed to his person was his reported avarice. 9 AI-Mubarrad was additionally famous for his poetical activities. Indeed, his best-known work, the Kamil, includes many poetical verses. Although he concerned himself especially with reciting and transmitting poetry,1O he was also a poet himself. It is narrated that he spontaneously composed a poem for an unexpected visitor and that he sometimes conducted his correspondence in verse. The sources make frequent mention of poets' gatherings which resulted in drinking parties and in which alMubarrad was a participant. AI-Mubarrad was married to the daughter of a Yemenite sharif and he fathered at least one son and one daughter. 11 He died in Baghdad in the year 285/898 at the age of 75. He was buried in the cemetery near the Bab ai-Kula. From the list of works which are said to have been written by al-Mubarrad, it is clear that he was a very versatile man. Besides writing on literature, poetry, etymology, and the Qur'iin, he composed the following books on grammar: al-Muqtacjab; al-Maq~ur wa-al-mamdud; al-Mudhakal-Mubarrad came to the city. A possible interpretation of al-TaniikhI's statement is that al-Mubarrad either introduced 'the Kitiib Sfbawayh as the Arabic grammar par excellence or that he was the first to use it in his lectures. It is important to note that al-TaniikhI (Tiirfkh 59) is the first biographer to take notice of al-Mubarrad's Radd and his presumed retraction of criticism. 9 AI-ZubaydI, Tabaqiit 106. According to Abu Bakr Mul:Jammad b. 'Abd ai-Malik alTan1chI ai-BaghdadI (d. ca. 330/942)-who was called the "historian" because of his interest in gathering facts and data-al-Mubarrad was just as avaricious as Tha'iab. 10 An indication of this is, for instance, the frequency with which al-Mubarrad's name occurs in the Kitiib al-Aghiinf in connection with both pre-Islamic and Islamic poetry, On al-Mubarrad as an adfh, see Danecki (1982). II Mention of al-Mubarrad's wife is made in al-Qif!I, lnbiih III, 251 on the authority of Ibn al-NadIm. On his son, see al-ZubaydI, Tabaqiit 114; al-Qif!I, lnbiih III, 224 and on his son-in-law, MuJ:iammad b. Ja'far, see al-Qif!I, lnbiih III, 81 and al-Aghiinf IV, 53, XVIII, 232.

22

CHAPTER TWO

kar wa-al-mu'annath; al-Madkhalfi al-nal:zw; al-f'riib; Ma'nii Kitiib alAwsat lil-Akhfash; al-lfuruf; and al-Ta!frif. On the Kitiib Sibawayh he wrote al-Madkhal ilii Sibawayh; al-Radd 'alii Kitiib Sibawayh; al-Ziyiida al-muntaza'a min Sibawayh; Sharl:z shawiihid Kitiib Sibawayh; and Ma'nii Kitiib Sibawayh. And on the grammarians from Basra he wrote Tabaqiit al-nal:zwiyyin al-Ba!friYYln wa-akhbiiruhum. 2.2 AI-Mubarrad's professional contacts

We are told that al-Mubarrad had started to read the Kitiib Slbawayh under the guidance of al-Jarmi. After the latter's death he continued his studies under al-Mazini. Both teachers had read the Kitiib under al-Akhfash alAwsat, who was the first grammarian to transmit it. Let us examine in the pages to follow the life of al-Mubarrad's most important teachers after which we will end this paragraph by presenting an account of his pupils. SaliQ b. ISQaq Abu 1Jmar al-JarmI (d. 225/839)12 had initially studied law and subsequently linguistics in Basra. He had lived and worked for a while in Isfahan before he went to Baghdad at the beginning of the third/ninth century. There he taught grammar and wrote grammatical books until his death. He was reportedly a wealthy and God-fearing man; he also had a hot temper which earned him the nickname "the Barker" (al-nabbii/:z). Judging from what we know of al-Mubarrad and of al-JarmI, it is unlikely that they had frequent contacts. When al-Jarmi died in Baghdad, al-Mubarrad was only fifteen years old and probably had never been to the capital. AI-Jarml's apparent influence on al-Mubarrad's ideas (see Chapter 3) must have been indirect, presumably through al-Mazinl. Abu 'Uthman Bakr b. MUQammad b. Baqlya al-Mazini (d. 248/863)13 was a friend and a pupil of al-JarmI.14 He came from Basra, but spent 12 Abu al-Tayyib, Maratib 75-77; alSrrlifi,Akhbar 72-74; al-Zubaydi, Tabaqat 74-75; alMarzubanI, Nur al-Qabas 214-15; Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist 84; al-TanukhI, Tarikh 72-73; alKhaJib, Tarikh Baghdad IX, 313; Ibn al-Anban, Nuzha 90-92; al-Suyu!I, Bughya I, 8-9; alQif!I, lnbah 11,80-83; Sezgin (1984, 72-73); Flligel (1862, 81) and Bernards (1990, 35-36). 13 Abu al-Tayyib, Maratib 77-80; al-SIrafi, Akhbar 74-85; al-ZubaydI, Tabaqat 8793; al-MarzubanI, Nur al-Qabas 220-23; Ibn al-NadIm, Fihrist 84-85; al-TanukhI, Tarikh 65-71; al-Kha!Th, Tarikh Baghdad VI, 93; Ibn al-AnbarI, Nuzha 110-115; alSuyu!I, Bughya I, 463-66; al-Qif!I, lnbah I, 281-91; Sezgin (1984, 75-76); Flligel (1862, 83-84). See also 'UbaydI (1969). 14 AI-MazinI was initially al-JannI's friend, but it is said that al-JannI was the brighter of the two. AI-JannI explained to al-MazinI what he did not understand and became his teacher. This is why most of the sources mention al-MazinI as al-JannI's pupil, not as his friend. According to al-Suyu!I, Bughya I, 464, they had disagreements. He also states that al-MazinI never had lessons from al-Akhfash.

AN OVERVIEW OF AL-MUBARRAD'S LIFE

23

most of his life in Baghdad, He was a frequent visitor to the court on the invitation of both al-Wathiq (d. 232/847) and al-Mutawakkil. According to al-Jal,ti?-, al-MazinI was one of the three most prominent grammarians of his time, along with al-RiyashI and al-ZiyadI. AI-Mubarrad admired him and claimed that he knew of no better grammarian after SIbawayh; al-MazinI himself was of the opinion that anyone who intended to write an exhaustive grammar like SIbawayh's Kitiib ought to be ashamed of himself. AI-MazinI died in Basra; his Kitiib al-Ta~rifis considered to be his most important contribution to Arabic grammar. 15 According to some sources, al-RiyashI and al-SijistanI were also teachers of al-Mubarrad. AI- 'Abbas b. al-Faraj Abu al-Faql al-RiyashI (d. 257/870)16 is said to have read the Kitiib Sibawayh under al-MazinI. According to the latter, al-RiyashI eventually knew it better than he himself did. AI-RiyashI was a grammarian and an adib of high rank. He was famous for his excellent memory and his good judgment. Some of the sources tell us that whenever the Basran grammarians disagreed among themselves, they went to al-RiyashI to solve the problem. AI-RiyashI spent some time in Samarra', during the reign of al-Mutawakkil, and went to Baghdad on several occasions, but always returned to Basra. He gave grammar lessons to Tha'lab 17 who greatly respected him, and to alFatl) b. Khaqan. AI-RiyashI died at about the age of eighty after the Zanj had invaded Basra. 18 Sahl b. Mul)ammad Abu l:Iatim al-SijistanI (d. 255/869)19 lived and worked in Basra, the city in which he also died. He read the Kitiib Sibawayh twice under al-Akhfash but he reportedly never became a really good grammarian. According to al-Mubarrad, al-SijistanI was not successful in making a name for himself in Baghdad. He was more inter-

Preserved and edited in Ibn JinnT's (d. 393/1002) commentary, the Mun:jif. Abu al-Tayyib, Martitib 75-76; al-SIratI, Akhbtir 89-93; al-ZubaydI, Tabaqtit 97-99; al-MarzubanI, Nur al-Qabas 228-30; Ibn al-Nadlm, Fihrist 86; al-TaniikhT, Ttirfkh 75-79; al-Kha~Ib, Ttirfkh Baghdtid XII, 138; Ibn al-AnbarI, Nuzha 122-23; al-Suyu~I, Bughya II, 27; al-Qif~I, Inbtih II, 367-74. 17 With whom he discussed the different madhiihib of al-Akfash, SIbawayh, aI-Farra' and al-Kisa'i: (al-QifF, Inbiih II, 371-72). According to Tha'lab, this was in the year 2301 844. 18 On the Zanj see paragraph 2.4. 19 Abu al-Tayyib, Martitib 80-82; al-SlratI, Akhbiir 93-96; al-ZubaydI, Tabaqtit 9496; al-MarzublinI, Nur al-Qabas 225-28; Ibn al-NadIm, Fihrist 86-87; al-TanukhI, Ttirfkh 73-74; Ibn al-AnbarI, Nuzha 116-17; al-Suyu~I, Bughya I, 606-7; al-Qif~I, Inbiih 11,58-64; Sezgin (\984, 76-77). 15

16

24

CHAPTER TWO

ested in lugha, Qur'an-reading and especially poetry, though as a poet, al-SijistanI was only of mediocre qualitY.20 AI-Mubarrad studied grammar together with Abu Dhakwan, al-TawwazI and Ibn AbI Zur'a under al-MazinI. Very little is known about al-Qasim b. Ismail Abu Dhakwan. 21 He lived in Basra and fled from the Zanj to SIraf, a small port in the Persian Gulf. He was married to the mother of one of his colleagues, al-TawwazI. His year of death is unknown. 'Abdallah b. Mu}:lammad b. Harun Abu Mu}:lammad al-TawwazI (d. 230/ 844 or 233/847)22 was a mawla of Quraysh. He was famous for his knowledge of poetry; al-Mubarrad considered him to be even superior to al-MazinI and al-RiyashI. Like al-Mubarrad, al-TawwazI, a man much older in years, studied the Kitab Sibawayh under al-JarrnI anq al-MaiinI. Of Abu Ya'la (or, as some say, AbU al-'Ala') Mu}:lammad b. AbI Zur'a alBahilI (d. 257/870),23 it is said that he was not of the same caliber as alMubarrad. His fellow grammarians called him "ghulam al-Mazin!", in allusion to his reliance on al-MazinI. He was the writer of Nukat 'ala Kitab Sibawayh which was mentioned earlier (paragraph 1.1). Abu Ya'la, like alRiyasru, fell victim to the Zanj revolt, having died when they invaded Basra. We tum now to the pupils of al-Mubarrad, reportedly al-Zajjaj, Ibn Kaysan, Ibn al-Sarraj, Mabraman, Ibn Darastawayh and Niftawayh. IbrahIm b. aI-San b. Sahl Abu Isl).aq al-Zajjaj (d. 311/923 or 316/928)24 was originally a glass grinder. He wanted to be educated as a grammarian 20 Some of the infonnation on al-SijistanI is given on the authority of al-Mubarrad. AI-SijistanI was al-Mubarrad's teacher only according to al-Kha!Ib, Tiirikh Baghdiid III, 381 and Ibn al-AnbarI, Nuzha 132. As a Qur'an scholar and lughawi al-SijistanI is said to have been very much opposed to the Kufans. In his view, the Kufans were all but trustworthy in their riwiiya and tafsir. See AbU al-Tayyib, Mariitib 74,90, also 102, where he opposes the ahl ai-Baghdad. 2\ Abu al-Tayyib, Mariitib 15; al-SIrafi, Akhbiir 87; al-ZubaydI, Tabaqiit 83; alMarzubanI, Nilr al-Qabas 215; Ibn al-NadIm, Fihrist 89; Ibn al-AnbarI, Nuzha 107; alSuyuF, Bughya II, 251; al-Qif!I, Inbiih III, 10; Fliigel (1862, 95). 22 Abu al-Tayyib, Mariitib 75; al-Sirafi, Akhbiir 85-87; al-Zubaydi, Tabaqiit 99; al-Marzubani, Nilr al-Qabas 215; Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist 85; al-Tanukhi, Tiirikh 80-82; Ibn alAnbarI, Nuzha 107; al-Suyu!i, Bughya II, 61; al-Qif!i, Inbiih II, 126; Fliigel (1862, 82). 23 AI-Sirafi, Akhbiir 108; al-Zubaydi, Tabaqiit 110; Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist 89; alTanukhi, Tiirikh 50-51; al-Suyu!i, Bughya I, 104 (who says that Abu Ya'Ja was born in 257/870); al-Qif!i, Inbiih IV, 190; Sezgin (1984, 77). 24 Abu al-Tayyib, Mariitib 83; al-Sirafi, Akhbiir 108; al-Zubaydi, Tabaqiit 111-12; alMarzubani, Nilr al-Qabas 342; Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist 90-91; al-Tanukhi, Tiirikh 38-40; al-Kha!Ib, Tarikh Baghdad VI, 89-93; Ibn al-Anbari, Nuzha 147-48; al-SuyU!i, Bughya I, 411-13; al-Qif!i, Inbah I, 194-201; Sezgin (1984,81-82); Fliigel (1862, 98-99).

AN OVERVIEW OF AL-MUBARRAD'S LIFE

25

and offered al-Mubarrad his services and two-thirds of his income in exchange for lessons, AI-Mubarrad eagerly accepted the offer, AI-Zajjaj studied for a while with al-Mubarrad then became the teacher of al-Qasim b. . The handling of two objects in the way thus described, is a process based on what Slbawayh calls sa'at al-kalam "extension of speech" (Kitab Sfbawayh I, 75/1-9). He mentions several reasons for applying sa 'a. In the case of the illustration from Qur'an 34:33 bal makru al-Iayli wa-al-nahiiri "Nay, but devising night and day" the sa'at al-kalam is applied because of istikhfaf "alleviation" (Kitab Sfbawayh I, 75/8). Brevity is also a reason for applying sa'a and so is istighna' "dispensability". The concept of sa 'a or ittisa' is treated by Versteegh (l990a). 36 Kitab Sfbawayh I, 76/8 and 76/16. See I, 252ff. for more about separation between jarr and majrur, including the same example (4). 37 Kitab Sfbawayh I, 74/ap.19: qala AbU al- 'Abbas lam ya'rif AbU 'Umar ma ~aka a/Akfl/ash wa-huwa 'indahu wa- 'inda jam/' a~~abina kha( It is not clear whom al-Mubarrad

68

CHAPTER FOUR

AI-Mubarrad attached also a marginal comment to Sibawayh's discussion of our example (4) as follows: This is correct, because the meaning is illii 'uliilata qiiribin aw budiihata qiiribin; but since [qiiribin] is mentioned in the second instance, it is deleted in the first, because of its dispensability. The same holds for bayna dhirii'ay wa-jabhati al-asadi with the meaning of bayna dhirii'ay al-asadi wa-jabhati al-asadi, in which [al-asad] is dropped in the first instance, because of its dispensability. 38

AI-Mubarrad's comments in Radd (21), too, affirm Sibawayh's theory about separation between the genitive and its regent being allowed in poetry. Moreover, like Sibawayh, al-Mubarrad identifies the difference between a separation caused by a conjunction Caif, as in [lc]) on the one hand and a separation caused by a noun of time (?aif, as in [3b]) on the other. Additionally, al-Mubarrad refers to the analogy (qiyiis) of conjunctions like (6)

yii bu'sa lil-I:tarb o sorrow of the war

in which a genitive particle (J:tar! jarr) is inserted, and (2b) yii tayma tayma 'adiyyin o Taym, Taym of the tribe 'Adi39 4.2.4 Al-Mubarrad in his Muqtag,ab

In the Muqtag,ab, al-Mubarrad devotes, just as Sibawayh in the Kitiib does, a separate chapter to "two nouns which have the same la!?, the last of the two being a mug,iif' .40 In this chapter of his, al-Mubarrad discusses constructions like the above-mentioned example (2b) for which he gives two possible explanations: either the second noun is crammed had in mind when he referred to AbU 'Umar in this context. He might have meant al-JarmT. According to al-ZamakhsharI (MufaHallOl-102), this line was incorporated in some of the versions of the Kitiib, but in his view, SIbawayh cannot be held responsible for this. AI-BaghdadI (Khiziina IV, 415-16) remarks on the authority of al-STrafi, that the line is an addition of al-Akhfash. In the Derenbourg and BUlaq editions, the line is not included in the main text. 38 Kitiib Sfbawayh I, 76/ap.8. 39 SIbawayh deals with this last example much later, in his "chapter in which the noun in the first part of the genitive construction is repeated while both nouns have the same status". He explains that the second noun is inserted between the first and the second part of the genitive construction for emphasis (tawkfdan; Kitiib Sfbawayh I, 273/6). 40 Muqtaljab IV, 227ff.

ANALYSIS OF FOUR GRAMMATICAL ISSUES

69

in between the first and the second part of the genitive construction for emphasis, or there is an underlying structure that reveals a deleted second part because of its dispensability, as in (2c) ya tayma 'adiyyin tayma 'adiyyin AI-Mubarrad asserts that this is exactly like the lines we gave in our examples (1) and (4).41 However, an alternative way of expressing (2) is to say (2d) ya taymu tayma 'adiyyin in which the first noun is in the nominative and the second noun is considered to be an explanatory apposition with the accusative case-ending Caif al-bayan). In al-Mubarrad's view, (2d) is the best option, because there is no poetic license applied and nothing has been deleted. 42 4.2.5 Contemporary and later grammarians It appears from the above that al-Mubarrad never had any substantial criticism of SThawayh as far as the subject under discussion is concerned. They agreed on the principal rule that separation between the two parts of a genitive construction is only allowed under certain conditions and even then only by poetic license. 43 However, the two possible explanations for our example (2)-which we find side by side in the MuqtO{jab--Iead to two different underlying structures. This is why alMubarrad's remarks stand at the beginning of a long discussion which eventually ends up in Ibn al-Anbari's ln~af, allegedly representing a point of disagreement between the Basrans and the Kufans.

From one of the marginal notes to the Kitab we learn that al-Mubarrad rejected the line in (5), because here the genitive construction is separated by an object. In holding this view, al-Mubarrad was at par with his predecessor aI-Farra', who only accepted this line with qalii~ in the genitive and aM in the nominative. 44 And although aI-Farra' was of the opin41 In the Kiimil (II, 142; III, 217-18), al-Mubarrad only discusses the first possibility: the second noun is a mere repetition of the first, inserted (aql,!ama) between the two parts of the genitive construction for emphasis (tawkfdan). The term aql,!ama, which also appears in the Muqtaq,ab (IV, 227/9) is not used by Sibawayh in this context. 42 Muqtaq,ab IV, 227/8-230/1. 43 Ibn WaIHi.d objects to al-Mubarrad's remarks on this subject, claiming that the latter allows separation between the two parts of a genitive construction not only in poetry, but in ordinary speech as well (lnti~iir [21]). 44 I.e., zajja al-qalii~i aM maziidah. First, ai-Farra' says that the incorrect reading of the zajja line is accepted by the nal,!wiyyu ahl al-Jfijiiz (Ma'iinf I, 358/4), which he later explicitates by saying that it is the reading of the nal,!wiyyu ahl al-Madfna (II, 81/11). On the grammatical school of Medina, see Talmon 1985a.

70

CHAPTER FOUR

ion that only companion things (i~{a~aba)-like the dhira'tin and the jabha of the lion from example (1)-may be joined in this kind of constructions,45 he accepted the separation by an adverb or a conjunction. AI-Mubarrad's contemporary Thaelab not only allows separation by a ?Wf,46 but also by an object, since he accepts example (5) without any comment.47 AI-ZajjajI opts for SIbawayh's interpretation of our sentence (2) and says that the two accusatives have the status of one noun being muqiif ila eadiyyin. He compares the line with the expression ya zayda bna eamrin, of which the underlying structure reveals the genitive construction zayda eamrin; the ibn is inserted between the two parts of this genitive construction. 48 Contrary to al-ZajjajI, al-SIrafi refers to a difference of opinion between SIbawayh and al-Mubarrad. He says that in SIbawayh's view the second noun is a tawkid to the first, whereas al-Mubarrad holds the view that the first noun is mufjaf ita a deleted noun. 49 Ibn JinnI starts off by stating that separation between the genitive and its regent by means of a ?arf or a genitive particle is indeed very reprehensible (qabi~), only permitted in poetry, not in ordinary speech.50 This he illustrates by some examples from poetry and then he appears to accept even the disputed example (5).51 Ibn JinnI subscribes to SIbawayh's interpretation of our examples (1) and (4) and subsequently presents what we know is al-Mubarrad's explanation of these lines,52 without mentioning his name. Abu Na~r Harlin b. Miisa recognizes a clear distinction between the theory of SIbawayh and that of al-Mubarrad. His starting point is yet another poetical line: 45 And not distant things (taba'ada), like dar and ghulam or 'abd and umm (ai-Farra', Ma'anl II, 321-22). 46 As in lillahi darru al-yawma man lamaM "How excellent is the one who blames it on her today" (Tha'lab, Majalis I, 125). 47 Majalis I, 125-126. Tha'iab uses the term i'taratfa "to obstruct or block" instead of the more commonly known fa!fl to indicate the separation. 48 AI-Zajjaj!, Jumal 157-58. The insertion is called iqlJamlmuqlJam, which Wright interprets as "arbitrarily inserted" (II, 90D). 49 Kitab Sfbawayh (Biilaq) I, 315. AI-S!rafi adds to this that he himself has yet another explanation for this kind of expressions. He is of the opinion that the second noun is an attribute (na't) of the first. AI-Mubarrad, too, uses the expression 'ala na't in the context of this discussion (Kamil III, 217/13). 50 Ibn Jinn!, Khasa'is II, 404/11-12. 51 Ibn Jinn!, Kha~a 'i~ II, 406/1-4. 52 I.e., the underiyi~g structure illa 'ulalata qarilJin aw budahatahu or illa 'ulalata qarilJin aw budahata qarilJin (Ibn Jinn!, Kha$a'i$ II, 407; Sirr I, 297).

ANALYSIS OF FOUR GRAMMATICAL ISSUES

(7)

71

na~nu bima 'indana wa-anta bima 'indaka rat/in We are with what we have and you are with what you have satisfied

In his view, the line has an underlying structure with rat/un instead of riiljin. Abu Na~r claims that this corresponds with SIbawayh's theory, whereas al-Mubarrad is of the opinion that the underlying structure reveals a deleted khabar as follows: na~nu bima 'indana rat/un wa-anta bima 'indaka rat/in. And, Abu Na~r continues, al-Mubarrad gives also preference to this interpretation with regard to the lines in (1) and (2).53 Although Ibn Yalsh acknowledges a difference of opinion between SIbawayh and al-Mubarrad as far as the explanation and interpretation of the above-mentioned examples from poetry are concerned, he emphasizes the fact that they do not disagree fundamentally, because both allow the separation between the genitive and its regent for poetic necessity.54 It is not altogether clear what made Ibn al-Anban identify the mas'ala under discussion as a point of disagreement between Basran and Kufan grammarians. 55 One of the Belegverse he presents to back his argument that the Kufans accept separation by means of something other than adverb or genitive particle, is our example (5). Inasmuch as this line is not at all discussed by SIbawayh, rejected by aI-Farra' and al-Mubarrad and accepted by al-Akhfash-so it seems-as well as Tha'lab and Ibn JinnI, there is no reason whatsoever to believe that the disagreements on this matter reflect a chasm between diverging schools of grammar. It is striking, though, that Ibn al-Anban does not bring up the different opinions on the underlying structure of the other examples discussed in the context of this mas 'ala. However, even if he had presented these differences, he might have proven the existence of a disagreement between SIbawayh and al-Mubarrad, certainly not a difference between a Basran and a Kufan school of grammar. 56

AbU Na~r, SharI) KS 63ff; also 52. Ibn Ya Ish, SharI) II, 1O/3ff; III, 21/9ff. S5 Ibn al-Anbari, In!fafll, 427-36 (no. 60). 56 In Khizana IV, 415-420, aI-Baghdadi presents the most important aspects of the discussion with reference to the line in our sentence (5). He mentions al-Akhfash, Ibn Jinni and Ibn al-Anbiiri, among others, but does not make reference to al-Mubarrad. See Baalbaki (1981, 21) for a discussion of Ibn al-Anbiiri's view on the matter. Baalbaki interpreted al-Mubarrad's explanation of (1) and (4) as a rejection of separation between the two parts of a genitive construction. Thus he came to the partiaIIy wrong conclusion that "it seems that Ibn al-Anbari inaccurately formulates the Basran view with only Mubarrad in mind, and ignores Sibawayhi and even the later Basrans". S3

54

72

CHAPTER FOUR

4.2.6 General conclusion

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