Changing Perspectives on England and the Continent in the Early Middle Ages (Variorum Collected Studies) [1 ed.] 9781409465768, 1409465764

Citation preview

I

I Also

ίn

the

Varίorum

Collected Studίes Serίes :

PAUL FOURACRE Frankish History Studies in the Construction of Power

STUART AIRLIE Power and lts Problems

ίη

Carolingian Europe

JOHN J. CONTRENI Learning and Culture ίη Carolingian Europe Letters, Numbers, Exegesis, and Manuscripts

HENRY MAYR-HARTING Religion and Society Selected Papers

ίη

the Medieval West, 600-1200

WENDY DAVIES Brittany ίη the Early Middle Ages Texts and Societies

WENDY DAVIES Welsh History ίη the Early Middle Ages Texts and Societies

PAUL MEYVAERT The Art of Words: Bede and Theodulf

JANET L. NELSON Courts, Elites, and Gendered Power ίη the Early Middle Ages Charlemagne and Others

STEPHEN D. WHITE Re-Thinking Κinship and Feuda\ism

ίη

Early Medieval Europe

ANNFREEMAN Theodulf of Orleans: Charlemagne 's Spokesman against the Second Council ofNicaea

JANET L. NELSON Rulers and Ruling Families ίη Early Medieval Europe Alfred, Charles the Bald and Others

ADRIAAN VERHULST Rural and Urban Aspects

σfEarly

Medieval Northwest Europe

I

VARIORUM COLLECTED STUDIES SERIES

Changing Perspectives οη England and the Continent in the Early Middle Ages

Το

the Memory of

Arthur and Trude Noble

Anton Scharer

Changing Perspectives on England and the Continent in the Early Middle Ages

O Routledge Taylor & Francis Group LONDON AND NEW YORK

First published 2014 by Ashgate Publishing Published 2016 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon 0X14 4RN 711 Third Avenue, New York, N Y 10017, USA Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business This edition © 2014 Anton Scharer Anton Scharer has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as the author of this work. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. ISBN 9781409465768 (hbk) British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

The Library of Congress has cataloged the printed edition as follows: 2013955324

V A R I O R U M C O L L E C T E D S T U D I E S S E R I E S CS1042

CONTENTS Acknowledgements

viii

lntroduction

\Χ

Abbreviations

1

χίν

The conversion of the Anglo-Saxon ldngs in the 7th and 8th century

1- 17

Translatedfrom 'La conversion des roίs anglo-saxons ', ίn Clovis, hίstoίre et memoίr 1. Clovίs et son temps, l Ίivenement, ed. Μ Rouche. Parίs: Presses de l ' Unίversίte de Parίs­ Sorbonne, 199~pp. 881-897

11

The role oflanguage in Bede's Ecclesίastίcal Hίstory

1- 8

Translatedfrom 'Dίe Bedeutung der Sprache ίn Bedas Historίa Ecclesiastίca gentis Anglorum ', ίn Sprache und ldentίtat ίm friihen Mίttelalter, eds W Pohl and Β. Zeller (Forschungen zur Geschίchte des Mίttelalters 20), Vienna: Austrίan Academy of Sciences Press, 2012, pp. 11 5-120

111

Insular mission to the continent in the early MiddleAges

55- 62

Mίssion

and Monastίcίsm: Acts of the lnternatίonal Symposίum at the Pontifίcal Athenaeum S. Anselmo, Rome, May 7-9, 2009, eds C. Leyser and Η. Wίllίams (Studia Anselmίana 158, Analecta Monastίca 13), Rome: Pontί.ficίo Ateneo Sant 'Anselmo, EOS - Editions of Sankt Ottilίen, 2013

IV

The Gregorian tradition in early England

187-201

St Augustίne and the Conversίon of England, ed. R. Gameson. Stroud: Sutton, 1999

V

Die angelsachsischen

Kδnigreiche:

Vielfalt und Einheit

Fragen der polίtίschen lntegratίon ίm mίttelalterlίchen Europa, ed. W Maleczek (Vortrage und Forschungen 63). Osifίldern : Thorbecke, 2005

67-84

I CONTENTS

νι

VI

Die Intitulationes der angelsachsischen Kδnige im 7. und 8. Jahrhundert

9- 74

111: Lateίnίsche Herrschertίtel und Herrschertίtu­ laturen vom 7. bίs zum 13. Jahrhundert, eds Η. Wolfram and Α. Scharer (MIOG Ergiinzungsband 29). Vienna: Bδhlau Verlag, 1988 Intίtulatίo

VII

Κίηg

Alfred and late Carolingian Europe

(combίnίng

1- 24

the 1999 London and the 2005 Kalamazoo papers)

Fίrst Publίcatίon

VIII

The writing of history at Κίηg Alfred's court

177- 206

Early Medίeνal Europe 5, 1996 ΙΧ

Α

new second

Έnglish 'Ordo?

1- 11

Translatedfrom Έίn neuer zweiter "englischer'Όrdo? ', ίn Α . Scharer, Herrschaft und Repriisentatίon: Studίen zur Hojkultur Κδnίg Alfreds des Groβen (MJOG Ergiinzungsband 36). Vienna: 0/denbourg, 2000, pp. 39-48 Χ

Alfred the Great and Arnulf of Carinthia: a comparison

311-321

Alfred the Great: Papers from the Eleventh-Centenaιy Conferences, ed. Τ. Reuter. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003 ΧΙ

The king's voice: οη the expression of personal concem in early medieval diplomas

1-18

Extended and revίsed English versίon oJ- Ήerrscherurkunden als Selbszeugnίsse ? ', Mίtteίlungen des lnstituts fi.ir 6s terreίchίsche Geschichtsforschung 119, 2011, pp. 1- 13 ΧΙΙ

Charlemagne's daughters

269-282

Early Medίeval Studίes ίn Memoιy ofPatrίck Wormald, eds S. Baxter, C. Karkov, J. Nelson and D. Pelteret. Farnham: Ashgate, 2009 ΧΙΙΙ

Duke Tassilo ofBavaria and the origins ofthe Rupertus Cross Belίef and

Culture

the Mίddle Ages: Studίes presented to Henιy Mayr-Hartίng, eds R. Gameson and Η. Leyser. Oxford: Oxford Unίversίty Press, 2001 ίn

69-75

I CONTENTS

XIV

VII

Objects of royal representation in England and οη the Continent

31-45

Anglo-Saxon Traces, eds J. Roberts and L. Webster (Medίeval and Renaίssance Texts and Studίes 405, Essays ίn Anglo-Saxon Studίes 4). Tempe, ΑΖ: Arίzona Center for Medίeval and Renaίssance Texts and Studίes, 2011

XV

Bishops in Ottonian Bavaria

1-17

The 'Sayles Lecture 'for 2008 held at the

Unίversίty

ofAberdeen.

Fίrst Publίcatίon

1- 15

Index

This volume contains

PUBLISHER'S

The

χίν

+ 302 pages

ΝΟΤΕ

as ίn all others ίn the Varίorum Collected Studίes not been gίven α new, contίnuous pagίnatίon. In order to ανοίd confusίon, and to facίlίtate theίr use where these same studίes haνe been referred to elsewhere, the orίgίnal pagίnatίon has been maίntaίned whereνer artίcles ίn thίs νolume,

Serίes, haνe

possίble.

Each lίsted ίn

artίcle has been gίven α Roman number ίn order of appearance, as the Contents. Thίs number ίs repeated on each page and ίs quoted ίn

the ίndex entrίes.

I

ACΚNOWLEDGEMENTS

Grateful acknowledgement is made to the following persons, institutions, joumals and publishers for their kind permission to reproduce the papers included ίη this volume: Presses de l'Universite de Paris, Sorbonne (for article Ι); όsterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften (11); Pontificio Ateneo Sant' Anselmo, Rome, and EOS - Editions of Sankt Ottilien (111); Richard Gameson, and The History Press (IV); Jan Thorbecke Ver\ag, Ostfildem (V); Bδhlau Verlag, GmbH, Vienna (VI, ΙΧ and ΧΙ); John Wiley and Sons, Ltd (VIII); Oxford University Press (ΧΙΙΙ); and the Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, Tempe (XIV). Every effort has been made to trace al\ the copyright holders, but if any have been inadvertently overlooked the publishers will be pleased to make the necessary arrangement at the first opportunity.

I

INTRODUCTION The articles assembled in this collection were written over the past thirty years. 1 started out with a monograph οη Anglo-Saxon royal charters and this was followed by a study of royal styles which is reprinted here (VI). Ιη spite of great advances ίη the field of Anglo-Saxon diplomatics, brought about by the availability ofnew resources and the steady growth ofreliable editions (thanks above all to Susan Kelly), a comparative approach, as attempted here, and the close examination of one particular formula and its wider implications need ηο special pleading. The fact that royal styles in Anglo-Saxon charters show rather greater variation than their Frankish analogues has sometimes been thought to reflect the whims and fancies of the scribes. My paper sets out reasons for rejecting that view. Whereas the origins of the Merovingian diplomata lay in Roman provincial bureaucracy, Anglo-Saxon charters were the outcome of a process of cu\tural transfer ίη the wake of conversion. The 'coming of Christianity to Anglo-Saxon England', to boπow a familiar title, brought written culture. The charter was a clerica\ import: hence the tinging of the late Roman private deed with strong ecclesiastical hues and a greater variety in formu\ae which had to satisfy new requirements, among them the introduction of royal styles giving adequate expression to the status of royal donors. 1 show how the titles chosen conveyed a sense of how rulers advised by clerical counsellors conceived the foundations and extent oftheir authority, at the same time articulating the ideas of community and identity shared by lay elites. Touching one aspect of Christianization led me to others. Having looked at how society adopted particular products of a novel written culture and the role of e\ites in this process, 1 turned to the more fundamental change, namely conversion, and its spread by way of social relations (1). 1 considered the role of language in this context by a short analysis of the key text, Bede's Ecclesίastίcal Hίstory (11), and highlighted the incredible swiftness and urgency with which the converted turned into missionaries (111). Drawing attention to their social background and addressing the question of whether a missionary programme existed, 1 argued that Ecgberht's plan, which Bede preserved ίη his Ecclesίastίcal Hίstory, was obviously known to Willibrord and via Willibrord also to Boniface, whose missionary activities can be read as following Ecgberht's programme - a case that would need further development. The perception of Gregory the Great which shaped English identity in such a

χ

INTRODUCTION

vital way was expounded above all by Patrick Wormald and Alan Thacker. In (IV) Ι covered a broader canvas in order to accommodate, a\ongside the anonymous Whitby Life of Gregory and especially Bede and Aldhelm, the remembrance and veneration of Gregory in diverse media, including charters and other written forms. It seemed a necessary next step to adopt a \onger-term perspective on this concept of identity and unity, promoted primarily by the church down to King Altred's time, by examining the changes in the politica\ \andscape between the sixth century and the ninth, and focussing on the theme of integration (V). When starting out on my second book, 1 choices had to be made. Α history of the Anglo-Saxons, as originally planned, moved to the background, the more intensively Ι considered the Anglo-Saxon Chronίcle and Asser 's Life of Alfred. Το come to terms with these and other naπative sources of the time, Ι had to place them in a meaningful context, namely the court, which since Plummer and Stevenson had been rather lost sight of and only slowly rediscovered: advances (in a technical or positivist sense) made after Plummer's and Stevenson's ground breaking editions had not always led to a better understanding of the key texts. ' The writing of history at Κing Alfred 's court' (VIII) is reprinted here in the original version. After further research, Ι returned to the subject in an extended and updated chapter in my book. This goes further than the original version in arguing for Asser's knowledge of Sedulius Scottus's Lίber de rectorίbus Chrίstίanίs and for the function of Asser's biography as above all a speculum prίncίpίs destined for the king. 2 Asser's classical and patristic quotations have over the years been impressively elucidated by Michael Lapidge, yet Ι think there is still more to Asser's reading than quotations and echoes. How are we to account for literary inspiration and dependence which may not result in a quotation? Α subject may be presented, or an idea developed, in a way which suggests indebtedness, but for the final and philologically definite proof a quotation may be lacking, as in the present case of Asser's use of Sedulius Scottus. 3 On the other hand a quotation by itself may not look so significant and be merely a pointer, but the ambiance is decisive. Take the following example which seems to have been overlooked so far. In Asser's account of the attempt on abbot John of Aethelney's life 4 the two West Frankish conspirators, a priest and a deacon, are said to have ' Herrschaft ιιnd Reprasentatίon: Stιιdien zur Hojkιιltur Κδnίg A!freds des Groβen (MIOG Ergiinzungsband 36, Yienna - Munich 2000). 2 Herrschaft ιιnd Reprasentation, pp. 49- 108. 3 See especially the irnportance of wisdorn and of Solornon, the reference to good and bad exarnples, etc. 4 Asser, De rebιιs gestis Ae!fredi, cc. 95- 7, esp. 96f., ed. W.H. Stevenson (Oxford 1904), pp. 81- 5.

INTRODUCTION

ΧΙ

betrayed their lord (the abbot John) ludaίco more; the assassins they hired are to in the same way. The two references obviously stress the betrayal oftheir lord and thus serve as clear reminders of Alfred's recent law code and specifically ofhow treachery to a lord ought to be dealt with. 5 But there is more to this story. The phrase ludaίco more derives from the account of another, more famous attack, that οη pope Leo 111 in 799, as described in the Lίber Pontificalίs: lpsί vero ίnsίdίatores (sc. Paschalίs et Crampulus, the attackers) atque operatores malorum, ίudaίco more, sίne ullo dίνίnο humanoque vel honorίs eum ίntuίtu, ferίno more conprehendentes ίn terra proίecerunt, ... 6 The coincidence in subject matter (two attacks that failed ultimately by divine intervention) reinforces the very short quote and shows how Asser used this episode from the Life of Leo 111 to heighten the significance of the failed attempt οη abbot John's life. Had I been able to draw οη a database, as Michael Lapidge to my amazement assumed I had in the detection of Asser's knowledge of the Proverbίa Grecorum,7 there could perhaps have been more 'discoveries' to report, but the findings so far were the resu\t of looking more c\ose\y at a sample of relevant texts. As for Asser's reading the Frankish connection wou\d merit further consideration. lf allowed to speculate, 1 wou\d be inclined to see Michael Lapidge's important discovery, Asser's quoting Corippus's ln laudem lustίnί in this context. 8 The ln laudem lustίnί was known at Charlemagne's court and extensively used in De Karolo rege et Leone papa. But this major epic poem, refeπed

5 See Alfred Int. 49.7 [Felix Liebermann, Dίe Gesetze der Angelsachsen Ι (Halle 1903), pp. 44-47] and especially Liebenηann , Gesetze der Angelsachsen ΙΙ (Halle 1912), p. 507 under Herrenverrat I and I a, for an English translation Alfred the Great: Asser Life of Kίng Alfred and Other Contemporary Soιιrces , transl. Simon Keynes and Michael Lapidge (Hanηondsworth 1983), pp. 163-4, and Asser c. 97, ed. Stevenson, pp. 84- 5, Alji-ed the Great, p. 105: 'For God's mercy was unwilling for such a crime to go unpunished: the villains who had committed this deed, as well as all those who had instigated so great a crime, were captured and bound and underwent a terrible death through various tortures.'(Sed Dei mίserίcordia tantumfacίnus ίmpunίtumfierί non permίttente ... ) which parallels Int. 49.7.

s

6 Liber Pontifιcalis , ed. Louis Duchesne (Paris 1886- 1957) 3 vols, ΙΙ, p. 4 (c. 12). For an Englisb translation cf. The Lives ofthe Eighth-Century Popes (Lίber Pontifιcalis) , 98. Leo ΠΙ c . 12, transl. Raymond Davis (Liverpool 1992), p. 185: ' The ambushers and evil-doers, just like Jews, with no respect for God or man or for his office, seized him like animals and threw him to tbe ground.'

7 Michael Lapidge The Anglo-Saxon Lίbrary (Oxford 2006), p. 116. This assumption is not found in idem, Άsser's reading ', in A/fred the Great: Papers from the Eleventh-Centenary Conferences, ed. Timothy Reuter (Studies ίη early medieval Britain 3, Aldershot 2003), pp. 27-47, at42. 8

The Ang/o-Saxon Library, pp. 116- 18.

χίί

INTRODUCTION

the Aeneίd of Charlemagne's age, has come down to us as a fragment,9 Book ΠΙ of a work ίη four books. Could the entire poem have been known to Asser and the quotation from Corippus have been acquired from this intermediary? 10 Τοο wild a speculation and beyond proof, perhaps, but ίη the future someone may look at what we have of the De Karolo rege et Leone papa, and try to find out whether it left any traces ίη Asser. Asser's quotations from Einhard's Life of Charlemagne suggest, according to Matthias Tischler, that Asser used a West-Frankish exemplar coming ίη all likelihood from Reims which also contained Thegan's Life of Louίs the Pίous, 11 another text which obviously Asser will not have ignored. 12 Here the matter may rest for the moment. Some channels of transmission, as well as the degree, long undeπated, of Alfred's knowledge of and relationship with contemporaries οη the Continent, are further explored ίη a paper that suggests explaining elements of his court culture and defensive policy by reference to personal contacts (VII). 1followed up this setting of Alfred's great achievements in a wider perspective by drawing a comparison between Alfred and Arnulf (of Carinthia) who both died in 899 (Χ). Ιη Anglo-Saxon England the tradition of kings being anointed may date back at least to king Aethelbald of Mercia. This goes hand ίη hand with the early origin of anointing and coronation ordίnes which were explored by Jinty Nelson ίη a string of ground-breaking articles. Ιη (ΙΧ) 1 argue that what has hitherto been regarded as a Lombard ordo should actually be considered as

9 Thus, substantiating the claims of Dieter Schaller, Christine Ratkowitsch in her Karolus Magnus - a/ter Aeneas. alter Martίnus, a/ter lustίnus: Zu lntentίon und Datίerung des Άachener Karlsepos '(Wiener Studien Beiheft 24, Vienna 1997) and eadem, Karoli vestigia magna secutus: Dίe Rezeption des Άachener Karlsepos' ίn der Carlias des Ugolino Verίno (Wiener Studien Beiheft 25, Vienna 1999). 1° For instance ν. 335 (Charlemagne after a vision ofthe attack on pope Leo ΠΙ showing true concern) 12.ifl.m curam gerit illefide/em. Το which cf. Asser 's quotation from Corippus: ίnuίgi/ant animi quibus est pία cura regendi. 11 Matthias Tischler, Einharts Vita Karoli: Studien zur Entstehιιng, ϋberlieferung ιιnd Rezeption (MGH Schriften 48, Hannover 2001) 2, pp. 1589- 90, esp. n. 71 7 with additional quotations from Einhard. 12 See already Christopher N.L. Brooke, Ήistorical Writing in England between 850 and 1150', in La storiografia altomedievale (Settimane di studio del centro italiano di studi sull ' a\to medioevo 17, Spoleto 1970) 1, pp. 223-47, at pp. 232-4 (1 owe this reference to Jinty Nelson) and subsequently D.A. Bullough, 'The educational tradition in England from Alfred to Aelfric: teaching ιιtriιιsque lingιιae', ίη idem, Carolingian renewal: sources and heritage (Manchester 1991), 297-334, at 317f., the revised and updated version of a paper published in 1972. James Campbell, Άsser 's Life of Alfred', in The Jnheritance of Historίography 350-900, eds Christopher Holdsworth and Τ.Ρ. Wiseman (Exeter 1986), pp. 115- 35, at pp. 117- 19, and Emst Tremp, Stιιdien zu den Gesta Η/ιιdοwίcί ίmperatoris des Trierer Chorbischofs Thegan (MGH Schriften 32, Hannover 1988), p. 132.

INTRODUCTION

χιιι

an Anglo-Saxon ordo which precedes the second English ordo. 1 suggest that it originated late in Alfred's reign and may have been used for Edward the Elder's inauguration. Ιη two further papers, 1 reflect οη objects which were used at such ceremonies and for royal representation at large and try to find out more about the original context σf their use and function (XIV and ΧΙΙΙ); ίη the second of these, 1 also touch οη the challenge that Tassilo's patronage posed for Charlemagne. The latter's court, and especially the women involved, come into view ίη a paper which also fleetingly considers the exceptional case σf an unmarried ruler, Charles the Younger: not least because my suggestions here have been misunderstood, this is a subject that deserves fuller treatment e\sewhere (ΧΙΙ). Returning to my earlier interest in diplomatics, but with a new take, 1 offer suggestions as to how some very personal reactions and sentiments can be recovered from charters (ΧΙ). Finally, οη the basis of a small sample of contemporaries who knew each other, 1 consider the role of bishops ίη the Ottonian age (XV). 13 Two papers, due to unforeseen difficulties after they had been written, are printed here for the first time, though their origins go back to 1999 and 2005 (ίη the case of VII) and 2008 (for XV) respectively, while four others (namely 1, 11, ΙΧ, ΧΙ) are published ίη English for the first time. Ιη general the papers ίη this col\ection reflect the state of research when they were first conceived. Νο attempt at updating or supplying additional bibliographical references has been made. What draws these papers together apart from their early medieval subject-matter? Certain recurring themes, but perhaps more generally the attempt to view, whenever possible, the matters under discussion from an Άnglo-Saxon' as well as a 'Continental' perspective. That the sea and the Channel ίη particular are not barriers, but lines of communication is selfevident, as is the fact that the history of ' this precious stone set in a silver sea' is an integral part ofEuropean history. ΑΝΤΟΝ

SCHARER

Vίenna

November 2013

13 Ι wish to thank Jinty Nel son for her judicious cornrnents on and irnprovernents to tbis introduction.

ABBREVIATIONS AF ASC Bede, HE CCCM CLA

EHD 1 EHR JEH MGH Capit. Epp. Epp. Sel. SRG/SS rer. Germ TRHS

Annales Fuldensees Anglo-Saxon Chronίcle Bede, Hίstorίa Ecclesίastίca Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Medievalis Ε.Α. Lowe, Codίces Latίnί Antίquίores: α palaeographίcal guίde to Latίn manuscrίpts prίor to the nίnth century (Oxford, 1934- 71 , 2nd ed. of vol. ΙΙ, Oxford, 1972) Englίsh Hίstorίcal Documents, 1: c.500- 1042, ed. D.Whitelock, 2nd edn (London and New York, 1979) The Englίsh Hίstorίcal Revίew Journal ofEcclesίastίcal Hίstory Monumenta Germaniae Historica Capitularia regum Francorum Epistolae (in Quart.) Epistolae selectae in usum scholarum Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum Transactίons of the Royal Hίstorίcal Socίety

I The Conversion of the Anglo-Saxon ίη the 7th and 8th Century

Κings

Without doubt Christianization was the most far reaching process of social and cultural change affecting the Anglo-Saxons ίη the early middle ages. 1 As conversion most of the time worked from 'above', ίt is a legitimate undertaking to look at the conversion of kings more closely. The main source for the conversion of the Anglo-Saxon kings is the venerable Bede's Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum completed ίη 731. 2 The Ecclesiastical History opens a window onto a world characterized by a multitude of rather unstable, small kingdoms ίη competition with and changing relationship to each

The following paper represents the text prepared for the Reims conference. Foornotes are reduced to a bare minimum. From the rich literature on conversion I want to single out the fundamental analysis by Henry Mayr-Harting, The Coming of Christianity to AngloSaxon England (London 3rd ed. 1991) and rhe following selection of publications: Arnold Angenendt, Das Friihmittelalter: die abend!άndische Ch1istenheit ιJon 400 bis 900 (Stuttgart 1990), idem, Kaiserheπschaft ttnd Kόnigstaufe: Kaiser, Kόnige und JJiipste als geistliche JJatrone in der abendliindischen Missionsgeschichte (Arbeiten zur Frίihmittelalterforschung 15, Berlin 1984) 184ff., idem, 'The Conversion of the Anglo-Saxons Considered against the Background of the Early Medieval Mission', in: Angli e Sassoni α! di qtιa e al di Ιά del mat·e (Settimane 32, Spoleto 1986) 747-92 and ίdem, 'La parrainage dans le haut Moyen Age. Du rίtυel lίtυrgique au cereιnonial polίtίque ', in: Clovis - histoire et 111i111oire: Le bapteme cle C/oμis, l'ivine111ent ed. Michel Rouche (Paris 1997) 243-53, James Campbell, Όbservations 011 rhe Conversion of England', in: idem, Essqys in Anglo-Saxon I-Iistory (London 1986) 69-84. In the Spoleto volume cited above there also appeared the relevant stυdies by Georg Jenal, 'Gregor der Grosse und die Anfange der Angelsachsenmissίon', 793857, and Friedrich Prinz, 'Von der Bekehrung der Angelsachsen bis zu ihrer Missionstatigkeit im Frankenreich', 701-34. See also Κnut Schaferdiek, 'Die Grundlegung der angelsachsischen Κirche im Spannungsfeld insu1ar-keltischen und kontinental-romischen Christentums', in: Κirchengeschichte als Missionsgeschichte ed. Hansgίinter Frohnes et al., vol. 2/ 1 (Munich 1978) 149-91 and especially Lutz Ε . νοη Padberg, Mission ιιnd Chtistianisiertιng: Formen und Fo!gen bei Angelsachsen ιιnd J:eada was appointed ruler over the Middle Angles by his father at the beginning of the 650s. 56 Peada's sister Cyniburg was married to Alchfrid, a son of Oswiu. It is hardly conceivable that Cyniburg had kept her pagan faith; that she was baptized before getting married is suggested by the story of her brother. Peada enjoyed good relations with his brother-in-law Alchfrid, Bede calls Alchfrid Peada's cognatus et amicus. Such a situation indicates that the Christian religion was not unknown to Peada, so here again there is evidence of a 'preparatory phase'. When Peada asked Oswiu for Alchfled's hand, he was given to understand 'that he and his nation accepted the Christian faith and baptism'. After a period of instruction he and his followers were baptized ίη about 653 by Bishop Finan of Lindisfarne ίη a Bernician royal stronghold close to Hadrian's Wall - that is, in Northumbria by the bishop (as η. 1) 755ff. and 'Le parrainage' (as η. 1) 248f., also attempting to detect this pattern conversions. But see already Campbell, Όbservations' (as η . 1) 75.

ίη

other

53 Bede, Historia ecc!esiastica ΠΙ c. 7,232. Οη this aspect see also Joseph Η. Lynch, Godparents and Kinship in Eat-!y Medieva! E111·ope (Princeton 1986) 244f. 54 Wlύch is mentioned at another occasion, see belo,v 16. 55 Bede, Historia ecc!esiastica ΠΙ c. 9, 240-42, and ΠΙ c. 24, 290. 56 Bede, Historia ecc!esiastica ΠΙ c. 21, 278-80.

I 14

The Conversion

ο/

the Anglo-Saxon Kings

of the Northumbrians. This was not the end of Northumbrian influence. promote the conversion of his people Peada took with him four priests. That they were commissioned by Oswiu is also shown by the later recall of one of them who was deployed to the East Saxons. 57 Missionary activity thus coincided with the political aims and ambitions of the Northumbrian king. Α11 this happened while Penda was alive whom Oswiu attempted to appease with tribute. 58 Penda, to go by Bede's account, accepted the missionary activity and the conversion of his son and daughter, the facts of a tightening circle of Christianized neighbours, yet he did not convert, quite understandably perhaps, as that would have meant religious and political dependence at the time. 59 Inviting the Irish mission would have been tantamount to recognizing Oswiu's overlordship, accepting Christianity from the East Angles and West Saxons would have upstaged inferior partners, and Canterbury appeared inactive, after Honorius's death in 653 it took almost one and a half years until Deusdedit was consecrated. 60 Peada's baptism showed the great influence of Oswiu and how, with the progress of conversion, parameters had changed: a dynastic marriage was ηο longer the opportunity to convert a pagan husband, as in the case of Edwin, the baptism of the pagan suitor was now the precondition for marriage. A nd this obviously also applied to the bride, as Oswald's marriage to Cynegisl's daughter would suggest. Perhaps in the same year and in the same place as Peada, Sigeberht ΙΙ, king o f the East Saxons, was baptized.61 Although Christianity had spread to Essex already in the time of JEthelberht, the pagan reaction after Sreberht's death lasted till the 6fties of the seventh century. Sigeberht ΙΙ, a frequent guest at the Northumbrian court and, according to Bede, Oswiu's amicus, was won over by Oswiu's persuasion. And after Sigeberht ΙΙ had secured the backing of his counsellors and followers, he was baptized with them by Bishop Finan. Οη his return to Essex he asked Oswiu for missionaries. Oswiu had Cedd called back from the Middle A ngles and sent him with another priest as companion to the E ast Saxons, which shows once more how much Oswiu was in control in ecclesiastical and political matters especially after the demise of Penda. The conversion of the Middle Angles, East Saxons and Mercians Το

Bede, Histoιia ecclesiastica ΠΙ c. 22, 282. Bede, Histoιia ecclesiastica ΠΙ c. 24, 288-90. 59 For anorher very plausible reason see Mayr-Harting, Coming of Chιistianity (as above η. 1) 6f. and idem, Τιvο Conversions (as above η. 27) 15. 60 Οη the diminished influence of Canterbury under Honorius and Deusdedit see Nicholas Brooks, The Ear!y H istory of the church of Canterbury: Chιist Church Jro171 597 to 1066 (Studies in the Early History of Britain, Leicester 1984) 65-9. 61 Bede, Histotia ecclesiastica ΠΙ c. 22, 280-84. 57

58

I The Conversion of the Ang/o-Saxon Kings

15

was m asterminded from Northumbria, likewise the appointment of bishops of the E ast Saxons, Mercians and Middle Angles. The scenarios of the conversion of Peada and Sigeberht ΙΙ were to impress subsequent cases to some degree. After the assassination of Sigeberht ΙΙ by a relative, Swidhelm succeeded. When he came to power, he was not yet a Christian, which means that Sigeberht's conversion did not include the whole elite, thus recalling earlier cases. However, there is ηο evidence of a pagan reaction and Swidhelm seems to have been baptized very soon after he had assumed power by Cedd, bishop of the East Saxons, but ίη an East Anglian royal palace Rendlesham, ίη the vicinity of Sutton Ηοο, with JEthelwald, king of the East Angles, acting as his godfather. 62 There are apparent parallels to Cynegisl's baptism as well as to the more recent conversions under Oswiu's aegis. These concern sponsorship οη the one hand, the place of baptism and the officiating bishop οη the other. Swidhelm was baptized by Cedd, not by the bishop of the East Angles, Berhtgisl. 63 Since Bede says nothing about dynastic ties between Swidhelm and JEthelwald and gives ηο clues as to why the particular sponsor and location were chosen, we can only guess: perhaps Swidhelm relied οη East Anglian support ίη his bid for the East Saxon throne. Under Swidhelm's successors Sighere and Sebbi another, but only partial and short-lived pagan reaction took place ίη the aftermath of the plague epidemic of the year 664. Sighere and the m ajority of his people relapsed. 64 This made Wulfhere, king of the Mercians, intervene by dispatching Bishop Jaruman who quickly sorted out the situation. Wulfhere who ruled from 658 to 675 also features ίη one of the latest royal conversions. A fter the death of Penda, Wulfhere's father, ίη battle (655) all major kingdoms were ruled by Christian kings, 65 and as political and ecclesiastical organizations were closely aligned, a crisis like the temporary relapse of the East Saxons could be quickly dealt with. Only now the South Saxons and even later the Isle of Wight became a target for rnission. Once again a marriage stood at the beginning. JEthelwalh, king of the South Saxons (t between 680 and 685), married Eabe, a Christian princess of the farnily ruling over the Hwicce. 66 The Mercian kings usually exercised some kind of

62

Ibίd .

284.

Peada and S ίgeberht ΙΙ were baprized before a bishop for their respecrive province was appointed. 64 Bede, I-Iistoria ecclesiastica ΠΙ c. 30, 322. 65 Bede, I-Iistoria ecc!esiastica ΠΙ c. 24, 290--94. 66 Eabe's father Eanfrid, her uncle Eanhere and the Hwicce were already Chrisrians. See Bede, I-Iistotia ecc!esiastica IV c. 13, 372 and Sίms-\'v'illiams, Re!igion and Litπat111·e in Western Eng!and 63

Adnιίttedly,

I 16

The Conversion

ο/

the Anglo-Saxon Kings

overlordship, in the case of Wulfhere the state of dependence can be assumed to have been close. It seems reasonable to suppose then that Wulfhere played a significant role in the arrangements leading to 1Etehlwalh's marriage and conversion. JEthelwalh was baptized ίη Mercia and Wulfhere stood sponsor to him.67 As a kind of christening present, as a sign of receiving him as godson, Wulfhere gave him 'two provinces', the Isle of Wight and the region of the Meonware, a measure directed against the West Saxons. It is the only occasion that Bede mentions a godfather's gift in the context of a royal conversion; in the case of Cynegisl it may perhaps be inferred from Oswald's participation in the founding of the see of Dorchester. JEthelwalch's baptism must have taken place before the death of Wulfhere in 675, the Vita Wilfridi and Bede attribute the actual conversion of the South Saxons to the missionary effort of bishop Wilfrid at the beginning of the eighties after he had been expelled from Northumbria. 68 It comes as somewhat of a surprise that it required Wilfrid's initiative to push ahead the conversion of the South Saxon elite, an endeavour usually undertaken by every newly converted king to safeguard his rule after his own baptism. 69 Ιη the context of the conversion of the South Saxons the Vita Wilfridi mentions the pressure which Κing JEthelwalh brought to bear οη his subjects, a claim which rings true, less so the attempted attribution of JEthelwalh's and his wife's (!) conversion to Wilfrid. During his missionary work with the South Saxons Wilfrid had come into contact with Caedwalla and even favoured him with support, which had lethal consequences for JEthelwalh.7°Caedwalla rose from marauding exile to king of the West Saxons. Ιη his bloody pursuit he also conquered the Isle of Wight. 71 The two scions of the royal family there were allowed to be baptized before their execution. Οη this macabre note the story of royal conversions in the Anglo-Saxon world has just about come to a close in the middle of the eighties of the seventh century. Caedwalla's fate calls for an addendum. Despite the encouragement Bishop Wilfrid had given

(as above 11. 7) 58. 67

Bede, Histoιia ecc!esiastica IV c. 13,372.

The Life of Bishop Wi!frid by Edditιs Stephanus ed. Berrram Colgrave (Campridge 1927, repr. 1985) c. 41, 80-84 a11d Bede, Histoιia ecc!esiastica IV c. 13, 372-4. 68

69 That Wilfrid could wί11 over the South Saxo11 elite had most likely to do with his ow11 situatio11: he ,vas 11ot 'the emissary of a11other po,ver, but at that mome11t ί11 exile from every A11glo-Saxo11 court which mattered', so the conv:i11ci11g argume11t of Mayr-Harting, Two ConιJersions (as above 11. 27) 9.

70

71

The Lije of Bishσp Wilfιid ed. Colgrave c. 42, 84, Bede, Histoιia ecclesaistica IV c. 14,380. Histoιia ecc!esiastica IV c. 16(14), 468-72.

Bede,

I The Conversion

ο/

the Anglo-Saxon Κings

17

to Caedwalla and the major donations Wilfrid received ίη return, Caedwalla was not baptized until the end of his life. Ιη 688 he resigned, went to Rome, received baptism at the hands of the pope and died a little later, 72 perhaps by then the only way for a king to become a Christian without losing his independence. Having reviewed the evidence, the more than a dozen of royal conversions which Bede narrates, ίt is time to ask for a summary of the common features and of the determining factors. Το counter any potential reproach of naively falling victim to Bede's agenda Ι have relied οη comparison and οη reading Bede's Ecclesiastical History slightly against the grain. What emerges above all is the important role of social relations within the elites. The mission operated ίη a world of rather small, unstable political entities whose interaction vacillated between forms of cooperation and fierce competition. These found expression ίη terms of personal relations, extended family ties by marriage, friendship and alliances οη the one hand, all forms of enmity and fostering of exiles οη the other. And by entering this social network the mission was spread and conversion promoted: to a certain degree by Bertha's marriage to LEthelberht to Kent, by LEthelberg's matrimony with Edwin to Northumbria, as a consequence of Oswald's marriage to a West Saxon princess to Wessex, by Alhfled's marrying Peada to the Middle-Angles, and by Eabe's marriage to LEthelwalch to Sussex. This just shows how important a role the king's or prince's wife played ίη conversion. Ιη the cases of the East Saxon king, Sigeberht ΙΙ, and to some extent of Peada amicitia with a Christian king came into play, exile as a place of conversion featured ίη the career of Oswald, Sigeberht ΙΙ and Coinwalch of Wessex. Coincidences ίη the above mentioned factors, such as marriage and amicitia, added impetus to the movement towards conversion. Ιη this confluence of personal relations, family ties and kinship of which the missionaries availed themselves ίη their endeavour to spread the Gospel, baptismal sponsorship was a perfect addition, as it extended and furthered kinship by spiritual means. 73 Obviously overlordship also mattered ίη the drive to conversion, but it goes hand ίη hand with the phenomena reviewed here and should not be overemphasized at their expense. Finally, taking account of some of the underlying social factors also offers a better explanation for the steadily increasing dynamίsm of the movement.

Bede, Histotia ecc!esiastica V c. 7, 468- 72. It entered into rhe laws of Κίηg Ine of the West Saxons before the end of the sevenrh century (bet:\veen 688 and 694): Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen ed. Felix Liebermann, vol. Ι (Halle 1903) 122 (Ine § 76). 72

73

II

The Role of Language

ίη

Bede's

Ecclesiastical History

Ιη the following an attempt will be made to discuss a few passages ίη the Ecclesiastical History, where Bede deals with language and the mastery of language. But even within such a narrow framework further limits had to be set: proper names which are sometimes explained and translated by Bede are excluded, as is his playful use of homonyms ίη different languages. 1 And other material from outside the Ecclesiastical History will only be drawn οη rarely. 2 About the venerable Bede's final days and hours, a letter, written by the deacon Cuthberht, subseguently abbot of Wearmouth and Jarrow, to a certain Cuthwine who had offered masses and prayers for the deceased, provides precious information and gives deep insights. 3 Cuthberht answered Cuthwine's request to learn more of Bede's death. The letter draws a vignette of Bede the monk, scholar and teacher amongst his pupils ίη the period from Easter to the eve of Ascension Day (25th of May) 735, when he died. Bede was working οη an excerpt of Isidore's De natura rerum and above all οη the translation of the Gospel of Saint John into Old English, 4 he came as far as 6:9. Ιη front of his pupils he would also guote Old English poetry, for instance de terribili exitu animarum e corpore (Όη the soul's dread departure from the body'), five lines which he may have composed himself. 5

Οη ,vhich the famous story concerning the Anglian slave boys in H.ome hinges. Allegedly goes back to Gregory the Great. Bede in all likelihood caωe to know ίt via the anonymous Whitby life of Gregory the Great: Bede, Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglonι111 ed. Bertram Colgrave and Η..Α.Β. Mynors (Oxford 1969) ΙΙ c. 1, 132--4. For a less restrictive view which is fa.irly common see for instance Andre Crepin, 'Bede and the Vernacular', ίη: Famulus Christi: Essays in Co111memoration of the Thirteenth Centenaιy of the Birth ο[ the Venerable Bede ed. Gerald Bonner (London 1976) 170-92 who cites some of the passages from Bede's Ecclesiastical History discussed in the follo,ving, but together ,vith other evidence not pertinent for Bede. For an edition and translation of this letter (episto!a de obittι Bedae) see Bede, Historia ecc!esiastica ed. Colgrave and Mynors, 580-87. Ibid. 582: in nostram !ingιιam ad uti!itatem ecc!esiae Dei convertit. Ibid. 582 with η. 4. See also, though with soωe reservations, Donald Scragg, 'Bede's Death Song', in: The B!ackwell Encyclopaedia ο[ Anglo-Saxon England, ed. Michael Lapidge et al. (Oxford 1999) 59. ίt

II 2

The Rofe of Language in Bede} Ecclesiastica! Histoιy

He is also said to have been well versed in nostris carminibus ('in ουr poems'). Furthermore, in a letter which Bede wrote to Archbishop Ecgberht of York in 734 he made clear how highly he valued the knowledge of the Creed and the Lord's Prayer in the vernacular, translations of which he had himself made.6 For a highly gifted teacher like Bede this attitude towards the vernacular may not seem surprising, but it is important to keep it in mind when approaching the relevant evidence in the Historia ecclesiastica. By relevant Ι mean references to language as a means of communication and as a possible criterion for differentiation. Bede's Ecclesiastical History reports numerous situations featuring communication and several conversations are rendered in ostensible detail which makes one want to inquire after the language skills of the participants. Ιη a few cases Bede gives a hint about the language used or about difficulties ίη communication arising from ignorance or poor command of a language. Moreover ίt is interesting to observe if and when language becomes a distinguishing mark in a work dealing with the spread and establishment of Christianity among the Anglo-Saxons, thereby describing a process involving many people(s) (gentes) and languages rendered in the recently acquired language of the church. At the very beginning of the E cclesiastical History, in the first chapter of the first book, by dealing with the geographical location of Britain and Ireland and with their inhabitants, Bede develops the concept of a division into five languages, whereby four have predominantly ethnographic connotations and the fifth, Latin, is shared by all: Άt the present time, there are five languages in Britain, just as the divine law is written in five books, all devoted to seeking ουt and setting forth one and the same kind of wisdom, namely the knowledge of sublime truth and of true sublimity. These are the English, British, Irish, Pictish, as well as the Latin languages; through the study of scriptures, Latin is ίη general use among them all'. 7 This learned, Biblically founded distinction has been interpreted by John Cowdrey as a stratagem οη Bede's part to promote the gens Anglorum as an entity and in the context of l,atin language and Roman rite, especially in the calculation of the Easter date, to emphasize its providential role vis-a-vis the

Epistola Bede ad Ecgbertul7ι episcoptιm ed. Charles Plummer (Venerabilis Baedae opera historica, Oxford 1896, reprinted 1969) 405-23, at 408f. Haec in praesenti iuxta numeru171 librorιιm qιιibus lex clivina scripta est, quinque genti11171 linguis ιιnαm eandemqιιe summae ι;eritatis et ι;erae sublimitatis scientiam scrutatur et conjitetur, Anglortt/71 videlicet Brettontιttι 5 cot!ot'U/71 Pictorum et Latinonωι, q11ae meditatione scripttιrar11ttι cetetis omnib11s estJacta comtt111nis. Bede, Historia ecclesiastica Ι c. 1, 16- 17.

II The Role of Language in Bede 's Ecclesiastical History

3

other gentes. 8 Bede returns to this division οη only one further occasion ίη his Ecclesiastical History. Before praising the admirable piety of K.ing Oswald he mentions the wide extent of Oswald's rule: Ίη fact he held under his sway all the peoples and kingdoms of Britain, divided among the speakers of four different languages, British, Pictish, Irish, and English'. 9 Such a simplifying and at the same time ambiguous concept may have suited Bede as exegete, theologian and teacher; 10 reference to the Old Testament and the history of salvation added weight to this rather abstract perception of the d.ifferent languages of Britain, which one must keep ίη mind though, when turning to the more concrete evidence, as Ι want to do now very briefly. Bede describes situations, where communication and the use of language specifically feature, rather ίη passing, if at all. So it is more like chance finds from the Ecclesiastical History that Ι discuss ίη the following. Οη the way to Britain the missionaries who were d.ispatched by Pope Gregory the Great, came to feel doubt and anxiety about what lay ahead of them. 'Rather than going to a barbarous, fierce and unbelieving nation whose language they d.id not even understand' they wanted to return home. 11 Οη Gregory the Great's instruction and intervention they resumed their journey and received Frankish interpreters for their mission. 12 There is ηο more information given by Bede οη language problems which would have beset any missionary activity. As for the spread of the 'Roman' mission to Northumbria culminating ίη the conversion of K.ing Edwin (616-633) nothing ίη this respect is said. Although Bede's detailed account of the stages lead.ing to Edwin's conversion contains a number of conversations and d.ialogues, e.g. between Paulinus and E dwin and between Edwin and his chief men, like ίη fiction ηο word is lost οη how

Herbert E J. Co,vdrey, 'Bede and the English People', in: idem, Popes, Monks and Crtιsaders (London 1984) 501-23. denique omnes nationes et provincias Brittaniae, quae in φιatttιor lingtιas, id est Brettonum ])ictortιm S cottortιm et Angloru111, clivisae siιnt, in dicione accepit. Bede, I-Iistoria ecclesiastica ΠΙ c. 6, 230-31. 10 Yet its limits were clearly perceptible, as follo,ving Bede's o,vn account the advent of "Γheodore and Hadrian and the fl ourishing of rhe Canterbury school spread the knowledge of Greek; see below 6f. 11 barbara111 feω111 incredtι!amqtιe gentem, cuiιιs ne linguam quide111 nossent . . . Bede, I-Iistoria ecclesiastica Ι c. 23, 68-69. See also the cursory survey by Rene D erolez, 'Language Probleιn s in Anglo-Saxon England: barbara loquella and barbarismus', in: Words, Texts and Manuscripts: St11dies in Anglo-Saxon C11lture presented !ο I-Ielm11t Gnetιss ed. Michael Korhammer, Karl Reichl and Hans Sauer (Cambridge 1992) 285-92. 12 Bede (as previous note) and John Michael Wallace-Hadrill, Bede} E cclesiastical 1-Iistory of the English People: Α I-Iistorical Commentary (Oxford 1988) 33f. referring ro Frankish interpreters in two letters of G regory the G reat.

II 4

The Role ιif Language in Bede} Ecclesiastical Histoιy

conversation worked; did for instance Paulinus use an interpreter or was he fluent in Old English? After Edwin's death in battle and after Oswald (634----642) from the rival Bernician dynasty had come to power, the latter who had been converted in his time of exile among the Irish and the Picts asked the Irish monastery Iona for a bishop. From there Aidan was sent, whose missionary work was fully and resolutely supported by Oswald. As Aidan 'was not completely at home in the English tongue', 13 it would happen that, when Bishop Aidan was preaching, the king acted as interpreter for his aristocrats and followers. 14 Oswald is said to have 'gained a perfect knowledge of Irish during the long period of his exile'.15 Κίηg Oswine (644--651), a younger contemporary of Oswald and scion of the Deiran royal family who, after Oswald had been killed, ruled Deira, the southern province of Northumbria, lacked this knowledge. The relationship between Oswine and Aidan who, as bishop of the Northumbrians, was in charge of Bernicia as well as Deira, was characterized by perfect harmony. Oswine had, by Bede's account, adopted Christian norms to such a degree that his virtues, unusually for a king, 16 even comprised humility, with fatal consequences, which do not concern us here. For the present purpose the following will suffice. Aidan, whom Oswine had presented with a thoroughbred, richly harnessed horse, gave that animal to a beggar. At their next meeting the king remonstrated with Aidan, but the bishop's retort made him go to his knees and ask for pardon. Aidan raised the king to his feet and told him to enjoy the feast. As the bishop saddened during the meal and was moved to tears, an accompanying priest 'asked him in his native tongue, which the king and his thegns did not understand, why he was weeping', 17 to which he replied that the king would not live long, never before had he seen a humble king, the people did not deserve such a ruler. Whatever the exact wording of the conversation between Aidan and the priest it was held in Aidan's lingua patria in his 'fathertongue', which the king and his people did not understand. Thereby the advantages of multilingualism are also highlighted: information could be imparted which others were not to understand. Α different situation obtained at the synod of Whitby in 664. 18 All participants were to be able to follow the deliberations, particularly the arguments put 13

Angloruttι lingιιattι peιfecte

14

Ibid.

non noverat. Bede, Histoιia ecclesiastica ΠΙ c. 3, 220-21.

15 qιιiα ninιirιιm tattι longo exilii sιιi tempore lingtιam Scottorum ianι plene didice1wt. Bede, I-Iistoιia ecclesiastica ΠΙ c. 3, 220-21. 16 See above paper 1, 8. 17 lingtιa patιia, qt1a111 rex et do111estici eitts non noverant, Bede, Histoιia ecclesiastica ΠΙ c. 14, 258---9. 18 Bede, I-Iistoιia ecclesiastica ΠΙ c. 25, 298-308.

II The Ro!e of Language in Bedes Ecc!esiastica! Histoιy

5

forward for calculating the Easter date the Roman or Irish way. Among the participants were K.ing Oswiu (642-670), the younger brother and successor of Oswald, Oswiu's son Alchfrid, who at the time appears to have ruled over D eira, the mighty and lesser men (maiores cum mediocribus) and obviously the highly represented clergy, bishops, abbots, the abbess Hild, priests and all the rest. At the synod itself bishop Cedd of the East Saxons (653-664), an Anglo-Saxon of Irish orientation, 'acted as most careful interpres for both parties', 19 'Roman' and Irish. Ιη view of the subsequent narrative Cedd's task may have been less that of a translator and more that of a mediator. Oswiu asked first Colman, bishop of Lindisfarne and leading exponent of the Irish cause to speak. Then Bishop Agilbert was to have taken the word. Agilbert was a Frank who had gone to Southern Ireland for higher education and οη his return had become bishop of the West Saxons (650 to about 663); when King Coinwalch had grown tired of him and divided the West Saxon diocese ίη two, Agilbert returned to the Continent after 664 and served from about 666 to 675 as bishop of Paris.20 At the synod of Whitby Agilbert did not speak after Colman; he asked that ίη his stead his disciple, the priest Wilfrid, later bishop of York (t709), should plead, as Wilfrid could 'explain ουr views ίη the English tongue better and more clearly than Ι through an interpreter'. 2 1 Without going into the details of the debate which lie outside the scope of this paper, one thing becomes clear. The words which Bede put ίη Agilbert's mouth mean that the deliberations at the synod of Whitby were apparently conducted in lingua Anglorum. Agilbert's manoeuvre to have Wilfrid speak ίη his stead could also have been motivated, ίη part at least, by the consideration that it probably benefitted his cause with the Northumbrian king, clergy and magnates, if it was put by a Northumbrian priest. Nevertheless there are other indications that Agilbert had difficulties with Old E nglish. As Bede relates, Coinwalch, king of the West Saxons, who had recruited Agilbert as bishop and who himself only mastered the 'Saxon tongue',22 grew tired of Agilbert's 'barbarous speech', 23 Ibid. 298- 9: Cecld .. . qtti et interpres in eo concilio vigilantissi111t1s tttrittsque partis extitit. Οη Agilbert see also below and above all \Vallace-Hadrill, I-Iistorical Co111mentary (as above 12) 99. 19

20

η.

21 'Lοqtιαtιιι; obsecro, vice mea discip11!11s meus Uilfrid presbyte1· ... ; et ille melitιs ac manifesti11s ipsa ling11a Anglonωι, q11a111 ego per interpretem, potest explanare qιιαe sentim11s'. Bede, I-Iistoria ecclesiastica ΠΙ C. 25, 300-301 . 22 Saxon,1111 tantum ling11am. Bede, I-Iistoria ecclesiastica 111 c. 7, 234-5. One should note the nice disrinction to rhe usual Anglorum ling11a. 23 Ibid.: pertaes11s barbarae loqtιellae ... See also D erolez, 'Language Problems' (as above η. 11 ) 288, ,vho leaves the question open ,vhich Frank.ish clialect Agilbert may have spoken: "Γhe trouble is that we know very little about the variety of Franconian spoken in the Marne region ίη the 7th

II 6

The Role ιif Language in Bede} E cclesiastical Histoιy

appointed another bishop who spoke his Όwη tongue', 24 divided Agilbert's see into two dioceses and thereby deeply offended Agilbert who returned to Gaul. Whether the reproach of 'barbarous speech' referred to the use of Frankish or just a foreign accent or different parlance is a moot question. Ιη a comparable way speech and manner of speaking feature only οη one other occasion in Bede's Ecclesiastical History. After the bloody battle of the Trent between Northumbrians and Mercians in 679 Imma, a noble retainer of the Northumbrian king, was left lying exhausted among the dead οη the battlefield. When captured by the victorious Mercians he pretended to be a poor, married peasant who had with others just brought 'food to the soldiers'. 25 Ιη the course of his captivity the implausibility of the story fully emerges. Not only were his bonds loosed - this was due, as it turned out later, to his brother celebrating mass οη his behalf -, but also 'his appearance, his bearing, and his speech' revealed 'that he was not of common stock as he had said, but of noble family'. 26 I:>arlance, manner of speaking gains here a social dimension. Το the above noted division of five languages current in Britain the advent of Archbishop Theodore (668-690) and Abbot Hadrian (t 709 /710) added Greek. It was somewhat an accident which brought the two, one a native of Tarsus well along in years, the other abbot of a Campanian monastery, to Canterbury. The king of Kent and the king of the Northumbrians had chosen Wigheard, to be ordained in Rome, archbishop of the English church (ecclesiae gentis Anglorum). 27 On his arrival in Rome Wigheard died. Thence pope Vitalian (657-672) seized the initiative and first chose Hadrian as candidate who in his turn drew the attention to Theodore but was made to accompany Theodore to Britain. 28 Hadrian was 'equally skilled in the Greek and Latin tongues', 29 Theodore 'a man well trained in secular and divine literature, both Greek and Latin', 30 and by their teaching flourished the Canterbury school. 31 And as Bede noted 'some of their students still survive who know l,atin and Greek century'. With regard to Agi]bert's Old E nglish he conjectures that Άgilbert may have picked υp the "wrong" sort of English from Ang]o-Saxon exiles duήng his long stay ίη Ireland'. 24 25

26 27

28

Ibid.: suae iing11ae. Bede, I-Iistoria ecclesiastica IV c. 22(20), 400-405. Ibid. 404-405: ex v11lt11 et habitu et ser1tιonib11s eitιs ... Bede, I-Iistoria ecclesiastica ΠΙ c. 29,318. For this and the following see Bede, I-Iistoria ecclesiastica IV c. 1, 328-33.

Ibid. 328-329: Graecae pariter et Latinae ling11ae peritissim11s. Ibid. 330-331: vir et saec,ι/ari et divina litterat11ra et Graece instr11cttιs et Latine. 31 Henry Mayr-Harting, The Coming of Christianity to Anglo-Saxon Englancl (London 1991) 204-9 and Biblical Co1t11tιentaries Jrom the Canterbuιy School of Theodore and Hadrian, ed. Bernhard Bischoff and Michae] Lapidge (Cambridge 1994) esp. 133-89. 29

30

II The Role of Language in Bede's Ecclesiastical History

7

just as well as their native tongue'. 32 Το them belonged Albinus, Hadrian's successor as abbot of St Peter and Paul's at Canterbury and Bede's 'principal authority and helper' for the Ecclesiastical History who was said to have been 'so well trained in scriptural studies that he had ηο small knowledge of the Greek language and that he knew Latin as well as English, his native tongue'. 33 Before Ι break off here, it might be useful to recall that Bede had referred to the sending of Theodore and Hadrian already ίη an earlier work, the Historia abbatum, the history of the abbots of Wearmouth and Jarrow, for the reason that Benedict Biscop, later founding abbot of Wearmouth, was then οη his third visit to Rome and charged by the pope to accompany Theodore and Hadrian as competent guide and interpreter (pariter interpres existere posset et ductor) to Britain.34 We may note Benedict Biscop's multilingualism ίη passing. As for the selection of Wigheard, the version offered by the Historia abbatum is relevant not only ίη a discussion of how Bede came to shape information over time, but also impinges οη the present topic: Ecgberht, king of Kent, is said to have wished for a bishop of 'his own people and language' (suae gentis et linguae) for the reason that 'he and his people would be able to enter all the more deeply into the teachings and mysteries of their faith, since they would receive them at the hands of someone of their kin and tribe and hear them not through an interpreter but in their own native tongue'. 35 Αη inquiry into the role of language in Bede's Ecclesiastical History cannot leave out communication with the other world and the sphere of the miraculous, as they were of prime importance to Bede especially ίη this work. 36 Ιη visions, irrespective of whether they affected a learned abbot

32 Indicio est, quod ,ιsque hodie supersunt de eor11ttι discipu!is, qui l_,atinattι Graecattzque !inguam aeque ut prop1ia111 in qua nati stιnt non,nt. Bede, Historia ecc!esiastica IV c. 2, 334-5. 33 Bede, Histotia ecclesiastica V c. 20, 530-31: Albin11s ... in tantum st11diis sctipt11rar11111 insti/11/11s est, ut Grecam q11idettι !ing11attι non parva ex parte, utinattι vero non min11s q11attι Ang!or11111, q11ae sibi nat11ralis est, nOΙJetit. 34 Bede, I-listotia abbat11111 c. 3, ed. Charles Plummer, Venerabi!is Baeclae opera histotica (Oxford 1896, repr. 1969) 367. 35 Bede, Histotia abbatum c. 3, 366: ... tanto petjecti11s ctιttι s11biectis sibi popu!is ve! ι;erbis i111b11eret11r jidei ι;e/ ttιysteriis; qιιanto haec non per inte1prete111, sed per cognati et contribtι!is ιJiti ling11a111 simtιl 111antιmqι1e s11sciperet. The English translatίon is, with slight alteratίons, derίved frοιη: The Age of Bede, transl. J.F. Webb, ed. D.H. Farmer (Penguin Classics, London 1998) 189. The changes to the story of Wigheard's appoίntment in the Ecclesiastίcal History bring Os,viu, king of the Northumbrians ίηtο the play and stress the ecc!esia Ang!ortιm as an eιnerging entίty which Theodore will further promote in providentίal manner. 36 Νο miracles feature ίη the Histotia abbatum; for the reasons see Henry Mayr-Hartίng, 'Bede's patristίc rhinking as an historian', in: Histotiographie im friihen Mittela!ter, ed. Anton Scharer and Georg Scheibelreiter (Vienna 1994) 367-74, at 368.

II 8

The Role ιif Language in Bede} Ecclesiastical Histoιy

like Fursa or a simple family-man,37 communication problems did not exist; nor when Torhtgyd talked to her deceased abbess or the apostles Peter and Paul to a seriously ill boy in the monastery of Selsey. 38 Ιη such situations the characters talk to each other, but ηο hint is given as to the language they used. Matters are different, if a miracle directly touches the ability to speak or the mastery of language. Caedmon (ca. 660-680) who could not sing acquired by divine gift the competence to turn sacred stories into epic poems, 'whatever he learned from the holy Scriptures by means of interpreters' (per interpretes), 'he quickly turned into extremely delightful and moving poetry, in English, which is his own tongue' (in sua, id est Anglorum, lingua). 39 Το this context also belongs the miraculous cure of a dumb youth by John of Beverly, bishop of Hexham (687-706),40 in the reporting of which an English word even enters the Latin text of the Ecclesiastical History, one of the exceedingly rare, vernacular utterances preserved in historiography, namely gaf. (= yea), quod est lingua Anglorum verbum ad.ftrmandi et consentiendi, id est 'etiam '. 41 Ιη conclusion a reading of the E cclesiastical History with a glance at some related texts under the heading of language has above all shown the paramount significance of the vernacular in the spread of the gospel and in pastoral care; 42 likewise the important role of translators and translations into the vernacular as well as the relevance of multilingualism in early mediaeval Britain. Furthermore in Bede's history writing language can become an indicator of social and at times ethnic differentiation, though with regard to the latter flexibility and permeability are clearly recognizable, especially against the background of Bede's agenda to promote the gens Anglorum, the English, as an identity with very strong integrating potential. But that is another story. 43

37

Bede, I-Iistoria ecclesiastica ΠΙ c. 19, 270-74, and V c. 12, 488-96.

38

Ibid. IV cc. 9 and 14, 360-62 and 376-80.

39 Bede, H istoria ecclesiastica IV c. 24(22), 414-21, the present quotations frοιη 414-15. For Caedmon, actually a British name, see Katherine O'Brien O'Keefe, 'Caedmon', ίη: The Blackweil Encyciopaedia of Anglo-Saxon England (as above η. 5) 81. 40

Bede, Historia ecclesiastica V c. 2, 456-9.

41

Ibid. 458-9: 'ga, which

ίη

English is the word of assent and agreement, that is, yes'.

See also Alan Thacker, 'Monks, preaching and pastoral care ίη early Anglo-Saxon England', ίη: Γastoral Care before the Γarish, ed. John Blair and Richard Sharpe (Leicester 1992) 137-70, esp. 141f. 42

43

Below papers IV and V for further discussion and references.

III INSULARMISSION το ΤΗΕ CONTINENT ΙΝ ΤΗΕ EARLY MIDDLE AGES

The topic I am touching upon here has been dealt with in masterly fashion by Wilhelm Levison (just think of England and the Continent), 1 his German disciples Theodor Schieffer and Eugen Ewig, 2 and by Henry Mayr-Harting, 3 and ίη this vein I could go οη, noting among more recent contributions especially those by Arnold Angenendt, Richard Fletcher, Rosamond McKitterick, Lutz von Padberg, Knut Schaferdiek, lan Wood, and Barbara Yorke, 4 and also some

W. LEVIS0N, England and the Continent in the Eighth Century, Oxford 1946 and the relevant papers ίη W. LEVISON, Λus rheinischer undfιinkischer Fruhzeit, Diisseldorf 1948. 2

SCHIEFFER, Winfied-Bonifάtius und die christliche Grundlegung Europas, Freiburg 1954; the 1972 reimpression adds an «afi:erword». Τ. ScHIEFFER, Λngelsachsen und Franken. Zwei Studien zur Kirchengeschichte des 8. ]ahrhunderts (Akademie der Wissenschafi:en und Literatur [in Mainz], Abhandlungen der Geistes und Sozialwissenschafi:lichen ΚlasseJahrgang 1950 Nr. 20), Wiesbaden 1951, 143-1539, Ε. EwιG, «Die christliche Mission bei den Franken und im Merowingerreich », ίη Handbuch der Kirchengeschichte, ed. H.JEDIN, vol. ΙΙ/2, Freiburg-Basel-Wien 1975, 102-135.

3

. Η . MAYR-HARTING, The Coming of Christianity to Λnglo-Saxon England, London 3 1991. The third edition of this ground breaking monograph adds an important chapter οη saint Boniface.

4

Of the many relevant publications produced by these authors only the most recent and most comprehensive monographs will be mentioned here most ofwhich contain exhaustive bibliographies: Α . ANGENENDT, Das Fruhmittelalter. Die abendlιindische Christenheit von 400 bis 900, Stuttgart-Berlin-Koln 32001, Α. ANGENENDT, Liudger. Missionar, Λbt, Bischofim fuhen Mittelalter, Miinster 22005; R. FLETCHER, The Conνersion of Europe. From Paganism to Christianity, 371-1386ΛD, London 1997; R. McKITTERιcκ, Λnglo-Saxon Missionaries in Germany (Eighth Brixworτh Lecture, Vaughan Paper 36), Leicester 1991; L. Ε. V0N PADBERG, Mission und Christianisierung. Formen und Folgen beiΛngelsachsen und Franken im 7. und 8.Jahrhundert, Stuttgart 1995; L. Ε. V0N PADBERG, Christianisierung im Mittelalter, Darmstadt 2006; Kirchengeschichte als Missionsgeschichtϊ Vol. ΙΙ/ 1, ed. Κ. ScHAFERDIEK, Miinchen 1978; 1. WooD, The Missionary Lift. Saints and the Eνangelisation ofEurope, 400-1050, Harlow 2001; Β. YORKE, The Conνersion of Britain. Religion, Politics and Society in Britain c. 600-800, Harlow 2006.

Τ.

III 56 sumptuous exhibition catalogues 5 and memorial volumes. 6 This shows that if ever it was more apt to use the metaphor of sitting οη the shoulders of giants it must be ίη my case. Moreover a short statement, as the present one, precludes a detailed examination and mapping of the ways research has progressed ίη our field. lnstead I shall just bring together a few observations in the hope that some kind of useful sketch emerges. Let n1e first stress the monastic background, more aptly perhaps the monastic centre ground, 7 and the monastic impulse of the insular mission to the Continent. The missionaries, to take just the outstanding examples, namely saints Willibrord (657 / 658-739) and Boniface (early 670s to 754), were monks, thus following the example of the Roman and the lrish mission to the AngloSaxons. Even bishop Wilfrid (634-709), the first to preach and baptise among the Frisians (in 678/679), started his career ίη the monastery of Lindisfarne and was also subsequently to a varying degree involved ίη monastic foundations and even headed a parochia, a confederation or rather «affinity» of monastic houses. 8 The impression gained by looking at the most prominent missionaries is matched by the contemporary account which the greatest luminary of the age, the Venerable Bede, himself a monk, gave. Ιη Bede's view the ideal missionaries were monks, such as Augustine and Aidan: the Roman missionaries were admired for « their simple and innocent way of life and the sweetness of their heavenly doctrine » (simplicitatem innocentis vitae ac dulcedinem doctrinae eorum caelestis). 9 Theywere first given the church ofSt Martin, close to Canterbury (where the Frankish queen, King Aethelberht's wife, used to pray): «Ιη

5

this context Ι want to mention just two such catalogues οη a related subject matter, namely Das]ahrtausend der Mdnche. Kloster Welt Werden 799-1803, ed. J. G ERCHOW, Essen 1999, and 805: Liudger wird Bischof Spuren eines Heiligen z wischen York, Rom und Munster, ed. G. ls ENBERG and Β. RoMME, M ainz 2005.

6

Again Willibrord and Boniface feature prominently; to give an exanιple Ι want to single out two such publications οη saint Boniface: Sankt Bonifάtius. Gedenkgabe zum z wdlfhundertsten Todestag, Fulda 1954, and more recently Bonifάtius-Leben und Nachwirken. Die Gestaltung des christlichen Europa im Fuhmittelalter, ed. F. J. FELTEN, J. JARNUT and L. Ε. VON PADBERG (~ellen und Abhandlungen zur Mittelrheinischen Κirch e nges chichte 121), Mainz 2007. J. BLAIR, The Church in Anglo-Saxon Society, Oxford 2005, 73 speaks of «a distinctly monastic Church in England afi:er 650».

7 8 9

Ιη

Οη the latter term see the subtle analysis by S. Fοοτ, Monastic Life in Anglo-Saxon England c. 600-900, C ambridge 2006, 251-265. Beda, Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum, ed. Β. COLGRAVE and R. Α . Β. MYNORS , Oxford 1969, Ι c. 26, 76-77 (for the Latin text and the English translation).

III Insular Mission to the Continent in the Early Middle Ages

57

this church they first began to n1eet to chant the psaln1s, to pray, to say n1ass, to preach and to baptize» (in hac [sc. ecclesia} ergo et ipsi primo convenire, psallere, orare, missas jάcere, praedicare et baptizare coeperunt) 10 -with the exception of the latter, what better description of n1onks' activities? Aidan is characterized as « a n1an of outstanding gentleness, devotion, and n1oderation, who had a zeal for God» (summae mansuetudinis et pietatis ac moderaminis uirum habentemque zelum Dei). 11 He was preceded in his task by «a n1an of harsher disposition» (alius austerioris animi vir) who failed to achieve anything and returned to Iona and reported to his elders that he could be of ηο use to teach the peoρle he had been sent to « because they were intractable, obstinate, and uncivilized» (homines indomabiles et durae ac barbarae mentis), 12 which provoked Aidan's intervention that the first envoy had been «unreasonably harsh uροη » his « ignorant hearers » (durior iusto indoctis auditoribusi) and that he had failed to adn1inister to then1 first lac doctrinae mollioris «the n1ilk of sin1pler teaching, as the apostle recon1n1ends, until little by little, as they grew strong οη the food of God's word, they were capable of receiving n1ore elaborate instruction and of carrying out the n1ore transcendent con1n1andn1ents of God». Thereupon they decided to send Aidan to instruct those ignorant unbelievers since he had proved hin1self to be pre-en1inently endowed gratia discretionis, quae virtutum mater est, « with the grace of discretion which is the n1other of all virtues ». 13 And slightly earlier, though in the san1e context, Bede had furthern1ore stated: «Indeed they were n1ostly n1onks who can1e to preach. Bishop Aidan was hin1self a n1onk» (Nam monachi erant maxime, qui ad praedicandam venerant [sc. de Scottorum regione]. Monachus ipse episcopus Aidan ... ). 14 One should n1oreover note that both n1onks, Augustine and Aidan,

10 11 12 13

14

Beda, Historia ecclesiastica, Ι, c. 26, 76-77. Beda, Historia ecclesiastica ΙΙΙ c. 3, 218-219. Beda, Historia ecclesiastica ΙΙΙ c. 5, 228-229 also for the following quotations. Ίhis quotation from Regula Benedicti 64, 19, pointed out by Giinther Spitzbart ίη his edition (following Mynors's) and German translation of Bede's Ecclesiastical History (Beda der Ehrwurdige Kirchengeschichte des englischen Volkes, tr. G. SPITZBART, Darmstadt 1982, 222 η. 55), was missed by Colgrave and Mynors, by Bullough and also, though only narrowly, by Wallace-Hadrill ίη his Bede's Ecclesiastical History ο/the English People. Α Historical Commentary, Oxford 1988, 96. For Bede's use of the RB, see the i1nportant paper by Η . MAYR-HARTING, 1he Venerable Bede, the Rule of St. Benedict, and Social Class, Jarrow Lecture 1976, esp. 8-9. Beda, Historia ecclesiastica ΠΙ c. 3, 220-221.

III 58 were also bishoρs, or rather beca01e bishops, ίη their evangelizing activity, thus anticipating the career-pattern/ experience ofWillibrord and Boniface. What 01ade the Continent such a worthwhile venue for insular Christians, s001eti01es aspiring Christians, 15 ίη general, 01onks and nuns ίη particular? Το visit the places of the 01artyrs was obviously a great attraction, Ro01e being the focal point (as for this sy01posion). There was also the chance to 01ake uρ for wants back ho01e οη a pilgri01age: to acquire books, icons, relics, and other precious objects; to obtain papal letters and privileges, get acquainted with novel practices and so forth; let 01e just 01ention Benedict Biscop, the founder of Wear01outh, 674, andJarrow, 681, ίη this context. 16 Apart fro01 this general idea of pilgri01age there can be observed a 01ore specific 01otive for peregrinatio which 01ade insular 01onks leave their ho01eland and seek self-i01posed exile as a higher for01 of asceticis01: Colu01banus is a case in point (590s). Such a life of voluntary exile could also lead to 01issionary activity, as when Colu01banus and his followers afi:er they were driven fro01 Francia and before they crossed the Alps were evangelizing in the Bodensee area (about 612), though for a very short ti01e only. 17 For the later insular 01issionaries self-inψosed exile was part and parcel of their activities. But apart fro01 the possible 01issionary side-effects of peregrinatio just 01entioned, and apart fro01 the obvious New Testa01ent precepts to convert the gentiles and the perception of their own conversion as potent 010tives or i01pulses, it 01ay be worthwhile to look to society at large for possible indications encouraging 01issionary activity. Now the life of s001e people we know of in seventh- and early eighth-century Britain see01s to be characterized by a certain restlessness and hyperactivity. Just think of Benedict Biscop (628-689), Cuthberht (about 634-687), Wilfrid (634-709), Guthlac (about 675-714), Willibrord, Boniface, Willibald (about 700-786), Wynnibald (701-761) etc.

15

For instance Caedwalla, king of the West Saxons ( t 689), an example of the kings who opted out and went to Rome; see Beda, Historia ecclesiastica V c. 7, 468-473 and C . STANCLIFFE, «Kings who opted out», ίη IdealandReality in Frankish andAnglo-Saxon Society, ed. Ρ. WORMALD with D. ΒυιιουGΗ and R. CοιιιΝs, Oxford 1983, 154176.

16

And his actiνities as portrayed by Beda, Historia abbatum Ι cc. 2-6 and 9, ίη Baedae opera historica, ed. C. ΡιυΜΜΕR, Oxford 1896, repr. 1964, 369-370 and 373.

17

Ionas, Vita Columbani Ι c. 27, ed. Β. KRUSCH (MGH Scriptores rerum Germanicarum ίη

usum scholarum), Hannover 1905, 211-217.

III Insular Mission to the Continent in the Early Middle Ages

59

Perhaps we are witnessing, as I tried to suggest soωe tiωe ago, 18 the syωptoωs of forωer ωeωbers of a warrior elite and their offspring having been drawn into the church, their restless pursuit of war, coωpetition, and plunder thereby being transforωed into ωore wholesoωe and deωanding activities such as the acquisition of all goods necessary for clerical life coωbined with the pursuit of knowledge, preaching, and less warlike feats of asceticisω. Even if one cannot be sure about the exact causes of this phenoωenon of restlessness and over-charged activity, it ωay be deeωed a contributing factor to the ωissionary enterprise overseas. Ιη this context it ωight be useful to reωind ourselves that the societies ίη which the ωissionaries operated and atteωpted their work of conversion (say ίη Willibrord's case the Frisians, Franks, and Thuringians) will not have differed so greatly froω the one they had grown up ίη. All the saωe, how did rhe ωissionaries succeed in a society where faωily ties and faωily support counted so ωuch? How could they set off the apparent iωbalance of having ηο ωighry faωily clan to rely οη? Obviously, there was the support of the Frankish political authority, the Carolingian ωayor of the palace, but this could be a burden at tiωes. Furtherωore there was the papal approval and then Willibrord and Boniface, to ωention just the two, were experienced and very learned ωeη, as was Coluωbanus, and quite old when they ventured abroad. However, they did not coωe οη their own, and by founding ωonasteries (like Echternach ίη Willibrord's case and the ωonastic foundations of St Boniface, notably Fulda) they not only created a safe haven and retreat for theωselves, 19 but also a reliable group ofhelpers. Moreover, ίη line with Gregorian tradition, this opened the way to train local youngsters for the ωinistry. But apart froω the new ωonastic foundations it was a broad network of support groups, ofi:en tied together by bonds of friendship and prayer, 20 that they could rely οη and that they used for their ωissionary, pastoral, and reforωing purposes. Α glance at the correspondence of saint Boniface will suffice. 21 Here the threads of a once ωuch tighter network drawing nuns, ωonks, lay people, and all kinds of clergy 18

SCHARER, «Gesellschafiliche Zustande im Spiegel des Heiligenlebens. Einige Folgerungen aus den Lebensbeschreibungen des hciligen Cuthberht», Mitteilungen des lnstituts fiir Osteπeichische Geschichtsjόrschung 100 ( 1992) 103-116, especially 112-116.

19

MAYR-HARTING, ComingoJChristianity, 266 refers to «monasteries as the learned backup to missionarywork».

20

Α.

As for friendship see MAYR-HARTING, Coming ο/ Christianity 8 and Fοοτ, Monastic

Life, 253-254. 21

Die Brieje des heilίgen Bonifάtius und Lullus, ed. Μ. TANGL (MGH Epistolae selectac 1), Berlin 1916.

III 60 together are clearly in evidence. 22 Ties of natural and spiritual family as well as friendship created a community with a notable female presence which thus counterbalanced the mighty family clans of their Frankish contemporaries. Finally let me address the question : Was there a missionary programme, some kind of underlying plan? Or was it just by chance that Willibrord started οη his mission to the Frisians (in 690)? Οη the evidence of Bede it is obvious that Willibrord's mentor Ecgberht (t 729) had definite ideas where to start the missionary work: He planned ro bring blessing ro many peoples by undertaking the aposrolic task of carrying the word of God, through the preaching of the gospel, ro some of those nations who had not yet heard it. He knew that there were very nιany peoples ίη Gernιany from whom the Angles and Saxons, who now live ίη Britain, derive their origin; ... Now these peoples are the Frisians, Rugians, Danes, Huns, Old Saxons, and Boruhtware (Sunt autem Fresones, Rugini, Danai, Hunni, Λntiqui Saxones, Boructuarii); there are also many other nations (alii perplures populi) ίη the same land who are still practising heathen rites ro whom this soldier of Christ proposed ro go ... 23 But as Ecgberht's attempts to embark οη the mission were thwarted (for him, according to Bede, a greater task was in store, viz. to bring lona to the correct calculation of Easter), he first sent Wihtbert who returned afi:er two fruitless years and then Willibrord. 24 ln the same «Ecgbertian and Willibrordian» context Bede mentions the two Hewalds who had also lived in lreland and who turned their attention to the Saxons at whose hands they were martyred. 25 And following Bede's narrative we finally have to mention Suidbert, who afi:er having been consecrated bishop-incidentally in competition to Willibrord-turned to convert the Boruhtware (Boructuarii). 26 At first glance it looks as though the list can partly be squared with the missionary efforts as related by Bede in consecutive chapters ofhis Ecclesiastical History (V cc. 9-11). The Frisions were, so to speak, targeted by Willibrord, the Old Saxons by the Hewalds and 22

S. SCHIPPERGES, Bonifatius ac socii eius. Eine sozialgeschichtliche Untersuchung des vVinfried-Bonifatius und seines Umjeldes ( ~ellen und Abhandlungen zur mittelrheinischen

23 24 25 26

Beda, Historia ecclesiastica V c. 9, 474-477.

Kirchengeschichte 79), Mainz 1996. Beda, Historia ecclesiastica V cc. 9-10, 478-480. Beda, Historia ecclesiastica V c. 10, 480-484. Beda, Historia ecclesiastica V c. 11, 484-487.

III Insular Mission to the Continent in the Early Middle Ages

61

the Boructuarii by Suidberht. But how to account for the Rugini, Danai, and Hunni whom Bede mentions only here? The first were taken to refer to a Slav peoρle Wίllibrord encountered οη his mίssίonary trίp to the Danes (Danai) whίch Bede, though, did not know about or chose not to know about. As for the Avars (Hunni), Frίtze suggested 27 that they entered the lίst at bishoρ Wίl­ frid's ίnstίgatίon durίng the latter's stay wίth Wίllibrord ίη 703, 28 and what looks like Ecgberht's mίssίonary programme, accordίng to Frίtze, actually comprises the more general ηοtίοη to evangelίze those who had not yet heard the word of God, specifically the peoρles from whom the Angles and Saxons ίη Brίtain derίved their οrίgίη, and a more detaίled lίst of ρeoρles origίnatίng ίη the circle of Wίllίbrord. 29 Apparently wίthout knowledge of thίs forcefully argued hypothesίs Wallace-Hadrίll took a contrary ροsίtίοη expressίng the feelίng «that Bede ίs sίmply quotίng hίs source: ίt ίs Egbert, not Bede, who knows about these people.» 30 Ecgberht's . Gegenίiber moglichen Einwanden, ich sei der Tendenz Bedas erlegen, ist etwas auszuholen. Die Bekehrungsphase, die ίη den letzten Auslaufern bis ίη die achtziger Jahre des 7. Jahrhunderts wahrte, wertete soziale Beziehungen der Fίihrungsschicht auf, wie Eheverbindungen, die zur Konversion fίihrten, und bereicherte sie um neue Elemente und 21) Wie vorige Αηιη. 22) Gildas, De excidio Britonum cc. 27-36, ed. Michael WιΝΤΕRΒΟΠΟΜ (1978) S. 99-105; Charles THoMAS, Christianity ίη Roman Britain to AD 500 (1981) S. 240ff. 23) Die klassische Darstellung lieferte Henry MAYR-HARTING, The Coming of Christianity to Anglo-Saxon England (3 1991); vgl. auch Arnold ANGENENDT, The Conversion of the Anglo-Saxons considered against the Background of the early medieval Mission, in: Angli e Sassoni al di qua e al di la del mare (Settimane di studio del centro italiano di studi sull'alto medioevo 32, 1986) S. 747-792; Knut ScHAFERDIEK, Die Grundlegung der angelsachsischen Kirche im Spannungsfeld insular-keltischen und kontinental-rδmi­ schen Christentums, ίη: Kirchengeschichte als Missionsgeschichte 2/1, hg. νοη Hansgίinther FROHNES et al. (1978) S. 149-191; James CAMPBELL, Observations οη the Conversion of England, ίη: DERS., Essays in Anglo-Saxon History (1986) S. 69-84; Lutz Ε. V0N PADBERG, Mission und Christianisierung. Formen und Folgen bei Angelsachsen und Franken im 7. und 8. Jahrhundert (1995); siehe des weiteren fίir eine regionale Detailstudie SιMs-WιLLIAMS, Religion and Literature (wie Αηιη. 7) S. 54ff. und zur Frage des Einflusses der britischen Kirche Clare STANCLIFFE, The British Church and the Mission of Augustine, in: St. Augustine and the Conversion of England, hg. νοη Richard GAMESON (1999) S. 107-151.

V 72 Ausdrucksformen von EinfluB, Vorherrschaft, ϋber- und Unterordnung, wie etwa Taufpatenschaft24). Weit entscheidender war noch ein anderer Beitrag der Mission, besonders der von Rom entsandten: das, was mit »Struktur der Kirche« umschrieben wurde. Gregor d. Gr. hatte ein Konzept fίir die Struktur, fίir den Aufbau der lnstitution Kirche bei den Angelsachsen - London und York Erzbistίimer mit je 12 Suffraganen25 )- besessen. Dieses lieB sich zwar nicht in der geplanten Form verwirklichen, sah aber eine episkopal gegliederte Kirche vor, die von Augustin den kleinraumigen Verhaltnissen in e i η e m Metropolitanverband mit Canterbury angepaBt wurde. Entscheidend war das Wirken Erzbischof Theodors (668-690) 26 ), der das Wachstum, das die Christianisierung gebracht hatte, in eine Bistumsorganisation ίiberfίihrte - zu acht existierenden Bistίimern kamen sechs bzw. sieben neue hinzu - und die Bischofe durch Synoden starker aneinander band. Die Kirche lieferte ein Beispiel, wie ein hierarchisches System dauerhaft funktionierte. Zudem zeigte sie augenscheinlich, wie weit das Herrschaftsgefίige reichte, wenn die Bischofe, die Sprengeln vorstanden, die teilweise weltlichen Herrschaftsbereichen entsprachen, zu Synoden zusammenkamen - nach Kanon 7 der Synode von Hertford (672/673) sollte dies jahrlich geschehen27 ). Damit wurde nicht nur der Zusammenhalt der Kirche gefordert, sondern auch der angelsachsischen Reiche, gewissermaBen die politische durch die kirchliche Integration vorweggenommen. lm 8. Jahrhundert nutzten die mercischen Konige Aethelbald und Offa Synoden nicht zuletzt zur Erweiterung und zum Ausbau ihres EinfluBbereichs. Aus diesen Grίinden scheint mir im episkopalen Aufbau der seit 664 allgemein romisch orientierten angelsachsichen Kirche - ίibrigens ist auch in Bedas Kirchengeschichte die Bischofssukzession von entscheidendem Belang28 ) - ein nicht zu unterschatzender lntegra24) Anton SCHARER, La conversion des rois anglo-saxons, ίη: Clovis: histoire et memoire. Le bapteme de Clovis, l'evenement, hg. νοη Michel RoucHE (1997) S. 881-897 (das englische abstract auf S. 897f. stammt nicht von mir); Cordula NoLTE, Conversio und christianitas. Frauen ίη der Christianisierung vom 5. bis 8. Jahrhundert (Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters 41, 1995) S. l0lff.; Arnold ANGENENDT, Kaiserherrschaft und Konigstaufe. Kaiser, Konige und Papste als geistliche Patrone ίη der abendlandischen Missionsgeschichte (Arbeiten zur Frϋhmittelalterforschung 15, 1984) S. 176ff. 25) Beda, Historia ecclesiastica (wie Anm. 9) Ι c. 29 (edd. CoLGRAVEIMYNORS S. 104-106). 26) Alan THACKER, Memorializing Gregory the Great: the Origin and Transmission of a Papal Cult ίη the Seventh and early Eighth Centuries, Early Medieval Europe 7 (1998) S. 59-84, hier 75ff. und Archbishop Theodore, hg. von Michael LAPIDGE (Cambridge Studies ίη Anglo-Saxon England 11, 1995). 27) Beda, Historia ecclesiastica (wie Anm. 9) IV c. 5 (edd. CoLGRAVE/MYNORS S. 348-352), hier cap. 7 (S. 352); vgl. zur Synode von Hertford im besonderen wie zum Synodalwesen der angelsachsischen Kirche im allgemeinen Hanna VoLLRATH, Die Synoden Englands bis 1066 (Konziliengeschichte Reihe Α: Darstellungen, 1985) S. 69ff.; Catherine CuΒιπ, Anglo-Saxon Church Councils c. 650-c. 850 (Studies ίη the Early History of Britain, 1995 ); Simon KEYNES, The Councils of Clofesho (Eleventh Brixworth Lecture = Vaughan Paper 38, 1994 ). 28) Siehe etwa Beda, Historia ecclesiastica (wie Anm. 9), Praefatio und V c. 23 (edd. CoLGRAVEIMYNORS S. 6, 558-560); Wilhelm LEVISON, Bede as Historian, ίη: Bede, his Life, Times and Writings, hg. νοη Α. Hamilton THOMPSON (1935) S. 133, 138, l 42f.

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tionsfaktor zu liegen. Weitere Errungenschaften der Bekehrung, sofern sie fίir das Thema νοη Belang sind, konnen hier nur stichwortartig angedeutet werden. Die Christianisierung brachte Bϋcher, Schreiben und Lesen, kurz Schriftlichkeit, und das nicht nur im Bereich der Verkϋndigung des Glaubens. So konnte beispielsweise das angelsachsische Urkundenwesen nicht direkt an spatantike Verwaltungspraxis and an romische Provinzialbehorden anknϋpfen. Es ist ein lmport, eine ϋber die Kirche vermittelte Aneignung mit den altesten faBbaren originalen Belegen ίη den 70er Jahren des 7. Jahrhunderts - um die Zeit, da auch die Silberwahrung einsetzte29). Die angelsachsische Konigsurkunde orientierte sich an der spatantiken Privaturkunde (carta), die amalgamiert wurde mit Formeln aus dem kirchlichen Urkundenwesen30 ). Die Verwendung der Urkunde fϋr Rechtsgeschafte, ίη erster Linie Schenkungen, bedeutet mehr als die Wahl einer dauerhafteren Form der Erinnerung. Die Schenkung wurde um ein Beurkundungsgeschehen erweitert, und gewisse Vorgange wurden beschreibbar und mithin erfaBbar gemacht, etwa GroBe des Besitzes, Zubehor, Lage und Grenzen; an dieser Stelle drang auch zuerst das Altenglische ίη die lateinische Urkundensprache eίη. 1st der Gedanke zu weit gespannt, hier Ansatze, wenngleich punktuelle, fίir die Erfassung des Landes zu orten? Ferner liegt es nahe, die Hufenangaben der Tribal Hidage und jene der U rkunden wie auch die νοη Beda gelieferten Daten ίη einem Zusammenhang zu sehen unter solch allgemeinen Aspekten wie Ertrag, Abgaben- und Tributforderung, Besitz- und HerrschaftsgroBe, Erfassung des Landes 31 J. Kurzum, die Vermittlung des Urkundenwesens fϋhrte zur Moglichkeit einer intensiveren Ausϋbung und Nutzung νοη Herrschaft und forderte in mittelbarer Weise auch Integrationsvorgange, da diese ίη unserem Beispiel νοη oben erfolgten. Dazu zahlte auch eine weitere Frucht der Bekehrung: die konigliche Gesetzgebung und deren schriftliche Fixierung. Horen wir wieder Beda. Ιη der Wϋrdigung Konig Aethelberhts νοη Kent heiBt es unter anderem 32J: » Unter den ϋbrigen guten Dingen, die er seinem Volk durch Fϋrsorge zuteil werden lieB, schuf er ihm mit dem Rat der Weisen Rechtsaufzeichnungen nach dem Beispiel der Romer; diese, in der Sprache der Angelsachsen geschrieben, werden bis heute νοη ihm gehalten und beachtet« (Qui inter cetera bona quae genti suae consulendo conferebat, etiam decreta illi iudiciorum iuxta exempla Romanorum cum consilio sapientium constituit; quae conscripta Anglorum sermone hactenus habentur et observantur ab ea). Das Vorbild der Romer und der Umstand der schriftlichen Fixie-

29) Philip GRIERSON/Mark BLACKBURN, Medieval European Coinage with a Catalogue of the Coins ίη the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge 1: The Early Middle Ages (S th-10 th centuries) (1986) S. 164ff., bes. 187. 30) ScHARER, Die angelsiichsische Konigsurkunde (wie Anm. 10) S. 23ff. 31) Vgl. Henry MAYR-HARTING, Saxons, Danes and Normans 409-1154: Overview, ίη: The Cambridge historical Encyclopedia of Great Britain and Ireland, hg. νοη Christopher HAIGH (1985, Nachdruck 1992) S. 54-58, hier 56. 32) Beda, Historia ecclesiastica (wie Anm. 9) ΙΙ c. 5 (edd. COLGRAVEIMYNORS S. 150); die ϋberseτzung weiτgehend nach SPITZBART (wie Anm. 9) S. 149.

V 74 rung waren direkte Folgen der Bekehrung und blieben nicht ohne Nachwirkung. Αη Aethelberhts Gesetze schlieίζen weitere Kodifikationen an, kentische (Hlothere und Wihtred) und westsachsische (Ine) des spaten 7. Jahrhunderts, dann spannt sich der Bogen νοη Offa (zweite Halfte des 8. Jahrhunderts), ohne daίζ dessen Gesetze so genau bestimmt werden konnen 33 ), zu Alfred (ausgehendes 9. Jahrhundert) und ίη umfassender Weise schlieίζen daran Kodifikationen des 10. und frϋhen 11. Jahrhunderts bis zu Knut d. Gr. 34 ). Inhaltlich verbindet die spaten mit den frίihen nicht allzu viel. Wesentlich scheinen ίη unserem Zusammenhang die neuerdings vor allem νοη Wormald aufgezeigten allgemeinen Tendenzen der wachsenden Beteiligung des Konigs, der Behandlung des Verbrechens als Verletzung der Gesellschaft und nicht b]οίζ des Opfers (insbesondere fίir Alfred bis Knut) und der Ausweitung des Tatbestands der Untreue 35 ). Die Gesetze wurden altenglisch aufgezeichnet. Die Frage nach Wirkung und Wirksamkeit der Gesetzgebung wollen wir offenlassen und nur auf die Moglichkeiten hinweisen, die hier im Hinblick auf Integration lagen und die νοη den Konigen Englands im 10. Jahrhundert auch entsprechend genutzt wurden. Είη weiteres, fίir das Thema der Integration zentrales Vermachtnis der Bekehrung war die im kirchlichen Rahmen artikulierte Identitat der Angelsachsen, die Entwicklung eines »Gemeinschaftsbewuίζtseins«, das auf politischer Ebene erstmals Konig Alfred voll ίη Anspruch nahm. Ich kann mich hier kurz fassen. Rufen wir uns nochmals die Tribal Hidage ίη Erinnerung: eine wahrscheinlich unvollkommene Auswahl an zahlreichen Gemeinschaften, folgern wir daraus die Vielzahl an Herrschern mit, selbst wo bekannt, groίζteils unterschiedlichen Herkunftstraditionen. Die Losung bot, wie vor allem Patrick Wormald zeigen konnte 36), das Bekenntnis zu Gregor d. Gr. und zur Gemeinschaft durch Bekehrung, zu der durch die Christianisierung geschaffene Heilsgemeinschaft. Die Herausbil-

33) Paτrick WoRMALD, Ιη Search of King Offa's Law-Code, ίη: People and Places ίη Northern Europe: Essays ίη honour of Peter Hayes Sawyer, hg. von Ian Wooυ/Niels LUND (1991) S. 24-45. 34) Vgl. die monumentale Εdίτίοη mίτ Kommentar, Glossar und Lexikon von Felix LIEBERMANN, Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen (1903-1916) 3 Bde., und dazu die ίiberragende Monographie νοη Patrick WoRMALD, The Making of English Law: King Alfred το the Twelfth Century (1999). 35) Patrick WoRMALD, Laws, ίη: Blackwell Encyclopaedia of Anglo-Saxon England (wie Anm. 1) S. 279280. 36) Patrick WORMALD, Bede, the Bretwaldas and the Origins of the Gens Anglorum, ίη: Ideal and Reality ίη Frankish and Anglo-Saxon Society: Studies presented το J. Μ. Wallace-Hadrill, hg. νοη Patrick WoRMALDIDonald BuLLOUGHIRoger CoLLINS (1983) S. 99-129; DεRs., The Venerable Bede and the Church of the English, ίη: The English Religious Tradiτion and the Genius of Anglicanism, hg. von Geoffrey RowELL (1992) S. 13-32; DεRs, Engla Lond: the Making of an Allegiance, The Journal of Historical Sociology 7 (1994) S. 1-24. Siehe auch Michael RιcHTER, Bede's Angli: Angles or English?, Peritia 3 (1984) S. 85-114; Sarah Fοοτ, The Making of Angelcynn: English Identity before the Norman Conquest, Transactions of τhe Royal Historical Society, 6th Series 6 (1996) S. 25-49.

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dung dieser Ideen wurden maBgeblich durch das Wirken Erzbischof Theodors gefordert37>. Unter Theodor und Hadrian hatte der gelehrte Aldhelm ίη Canterbury studiert. Der Westsachse, Abt von Malmesbury seit den 80er Jahren des 7. Jahrhunderts und von 705709 Bischof von Sherborne, pries ίη seinem nach 687 entstandenen, der Abtissin Hildilith von Barking gewidmeten Werk De virginitate Gregor d. Gr. als sedis apostolicae praesul, α quo rudimenta fidei et baptismi sacramenta suscepimus, als praeceptor et pedagogus noster und noch nachdrίicklicher als pervigil pastor et pedagogus noster, - noster inquam, qui nostris parentibus eπorem tetrae gentilitatis abstulit et regenerantis gratiae normam tradidit38>. Hierin bestanden die Fundamente der neuen Identitat: Bezug auf Gregor d. Gr. als den Meister, Lehrer und geistlichen Fίirsprecher. Von ihm nahm die »imaginare« Gemeinschaft ihren Ausgang und das heilsgeschichtliche Bindemittel war die Bekehrung, die ihm zugeschrieben wurde. Aldhelm nannte keinen Namen fίir diese auf Gregors providentielles Wirken zurίick­ gehende Gemeinschaft. Einen solchen lieferte die zwischen 704 und 714 im Kloster Whitby (Nordhumbrien) entstandene alteste Biographie Gregors d. Gr., der Liber beati et laudabilis viri Gregorii papae. Klarerweise spricht diese Lebensbeschreibung auch vom doctor noster sanctus Gregorius, noster magister, apostolicus noster sanctus Gregorius, beatus noster apostolicus Gregorius, und das hangt nicht bloB mit der Schilderung des Ausgreifens der von Gregor initiierten Mission nach Nordhumbrien und der Bekehrung Konig Edwins (t 633) zusammen. Zudem wird Gregor ganz gezielt mit der gens Anglorum in Verbindung gebracht. Dafίir zwei bekannte Beispiele: beimJίingsten Gericht, da alle Apostel ihre Volker anfίihrten und Gott zeigten, werde Gregor d. Gr. die gens Anglorum fίih­ ren39>; sodann die berίihmte, vor Gregors Pontifikat spielende Geschichte von den hellen, blonden, anglischenJugendlichen in Rom, die Gregor, als er von ihrem Kommen erfahren hatte, zu sehen wίinschte . Ιη der direkten Befragung deutet er die Namen Ang[u]li, Aelli und Deire als Angeli, Alleluia und De ira Dei confugientes ad fidem 40>.Die Anekdote kίin­ det zwar von einem starken »anglischen« Interesse. Doch wenn man den Sprachgebrauch des Liber beati Gregorii insgesamt betrachtet, ist ein umfassendes Verstandnis von Angli im Sinne von Angelsachsen, »Englandern« vorauszusetzen; so heiBt es von Konig Aethel37) THACKER, Memorializing Gregory the Great (wie Anm. 26); DERS, Peculiaris Patronus Noster: The Saint as Patron of the State ίη the Early Middle Ages, ίη: The Medieval State: Essays Presented to J ames Campbell, hg. vonJ. R. MADDrcoπ/D. Μ. PALLISER (2000) S. 1-24, hier 17f. Im Folgenden greife ich ϋber­ legungen auf, die ich ausfϋhrlicher in: Herrschaft und Reprasentation (wie Anm. 3) S. 130-133 und in »Die Rolle der Kirche bei der Identitatsbildung der Angelsachsen«, ίη: Die Suche nach den Ursprίingen. Von der Bedeuτung des frίihen Mittelalters, hg. ν. Walter PoHL (Forschungen zur Geschichte des Mittelalters 8, Denkschriften Wien 322, 2004) S. 255-260, entwickeln und darlegen konnte. 38) Aldhelm, De virginitate cc. 13, 42, 55, ed. Rudolf EHWALD (MGH Auct. Ant. 15, 1919) S. 242,293,314. 39) The Earliest Life of Gregory the Great c. 6, ed. Bertram CoLGRAVE (1968, Nachdr. 1985) S. 82. 40) Ebenda c. 9 (S. 90).

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berht von Kent, er habe als erster der reges Anglorum die Taufe empfangen41 J. Die Lebensbeschreibung aus Whitby folgte Gregor d. Gr., der selbst stets die Bezeichnung Angli verwendet hatte 42). Zu dem schon bei Aldhelm geauBerten Bekenntnis zu Gregor als dem Lehrer, Meister und Apostel trat nun ein Name fίir die Gemeinschaft der Bekehrten, die Angelsachsen hatten eine gemeinsame Identitat bekommen. Die Namensdeutung durch Gregor d. Gr. verlieh dem Angelnnamen erhohte Legitimitat und wertete ihn spirituell auf. Entscheidend fίir Verbreitung und Propagierung der neuen Identitat wurde Bedas Kirchengeschichte; seine Version der Geschichte der Namengebung43 ) und das dem Werk zugrunde liegende universelle Verstandnis νοη gens Anglorum blieben bestimmend. Es versteht sich, daB damit die Zeugnisse nicht abrissen und auch nicht auf Nordhumbrien beschrankt blieben. Die Kurzformel der Berufung auf Gregor als pater noster findet sich etwa ίη einer »sίidhumbrischen« Synode des Jahres 747 44\ und selbst ίη Urkunden erscheint ίm spaten 8. Jahrhundert die Wendung »solange der Glaube in gente Anglorum bestehe« als Ausdruck unbeschrankter Dauer45 J. Bekenntnisse zu Gregor ίη der oben skizzierten Art bringen im 9. Jahrhundert beispielsweise das altenglische Martyrolog aus Mercien und die Angelsachsenchronik46 J. Das einigende Band, das die Kirche geknίipft und das auch die angelsachsischen Missionare auf dem Kontinent umfangen hatte, hat wie kein anderer vor ihm Konig Alfred fίir seine Zwecke und die Selbstbehauptung der Angelsachsen eingesetzt. Doch davor haben wir einen Blick auf die Herausbildung groBerer politischer Einheiten im 8. Jahrhundert zu werfen. War fίir die langste Zeit im 7. Jahrhundert die labile Oberherrschaft oder Vorherrschaft der lmperium-Trager charakteristisch, schlieBt daran eine Periode der mercischen Vorherrschaft. Sie wurde ίm AnschluB an Sir Frank Stentons klassischen Artikel ίiber »the Supremacy of the Mercian Kings« 47 J auch als die »mercische Suprematie« 48 ) bezeichnet. Fast eineinhalb Jahrhunderte wahrend, ist sie am starksten ίη der Herrschaft Konig Aethelbalds (716-757) und nochmals gesteigert ίη der Konig Offas (757-796) ausgepragt. Es ist dies auch eine Machtverlagerung ίη den sίidhumbrischen Raum. lm Kernbereich ihrer Herr-

41) Ebenda c. 12 (S. 94). 42) R1cHTER, Bede's Angli (wie Anm. 36) S. 103-105. 43) Beda, Historia ecclesiastica (wie Anm. 9) ΙΙ c. 1 (edd. CoLGRAVEIMYNORS S. 132-134). 44) Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents relating to Great Britain and Ireland 3, edd. Arthur West HADDAN/William SτuBBS (1871) S. 368 (Kanon 17 der Synode von Clofeshoh). 45) Siehe etwa Peter Η . SAWYER, Anglo-Saxon Charters: an annotated List and Bibliography (Royal Historical Society Guides and Handbooks 8, 1968) Nr. 153; ScHARER, Die angelsachsische Konigsurkunde (wie Anm. 10) S. 248 mit Anm. 126. 46) Vgl. ScHARER, Herrschaft und Reprasentation (wie Anm. 3) S. 125f., 128. 47) 1918 ίη der English Historical Review 33 veroffentlicht, wieder abgedruckt ίη: Frank Μ. SτΕΝΤΟΝ, Preparatory to Anglo-Saxon England: being the collected Papers of Frank Μ. Stenton, hg. von Doris Μ. STENTON (1970) S. 48-66. 48) VoLLRATH, Konigsgedanke und Konigtum (wie Anm. 10) S. 122ff.

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schaft landumschlossen 49 >, greifen die mercischen Konige fast zwangslaufig nach wichtigen kίistennahen Handelszentren und -verbindungen. Bevor wir diesen gewaltsamen IntegrationsprozeB naher beleuchten, moge nochmals Beda zu Wort kommen. Im vorletzten Kapitel der Kirchengeschichte, einer kurzen Bestandsaufnahme seiner Gegenwart (731 ), schlieBt an eine nach den einzelnen Reichen gegliederte ϋbersicht ίiber die Bischofe der gegenwartigen Zeit folgende Bemerkung50>: Et hae omnes provinciae ceteraeque australes ad confinium usque Humbrae Jluminis cum suis quaeque regibus Merciorum regi Aedilbaldo subiectae sunt, also alle sίidhumbrischen Reiche mit ihren Konigen seien dem Mercierkonig Aethelbald untergeordnet. Die an dieser Stelle ganz unmiBverstandlich angesprochene Vorherrschaft zeigt sich auch ίη den Intitulationes νοη Aethelbalds Urkunden, etwa ίη Titeln wie Konig der Suutangli oder einmal rex Britanniae51 >. Was ist das Neue an Aethelbalds Herrschaft? Um zu den Intitulationes zurίickzukom­ men: weniger einzelne Titelexperimente als der eher regelmaBige Gebrauch der Legitimationsformel52). Dazu kommen weitere Indizien der kirchlichen Legitimierung von Aethelbalds Stellung. Nach der zu seinen Lebzeiten entstandenen Vita sancti Guthlaci verdankte Aethelbald seinen Aufstieg vom Exil zum Konigtum der Kirche 53 >. Selbst die harsche Kritik des Bonifatius laBt sich ίη diesen Zusammenhang einordnen54>. Vielleicht hatte auch, wie ich meine, Aethelbald eine Salbung empfangen55). Ganz sicher traf dies auf Konig Offas Sohn Ecgfrith zu, fίir den eine Salbung zu 787 berichtet wird 56>. Eine rege Synodaltatigkeit, besonders zur Zeit Offas, die konigliche Prasenz dabei und vereinzelte Bestimmungen fίir den Konig vervollstandigen das Bild, ebenso die allgemeinen Privilegierungen fίir die Kirche (Aethelbald) 57> und reiche Schenkungen. Den mit der Verchristlichung des Konigtums verbundenen Autoritatsgewinn konnten also Aethelbald und Offa ins Spiel bringen, wobei eine Wechselbeziehung anzunehmen ist zwischen geistlich gestarkter Stellung und Expansionspolitik. Neben Formen der Vorherrschaft trat die direkte Expansion, etwa Aethelbalds Herrschaft ίiber London ab den 30er Jahren des 8. Jahrhunderts. Das Ziel war ein wirtschaftlich lukratives, was auch die ersten unmittelbaren Zeugnisse verraten:

49) Diesen Aspekt betont MAYR-HARTING, Saxons, Danes, Normans (wie Anm. 31) S. 56. 50) Beda, Historia ecclesiastica (wie Anm. 9) V c. 23 (edd. CoLGRAνE/MYNORS S. 558). 51) Daz u Anton SCHARER, Die lntitulationes der angelsachsischen Konige im 7. und 8. Jahrhundert, ίη : lntίtulatio ΠΙ. Lateinische Herrschertitel und Herrschertitulaturen vom 7. bis zum 13. Jahrhundert, hg. von Herwig WoLFRAMI Anton ScHARER (ΜΙόG Erganzungsband 29, 1988) S. 9-74, hier 56ff. 52) Ebenda S. 50ff. 53) Felix, Vita sancti Guthlaci (wie Anm. 17) cc. 49, 52 (S. 148-150, 164-166). 54) Die Briefe des heiligen Bonifatius und Lullus Nr. 73, ed. Michael TANGL (MGH Epp. sel. 1, 1916) 146-155. 55) ScHARER, Herrschaft und Reprasentation (wie Anm. 3) S. 34ff. 56) The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Α Collaborative Edition 3: MS Α, ed. Janet BATELY (1986) S. 39 zu 785 (recte 787). 57) SAWYER, Anglo-Saxon Charters (wie Anm. 45) Nr. 92.

s.

V 78 Befreiungen vom Schiffszoll, die Aethelbald kentischen und mercischen kirchlichen Empfangern gewahrte58 >. Was unter Aethelbald vielleicht in Ansatzen zu erkennen war, verfolgte Offa mit aller Hartnackigkeit. Zunachst das Ringen um die direkte Herrschaft ίiber Kent 59 ): Nach einem ersten Vorstofζ in den sechziger Jahren und Rίickschlagen regierte Offa ab Mitte der achtziger Jahre unangefochten ίiber Kent. Den Vorwand fίir sein erstes Eingreifen durfte ihm vielleicht das Erloschen der kentischen Dynastie im Mannesstamm geliefert haben. Wie im Falle Londons war ein wirtschaftlich gewinnbringendes Objekt Ziel von Offas aggressiver Expansionspolitik. In anderen Bereichen, wo wir das an Hand der Urkunden verfolgen konnen, war er gleichfalls um eine intensivere Herrschaftsausίibung bemίiht. So versuchte er ίiberaus hartnackig, die Unterkonige der Hwicce (Bistum Worcester) in die Position von Amtstragern zu drίicken, was nach einiger Zeit gelang, und ahnlich verfuhr er mit den Sίidsachsen 60>. Offas Bemίihungen zielten auf die Erweiterung seiner unmittelbaren Herrschaft. Die wirtschaftlichen Interessen, die seine Expansionspolitik (mit)bestimmten, auBerten sich auch im monetaren Bereich, in einer neuen Pfennigmίinze (von ungefahr 760 an) 61 ). In diesem Kontext verdient ein GroBprojekt nahere Beachtung: Offa's Dyke, eine 103 km lange, gegen Wales gerichtete Wallanlage 62 ). Diesen mit Graben geschίitzten Erdwall zu errichten, setzte ein groBes Mafζ an Planung, an Ressourcen und an Macht voraus. Auf mogliche Querverbindung en zu den Burgen- und Brίickenbau betreffenden Bestimmungen in Urkunden wurde aufmerksam gemacht. Fίir Expansion und Integration hat Offa auch die Zusammenkίinfte der sίidhumbri­ schen Bischofe eingesetzt. Einen Widersacher wie Erzbischof Jaenberht νοη Canterbury konnte er notfalls durch die Errichtung eines neuen, allerdings sehr kurzlebigen mercischen Erzbistums (Lichfield) in die Schranken weisen 63 >. Die »groBere«, sίidhumbrische Einheit, wahrscheinlich der Rahmen von Offas Politik, war bei diesen in der mercischen EinfluBsphare tagenden Synoden prasent. ϋber die Bischofe hatte der Mercierkonig, formulieren wir es als vage Frage, in andere Reiche hineinregieren konnen 64 >; auf bescheide58) SCHARER, Die angelsiichsiche Konigsurkunde (wie Anm. 10) S. 195ff. 59) Vgl. ebenda S. 217ff. u. 262ff. sowie DERS, Intitulationes (wie Anm. 51) S. 45ff., 63ff.; Charters of St. Augustine's Abbey Canterbury and Minster ίη Thanet, ed. Susan Ε. KELLY (Anglo-Saxon Charters 4, 1995) s. 198ff. 60) ScHARER, Die angelsiichsische Konigsurkunde (wie Anm. 10) S. 255ff.; DERS, lntitulationes (wie Anm. 50) S. 36f., 63f.; DERS, Offa, Konig der Mercier (757-796), ίη: Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde 22 (22003) S. 22-24. 61) GRIERSON/BLACKBURN, Medieval European Coinage (wie Anm. 29) S. 276ff. 62) Siehe zuletzt David H1n/Margaret WoRTHINGTON, Offa's Dyke, ίη: Reallexikon 22 (wie Anm. 60) S. 24-28; Margaret WoRTHINGTON, Offa's Dyke, ίη: Blackwell Encyclopaedia of Anglo-Saxon England (wie Anm. 1) S. 341f. 63) Nicholas BRooκs, The Early History of the Church of Canterbury (Studies ίη the Early History of Briτain, 1984) S. 118ff. 64) Vgl. KEYNES, Councils of Clofesho (wie Anm. 27) S. 18f.

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nerem Niveau hatte er sich auch des Klosterverbandes von Medeshamstede (Peterborough) bedienen konnen65 ). Dort, wo ein direktes Eingreifen nicht moglich war, wahlτe Offa andere Mittel und Wege, Einfluίζ zu gewinnen: Eheverbindungen. Eine Tochter heiratete den Konig der Westsachsen (789), eine andere den Konig der Nordhumbrer (792) 66 ). Die vor allem im letzten Jahrzehnt seiner Herrschaft zu beobachtenden Versuche Offas, die Nachfolge abzusichern und gewissermaίζen eine Dynastie zu bilden, scheiterten, da Ecgfrith den Vater nur ein halbes J ahr ίiberlebte. Was Offa mit der Eingliederung ehemals weitgehend selbstandiger Reiche in die mercische Herrschaft gesat hatte, ernteten die westsachsischen Konige. Auf einige dieser Einheiten fallt etwas Licht mit dem Ende der mercischen Herrschaft ίiber den Sίiden Englands im Jahre 825. Nach einem erfolgreichen westsachsischen Vοr­ sτοίζ unterwarfen sich die Kenter, die Leute νοη Surrey, die Sίidsachsen und die Ostsachsen Konig Ecgberht (802-839), »weil sie davor zu Unrecht νοη seinen Verwandten weggezwungen worden waren«, wie die Angelsachsenchronik berichtet67). Zur Erlauterung: Ecgberht stammte wahrscheinlich νοη einem Kenterkonig ab, kurzzeitig ίibte er sogar eine weitreichende Vorherrschaft aus (829), dauerhafter waren die genannten Einheiten, die wir als »shires« wiedererkennen 68 ). Dieser Komplex ursprίinglich selbstandiger Konigreiche diente unter Ecgberht und dessen Sohn Aethelwulf als Unterkonigtum des jeweils altesten Sohnes 69), eine eher kurzfristige Losung. Doch sieht man daraus, was Ecgberht gelang: eine Dynastie zu grίinden; von ihm stammen die Konige der Westsachsen und Angelsachsen des 9., 10. und 11. Jahrhunderts ab (bis auf Knut, Harald 1., Harthaknut und Harald 11. im 11. Jahrhundert). Zur Absicherung und Erhohung seiner Stellung versicherte er sich und seine Familie ίη vertragsahnlicher Form der dauerhaften Unterstίitzung des Erzbischofs νοη Canterbury 70 ); zusatzliche Legitimierung wurde dadurch gewonnen, daίζ Aethelwulf und dessen Sohne, also die Enkel Ecgberhts, sehr wahrscheinlich eine Salbung empfangen hatten 71 ). Fίir Alfred weiίζ man dies sicher, und insofern Hinkmar bei der Kompilierung

65) ScHARER, Die angelsachsische Kδnigsurkunde {wie Anm. 10) S. 254; KEYNES, Councils of Clofesho (wie Anm. 27) S. 35f. 66) Handbook of British Chronology, hg. νοη Ε. Β. FRYDEID. Ε. GREENWAYIS. PoRTERIE. RoY (Royal Historical Society Guides and Handbooks 2, 3 1986) S. 16. 67) The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle MS Α (wie Anm. 56) S. 41 zu 823; Simon KEYNES, The Control of Kent ίη the Ninth Century, Early Medieval Europe 2 (1993) S. 111-131. 68) James CAMPBELL, The History of the English Shires (Derbyshire County Council 1997); Simon KEYNES, Shire, ίη: Blackwell Encyclopaedia of Anglo-Saxon England (wie Anm. 1) S. 420-422 und unten S. 82. 69) KEYNES, Control of Kent (wie Anm. 67) S. 124; ScHARER, Herrschaft und Reprasentation (wie Anm. 3) S. 16 Anm. 26. 70) SAWYER, Anglo-Saxon Charters {wie Anm. 45) Nr. 1438; dazu BRooκs, Early History of the Church of Canterbury (wie Anm. 63) S. 146f., 323ff.; KEYNES, Control of Kent (wie Anm 67) S. 121ff.; ScHARER, Herrschaft und Reprasentation (wie Anm. 3) S. 26f. 71) Ebenda S. !!ff.

V 80 des Judith-Ordo den ersten englischen Ordo benίitzte 72 >, liegt es bei Aethelwulf, Judiths Gemahl, nahe. Seit Offa war das karolingische Vorbild in vielen Belangen einflufζreich; Ecgberht war im frankischen Exil gewesen, unter seinem Sohn Aethelwulf gesta!teten sich die Beziehungen noch enger. Auch Alfred zeigte sich karolingischen Einflίissen vor allem im Bereich von Herrschaftsreprasentation und -ideologie sehr aufgeschlossen. Im Hinblick auf die Frage nach der Integration ist aber fίir das 9. Jahrhundert ein zunachst »externer« Faktor besonders herauszustreichen. Ιη ersten Ansatzen ίm ausgehenden 8. Jahrhundert, dann zu Ende νοη Ecgberhts Herrschaft und seit Jahrhundertmitte mit aller Vehemenz wurden die »Danen« (im Sprachgebrauch der angelsachsischen Quellen und Literatur, sonst als Normannen oder Vikinger bezeichnet) die grofζe Herausforderung der angelsachsischen Konigreiche. Das Folgende kann nicht mehr als eine Skizze sein73 >. Ιη den fίinfziger Jahren ίiberwinterten danische Verbande bereits ίη Kent, es kam zu Vorstofζen nach Canterbury und London (851). Die Lage verscharfte sich noch in den sechziger J ahren. Ein grofζes Heer, das gegen Ende 865 gelandet war und in Ostanglien ίiber­ wintert hatte, veranderte die politische Lage grundlegend. Ιη den folgenden fϋnf Jahren kamen Ostanglien, Nordhumbrien und Teile Merciens ίη die danische Einflufζsphare. Nachdem sie den Konig der Ostangeln beseitigt hatten, war Wessex das nachste Ziel der Danen. Als Alfred im April 871 nach drei alteren Brίidern an die Herrschaft kam, konnten sich die Westsachsen nur mit Mίihe des grofζen danischen Heeres erwehren; sie mufζ­ ten den Frieden erkaufen. Das Netz zog sich immer enger um Wessex. Alfreds Schwager, der Mercierkonig Burgred, wurde 874 vertrieben, an seiner Stelle wurde Ceolwulf, ein den Danen gefίigigerer Herrscher eingesetzt. Nachdem ein Teil des »grofζen« Heeres νοη Ende 875 bis Sommer 877 den Westsachsen zu schaffen gemacht hatte, kam es zu Beginn des J ahres 878 zur Krise. Ιη einem Winterfeldzug griffen die Danen vollig ίiberraschend an, Alfreds Schicksal schien besiegelt. Der Konig zog sich mit einer kleinen Schar in die Walder und Moore um Athelney zurίick. Doch gelang es Alfred, nachdem er die wenigen ihm verbliebenen Krafte mit einem Aufgebot aus Somerset, Wiltshire und Teilen Hampshires vereinigt hatte, in der achten Woche nach Ostern die Danen bei Edington entscheidend zu schlagen. Der Danenkonig Guthrum liefζ sich taufen, die Gefahr war zunachst einmal gebannt. Die folgenden Jahre nίitzte Alfred mit allen Mitteln zur Konsolidierung seiner Ρο-

72) Capitularia regum Francorum Nr. 296, edd. Alfred BoRETius/Victor KRAUSE (MGH Capit. 2, 1897) S. 425-427. Grundlegend dazuJanet NELSON, The Earliest Surviving Royal Ordo: Some Liturgical and Historical Aspects, ίη: Authority and Power: Studies in Medieval Law and Government presented to Walter Ullmann, hg. νοη Brian TIERNEY/Peter LINEHAN (1980) S. 29-48, wieder abgedruckt in: DIES., Politics and Ritual in Early Medieval Europe (1986) S. 341-360, hier S. 343ff. 73) Vgl. etwa Frank Μ. STENTON, Anglo-Saxon England (3 1971) S. 239ff.; Patrick WoRMALD, The Ninth Century, in: The Anglo-Saxons (wie Anm. 5) S. 132-157, hier S. 144ff.; Simon KEYNES, The Vikings ίη England, c.790-1016, in: The Oxford illustrated History of the Vikings, hg. νοη Peter SAWYER (1997, Nachdruck 2001) S. 48-82.

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sition und zu Reformen, die sich gegen eine neue danische Streitmacht ίη den neunziger Jahren erfolgreich bewahrten. Mag Auswahl und Dramatik des Geschehens ίη der Schilderung von Angelsachsenchronik und Assers Lebensbeschreibung Alfreds (893) - beide Werke entstanden an Alfreds Hof74) - auch ίiberhoht und im Sinne Alfreds voreingenommen sein, eines laBt sich zweifellos festhalten. Waren auch die Westsachsen unter danische Herrschaft gekommen, dann hatte ich hier abbrechen mίissen, dann waren auch die Integrationsprozesse anders verlaufen. Nebenbei sei hier angemerkt: etwas ίiber ein Jahrhundert spater sah die Lage anders aus; die Herrschaftsmaschinerie war soweit ausgebildet und stabil, daB sie auch unter einem danischen Konig funktionierte. So wirkten die Danen als »agents of social and political change« 75 J. Die polίtische Landkarte hatte sich grίindlich verandert. Ιη Ostanglien, Northumbrien und Teilen Merciens hatten sich die Danen etabliert, mit dem verbliebenen Teil Merciens kooperierte Alfred eng. Seit den spaten sechziger Jahren gab es eine gemeinsame Wahrung; zu dem 874 vertriebenen Burgred bestanden enge Familienbeziehungen; er hatte eine Schwester Alfreds geheiratet, Alfreds Frau wiederum war die Tochter eines mercischen GroBen und stammte mίitterlicherseits νοη mercischen Konigen ab. Selbst mit dem spater als Leichtgewicht abgetanen Ceolwulf, dem νοη den Danen unterstίitzten Nachfolger Burgreds, kam es zu einer engen Kooperation auf wirtschaftlichem Gebiet 76 ); nach dem Ende von Ceolwulfs Herrschaft verschob sich die Zusammenarbeit, nun mit Aethelred, seit den achtziger Jahren Alfreds Schwiegersohn, immer mehr zugunsten Alfreds. Die auBere Bedrohung nίitzte Alfred mit groBem Geschick zu seinem Vorteil. Die νοη ihm angestrebten Ziele und verfolgten MaBnahmen bezweckten eine intensivere Form der Herrschaft und wurden νοη einem allumfassenden Herrschaftsanspruch begleitet. Unter Alfred wurde mit einem ehrgeizigen Programm zur Errichtung und Instandhaltung νοη Befestigungen und deren Bemannung begonnen. Betroffen waren Stadte und Burgen. Eine einschlagige als Burghal Hidage bekannte Liste, die wahrscheinlich unter Alfreds Sohn Edward d. Alteren aufgezeichnet wurde, hat sich erhalten77 J. Es handelt sich um ein Verzeichnis νοη insgesamt 31 Burgen und befestigten Siedlungen mit der Angabe, wieviele Hufen dazugehorten, um Errichtung, Instandhaltung und Bemannung zu ge-

74) Asser, De rebus gestis Aelfredi, ed. William Henry STEVENSON (1904); Alfred the Great: Asser's Life of King Alfred and other contemporary Sources, ίibers. u. komm. νοη Simon KEYNES/Michael LAPIDGE (1983 ); ScHARER, Herrschaft und Reprasentation (wie Anm. 3) S. 51 ff., 61 ff. zur Angelsachsenchronik und zu Asser. 75) KEYNES, The Vikings ίη England (wie Anm. 73) S. 50. 76) GRIERSON/BLACKBURN, Medieval European Coinage (wie Anm. 29) S. 31 lf. 77) Zu allen Aspekten dieser Liste vgl. den Band The Defence of Wessex: The Burghal Hidage and AngloSaxon Fortifications, hg. νοη David HILL/Alexander R. RuMBLE (1996); eine kritische Ausgabe des Textes und ϋbersetzung bietet Alexander R. RuMBLE, Αη Εdίτίοη and Translation of the Burghal Hidage, together with Recension C of the Tribal Hidage, ebenda S. 14-35, hier S. 24-35. Siehe auch Asser's Life of King Alfred (wie Anm. 74) S. 193f., 339ff.

V 82

wahrleisten. Von folgendem Schlίissel wurde ausgegangen: jede Hufe stellte einen Mann, vier Manner wurden fίir fίinfeinhalb yards Wall benotigt. Die Summe ίibertraf 27 000 Hufen, was einem Aufgebot von ebenso vielen Mannern entsprach. Mogliche Verbindungen lassen sich zu den Burgen- und Brίickenbau betreffenden Bestimmungen ίη Urkunden herstellen 78 ). Solche Auflagen wurden im vorliegenden Fall vermutlich ίη gesteigerter Form gefordert. Είη Programm wie das der Burghal Hidage zugrunde liegende mit dem Netzwerk befestigter, stategisch gelegener Platze geht, wie Nicholas Brooks zeigen konnte, von der Existenz der »shires« (Grafschaften) aus 79 ). Unter Alfreds Nachfolger Edward d. Alteren und Aethelflaed, der mit Aethelred, dem dux der Mercier, verheirateten Tochter, wurde beides, shires und Burgen, ίη die zurίickeroberten Gebiete Merciens ίiber­ tragen. Mercien stand spatestens seit 886 unter Alfreds Oberhoheit, nahm aber, solange sein Schwiegersohn und seine Tochter lebten, eine Sonderstellung ein, wovon sich auch spater noch Spuren erhalten haben. DaB Alfred ίη seinen Planungen Anregungen νοη jenseits des Kanals empfangen hatte, ist offenkundig, doch ihm gelang es, die befestigten Platze ίη seiner Hand zu halten, damit wirtschaftliche Impulse zu setzen und Ertrag zu erzielen80). Von der Grίindung von Stadten und Errichtung von Burgen berichtet auch Asser ίη seiner Biographie Alfreds 81 ); da Alfred bei ihm sehr stark nach dem Vorbild Konig Salomons gezeichnet ist82 ), wurde der eine oder andere Zug dieses natίirlich auf jenen ίibertragen, der UmriB trifft aber zu. Parallel zur Schaffung befestigter Stίitzpunkte kam es zu Reformen ίη Heeresorganisation und Hofstaat, die auf Dienst ίη Schichten hinauslief; auch hort man νοη neuen Schiffen83 ). Solche Ziele auch nur teilweise zu verwirklichen, war eine Leistung. Die Mobilisierung der materiellen Mittel wurde begrίindet, begleitet und ίibertroffen von einem enormen Bemίihen um Bildung, der Entwicklung einer Bildungspolitik und Herr-

78) Besonders aufschlu6reich, nichτ zuleτzτ auf Grund der vergleichenden SichτJaneτ NELSON, The Franks and the English ίη τhe ηίητh cenτury reconsidered, ίη: The Preservaτion and Transmission of Anglo-Saxon Culτure, hg. νοη Paul Ε . SzARMACH/Joel Τ. RosENTHAL (Sτudies ίη Medieval Culτure 40, 1997) S. 141-158, hier S. 146ff., wieder abgedruckt ίη: Drεs., Rulers and Ruling Families ίη Early Medieval Europe: Alfred, Charles τhe Bald, and Others (Variorum Collected Sτudies Series, 1999) VI. 79) Nicholas Ρ. BRooκs, The administrative Background το τhe Burghal Hidage, in: Defence of Wessex (wie Αηιη. 77) S. 128-150, hier S. 133f. 80) Ιη diesem Kontexτ sind auch Alfreds Mίinzpragungen naher zu erortern; vgl. GRIERSONIBLACKBURN, Medieval European Coinage (wie Αηιη. 29) S.311ff. sowie die einschlagigen Beiτrage ίη : Kings, Currency and Alliances: History and Coinage of Southern England ίη τhe Ninth Century, hg. νοη Mark Α. BLACKBURN/David Ν. DuMVILLE (Sτudies ίη Anglo-Saxon History 9, 1998). 81) Asser, De rebus gesτis Aelfredi (wie Anm. 74) c. 91 , S. 77f. 82) ScHARER, Herrschafτ und Reprasenτaτion (wie Αηιη. 3) S. 83ff. 83) Asser, De rebus gesτis Aelfredi (wie Αηιη. 74) c. 100 (S. 86f.); Anglo-Saxon Chronicle MS Α (wie Αηιη. 56) S. 60f. (zu 896); Asser's Life of King Alfred (wie Αηιη. 74) S. 118f., 289f.

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schaftsideologie, welche die zunachst im kirchlichen Bereich artikulierten Vorstellungen der Gemeinschaft aller Angelsachsen aufgriff und propagierte84 ). Die herausgehobene Stellung Alfreds haben die hofnahen Quellen nachhaltig betont, besonders mit Hilfe diverser genealogischer Ausfίihrungen; entscheidender war das als Ausstrahlung der Hofkultur Karls d. Kahlen angesprochene salomonische Vorbild mit der Weisheit als zentralem Wert 85 ). Das Vorwort zur ϋbertragung der Regula pastoralis ins Altenglische zeigt, wie gelaufig dem Konig selbst diese Vorstellungen waren 86 ). Die Gesetze Alfreds wiederum stellten Herrenverrat unter besondere Sanktion und stiirkten Eid und Versprechen 87). Ιη den Gesetzen knίipft Alfred auch bewuίζt an die Gesetze Aethelberhts, lnes und Offas an, allein dadurch bekriiftigt er seinen Anspruch, ίiber alle Angelsachsen (auίζerhalb des danischen Bereichs) zu herrschen. lm Vorwort zur Regula pastoralis spricht er ίiber den Bildungsverfall bei den Angelsachsen auch aus gesamtheitlicher Perspektive. Davon kίindet auch die νοη der Angelsachsenchronik zum Schlίisselereignis hochstilisierte, unter 886 berichtete Begebenheit88 ): Nach der Einnahme Londons durch Alfred erkannten alle Angelsachsen auίζerhalb des danischen Bereichs seine Herrschaft an. Danach erneuerte Alfred die Befestigungen und ίibertrug die Stadt an »ealdorman« Aethlred (seinen Schwiegersohn). Die hier niiher betrachteten lntegrationsvorgiinge zeichneten sich dadurch aus, daίζ sie νοη oben erfolgten; deshalb war nach Voraussetzungen wie Stellung der Herrscher, familiiiren Beziehungen, eingesetzten Mitteln und dergleichen zu fragen. Langerfristig war die lntegration erfolgreich, wenn ihr eine Idee zugrunde lag 89). Wirtschaftliche Faktoren spielten zweifellos eine Rolle, lassen sich fίir das frίihe Mittelalter aber ίη ihrer Bedeutung nur schwer niiher bestimmen; einem davon, der Wiihrung, kommt im angelsiichsischen England, vor allem wenn wir die Entwicklungen des 10. Jahrhunderts einbeziehen, allerdings νοη

84) SCHARER, Herrschaft und Reprasentation (wie Anm. 3) S. 119ff. 85) Nikolaus SτAUBACH, Rex Christianus. Hofkultur und Herrschaftspropaganda im Reich Karls des Kahlen. Teil ΙΙ: Die Grundlegung der »religion royale« (Pictura et Poesis 2/ΙΙ, 1993); Janet NELSON, Charles le Chauve et les utilisations du savoir, ίη: L'ecole carolingienne d'Auxerre de Murethach aRemi 830-908, hg. von Dominique !OGNA-PRAτ/Colette JEUDY/Guy LoBRICHON (1991) S. 37-54, wieder abgedruckt in: D1Es., Rulers and Ruling Families (wie Anm. 78) VII. 86) King Alfred's West Saxon Version of Gregory's Pastoral Care, ed. Henry SwEET (Early English Text Society 45, 50, 1871) 1 S. lff.; Asser's Life of King Alfred (wie Anm. 74) S. 24ff. 87) ScHARER, Herrschaft und Reprasentation (wie Anm. 3) S. 1 lOff. 88) Anglo-Saxon Chronicle MS Α (wie Anm. 56) S. 53; dazu Janet NELSON, The Political Ideas of Alfred of Wessex, ίη: Kings and Kingship ίη Medieval Europe, hg. von Anne J. DuGGAN (King's College London Medieval Studies 10, 1993) S. 125-158, hier S. 154ff., wieder abgedruckt ίη: DrEs., Rulers and Ruling Families (wie Anm. 78) IV. 89) U m an die Diskussion der Tagung anzuschlie/ζen: solche Ideen lassen sich auch ίη Selbstzeugnissen der Hauptakteure, nicht nur Alfreds, erkennen; man denke nur an die Intitulationes. Ausgespart blieben bei unseren ϋberlegungen die Integrationsvorgange im walisischen und schottischen Bereich.

V 84 Gewicht zu. Entscheidend erwies sich im Falle der Angelsachsen die Kirche. Als nahm sie die politische lntegration vorweg, und ίη ihrem Bereich entstand das Gemeinschaftsbewufζtsein der Angelsachsen. groίζeres

lnstίtution

VI

Die Intitulationes der angelsachsischen Konige im 7. und 8. Jahrhundert

lnhαlt: Ι. Vorbemerkung S. 9. - ΙΙ. Schriftlichkeit und Publizitat 8.16. - ΠΙ . Kent S. 39. - IV. Mercien. - Aethelbald S. 48. - Offa S. 63 . - V. AbschlieBender ϋberbli ck : Nort humbricn S. 70. - Westsachsen S. 70. - Ostsa chscn S. 73. - Sίidsachscn S. 74. Surrey S. 74. - Hwicce S. 74.

Ι.

VORBEMERKUNG

Die Beschaftigung mit den frίih- und hochmittelalterlichen Herrschertiteln hat fίir die Verfassungsgeschichte, die Ideengeschichte des Konigtums, die Geschichte der Herrschaftszeichen und nicht zuletzt die Diplomatik reichen Ertrag gebracht 1 . Ausgespart blieben bisher die Behandlung der angelsachsischen Konigstitel sowie die Darstellung der kapetingischen Intitulationes. Der Befassung mit den Titeln der angelsachsischen Konige mul3te die kritische Auseinandersetzung mit dem Urkundenwesen vorausgehen; zunachst galt es namlich festzustellen, was echt und was gefalscht war2 . 1

2

Herwig W olfram, Intitulatio Ι. Lateinische Konigs- und Fiirstentitel bis zum Ende des 8. Jahrhunderts (MIOG Erg.-Bd. 21, 1967) u. Intitulatio ΙΙ. Lateinische Herrscherund Fiirstentitel im neunten und zehnten Jahrhundert. Hrsg. von Herwig Wolfram (MIOG Erg.-Bd. 24, 1973); besonders sei verwiesen auf die kritische Wiirdigung der Rezensionen νοη Intitulatio I ίη Wolframs Beitrag zu Intitulatio ΙΙ 7 ff. - Im weiteren werden folgende Abkiirzungen gebraucht: ASC Ι = Anglo-Saxon Charters 1. Charters of Rochester (ed. by Alistair Campbell, London 1973). Beda ΗΕ = Beda, Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum (ed. Charles Plummer, Venerabilis Baedae opera historica, Oxford 1896) - diese Edition umfaBt auch Bedas Historia abbatum, seine Epistola ad Ecgbertum sowie die anonyme Historia abbatum ; auf den umfangreichen Kommentar Plummers zu Bedas Kirchengeschichte wird mit der Sigle Plummer ΙΙ verwiesen. CS = Cartularium Saxonicum: Α Collection ofCharters Relating to Anglo-Saxon History (ed. by Walter de Gray Birch, London 1885-1893). ChLA = Chartae Latinae Antiquiores (ed. by Albert Bruckner & Robert Marichal) 3 (1963) u. 4 (1967). Sawyer = Anglo-Saxon Charters. Αη Annotated List and Bibliography (by Peter Η . Sawyer, Royal Historical Society Guides and Handbooks 8, London 1968). Siehe den Forschungsbericht von Nicholas Brooks, Anglo-Saxon charters: the work of the last twenty years. Anglo-Saxon England 3 (1974) 211-231 sowie den ϋberblick

VI 10

Wenn im folgenden eιn1ge Stationen der Erforschung der angelsachsischen Konigstitel geschildert werden, so geschieht dies unter Bedachtnahme auf den chronologischen Rahmen, der dieser Untersuchung gesetzt ist: die Diskussion ίiber den Imperator-Titel bleibt unberίicksichtigt 3 . Die Intitulationes in ihrem Aussagewert fίir die Politik der jeweiligen Titeltrager (Herrscher) zu deuten, versuchte als einer der ersten Sir Frank Μ. Stenton in seiner klassischen Studie "The Supremacy of the Mercian Kings" 4 • Stenton hatte erkannt, daB die Hegemonie der mercischen Konige des 8. Jahrhunderts im Urkundenwesen am deutlichsten zum Ausdruck kam. Davon ausgehend trachtete er, besonders was die Urkunden Aethelbalds und Offas betrifft, die Frage nach der Echtheit der Titel, nach deren Herkunft und ,,historischpolitischer Bedeutung", welche von entscheidendem Gewicht fίir die Beurteilung der Intitulationes ist, zu beantworten5 • Wenn heute nicht alle seine Antworten befriedigen konnen 6 , tut dies seiner imposanten Leistung keinen Eintrag.

3

4

5 6

ίη Anton Scharer, Die angelsachsische Konigsurkunde im 7. und 8. Jahrhundert (Veroffentlichungen d. Instituts f. dsterr. Geschichtsforschung 26, 1982) 11-19 und neuerdings Patrick Wormald, Bede and the Conversion of England: the Charter Evidence (Jarrow Lecture 1984). Die Auseinandersetzung mit dem lmperator-Titel Konig Coenwulfs von Mercien (796-821) ίη Sawyer 153 (= CS 289 = ChLA 191) aus dem Jahre 798 bleibt einer eigenen Studie vorbehalten, die von der Gesamtheit der von Coenwulf ausgestellten Urkunden auszugehen hat und dem Skriptorium von Christ Church Canterbury, wie Mary Prescott Parsons, Beitrage zum angelsachsischen Urkundenwesen bis zum Ausgang des neunten Jahrhunderts (Diss. Wien 1937) bes. 40-75 und Nicholas Brooks, The Early History ofthe Church ofCanterbury. Christ Church from 597 to 1066 (Studies ίη the Early History of Britain, Leicester 1984) bes. 327ff. u. 401 f. (index of charters mit allen Verweisen) gezeigt haben , besonderes Augenmerk schenken muB. Die fragliche Urkunde spielte auch eine Rolle ίη der Kontroverse zwischen Richard Drogerei t, Kaiseridee und Kaisertitel bei den Angelsachsen. ZRG GA 69 (1952) 24- 73 und Edmund Ε. Stengel, Imperator und Imperium bei den Angelsachsen. Eine wort- und begriffsgeschichtliche Untersuchung. DA 16 (1960) 15-72, wiederabgedruckt ίη: ders., Abhandlungen und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Kaisergedankens im Mittelalter (1965) 287-342, bes. 339ff. - Die zeitliche Grenze unserer Untersuchung markiert der Tod Konig Offas von Mercien (796). Frank Μ. Stenton, The Supremacy of the Mercian Kings. EHR 33 (1918) 433-452, wiederabgedruckt ίη: Preparatory to Anglo-Saxon England - Being the Collected Papers of Frank Merry Stenton. Edited by Doris Mary Stenton (Oxford 1970) 48- 66. Nach diesem Neudruck zitieren wir im weiteren. Wolfram, Intitulatio 1 22. Beispielsweise hielt Stenton, Supremacy 60 ff. die gefalschten Diplome Sawyer 110 (CS 213) und 111 (CS 214), mit den Intitulationes ,,ego Offa rex Anglorum" (Sawyer 110) und ,,ego Offa rex totius Anglorum patriae" (Sawyer 111) fiir echte Belege; zum Falschungsnachweis vgl. u. a. Hanna Vollrath-Reichelt, Konigsgedanke und Konigtum bei den Angelsachsen bis zur Mitte des 9. Jahrhunderts (Kolner Historische Abhandlungen 19, 1971) 172; Scharer, Konigsurkunde (wie Anm.2) 228ff. und Patrick Wor-

VI Die Intitulationes der angelsachsischen Konige

11

Ein wichtiges Problem bildet fίir Stenton die Όbereinstimmung zwischen Titel und ,,Verfassungswirklichkeit", die er fίir das 8. Jahrhundert bejaht, und im Zusammenhang damit die Einschatzung des Anteils, den der Urkundenschreiber jeweils an der Formulierung der Intitulatio hatte 7 . Ιη heutiger Sicht wird man Stentons Position als eine, welche die Intitulationes der angelsachsischen Konige als Fremdaussagen auffaBt8, charakterisieren dίirfen. Daran knίipfte ein halbes Jahrhundert spater Hanna Vollrath-Reichelt an 9 . Berechtigterweise kritisiert sie, die ,,Launen eines Schreibers als Erklarung heran(zu)ziehen"IO; Vollrath beschaftigt sich ihrerseits - dem Vorbild Stentons folgend - mit der ,,Bedeutung der Worter und Wortfίigungen in den Titulaturen " 11 sowie der Untersuchung des ,,Aussagegehalts" der ,, Titulatur" jeder einzelnen Urkunde νοr dem Hintergrund der Expansionspolitik der mercischen Konige des 8. Jahrhunderts 12 . Im groBen und ganzen blieb also der Ansatz Stentons gewahrt, doch die Verfeinerung der Methode und ein noch starkeres Eingehen auf den Wortlaut der Urkunden,,titulaturen" erbrachte manch neuen, interessanten und wichtigen AufschluB insbesondere ίiber die Bedeutung der einzelnen in den Intitulationes νοr allem Aethelbalds gebrauchten Bezeichnungen. Mit W ortinterpretation befaBte sich auch Barbara Υ orke 13 . AuBer historiographischen Quellen, νοr allem den einschlagigen Stellen νοn Bedas Kirchengeschichte und Angelsachsenchronik, untersucht Υ orke Briefe und Urkunden auf die Existenz eines bestimmten, ausgepragten Vokabulars der Vorherrschaft hin, was sie νerneint 14 . Unter den Intitulationes, die sie νοη Aethelbald (,,the first king to whom titles conνeying oνerlordship were applied in charters") 15 bis Alfred - mit zu geringer Berίicksichtigung der Echtheitsfrage - verzeichnet, hebt sie fίinf Titel(typen) (,,used to convey overlordship")16 hervor, wονοη vier hauptsachlich die Zeit der mercischen Hegemonie im 8. Jahrhundert betreffen, und wίirdigt diese ausfίihrlicher 17 ; den Beobachtungen ίiber den ,,rex Merciorum"-Titel kommt groBe Bedeutung zu 18 .

7

8 9

10 11 12

13

14 15

16 17

18

mald, Bede, the Bretwaldas and the Origins of the Gens Anglorum. ln: ldeal and Reality ίη Frankish and Anglo-Saxon Society. Studies presented to J. Μ. WallaceHadrill (ed. by Patrick Wormald with Donald Bullough and Roger Collins, Oxford 1983) 110. Vgl. etwa Stenton, Supremacy 54 u. 61. Zum BegriffWolfram, Intitulatio 124f. Vollrath-Reichelt (wie Anm.6). Vollrath-Reichelt, Konigsgedanke 142. Ebenda 143. Ebenda l42ff. Barbara Α. Ε. Yorke, The Vocabulary of Anglo-Saxon Overlordship. Anglo-Saxon Studies ίη Archaeology and History 2 (BAR British Series 92, Oxford 1981) 171-200. Yorke, Vocabulary 178. Υ orke a.a.O. 179. Yorke, Vocabulary 179 ff. u. 186 ff. (Tabellen mit Titelverzeichnis). Ebenda. Yorke, Vocabulary 183.

VI 12

Auch triigt Yorke dem Umstand der Empfangerausfertigung Rechnung. Die Urkunden seien zwar ,,a more accurate guide to titles which may have been in use at the royal courts" als die historiographischen Quellen, doch ,,some titles may reflect the practices of different episcopal and monastic scriptoria rather than the usages of the royal courts" 19 . Wie ihre Vorgiinger glaubt Υ orke also, wegen des Faktums der Empfangerausfertigung es mit Titulaturen, d. h . Fremdaussagen zu tun zu haben. Zu den Vorzίigen von Υ orkes Analyse ziihlt nicht zuletzt der Umstand, da13 sie den Legitimationsformeln etwas Aufmerksamkeit schenkt. Selbstverstiindlich fanden einzelne Titel, besonders jene, die eine Art von Vorherrschaft anzudeuten oder fίir Rolle und Verstiindnis des Konigtums aussagekriiftig zu sein schienen, immer wieder in der Literatur Beachtung20 , doch wurde ihnen auBer in den genannten Arbeiten keine systematische oder zusammenhiingende Darstellung gewidmet. Soweit eine kurze Skizze der wesentlichen Deutungsversuche der angelsiichsischen Konigstitel des 7. und 8. Jahrhunderts. Zum groBten Verdienst der bisherigen Forschung wird man die umfassende Erkliirung und lnterpretation des Wortlautes der Intitulationes rechnen dίirfen. Demgegenίiber blieben allgemeine Erwiigungen ίiber Wesen und Gehalt des Titels, sieht man von der Erorterung der moglichen Beeinflussung der Intitulatio durch den Urkundenschreiber ab, groBteils vernachliissigt. Es stellt sich mithin die Frage, wie die von Herwig W olfram anhand der lateinischen Herrscher- und Fίirstentitel bis zum Ende des 10. Jahrhunderts entwickelten Vorstellungen und Thesen fίir das weite Gebiet der angelsiichsischen Intitulationes nutzbar zu machen sind. Wolfram selbst deutet die Wichtigkeit der ,,angelsiichsischen Konigstitel " folgendermaBen an: ,,Ein echter Mangel meiner Arbeit besteht freilich in dem Umstand, da/3 die angelsiichsischen Formen der Intitulatio unberίicksichtigt blieben .... Die Aussparung der angelsiichsischen Intitulatio schien jedoch nicht deshalb notwendig, weil die ,angelsiichsische Konigsurkunde' als Ganzes ,auf einer eigenen Entwicklung beruht', sondern weil trotz der Bemίihungen Albert Bruckners und anderer bis heute nicht einmal die Substanz der Originalίiberlieferung eindeutig feststeht , geschweige denn ein verliiBliches ,discrimen veri ac falsi' fίir die kopiale Tradition gefunden wurde. Erίibrigt sich zu sagen, da/3 fίir die frίihe angelsiichsische Konigsurkunde auch ein ,Classen' fehlt. Eine solche Vorarbeit halte ich jedoch fίir unbedingt notig, bevor man anstelle bloBer Meinungen, an denen ohnehin kein Mangel ist, glaubhafte und stichhaltige Aussagen ίiber den angelsiichsischen Konigstitel machen kann. Im Augenblick mochte ich mich nur auf die Feststellung beschriinken, da/3 vor 800 in den als Originale geltenden Stίicken ein einfacher Konigstitel ίiberwiegt .. . " 21 . 19 20

21

Yorke a.a.O. l 79. Beziiglich des Imperator-Titels siehe oben Anm. 3. Ein weiteres instruktives Beispiel liefert der angebliche ,,rex Anglorum" Titel Offas; vgl. oben Anm. 6 und unten S. 63 Anm. ll4. Wolfram, Intitulatio 1 18 f. Ιη diesem Sinne auch Wolfram ίη Intitulatio II l 42 Anm. 15.

VI Die Intitulationes der angelsiichsischen Konige

13

Die Forschungsergebnisse der letzten beiden Jahrzehnte auf dem Gebiet des angelsachsischen Urkundenwesens 22 lassen die Voraussetzungen zur Untersuchung der angelsachsischen Konigstitel, wenngleich von unterschiedlicher Qualitat und Dichte, heute etwas gίinstiger erscheinen als vor zwanzig Jahren . Handelt es sich bei den Intitulationes angelsachsischer Konigsurkunden um Selbstaussagen oder um Fremdaussagen, sind an einem anderen (groBteils durch KanzleimaBigkeit gekennzeichneten) Urkundenmaterial bewahrte Thesen und gewonnene Erkenntnisse auf angelsachsische Verhaltnisse ίibertrag­ bar? Diese Fragen gilt es zunachst abzuklaren und zu beantworten. Von ausschlaggebendem Gewicht hat sich in der bisherigen Diskussion das Fehlen einer Kanzlei bei den Angelsachsen - zumindest im 7. und 8. Jahrhundert - erwiesen 23 . Die Urkunden wurden vom Empfanger und, sofern dieser ein Laie war, fιir den Empfanger hergestellt. Die Existenz einiger Diktatgruppen, das heiBt von Urkunden weitgehend ahnlichen Diktats fίir verschiedene Empfanger, laBt freilich erkennen, daB die Vorstellung von der Empfangerausfertigung nicht zu rigid und mit zu groBer AusschlieBlichkeit verstanden werden darf; einzelne kirchliche Zentren (Kloster bzw. Bischofssitze), vielleicht auch einzelne Personen, die allerdings kaum mehr quellenmaBig faBbar sind , spielten eine bedeutende Rolle bei der Ausstellung von Urkunden 24 . Ιη der bereits kurz gewίirdigten Literatur zu den Intitulationes vornehmlich des 8. Jahrhunderts sowie in Harald Kleinschmidts Ausfίihrungen ίiber die Konigstitulaturen im 10. Jahrhundert tritt in verdeckter oder offener Form die Tendenz zutage, aufgrund des Faktums der Empfangerausfertigung und des Fehlens einer koniglichen Kanzlei die Intitulationes der Urkunden als Titulaturen, das heiBt als Fremdaussagen anzusehen 25 . Vielgestaltigkeit und Formenreichtum des Titelwesens sowie die versuchsweise Zuschreibung des

22

23 24 25

Im Gegensatz dazu meint Harald Κ leinsch mid t , Untersuchungen iiber das englische Konigtum im 10. Jahrhundert (Gottinger Bausteine zur Geschichtswissenschaft 49, 1979) 39f. Anm.41, daB ,,konsequenterweise" ίη lntitulatio Ι und ΙΙ ,,die Urkundentitulaturen der altenglischen Zeit nicht behandelt" worden seien, da es sich auf Grund des Fehlens einer Konigskanzlei bei den fraglichen Intitulationes durchwegs um Fremdaussagen handle. Vgl. oben Anm. 2. Besonders hingewiesen sei auf die grundlegenden Arbeiten von Pierre Chaplais. Fiir die Friihzeit des angelsiichsischen Urkundenwesens sind vor allem die folgenden zu nennen: Pierre Chaplais, The origin and authenticity ofthe royal AngloSaxon diploma. Journal of the Society of Archivists 3, 2 (1965) 48-61 ; ders ., Some early Anglo-Saxon diplomas οη single sheets: originals or copies? Ebendort 3, 7 (1968); ders., Who introduced charters into England? The case for Augustine. Ebendort 3, 10 (1969) 526-542. Vgl. oben S.12 u. Anm.21 . Siehe etwa Scharer 19f., 23f. , 129ff., 220ff., 253f. Stenton , Supremacy 54 ff. , Vollrath-Reichelt, Konigsgedanke 142 f., Yorke, Vocabulary 179ff., Kleinschmidt (wie Anm . 21).

VI 14

einen oder anderen Titels an ein bestimmtes Skriptorium 26 scheinen auf den ersten Blick fίir diesen Ansatz zu sprechen. Vor der Auseinandersetzung ίiber den Stellenwert, welcher der KanzleimaBigkeit als Kriterium ίη der Unterscheidung zwischen Selbstaussage und Fremdaussage zukommt, und der naheren Bestimmung unserer Position, seien einige der in diesem Zusammenhang wesentlichen Darlegungen Wolframs rekapituliert. ,,Die Intitulatio laBt den einzelnen, namentlich festgelegten Konig und Fίirsten ίiber sich selbst aussagen, was zumeist bloB die Theorie seiner Herrschaft betrifft, jedoch bis zur Reflexion ίiber das personliche Schicksal des Titeltragers reichen kann" 27 . Mit anderen Worten : In der Intitulatio nennt sich der Herrscher selbst, er spricht unmittelbar zur ()ffentlichkeit, der Titel laBt sich mithin als ,,Herrschaftszeichen" 28 ; ja als Symbol des Staates begreifen29; davon zu scheiden sind die Falle, wo andere vom Herrscher reden, etwa in der Permissionsformel30 oder Datierung einer Urkunde, der Adresse eines Briefes - dabei handelt es sich um Fremdaussagen, um Titulaturen. Wolfram stellt weiters klar, daB man ,,im allgemeinen wird ... annehmen dίirfen, daB ein Titel die Zustimmung dessen erfahren habe, in wessen Namen er geschrieben wurde" 31 . Aber auch die Zustimmung der Reprasentierten, des Populus, ist vorauszusetzen 32 . Indem der Titel weiters als von Theorie und Opportunitat gepragte AuBerung begriffen wird , gewinnt die Beziehung von Intitulatio und Verfassungswirklichk eit scharfere Konturen: ,,nur dort, wo die beiden (Theorie und Opportunitat) die historische Realitat voll und ganz anerkennen dίirfen , fangt die Theorie des Titels auch die realen , objektiven Gegebenheiten ein" 33 . W enn wir nach dem Stellenwert der Kanzlei in diesem Gedankengefίige fragen, ist zunachst festzuhalten, daB Wolfram die Bedeutung der Kanzleie!'Zeugnisse vom Konigsbrief der Volkerwanderungsze it bis zu den Diplomen der Ottonen betont34 , sich aber auch der Problematik der fehlenden KanzleimaBigkeit (etwa ,,in vielen nichtdiplomatischen ,acta Karolinorum' , in den Briefen, Kapitularien und Konzilsakten, die seit 742/44 im Namen des Fran-

26

27

28 29

30

:Η 32 33 34

Vgl. beispielsweise unten 8.57 iiber den ,,grof3en" Titel Aethelbalds und die Beobachtungen iiber die diktatmaf3ige Zuordnung einiger kentischer Urkunden der sechziger Jahre des 8. Jahrhunderts unten 8.47. Wolfram, Intitulatio 1 12. Ebenda 17. Wolfram, Intitulatio 11 14. Siehe dazu unten S. 36. Ιη dieser Formel wird die Zustimmung Offas zu einer Schenkung der Unterkonige der Hwicce festgehalten. Vgl. u. a. Sawyer 56, 58 und 59; dazu Scharer 255ff. Intitulatio 1 21. Intitulatio 11 14. Wolfram, Intitulatio 1 12. Vgl. Intitulatio 1 20f. und lntitulatio 11 12.

VI Die lntitulationes der angelsachsischen Konige

15

kenherrschers als Reichsgesetze ausgestellt werden") 35 und der Empfangerausfertigungen bewuBt ist. Die Annahme, Existenz oder Fehlen einer Kanzlei seien entscheidendes Unterscheidungsmerkmal zwischen Selbstaussage und Fremdaussage, geht allein von der rein ,,diplomatischen" Seite des Titelwesens aus. Demgegenίiber hat W olfram nachdrίicklich auf den entscheidenden Belang der historischen und verfassungsgeschichtlichen Seite hingewiesen. Im Titel ist sowohl die Zustimmung des Titeltragers wie auch der durch diesen Reprasentierten verbindlich enthalten. Bei Wolfram heiBt dies: ,,Die Problematik des Titels als Selbstaussage ist daher eine Frage von Reprasentanz und Identifikation. Wer sich zum Beispiel ,rex Francorum' nennt, der reprasentiert eine bestimmte Politik, mit der er sich selbst und der Populus der Franken identifizieren. Wird an dieser Formel eine Anderung vorgenommen, dann haben Reprasentierender wie Reprasentierte zuzustimmen, sofern die Neuschopfung die traditionellen Moglichkeiten ίibersteigt " 36 . Der Offentlichkeitsbezug, der letztlich jeder Urkunde und jeder Intitulatio innewohnt, wird daher auch einen wesentlichen Faktor ίη der Deutung der Intitulationes der angelsachsischen Konigsurkunde - zumindest in dem von uns gewahlten Zeitraum - als Selbstaussagen bilden 37 . Die Urkunde ist nicht nur Teil eines ,,offentlichen" Geschafts , sie bekundet das Zusammenwirken von Herrscher und reprasentativer ()ffentlichkeit38 und wendet sich auch an diese. Um die von uns festgelegte Ausgangsposition abzusichern, werden wir uns zunachst mit dem Nachweis des ()ffentlichkeitsbezuges beschaftigen, den wir als konstitutiv fίir das Faktum der Selbstaussage ansehen39; es geht um die Frage nach der Schriftlichkeit, auch der Konige , sowie damit in Verbindung um die Frage nach dem Stellenwert von schriftlichen Dokumenten, Urkunden im besonderen. Sodann wird zu fragen sein, wieweit die erhaltenen Urkunden selbst die von uns vertretene Anschauung stίitzen konnen. Danach werden wir uns den Titeln im engeren zuwenden; es versteht sich , daB bei der Bewertung der Echtheitsfrage strenge Kriterien angelegt werden und stets die gesamte Urkunde einbezogen wird. Die Freiheit bei der Titelgestaltung und der relative Reichtum an Titeln, der auch dazu fίihrte , die Schreiberlaune als Erklarung heranzuziehen 40 , hangt mit der Entstehung des angelsachsischen Urkundenwesens zusammen. Die 35

36 37

38 39

40

Intitulatio Ι 21. Intitulatio 11 14. Zum Nachweis des Offentlichkeitsbezugs siehe das folgende Kapitel, unten S. 28ff. Wolfram, Intitulatio ΙΙ 14. Zum Begriff ,,Offentlichkeit" vgl. Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe. Historisches Lexikon zur politisch-sozialen Sprache in Deutschland (hrsg. von Otto Brunner, Werner Conze, Reinhart Koselleck) 4 (1978) 413ff. (Lucian Holscher) , sowie: Staat und Politik (hrsg. von Ernst Fraenkel u. Karl Dietrich Bracher, Das Fischer Lexikon 2, 2 1964) 220 ff. bes. 221 f. zur ,,repriisentativen Offentlichkeit" (Jϋrgen Habermas). Vgl. Vollrath-Reichelt, Konigsgedanke 142 zur Kritik an Stenton, Supremacy 54.

VI 16

Carta, νοn der sich die angelsiίchsische Konigsurkunde hauptherleitet, hatte als Priνaturkunde keine ausgepriίgte Intitulatio; diese ist eine den Verhiίltnissen angepaBte Neuschopfung41 . Eine weitere Eigenart des angelsiίchsischen Urkundenwesens ist fiir unsere Untersuchung νοn Belang: der Konig spricht in erster Person und nennt seinen Titel nicht nur in der Intitulatio, sondern zumeist auch in der Subscriptio42 . Deshalb werden diese , oftmals fiir das Titelwesen sehr wichtigen AuBerungen 43 in unsere Erorterungen einbezogen. Die zentrale Rolle des Konigtums im Verfassungsgefiige des Friihmittelalters ist unbestreitbar. So zahlreich die Nachrichten iiber Konige und das Konigstum sind, so selten erfιihrt man etwas dariiber vom Herrscher selbst: die Intitulationes und Subscriptiones bilden hierin eine Ausnahme. Bedenkt man, daB diese Zeugnisse aus einer Welt stammen ,,in which one of the questions which most needed answering was, 'What is a king?' " 44 , wird ihr Wert offenkundig. spiίtantike

siίchlich

ΙΙ . SCHRIFTLICHKEIT UND PUBLIZIT Α. Τ

Die polygenetische Entstehung des angelsiίchsischen Urkundenwesens in der zweiten Hiίlfte des 7. Jahrhunderts mit dem fast gleichzeitigen Einsetzen der urkundlichen Vberlieferung in beinahe allen Reichen wiίhrend der siebziger Jahre liίBt sich νerstehen als Teil eines kulturellen Rezeptionsprozesses, der bereits durch auswiίhlende Aneignung - im Gegensatz zur bloB aufnehmenden - gekennzeichnet ist 1 . Ein MindestmaB an Verstiίndnis fiir die Vorteile der Schriftlichkeit auch auBerhalb des rein kirchlichen Bereichs muBte bereits νorhanden sein. Die Schriftlichkeit ist eine Frucht der Christianisierung, ihre Ausbreitung hiίngt eng mit der Bekehrung zusammen. Die Religion des Buches machte die Neubekehrten mit den verschiedenen Formen literarischer A.uBerungen, beispielsweise Briefen, schnell bekannt; nicht nur die Missionare, sondern auch die bekehrungswilligen und neubekehrten Konige sind Empfιinger piίpstlicher Schreiben, etwa die merowingische Christin Bertha2 und ihr Mann, der Kenterkonig Aethelberht 3 , an die Gregor der GroBe Briefe richtete4 . Ahnliches Scharer 30f. Scharer 54. Es handelt sich um die subjektiv gefaBte Subscriptio, die sich sehr bald gegeniiber der objektiv stilisierten bei Aussteller, hoher Geistlichkeit und den Spitzen der weltlichen GroBen durchsetzt. • 3 Vgl. auch Wolfram, Intitulatio 1 22f. 44 James Campbell, Bede's ,Reges' and ,Principes' (Jarrow Lecture 1979) 12. 1 Scharer 55 ff. 2 Gregorii Ι papae registrum epistolarum (ed. von Ludo Μ. Hartmann, MGH ΕΕ 2, 1899) ΧΙ 35 S. 304 vom Juni 601. 3 Gregor d. Gr. (wie Anm . 2) ΧΙ 37 p.308-310 vom 22. Juni 601 und Beda ΗΕ 1/32, 67 . • Vgl. dazu Henry Μ a y r- Η a rt ί η g, The Coming of Christianity to Anglo-Saxon England

41

42

VI Die Intitulationes der

angelsiίchsischen

Konige

17

laBt sich beim Vordringen der ,,romischen" Mission nach Northumbrien beobachten: Man vergleiche die Schreiben des Papstes Bonifaz V. an Konig Edwin 5 und dessen Gattin Aethelburga6 . Auch der Nachfolger Bonifaz' V. , Honorius Ι., wandte sich an den inzwischen konvertierten, zur Zeit der Abfassung des Briefes schon toten Edwin 7 . Die wahrscheinlich νοη Geschenken begleiteten ,,Bekehrungsschreiben" wurden wohl verlesen und ίibersetzt; einerseits νοη Augustin, andererseits νοη Paulinus. Sie mίissen die Empfanger unmittelbar mit dem neuen Medium bekannt gemacht haben; freilich weiB man noch nichts νοη einer bewuBten Anteilnahme. Ιη diese Richtung weist hingegen ein Schreiben νοη Bonifaz V. an Erzbischof Justus νοη Canterbury8 , in welchem der Papst einen Brief Konig Eadbalds νοη Kent erwahnt 9 ; ahnlich verhalt es sich ίiber vierzig J ahre spater, als Papst Vitalian an Konig Oswiu schreibt; dabei bestatigt Vitalian den Erhalt eines Briefes νοη Oswiu 10 • Αη diesen Fallen zeigt sich schon die bewuBte Όbernahme schriftlicher Formen, auch wenn der Herrscher selbst nicht schriftkundig ist 11 . Das alteste erhaltene Originaldiplom, Sawyer 8 aus dem Jahr 679, entstand zwolf Jahre nach dem Brief des Papstes Vitalian. Gerade die Briefe veranschaulichen den entscheidenden Schritt zur eigenen Anwendung der Schriftlichkeit. AuBer den Kontakten und der Korrespondenz mit Rom sind es die Beziehungen einzelner fίihrender Kirchen-

5 6

7

8 9

10 11

(London 2 1977) 265ff. und besonders 267ff. gegen Hans Suso Brechter, Die Quellen zur Angelsachsenmission Gregors des Groβen (1941) und dens., Zur Bekehrungsgeschichte der Angelsachsen, ίη: La conversione al Cristianesimo nell'Europa dell'alto medioevo (Settimana di studio ... 14, Spoleto 1967) 191-215. Beda ΗΕ ΙΙ/10, lO0ff. Beda ΗΕ II/ll, l04ff. Zur Datierung siehe Mayr-Harting, Coming ofChristianity (wie Anm. 4) 126 (um 619) und David Ρ. Kirby, Bede and Northumbrian Chronology. EHR 78 (1963) 522 f. Beda ΗΕ ΙΙ/17, ll8ff. Das Schreiben datiert vom ll. 6. 634 (vgl. Plummer S. ll0), Edwin war am 12. 10. 633 gefallen. Beda ΗΕ ΙΙ/8, 95 ff. Ebenda 96. Dieses Schreiben Eadbalds diirfte zwischen 618 und 624 entstanden sein; in diesem Sinne Chaplais, Who introduced charters into England 1 535. Da der im Brief Bonifaz V. genannte Κϋηίg ίη den i:ίltesten Handschriften der ΗΕ die Namensform ,,Aduluald" tri:ίgt, sprach sich Peter Hunter Blair, The letters of Pope Boniface V and the mission of Paulinus to Northumbria, ίη: England before the Conquest. Studies ίη primary sources presented to Dorothy Whitelock (ed. by Peter Clemoes and Kathleen Hughes, Cambridge 1971) 7 f. gegen eine Gleichsetzung mit Eadbald, dem Sohn Κϋηίg Aethelberhts von Kent, aus; er meint, bei dem fraglichen Κϋηίg handle es sich um einen Aethelwald geheiβenen Teilkϋnig von Kent. ,,Desiderabiles litteras excellentiae vestrae suscepimus ... ". Beda, ΗΕ ΙΙΙ/29, l96ff. Zur Schriftkundigkeit der angelsi:ίchsischen Kϋnige vgl. Vivian Η. Galbraith, The literacy of the medieval English kings . Proceedings of the British Academy 21 (1935) 205 ff. sowie neuerdings Patrick W or m al d, The uses ofliteracy in Anglo-Saxon England and its neighbours. Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th series 27 (1977) 95-114, bes. 102 ff. Siehe auch unten S. 23.

VI 18 mit den (angelsiίchsis chen) Konigen (und GroBen) , die auch brieflichen Niederschlag hinterlieBen. Diese Schreiben, so wird man voraussetzen dίirfen , sollten νοη den Adressaten νerstanden werden. ErzbischofTheo dor νοη Canterbury wandte sich in der Sache des Bischofs Wilfrid von York an Konig Ecgfrith von Northumbrien und an Konig Aethelred von Mercien 12 . Ιη der Korrespondenz Aldhelms und in den groBen, fίir die Geschichte des 8. Jahrhunderts ungemein aufschluBreiche n Briefsammlungen νοη Bonifatius und Alcuin finden sich wiederholt Konige und selten weltliche GroBe als Empfanger, aber auch, zwar weniger hiίufig, als Absender; erst dieser Umstand - der bewuBte Einsatz der schriftlichen Kommunikation auch von Illiteraten stίitzt unsere Argumentation ab . Ιη Erinnerung gerufen sei Aldhelms Briefwechsel mit dessen Schίiler Aethilwald 13 ; bei den zu Beginn des 8. Jahrhunderts entstandenen Briefen handelt es sich um ein Schreiben Aethilwalds an Aldhelm 14 und um ein νοη Aldhelm an Aethilwald gerichtetes 15 ; in diesem Kontext wird man als noch aussagekriίftiger die Widmung des Werks ,,De metris et enigmatibus ac pedum regulis" fίir Konig Aldfrid νοη Northumbrien werten dίirfen 16 . Unter den zahlreichen Briefen des Bonifatius 17 νerdient der Komplex von Nachrichten um das berίihmte Mahnschreiben an Konig Aethelbald νοη Mercien besondere Beachtung 18 . Zuniίchst erging ein kurzer Brief mit Geschenken von Bonifatius an Aethelbald, ίη dem das Mahnschreiben bzw. der Bote, der es ίiberbringen wίirde , angekίindigt wurde. Darin heiBt es u. a. : ,,Petimus quoque, ut, si per alterum nuntium verba nostra ad presentiam tuam scripta pervenerint, auditum tuum adcommodare digneris et sollicite audire cures" 19 . Ιη der gleichen Sache wandte sich Bonifatius auch zur Vermittlung an den Priester Herefrid 20 : ,,Preterea nos octo episcopi .. . in commune te, frater carissimt;), deprecamur, ut verba admonitionis nostrae Aethbaldo regi miίnner

12

13

14

15 16

17

18 19

20

Vita Wilfridi 1. episcopi Eboracensis auctore 8tephano (ed. von Wilhelm Levison, MGH 88 rer. Merov. 6, 1913) c. 43, 237 f. Ιη dieser Angelegenheit richtete spiiter Papst Johann VI. ein 8chreiben an die Konige Aethelred von Mercien und Aldfrid von Northumbrien; Vita Wilfridi c. 54, 249f. Vgl. auch 8.24ff. Die Gleichsetzung mit Konig Aethelbald von Mercien ist unzutreffend; eher ist eine solche mit dem Ostangelnkonig Aelfwald zu erwagen; vgl. Rudolf Ehwald ίη MGH ΑΑ 15 (1919) 523 und 8charer 159 Anm.3. Aldhelmi et ad Aldhelmum epistulae (ed. von Rudolf Ehwald, MGH ΑΑ 15, 1919) Ep. 11 (7), 495-497 . Ep. 111 8 (11), 499f. 8iehe dazu unten 8. 21 . Die Briefe des heiligen Bonifatius und Lullus (ed. von Michael Tangl, MGH ΕΕ sel. 1, 1916). Nr. 73 , 8. 146-155 (746-747) ; vgl. auch unten 8. 60ff. Briefe des Bonifatius (wie Anm.17) Nr. 69, 8.142; zur Datierung (Tangl : 745-746) vgl. auch Theodor 8chi effer , Winfrid-Bonifatius und die christliche Grundlegung Europas ( 2 1972) 238f. (746). Briefe des Bonifatius (ed. Tangl) Nr. 74, 8.155.

VI Die Intitulationes der angelsachsischen Konige

19

Μ ercionum interpretando et recitando adnunties et eo modo et ordine, quo ad te scripta transmittimus, sollicite enumerando et predicando illi indicaveris". Weiters hatte Bonifatius das besagte Schreiben an Erzbischof Ecgberht νοη York geschickt 21 . Aus den zitierten Stellen erhellt also die Verlesung des Schreibens sowie dessen ϋbersetzung und Auslegung in Gegenwart des Konigs. ϋber das offentliche Verlesen eines Schreibens hort man schon frίiher; ausnahmsweise sei eine rein kirchliche Materie zum Vergleich herangezogen. Beda war, wie aus seinem Schreiben an den Hexhamer Monch Plegwin zu entnehmen ist 22 , in Gegenwart BischofWilfrids von York der Haresie geziehen worden, ohne daB Wilfrid eingegriffen hatte. Ιη dem ,,offenen" Brief! 3 an Plegwin widerlegt Beda den Haresieverdacht und verlangt, daB das Schreiben vor Bischof Wilfrid verlesen werde 24 . Zum Verstandnis des Mahnschreibens νοη Bonifatius muB - gerade auch bei Aethelbald - ein gewisses ,,Bildungsniveau", wenigstens die Bereitschaft, sich mit schriftlich ϋbermitteltem auseinanderzusetzen, vorausgesetzt werden. Der Anwendung der Schriftlichkeit zur Kommunikation eignet zur Zeit Aethelbalds eine Gelaufigkeit, welche die Vermutung nahelegt, auch das damals wohlbezeugte Urkundenwesen kann keinesfalls von den Konigen ignoriert worden sein. Viel eher laBt sich auch hier ein ,,offentliches" Verlesen annehmen 25 . Die Korrespondenz des Bonifatius zeigt Konige nicht allein als Empfanger von Schreiben, sondern gleichfalls als Absender. Inhaltlich handelt es sich bei diesen Briefen hauptsachlich um Ersuchen zur Gebetsverbrίiderung; so im Falle des Ostangelnkonigs Aelfwald 26 . Konig Aethelberht 11. von Kent hingegen ersucht Bonifatius um die Sendung von Jagdfalken 27 . Gebetsverbrίiderungen betreffen wieder drei Briefe an Bischof Lul, und zwar von Konig

21

22

23

24

25

26 27

Ebenda Nr. 75, S.157 (746-747). Zum Mahnschreiben allgemein siehe Heinrich Hahn, Bonifaz und Lul (1883) 172-175, bes. 174 f. , Schieffer, Winfrid-Bonifatius a.a.O., Vollrath-Reichelt, Konigsgedanke 31 ff.; die Fϋrstenspiegel vorwegnehmenden Zϋge sind gewϋrdigt bei Hans Hubert Anton , Fϋrstenspiegel und Herrscherethos ίη der Karolingerzeit (Bonner Historische Forschungen 32, 1968) 74. Bedae epistola ad Pleguinam (ed. by Charles W. Jones, Bedae opera de temporibus, The Mediaeval Academy of America Publication 41, 1943) 307-315. Der Brief wurde im Jahr 708 geschrieben; vgl. ebenda 132. Wie Anm. 22; siehe auf3erdem Peter Hunter Blair, The World of Bede (London 1970) 267. Bedae epistola ad Pleguinam (ed. Charles W. Jones) 315: ,,Obsecro sane ut has purgationis meae litteras religioso ac doctissimo fratri nostro David porrigas, quatenus eas ille coram venerabili domino ac patre nostro , Wilfrido scilicet antistite, legere possit ut , quia illo praesente atque audiente insipientium sum prius appetitus conviciis, ipso etiam nunc audiente ac deiudicante quam immeritus eadem convicia sim perpessus appareat. " Naheres dazu unten S. 28. Briefe des Bonifatius (ed. Tangl) Nr. 81 , S. 181 (74 7 - 748). Ebenda Nr.105, S.229 (748-754).

VI 20 Cynewulf von W essex 28 , von Bischof Eardwulf von Rochester und Konig Eardwulf von Kent 29 sowie von Konig Alchred und Konigin Osgeofu von Northumbrien 30 . Diese Aktivitat bezeugt doch ein bestimmtes Interesse an literarischen Formen, selbst wenn die Aussteller der Briefe des Schreibens unkundig waren. Man bediente sich der Schriftlichkeit, wenn es um das Seelenheil, kostbare Geschenke usw . ging 31 • Ein reges geistiges Klima, ein gewisses Bildungsniveau waren dafiir zweifelsohne vonnoten, entscheidende Voraussetzung aber war die Anteilnahme der weltlichen Groβen. Verstarkt scheint diese Tendenz bei Alkuin wirksam gewesen zu sein; weist doch ein Gutteil seiner an angelsachsische Empfanger gerichteten Schreiben ,,in Gedankenfiihrung und formaler Komposition ... die verschiedensten Beriihrungspunkte mit den karolingischen Specula Principis auf ' 32 . Man vergleiche die Auβerun­ gen gegeniiber Konig Aethelred von Northumbrien 33 , Offa von Mercien 34 , Ecgfrith, dem Sohn Offas 35 , Aethelburg, einer Tochter Offas 36 , Konig Eardwulf von Northumbrien 37 , Konig Coenwulf von Mercien 38 . Doch der Kreis der Adressaten hat sich im Vergleich zu Bonifatius erweitert, in Brief 18 auβer dem an erster Stelle genannten Konig Aethelred auf den ,,patricius" Osbald, den ,,dux" Osberht und alle Freunde39 ; nach dem Tod Offas und Ecgfriths wendet sich Alkuin an den mercischen Groβen Osbert40 ; die Usurpation Eadberht Praens wiederum ist Anlaβ, daβ Alkuin ein Schreiben an das Volk von Kent richtet41 . Man wird darin ein Anzeichen sehen diirfen, daβ die Zahl jener, die mit schriftlich erfolgten Mitteilungen und Nachrichten etwas anzufangen wuβten , gewachsen ist42 . Der individuell abgestimmte, teilweise 28 29 30

31

32

33

34

35 36

37

38

39 40

41

42

43

A.a.O. Nr. 139, S. 278 (757 - 786). Nr. 122, S. 258 (755-762); vgl. Scharer 124 u. 128. Nr. 121, S. 257 f. (773). Όber die rechtlichen Belange siehe unten S. 24ff. Anton, Fiirstenspiegel (wie oben S. 19 Anm. 21) 88f. Der Autor fahrt fort mit der Feststellung: ,,und nicht zu Unrecht hat man einzelne davon als kleine Fiirstenspiegel angesehen". Alcvini sive Albini epistolae (ed. von Ernst Diimmler, MGH ΕΕ 4 = ΕΕ Karolini aevi 2, 1895) 16, 42ff. (793); Ep. 18, 49ff. (793); Ep. 30, 7lf. (790-795). Ep. 64, 107 (787-796); Wilhelm Levison, England and the Continent ίη the Eighth Century (Oxford 1946) 245f. (792/93); Ep. lOl, 147 f. (796). Ep. 61 , l04f. (786-796). Ep. 300, 458 f. (797 - 804). Ep. 108, 155 (796). Ep. 123, l80f. (797) . Zur Interpretationdieser Briefe grundlegend Anton, Fiirstenspiegel 89ff. Vgl. Anm. 33. Ep. 122 (ed. Diimmler) 178 ff. (797). ,,Nobilissime genti et populo laudabili et regno imperiali Cantuariorum"; ep. 129, 191 f. (797). Siehe dazu die Ausfiihrungen Vollrath-Reichelts, Konigsgedanke 177f. Zum Vergleich sei der Brief des Bonifatius an alle Angelsachsen, ,,fύr die Bekehrung der Sachsen zu beten" , ίη Erinnerung gerufen (ed. Tangl, Nr. 46, S. 74f. , ca. 738). Dort sind die Laien an allerletzter Stelle genannt. Ιη diesem Zusammenhang sei auch an die ,,diplomatische" Korrespondenz sowie an die

VI Die Intitulationes der angelsachsischen Konige

21

ermahnende Ton, den Alkuin den Konigen gegenίiber anschliίgt, wird kaum auf vollige lgnoranz gestoBen sein. DaB diese Briefe gelesen, d. h. verlesen, ίibersetzt und gedeutet wurden , kann man mit ziemlicher GewiBheit annehmen43. Die Schriftlichkeit ist also an der weltlichen Fίihrungsschicht nicht unbemerkt und spurlos vorίibergegangen; neben den evidenten Vorzίigen schriftlicher Aufzeichnung, wie der ,,dauernden" Gegenwiίrtigkeit des Wortes44, bleibt als moglicher beschleunigender Faktor in Betracht zu ziehen, daB die weltlichen GroBen mit vornehmsten Vertretern der Geistlichkeit - der schriftkundigen Schicht schlechthin - verwandtschaftlich verbunden waren. Aus den Briefen lassen sich lndizien gewinnen, die in ihrem Aussagewert fίir die Berίihrung der fίihrenden Schicht der Laienwelt mit Erzeugnissen der Schriftlichkeit letztlich auch Relevanz fίir das Urkundenwesen haben. Sie sind ein MaBstab des kulturellen Klimas der Zeit und, wenn man den Empfangerkreis berίicksichtigt, der Spiegel einer wachsenden ,,repriίsentativen Offentlichkeit". Entscheidend im ProzeB der Aneignung ist der Schritt vom Empfanger zum Aussteller. Die Briefe bilden einen Aspekt des Bekanntwerdens der Laien mit der Schriftlichkeit. Einen anderen Aspekt dieser Beziehung zeigen Widmungen. Diese seltenen, verstreuten Zeugnisse deuten im allgemeinen ein engeres Verhiίltnis des Bewidmeten zur Schriftlichkeit an . Aldhelm eignete beispielsweise dem schriftkundigen, ja hochgebildeten Konig Aldfrid νοη Northumbrien sein Werk ,,De metris et enigmatibus ac pedum regulis" zu45 , eine Metrik samt Traktat ίiber die Siebenzahl und Sammlung von Riίtseln46 . ln diesem Zusammenhang sei von den zahlreichen Dedikationen, die den kirchlichen Bereich betreffen, exemplarisch auf jene, mit der die Prosafassung von Aldhelms ,,De virginitate" anhebt, hingewiesen47 . Unter den Bewidmeten treffen wir auf Cuthburg, Nonne in Barking, eine Schwester des Westsachsenkonigs lne, die mit Konig Aldfrid von Northumbrien verheiratet gewesen war48 . Die gleiche Verquickung von weltlicher und kirchlicher Sphiίre konstatiert man im Eintrag ,,nomina reginarum et abbatissarum" des Liber Vitae Dunelmensis49.

44

45

46 47

48 49

Kontakte mit Rom erinnert; zu letzteren siehe insbesondere Levison, England and the Continent 15 ff. Vgl. die grundsatzlichen Όberlegungen von Heinrich Fichtenau, Das Urkundenwesen ίη 6sterreich vom 8. bis zum fruhen 13. Jahrhundert (MI6G Erg.-Bd. 23, 1971) 61 f. ,,Domino praestantissimo et prae ceteris regalium dignitatum gradibus glorificando mihique iam dudum spiritalis clientelae catenis conexo, illustri Acircio Aquilonalis imperii sceptra gubernanti, illustris regalis regni regimina dispensanti Aldhelmus, catholicae vernaculus ecclesiae, immarcescibilem sempiternae sospitatis salutem" ; (ed. Rudolf Ehwald, MGH ΑΑ 15, 1919) 61. Franz Brunholzl , Geschichte der lateinischen Literaturdes Mittelalters l (1975) 201 ff. MGH ΑΑ 15, 228 f. Vgl. ebenda 229 Anm. l. Levison, England and the Continent 28.

VI 22 Der goldenen Zeit northumbrischer Kultur entstammt die Zueignung Bedas ,,Historia ecclesiastica Anglorum" an Konig Ceolwulf νοη Northumbrien50. Ιη der ,,Epistola Bede ad Ecgberctum Episcopum" wird der religiose Eifer Ceolwulfs, der sein Leben im Kloster Lindisfarne beschloB, gepriesen 51 . Da/3 Bedas Kirchengeschichte auch als Fίirstenspiegel νerstanden werden kann 52 , wirft einiges Licht auf die Dedikation; sie ist in Bedas Werken die einzige fίir einen Laien 53 . Das letzte Beispiel betrifft ein Heiligenleben. Dem bereits aus der Bonifatius-Korrespondenz bekannten Ostangelnkonig Aelfwald 54 widmete Felix die zwischen 730 und 740 entstandende ,,Vita sancti Gu thlaci " 55 . Wenn wir, nach dem Offentlichkeitsbezug des angelsiichsischen Urkundenwesens fragend, zuniichst den Stellenwert der Schriftlichkeit fίir Herrscher und weltliche GroBe zu orten suchten , bleiben nach der Briefliteratur und den Widmungen die einschliigigen Zeugnisse der Historiographie und Hagiographie zu erortern. Auf diese Weise liiBt sich etwa das geistige Profil Konig Aldfrids νοη Northumbrien noch schiirfer erkennen. Eine kostbare kosmographische Handschrift ist der Preis, um den Abt Ceolfrid fίir das Kloster Jarrow acht Hufen νοη Aldfrid erwirbt; der Handel war noch zu Lebzeiten Benedikt Biscops νereinbart worden 56 . Das Interesse des Konigs an der Erwerbung νοη Handschriften und νielleicht besonders solchen geographischkosmographischen Inhalts spricht auch aus dem Umstand, daB Abt Adamnan νοη Iona anliiβlich eines Aufenthalts am northumbrischen HofKonig Aldfrid ein Exemplar νοη ,,De locis sanctis" ίiberreichte 57 . Dies geschah wohl nicht bei Adamnans erstem Besuch (686), sondern entweder im Jahr 688 oder danach, also in zeitlicher Niihe zum Erwerb der kosmographischen Schrift58 . νοη

50 51

52

53

54 55

56

57

58

Beda ΗΕ Praef. 5. Epistola Bede ad Ecgberctum episcopum (ed. Charles Plummer) c. 9, 412: ,,Habes enim, ut credo, promtissimum tam iusti laboris adiutorem, regem videlicet Ceoluulfum, qui et pro insi ta si bi dilectione religionis, quicquid ad regulam pietatis pertinet, firma protinus intentione adiuvare curabit, et maxime illa, quae tu, quum sis propinquus illius amantissimus, bona caeperis, ipse, ut perficiantur, opitulari curabit." So Campbell, Bede's ,Reges' and ,Principes' 3. Henry Mayr-Harting, The Venerable Bede, the Rule ofSt. Benedict, and Social Class (Jarrow Lecture 1976) 28 Anm. 79. Siehe oben 8.19 Anm . 26. Vita sancti Guthlaci auctore Felice (ed. by Bertram Colgrave, Cambridge 1956) 60: ,,Ιη Domino dominorum domino meo, mihi prae ceteris regalium primatuum gradibus dilectissimo Aelfwaldo regi , Orientalium Anglorum rite regimina regenti, Felix catholicae congregationis vernaculus, perpetuae prosperitatis ίη Christo salutem". Zur Datierung ebenda l8f. Historia Abbatum auctore Baeda (ed. Charles Plummer) c. 15, 380; vgl. auch Plummer ΙΙ 364 f. und Levison, England and the Continent 42. Beda ΗΕ V/ 15, p.317. Siehe besonders Plummer ΙΙ 301 f. und die Ausfrihrungen νοη Denis Meehan ίη Adamnan's De Locis Sanctis (ed. by Denis Meehan, Scriptores Latini Hiberniae 3, Dublin 1958) 4 f.

VI Die Intitulationes der angelsachsischen Konige

23

Trotz aller Bruchstίickhaftigkeit der ϋberlieferung enthίillt sich ein Netz νοη Beziehungen, das - ίiber den northumbrischen Herrschaftsbereich hinaus zwei der bedeutendsten Gelehrten des ausgehenden 7. Jahrhunderts, Aldhelm und Adamnan, mit Aldfrid verknίipft. Der Northumbrerkonig dίirfte sich ίiberdies der Vorteile der Schriftlichkeit im Rechtsleben wohl bewuβt gewesen sein. Abt Ceolfrid νοη Wearmouth und Jarrow hatte - nach dem Vorbild Wearmouths - ein Schutzprivileg Papst Sergius' Ι. fίir Jarrow erwirkt, und dieses Privileg wurde auf einer Synode durch die Unterschrift Konig Aldfrids und der anwesenden Bischofe bestatigt59 . Aldfrid mag hinsichtlich der Billigung eines papstlichen Privilegs an die Gepflogenheit seines Vorgangers Ecgfrith angeschlossen haben 60 , doch die schriftliche Bestatigung durch Konig und Bischofe auf einer Synode stellte aus der Sicht Bedas ein neues Verhalten dar61 . Es sei in diesem Kontext nicht vergessen, daβ die papstlichen Schutzprivilegien fίir englische Kloster62 einen, freilich schwer einschatzbaren Anstoβ zur Propagierung des Urkundenwesens bildeten. Aldfrid hatte ίη den ,,insulis Scottorum" 63 oder den ,,regionibus Scottorum"64, also in Irland und Iona, seine Bildung erworben. Den Ostangelnkonig Sigeberht, einen Zeitgenossen νοη Aldfrids Vater Oswiu , hatte das Exil nach Gallien verschlagen, wo er getauft wurde; bei seiner Rίickkehr wollte er ,,mox ea, quae in Galliis bene disposita vidit, imitari" 65 , er errichtete eine Schule ,,in qua pueri litteris erudirentur" 66 und versicherte sich der Hilfe des Bischofs Felix, eines Burgunders, ,,quem de Cantia acceperat, eisque peda59

60

Historia Abbatum auctore Baeda c. 15, 380: ,,Missis Romam monachis tempore beatae recordationis Sergii papae, privilegium ab eo pro tuitione sui monasterii instar illius quod Agatho papa Benedicto dederat, accepit; quod Brittannias perlatum, et coram synodo patefactum, praesentium episcoporum simul et magnifici regis Aldfridi subscriptione confirmatum est, ... " . Historia Abbatum auctore Baeda c. 6, 369. Unter den zahlreichen kostbaren Erwerbungen, die Benedikt Biskop von seiner fiinften Romreise nach Wearmouth brachte, zahlt Beda an vierter Stelle, ein papstliches Privileg auf: ,,Quartum, Benedictus ηοη vile munus adtulit, epistolam privilegii a venerabili papa Agathone cum licentia, consensu, desiderio , et hortatu Ecgfridi regis acceptam, qua monasterium, quod fecit, ab omni prorsus extrinseca irruptione tutum perpetuo redderetur ac liberum".

61 62

63 64 65

Vgl. Historia Abbatum auctore Baeda c. 15, 380: ,,quomodo etiam prius illud sui temporis regem et episcopos ίη synodo publice confirmasse ηοη Jatet". Siehe dazu die kritische Wiirdigung von Hans Hubert Αη ton, Studien zu den Klosterprivilegien der Papste im friihen Mittelalter unter besonderer Beriicksichtigung der Privilegierung von St. Maurice d' Agaune (Beitrage zur Geschichte und Quellenkunde des Mittelalters 4, 1975) 62ff. Bedae Vita sancti Cuthberti (ed. by Bertram Colgrave, Cambridge 1940) c. 24, 236. Ebenda c. 24, 238. Beda ΗΕ ΙΙΙ/18, p. 162. Die Schilderung bezieht sich auf die Zeit um 631; vgl. Plummer ΙΙ 168.

VI 24

gogos ac magistros iuxta morem Cantuariorum praebente" 67 . Die Nachrichten ίiber das Schulwesen sind isoliert. Doch erfahrt man immerhin so viel, daB zu Ende des 7. Jahrhunderts - noch zur Zeit Konig Ecgfriths - Bischof Wilfrid eine solch starke Anziehungskraft nicht nur auf Abte und Abtissinnen, sondern auch auf weltliche GroBe ausίibte, daB diese ihre Sohne bei ihm in die Schule gaben, wobei offengelassen wurde, ob sie die geistliche oder die weltliche Laufbahn einschlagen wίirden 68 . Es liegt nahe, an die Klosterschule von Ripon zu denken 69 . Mag es sich hierbei um einen Einzelfall handeln, was Wormald mit zu groBer GewiBheit annimmt 70 , als Indikator des Vordringens der schriftlichen Kultur und des Verstiindnisses dafίir in die Welt der Laien wird man ihn wohl werten dίirfen. Die wachsende Bedeutung der Schriftlichkeit in ,,Regierungsakten" und Herrschaftspraxis iiuBert sich quellenmίiBig vorwiegend an einem Schnittpunkt zwischen kirchlicher und weltlicher Sphίire, den Synoden und diesen verwandten Zusammenkίinften 71 . Vor allem die Vita Wilfridi 72 weiB einiges darίiber zu berichten. Nachdem BischofWilfrid von Konig Ecgfrith aus Northumbrien vertrieben worden war (678), wandte er sich nach Rom. Papst und romische Synode stellten fest, daB Wilfrids Vertreibung zu Unrecht erfolgt war; Wilfrid sollte die ,,iudicia apostolicae sedis scripta" mitnehmen und Erzbischof Theodor von Canterbury wie Konig Ecgfrith davon in Kenntnis setzen73 . Bei Wilfrids Rίickkehr im Jahre 680 wird nach einem Treffen mit Ecgfrith, dem er die Ausfertigung des pίipstlichen Urteils vorwies 74 , eine Zusammenkunft weltlicher GroBer und Geistlicher mit der Sache befaBt75 . Dabei wurden die pίipstlichen Schriftstίicke in Gegenwart auch der weltlichen GroBen verlesen und als die Versammelten eine ihrem Willen entgegengesetzte 66 67

68

69 70 71

72

73 74

75

Beda ΗΕ a.a.O. Siehe auch Annethe Lohaus, Die Merowinger und England (Miinchener Beitriίge zur Mediiίvistik und Renaissance-Forschung 19, 1974) 28ff. Vita Wilfridi (ed. Levison) c. 21, 216. Vgl. Wormald , Literacy (wie oben S.17 Anm.ll) 105 mit Anm.40, wo auch aufdie Verhiίltnisse ίη York zur Zeit Alkuins hingewiesen wird. Wormald a.a.O. 105. Zum Synodalwesen vgl. die grundlegende Untersuchung von Hanna Vollrath, Die Synoden Englands bis 1066 (Konziliengeschichte Reihe Α: Darstellungen, 1985). Niίheres zu der bald nach dem Tod Bischof Wilfrids (709) entstandenen Vita Wilfridi bei Antonia Gransden, Historical Writing ίη England c. 550 to c. 1307 (London 1974) 71 f. sowie Gabriele Isen berg, Die Wiirdigung Wilfrids von York ίη der Historia Ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum Bedas und der Vita Wilfridi des Eddius (phil. Diss. Miinster 1978) 31 ff. Vita Wilfridi (ed. Levison) c. 33, 227. Ebenda c. 34, 228: ,, ... pacifice salutans regem adiit, regique humiliter scripta apostolicae sedis iudicia cum totius synodus consensu et subscriptione ostendens, cum bullis et sigillis signatis reddidit, ... ". Ebenda: ,,deinde omnibus principibus ibidem habitantibus necnon servis Dei, ίη locum synodalem accersitis ad audienda salutifera consilia, ab apostolica sede causa pacis ecclesiarum transmissa." Dazu Vollrath, Die Synoden Englands 89 f.

VI Die Intitulationes der angelsachsischen Konige

25

Ansicht horten, reagierten einige νοη ihnen prompt mit dem Vorwurf, die ,,scripta" des Heiligen Stuhles seien erkauft76 . Wilfrid 77 wurde erst durch Ecgfriths Nachfolger Aldfrid rehabilitiert; doch brachte auch dieser Schritt nur eine voriibergehende Entspannung. Im Jahr 691 wurde Wilfrid erneut aus Northumbrien vertrieben . Eine Intervention in Rom fiihrte wahrscheinlich dazu, daB eine Synode den Fall Wilfrid losen sollte. Die Synode νοη Austerfield (702/03) wird in der Vita Wilfridi eingehend geschildert 78 . Fiir unseren Zweck verdient νοr allem ein Vorfall Erwahnung. Die Absichten der gegnerischen Partei werden Wilfrid namlich νοη einem Mann aus dem Gefolge Konig Aldfrids verraten. Dieser tauscht die Person eines anderen νοr und dringt unbemerkt zu Wilfrid νοr 79 , dem er die Machinationen νοη dessen Feinden eroffnet80 . Aus der Art und Ausfiihrlichkeit der Beschreibung ersieht man, daB ein Gefolgsmann des Konigs iiber politische Vorgange genau Bescheid wuBte, mit der Verfahrensweise auf einer Synode vertraut war und die Formen der Schriftlichkeit ihm gelaufig waren. Zumindest eine ,,pragmatische" Schriftlichkeit wird man in diesem Fall voraussetzen diirfen 81 . Vielleicht handelte es sich bei dem Gefolgsmann Aldfrids um einen Zogling Wilfrids, der die Klosterschule νοη Ripon besucht hatte 82 . DaB fiihrenden Vertretern der Laien an der Wende zum 7. Jahrhundert in Northumbrien 76

77

78

79

80

81

82

,,Postquam vero quaedam difficilia sibi et suae voluntati contraria lecta audierunt, contumaciter quidam ex eis respuerunt, insuper - quod execrabilius est - diffamaverunt ίη animarum suarum perniciem , ut pretio dicerent redempta esse scripta, quae ad salutem observantium ab apostolica sede destinata sunt. " Vita Wilfridi (ed. Levison) a.a.O. ϋber Wilfrid vgl. Frank Μ. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England (Oxford 3 1971) l35ff., Mayr-Harting, Coming of Christianity l29ff., bes. 145 mit Anm. 67 und Isenberg (wie Anm. 72). C. 46 u. 4 7, 240 ff. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England 143 f. sowie insbesondere Vollrath, Die Synoden Englands ll2ff. Zur Vorgeschichte ebenda llOff. Vollrath spricht von einer unter dem Vorsitz ErzbischofBerhtwalds tagenden Bischofsversammlung, bei der der northumbrische Konig und northumbrische GroBe anwesend waren (a.a.O. 113). ,,lnterea, dum nullus modus locutionis decenter ab illis ordinatus inventus est, unus ex ministris regis pontifici nostro valde devotus, quem ille a primaevo vagientis aetatuli incunabulo enutrivit, ex tentorio regis latenter erupit, simulans alterius effigiem, cohortibus se circumadstantium inmiscens quasi ignotus, usque dum ad pontificem nostrum perveniebat ... ". Vita Wilfridi c. 4 7, 241. ,,Hac omnino fraude te moliuntur decipere, ut primitus per scriptionem propriae manus confirmes eorum tantummodo iudicium , quodcumque constituentes diffinient, succumbere, ut, postquam isto alligatus fueris districtionis vinculo, de cetero ίη posterum permutare nullatenus queas. Ista siquidem erit illorum iudicii apertio ... ; et ad postremum temet ipsum dampnando, de tuo te sanctitatis honore cum suscriptione degraderis. " Vita Wilfridi ebenda. ϋber die Unterscheidung zwischen ,,pragmatic literacy" und ,,cultured literacy" vgl. im AnschluB an Malcolm Β . Parkes Wormald, Uses ofliteracy (wie oben S.17 Anm. ll) 95. Siehe dazu oben S. 24 mit Anm. 68 und 69.

VI 26 νerschiedene Arten νοη Schriftgut, die schriftliche Fixierung wichtiger rechtlich-politischer Akte wie auch deren Wirken in der Offentlichkeit bekannt waren, wird man aus den herangezogenen Stellen ohne weiteres ablesen konnen . Doch die Geschichte Bischof Wilfrids liefert noch zusatzliches Material. Nach der Synode νοη Austerfield begab sich Wilfried ein weiteres Mal nach Rom, um personlich seine Appellation νorzubringen. Bei dieser Gelegenheit erwirkte er ein papstliches Schreiben, das die Beachtung der Entscheidung Papst Agathos in Erinnerung rief und Erzbischof Berhtwald νοη Canterbury mit der Abhaltung einer Synode zur Beilegung des Konflikts beauftragte83 . Auf der Rίickreise trifft Wilfrid mit Aethelred , Abt νοη Bardney , ehemals Konig der Mercier und Forderer Wilfrids, zusammen84 . Wilfrid zeigt Aethelred das besiegelte papstliche Schreiben, worauf sich dieser nach Verlesung des Schreibens zu Boden wirft und seine Hilfe bei der Ausfίihrung νοη dessen Bestimmungen νerspricht 85 . Das Schreiben wurde also νerlesen, und Aethelred scheint es ohne Schwierigkeiten νerstanden zu haben. Etwas anders νerhielt es sich bei der Synode am FluB Nidd86 . Nach dem Tod Konig Aldfrids νοη Northumbrien war der Weg frei fίir einen Ausgleich in der Causa Wilfrid, der auf dieser Synode erzielt wurde. Die Sitzung wurde νοη Erzbischof Berhtwald νοη Canterbury eroffnet, der nach dem Zeugnis der Vita Wilfridi ausfίihrte : ,,Habemus enim et ego et beatus Wilfridus episcopus scripta apostolicae sedis, parνitati enim meae per nuntios directa et per semet ipsum similiter allata, et ut ea in praesentia reνerentiae νestrae recitentur, humili prece deposcimus" 87 . Die Zustimmung wird gewahrt und ,, coram synodo , omnibus audientibus, utriusque libri a principio usque ad finem legebantur" 88 . Nach der Verlesung wendet sich Berehtfrid ,,secundus a rege princeps" 89 an den Erzbischof: ,,Nos, qui interpretatione indigemus , quid apostolica auctoritas dicat, audire delectat" 90 . Ihm antwortet Erzbischof Berhtwald ausfίihrlich , wobei er folgendermaBen beginnt: ,,Iudicia apostolicae sedis longo circuitu et ambagibus νerborum , unum tamen intellectum de eadem re utrique libri ostendentes, quorum breνi

8'1 84

85

86 87 88 89

90

Vita Wilfridi (ed. Levison) c. 54, 249 f. Vita Wilfridi c. 57, 252. , ,Ille (sc. Ethelredus) vero , statim apertis et recitatis apostolicae sedis literis, prosternens se in terram, oboedienter spopondit, dicens: ,Huius apostolicae sedis auctoritatis scriptis ne unius quidem litterae apicem umquam in vita mea condempnabo neque ηοη facientibus consentio , sed ut impleantur secundum vires meas adiuvabo. " Vita Wilfridi ebenda. Dazu siehe Vollrath, Die Synoden Englands 119f. Vita Wilfridi (ed. Levison) c. 60, 255. Ebenda. Die wichtige Rolle , die der ,, princeps" Berehtfrid spielt, erkliirt sich aus dem Umstand, da/3 Konig Osred ein Knabe von ungefahr acht Jahren ist! Dieses Faktum ist bei Karl Brunner, Oppositionelle Gruppen im Karolingerreich (Veroffentlichungen des Instituts fίir dsterreichische Geschichtsforschung 25, 1979) 30 Anm . 118 nachzutragen. Vita Wilfridi a.a.O.

VI Die Intitulationes der angelsachsischen Konige

27

sermone sensum tantum explicabo" und mit den Worten endet: ,,Haec sunt iudicia apostolicae sedis brevi sermone exposita " 91 . Der· nach dem Konig ranghochste Fίirst ersucht um inhaltliche Klarstellung und ϋbersetzung; offensichtlich war, was aus den folgenden AuBerungen Erzbischof Berhtwalds hervorgeht, der Stil der piίpstlichen Kanzlei fίir einen Laien mit rein ,,pragmatischer" Sprachbeherrschung nicht ohne fremde Hilfe verstiίndlich 92 . DaB es aufSynoden zur Verlesung von Schriftstίicken kam, die hauptsiίchlich zum Verstiίndnis der weltlichen Teilnehmer ίibersetzt wurden, bezeugen fίir das

91

92

Ebenda 256. Diese Problematik wird ίη Historiographie und Hagiographie etliche Male berίihrt; eine Auswahl daraus bietet die folgende Όbersicht: Konig Ecgberht von Kent schickt im Jahr 667 den zum Erzbischof von Canterbury bestimmten Wighard nach Rom (vgl. auch Beda ΗΕ ΙΙΙ /2 9 , p.196): ,,Cupiens eum (sc. Uighardum) sibi Romae ordinari episcopum, quatinus suae gentis et linguae habens antistitem, tanto perfectius cum subiectis sibi populis vel verbis imbueretur fidei vel mysteriis; quanto haec ηοη per interpretem, sed per cognati et contribulis viri linguam simul manumque susciperet." (Historia Abbatum auctore Baeda, ed. Plummer c. 3, 366). Siehe auch dcn Fall des Bischofs der Westsachsen Agilberht, eines Franken: ,,Tandem rex (sc. Coinwalch), qui Saxonum tantum linguam noverat , pertaesus barbarae loquellae" Agilberhts (Beda ΗΕ ΙΙΙ/7, 140; 663); auf der Synode von Whitby bedicnt sich Agilberht Wilfrids, denn ,,ille melius ac manifestius ipsa lingua Anglorum , quam ego per interpretem, potest explanare, quae sentimus." (Beda ΗΕ ΙΙΙ /2 5 , 184; 664). - Bei Beda bedeutet ,,interpres" Όber­ setzer, Dolmetscher; Bischof Aidan (von Lindisfarne) , ,,qui Anglorum linguam perfecte ηοη noverat" (ΗΕ ΙΙΙ/3, 132), bediente sich der Unterstίitzung Konig Oswalds νοη Northumbrien ,,ipse rex suis ducibus ac ministris interpres verbi existeret caelestis; quia nimirum longo exilii sui tempore linguam Scottorum iam plene didicerat." (Ebenda). Auf der bereits genannten Synode von Whitby fungierte Bischof Cedd (ίiber diesen vgl. Mayr-Harting, Coming of Christianity 100 ffΌ) als Όbersetzer: ,,Hild abbatissa cum suis ίη parte Scottorum, in qua erat etiam venerabilis episcopus Cedd, iamdudum ordinatus a Scottis, ut supra docuimus, qui et interpres ίη eo concilio vigilantissimo utriusque partis extitit." (ΗΕ ΙΙΙ/25, 183). Die romischen Missionare hatten ,,de gente Francorum interpretes" (ΗΕ 1/25, 45) bei sich gehabt. Caedmon gestaltete ,,quicquid ex divinis litteris per interpretes disceret" (ΗΕ IV/22 [24), 258) zu altenglischer Bibeldichtung. - ,,Interpretatio" jedoch, einmal in der Vita Wilfridi, und zwar an der zitierten Stelle, belegt (siehe MGH SS rer. Merov. 6, 664), verwendet Beda ίη der ΗΕ ausschlieJ31ich im Sinn von Auslegung, Deutung; vgl . ΗΕ ΙΙ/ 1 , 75 und V/24, 357; das Verbum ,,interpretari " mit stiίrkerer Betonung auf , ίibersetzen ' : der Ortsname ,,Strenaeshalc" wird erkliίrt als ,,quod interpretatur sinus Fari" (ΗΕ ΙΙΙ/25 , 183), von dem Brief, den Ceolfrid, Abt von Wearmouth and Jarrow, an Nechtan, Konig der Pikten, betreffend die Osterfrage gerichtet hatte, erfahrt man: ,,Haec epistula cum praesente rege Naitono multisque viris doctioribus esset lecta, ac diligenter ab his, qui intellegere poterant, in linguam eius propriam interpretata" , was bei dem komplizierten Sachverhalt nicht erstaunt (ΗΕ V/21 , 345).

VI 28 8. Jahrhundert beispielsweise die Synode von Clofesho (747) 93 sowie der Bericht ίiber die Synoden des Jahres 78694 . Die naheliegende Vermutung, fίir die Beurkundung eine ahnliche Verfahrensweise anzunehmen, welche die offentliche Verlesung der Urkunde samt ϋbersetzung und den entsprechenden Zeremonien einschloB, wird durch die Vita Wilfridi bestatigt. AnlaBlich der Feierlichkeiten zu Ehren der Weihe des Klosters Ripon spielt sich folgendes ab: ,,Stans itaque sanctus Vilfridus episcopus ante a]tare, conversus ad populum , coram regibus (sc. Ecgfrido et Aelwino) enumerans regiones, quas ante reges pro 3;nimabus suis et tunc in illa die cum consensu et subscriptione episcoporum et omnium principum illi dediderunt, lucide enuntiavit . . . " 95 . An diese Rede bzw. Predigt schJoB ein drei Tage und Nachte wahrendes festliches Gelage. Mag die Nachricht auch isoliert sein, die Analogie zur Verlesung der Briefe sowie die Anzeichen in den Urkunden selbst96 sprechen eindeutig dafίir, daB die Urkunde ,,in der Offentlichkeit " wirkte und auch den fίihrenden Laien gelaufig war. Den Eindruck, den man anhand der Vita Wilfridi von Verbreitung und Stellenwert des U rkundenwesens gewinnt 97 , bestatigt auch die ,,EpistoJa Bede ad Ecgberctum episcopum" vom 5. November 734, das Vermachtnis Bedas,

93

94

95

96 97

Eingehend geschildert bei Vollrath, Die Synoden Englands 141 ff. In den Akten der Synode von Cloveshoh heiBt es (Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents Relating to Great Britain and Ireland, ed. by Arthur West Haddan and William Stubbs, vol. 3, Oxford 1871 , 362): ,,imprimis a praesidente praefato metropolitano (sc. Cudberto) , scripta toto orbe venerandi pontificis domni apostolici papae Zachariae, in duabus kartis in medium prolata sunt; et cum magna diligentia, iuxta quod ipse apostolica sua auctoritate praecepit, et manifestum recitata, et in nostra quoque lingua apertius interpretata sunt." Ed. Ernst Dϋmmler (MGH ΕΕ 4 = ΕΕ K arolini aevi 2, 1895) 28: ,,Et in conspectu concilii clara voce singula capitula perlecta sunt et tam latine quam theodisc\J; quo omnes intellegere potuissent, dilucide reserata sunt, ... ". Siehe dazu Levison, England and the Continent l26ff. sowie Vollrath, Die Synoden Englands 162 ff., bes. 171 f. Vita Wilfridi (ed. Levison) c. 17, 211 f. Auf die Relevanz dieser auf Ereignisse der Zeit zwischen 671 und 678 anspielenden Stelle neben anderen als Beleg fϋr die Existenz eines Urkundenwesens in Northumbrien hat Pierre Chaplais, The origin and authenticity of the royal Anglo-Saxon diploma. Journal of the Society of Archivists 3, 2 (1965) 52 aufmerksam gemacht. Siehe dazu unten S. 30ff. Auf die Urkunden Ripons kommt die Vita Wilfridi nochmals zurϋck , und zwar bei der Schilderung des Streits zwischen Konig Aldfrid und Bischof Wilfrid (c.45, 239f. zum Jahr 691). Einer der Streitpunkte betraf niimlich die ungefahr ein Jahrzehnt davor erfolgte U mwandlung Ripons in ein Bistum wiihrend Wilfrids Vertreibung: ,,Ν am prima causa est dissensionis eorum de antiqua origine descendens, quia ecclesia, quae sancto Petro dedicata est, territoriis et possessionibus suis iniuste privatur. Secunda est, ut monasterium supradictum , quod in privilegium nobis donabatur, ίη episcopalem sedem transmutatur et libertatem relinquere, quam sanctus Agatho et quinque reges censuerunt fixe ac firmiter possidere."

VI Die Intitulationes der angelsachsischen Konige

29

in dessen Mittelpunkt seine Sorge um die ,,cura pastoralis" steht98 . Beda betont die Notwendigkeit, neue Bistίimer zu griinden. Es sei aber durch die ,,donationes stultissimae" der Konige schwierig, einen ,,locus vacans" zu finden 99 . Neue Bischofssitze sollten deshalb in Klostern errichtet werden 100 . Falls die Ausstattung fίir die neuen Aufgaben nicht ausreiche, sei der Besitz von Scheinklostern dafiir zu verwenden ΙΟΙ _Ecgberht von Υ ork und dem Konig obliege es, ,,irreligiosa et iniqua priorum gesta atque scripta conνellere"I0 2 . Darauf folgt eine genaue Beschreibung und Analyse der Scheinklosterl03 . Tenor und Ausdrucksweise der Schilderung enthalten klare Hinweise auf das Urkundenwesen und die Nutzung seiner Vorteile durch die Laien. DaB damit ein gewisser Grad an Akzeptanz schriftlicher Erzeugnisse verbunden war , versteht sich; weitere Faktoren, die in Erwagung zu ziehen sind, bilden u . a. das Buch in der Liturgie und der unmittelbare Kontakt mit Schriftkundigen ω4 _ Als weiterer die Schriftlichkeit begiinstigender und νermutlich auf die Laien nachhaltig wirkender Impuls dίirfen die volkssprachigen Rechtskodifikationen gewertet werden !05 . 98 99 100

101

Epistola Bede ad Ecgberctum episcopum (ed. Charles Plummer) 405-423. Ebenda c. 9, 413. ,,Quapropter commodum duxerim , habito maiori concilio et consensu , pontificali simul et regali edicto prospiciatur locus aliquis monasteriorιιm , ιιbί sedes fiat episcopalis." Epistola Bede ad Ecgberctιιm c. 10, 413. Ebenda c.10, 413 f.: ,, sιιηt loca innιιmera , ιιt novimιιs omnes, stilo stultissimo ίη monasteriorιιm ascripta vocabιιlιιm, sed nichil prorsιιs monasticae conversationis habentia' Ό

10 2

103

104

105

Ebenda c. ll , 414f. ,,At a\ii graviore adhιιc flagitio, cιιm sint ipsi laici , et ηιιllο vitae regιιlaris vel ιιsιι exerciti, vel amore praediti, data regibιιs pecιιnia, emιιnt sibi sιιb praetextιι constrιιen­ dorιιm monasteriorιιm territoria in qιιίbιιs sιιae liberiιιs vacent libidini, et haec insιιper ίη ίιιs sibi haereditariιιm regalibιιs edictis faciιιnt asscribi, ipsas qιιοqιιe litteras privilegiorιιm sιιοrιιm qιιasi veraciter Deo dignas, pontificιιm , abbatιιm, et potestatιιm secιιli obtinent sιιbscriptione confirmari. " A.a.O. c.12, 415. Αιιf die ,,subscriptiones" spielt Beda nochmals an: ebenda c. 13, 417. Vgl. die Analyse des Briefes dιιrch Patrick Wormald, Bede and the Conversion of England: the Charter Evidence (Jarrow Lectιιre 1984) l9ff. Als BischofHeadda νοη Lichfield zιι Beginn des 8. Jahrhunderts den Einsiedler Gιιthlac ίη Crowland besιιchte , befand sich ίη seinem Gefolge ein Schreiber namens Wigfrith (Vita sancti Gιιthlaci aιιctore Felice, ed. Colgrave, c. 46, 142). Wieweit der Schriftgebraιιch zιι dieser Zeit ging, veranschaιιlicht ein von Gιιthlac bewirktes Wιιnder: Einem bei ihm weilenden Kleriker, der aιιf ,,membranas qιιasdam " schrieb, werden die Pergamentblatter von einem Raben - eher ist an eine Dohle zιι denken - entwendet. Doch mit Gottes Hilfe finden sie Gιιthlac ιιnd sein Gast ιιnversehrt aιιf dem See, der Gιιthlacs einsame Insel ιιmgibt (Vita sancti Gιιthlaci c. 37, ll6f.). Und zwar die Gesetze Aethelberhts (602/03), Hlothaeres ιιηd Eadrics (685/86), Wihtreds (695) ιιnd Ines (688-695) in der Fassιιng νοη Aelfred. Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen (hrsg. von Felix Liebermann) l (1903) 3ff. , 9ff. , l2ff. ιι. 88ff. sowie den Kommentar: Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen 3 ( 1916) l ff. , 17 ff., 23 ff. ιι. 63 ff. Ζ u den Gesetzen Aethelberhts siehe aιιch Beda ΗΕ ΙΙ / 5 , 90.

VI 30 Wie steht es nun mit den Urkunden selbst? Liefern νorweg die Diplome Anzeichen , welche auf den ,, BeurkundungsprozeJ3" und dessen ,,offentliche" Komponente Rίickschlίisse erlauben? Diese Fragen richten sich zuerst einmal an die auBeren Merkmale. Sofort ist man mit einer der νielen Schwierigkeiten des angelsachsischen Urkundenwesens konfrontiert: Es fehlt jedes Authentizitatszeichen. Albert Bruckner meinte, daJ3 bei den Subscriptiones einiger U rkunden die Kreuze eigenhandig angefertigt worden seien 106 . Dem dίirfte nicht so gewesen sein, die Kreuze stammen im allgemeinen νοm Schreiber der Urkunde 107 . Anders steht es um ein Phanomen, auf das Pierre Chaplais nachdrίicklich aufmerksam gemacht hat: die schrittweise Entstehung νοη Diplomen 108 . Diese bietet nicht nur einen der wenigen halbwegs korrekten Anhaltspunkte fίir die Originalitat eines Diploms 109, sondern bezeugt auch, daJ3 es bei den Schenkungen zu νermutlich zeremoniellen, zumeist als Handlung und Beurkundung interpretierten Akten kam 110 , ein unzweideutiger Beleg fίir den Offentlichkeitsbezug der Urkunde. Im altesten erhaltenen Original, Sawyer 8 ( = ChLA 182 = CS 45), einer kentischen Schenkungsurkunde aus dem Jahr 679 (Mai) 111 , stammen die Subscriptiones νοη anderer Hand als die restliche Urkunde. Es waren also insgesamt zwei Hande an der Reinschrift beteiligt; weiters werden zwei Schenkungen in diesem Diplom beurkundet. In der Konsensformel der ersten Schenkung bekraftigen Erzbischof Theodor und des Ausstellers , Konig Hlotheres, Ν effe Eadric ihr Einνerstandnis, sie befinden sich aber nicht unter den Zeugen. Von den Grenzen heiJ3t es, sie seien νοm Aussteller und seinen Vertretern gewiesen worden 112 • Die Datierung sch\ieJ3lich weist auf Reculνer als Ort der Handlung. Darauf folgt die zweite Schenkung, die anhebt mit den Worten: ,, Ιη ipso antememorato die adiunxi aliam terram ... " und wieder dieselbe , allgemein gefaBte Grenzbeschreibung enthalt wie die erste Schenkung 113 . Dieser Sachνerhalt zeigt hinreichend, wie die Komplexitat des Schenkungsνor­ ganges sich im Diplom spiegelt und wie dieses in die Publizitat mit einbezogen war. Dem mehrstufigen Schenkungsνorgang entspricht die schrittweise Entstehung der Urkunde .

106

ΙΟΊ

ΙΟΒ 109 110

111 112

113

Albert Bru ckner, Zur Diplomatik der alteren angelsachsischen Urkunde. Archivalische Zeitschrift 61 (1965) 39-41. Chaplais, Who introduced charters into England 1 540 f. (im weiteren zitiert als Chaplais ΠΙ). Eine mogliche Ausnahme bildet das Kreuz in der Subscriptio Bischof Eardwulfs νοη Rochester zu Sawyer 31 ( = ChLA 221 = CS 199) aus dem Jahr 762. Vgl. insbesondere Chaplais, Some early Anglo-Saxon charters οη single sheets 332 ff. (ίη Hinkunft zitiert als Chaplais 11). Scharer 54. Siehe etwa die ,,abstrakte" Deutung νοη Bruckner, Zur Diplomatik (wie Anm.106) 42ff. Chaplais 11 317 ff. u. Scharer 65 ff. ,,Iuxta notissimos terminos a me demonstratus et proacuratoribus meis" . Wie Anm. 112.

VI 31

Die Intitulationes der angelsiichsischen Konige

Im zweitaltesten Diplom Sawyer 1171 ( = ChLA 187 = CS 81 ), ostsachsischer Provenienz, aus dem Jahr 687 , waren die Subscriptiones samt dem Rest einen Corroboratio vielleicht ursprίinglich auf einer anhangenden Pergamentzunge verzeichnet. Ιη der zweiten Halfte des 8. Jahrhunderts wurden sie unter Hinzufίigung damals gangiger Formeln, wie ausfίihrlicher Grenzbeschreibung und Benedictio in das Diplom ίibertragen 114 . Kann man hier ίiber eine einstmalige schrittweise Entstehung nur noch spekulieren, fallt die Bestandsaufnahme bei Sawyer 23 ( = ChLA 190 = CS 148) 115 , einer kentischen Schenkungsurkunde aus dem Jahre 732 (20. 2.), leichter. Der Vergleich mit dem altesten kentischen Original drangt sich auf. Ιη Sawyer 23 wurden namlich auch zwei Schenkungen (die insgesamt aber d1·ei Schenkungsobjekte umfassen) beurkundet, jedoch nicht νοη einer Hand geschrieben. Vielmehr rίih­ ren die Formeln der ersten Schenkung sowie die ersten drei Subscriptiones νοη der Haupthand her, die zweite Schenkung hingegen , die in einem ungefahr 5,5 cm hohen , zwischen Datierung und Ausstellersubscriptio ursprίinglich freien Raum eingetragen wurde, sowie die restlichen vier Subscriptiones νοη anderer Hand 116 . Gerade der Umstand, daB die Subscriptiones νοη zwei Schreibern stammen und daB - man ist geneigt anzunehmen: mit Absicht - Platz fίir einen zusatzlichen Eintrag gelassen wurde, beweist eindeutig die Verwendung des Diploms bei einem formellen Akt 117 . .Ahnliche Feststellungen konnen wir iiber das alteste mercische Original, Sawyer 89 ( = ChLA 183 = CS 154), eine Schenkung Konig Aethelbalds aus dem Jahr 736, treffen 118 . Wie Chaplais ίiberzeugend nachwies 119 , wurden sieben der 14 Subscriptiones (1 und 3-8) in einem Zug mit dem Kontext geschrieben, die iibrigen Subscriptiones (2 und 9-14) νοm selben Schreiber nachgetragen, wobei die Bedachtnahme auf diese schrittweise Beurkundung an der Subscriptio BischofWors (Ealdwines) νοη Lichfield und Leicester klar ersichtlich ist, die namlich in einer zwischen der Subscriptio Konig Aethelbalds und jener Bischof Wilfrids νοη W orcester freigebliebenen Zeile eingefιίgt wurde. Αη anderer Stelle, etwa unter den weltlichen GroBen, hatte man den Bischof der ,,Mercier" nicht reihen konnen 120 . Es zeigen also auch Diplome, 114 115 116

Chaplais 11 331 ; Scharer l30f. Scharer 106 ff. Είη Unterschied zu Sawyer 8. Dort wurden alle Subscriptiones

νοη

anderer Hand

νerzeichnet . 117

118 119

120

Denn es mu/3 νorgelegen sein, ehe es νerνollstiindigt wurde , und erst mit den nachgetragenen Zeugen und folglich auch der eingeftigten Schenkung hatte es seine volle Gtiltigkeit. - Zu den Diplomen, die zwei Schenkungen tiberliefern, ist als kopial tradierte Urkunde Sawyer 10 zu νergleichen ; niiheres bei Scharer 77 ff. Scharer 179 ff. Chaplais 11 333. Zu diesen Fragen νgl. Heinrich Fichtenau, Die Reihung der Zeugen ίη Urkunden des frtihen Mittelalters. MIOG 87 (1979) 301 ff. , wiederabgedruckt in stark erweiterter Fassung unter dem Titel ,,Die Reihung der Zeugen und Konsentienten" ίη: ders. , Beitriige zur Mediavistik 3 (1986) l67ff.

VI 32 die νοη einem Schreiber mundiert wurden, klare Indizien fiir eine schrittweise Entstehung. Anordnung und Entstehungsschritte der Subscriptiones in Sawyer 89 weisen sehr stark auf den ,,Offentlichkeitsbezug" hin, in dem die Urkunde steht. Dazu kommt, da13 sich auf der Riickseite des Diploms ein gleichfalls in Unziale , aber νοη anderer Hand als folio recto geschriebener Dorsualvermerk (Nachtrag) befindet, der eine zusatzliche, eng mit der ersten verbundene Schenkung betrifft 121 . Die Unterschiede und Parallelen zu den kentischen Diplomen sind evident. Ιη Etappen diirfte auch Sawyer 114 ( = ChLA 184 = CS 230), eine mercische Schenkungsurkunde aus dem Jahr 779, entstanden sein. Mit einiger Gewi13heit wird man zumindest annehmen konnen, da13 dieses Opisthograph nicht in einem Zug geschrieben wurde 122 ; darauf deuten die auf der Riickseite des Diploms verzeichneten Subscriptiones der weltlichen Gro13en und die abschlie13ende Erwahnung der Beurkundung in Gumley hin, die ein viel zierlicheres Aussehen haben als die Subscriptiones dreier geistlicher Zeugen auf derselben Seite und als der Text der Urkunde auf der Vorderseite. Der optische Eindruck wird erganzt durch eine inhaltliche Beobachtung: Datierung mit Bezug auf Beurkundung und dorsualer Schlu13vermerk enthalten zwei verschiedene Ortsangaben 123 • Mithin laBt sich die Vorstellung nicht νοη der Hand weisen, daB auch dieses Diplom in mehreren Etappen hergestellt wurde 124 . DaB zumeist die Subscriptiones Anzeichen fiir die schrittweise Abfassung νοη Diplomen liefern, diirfte auch aus Sawyer 139 ( = ChLA 180 = CS 274) , einer Schenkung Konig Offas aus dem Einzugsbereich νοη Worcester, die in seinen letzten Jahren (793- 796), vielleicht 794 entstand, erhellen 125 . Die auf der Riickseite des Diploms verzeichneten Subscriptiones der weltlichen GroBen erwecken den Eindruck, daB sie nicht zugleich mit der restlichen Urkunde in einem Zug geschrieben worden waren . Da dieses Diplom im Einklang mit Offas Politik gegen Ende seiner Herrschaft auf einer alle siidhumbrischen Bischofe umfassenden Reichssynode beurkundet wurde, steht die Offentlichkeitsbeteiligung auBer Diskussion. Doch nicht allein die schrittweise Entstehung einzelner Diplome bietet Indizien fiir deren Publizitat; ein anderes sehr wichtiges derartiges Kriterium bilden Bestatigungen, auf die wir im folgenden kurz eingehen wollen. Begonnen sei mit einem vermutlichen Original. Die Schenkung eines Oslac, ,,dux" der Siidsachsen, aus dem Jahr 780, Sawyer 1184 ( = ChLA 236 = CS

121

122 12:1

124 125

Da zusatzliche Zeugen fehlen, durfte es angebracht sein, den Nachtrag zeitlich nahe zur ursprunglichen Schenkung zu rucken. Vgl. zu diesem Diplom Scharer 245f. ,,Conscribta est autem haec munificentia piissimi regis Offan anno ab incarnatione Christi DCCLXXVIIII ... aet Jorotlaforda" und ,,Godmundes leah subscripserunt et confirmaverunt plurimi episcopi et optimates." Scharer 245. Scharer 27 5 ff.

VI Die Intitulationes der angelsachsischen Ki.inige

33

1334) 126 , wurde auf Ersuchen Bischof Wihthuns von Selsey durch Konig Offa von Mercien bestatigt. Diese im Zeitraum zwischen 787 und 796 erfolgte Konfirmation, welche die Subscriptiones Offas , seiner Gattin Kynethryth, seines Sohnes Ecgfrith, des Bischofs von Leicester Unwona und Brordas, eines der fίihrenden Gefolgsleute Offas, tragt, wurde in lrthlingborough (Northamptonshire) vorgenommen 127 . Zu diesem Zweck hatte entweder BischofWihthun selbst die Urkunde an den Hof Offas gebracht oder durch einen Boten bringen lassen. Auf der Rίickseite des bereits zweimal gefalteten Diploms wurde in einer eleganten Spitzschrift die Bestatigung verzeichnet 128 . Dieser Vorgang setzt zu allererst die Kenntnisnahme der Schenkungsurkunde, im weiteren einen hohen Grad an Vertrauen in die Schriftlichkeit und deren breite Anerkennung voraus. Bestatigungen von der in Sawyer 1184 anzutreffenden Art finden sich auch in kopial ίiberlieferten Urkunden 129 , etwa - ohne Anspruch auf Vollstandigkeit - in Sawyer 27 ( = ASC 1/3) vom April 738, Sawyer 33 ( = ASC 1/8) aus dem Jahr 764 und Sawyer 34 ( = ASC 1/7) aus dem Jahr 765. Es handelt sich um kentische Beispiele. ln Sawyer 27, einer verunechteten Schenkung Konig Eadberhts 1. fίir das Bistum Rochester 130 , folgt auf die Subscriptiones und den wahrscheinlich interpolierten Satz: ,,Quomodo Alduulfus (sc. episcopus) petierit confirmari hanc donationem" die Konfirmation; diese besteht wieder aus einer monogrammatischen und verbalen lnvokation, der Feststellung Bischof Aldwulfs, er habe nicht gewuBt, ,,quod a Doruuernensis ι_)cclesiae prι_)suli et rege hac kartula confirmata esse debuisset. Postea agnovi tam diligenter postulavi ab archiepiscopo Nothelmo et rege Aethilberhto prf,)sidente meo largitore Eadberhto, ut ipsi manu sua hanc donationem corroborassent et sic in metropolitano urbe perfecte compleverunt" 131 . Darauf stehen Datierung und Subscriptiones. Ahnlich liegen die Verhaltnisse bei Sawyer 33 132 . Die Schenkung Sigireds, ,,rex dimidif,) partis provincif,) Cantuariorum" , wird nach der Zeugenliste beschlossen durch eine ,,Confirmatio Eanmundi regis", die eine umfangliche bestatigende Subscriptio Konig Eanmunds mit Ortsangabe sowie die Subscriptiones des Erzbischofs von Canterbury und anderer GroBer enthalt. Noch weiter reicht das Bestatigungswesen bei Sawyer 34, einer Schenkung Konig Ecgberhts 11. von Kent fίir Bischof Eardwulf von

126 127 128

129

130 131

132

Grundlegend Chaplais 11 333ff.; vgl. auch Scharer 260f. Αηιη . 5. ,,Hoc rite peractum ίη loco quae nuncupatur Yrtlingaburg''. Chaplais 11 334 vermutet einen Schreiber des Bischofs von Leicester oder aus Worcester als Verfasser. Freilich geben diese kaum Aufschliisse iiber das urspriingliche auβere Erscheinungsbild; ob beispielsweise die Konfirmationen von anderer Hand und ob sie auf der Vorder- oder Riickseite der Vorlagen verzeichnet waren. Scharer 116 ff. Dazu Vollrath-Reichelt, Konigsgedanke l53ff. Scharer 220 ff.

VI 34 Rochester 133 . Der Urkunde folgen sogar zwei Bestatigungen, eine Konig Heaberhts νοη Kent und eine Konig Offas νοη Mercien. Letztere geschah auf Bitten Bischof Eardwulfs ίη ,,Medeshamstede", dem heutigen Peterborough. Die Parallelen zu Sawyer 1184 sind eklatant, aber auch in geringerem MaBe der Form nach zu Sawyer 33 und inhaltlich, besonders was die Bitte des begiinstigten Bischofs betrifft, zu Sawyer 27 gegeben. Diese Falle illustrieren das ,,offentliche" Fortwirken, die Publizitat der Urkunde; denn das zu bestatigende Stiick muBte zuerst einmal demjenigen, der es konfirmieren sollte, und seinem ~of bzw. seinem Gefolge zur Kenntnis gebracht werden. Von diplomatischer und rechtlicher Seite fallt auf, daB die Bestatigungen im Unterschied zu den Konsensen im Kontext der Urkunde, auf die sie sich beziehen, nicht erwahnt werden, sondern vielmehr auf Initiative des Empfangers erfolgten , der sich der Zustimmung eines Mitkonigs des Ausstellers (Sawyer 27, 33 sowie 34 hinsichtlich der Bestatigung Heaberhts) oder· ,,Oberherrschers" (Sawyer 34 und 1184) versichern wollte bzw. muBte. DaB - bildlich gesprochen - die W ellen, die νοη einem Schenkungsakt oder einer Privilegierung ausgingen, durch geschichtlichen W andel, politische Veranderungen, oft einfach den Erbgang und davon verursachte Streitigkeiten verstarkt, recht weit reichen konnten, zeigen etwa auf die urspriingliche Schenkung Bezug nehmende Stellungnahmen. So ist beispielsweise auf der Riickseite des Diploms, das einen Tausch zwischen Konig Offa νοη Mercien und dem Abt Stidberht beurkundet, Sawyer 106 ( = ChLA 186 = CS 201) aus dem Jahr 767 134, die νοη der Synode νοη Chelsea im Jahr· 801 gebilligte Erklarung des Pilheard, ,,misellus comis regis Mercionum Coenuulfi", iiber die νοη Coenwulf gewahrte Privilegierung des durch Sawyer 106 und eine verlorene Urkunde Aethelbalds an ihn gelangten Besitzes verzeichnet. Mit den obgenannten Bestatigungen verbindet diese Erklarung die Art und Weise der Beurkundung; klar geht aus dem Text auch die durch die Synode gewahrleistete ,,offentliche " Kenntnisnahme der Urkunden hervor: ,,Has igitur cartulas donationum vel commutationum praenominatorum regum Aethelbaldi videlicet atque Offani cum ad me usque pervenerunt ego Pilheardus ... iustissime adquir·ens accipi easque in synodali conciliabulo iuxta locum qui dicitur Caelichyth coram rege iam nominato Merciorum et praesulibus ecclesiarum dei necnon et ducibus seu principibus produxi ... " 135 . Doch konnte eine nachtragliche Bestatigung auch AnlaB zur Neuausfer·tigung eines Diploms sein, wie im Fall νοη Sawyer 88 ( = ChLA 197 = ASC Ι/2 = CS 152), einem in Diplomform iiberlieferten Schiffszollprivileg Konig Aethelbalds νοη Mercien 136 , das νοη Konig Berhtwulf νοη Mercien um das Jahr 845 bestatigt wurde. Das Diplom entstand seinem auBeren ErscheiScharer 223. Vgl. Scharer 233 ff. 135 Vgl. die tberlegungen νοη Vollrath, Die Synoden Englands l32ff. ϋber die ,,Proνin­ zialsynode als Gerichtsinstanz fϋr kirchlichen Besitz" . 1:! 6 Scharer 196 f. ι:J:!

13 4

VI Die Intitulationes der angelsachsischen Konige

35

nungsbild nach wohl an l aβlich der Konfirmation; auf der Vorderseite wurde die wahrscheinlich um einige Subscriptiones gekiirzte Urkunde Aethelbalds verzeichnet, auf der Rίickseite die Bestiitigung Berhtwalds. Obgleich beides in einem Zug geschrieben wurde , versuchte man also den Eindruck originaler Diplome zu erwecken, die nachtraglich bestatigt wurden. Die Publizitat des Urkundenwesens erhellen aber auch Konflikte und Streitigkeiten 137 . So sind es ausschlieBlich Urkunden, die νοη der Kassierung und im giinstigsten Fall Neuausstellung νοη Schenkungen fίir kentische Empfiinger durch Offa nach der Etablierung νοη dessen Herrschaft ίiber Kent kίinden 138 .

Den Bestiitigungen verwandt ist die Erwahnung des Konsenses in Urkunden ; diese kann in verschiedener Weise erfolgen. Sie bezeugt die Mitwirkung und Teilhabe der weltlichen und geistlichen GroBen, also einer qualifizierten ,,reprasentativen" Offentlichkeit, am Schenkungs- und Beurkundungsgeschaft und damit die Publizitat des Urkundenwesens. Im altesten Original (Sawyer 8) heiBt es, die Schenkung Hlotheres erfolge ,,cum consensu archiepiscopi Theodori et Edrico filium fratris mei necnon et omnium principum". Edric war gleichsam der Juniorpartner . Wenn zwei Konige ίiber Kent herrschten, versicherte sich zumeist der jiingere oder schwachere der Zustimmung des anderen 139 ; auch das Einverstandnis des Erzbischofs νοη Canterbury wird haufig vermerkt. Das zweitalteste Diplom (Sawyer 1181) , das ein durch Samtherrschaft gepragtes Verfassungsgefiige erkennen laBt, enthalt gleichfalls eine Konsensformel: Oethelred, der Aussteller schenkt mit Zustimmung Sebbis (,,ego Hodilredus parens Sebbi ... cum ipsius consensu ... trado " ); interessanterweise finden die iibrigen Konige der Ostsachsen zwar in den Subscriptiones Erwahnung, ihre Zustimmung wird jedoch nicht eigens festgehalten. Eine Konsensformel zeichnet Konig Wihtreds Privileg fiir die kentische Kirche (Sawyer 20 = CS 99) 140 aus, Konig Aethelbald hingegen begniigt sich 137

138

139

140

Vgl. etwa Sawyer 1429 (= CS 156; 736/37) - dazu Vollrath , Die Synoden Englands 132 Anm. 29 - sowie den Streit um das Kloster Cookham, wobei neben anderen Vorkommnissen auch der Diebstahl von Urkunden eine Rolle spielte: Sawyer 1258 ( = CS 291) aus dem Jahr 798. Siehe in dieser Sache Frank Μ. Stenton, The Latin Charters of the Anglo-Saxon Period (Oxford 1955) 13 f. und Nicholas Brooks, The Early History of the Church of Canterbury 103 f. AuJ3er der zitierten Urkunde vgl . die Aldhun-Affare, von der Sawyer 155 ( = ChLA 223; 799) und Sawyer 1264 (= BMF ΙΙ/ 11; 811) berichteten, sowie das Faktum, daJ3 Offa fiir die Kirche von Rochester einige Schenkungen im eigenen Namen neu ausstellte, namlich Sawyer 35 und 36 durch Sawyer 130, Sawyer 32 durch Sawyer 131; siehe Scharer 226f. mit Anm.64f.; es sei angemerkt, daJ3 bei Sawyer 1258 die Entscheidung auf einer Synode fiel und Sawyer 155 vermutlich auf einer Reichsversammlung in Tamworth beurkundet wurde. Besonders klar ist dieses Faktum den fiir Rochester ausgestellten Urkunden abzulesen; siehe etwa oben S. 33 mit Anm. 130 ff. Scharer 97 ff.

VI 36 in seinem Privileg fίir die mercische Kirche (Sawyer 92 = CS 178) 141 mit der Ankίindigung der Zeugen in der Corroboratio. Die beiden in Diplomform ίiberlieferten Schenkungsurkunden Aethelbalds, Sawyer 89 und 96 ( = ChLA 193 = CS 181) 142 , kommen ohne jemandes Zustimmung aus; selbst eine Zeugenankίindigung fehlt, welche sehr haufig in den Diplomen Offas vorkommt: als eigener Satz I43 , in der Corroboratio 144 oder in der Datierung I45 . Ob besondere Hervorhebung durch Konsensformel1 46 , hofliche Stilisierung durch Zeugenbitte oder nίichterne Ankίindigung der Zeugen , die Mitwirkung der Grol3en wird in diesen Formeln oder Formelteilen deutlich ausgesprochen , der ,,offentliche" Charakter des Urkundenwesens kommt darin klar zum Ausdruck. Einer weiteren, der Konsensformel vergleichbaren, fίir das Titelwesen recht interessanten Erscheinung ist noch zu gedenken, und zwar der Permissionsformel. Dieses Phanomen lal3t sich an den Urkunden der Unterkonige der Hwicce demonstrieren 147 . Die drei Brίider Eanberht, Uhtred und Aldred handeln ,,cum licentia et permissione piissimi regis Offan Merciorum" 148 , Uhtred vergabt ,,cum consilio (consensu) et licentia Offani regis Merciorum simulque episcoporum ac principum eius" I49 . Ungemein wichtig sind diese Urkunden auch durch den Kontrast von Intitulatio und Ausstellersubscriptio auf der einen Seite, Subscriptio Konig Offas auf der anderen. Der Intitulatio: ,,Uhtredus deo donante regulus Huicciorum" und Ausstellersubscriptio: ,,[Uhtredus ... di] spensatione donante regulus propriae gentis . . . " steht die Subscriptio Offas: ,,[Ego Offa dei dono rex Me]rciorum hanc donationem subreguli mei consensi et signum sanctae crucis inposui" 150 gegenίiber. Dieser Sachverhalt - der Aussteller nennt sich in Intitulatio und Subscriptio ,,regulus" , wird in der Subscriptio Offas aber als ,,subregulus" bezeichnet - la13t sich anders als durch Klassifizierung ίη Selbstaussage einerseits, Fremdaussage anderseits ίiberhaupt nicht erklaren und liefert einen entscheidenden Beweis dafίir, da13 die Intitulationes und Ausstellersubscriptiones in den angelsachsischen Konigsurkunden der Frίih­ zeit als Selbstaussagen aufzufassen sind. Die Spannung zwischen Selbst- und 141 142 143 144 145 146

147 148 149

150

Scharer 188 ff. Siehe zu letzterem Diplom Scharer 182 ff. und unten S. 60. Sawyer 123 ( = ChLA 222 = CS 247; 785) und Sawyer 128 ( = ChLA 235 = CS 254; 788). Vgl. Sawyer 114. Sawyer 106 und Sawyer 139. Ζ u den friίnkischen Verhiίltnissen vgl. J ίirgen Η an η ί g, Consensus fideli um. Frίihfeudale Interpretationen des Verhiίltnisses von Konigtum und Adel am Beispiel des Frankenreiches (Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters 27, 1982) 90ff. u. l 70ff. Vgl. Scharer 255ff. Sawyer 56 (= ChLA 179 = CS 187; 759). Sawyer 58 ( = CS 202; 767): ,,cum consensu" und Sawyer 59 ( = ChLA 274 = CS 203; 770): ,,cum consilio". Die Zitate stammen aus Sawyer 59; Rekonstruktion der Subscriptio Offas nach Sawyer 58. ϋber die Beziehung der beiden Urkunden zueinander vgl. Scharer 255f.

VI Die Intitulationes der angelsachsischen Konige

37

Fremdaussage in ein und derselben Urkunde findet man auBer in Sawyer 58 und 59 etwa auch in Sawyer 57 ( = CS 232), einer zwar verunechteten, aber echte Subscriptiones aufweisenden Schenkung Uhtreds aus dem Jahr 777 151 . Rechts- und Besitzstreitigkeiten wurden auf Synoden und Reichsversammlungen ausgetragen und geschlichtet 152 . ln diesem Zusammenhang hort man beispielsweise von der Entwendung und Veruntreuung von Urkunden 153 . Ein besonders instruktives Beispiel fίir die bedeutende Rolle , die Urkunden vor einem solchen offentlichen Forum einnehmen konnten , liefern die letztwilligen Verfiigungen, die Aethelric anlaB!ich der Synode von Aclea im Jahr 804 iiber sein Erbe traf (Sawyer 1187 = CS 313) 154 . Zunachst wird in dem Dokument iiber ein Verfahren berichtet, das bereits einige Zeit zuvor auf einer Synode zu Clofeshoh stattgefunden und Aethelric die freie Verfiigbarkeit iiber seinen Besitz und seine Urkunden zugesichert hatte. Die Urkunden waren vorgelegt und gepriift worden, woran auch die weltlichen GroBen Anteil hatten 155. Sodann erfahrt man von einer Pilgerfahrt Aethelrics nach Rom 156 ; wahrend seiner Abwesenheit hatte Aethelric vermutlich Besitz und Urkunden seinen ,,amici" anvertraut, bei seiner Riickkehr wieder in seine Verfiigungsgewalt genommen und den vorher vereinbarten Preis erlost. Daran schlieBen die von Aethilric auf der Synode von Aclea getroffenen Verfiigungen. Wieder befinden sich unter den Angesprochenen auch die weltlichen GroBen 157 . Ιη den Dispositionen Aethilrics zugunsten seiner Mutter sind Urkunden von 151 152

153

154

155

156

157

Siehe Scharer 257 f. Vgl. oben S. 35 Anm.137 und neuerdings Patrick W ormald, Charters, law and the settlement of disputes ίη Anglo-Saxon England. Ιη: The Settlement of Disputes ίη Early Medieval Europe (ed. by Wendy Davies and Paul Fouracre, Cambridge 1986) 149ff. Siehe die ίη Anm. 137 zitierten Urkunden. Wie wichtiges war, den Rechtstitel urkundlich gesichert zu haben , erhellt auch aus Sawyer 1436 ( = CS 384; 825). Dazu Brooks, Early History of the Church of Canterbury 180 ff. Michael Μ . Sheehan, The Will ίη Medieval England. From the Conversion of the Anglo-Saxons to the End of the Thirteenth Century (Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies. Studies and Texts 6, 1963) 48; Scharer 276 und besonders Wormald ίη: The Anglo-Saxons 123f. , wo die Verbindungen Aethelmunds und Aethelrics nach Deerhurst aufgezeigt werden, sowie ders. , Disputes ίη Anglo-Saxon England (wie Anm. 152) 154 ff. ,,Ego Aethelric filius Aethelmundi cum conscientia synodali invitatus ad synodum et in iudicio starem ίη loco qui dicitur Clofeshoh cum libris et ruris id est aet waest mynster quod prius propinqui mei tradiderunt mihi et donaverunt. lbi Aeδelheardus archiepiscopus mihi regebat atque iudicaverat cum testimonio Coenwulfi regis et optimatibus eius coram omni synodo quando scripturas meas perscrutarent ut liber essem teπam meam atque libellas dare quocunque volui." Zu den Pilgerfahrten nach Rom vgl. Levison, England and the Continent 36ff.; als weiteres urkundliches Zeugnis sei auf Sawyer 1182 ( = CS 192) aus dem Jahr 762 verwiesen. ,,Facta est autem post paucos annos alia synodus aet Aclea. Tunc in illo synodo cora m episcopis, rege et principibus eius memoravi pristinae libertatis meae quae mihi ante iudicatum est et cum licentia eorum testificavi ίη praesenti testirnonio quem admodum meam haereditatem dare voluissem."

VI 38 grol3em Belang. Wenn seine Mutter namlich im Rechtsstreit mit Berkeley 158 nicht die entsprechende Unterstiitzung des Bischofs νοη Worcester habe , solle sie sich an den Erzbischof νοη Canterbury wenden, und wenn auch dies erfolglos sei , ,,sit libera cum libris et ruris ad elegandum patrocinium ubi placitum sibi fuerit " . Wie weit νerbreitet und gelaufig das Urkundenwesen um die Wende des 8. zum 9. Jahrhundert gewesen sein mu/3 und wie stark es in die fiihrenden Kreise der Laien wirkte und mit welche1· Menge an νer­ lorenem Schriftgut zu rechnen ist, erhellt auch aus der letzten Bestimmung νοη Aethelrics Testament: ,,Si aliter fiat ut ηοη opto aliquis homo contendat contra libros meos νe! hereditatem indigne , tunc habet Aldwulfus episcopus in Licetfelda istius cartulae comparem et amici necessarii mei et fidelissimi alias , id est Eadberht Eadgaring 7 Aethelheah Esning ad confirmationem huius rei ". Man hort νοη drei authentischen Exemplaren, wονοη eines beim Bischof νοη Lichfield, die anderen beiden bei Vertrauten des Erblasser·s hinterlegt waren. Da der erhaltene Text des Testaments in Worcester iiberliefert wurde, wird man wahrscheinlich die Existenz mindestens einer weiteren, also νierten Ausfertigung annehmen diirfen 159 . Die Publizitat des Urkundenwesen s spiegeln auch die fiir die Befreiungen νοm Schiffszoll typischen Schriftlichkeitsa rengen wider. Das gleiche gilt fiir die Erwahnung einer zum Schenkungsakt gehorigen Traditionssymb olik: es hei13t, der Aussteller habe zur Bekraftigung seiner Schenkung eine Erdscholle auf den Altar der entsprechenden ,,Empfangerkirc he" gelegt 161 . Αη den Grenzbeschreibungen la13t sich zudem noch das U mschreiten des Besitzes ablesen 162 . Der ,,Offentlichkeits bezug" des Urkundenwesen s hat sich als entscheidender Faktor in der Beurteilung der Intitulationes der angelsachsische n Konigsurkunde als Selbstaussagen erwiesen. Demgegeniiber hielt das Fehlen νοη Kanzlei und Kanzleima13igke it als Kriterium in der Unterscheidung Selbstaussage oder Fremdaussage - zumindest fiir den νοη uns gewahlten Zeitraum - einer Όberpriifung nicht stand. Da/3 die angelsachsische n Konigs158

159

160 16 1

162

Diese Situation trat wirklich ein; vgl. Sa,vyer 1433 ( = CS 379) aus dem Jahr 824 und die Analyse davon durch Wormald (wie Anm.152) l52ff. Vermutlich handelt es sich um ein Exemplar, das Aethelrics Mutter besaf3. - Die wenigen Urkundentypen - hauptsiίchlich Schenkungen, daneben eine sehr geringe Anzahl von Zollprivilegien und allgemeinen Privilegien, aus privaturkundliche m Bereich sind noch Testamente zu nennen - , die man bei den Angelsachsen findet , konnten den Eindruck eines dementsprechend geringen Ausmaf3es der Schriftlichkeit ίη weltlichen Geschaften erwecken. Doch darf nicht ίibersehen werden , daf3 die Angelsachsen keine Formularsammlun gen hinterlassen haben , und ohne diese wίirde auch die Vielfalt an Schriftgut, wie sie fίir das merowingische Frankenreich (vgl. Hartmut Atsma, L 'administration merovingienne et l'acte ecrit, in: Beihefte der Francia 9, 1980, 681) sich erschlief3en liίf3t , um vieles armer aussehen. Vgl. auch Wormald in: The Anglo-Saxons lOl ff. , bes. 118. Scharer l 95 ff. Vgl. die Όbersicht bei Scharer 76. Siehe bes. Sawyer 8, 24 und 26.

VI Die lntitulationes der angelsachsischen Konige

39

urkunden des 7. und 8. Jahrhunderts in Intitulationes und Subscriptiones die Titel ihrer Aussteller nennen, liegt in der ,,Offentlichkeit" des Urkundenwesens begrίindet. Die Indizien fίir offentliche Verlesung, fόrmliche Handlungen , Beteiligung der geistlichen wie weltlichen GroBen am ,,Beurkundungsgeschiift" haben gezeigt, wie verfehlt es wiire , eine bloBe Schreiberlaune als Erkliirung fίir die Entstehung eines bestimmten Titels heranzuziehen 163 . Dem widerspricht nicht die Vielzahl der ίiberlieferten Titelformen. Die angelsiichsischen Urkunden knίipfen an die spiitantike Privaturkunde wie - in geringerem MaB - an kirchliche Urkundenformen an ; sie setzen weder das Urkundenwesen der romischen Provinzial- und Kurialbίirokratie noch gar des Kaisers fort. Daher konnte an kein aus- und vorgepriigtes Titelwesen angeschlossen werden. Mangelnde Vorpriigung wie polygenetische Entstehung des Urkundenwesens bedingten jene Variationsbreite im Wortlaut der Intitulationes.

ΠΙ. ΚΕΝΤ

Die iiltesten erhaltenen angelsiichsischen Urkunden wurden fast ausschlieBlich von Konigen ausgestellt. Die Intitulatio besteht aus der privaturkundlicher Praxis entsprechenden, mit dem Personalpronomen ,,ego " eingeleiteten und mit Rangtitel versehenen Nennung des Ausstellers , die im Laufe der Zeit - allerdings nicht in allen ,,Urkundenprovinzen " - um eine Legitimationsformel erweitert wurde 1 . Bei den scheinbar iiltesten kentischen Urkunden , den von Konig Aethelberht wie von dessen Sohn und Nachfolger Eadbald ausgestellten, handelt es sich um grobe Falschungen, die weder AufschluB ίiber ein Urkundenwesen, geschweige denn ίiber Titelfragen liefern 2 . Aus der Zeit der Bekehrung gibt es, wenn ίiberhaupt , nur ein paar Fremdaussagen , die in den Adressen piipstlicher Schreiben an die durch die Mission betroffenen Konige enthalten sind; so heiBt es in dem Brief Gregors d. Gr. an Konig Aethelberht vom 22. 6. 601: ,,Domino gloriosissimo atque praecellentissimo filio Aedilbercto regi Anglorum " 3 . Papst Gregor spricht in seiner Korrespondenz generell von den ,,Angli " und der ,,gens Anglorum " . Eine feinere Differenzierung, fίir die es genauerer Kenntnisse ίiber die Angelsachsen

163 1

2

3

Vgl. die ίη der Einleitung referierte Literatur oben S. l0ff. Scharer 30 f. Dazu ziίhlen die Stiicke Sawyer l, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 (νgl. bes. Le νison , England and the Continent l 75ff. u . Scharer 59ff.) und 1609 (siehe Brooks, Early History of the Church of Canterbury (wie oben S. 35 Anm.137) 100 u. 102 mit Anm . 56). Beda ΗΕ Ι/ 32 , 67 ; die Registerνersion (Gregorii Ι papae registrum epistolarum , ed. Hartmann, MGH ΕΕ 2, 1899, ΧΙ 37 , p. 308-310) ermangelt der Adresse, νgl. auch Brechter, Quellen zur Angelsachsenmission (wie S. 17 Anm. 4) 5.

VI 40 bzw. die Besiedlung Britanniens bedurft hatte, war auch weniger vonnoten, da Aethelberht als der machtigste Herrscher der Angelsachsen zur Zeit der Konversion galt und als dritter ,, Bretwalda" in die Geschichte einging4 . Papstlicherse its scheint man dem Sprachgebra uch Gregors gefolgt zu sein. Bonifaz V. tituliert Konig Edwin νοη Northumbrie n mit den Worten: ,,Viro glorioso Eduino regi Anglorum" 5 . Αη denselben Empfanger ist ein Schreiben des Papstes Honorius 1. νοm 11. 6. 634 gerichtet: ,, Domino excellentissim o atque praecellentis simo filio Eduino regi Anglorum" 6 . Anders verhiίlt es sich erst beim Brief Papst Vitalians an Konig Oswiu νοη Northumbrie n (667?): ,,Domino excellenti filio Osuiu regi Saxonum" 7 . Ιη Kent setzt das Urkundenwe sen in den siebziger Jahren des 7. Jahrhunderts ein. lm altesten Original aus dem Jahr 679, Sawyer 8, lautet die Intitulatio: ,,ego Hlotharius rex Cantuariorum " 8 . Der Titeltypus ,,ego Ν. rex Cantuarioru m" ist der fίir die Frίihzeit der kentischen Konigsurkun de gangige und der bis ίiber die Mitte des 8. Jahrhundert s am weitesten verbreitete, was sich beispielsweise an den in Diplomform erhaltenen Stίicken besonders gut ablesen 9 , aber auch an den kopial ίiberlieferten Urkunden feststellen Ιiίβt , selbst wenn sie gefalscht oder verfalscht sind 10 . Diesem Titel entspricht der in den volkssprachi gen Gesetzen gebrauchte. So hort man im Prolog zu den Gesetzen Hlotheres und Eadrics νοη ,,Hloph:oere 7 Eadric Cantwara cyninga.s" 11 und iη der Eiηgaηgsdatieruηg des Prologs zu deη Gesetzeη Wihtreds νοη: ,,Dam mildestaη cyηiηge Caηtwara Wihtr:oede" 12 . Da13 man sich des ,,rex Caηtuariorum"-Tite l s auch iη Fremdaussageη bedieηte , beweist etwa die Datierung der Akteη der Synode νοη Hatfield (17. 9. 679) 13 . 4

5

6

7

8 9

10

11 12

13

Beda ΗΕ 11/5, 89f. Beda ΗΕ ΙΙ / 10 , 100. Zur Datierung dieses Schreibens siehe D. Ρ. Kirby, Bede und Northumbrian Chronology. EHR 78 (1963) 514-527, bes. 522; gegen Ende von Bonifaz ' Episkopat Plummer 11 96 f. Beda ΗΕ 11/ 17 , ll8f. Beda ΗΕ ΙΙΙ/29 , 196 f. Scharer 65 ff. Siehe etwa Sawyer 19 ( = ChLA 220; Juli 697) , 23 ( = ChLA 190; 20. 2. 732) u. 24 (= ChLA 192; vermutlich 750). Dazu Scharer 93ff., l06ff. u. llOff. Vgl . u.a. Sawyer 7 (675), 9 (686), 10 (689) , 11 (um 690) , 13 (690) , 14 (um 690) , 17 (696), 18 (697) , 21 (697), 26 (727) , 27 (738) u. 30 (zw. 748 u. 760). Sawyer 7 wurde nach Vorbild eines Zollprivilegs gefalscht (Scharer 63 ff.), Sawyer 9 ist verunechtet (a.a.O. 68 ff.) , Sawyer 10 gefalscht (ebenda 77 ff.) , Sawyer 11 zweifelhaft (83 f.) , Sawyer 13 gefalscht (73 ff. ), Sawyer 14 verunechtet (75 ff. ), Sawyer 17 gefalscht (90 f. ), Sawyer 18 verunechtet (91 f.) , bei Sawyer 21 ( = ChLA 189) handelt es sich um eine interpolierte Kopie νοη Sawyer 19 aus der Mitte des 8. Jahrhunderts (94ff.), Sawyer 26 ist formal verunechtet (ll5f.) , besser steht es um Sawyer 27 (ll6ff.) und 30 (ll5f.) . Die ίη Klammer angefϋhrten Seitenangaben beziehen sich auf Scharer. Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen 1, 9. Ebenda 12. Beda ΗΕ IV /17 (15) (ed. Colgrave u. Mynors) 384: ,,Ιη nomine Domini nostri Iesu

VI Die lntitulationes der angelsachsischen Konige

41

Daneben findet sich schon relatiν frϋh, in einem Original allerdings erstmals 762 14 , der Titeltypus ,,ego Ν. rex Cantiae ' '. Ιη der kopialen Όber­ lieferung taucht die ,,rex Cantiae"-Intitulatio bereits gegen Ende des 7. Jahrhunderts sporadisch auf. Beνor wir diesen Titel und dessen Vorkommen zu erkliiren νersuchen, sei seine Verbreitung kurz skizziert. Frϋhe Belege, die als νertrauenserweckend zu bewerten sind, liefern Sawyer 12 (689) 15 , Sawyer 16 (696) 16 and Sawyer 20 17 ; bei Sawyer 15 (694) handelt es sich um eine νerunechtete Urkunde 18 . Danach scheinen ,,rex Cantiae"-Intitulationes erst wieder in Urkunden aus den sechziger Jahren des 8. Jahrhunderts auf, νοη da an bis zur Herrschaft Offas ϋber Kent mit zwei Ausnahmen 19 ausschlie/3lich20. Ein weiteres interessantes Phiinomen ist in diesem Zusammenhang zu streifen: die Titel in den Subscriptiones. Mitunter steht niimlich einer ,,rex Cantuariorum"-Intitulatio eine ,,rex Cantiae" -Subscriptio gegenϋber, wie in dem Original Sawyer 24 aus dem Jahr 750 21 oder der nicht ganz echten Urkunde Sawyer 30 22 , die zwischen 748 und 760 entstand. Die scheinbar iilteren Belege dieser Titelνariation, Sawyer 7 (675) 23 und Sawyer 10 (689)24, sind gefalscht, und zwar νermutlich auf Grund jϋngerer Vorlagen , so da/3 sie nicht das erste Aufkommen dieser Erscheinung bezeugen konnen. Vielleicht nahm der nach der Mitte des 8. Jahrhunderts sprunghaft ansteigende Gebrauch der ,,rex Cantiae" - Intitulatio νοη den Subscriptiones und den Brieftiteln seinen (erneuten) Ausgang. Man νergleiche das zwischen 748 und 754 entstandene Schreiben Konig Aethelberhts 11. νοη Kent an Bonifatius: ,,Domino beatissimo ... archiepiscopo Uuynfritho cognomento Bonifatio Aethil bertus rex Cantiae in Domino dominorum salutem" 25 und den νer-

14

15 16

17 18 19 20

21 22 23 24

25

Christi Saluatoris. lmperantibus dominis piissimis nostris Ecgfrido rege Humbronensium, anno decimo regni eius sub die XV kalendas Octobres indictione octaua, et Aedilredo rege Mercinensium, anno sexto regni eius, et Alduulfo rege Estranglorum, anno septimodecimo regni eius, et Hlothario rege Cantuariorum, regni eius anno septimo". Sawyer 31 ( = ChLA 221). ,,Ego Osuuynus rex Cantiae"; vgl. Scharer 7lff. ,,Ego Wihtredus rex Cantie"; Scharer 89f. ,,Ego Uuihtredus rex Cantie"; Scharer 97 ff. ,,Ego Wythredus rex Cantiae" ; Scharer 86ff. Sawyer 28 (762) und Sawyer 33 (764); siehe dazu unten S. 45ff. Und zwar ίη Sawyer 1612 (762-764) (verfalscht: Scharer 208ff.) , Sawyer 29 (763/64) (leicht verfalscht: Scharer 210) sowie den echten Urkunden Sawyer 31 (vgl. oben Anm. 14), Sawyer 32 (762), 34 (765), 37 (765 bzw. kurz danach), 35 (778) und 36 (779). Vgl. auch Sawyer 38 (784; Scharer 206). Scharer 11 Ο ff. Scharer 115 f. Vgl. oben Anm.10. Scharer 77 ff. Die Briefe des heiligen Bonifatius und Lullus Nr.105, 229.

VI 42 mutlich aus der Zeit zwischen 754 und 762 stammenden Brief Bischof Eardwulfs νοη Rochester und Konig Eardwulfs νοη Kent an Bischof Lul: ,,t Reverentissimo nobisque omnium episcoporum carissimo Lullo coepiscopo Aerdulfus Hrofensis ecclesiae antistes cum sanctae ecclesiae filio Aearduulfo rege Cantiae ... salutem" 26 . Das Faktum einer territorialen Bereichsbezeichnung mutet fίir diese Zeit anachronistisch an; Wolfram legte etwa dar: ,,Das Objekt, auf das sich die Funktion bezieht, kann im Titel ausgedrίickt werden . Es ist naturgemiiβ zuniichst die ,gens' und erst im spiiteren Mittelalter das Territorium, das Land .... Vor 800 findet man auf dem Kontinent fast nur den Gebrauch der ethnischen Bereichsbezeichnung. " 27 Doch der durch die Urkunden bezeugte Sprachgebrauch hat in der Historiographie eine Parallele. Beda gebraucht sowohl ,,Cantia" als auch ,,Cantuarii" 28 ; spricht er νοη den Kenterkonigen, so verwendet er fast stets den Titel ,,rex Cantuariorum"; doch findet sich bei der Schilderung der Grίindung der St.-Peter-und-Pauls-Abtei (Canterbury) der Hinweis auf die Funktion dieses Klosters als Grablege der Konige νοη Kent in folgender Formulierung: ,,Fecit autem (sc. Augustinus) et monasterium ηοη longe ab ipsa civitate ad orientem, in quo, eius hortatu, Aedilberct ecclesiam beatorum apostolorum Petri et Pauli a fundamentis construxit, ac diversis donis ditavit, in qua et ipsius Augustini, et omnium episcoporum Doruvernensium, simul et regum Cantiae poni corpora possent" 29 . l)ie Ersetzbarkeit bzw. Austauschbarkeit des einen Begriffes durch den anderen deutet die Verwendung νοη ,,ecclesia Cantiae" und ,,ecclesia Cantuariorum" an 30 . Die entscheidende und ίiberzeugende Kliirung, warum in einigen eher seltenen Fallen Beda einer ,,territorialen" vor einer ,,gentilen" Bereichsbezeichnung den Vorzug gab , lieferte James Campbell durch die Erkenntnis des romischen Ursprungs dieser Bezeichnungen31 . Diese Besonderheit der geographisch-ethnographischen Terminologie fand also auch Eingang in das Urkundenwesen; freilich stammen , bedingt durch die Όberlieferungs­ lage, die Belege mit einer Ausnahme, namlich der ,,rex Britanniae"-Subscriptio Aethelbalds in Sawyer 89 32 , alle aus Kent. Wenn also die Moglichkeit 26 27

28

29

;Ju ~1

32

Ebenda ΝΙ" . 122, 258; νοη Tangl in die Zeit zwischen 760 und 778 datiert. lntitulatio 1 27. Ιη Anm. 22 weist Wolfram auf die lntitulationes von Sawyer 19 (,,rex Cantuariorum"), Sawyer 31 (,,rex Cantiae") und Sawyer 35 (,,rex Cantiae") hin. Vgl. die Belege bei Putnam Fenell Jones, Α Concordance to the Historia ecclesiastica of Bede (Cambridge Mass. 1929) 68f. Beda ΗΕ 1/33, 70. Wie Anm. 28. Campbell , Bede's ,Reges ' and ,Principes' 14 Anm. 20: ,,lt is curious that the only ,provinciac' for which Bede uses the form ,provincia Lindissi' , ,provincia Cantiae', with a genitive singular rather than a plural, as in e.g. ,provincia Nordanhymbrorum ', are t he only two whose names are known to go back to the Romano-British past, in the sense of deriving from names certainly in use in Roman Britain." Das gleiche trifft auf die ,,Britannia" zu. Siehe dazu unten S. 58.

VI Die Intitulationes der angelsachsischen Konige

43

des Gebrauchs einer territorialen Bereichsbezeichnung in jenen Fallen, wo die entsprechenden Namen in die ,,Romano-British past" zuriickreichen 33 , nicht weiter verwundern kann , stellt sich als nachstes die Frage, ob die Streuung und Verteilung der ,,rex Cantiae"-Intitulationes in einem Aktualitatsbezug stehen. Mit allen Einschrankungen angesichts der durch Zufall bestimmten Όberlieferung zeichnet sich - wie dargelegt - doch eine gewisse Tendenz ab: dem ersten relativ isolierten Auftreten des ,,rex Cantiae"-Titels zu Ende des 7. Jahrhunderts folgt mit einer Unterbrechung von beinahe siebzig J ahren ein fast alleiniger Gebrauch dieser Intitulatio von den sechziger Jahren des 8. Jahrhunderts an. Dabei sind gewisse Parallelen zur politischen Entwicklung unverkennbar. Die Samtherrschaft zweier oder mehrerer Mitglieder einer Konigsfamilie iiber ein Reich laβt sich bei den Angelsachsen in ihren letzten (weitesten) Auslaufern noch urkundlich fassen 34 ; in Kent beispielsweise erfahrt man nicht zuletzt aus Urkunden und Gesetzen, daβ Hlothere und dessen Neffe Eadric, Suaebhard, Oswine und Wihtred im 7., die Wihtredsohne (nach dem Tod ihres Vaters) sowie deren Nachfolger im 8 . Jahrhunde1·t gemeinsam herrschten. Auf die Unterschiede in der Form der Herrschaft - so lassen sich territorial bestimmte Herrschaftsbereiche mit einiger Sicherheit erst fiir das 8. Jahrhundert annehmen - wollen wir noch zu sprechen kommen . Fest steht, daβ zwei durch Samtherrschaft gepragte Perioarisis to St Denis and stipulates that the yields of the manor were to be used for lighting/illuminating the church, feeding the monks and the maintenance of the poor οη certain days, festivals we could say. The following anniversaries are singled out according to Charles the Bald's dispositions: 13 June, Charles's birthday (quando Deus me nasci in mundo voluit), 8 July (it should have been 6 July), when Charles was anointed king in 848 (quando Sanctus sanctorum ungi in regem sua dignatione disposuit), 15 January, when the king of kings had put to flight and annihilated his foes (quando me rex regum, fugatis atque contritis ante faciem divinae potentiae nobiscum agentis inimicis) - this actually refers to 859, when Charles recovered his position against the odds after his brother Louis the German had led a successful invasion against West Francia, and this anniversary should after his demise be switched to the day he died and serve as obit, 13 December, the day of his wedding to Irmintrude (quando Deus me difectam coniugem Yrmintrudem uxoreo vincuio copulavit), 27 September, Irmintrude's birthday which after her death should be moved to the day of her death. Ιη return the monks promised to sing five psalms οη Charles's behalf as long as he lived and after he died every day early in the morning, after prime, in front of the main altar, called gazofi!acium 'treasure-chest', where 26 cavens, ne qtιodper Hodilredtιttι et I-Iiltrudenι olittι accidenιt, nviιJesceret scandaluttι ... Astronomus, Vita Hludoιvici imperatoris c. 21, ed. Ernst Tremp (MGH Scrίptores rerum Germanίcarum in usum scholarum 64, Haruιover 1995) 348. 27 As noted above (η. 18) the diploma under discussίon is a1,vays cited by its number in the

ediήon.

XI 12

The King} Voice

Charles had arranged to be buried; furthermore a priest and three monks were to celebrate a daily mass οη Charles's behalf, a certain amount of the wine from the Senlisse manor was to be added to the sacramental wine and a light was always to burn in front of the said altar in order that by the merits of the saints and the pious prayers of the monks the eternal light shine for Charles. 28 Νο future abbot was allowed to invest anybody with any part of the manor; the stipulations of the grantor were to remain intact so that Charles's good fortune would increase in present life and in future the glory by eternal grace. The mighty personal concern which permeates this charter figures most prominendy ίη the different anniversaries and the ensuing stipulations which Ι shall try to put into perspective shordy. But this seemingly personal colouring of the charter features already in phrases which usually are rather stereotyped, like the motive for the grant: ob amorem Dei 'for the love of God' is all right, but et reverentiam pretiosissimi ac specia/is protectoris nostri magni Dio1!Jlsii sociorumque eius Όut of reverence for our most precious and special protector, the great Denis and his companions' sounds a litde special, as does the following reference to the salvation of Charles's father and mother et [ob] remedium animarum domni sci/icet ac genitoris nostri H/udowici sanctae recordationis Augusti, seu genitricis nostrae Judith imperatricis. Although similar stipulations can be found in other grants by Charles the Bald, they only very rarely form such a tight cluster as in D. 246. Charles's birthday is occasionally mentioned from 852 onwards, the anointing makes its first appearance in 854, the 860s bring mention of the wedding and Irmintrude's birthday, also the obits of his father and mother may be recorded. 29 Το have one's birthday and other important occasions celebrated may have been suggested to Charles by a late antigue calendar like the calendar of 354

28 The significance of gifting lights to St Denis (see especially D.379, an original dating from 27 March 875) as memorial for Charles and those close to him may also have to do ,vith the reception of rhe writings of Pseudo Denis the Areopapire at the court and at St Denis. One may just recall the role of light ίη D enis's oeuvre.

The evidence was assembled and interpreted by Eugen Ewig, 'H.emarques sur la de la priere dans les chartes de Charles le Chaυve', in C!io et son regard: Mέlanges cl'histoire, d'histoire de l'art et cl'archέologie offerts ά Jacqzιes Stiennon, ed. H.ita Lejeune and Joseph Deckers (Liege 1982) 221-33, ar 226 with ηη. 42-56, idem, 'Gebetsdiensr der Κirchen in den Urkunden der spaten Karolinger', in Festschιift fiir Berent Schwinekόper, ed. H elmut Maurer and Hans Patze (Sigmaringen 1982) 42-86, at 59-61, and the oυtstanding biography by Janet L. Nelson, Charles the Ba1d (London 1992) 17. See especia1ly the following diplomas of Charles the Bald: DD. 288, 325,338,361,379 and 439. 29

stipυlation

XI The Κing's Voice

13

respect of the nata!es Caesarum, as Wallace-Hadrill pointed out. 30 Take a similar calendar, that of Polemius Silvius, originating ίη Gaul ίη 448-49 and dedicated to Eucherius, bishop of Lyons. For Valentinian ΠΙ it records the nata!is genuinus (2 July) and the nata!is purpurae (23 October), his birthday and his becoming emperor. 31 Birthday, anointing, wedding are definitely anniversaries closely linked to Charles. Το celebrate the day 'when the king of kings had put to flight and annihilated his foes' οη 15 January, when Charles actually took part ίη the translation of the relics of Germanus in Auxerre which had changed his fortune, 32 must be owed to Charles directly. Who else could have endowed an anniversary οη this day? This is but one, if the strongest, indication of the overriding personal concern for commemoration which is present ίη this charter and which can be paralleled by the many gifts of precious objects to St Denis which Charles the Bald made. 33 Usually they are dated after the Vikings had plundered St Denis ίη 865 and Charles had taken over the abbey himself ίη 867; Ι am not so sure, considering that Dagobert's throne and St Eligius's cross survived. Be that as it may, the luxury objects like the golden altar (frontal) which we know only from the fifteenth century painting of the mass of St Giles ίη the National Gallery (London) and the so called escrain de Charlemagne,34 ίη all likelihood a religuary, broken up ίη the French revolution, seem to breathe the same personal and memorial concern for St Denis as the charter and to share the same purpose, to be remembered by an exquisite personal token. There are other instances where Charles's voice can be heard as for instance ίη the foundation-charter for his new chapel at Compiegne of 5 May 877 (D. 425) with its conscious reference to his grandfather Charlemagne and to Aachen 'since that part of the regnum has not yet come to us'; 35 and there we also find the singular stipulation οη Charles's part 'whatever we have given ίη gold, silver, precious stones, vestments and objects of whichever kind, because we have offered them out of love for divine worship as well as for the salvation of our soul and that of our parents and ancestors, we ask and forbid ίη

30 John Michael Wallace-Hadrill, Ά Carolingian Renaissance Prince: The Emperor Charles the Bald', Proceedings of the Btitish Acadenιy 64 (1978) 155-84, at 166. 31 Henri Stern, Le calendtiπ de 354: E tude su1· son texte et les illustrations (Paris 1953) 33f. 32 Ν elson, Chaties the Bald 188-91. 33 On wlιich see the sumptuous catalogue Le tresor de Saint-Denis: Mtιsιfe dtι utιvre 12 mars17juin 1991 (Paris 1991) esp. 41-118 (Le tresor du hautMoyen Age: Dagobertet Charles le Chauve). 34 Le trisor de Saint-Denis 43, Figure 3 (mass of St Giles) and 92-8 Figure 3 and nr. 13b (escrain of Charlemagne) . 35 Nelson, Charles the Bald247 .

XI 14

The King's Voice

by the invocation of the divine name that our royal or imperial successors or somebody else of whatever station accept any of the aforementioned objects in his use or remove them to service in their chapel, nor shall these objects be given, as is sometimes the case, to another church οη the pretence of alms, but they shall remain in perpetuity as we have given them to the Lord and the aforementioned holy place'. Again the gift of precious objects and the issuing of a charter revealing a very personal concern coincide. 36 Compared to the rather compact evidence in the case of Charles the Bald, there are fewer indications in the charters of his East-Frankish relatives which would allow us to discern a personal voice behind the routine. References to prayers and anniversaries we find in sufficient number, it is the individual tone that is harder to detect except for instance in a charter of K.ing Arnulf (D. 64, 15 November 889) in favour of the episcopal church of Liege, 37 the grant of the abbey of Lobbes, stipulating that the churches of Lobbes and Liege celebrate with prayers and alms(-giving) the commemoratio, the remembrance of his father Karlmann's death οη 22 September [880] as well the day οη which he [Arnul~ was raised by divine mercy to kingship and the day of his death, the memory of which should be celebrated in perpetuity. 38 What Arnulf did not explicitly say, but what he obviously meant was, similarly to Charles the Bald's stipulations, that the anniversary of his becoming king should with his death be commuted to the anniversary of his death. Somewhat strangely, ηο date is given in the charter to his rise to kingship. As this happened in November 887 and the present grant was issued οη 15 November 889, one is led to surmise that this was the exact date, which was not mentioned separately. Here again, the personal concern which is obvious, will have been due to the issuer of the charter, King Arnulf, an exact contemporary of Alfred the Great. Α rather straightforward grant of Otto Ι in favour of the nunnery of Quedlinburg from 30 September 944, which has come down as a single sheet original (D. 61), gives casual expression to a father's anxiety for his daughter's 36 Whether these provisions ,vere subsequently observed, is another matter. The famous Codex A11ret1s of St Emmeram (Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 14000) which not least owing to its sumptuous cover, may have belonged to the above objects, ended up a fe,v years later as diplomatic gift with Arnulf of Carinthia (cf. Annales Vedastini, ed. Β. ν. Simson, MGH Scriptores rerum Gerrnanicarum in usum scholarum 12, Hannover 1909, 65-6 [ad 888] for such an occasion) and was given by him to St Emmeram. 37 For the MGH eclition of Arnulf's cliplomata by Paul Kehr see above η. 18. 38 In decinιo calendanιnι Octobritιm die (sc. 22 October), qtιo Carolomanntιs ι;enerandae nιemoriae piissim11s rex etgenitor nosterpraesenlenι.finivit vitam, s11i conιnιemoratio Ιαnι in e!eemosinis q11am in orationib11s sin1iliterq11e nostri eo clie, q110 clitJina praeorclinante misericorcfia ad clignitatem regiam promoti s1111111s, ann11atit11 lanz in La11biense q11an1 in Leodiense ecclesia habea/11r obit11sq11e vitae noslrae in aevo menzoria celebre/,ιr.

XI The King's Voice

15

health. As motives for the donation Otto mentions the salvation of his father, who, as had been stated earlier in the charter, was buried in Quedlinburg, for his own well-being (nostrae etiam causa salutis) and as alms promised for his daughter Liutgard's recovery from illness (quin et in elemosina filiae nostrae Liutgardae pro cuius infirmitate haec spopondimus). She went οη to marry Konrad the Red whom Otto had entrusted with the duchy of Lorraine. Το make such a personal reference in a very sparingly worded document must be due to Otto who shows himself as a caring parent, like Einhard's Charlemagne, of his 13-year-old daughter.39 This parental concern surfaces also in two charters which Konrad Π, another illiterate emperor, issued in July 1033 for the episcopal church of Freising οη 19 and 21 July respectively (DD. 195 and 196). The two charters, which in a certain sense have to do with Henry's coming of age in 1033, stand out for the singular fact that they were not only confirmed by Konrad himself, but also by his son Henry ΠΙ; moreover they were drawn up according to the editor by Freising, that is the recipient's, scribes, yet they refer to Bishop Egilbert's service as tutor to Henry ΠΙ ίη a manner that points markedly to Konrad himself; of Egilbert it is said in the original (D. 195) that 'he raised our only son, whom we had commended to his care, and with great faith οη our behalf looked after him, took him to his heart, loved him and devotedly brought him up' (quod eundem unicum nostrum jilium per nos sue jidei commendatum plena jide vice nostra fovit amplectitur amavit et per omnia jideliter educavit). Not surprisingly Herwig Wolfram noticed a personal and cordial tone in these cliplomas. 40 And this 'tone' must somehow catch Konrad's voice. We meet Henry ΠΙ and Konrad Π in changed roles in our final example. That the draft of a diploma could be rejected is shown by the case of Bishop Pilgrim of Passau (971-91), by the way a major forger: in at least two instances the texts that he submitted were toned down in the charters issued. 41 Α similar procedure can be observed in the present case, a grant by Henry ΠΙ dating to 4 June 1049 in favour of the chapter of Hildesheim with the stipulacion that the anniversary of Konrad Π's death be celebrated in fitcing manner. Two single sheet documents have survived: the finalized original (D. 236a) and the apparently rejected first version (D. 236b) which just lacked the

39 As already mencioned Ι am skippίng the diplomas of Otto ΠΙ and Henry ΙΙ , a body of evidence that Hartmut Hoffmann has discussed at great length (see above η. 3). 40 Herwig Wolfram, Konrad ΙΙ. 990-1 Ο39: Κaiser dreier &iche (Munich 2000) 308. 41 For a more derailed view see below the paper on 'Bishops in Ottonian Bavaria'.

XI 16

The King's Voice

final touches. 42 According to Harry Bresslau, who prepared the edition of Henry III's diplomas, the two sheets were composed and written (veιfasst und geschrieben) by Winitherius Α. What is the difference between the two pieces? Nothing as far as the actual transaction is concerned, but the anniversary of Konrad and Henry's involvement in it are set out in much greater detail in the original. We learn that Henry celebrated the anniversary at Hildesheim and more particulars are given: an earlier anniversary for Henry ΙΙ (t1024), the predecessor of Konrad ΙΙ, is mentioned and the provisions in regard to the anniversary, the feeding of the poor as well as liturgical obligations, are more detailed; besides the corroboration-formula announcing monogram and seal and especially the dating clause contain additional references to the anniversary of Konrad ΙΙ in so far, as it was said now that the charter was issued οη the day of the anniversary. What has become evident in the comparison of the two versions of the diploma is the fact that the emperor himself has to be regarded as the driving force behind the changes. And in view of Bresslau's verdict that the diploma was composed by Winitherius Α we have to stress that there can be ηο other explanation for the additional passages tendered than an injunction of Henry ΠΙ. Let us remember that we know of this rewriting of a charter and hence of Henry's involvement only because the first version or draft has survived. Ι just wonder how many other cases we miss, because the first version was not preserved. Testimonies of the grantor's participation in the issuing of a charter are also conveyed in historiography. The Liber Pontificalis's Life of Hadrian Ι mentions in its account of Charlemagne's first visit to Rome in 774 charters for the Roman church which Hitherius, the head of the writing office - he is actually referred to as religiosus ac prudentissimus capel/anus et notarius suus, drew up οη Charlemagne's orders; 43 thereby the impression is created of a rather close contact between king and notary, much as of a present day minister to his secretary. And there is the rather well-known story from Ratpert's Casus sancti Gal/i (Stories from the monastery of St Gall), written about 890 and referring to events of 854, which shows Louis the German (t876) as conscientious and successful mediator between the abbey of St Gall and the bishop of Constance. But before the act of settlement was issued in charter form, he 'asked for a draft to be presented to him', and only after he had 42 Facsimiles are easily accessible αι1der Kaisπurktιnden in A bbildungen Π / 1Ο and 11 (as above η. 4). 43 Liber ])ontificalis 97, cc. 42 and 43, ed. Louis Duchesne (Paris 2 1955) 1, 498. For an English translation see The Lives of the Eighth-Centuιy ])opes (Liber ])ontificalis), transl. Kaymond Davis (Γranslated 'fexrs for Historians 13, Iiverpool 1992) 141-2.

XI The King's Voice

17

endorsed it, he ordered the chancellor, the head of the writing office, to issue the charters. 44 These accounts which are a testimony to a very close involvement of the king/ emperor in the drawing up of a particular diploma point to a wider sphere of public display and representation to which charters belong. 45 And in this ambiance reference to public involvement of the grantor comes as ηο surprise. Just take the following story as told by Thietmar of Merseburg some 30 years after the actual diploma he refers to had been issued in 979: Furthermore, by imperial diploma, and in the presence of Archbishop Adalbert, he [the emperor Otto ΙΙ] granted the brothers serving God at Magdeburg the right to elect their archbishop. He confirmed this gift with a book which included splendid portraits, in gold, of himself and the Empress Theophanu. It can still be seen here today. With the emperor's permission and in his presence, the archbishop, who was vested for mass, read aloud the imperial diploma containing the election privilege and displayed the book. This occurred after the gospel had been read and Adalbert, as usual, had delivered a pertinent sermon. Afterwards, he threatened anyone who might dare to infringe this privilege with terrible excommunication and confirmed this as everyone shouted, Άmen, so be it, so be it!'46

Let me just note the coincidence of issuing a charter, reading out the document and supplementing the grant with the gift of a personal token, here an illuminated manuscript containing a picture of Otto ΙΙ and his wife, a practice reminiscent of Charles the Bald. By having discussed a few examples which were taken more at hazard and not as the outcome of a systematic search Ι wanted to show that the issuer of a diploma may in fact not be so far removed from the production of the charter as is sometimes assumed and that at times personal concerns are 44 Ratpert, St. Galler Κlostergeschichten (Castts sancti Galli), c. 8, 25, ed. Hannes Steiner (MGH Scriptores rerum Germanicarum ίη usum scholarum 75, Hannover 2002) 200. 45 Ratpert c. 6, 15 (as above) 180 also tells the story of ho,v Louis the Pious, when being presented with a diploma of Charlemagne ίη a dispure, οη recognizing his farher's seal kisses ίt and also lets his entourage kiss it in veneration. This account at least reveals ,vhat action by the sovereign was conceivable ίη the late ninth century. 46 Ι follow with two exceptions the translation of David Warner: Ottonian Germany: The Chronicon of Thiet11:ar of Mersebttrg ΠΙ c. 1, transl. David Α. \Varner (Manchester 2001) 127; for the Larin text Thietmar, Chronicon, ed. Robert Holtzmann (MGH Scriptores rerum Germanicarum nova series 9, Berlin 1935) 96 and 98 and two important modifications ίη the passage under discussion which were suggested by Norbert Fickermann, 'Thietmar von Merseburg ίη der lateinischen Sprachtradition: Fίir eine sprachgerechtere Edition seιner Chronik'. Jahrbtιch.fiir die Geschichte Mitte/- tιnd Ostdetι/sch/ands 6 (1957) 21-76, at 33-5.

XI 18

The King} Voice

vented which directly echo the voice of the issuer. Το avoid as far as possible an arbitrary judgement it was necessary to base our arguments οη comparison with other contemporary sources, as in the case of Charlemagne's grant for Metz and of Charles the Bald's grant in favour of St Denis, or to take into consideration the production of the act, as in the case of Konrad II's grant for Freising and Henry III's in favour of Hildesheim. Where either method does not work, there remains a weighing of probabilities. This seems to be well worth the trouble, as we get in return an impression of what mattered to a few people in the past, of the importance they attached to be remembered and of how they consciously fashioned memory.47

47 Earlier versίons of this paper were gίven at seιninars in Dυrharn, London, Manchester and Oxford. Ι wish to thank conveners and participants οη these occasions for frυitfυl discυssion and helpful comrnents. Special thanks go to David Rollason.

XII

Charlemagne's daughters

The following observations which are offered as a tribute to Patrick draw their inspiration from Jinty Nelson's trail-blazing article 'Women at the court of Charlemagne: a case of monstrous regiment?' . 1 What I want to do here is first to look at a few poems and what they tel1 us about the role Charlemagne's daughters played at court. This will be followed by a glance at the queen's commitments, and finally a tentative answer to the question why Charlemagne did not want his daughters to maπy will be suggested. Let me start offwith the well-known lines from Einhard's Life o/Charlemagne, completed ίη 828:2 He (sc. Char]emagne) was so attentive to raising his sons and daughters that when he was home he always ate his meals with them and when he trave11ed he always took theιη with him, his sons riding beside him, while his daughters followed behind. Α special rearguard of his men was appointed to watch over them. Although his daughters were extremely beautiful women and were deeply loved by him, it is strange to have to say that he never wanted to give any ofthem away in marriage to anyone, whether it be to a Frankish noble or to a foreigner. Instead he kept theιη close beside hίιη under his roof until his death, saying that he could not stand to be parted from their company. And though ίη other respects happy, because of this situation [that is, the affairs of his daughters], he experienced the harmfulness of ill-fortune. But he always pretended not to notice any such scandal or that such rumour had already spread far and wide.

J.L. Nelson, 'Women at the court of Charlemagne: a case of monstrous regiment?' , ed. J.C. Parsons (London, 1993), 43- 61, repr. ίη Nelson, The Frankίsh Wor!d 750- 900 (London, 1996), 223--42. See also the general sketch by R. Schieffer, ' Karolingische Tδchter ', ίη Herrscl1aft, Kίrche, Kultur: Beίtrage zur Geschίchte des Mίttelalters, ed. G. Jenal, Monographien zuΓ Geschichte des Mittelalters, 37 (Stuttgart, 1993), 125- 39. 2 Einhard, Vιta Καrο!ί Magnί, c. 19, ed. Ο. Holder-Egger, MGH, SS rer. Germ. 26 (Hannover, 1911 ), 25. Ιη the translation Ι fo llow, with sorne slight changes, Charlemagne s Couι·tίer: The Complete Eίnl1ard, ed. and tr. Ρ.Ε. Dutton, Readings in Medieval Civilisations and Cultures, 3 (Peterborough, Ont. , 1998), 29. 1

ίη Medίeval Queenshίp,

XII 270

Among Charlemagne's offspring, 18 known children ίη al\ (from eight mothers), there are eight sons and ten daughters;3 four of his sons and certainly three of his daughters predeceased hiιn. Of the surviving 11 children (four sons and perhaps seven daughters) six had been born ίη 'matrimony' , namely one son (Louis the Pious) and five daughters. These statistics, ultimately derived from Werner's 'Die Nachkommen Karls des Grol3en' ,4 give an inaccurate indication of 'fema\e' presence at the core ofCharlemagne's court. Louis and Pippin were away from 781 onwards for \ong spel\s of time ίη their respective regna, Aquitaine and Italy. Add to this the four daughters of Pippin who moved to Aachen after their father's death ίη 810, tilting the balance yet more heavily ίη favour ofthe female side. Furthermore two factors have to be taken into account. First, the age of the children: Rotrud (775- 810), Bertha (779/780- 823), Gisla (781 - after 814?) Ruodheid (784-after 814?), Theodrada (785-844) and Hiltrud (787-after 814?) 5 were born ίη the 770s and 780s and hence their presence is likely to have been fe\t, as we shall see, from the middle of the 790s onwards, even more so, and here the second factor comes into the play, with Charlemagne spending ever longer periods ίη his Aachen residence. 6 Obviously poetry is much more prone to panegyric, the poets ce\ebrate Charlemagne, but they also bring members ofhis entourage and family, especially the daughters, into sharper focus . The following vignettes are not retrospective history writing, but contemporary records. Their function was described as epistolary poems which circulated among the leading ιnembers of the court and which were a\so recited οη specia\ occasions. 7 The author is, or pretends to be, absent from court, and to bring home this fact Theodulf ίη his poem οη the court refers to another absent poet, namely Angilbert. First ίη chronological sequence comes Angilbert's poem 'Το Charlemagne and his entourage'. This poem dates after the death ofFastrada (August 794) and

3 One son (Lothar, twin brother of Louis the Pious ίη 779/780) and two daughters (Adalhaid ίη 774 and Hildegard ίη 783) died ίη infancy. 4 K.F. Werner, 'Die Nachkommen Karls des Groβen bis um das Jahr 1000', ίη Karl der Grosse, JV· Das Nachleben, ed. W. Braunfels and Ρ.Ε. Schramm (Dίisseldorf, 1967), 403- 82, esp. 442- 5, and the genealogical table at the end ofthe volurne; Nelson, 'Women at the court ofCharlernagne ', passίm, esp. 227, and eadem, 'La farnille de Charlernagne' , Byzantίon, 61 (1991), 194- 212, repr. ίη eadem, Rulers and Rulίng Families ίn Early Medίeval Europe (Aldershot, 1999), ch. ΧΙΙ. 5 Thereafter follow Ruothild (by Madelgard, after Hildegard) and Adalthrud (by Gersvind). 6 J. Fleckenstein, 'Karl der Groβe und sein Hof', in Karl der Grosse, 1: Persδnlichkeίt und Geschίchte, ed. Η. Beumann (Dίisseldorf, 1965), 24- 50, esp. 29- 31. 7 See, above all, D. Schaller, Ύortrags- und Zirkulardichtung arn Hof Karls des Groβen' , in his Studίen zur lateίnίschen Dichtung des Friihmittelalters, Quellen und Untersuchungen zur lateinischen Philologie des Mittelalters, 11 (Stuttgart, 1995), 87- 109.

XII CHARLEMAGNE' S DAUGHTERS

271

before Liutgard's advent at court, hence to a possib\e time span, ίη Schal\er's reasoned view, between autumn 794 and the end of 795. 8 After about 30 lines of praise showered οη Char\eιnagne, built οη the repetitive theme 'David loves verses .. . David loves poets, David is the poets' glory', and culminating ίη Davίd amat Chrίstum, Chrίstus est glorίa Davίd [twice], the poet turns to members ofthe family ίη hierarchical order, Charles the Younger,9 Gisela, Charlemagne's sister (Ί greet you too, Gise\a, God's holy virgin,/distinguished sister of David, in my never-ending poeιn') and then to Rotrud ('a maiden celebrated for her intel\ect, Ioves poetry') with a neat reference to her Iiterary interests, 10 to Bertha 11 and the other daughters (young ίη age but mature ίη character and of great beauty). 12 There fol\ow words of praise for the archchaplain (Aaron: Hildebald), chamberlain (camerarίus) (Thyrsis: Meginfrid), steward (Menalcas: Audult). Finally the poem (cartula) is to run through Charlemagne's palace (per sacra palatίa) and bring greetings to all dear friends, also to Pippin (Julius) who (as newly aπived?) had not been mentioned before, and to kiss Charlemagne's hallowed toes, ending in epistolary fashion οη a high note: Ύοs deus omnipotens semper conservet ubique, Te quoque Christus, David, conservet ίη evum!' David amor noster, David super omnia carus. David amat vates, vatorum est gloria David. David amat Christum, Christus est gloria David. 13

Next ίη sequence 14 comes Alcuin's poetic reply to a letter from Charlemagne 15 which gives a glimpse of what we may teπn the now fully fledged personnel of the court with special reference to the capella and chancery. Α special greeting goes to the absent Homer (i.e. Angilbert). Only one female member of the court is mentioned: 'May my daughter at night-time gaze upon the stars ίη the sky/ and grow accustomed to giving constant praise to mighty God/who arrayed the heavens with stars and the earth with grass,/and by His word perfoπned all the 8

Ρ. Godman, Poetry of the Carolίngίan Renaίssance (London, 1985), 112- 18 (6).

Ibid., 114-15, 1. 34: 'Tu decus es aulae'. Ibid., 11. 45- 6, beyond the random reference that she loves poetry: 'Curre per albentes campos [referring to the manuscript pages!] et col\ige flores,/Ex veterum pratis pulchram tibi pange coronam! ' 11 Ibid., 11. 47- 50: ' Speak now with me, Muses, ίη praise of Bertha,/may that excellent maiden like ιηy poetry,/and she is worthy ofthe Muses ' song. ' 12 Ibid., 114- 17, 11. 51-4: ' Let my pipe now also sing ίη praise ofthe girls,/tender ίη years, but mature ίη gentle character/ whose upright life surpasses their extreme beauty.' 13 lbid., 116, 11. 88- 92. 14 Schaller, 'Vortrags- und Zirkulardichtung', 102 (η . 29) suggested April 796 as a possible date (Alcuin obviously having left Aachen some weeks earlie1} 15 It is edited and translated by God1ηan , Poetιy, 118- 21 as Όn the court'. 9

10

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mirac\es ίη the world. ' 16 Το guess whom Alcuin addresses ίη this instance is a difficult question. If a member of the royal family were intended, and apart from Charlemagne ηο other clearly identified Carolingian features ίη the poem, then possibly ίt is Rotrud. 17 Ιη its limited scope, and perhaps the text is incomplete, as Godman suggested, 18 Alcuin's poem gives a close description ofthe 'c\erica\' side of the court; it does not have the broad view of Angilbert nor does it describe an Όccasion', the court ίη action so to speak, as Theodulf does ίη his poem οη the court which dates possibly from about April/May, more generally from the first halfof796. 19 Theodulf knew Alcuin's epistolary poem. 20 Ιη his much longer and elaborate piece, the female characters at court can be perceived much more c\early at an imagined feast. After a panegyric οη Charlemagne with special reference to the victory over the Avars, Theodulf depicts a festive occasion: first a sketch of the season, with spring, envoys arriving and bringing good tidings, de\iberations, a council being held and prayers said ίη the aula; thereafter the party retires to the palace where the royal family comes into focus at a kind of reception: sons, daughters, future wife (staying already at court) and sister are introduced at some length. After the royal family the poet presents the great, influential and learned, or ίη Godman's words: officials and scholars ofthe court (advenίant proceres), from 16 Ibid. , 120, ll. 41--4: 'Noctibus inspiciat caeli mea filia stellas,/Adsuescatque deum semper laudare potentem,/Qui caelum stellis ornavit, gramine terras./Omnia qui verbo mundi miracula fecit.' 17 Fίlία would mean one ofthe daughters, whereas soror Gisela [or Gundrada]); an early reference to Liutgard seems to be precluded by the fact that the latter features as nobilis(simma) femina ίη Alcuin's letters prior to her marriage to Charlemagne. Gundrada, wrongly referred to as Charlemagne's daughter by Godman ( 121, η.) , should be passed over in favour of Rotrud; in a letter to her and her aunt Gisela of 801, Alcuin refers to treatises by Bede which he had sent them for copying: ed. Ε . Dίimmler, MGH Epp. Karol. Aevi IV (Berlin, 1895), 359- 60 (no. 216). 18 Godman, Poetry, 121 at 1. 51. 19 Godman, Poetry, 150- 63, ηο. 15 (Όη the court'), or Theodιιlfi carmίna, ed. Ε. Dίimmler, MGH Poetae, 1 (Berlin, 1881), 483- 9 (no. 25: 'ad Carolum regeιη ' ). 1 pass over another of Theodulf's poems with relevance for court life, namely Dίimmler 's ηο. 27, 490-93, on account of its opaqueness; see D. Schaller, Όer junge " Rabe" am Hof Karls des Groβen (Theodulf. carm. 27)', in his Studίen zur lateίnischen Dichtung des Friihmίttelalters , 110-28, esp. 125. 20 After mentioning that a dΓink will loosen Alcuin's tongue, Theodulf goes on, Godman, Poetry, 160- 61, 11. 197- 8: Este procιιl, pultes et lactίs massa coacti,/Sed pίgmentatί sis prope, mensa, cibi, 'Begone porridge and lumps of curd,/let us have a table spread with spiced meat!' , thereby referring back to A1cuin's Όη the couΓt' , ibid .. , 120, 11. 48- 9: lpse Menalca coquos nίgra castίget ίn aula, ut calίdos habeat Flaccus per fercula pultes, '[May] Menalcas chide the cooks in the black hall,/so that Flaccus has hot porridge in regular courses.'

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Meginfrid the chamberlain to pupils of Alcuin (Fridugis and Oswult). 21 Thus the scene is set for the ensuing banquet. 22 When the tables are cleared away some of the guests leave while the rest listen to a recitation of Theodulf's poem, perhaps this particular poem with its vitriolic attack οη his Irish rival, the Scottulus. Then the king and his retinue retire joyously. Theodulf asks for forgiveness and ends with a blessing for the king. Theodulf's use of the subjunctive coupled with his absence from court show that he is creating an imagined occasion, which nonetheless must have appealed to his court audience and also reflected their (self-)perception. That's why we must not undeπate the role ofCharlemagne's daughters and sister, and here quite openly the fιιture wife also occupies a prominent p\ace. 23 Not least ίη representation, the female family members feature strikingly. Let's retum to the more descriptive part at the beginning of the poem. Charlemagne is shown suπounded by his children, his sons (Charles and Louis) οη the one hand, and daughters οη the other, a 'gathering ofyoung girls lovelier than any other in dress, bearing, beauty, figure, heart and faith', 24 namely Bertha, Rotrud and Gisla. They are joined by Charlemagne's new partner Liutgard, pulchra vίrago , who is showered with praise, especially noteworthy ίη this respect are the lines Larga manu, clemens anίmo, blandίssίma verbis,/Prodesse et cunctίs, nemίnί obesse parat./Quae bene dίscendί studίίs studίosa laborat,/lngenuasque artes mentίs ίn arce locat,25 a true anίma candίda. Subsequently Charlemagne sits down and his children serve him, the daughters offering kisses and a variety offlowers, fruit, bread and wine. This time the three e\der daughters are joined by their younger sisters Ruodheid, Hiltrud and Theodrada. Like their father they radiate brilliance (some ofwhich Theodulf boπowed from the Aeneid): ' the one is agleam with gems, the other shines with gold and purple,/the one is resplendent with sapphires, the other with rubies./One has her appearance set off by a brooch, the other by a girdle,/one wears a fine armband, the other a becoming necklace. ' 26 The next person to be introduced by Theodulf is Charlemagne's sister Gisela, the abbess of Chelles who had also featured ίη Angilbert's poem. The impression of the daughters', partner's and sister's presence at Charlemagne 's court which these three closely related poems afford could be complemented by relevant remarks ίη Alcuin's coπespondence 2 7 and a closer study of the origins, contents and function of pseudonyms used ίη the 21 Let me note that in fifth place (after the chamberlain, the archchaplain, Alcuin and archbishop Riculf) the absentee Angilbert is mentioned (ahead of Ercambald the chancellor). 22 Featuring esp. Alcuin, Godman, Poetιy, 160- 61, 11. 191 - 8. 23 See also Alcuin 's letter to her (Ep. 50), dated to 795 by DϋmmJel', MGH Epp. Kal'OI. Aevi IV, 93--4! 24 Godman, Poetιy, 155, 11. 79- 80. 25 Ibid., 11. 87- 90. 26 Ibid. , 155, 11. 101--4. 27 Nelson, 'Women at the court of Charlemagne', 238, η. 87.

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court circle. 28 They indicate a closely knit community sharing a degree ofintimacy denied to others and some common interests especially ίη the field of intellectual activities. These are the early days at Aachen that we are witnessing. Α more stable residence undoubtedly brought about a new dimension of court life with more frequent and enhanced opportunities for representation. Α case ίη point may be provided by the scene ofthe great hunt ίη the so-called Paderborn Epic (also known as the Aachen Epic, or Karolus Magnus et Leo Ραpα), which is set in the surroundings of Aachen. Α lot of controversy surrounds this epic poern, but this does not affect the present argurnent. It dates frorn the \ast third ofCharlernagne's reign (either 799 or the first decade ofthe ninth century). 29 The hunt that could have taken place ίη the spring of 799 is described ίη a highly stylized manner. There is ηο need to recount the course ofthe event here. Α string of expert interpreters has dealt with the intricacies ofthe poeιn. For present purposes, a glance at the sequence in which Charlernagne and his family are shown leaving for the hunt will suffice. 30 Obviously the first to be rnentioned is Charlemagne, eagerly awaited by his young attendants. The brilliance of the day and the radiance of the ruler mark the beginning. Then comes the queen: Liutgard, Charlernagne's rnost beautiful wife. Her looks and her clothes, with purple as the overlying colour, are highlighted ίη encorniastic fashion . She joins the hunt οη a proud charger accompanied by a group offiery youngsters. Thereafter follow Charlernagne's sons Charles and Pippin and they ίη turn are followed by puellarum .. . ordo coruscιιs, the glistening line of rnaidens, all clad ίη beautiful garrnents and sporting jewels: Rotrud, Berta, Gisla, Ruodhaid, Theodrada and finally Hiltrud. Apart frorn her all the others rnount a 28 The publication of Mary Garrison's thesis is eagerly awaited: see at present her 'The social world of Alcuin: nicknaιηes at York and at the Carolingian court', in Αlcιιίn of York: Scholar at the Carolίngίan Court, ed. L. Houwen and Α. MacDonald, Genηania Latina, 3 (Groningen, 1998), 59- 79. 29 The \atter a\ternative was convincingly argued by D. Schal\er, 'Das Aachener Epos fύr Karl den Kaiser ' , in his Studίen zur lateίnischen Dίchtιιng des Friίhmittelalters, 163 and, above all, by C. Ratkowitsch, Karolus Magnus - alter Aeneas, alter Martίnus, alter Justίnus: Zu Intention ιιηd Datίerung des ' Άachener Karlsepos", Wiener Studien Beiheft, 24 (Vienna, 1997) and eadem, Karoli vestίgίa magna secutus: Dίe Rezeption des ,Aachener Karlsepos 'in der Carlias des Ugolino Verίno, Wiener Studien Beiheft, 25 (Vienna, 1999). Cf. also F. Stella, 'Autore e attribuzzioni del "Karolus Magnus et Leo Papa'" , ίη Am Vorabend der Kaiserkrδnung: Das Epos "Karolus Magnus et Leo papa "ιιηd der Papstbesuch ίη Paderborn 799, ed. Ρ. Godman, J. Jarnut, and Ρ. Johanek (Berlin, 2002), 19- 33. 30 De Karolo rege et Leone papa, ed. and tr. F. Brunhδlzl, Studίen und Quellen zur Westfalίschen Geschίchte, 36, Beiheft (Paderborn, 1999 [originally published 1966]), 22- 8 [72- 8], νν. 177- 267. Οη the poet's sources for the depiction of this scene, namely Vergil, Corippus and Venantius Fortunatus, see Ratkowitsch, Karolus Magnus, 30-39. See further, Nelson, 'La cour imperiale de Charlemagne', ίη La royaute et les elίtes dans !Έurope carolίngίenne, ed. R. Le Jan (Lille, 1998), 177- 91, repr. ίη Nelson, Rulers and Rulίng Famίlίes, ch. XJV, esp. 186- 8.

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fiery horse and offthey gallop accompanied by a select retinue ofmixed sex. Only the youngest sister, also exquisitely dressed, makes the way οη foot down to the river close by. The hierarchy implied ίη the description of the departure is quite obvious. Liutgard has moved up as queen from king's partner ranging among the daughters, the sequence of sons and daughters corresponds to age, not birth. 31 Ιη the case of the girls the daughters from Charlemagne's marriage to Hildegard come first, then Ruodheid, who is followed by Fastrada's daughters Theodrada and Hiltrud. By bringing the departure for the hunt into a temporal sequence the poet may in effect have been adapting protocol to his narrative needs. Thereby the opportunity to create a firework of royal splendour is not missed. How much of ίt radiates not just from Charlemagne, but also from his close kin, from his daughters! Evidently the female element is of great significance in any court right to the end ofthe Ancien Regiιne and right to the present day ίη some places. That this fact should be articulated with such force ίη the second half of the 790s and the early years ofthe ninth century is not a coincidence: Charlemagne's daughters had grown up and with Aachen having become the favoured residence a focal point of prolonged royaViιnperial presence and hence of representation emerged. Had the splendour rested only with garments and luxury objects one would hardly know of it today: it needed the poets and courtiers who would spread the glory and brilliance by their words. And ίη this network of patronage Liutgard, Gisela and Charlemagne's daughters also played their part. 32 Ιη June 800, however, Liutgard died. And during his final thirteen and a halfyears Charlemagne ιnanaged without a queen (though not without partners). Ιη order to answer the question, who took over the queen's role ίη these years, ίt might be helpful to first dwell οη the duties and obligations a queen had to perform. About a queen 's duties and doings we can primarily learn from looking at a queen's life, as the \ate Franz Staab has shown so convincingly ίη regard to Fastrada. 33 But there are also a few clues ίη sources of a more normative, legal nature (which Patrick Wormald has done so much to illuminate). Hincmar of Reims preserved, and amplified, the treatise De ordine palatίί which Adalhard, a cousin of Charlemagne had composed perhaps for Bemhard, Charlemagne's grandson (t817). 34 At the apex of the court stand king and queen with their 31 As the treatment of Ruodheid sbows. Louis tbe Pious is absent and bence not mentioned. 32 See Nelson, ' Women at the court of Charlemagne', 225, n.12 and 236, and R. McKitterick, The Carolίngίans and the Wrίtten Word (Cambridge, 1989), 226. 33 Nelson, ' Women at the court of Charlemagne' , 235, and F. Staab, 'Die Kδnigin Fastrada' , in Das Frankfurter Konzίl νοn 794: Krίstallisationspunkt karolίngischer Kιιltur, ed. R. Bemdt, Quellen und Abhandlungen zur Mittelrheiniscben Kircbengeschichte, 80 (Mainz, 1997), part 1, 183- 217; also in the same volume, Nelson, 'The siting ofthe Council at Frankfort: some reflections οη family and politics', 149- 65, esp. 157- 62. 34 Hinkmarus de ordine palatii, ed. Τ. Gross and R. Scbieffer, MGH Fontes iuris Germanici antiqui 3, 2nd edn (Hannover, 1980). For recent discussion, see Nelson, Άachen

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offspring. The archchaplain heads the clergy at court, the prime lay positions are held by the chamberlain (camerarίus) and the count ofthe palace (comes palatίί) , the latter responsible for the administration ofjustice, the former under the queen 's supervision ίη charge of the maintenance and adomment of the court as well as the yearly gifts, a kind of tax, tendered by the vassals. 35 And the queen and the chamberlain had to plan ahead so that nothing was lacking. These provisions give some idea of how much the queen must have been involved ίη the running of the court, conceived as a large household. They were aimed at relieving the king from woπies 'domestίca vel palatίna ' 3 6 concerning domestic and court life. Ιη line with these stipulations the queen's word had to be obeyed when she issued orders by word of mouth or ίη written form to managers (attendants) at royal estates. 37 Despite the sketchy nature of the evidence one is reminded of the fact that the queen 's importance lay not solely in the production of offspring and ίη the adornment of the court. Ιη the case of Louis the Pious, the advisors, according to his anonymous biographer commonly refeπed to as the Astronomer, urged the emperor to maπy again after the death of his wife Irmingard ίη 818. They feared he might resign. 38 Even in the bitter polemic directed by Agobard ofLyons against Louis ίη October 833, Agobard claimed that after Louis had lost his consort ίη 818, ' it was necessary that he accepted another one, who should help him in the running of court and kingdom'. 39 It seems then that, not least in view of the functioning of the court and of the many obligations a queen had to discharge, an unmarried monarch was the exception and could cause problems. Α case ίη point, if we follow Patrick's lead and look across the Channel, is Aethelbald, king ofthe Mercians (t757). St Boniface and seven other 'missionary' as a place of power' ,

ίη Topographίes

of Power ίn the Early Mίddle Ages, ed.

Μ.

F. Theuws and C. van Rhijn (Leiden, 2001), 217--41 , repr. in Nelson, Courts,

De Jong, and

Elίtes

Gendered Power (Aldershot, 2007), ch. XIV. 35 De ordίne palatίί, 72, 11. 360- 62 : 'De honestate vero palatii seu specialiter ornamento regali necnon et de donis annuis rnilitum, absque cibo et potu vel equis, ad reginarn praecipue et sub ipsa ad camerariurn pertinebat.' For an alternative reading ofthe gifts as distributed by the queen and chamberlain to the royal rnilitary retinue, see Nelson, 'The setting of the gift in the reign of Charlemagne' , in The Language of Gift ίn the Early Mίddle Ages, ed. W. Davies and Ρ. Fouracre (forthcoming, Carnbridge, 2008). 36 De ordίne palatίί, 74, 1. 369. 37 Capίtulare de νίllί.5, c. 16 and c. 47, ed. Α. Boretius, MGH Capit. 1 (Hannover, 1883), 84 and 87. 38 Astronorner, Vita Hludowίcί imperatorίs, ed. and tr. Ε . Trernp, MGH SS rer. Gerrn. 64 (Hannover, 1995), c. 32, p. 392. 39 Agobard ofLyons, Lίber apologetίcus 11, ed. L. van Acker, CCCM 52 (Turnhout, 1981), c. 2(8), p. 316: 'necesse fuit, ut aliarn (sc. rnulierern) sibi acciperet, que ei posset esse adiutrix in regirnine et gubernatione palatii et regni .' See also Ε. Boshof, Erzbίschof Agobard von Lyon, Kδlner historische Abhandlungen, 13 (Cologne, 1969), 241 - 5, esp. 244- 5.

XII CHARLEMAGNE'S DAUGHTERS

bishops active οη the Continent severely reprimanded Aethelbald not having contracted a legitimate marriage: 40

277 ίη

746/747 for

If ... you have, as many say, neither taken a lawful wife nor maintained chaste abstinence for God 's sake, but governed by lust, have stained the fame of your glory before God and men by the sin of lasciviousness and adultery, we are extremely grieved by this; for it is regarded both as a disgrace in the sight of God and the ruin of your reputation among men. And yet, what is worse, those who tel1 us this, add that this shameful crime is especially committed in the monasteries with holy nuns and virgins consecrated to God. For there is no doubt that this is doubly a sin. 4 1

make things worse, the king's bad example had been emulated by his followers leaving their wives and having affairs with nuns. 42 Boniface holds up the bad examples of kings Ceolred, lEthelbald's predecessor, and Osred, who by lingering ίη sin, 'ίη debaucheιy and adulteιy with nuns and violation of monasteήes', had been punished severely: 'they were deprived ofthe eternal light and plunged ίη the depth ofhell'.43 The case of lEthelbald, who ίη the end was miserably killed by his retinue ίη 75744 and thereby seemingly fulfilled Boniface's prophecies, obviously differs from Charlemagne's because lEthelbald to our knowledge had never taken a lawful wife, and ηο children or any other close family members ofhis are known. Among the few later examples of unmarried monarchs worthy of consideration, Otto ΠΙ may be excluded οη the grounds of having died too young, whereas lEthelstan would be quite a challenge. Can we envisage him a Charles the Younger4 5 kind of figure with a c\ose relationship to his sisters? By having brought the Mercian king of Southumbrian England into the picture Ι wanted to chal\enge the general assumption that rulers are married (if for none other than dynastic reasons) and to emphasize the fact that Charlemagne by not contacting another marriage after Liutgard's death seems to have acted in Το

40 Dίe Brίefe des heίlίgen Bonifatίus und Lullus, no. 73, ed. Μ. Tangl, MGH Epp. Sel. (Berlin, 1916), 146-55, at 148. 41 Ι follow Dorothy Whitelock's translation in EHD 1, ηο. 177, p. 817. 42 Thus the version directed to the recipient (Dίe Brίefe des heίlίgen Bonifatίus , 150). On the transmission of this letter, see now Timothy Reuter, '"Kirchenreform" und " Kirchenpolitik" im Zeitalter Karl Martells: Begriffe und Wirklichkeit' , in Kar/ Marte/1 und seίne Zeίt, ed. J. Jarnut et al., Beihefte der Francίa, 37 (Sigmaringen, 1994), 35- 59, at51 - 8. 43 Dίe Brίefe des heί/ίgen Bonifatίus, 152; EHD 1, 820. 44 See the annals in the Continuations ofBede's Hίstorίa ecclesίastίcagentis Anglorum (cf. J. Story, above ρρ . 165- 84), Bede, ΗΕ, ed. Colgrave and Mynors, 574: Άnno DCCLVII Aedilbald rex Merciorum a suis tutoribus nocte morte fraudulenta miserabiliter peremptus occubuit.' 45 Οη him, see below p. 279.

Ι

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an unconventional way. But he had a number of grown-up children and he had his Madelgard, Gerswind, Regina and Adallind46 (as the emperor Francis Joseph [+1916] found distraction and the like ίη the company of Anna Nahovsky and especially Frau Schratt when his wife was away for long spells and after her assassination). But these concubines could not take over the ro\e of queen. Another indication ofthis fact is provided by references to prayer for the ruler, his wife and children (sons and daughters occasionally specified by sex) and the stability of the realm which occur in some of Charlemagne's charters, mainly donations and confirmations. When such formulae appear in charters, as Franz Staab has shown,47 they were issued ίη places where wife and children were present. After Fastrada's death references to prayer for the wife almost cease, after Liutgard's there is only mention of Charlemagne, his sons and daughters and the stability of the realrn. When we recal\ how Charlemagne's daughters had, according to the poets, made their presence ίη court life felt from the middle of the 790s onward, it is an almost foregone conclusion that after Liutgard's death the daughters assumed the queen's role, that is, discharged her public, administrative and representational commitments. 48 Tellingly, Alcuin refers to them ίη one of his \etters dated to 801 /802 as 'crowned doves' .49 And these queenly activities of Charlemagne's daughters will to a large degree have drawn the harsh reactions from Louis the Pious after his father's death. The who\e aπangement will have also invo\ved to some degree Char\es the Younger, Charlemagne's bachelor son. Ιη 789 he seems to have been promoted to a ducatus or regnum and he took a leading part ίη the war against the Saxons. 50 He was anointed and crowned ίη Rome οη the same day that his father was made emperor and he enjoyed his father 's favour 51 and company longer and was closer to him than either Pippin or Louis. Α glimpse of the widowed emperor and his bache\or son is contained in a story to\d by Asser. Alfred's biographer owed this anecdote (recalling his great contemporary Notker) to Alfred. It concerns the fate of Eadburh, one of King Offa 's daughters. Incidentally, we may note that for a time Charles the Younger was matched with a daughter of Offa.

Einhard, Vιtα Karoli Magnί, c. 18, p. 23 . Staab, 'Die Κδηίgίη Fastrada', 191- 6. 48 As suggested by Nelson, 'Women at the court of Charlemagne'. 49 Alcuin, Ep. 244 (ed. Dίimmler, MGH Epp. Karo1. Aevi lV, 392). 50 See the thorough analysis by Β . Kasten, Kδnίgssδhne und Kδnίgsherrschafl: Untersuchungen zur Teίlhabe am Reίch ίn der Merowίnger- und Karolingerzeίt, MGH Schriften, 44 (Hannover, 1997), 142- 8, and the perceptive remarks by J.L. Ne\son, 'Charlemagne - pater optίιnus?', ίη Am Vorabend der Kaίserkrδnung, ed. Godman, Jarnut and Johanek, 269- 81 , esp. 278- 9 (now repr. in Nelson, Courts, Elίtes and Gendered Power, ch. XV). 51 The demoting ofPippin the Hunchback culminating ίη Pippin's revolt had promoted Char\es to the position of e\dest son. See a\so Kasten, Kδnigssδhne, 152- 60. 46

47

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279

' [W]ben king Beorthric (of tbe West Saxons, Eadburb's husband) was dead, since Eadburh was unable to stay any longer among the Saxons, she sailed overseas with countless treasures and went to Charlemagne, the very famous king of tbe Franks. As sbe stood before tbe tbrone, leaving many gifts for the king, Cbaι·Ieιηagne said to ber: "Cboose, Eadburb, whom you wish between me and my son, wbo is standing with me οη this throne!" She, foolishly replying without thinking, said: 'Ίf the choice is left to me, Ι choose youl' son, as he is younger than you." Cbarlemagne smiled and replied to her: 'Ήad you cbosen 1ηe, you would have had 1ηy son; but because you have chosen ιηy son, you will have neither him nor me." He did however give her a large convent of nuns ίη wbicb, baving put aside tbe clotbing of tbe secular world and taken up that of nuns, sbe discbarged tbe office of abbess. ' 52

This is one of the few instances where Charles the Younger comes into c\oser view. He must be given at \east a fleeting mention in the context of his sisters. As the one son who remained with his father he will ίη all likelihood also have had a closer relationship with his sisters; moreover he remained unmaπied, perhaps an AΞthelstan-like figure . And to carry speculation further, Charlemagne's daughters will have counted οη their brother Charles to carry οη the established routine. But death intervened: Charles the Younger died οη 4 December 811. With his brother Pippin having predeceased him less than one and a halfyears earlier (8 July 810) the only legitimate male heir left was Louis. Hence the limited choice that had been granted to the daughters ίη regard to their life after the father's death had now vanished. The dίνίsίο regnorum (division ofthe realm) of806 stipulated: With regard to our daugbters, bowever, tbe sisters, that is to say, of our aforesaid sons (Charles, Pippin, Louis), it is our command that after our departure from this mortal frame each shall be at 1iberty to choose tbe brother under whose protection and defence she wishes to betake herself. And whoever among them chooses the monastic life is to be permitted to live in bonour under the defence of the brotheι· ίη whose kingdoιη sbe will have cbosen to dwell. But if any of them should be sought ίη marriage, justly and reasonably, by a suitable man, and if married life sbould be ber pleasure, sbe is not to be denied to him by her brotbers, provided that both the man, in his request, and tbe woman, ίη ber consent, be sincere and sensible ίη their purpose. 53

Now there was only Louis left. Ιη this situation, for his sisters the worst case scenario, some efforts seem to have been made for additional provisions to safeguard their future. Charlemagne is said by Einhard to have attempted to make 52 Asser, c. 15 (ed. Stevenson, rev. Whitelock, 13- 14). For the translation, see Keynes and Lapidge, Alfred, 72 . 53 MGH Capit. Ι , ηο . 45, c. l 7, ρ. 129; tl'. P.D. Κing, Charlemagne: Translated Sources (1987), 255 .

XII 280 ίη some degree his daughters and the children by his concubines his heirs, but, started belatedly, these attempts failed. 54 And also, when Louis was made emperor οη 11 September 813, the father is reported to have urged hiιn 'above all else to love and fear almighty God, to keep His commandments ίη all things, to govern God's churches and to defend them from wicked men. He enjoined him to show at all times unfailing kindheartedness towards his sisters and younger brothers, his nephews and all his relatives. ' 55 And Louis promised to obey these precepts! 56 Ιη the event, Louis, appalled by what his sisters had practised ίη living together with their father, the only blemish to stain his father's house, as the anonymous biographer ofLouis put it, had the whole large female crowd, with a few exceptions, removed from Aachen. 57 His sisters had to retire to their properties. The events \eading up to the purging ofthe deceased emperor's court, told by the biographer about 27 years after they had taken place, hint at the moral depravity ofthe sisters and their lovers and cronies. 58 But is this not a common strategy to discredit female meddling in politics? And if the daughters collectively, as Nelson has suggested, assumed the role and discharged the obligations of queen then al\ of a sudden this very activity ίη company of their father and the courtiers was now turned against them and they were defamed.59 That a few courtiers were accused oftreason (the Astronomer refers to lewdness and pride ίη this context60) may also be a disguised attack οη their political manoeuvring in collusion with Charlemagne's daughters. Ιη the changed circumstances the girls, perhaps, a\so had to suffer for their dead father. Of the final 13 years ofhis life Charlemagne spent about eight years ίη Aachen. This gives an indication of the opportunities available to his daughters to extend their inftuence. They enjoyed the presence of the ageing emperor, and they must have known the court better than anybody else with the exception of, probably, Wala. Louis was far away most of the time and even after his father had crowned him emperor about a year and nine months after the death ofCharles the Younger, he retired to Aquitaine. Would he not have become envious and also suspicious of them that they might outwit him? We are led to speculate. What we can be more certain of is the fact that there was ηο room for two queens or more. With the advent of Louis's queen Irmingard whoever had assumed the queenly obligations ίη Charlemagne's final years had to go. But how to account for Charlemagne's apparent unwillingness to let his daughters maπy? There may have been psychological reasons: an overwhelming

Einhard, Vita Karolί Magnί, c. 33, p. 37. Thegan, Gesta Hludowίcί ίmperatorίs, ed. and tr. Ε. Tremp, MGH SS rer. Germ. 64 (Hannover, 1995), c. 6, p. 182; English translation by King, Charlemagne, 336. 56 Thegan, Gesta Hludowίcί, c. 6, p. 184. 57 Astronomer, Vita Hludowίcί, c. 21 , p. 348. 58 See below η. 61 . 59 Nelson, 'Women at the couιi ofCharlernagne', 239. 60 Astronomer, Vita Hludowίcί, c. 21, p. 348. 54 55

XII CHARLEMAGNE' S DAUGHTERS

281

possessive patemal love, jealousy of likely sons-in-law? But then Charlemagne did not take exception to his daughters' liaisons.6 1 Or was ίt shrewd calculation οη Charlemagne's part, a perfect means to control the court by loyal aides and informants who were dependent οη him, and a means to avoid future troubles? Perhaps all those factors ίη some degree.62 Also, and this is what Ι want to suggest ίη the following concluding remarks, family history and experience, ίt would go too far to say, family trauma, mattered: the tense and strained relations with the Bavarian Agilolfings whom Charlemagne had crushed ίη 788. But the origins of that rivalry lay ίη the days of Charles Martel, Charlemagne's grandfather, whose last partner and wife had been Swanahild, an Agilolfing princess. At the time, Odilo, a relative ofhers, spent a few months ίη exile with the mayor of the palace Charles Martel (740/741). There he met Chiltrud, Pippin's and Carloman's sister and Charlemagne 's aunt, who, after her father 's death, 'by the evil advice of her stepmother' (i.e. Swanahild) crossed the Rhine and made her way to duke Odilo with whom she was united ίη marriage 'against the wishes and advice of her brothers '. 63 Predictably for the staunchly Carolingian Continuator of Fredegar, Odilo rose against Pippin and Carloman to be defeated by theιn ίη the battle of the Lech. 64 Some 40 years later, after Tassilo, Odilo's son, had been deposed, Charlemagne gave Herrenchiemsee, one ofTassilo's most favoured abbeys, to the church ofMetz, headed by the archchaplain Angilram. Ιη the charter effecting this donation, not only Tassilo, but also Odilo was denounced as a malicious man. 65 And when describing the ιneasures taken by Louis the Pious against his sisters the Astronomer gives as one ofLouis's motives ' ne quod per Hodίlonem et Hίltrudem olίm accίderat, revίvesceret scandalum' ('so that the scandal created by Odilo and Hiltrud would not be repeated'). 66 This very relationship, with all the ensuing troubles and difficulties, which was so well remembered, must have been a sore

61 Such liaisons occurred between Bertha and Angilbert and also between Rotι-ud (t810) and the young Rorico, not yet count. See οη the \atter Werner's genealogical table and the note p. 443 as well as his 'Bedeutende Adelsfamilien ίιn Reich Karls des GroBen' , ίη Karl der Grosse 1, 83- 142, at 137- 8 (Έχkιιι-s 11' οη the Rorgonids), and Ρ. Depreux, Prosopographίe de / 'entoιιrage de Lοιιίs le Pίeux (781-840) , [nstrumenta 1 (Sigmaringen, 1997), 368- 9, ηο. 238: Rorgon (though for reservations οη this identification, see Nelson, ' La cour imperiale', 185- 6). Οη furth er possible lovers, see Werner, 'Nachkommen' , 444. With regard to Rotι-ud it has to be said that for a tίιne ίη the early 780s Charleιnagne had considered a marriage alliance between her and Konstantine VI; when the envoys to fetch her arrived in 787, however, he called offthe match. 62 Nelson, 'Women at the court of Charlemagne' , 241 - 2. 63 The Fourth Book of the Chronίcle of Fredegar wίth ίts Contίnuatίons, ed. J.M. Wallace-Hadrill, Medieval Classics (London, 1960), c. 25, p. 98. 64 lbid., C. 26, ρ. 99. 65 D. 162, dated 25 October, 788, Dίe Urkunden der Karolίnger Ι, ed. Ε. Mίihlbacher, MGH DD Karol. Ι (Ha11nover, 1906), 219- 20. 66 Astronomer, Vιta Hludowίcί, c. 21 , p. 348. Schieffer, 'Karolingische Tδchter' , 128.

XII 282 spot ίη Carolingian memory: it was probably this that led Charlemagne to the conclusion that ίt was politically safer for his daughters not to marry.67

67

1 wish to thank Jinty Nelson and Stephen Baxter for their patience and help.

XIII

DUKE TASSILO OF BAVARIA AND ΤΗΕ

ORIGINS OF

ΤΗΕ

RUPERTUS CROSS

The confidence to embark in new directions and to attempt as a historian to interpret a work of art Ι owe to the honorand, who has in such a grand and convincing manner illuminated our understanding Όf the interaction of religion and politics in an art closely connected with the court of the Saxon emperors', 1 and of Charlemagne as a patron of art. 2 But my personal and intellectual debts to him, incurred over decades, are much greater than can be expressed here. May he accept the following as a modest expression of gratitude. Ι shall begin with a brief discussion of the Rupertus Cross itsel[ Ι shall then put forward some suggestions as to its function and context, which will lead us finally to the wider issues of works of art connected with Duke Tassilo and their significance for court culture. The Rupertus Cross is a masterpiece of Insular metalwork of impressive dimensions (now 158 cm high and 94 cm wide), which is generally agreed to date from the second half of the eighth century (pl. 6). 3 With its natural radiance enhanced by jewel-like insets, this crux gemmata ultimately echoes the cross thatwas erected inJerusalem at the site ofthe crucifixion. 4 The Rupertus Cross has apparently been preserved since the early Middle Ages in the Salzburg area, specifically the parish church ofBischofshofen (Salzburg). Ιη the most recent English publication itwas described thus by Leslie Webster: 'The cross consists

1 Η. Mayr-Harting, Ottonian Book 11/umination: An Historical Study, 2 vols. (London, 1991), ΙΙ, 7. wish to thank Riclιard Gameson for his boundless patience and editorial help. 2 Η. Mayr-Harting, 'Charlemagne as a Patron ofArt', ίη The Church and theArts, ed. D. Wood, Studies in Church History, 28 (1992), 43-773 From the vast literature οη the Cross Ι wish to single out the following: W. Topic-Mersmann, 'Das Κreuz νοη Bischofshofen als Crux gemmata', ίη Bischr:fthoftn: 5000 jahre Geschichte und Kultur (Bischofshofen, 1984), 125-52; Η. Fillitz and Μ. Pippal, Schatzkunst: Die Goldschmiede- und Elfenbeinarbeiten aus osterreichischen Schatzkammern des Hochmittela!ters (Salzburg, 1987), 53-7 (ηο. 1), pls. Ι.Ι-9; The Making if England: Anglo-Saxon Art and Culture AD 600-900, ed. L. Webster and J. Backhouse (London, 1991); Geschichte der Bildenden Kunst in Osterreich. Band Ι: Fruh- und Hochmittelalter, ed. Η. Fillitz (Munich, 1998), 1g6 (ηο. 1) and pl. 1 at p. 34. 4 R. Ν. Bailey, England's Earliest Sculptors (Toronto, 1995), 46-7, 123; Topic-Mersmann, 'Kreuz von Bischofshofen', 131, noting the 'Constantinian context'; Making if England, 171, οη the different layers ofmeaning.

Ι

XIII 70 of an equal-armed cross-head with square centre and arms which expand gradually to shovel-shaped ends, surmounting an integral straight-sided shaft.' 5 Α wooden core (definitely a later replacement) is covered by 'repousse and chased gilt-bronze sheets' οη the one face and the two narrow sides; ηο covering for the other face survives. Parts Όf the beaded frame which binds the edges are missing'; and the narrow side strips are likewise incompletely preserved. At some stage the shaft was shortened at the bottom end; 6 the wooden tenon at the foot of the cross is thus a secondary feature and provides ηο clue to the original function of the artefact; 7 equally there may originally have been more settings for glass insets than the thirty-eight which remain (nine of them are still filled by glass insets). The metal sheets of the face of the cross are decorated with delicate 'inhabited vine-scrolls in which birds and quadrupeds clamber and feed, and where scrolls terminate in a variety of animal heads'. As for the sheets covering the sides, they were 'die-impressed in a triple pattern: one panel each of interlaced mesh, interlaced knotwork, and a highly stylised spiral vine-scroll'. This ornamental vocabulary is our primary evidence for characterizing and dating the cross. The closest stylistic parallels in metalwork for the face of the cross appear οη the Ormside Bowl, which has been dated to the second half of the eighth century. 8 Οη the bowl and cross alike the animals inhabitating the plant scroll partly straddle the scroll with their legs; and there is also an example of 'leg lock', 'the curious and characteristically Anglo-Saxon mannerism ofbringing the far leg of the animal over the front of the containing scroll, the near leg being tucked behind it', 9 a widespread phenomenon in Northumbrian and Mercian sculpture of the time. 10 The closest comparisons for the scrolls that terminate in a beast's head are provided by two Anglo-Saxon ivories, forwhich a late eighthcentury date has been proposed, 11 and which have, moreover, been tentatively

5 Making ofEngland, 170. Not being a native English speaker, 1 shall return to the wording of this excellent, subtle account from time to time. 6 Clearly indicated by the abrupt end of the ornament; Topic-Mersman, 'Κreuz νοη Bischofshofen', 128, assumes the missing piece to have measured 5 cm, hence the original height would have amounted to 163 cm. 7 Contra Webster ίη Making ofEngland, 171; cf. Topic-Mersmann, 131. 8 Οη which see Making ofEngland, 173 (ηο. 134). For comparison with the cross, ibid. 171 and 173; D. Μ . Wilson,Anglo-SaxonArt(London, 1984), 134; Topic-Mersmann, ' Κreuzvon Bischofshofen', 138, 141-2; Fillitz, Fruh- und Hochmittelalter, 196. 9 Τ. D. Kendrick,Anglo-SaxonArt ΤοΛ.D. 900 (London, 1938), 141, although Kendrick refers to ίt as Anglo-Saxon Ίock'. 10 MakingofEngland, 171. 11 John Beckwith, l vory Carving in Early Medieval England (London, 1972), rr9, ηο. 8 ('decorative panel'; London, Victoria and Albert Museum), and ηο. 9 ('ascension'; Munich, Bayerisches Nationalmuseum), ills. 23 and 24 at pp. 24 and 25; see also the illustration of the former in Wilson, Anglo-Saxon Art, 66 (ill. 61), and of the latter in C. R. Dodwell, Anglo-Saxon Art: Λ New Perspective (Manchester, 1982), 87 (ill. 16).

XIII Duke Tassilo and the Rupertus Cross

71

linked with the artistic milieu of our cross. 12 The closest metalwork equivalent to the spiral vine scroll (one of the die-impressed ornaments οη the sheets covering the narrow sides of the cross) is provided by 'sheet-metal fragments from Dumfriesshire' which have been assigned to the second half of the eighth century.13 The beaded frame (running along the edges) calls to mind the 'collar of beaded wire' between the cup and the knop of the Tassilo Chalice (769/777-88) from the abbey of Kremsmίinster. 14 Thus, comparison with metalwork and ivories suggests a date for the cross in the second half of the eighth century, possibly later rather than earlier in this period. Previous discussions of the Rupertus Cross have drawn parallels with the Barberini Gospels, a manuscript that is generally ascribed to the later eighth century: 15 the inhabited scroll οη the face of the cross has been compared to the similar one οη the Chi-rho page 16 while the foliate scroll οη the cross face has been likened to that in the evangelist portraits. 17 It may also be noted in passing that the decoration οη the narrow sides of the cross (a triple pattern of interlaced mesh, interlaced knotwork, and stylized scrolls) has some interesting similarities to the ornament in the St Petersburg Gospels, an under-studied manuscript which is believed to date from the late eighth century. 18 For our enquiry to be comprehensive, we should also, in theory, consider stone sculpture; however, given the dearth of securely dated work in the medium, 19 along with the more immediate relevance of portable objects to our cross, 20 we have examined more than enough for the present purposes. And it is clear that the Rupertus Cross sits comfortably within the corpus of Insular art (broadly defined) from the second half of the eighth century. Although the copper that was used was probably of Southumbrian origin, 21 the Rupertus Cross could have been assembled or produced by an Insular artist οη the continent. As for the possible event that may have occasioned the commissioning or acquisition of the cross in the Salzburg area, the consensus of scholarly opinion points to the building of the cathedral around 774 by Bishop 12 By Leslie Webster ίη Making oJΈngland, 180 (ηο . 140), who tentatively attributes these ivories to the 'Salzburg Kulturkreis'. 14 Ibid. 168 (ηο. 131). 13 MakingofEngland, 173-5 (ηο. 135). 15 J. J. G. Alexander, Insular Manuscripts 6th to the 9th Century (London, 1978), 61-2 (ηο . 36), ills. 169- 78; MakingofEngland, 205-7 (ηο. 160). 16 Topic-Mersmann, 'Κreuz νοη Bischofshofen', 142-6, ill. 54 at p. 145 ( = Alexander, Insular Manuscripts, ίl!. 170). Alexander, Insular Manuscripts, ίl!. 174,176, esp. 177 (StJohn) [= MakingofEngland, 206 (ηο . 160)] and 178. 17 Topic-Mersmann, 'Κreuz νοη Bischofshofen', 146. 18 St Petersburg, Public Library, MS F. ν. 1. 18: Alexander, Insular Manuscripts, 64 (ηο. 39), col. frontispiece, ills. 18.8-95. See esp. the panels ίη the Canon Tables and initial pages and the dot patterns οη the opening pages to Mark (fol. 78r) and Luke (fol. ΙΙψ): ills. 193 and 194. For the sides of the cross, see the colour plate (ηο. 14) ίη Topic-Mersmann, 'Κreuz νοη Bischofshofen', 140. 19 See the pessimistic comments ofWilson,Anglo-SaxonArt, 53-60. 20 Though some major monuments, such as Άcca's Cross' at Hexham, are believed to have imitated metalwork: see Bailey, England's Earliest Sculptors, esp . 121-3. 2 1 Topic-Mersmann, 'Kreuz νοη Bischofshofen', 151, η. 6; Fillitz, Fruh- und Hochmittelalter, 196.

XIII 72 Virgil ofSalzburg. 22 There is, however, ηο evidence to support this conjecture; while an altogether more intelligible-and better-documented-context for the production of this cruxgemmata is provided byTassilo ofBavaria. Let us turn to a letter by one Clemens Peregrinus, 23 addressed to Duke Tassilo and the bishops and nobles of the Bavarian people, which prays for Tassilo's victory against a heathen enemy. 24 This letter was transmitted ίη a now lost, ninthcentury Salzburg Liber Traditionum (collection of formularies and letters), wherein it was part of a subgroup of material that had special significance for Tassilo and his family. The collection as a whole was transcribed by Frobenius Forster ίη the eighteenth century; Forster's transcript of the letter also subsequently disappeared, but happily this happened after the publication of the editio princeps by Zirngibl ίη 1779. 25 The historical circumstances ίη which the letter was written are obvious: ίt must refer to Tassilo's dealings with the Carantanians ίη the early 770s. 26 After the local prince, Cheitmar, a Christian, had died ίη 769, a heathen reaction set ίη among the Carantanians, escalating into a war which ended ίη a grea t victory for Τassilo ίη 772. Many years ago Bernhard Bischoff tentatively suggested that the writer of the letter could be one and the same person as Peregrinus of Freising, 27 an Insular scribe who worked at the scriptorium of Freising ίη the time of Bishop Arbeo (764-84)2 8 and hence, ίη all probability had some connection with the circle of Bishop Virgil of Salzburg (746/7-84). This hypothesis is further supported by the circumstance that the Clemens Peregrinus of the letter quotes a few words of a prayer which also appear ίη the Florilegium Frisingense that was written and compiled by Peregrinus ofFreising. 29 If, at first glance, Peregrinus' See the works cited in η. 3 above; and Η. Wolfram, Salzburg, Bayern, Osterreich (Vienna, 1995), 274. Which can be understood as 'Clemens the pilgrim' or 'gentle Peregrinus', see following note. 24 Epistolae Karo/ini Λevi 2, ed. Ε. Dίimmler, MGH Epistolae IV (Berlin, 1895), 496-7 (ηο. 1). For recent, superb comment see Μ. Garrison, 'Letters Το a Κing and Biblical Exempla: The Examples of Cathwulf and Clemens Peregrinus', Early Medieva/Europe, 7 (1998), 305-28. May Ι note here that some of the following results were reached independently, prior to the publication of Garrison' s article. 25 Fundamental, not just οη the question of transmission, is Β. Bischoff, Salzburger Formelbucher und Briefe aus Tassilonischer und Karolingischer Zeit (Bayer. Akad. d. Wiss., phil. -hist. Kl., Sitzungsberichte Jahrgang 1973, Heft 4, Munich, 1973), 9, 16- 26, esp. 19-20. 26 Η. Wolfram, Grenzen und Raume. Geschichte Osterreichs vor seiner Entstehung (Vienna, 1995), 89 and 124. 27 Β. Bischoff, Die sudostdeutschen Schreibschulen und Bibliotheken in der Karolingerzeit, Ι (Wiesbaden, 1974), 61, η. l. 28 Ibid. 60-2, 73-5 (nos. 6-8: Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 6237, 6297, and 6433). 29 Λngeli Dei boni antevos et postvos, α dextris et α sinistrisvestris: Letter, MGH Epistolae IV, 497, l.ro; 22

23

Λngeli

Dei α dextris et α sinistris nostris perducant nos in viam rectam, Florilegia: Florilegium Frisingense (Clm 6433), Testimonia divinae scripturae , ed. Α. Lehner, CCSL 108D (Turnhout, 1987), 39,

ηο. 455, 11. 23-4. See Garrison, 'Letters', 3ro, for the comparison and for Peregrinus as compiler of the Florilegium; cf. also Lehner, p. xxxvi. The quotation appears ultimately to derive from a 'Reisegebet', a prayer for safe voyage, which Β. Bischoff, Λnecdota novissima: Texte des vierten bis sechzehntenjahrhunderts (Stuttgart, 1984), 161, App. ΙΙ to ηο. ΧΙΧ, edited from a late ninth-century MS.: Λngeli D ei almi α dextris eta sinistris nostris perducant nos in viam rectam. Incipit of the whole prayer: Dirige, Domine,famulos tuos in via tua ... . It should be noted that the Florilegium Frisingense ends (in ηο. 455) with a peculiar assemblage of devotional texts (a prayer and formulae deήved from other prayers) which appears ίη

XIII Duke Tassilo and the Rupertus Cross

73

letter seems to comprise a drab series of Old Testatment quotations strung together ίη a prayer-like fashion, closer inspection reveals that it is much more than this. The biblical citations themselves are well chosen, and they are so arranged as to solicit God's help for the fight against a heathen enemy, and more specifically to invoke his support for Duke Tassilo's victory. After the invocation and address comes a salutation which, taking up 'a phrase from the salutations in the Pauline epistles'30 and ending with 'amen', sounds like a liturgical formula. The ensuing first part of the epistle, directed, as it were, to the addressees at large, exhorts them in their cause by assuring them that God is οη their side against the pagans. Then, in the second part of the letter the focus shifts more explicitly to Tassilo with a series ofintercessions οη his behalf The style, ηο less than the content, of these intercessions enhances the prayer-like character of the text. They have the appearance of benedictions: 'Sit Dominus noster cum Daissilone, sicut fuit cum Abraham ... Sit Dominus omnipotens pugnator pro vobis, sicut fuit cum Moysi et cum Iosue ... Percutiat Dominus inimicos vestros ante conspectum vestrum, sicut percussit gentes multas ante conspectum filiorum Israel. ... Tribuat vobis Dominus victoriam de inimicis vestris, sicut dedit ad Gedion ducem populi Dei ... Det Dominus fortitudinem duci nostro domino Daissiloni, sicut dedit fortitudinem Samson ... '31 The letter continues in this vein. Finally, after the valediction, comes the call to sing Psalms π3.r-3 (Non nobis, Domine, non nobis; sed nomini tuo da gloriam ... ) and 67-2-4 (Exsurgat Deus, et dissipentur inimici eius . . .). 32 The themes of praising the Lord, and his triumph over his enemies (i.e. the pagans), 33 are therefore brought home to the reader once again. Ιη what we have termed benedictions, God's help for Tassilo is invoked and developed by analogy with a series of figures drawn, with one significant exception, from the Old Testament. Abraham, Moses, Joshua, Gideon, Samson, Jonathan, David, and Constantine are all mentioned with reference to a specific victory (generally against a heathen foe) that was achieved with God's help. This array of analogues is greater than that used in contemporary Ordines, 34 and reveals Peregrinus' single-mindedness. It also transcends the common castofOld Testament exemplaused in the genre of almost identical form in the later Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 14248, fol. 164v, ed. Μ . Frost, Ά Prayer Book from St Emmeran, Ratisbon',]ournal of Theological Studies, 30 (1929), 32-45, at 36; on the MS see Bischoff, Schreibschulen, Ι , 175 and 193 (no. 13). Pcregrinus then provides ίn his Florilegium some of the earliest evidence for Insular, specifically Irish-inspired devotional texts. At this point one cannot but mention Henry Mayr-Harting's fine appreciation of 'Private Prayer' in his fundamental The Comingof Christianity toAnglo-Saxon England, 3rd edn. (London, 1991), 182- 90. 32 Garrison, 'Letters', 322. 31 Letter, 496. Garrison, 'Letters', 322. Tellingly the Letter, p. 497, 11. 15-16, has sic pereant gentiles α jάcie Dei nostri for the Vulgate's (Ps. 67. 3) sic pereant peccatores αfacie Dei. 34 See the formula Deus in enaπabilis auctor mundi in the Sacramentaries of Gellone and Angouleme and rhe Collection ofSankt Emmeram, Ordines Coronationis Franciae: T exts and Ordinesfor the Coronation ofFrankish and French Kings and Queens in the MiddleAges, Ι, ed. R. Α. Jackson (Philadelphia, 1995), 53, 59, and 67. 30

33

XIII 74 Mirror of Princes. 35 This leads one inevitably to the related questions of the nature of the source οη which Peregrinus drew, and the extent to which he was himself responsible for the compilation of this array of Old Testament fi.gures along with Constantine as an analogy for Tassilo. Taking account also of the many quotations that are woven into the text, it appears that Peregrinus culled most of his examples from Pseudo-Augustine's36 De mirabifibus sacrae scripturae, especially from the last chapter of the second book, De beffis praecipuis quae Domini auxifio peracta sunt. 37 This would tally with other indications which suggest that the writer of the letter had an Irish background. 38 Of particular relevance to the present enquiry is the long reference to the emperor Constantine which is the last of the comparisons coming towards the end of the 'benedictions'. Peregrinus seems to have drawn οη the Inventio sanctae crucis. 39 The passage reads as follows: 'Tribuat Dominus victoriam Daissiloni et omni populo eius, sicut dedit regi Constantino fi.lio Helenae, cui Dominus ostendit signum crucis in coelo nocte ante pugnam et audivit vocem dicentem sibi: "Constantine, in hoc signo vinces"? Hinc portata est crux ante eum in pugnam et omnes barbari fugerunt ill.[ftr illam or illum].' 40 Here an explicit and detailed evocation of Constantine, his vision, and the victory against the pagan barbarians that was bestowed by the cross serves both as an invocation for Tassilo and as a flattering and inspiring comparison. And here too, Ι suggest, lie the origins of the Rupertus Cross: it was designed as an evocation of Constantine's victory cross, and was a symbol of Tassilo's quasi-royal authority. As such it may even have been part of his insignia. And here one can advance the analogy of the representation of Louis the Pious (t 840) in Hrabanus Maurus' De faudibus sanctae crucis: the emperor is depicted as mifes Christi holding the cross ίη his right hand. 41 Ιη brief, though incapable of proof, the theory of an association between Duke Tassilo and the Rupertus Cross fi.ts the known circumstances extremely well, and has rather more to recommend it than the wholly hypothetical association with the foundation of Salzburg Cathedral.

Anton, Furstenspiegel und Herrscherethos in de: Karolingerzeit (Βοηη, 1968), esp. 419 ff. the seventh-century Ίrish Augustine' see D. Ο Crόinin, Early M edieval Ireland 400-ποο (London, 1995), 187- 9. 37 PL 35, col. 2192. 38 Bischoff, Salzburger Formelbucher, 20. 39 Cf. Inventio sanctae crucis, ed. Α. Holder (Leipzig, 1889), 1, 11. π-27; Cynewulfi Elene: (Kreuz aujJindung), ed. F. Holthausen, 4th edn. (Heidelberg, 1936), 3-6 and pp. χί-χίί οη the source; Ε. Ewig, 'Das Bild Constantins des Groi1en in den ersten Jahrhunderten des abendlandischen Mittelalters', Historisches]ahrbuch, 75 (1955), 1-46, at 21-2. 40 'May the Lord grantvictory to Tassilo and to all his people,just as he gave it to King Constantine, son ofHelena, to whom the Lord showed the sign of the cross in the sky οη the night before the battle, and he heard a voice saying to him: "Constantine, ίη this sign you will conquer", Wherefore the cross was carried before him into battle, and all the barbarians fled from it [or him].' Letter, 497, 11. 4-8. 41 Ρ . Ε. Schramm, Die deutschen Kaiser und Konige in Bi!dern ihrer Zeit 75r-π90, ed. F. Mίitheήch, 2nd edn. (Munich, 1983), 158-9 (ηο. 16) and pl. 16 at 293- 4. 35

Η. Η.

36

Οη

XIII Duke Tassilo and the Rupertus Cross

75

Assuming this was the case, we may presume that the cross survived Tassilo's downfall because of its religious nature. Treasures with an overtly religious meaning passed into the care of the church either, presumably, as donations from Tassilo and his family, or subsequently by undocumented routes. The Tassilo Chalice and the Montpellier Psalter are cases ίη point, 42 as are the short Speculum principis and the letters that were preserved ίη the now lost Salzburg Liber traditionum. 43 Tassilo's sceptre, οη the other hand, has not survived. 44 Whatever the circumstances surrounding the creation of the Rupertus Cross, the material we have considered leads us to a couple of related issues which we can usefully air ίη conclusion. First, ίη view of the artistic achievements that may, with varying degrees of certainty, be associated with Duke Tassilo and his circle, one is entitled to wonder whether the beginnings of the court culture ofhis famous cousin and opponent, Charlemagne, were ίη some part a response to this. Secondly, it would be interesting to know if there was more than coincidence behind the strength of the lnsular contribution to the culture of both courts. Consideration of these and other questions must, however, await another occasion. 42 Montpellier, Bibliotheque de l'Universite, 409 : Bischoff, Schreibschulen, Π (Wiesbaden, 1980), 16- 18. V. Leroquais, Les Psautiers manuscrits latins des bibliotheques publiques de France, 3 vols. (Macon, 1940-7), Ι, 273-7; ΠΙ, pls. Ι-ΙΙ. 43 Bischoff, Salzburger Formelbiicher, 42-57. 44 See the Murbach Annals sub anno 787, ed. G. Η. Pertz, MGH Scriptores Ι (Hannover, 1826), 43.

XIII

The Rupertus Cross (Bischofshofen Parish Church; Salzburg Diocesan Museum). Height: 158 cm. Width: 94 cm.

XIV

OBJECTS 0F RoYAL REPRESENTATION ΙΝ ENGLAND AND ΟΝ ΤΗΕ CoNTINENT

topic that Ι address here surmounts the skills of an historian by far, and hence in what follows Ι cannot attempt to do more than string a few observations together in the hope that in the end some sort of coherent picture will emerge. 1 Α note of warning has to be sounded at the beginning. Ίhe sheer size of the material meant that Ι had to make choices, especially as a fair amount of Anglo-Saxon and Continental evidence will be discussed. First Ι want to look at the significance of treasure in early medieval society and then at how certain objects seem to acquire a higher status, rising, so to speak, from prestige goods to insignia. Recent interest in treasure has seen the publication of some important books οη the subject, 2 and Ι want to single out the essays edited by Elizabeth Tyler and Matthias Hardt's learned thesis. 3 Hardt deals at great length with royal treasure, Ίhe

1 First Ι wish to thank the London organizing group for inviting me to give this paper, and special thanks Ι owe to Nicholas Brooks for presiding at the session where Ι read the paper. 2 Among the older literature two important publications have to be mentioned: Percy Ernst Schramm and Florentine Mίitherich, Denkmale der deutschen Konige und Kaiser: Ein Beitrag zur Heπschergeschichte von Karl dem Grr:ften bis Friedrich ΙΙ., 768-1250, Verδffentlichungen des Z entralinstituts fίir Kunstgeschichte ίη Mίinchen 2 (Munich, 1962) and Percy Ernst Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen und Staatssymbolik, Schriften der MGH 13.1- 3 (Stuttgart, 1954- 1956); for a fundamental critique of the latter see Andre Grabar, "L'archeologie des insignes medievaux du pouvoir," ίη idem, L'art de la jin de l'antiquite et du moyen άge, vol. 1 (Paris, 1968), 81- 102, a reprint of three articles which had appeared ίη the]ournal des Savants (1956-1957), and JosefDeer, "Byzanz und die Herrschaftszeichen des Abendlandes," Byzantinische Zeitschrift 50 (1957): 405-36, reprinted ίη idem, Byzanz und das abendliindische Herrschertum, ed. Peter Classen, Vortriige und Forschungen 21 (Sigmaringen, 1977), 47- 69. 3 Treasure in the Medieval West, ed. Elizabeth Μ. Tyler (Woodbridge, 2000): among the excellent contributions to this collection see especially Leslie Webster, 'Ίdeal and Reality: Versions ofTreasure ίη the Early Anglo-Saxon World," 49-59; Matthias Hardt, Gold und Herrschaft: Die Schiitze europiiischer Konige und Fiirsten im ersten ]ahrtausend,

XIV 32 focussing οη the royal treasure ίη relation to coming to power ίη the early medieval kingdoms as well as οη the actual contents of the treasure-in this context objects made of precious metal play a special role; moreover he addresses the question of how the treasures were assembled, by for instance levies, tributes, dues, gifts, pillage and looting, where they were stored and kept, and how they were used. Ιη this regard, gift sharing and royal representation are taken into special consideration. The treasure also served, we may venture to speculate, as virtual theatrical properties that could be drawn οη by the 'Όwner" for dressing up himself and his abode. Needless to say, all these are important aspects of the complex phenomenon that is treasure. Ιη one respect treasure appears to be absolutely decisive ίη the early Middle Ages: for the survival of a community, people, or gens. Το stress this point and to bring home its signi ficance, the evidence of historiography is decisive. The sadly missed Patrick Wormald ίη his unrivalled knowledge and insights might have taken us also to the fields of "heroic poetry" and in this way would have unravelled the mentality of a warrior elite. 4 But he might also have taken delight ίη Bede and some of the Carolingian historiography which Ι want to discuss presently, thereby skipping the weighty evidence from Merovingian times. 5 How much treasure did a community need to survive? Take the case of Oswiu, king ofBernicia (642-670) and Northumbria (655-670). 6 When Northumbria was repeatedly ravaged by King Penda ofMercia, the last mighty pagan king, who was killed ίη 655, Oswiu suffered "the savage and insupportable attacks of Penda" ("aceruas atque intolerabiles ... inruptiones"), who had killed Oswiu's brother Oswald ίη 642. According to Bede, Oswiu was at last forced to promise Penda "an incalculable and incredible store of royal treasures and gifts as the price of peace" ("ad ultimum necessitate cogente promisit se ei innumera et Europa im Mittelalter 6 (Berlin, 2004). See also Tesori: Forme di accumulazione della richezza nell'alto medioevo (secoli V-XI), ed. Sauro Gelichi and Christina La Rocca (Rome, 2004), and, for an exemplary exposition of a particular treasure, Otto νοη Hessen, Wilhelm Kurze, and Carlo Alberto Mastrelli, ΙΙ tesoro di Galognano (Florence, 1977). 4 See for instance Patrick Wormald, "Bede, Beowulf and the Conversion of the Anglo-Saxon Aristocracy," ίη Bede and Ang!o- Saxon Eng!and: Papers in Honour of the 1300'h Anniversary ofthe Birth oJBede, given at Cornell University in 1973 and 1974, ed. Robert Τ. Farrell, BAR 46 (Oxford, 1978), 32- 90. 5 For the Merovingians see Hardt, Go!d und Herrschaft, 18- 33; Reinhard Schneider, Konigswah! und Konigserhebung im Fruhmitte!a!ter: Untersuchungen zur Herrschaftsnachfolge bei den Langobarden und Merowingern, Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelal-

ters 3 (Stuttgart, 1972), 242-46; and, sifting the evidence of Gregory ofTours, Margarete Weidemann, Ku!turgeschichte der Merowingerzeit nach den Werken Gregors von Tours, Rδmisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Monographien 3.1-2 (Mainz, 1982), 1:18-20 and 324. 6 For the following see Bede, Historia Ecc!esiastica GentisAng!orum 3.24, ed. and trans. Bertram Colgrave and R. Α. Β. Mynors (Oxford, 1969), 290 (hereafter Bede, ΗΕ).

XIV Objects ofRoyal Representation

33

maiora quam credi potest ornamenta regia uel donaria ίη pretium pacis largiturum" [emphasis added]), οη the condition that Penda would "return home and cease to devastate, or rather utterly destroy, the kingdoms under his rule" ("dummodo ille domum rediret et prouincias regni eius usque ad internicionem uastare desineret"). But as Penda did not accept this offer and appeared determined "to destroy and exterminate Oswiu's whole people from the greatest to the least" ("totam eius gentem a paruo usque ad magnum delere atque exterminare"), Oswiu sought God's help ('Ίf the heathen enemy will not accept our gifts, let us offer them to Him who knows, Our Lord God" ["Si paganus ... nescit accipere nostra donaria, offeramus ei, qui nouit, Domino Deo nostro" (emphasis added)]) and vowed, if victorious, to offer his infant daughter to the church and to provide twelve estates (of ten hides each) for the foundation of twelve monasteries. With a small army Oswiu routed the thirty-times-greater force of Penda. Penda himself was killed, as were many of his allies, in this battle near the river "Uinued" (possibly a tributary of the Humber) ίη 655, and Oswiu subsequently honoured his vow as far as his daughter was concerned and by providing twelve smallish estates of ten hides in Bernicia and Deira, six each ίη the two provinces. Ιη this account ofBede's, heavily charged as it is with a kind of rhetoric of a war featuring a heathen foe and a Christian king who ίη the end is victorious seemingly against odds, Ι want to draw your attention to the treasure, the innumerable royal ornaments with which Oswiu was prepared to buy the peace. Ιη a situation of crisis he was making his highest offer. Obviously it is not the entire treasure he is giving away-that would have been the end of his reign and his people; just keep ίη mind the nature and effects ofMercian expansion that had already happened. 7 There would undoubtedly have been some 'Όrnamenta regia" left ίη Oswiu's treasure, had Penda accepted the offer, but Penda, it is enticing to speculate, had set his eyes οη the entire treasure. For purposes of comparison we may note that undoubtedly there was some treasure left to whoever succeeded those buried at Sutton Ηοο . These brilliant, precious objects, housed so near the place where we are meeting, can likewise have been only part of the East Anglian treasure; otherwise, the community would have not survived. Ιη the case of Oswiu we may go a step further. It is inconceivable that what he vowed to God would have been less than what he was prepared to offer Penda. So the ten estates amounting to 120 hides plus the unknown value attached to his infant daughter will have equalled if not surpassed (by the fact that he gave his daughter to the church) the royal accoutrements and gifts offered to Penda.

7 Absorbing previously independent communities: David Dumville, 'Έssex, Middle Anglia, and the Expansion ofMercia ίη the South East Midlands," ίη The Origins of Anglo-Saxon Kingdoms, ed. Steven Bassett, Studies in the Early History ofBritain (London, 1989), 123-40, esp. 128-30.

XIV 34 Α similar situation, a comparable case, can be observed in the FrankishLongobard relations of the 750s. Ιη the summer of 751 the Longobards had overrun Ravenna, the last remaining Byzantine enclave north of Rome, and increased their pressure οη Rome and the pope. Late in the same year Pippin, the Carolingian mayor of the palace, having obtained the moral support of the pope in 750, staged his coup d'etat, dethroning the last Merovingian, Childeric ΠΙ, and had himself raised as king of the Franks and anointed (at Soissons, November 751). 8 Ιη order to offset Lombard pressure the pope sought Frankish help and even journeyed all the way to the Frankish kingdom late in 753 and 754. Negotiations en route with the Lombard king Aistulf failed. By Easter, war against the Longobards was οη the cards; before the forces left, Pippin and his sons Charlemagne and Karlmann were anointed by Pope Stephen (at St. Denis, 28 July). The Franks moved swiftly and defeated the Longobards, who had tried to block the Frankish descent at the valley of Susa. Aistulf retreated to his stronghold of Pavia, closely followed by Pippin, who in turn laid siege to the city, ravaged the surrounding countryside, and took, as the contemporary pro-Frankish and pro-Carolingian continuator ofFredegar relates, 9 much treasure in gold and silver as well as many precious objects ('Όrnamenta": note the parallel to Bede's account cited earlier) and all their tents. Once Aistulfhad realized that there was ηο other way out, he sued for peace. He offered reparations to the Roman see, oaths, and hostages, promising furthermore that he would not leave Frankish overlordship or act in a hostile manner against Rome. Ιη addition, Aistulf gave Pippin many gifts ("multa munera"), and also the leading Franks, some of whom had been involved in the negotiations, received many gifts. Laden with treasures, Pippin and his army returned home. Despite these losses, not least in respect of Aistulf's treasure, we see a repeat of the situation two years later. 10 After Aistulf had harried Rome, Pippin again intervened. The Frankish campaign followed the pattern of 754. Finally Aistulf was besieged in Pavia. Yet again he begged for peace and promised reparations, using bishops and Frankish nobles as mediators, as he had done two years earlier. Pippin once more granted him life and reign. And Aistulf, following the judgement of the bishops and the Frankish nobles, handed over the agreed treasure in Pavia, that is, a third-one can only guess that this means a third of the entire treasure-and Pippin's followers received even larger gifts than two years before. Το cut the story short: with great treasure and many gifts ("cum magnis thesauris et multa munera") Pippin and the Franks returned to their kingdom.

8

Der Dynastiewechse! von 751: Vorgeschichte, Legitimierungsstrategien und Erinnerung,

ed. Matthias Becher and Jorg Jarnut (Mίίnster, 2004). 9 Fredegar, Continuationes, chap. 37, ίη Ίhe Fourth Book of the Chronicle of Fredegar with its Continuations, ed. and trans. J. Μ . Wallace-Hadrill, Nelson Medieval Classics (London, 1960), 105-7. 1 Fredegar, Continuationes, chap. 38, ed. Wallace-Hadrill, 107-8.

°

XIV Objects ofRoyal Representation

35

Considering that already ίη 754 a not insubstantial part of the treasure as well as gifts had changed hands, and that two years later a third of the treasure and larger gifts than before had swelled the coffers of the Franks, then, οη a rough estimate, Aistulf lost at least half of his treasure. Nevertheless, these losses did not mean the end ofLombard rule; the bishops and leading Frankish negotiators apparently knew how far one could go, if a Longobard kingship (and a Longobard kingdom) was to survive. And losses could be made up ίη time. But, as was hinted in Penda's failed attempt to grab Oswiu's realm, other options could be taken. And ίη this respect Charlemagne, Pippin's son, provides ample illustration of the highest significance, not just as far as treasure is concerned. Charlemagne also went to war with the Longobards, against his sometime father-in-law Desiderius, ίη 773-774. Ίhe causes were similar to those under Pippin, but this time family matters at the highest level also came into play. 11 Before the conflict started ίη earnest, Charlemagne led his first campaign against the Saxons. He got as far as the Irminsul, destroyed that important heathen sanctuary, and took away with him all the gold and silver that was deposited there. Thus he was provided with the means to reward his loyal followers and to fund the campaign against the Longobards which began ίη the following year. 12 Again the Frankish armies could not be stopped, and the Longobards retreated to Pavia, which was besieged by the Franks for nine months. Ίhe town was occupied, and Desiderius, his wife, and his daughter were captured (only his son escaped) with the entire treasure ("cum omni thesauro eius palatii"); 13 the Longobards accepted Charlemagne as their new ruler (from 5 June 774 Charlemagne used the title of rex Francorum et Langobardorum). Fourteen years later, ίη 788, Charlemagne settled scores with his cousin Duke Tassilo of Bavaria, who was married to a daughter of Desiderius. Tassilo was made to appear before Charlemagne at Ingelheim. Ιη the meantime Charlemagne sent trusted envoys to Bavaria, and they got hold not only of the duke's family but also of his treasures, and delivered them to their master. 14 Then the action was brought against Tassilo himself. Ιη this context also a fleeting reference must be made to the acquisition of the Avar treasure as a result of the campaigns of the 790s (especially 796). Το quote Einhard's famous retrospective account, written little more than thirty years after the event: 'Άll the wealth and

11 Longobard encroachments οη papal lands and harassment of the pope again played a role, but so also did tensions within the Carolingian family, which Desiderius exploited. For a more detailed analysis see Rosamond McKitterick, Charlemagne: The Formation ofα European Identity (Cambridge, 2008), 107-11. 12 See Matthias Becher, Karl der Grosse (Munich, 1999), 51 . 13 Annales regni Francorum, A.D. 774, ed. Friedrich Kurze, MGH, SS rer. Germ. 6 (Hannover, 1895), 38. 14 Annales Nazariani, A.D. 788, ed. Georg Heinrich Pertz, MGH, SS 1 (Hannover, 1826), 43.

XIV

trea5ure the Avar5 had collected over many year5 wa5 5eίzed. Νο one can recall any war agaίn5t the Frank5 that left them richer or better 5tocked with re5ource5. Until then they had 5eemed almo5t impoverί5hed ("paene paupere5"). So much gold and 5ilver wa5 found in the khagan'5 re5idence ("tantum auri et argenti in regia repertum") and 50 many preciou5 object5 were taken ίη the war ("tot 5polia pretίo5a in proelii5 5ublata"), that it might be fairly 5aid the Frank5 had ju5tly 5eίzed from the Hun5 [Einhard 5ee5 the Avar5 in the gui5e of the Hun5] what the Hun5 [viz. Avar5] had unju5tly 5eized from other people." 15 Α5 an a5ίde, let me remark that ίη the ca5e of the Avar5 the lo55 of the enormou5 hoard of trea5ure 5eem5 to have brought about al5o a lo55 of identity and an end a5 a political entity. But how doe5 thi5 5quare with the Longobard and Bavarian experience? The capture of the ruling family went hand ίη hand with the 5eίzure of the trea5ure. We hear ηο more of De5ίderiu5 and hi5 womenfolk; Ta55ilo made one further appearance in Frankfurt ίη 794. Charlemagne took over the po5ition of the vanqui5hed and di5po5ed of the 5eίzed trea5ure, boo5ting the circulation of gift5 and reward5, increa5ing hi5 pre5tige, with gift5 going, for example, to the pope and to King Offa, 16 and monopolizing-to 50me degree with hi5 50n5, wiνe5, and daughter5-royal repre5entation, thereby making any attempt at U5Urpation all the more difficult (becau5e any u5urper would have to find the mean5 fir5t). However, the Longobard5 and the Bavarian5 kept their identity, 50 to 5peak, wherea5 the Avar5 and, let me add, 50me of Penda'5 allie5 5ank into oblivion. One of the rea5on5 for the retention of their identity by the Langobard5 and the Bavarian5 i5 that before the Carolingian 5ucce55 and takeover, part5 of their trea5ure had been donated to eccle5ia5tical foundation5, remaining there to pre5erve in memory the founder or donor. Ιη the ca5e of the Bavarian5, take for ίη5tance the Ta55ilo chalice in Krem5mίίn5ter and the Rupertu5 Cro55 (Bi5chof5hofen -Salzburg), 17 both incidentally ma5terpiece5 ofin5ular art οη the Continent, and ίη the ca5e of the Longobard5 the trea5ure of Qyeen Theodolinda ίη Monza. 18 But the Avar5

15 Einhard, Vita Karoli magni, chap. 13, ed. Oswald Holder-Egger, MGH, SS rer. Germ. 25 (Hannover, 1911), 16-17; the translation follows Charlemagne's Courtier: The Complete Einhard, ed. and trans. Paul Edward Dutton (Peterborough, Ontario, 1998), 24. 16 Letter ofCharlemagne to Offa, ed. Ernst Dϋmmler, MGH, ΕΕ 4 (Berlin, 1895), 144-46 (ηο . 100), at 146. For a translation see English Historical Documents c. 500-1042, ηο. 197, ed. and trans. Dorothy Whitelock, 2"d ed. (London, 1979), 848-49. 17 Anton Scharer, "Duke Tassilo ofBavaria and the Origins of the Rupertus Cross," ίη Beliefand Culture in the Middle Ages: Studies Presented to Henry Mayr- Harting, ed. Richard Gameson and Henrietta Leyser (Oxford, 2001), 69-75. 18 Luciano Caramel, "Dalle testimonianze paleocristiane al mille," ίη Storia di Monza e della Brianza, IV L'arte dall' etά romana al Rinascimento, vol. 1 (Milan, 1976), 148-68.

XIV Objects ofRoyal Representation

37

very evidently lacked the institution of the church to uphold their memoria for future generations. Over the years Charlemagne had amassed some very large treasures-this is only part ofhis success story-and in his case we also know how he disposed of his wealth late ίη his life. Einhard preserved Charlemagne's will ίη his Vita Karoli, and it may be useful to look at it with our topic ίη mind. 19 The will was drawn up early ίη 811 and described Charlemagne's entire movable wealth held οη that day in the treasury. He "divided all he had ίη gold, silver, precious stones, and royal vestments that could be found οη the day ίη his camera" ('Όmnem substantiam atque omnem suppellectilem suam, quae ίη auro et argento gemmisque et ornatu regio ίη illa die ίη camera eius poterat inveniri") into three parts (or lots). Two of the three lots he further subdivided into twenty-one parts and assigned them to the twenty-one metropolitan sees ofhis realm. Theywere sealed and name-tagged and thereafter left lying untouched to his death. 20 The remaining third was to serve for his daily needs ("as if ίt were property which he was under ηο obligation to part with or see alienated from his direct possession") 21 as long as he lived. Οη his death a fourfold division was to take place, one fourth of this third going to the two thirds assigned to the metropolitan sees, a second quarter of this third (or a twelfth of the total) going to his children and grandchildren, the third fourth (another twelfth) being destined for the poor, and the last remaining quarter (a twelfth of the entire treasure) for the support of male and female servants of the palace. ln order to increase this third, reserved to his use as long as he lived, which was made up like the two thirds of gold and silver already set apart for the metropolitans, he decreed the addition of all "the vessels and utensils ofbronze, iron and other metals, along with the arms, garments, and other movable goods, both precious and ordinary, used for various things, such as curtains, bedspreads, carpets, woollen goods, leather articles and saddles as well as anything that could be found οη this day ίη the treasury and wardrobe" ("in camera atque vestiario"). 22

19 Einhard, Vita Karoli magni, chap. 33, ed. Holder-Egger, 37-41. For discussions of the will see Alfred Schultze, "Das Testarnent Karls des Grol!,en," in Aus Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte: Gedachtnisschriftfur Georg von Below (Stuttgart, 1928), 46- 81; Matthew Innes, "Charlernagne's Will: Piety, Politics and the Irnperial Succession," English Historical Review 112 (1997): 833-55; and Matthias Hardt, "Vererbte Konigsschatze ίη Volkerwanderungszeit und frίihern Mittelalter," ίη Herrscher- und Furstentestamente im Westeuropaischen Mittelalter, ed. Brigitte Kasten, Norrn und Struktur 29 (Cologne, 2008), 125- 43, at 137- 40. Ίhis paper appeared too late to be taken fully into account. 20 Ίhe archbishops should on receipt of their lot keep a third and share out twothirds arnong their suffragan bishops. 21 The Complete Einhard, trans. Dutton, 38. 22 The Complete Einhard, trans. Dutton, 38, with rny irnprovernents.

XIV

Everything was to be divided up, with the sole exception of what he had endowed the chapel with. Only such vessels, ornaments, and books that he had not donated were to be sold. Also his library was to be sold for a good price and the money given to the poor. Finally he disposed of four extremely precious tables, which are the only objects identified clearly and not just referred to ίη a random manner. Obviously these were prestige goods of the highest order. 23 One was made of gold, three of silver. 'Ήe arranged and ordered that one of the silver tables, a square-shaped one containing the outline of the city of Constantinople, was to be sent to Rome to the church of St. Peter along with the other gifts assigned to the saint. Another silver table, this one having a round shape and bearing a likeness of the city of Rome, was to be given to the episcopal see of Ravenna. Ίhe third, which far surpasses the others ίη beauty of workmanship and ίη its weight, contains a delicate and fine line drawing of the whole universe set within three circles. He stipulated that it and the gold table, which is referred to as the fourth, should be used to increase the remaining third ίη respect ofhis heirs and alms." 24 Before lingering a little οη these precious tables a summary might be helpful to unravel those intriguing figures. Ιη 811 Charlemagne gave away, one could say, two-thirds of his treasure, parcelling it out ίη twenty-one shares. What an achievement, to have been able to carry out such a division! This means that he could live comfortably, taking into account all possible eventualities, with a third of his treasure. Obviously this working treasure, so to speak, could increase or decrease ίη his last years. And we should observe how he tried to boost this share by adding (luxury) garments and household effects-can we see here a very distant parallel to Sutton Ηοο? Οη a strictly numerical level, according to the will three-quarters ofCharlemagne's treasure went to the metropolitan sees, a clear indication ofhow much treasure was transferred to the church (with ηο uncertain effect οη memoria!), a twelfth to his children and grandchildren, a further twelfth to the poor, and another twelfth to the servants. Ίhe final clearout may ίη effect have slightly increased the minor shares, but the main beneficiary would have also profited. Ίhat this will was not just a statement of intention but that its provisions were fulfilled is confirmed by Einhard and others: 'Άfter his father's death Louis, having seen and read the document, took great care to carry out its provisions as quickly as possible." 25 It may come as a surprise that relics are not mentioned ίη the will; obviously they were considered as belonging to the chapel, the possessions of which should be left untouched. There is a later reference by Charlemagne's grandson Charles the Bald that Charlemagne had stocked the Aachen chapel with relics; 26 and ''Among his other possessions and riches" ("inter ceteros thesauros et pecuniam"). The Complete Einhard, trans . Dutton 39, with some changes. 25 Einhard, Vita Karoli magni, chap. 33, ed. Holder-Egger, 41. 26 Heinrich Schiffers, Kar!s des Grrj1en Re!iquienschatz und die Anfiίnge der Aachenjάhrt, Veroffentlichungen des Bischoflichen Diozesanarchivs Aachen 10 (Aachen, 1951). 23

24

XIV Objects ofRoyal Representation

39

Charlemagne's sister Gisela, abbess of Chelles, had also assembled a great many relics in Chelles. Ιη the discussion of what kind of objects were mentioned in the will, let me return to the four precious tables, 27 singled out as they were among the prestige goods, because in the case of the one with the leaf showing the universe in three circles, the largest, heaviest, and most impressive, its subsequent history to the 840s and its final destruction can be followed. It seems that precious tables showing elaborate decoration were highly valued at the time. We get a hint of this also from Charlemagne's perhaps greatest poet and court luminary, Theodulf of Orleans. 28 Even ifhis description of the "disc" (or table-top) in one of his poems is just a poetic exercise, it shows what objects could be imagined then! From one of the biographers ofLouis the Pious we learn that Louis, after settling his father's inheritance, kept nothing except for the table, which he redeemed with some other object for himself as a token of his love for his father. 29 After Louis' death one hears again of the table in 842, in the aftermath of the battle of Fontenoy (841), and before the treaty of Verdun (843): Lothar, the eldest son of Louis the Pious, οη the retreat from the combined forces of his brothers, "took all he could from the palace of Aachen and from the palatine chapel of St. Mary and from the royal treasury, including a silver table ("disco" ["plate"]) of wonderful size and beauty. Οη it shone a map of the whole world and it also showed the stars and the various movements of the planets at proportionate distances from each other, with the more important signs of the Zodiac. Lothar had ίt sawn [cut] up into pieces and distributed amongst his men who, despite being induced by such a large bribe, still continued to desert him." 30 That's the end of the table, reduced to pure bullion value; while intact, it was an object that impressed people and ίη the context of the court could also to some degree serve the needs of royal representation. What about the other goods referred to in more general terms in the will? As regards garments, Einhard relates that οη occasion, οη feast days, Charlemagne dressed up: he would wear "clothes woven with gold, bejewelled shoes, a cloak fastened by a golden clasp and a crown made of gold and jewels" (" diademate

27 Deborah MauskopfDeliyannis, "Charlemagne's Silver Tables: Ίhe Ideology of an Imperial Capital," Early Medieval Europe 12 (2003): 160-77, concentrating οη the representation of Constantinople and Rome and their significance οη two of these tables. 28 Ίheodulf, Carmen 46, ed. Ernst Dίίmmler, MGH, Poetae 1 (Berlin, 1881), 544547 and Sibylle Mahl, Quadriga virtutum: Die Kardinaltugenden in der Geistesgeschichte der Karolingerzeit, Beihefte zum Archiv fίίr Kulturgeschichte 9 (Cologne, 1969), 64-72. 29 Ίhegan, Gesta Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 8, ed. and trans. Ernst Tremp, MGH, SS rer. Germ. 64 (Hannover, 1995), 188-91. 30 Annales Bertiniani, A.D. 842, ίη Annales de Saint-Bertin, ed. Felix Grat, Jeanne Vielliard, and Suzanne Clemencet (Paris, 1964), 41. Ίhe translation is taken from ΊheAn­ nals of St Beι-tin, trans. Janet Nelson (Manchester, 1991), 52-53.

XIV

ex auro et gemmis"); 31 usually he was armed with a sword "whose hilt and belt were made of gold or silver," occasionally also sporting a jewelled sword. The images ofCharlemagne's grandsons Lothar and Charles the Bald ίη some deluxe manuscripts (primarily of court-school origin) give visual expression to some of the objects Einhard mentions: the precious gold-woven garments, shoes, the "golden" shoulder clasp, the golden, bejewelled sword and belt (οη the pictures usually held by an attendant), and the crown. 32 Was this royal equipment ('Όrnatus regius") really divided up, as laid down ίη the testament? It is not the garments, swords, and the like that Ι am concerned with here, but the crown(s). Obviously Charlemagne would have used them to the end of his life and hence they could have only been added to the "last, remaining third" that was to be divided at his death. Furthermore there is the evidence of the Astronomer, one of the two biographers of Louis the Pious, who knew of the testament and who went so far as to say that Charlemagne left nothing that was not assigned to somebody, only to add: "Qyod autem ornatui conducebat regio, posteriori reliquit aetati" ("what he had assembled ίη objects of royal representation, he left to the next generation" [i.e., to his successor]). 33 Be that as it may, precious clothes and especially the crown, as later developments help make clear, single out the king/emperor. Perhaps as early as 781 Charlemagne's younger sons Louis (the Pious) and Pippin were anointed and crowned by Pope Hadrian; we are οη firmer ground with Charlemagne's imperial coronation ίη 800 and that of his son Charles the Younger as king οη the same occasion. From Einhard we hear of Charlemagne's crown-wearing οη special occasions, and then there is also the matter ofLouis being made co-emperor. After the great and the good had been consulted, the actual ceremony took place ίη Aachen οη 11 September 811 ίη an elaborate fashion. Charlemagne "arrayed himself ίη the apparel of rulership, set the crown upon his head and made his way ... bedecked and adorned ίη the splendour which befitted him" to the palatine chapel. Οη the altar "he ordered a golden crown to be laid .. . not the one he

31 Einhard, Vita Karoli magni, chap. 23, ed. Holder-Egger, 28; The Complete Einhard, trans. Dutton, 31 (in part). 32 For reproductions in colour see J. Hubert, J. Porcher, and W. F. Volbach, Carolingian Art (London, 1970), 139 (pl. 129), 140 (pl. 130), 145 (pl. 133), 147 (pl. 135), 149 (pl. 137), 152 (pl. 140); and for the prayer-book ofCharles the Bald, Das Evangeliar Heinrichs des Lowen und das mittelalterliche Herrscherbild, ed. Horst Fuhrmann and Florentine

2nd ed. (Munich, 1988), pls. 1-2. Ιη the case ofCharles the Bald see the concise analysis of Florentine Mίitherich in Die Karolingischen Miniaturen, 5: Die Hofichule Karls des Kahlen, ed. Wilhelm Koehler and Florentine Mίitherich (Berlin, 1982), 35-37. 33 Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 22, ed. Ernst Tremp, MGH, SS rer. Germ. 64 (Hannover, 1995), 350-51.

Mίitherich,

XIV Objects ofRoyal Representation

4Ι

bore οη his head ..." 34 Ίhen, in an elaborate ceremony, after prayers and precepts he either crowned Louis himself3 5 or, as Ίhegan relates, asked Louis "to take up with his own hands the crown which lay upon the altar and to place it upon his head." Before the said Louis died οη 20June 840, he asked for an inventory ofhis treasure to be drawn up and laid down how the treasure was to be divided. But what did the 'Όrnamenta regalia" comprise? Crowns (the plural is correct), arms, vessels, books-they had been treated separately in Charlemagne's will-and priestly vestments. Moreover, he had a particular crown and a sword decorated with gold and precious stones sent to Lothar, his eldest son. 36 Ίhese references show not only the significance of the crown as symbol of rulership and in the transfer of rulership, but also the simple fact of not just one crown being in use. 37 Usually there was more than one crown available; crowns were made for special occasions, subsequently perhaps given to a favoured monastery or church, as for instance the crown in Essen, which was in all likelihood used at the coronation of the infant Otto ΠΙ. 38 Ίhe use of the crown as sign of rulership, as an object of royal representation, is in the west closely linked with the Carolingians who, in the case of Charlemagne and Charles the Bald, undoubtedly looked to the east for inspiration. But we have to talk of the crown in general, not a particular crown, as undoubtedly many more were once in use than have survived. Ίhis is borne out for instance by the different types of crown Charles the Bald is depicted in manuscripts as wearing. How about the Anglo-Saxon evidence? When King !Ethelwulf, Alfred's father, went to Rome in 855/56, he seems to have taken a fair share of treasure with him, and οη the way back he married Judith, the daughter of Charles the Bald. Ιη Rome some of his presents were recorded by the contemporary papal biographer: "Το St Peter the apostle he presented a fine gold crown [this refers to a votive crown, hung up in the church] weighing 4 lbs; two fine gold beakers weighing [number missing] lb; one sword, bound with fine gold; two small images of fine gold; four silver-gilt Saxon bowls; one all-silk tunic with gold studding; one all-silk white shirt with roundels, with gold studding; two large

34 Ίhegan, Gesta H!udowici imperatoris, chap. 6, ed. Tremp, 182; the translation follows Char!emagne: Trans!ated Sources, trans. Ρ. D. King (Lambrigg, 1987), 336. 35 Ίhat Charlemagne crowned Louis is claimed by Ermoldus Nigellus, In honorem Hludowici, vv. 720-721, ίη Ermo!d !e Noir, Poeme sur Louis !e Pieux, ed. and trans. Edmond Faral, Les classiques de I'histoire de France au moyen age 14 (Paris, 1964), 56, and by the Astronomer, Vita H!udowici imperatoris, chap. 20, ed. Tremp, 344. 36 Astronomer, Vita H!udowici imperatoris, chap. 63, ed. Tremp, 548-49: to remind him of what he had promised ίη regard of Charles the Bald and Judith. 37 Ίhe great symbolic value attached to a particular crown, for example to the imperial crown from Ottonian ti mes (late tenth and first half of the eleventh century), kept at the Schatzkammer in Vienna, is a later development. 38 Schramm and Mίίtherich, Denkma!e, 296 (pl. 81).

XIV 42 veils interwoven with gold. When the holy lord Pope Benedict [ΠΙ, 855-858] requested this king of the Saxons to make a public dispensation of money ίη the church of St Peter the apostle from the weight of gold or silver pounds, he gave gold to the bishops, priests, deacons, and all the clergy and the leading men of Rome, while to the people he gave a small amount of silver." 39 Note the precious textiles, the metalwork objects, and the bullion! Ίhe wealth ίη coin is perhaps a hallmark of Anglo-Saxon England, 40 for the availability of coin becomes apparent abroad οη such occasions as for instance Eadgyth's marriage to Otto the Great. But what about the objects of royal representation ίη the above list of presents: the precious garments, the vessels, and the gilded sword are positive signs, and the crown ίη this instance is not one to be worn. Ίhe earliest pictorial representations of a crowned Anglo-Saxon king 41 are the ruler portraits of Athelstan (924-939). 42 So ίt may be advisable to turn to the ordines, the scores and stage directions so to speak, for the anointing and coronation of a ruler. Here the situation in Anglo-Saxon England comes into view first. Ίhe oldest anointing Ordo (or rite), preserved ίη the Leofric Missal and probably dating back to the eighth century, as Janet Nelson above all has shown, 43 comprises the relevant formulae for the royal inauguration ritual, 44 but it is without references-either by headings or ίη the contents of the prayers-to insignia. However, in the later transmission of the Ordo, as represented by the Egbert and Lanalet pontificals, 45 there are rubrics referring to three items of regalia, namely sceptre, rod (virga), and helmet. Ιη particular, the reference to the latter sounds very "ancient": 'Ήic omnes

39 Liber Pont!ficalis, ed. Louis Duchesne, 3 vols. (Paris, 1886- 1957), 2:148 (chap. 34). For the translation see Ίhe Lives ofthe Ninth-Century Popes (Liber Pont!ficalis), trans. Raymond Davis, Translated Texts for Historians 20 (Liverpool, 1995), 187. 40 J. R. Maddicott, "Prosperity and Power ίη the Age of Bede and Beowulf," Proceedings ofthe BritishAcademy 117 (2002): 49-71. 41 The evidence of Alfred's "Two Emperors type" can be discounted, as ίt closely copies a Roman model ίη depicting a laurel wreath. See Catherine Ε. Karkov, Ίhe Ruler Portraits ofAnglo-Saxon England, Anglo-Saxon Studies 3 (Woodbridge, 2004), 25 and figure 2. 42 See Simon Keynes, "King Athelstan's Books," ίη Learning and Literature in Anglo-Saxon England: Studies Presented to Peter Clemoes, ed. Michael Lapidge and Helmut Gneuss (Cambridge, 1985), 143- 201, at 173- 74, 180 and plate ΙΧ, and especially Karkov, Ruler Portraits, 55- 83 and figures 4- 5. 43 Janet L . Nelson, "The Earliest Surviving Royal Ordo: Some Liturgical and Historical Aspects," in eadem, Politics and Ritual in Early Medieval Europe (London, 1986), 341-60, at 349-53. 44 Ίhe Leofric Missal, ΙΙ: Text, ed. Nicholas Orchard, HBS 114 (London, 2002), 429-32 (nos. 2458-2466). 45 TwoAnglo-Saxon Pont!ficals (Ίhe Egbert and Sidney Sussex Pont!ficals), ed. Η. Μ. J. Banting, HBS 104 (London, 1989), 109-13, and Pont!ficale Lanaletense (Bibliothi!que de la ville de RouenA.27.cat.368.), ed. G. Η. Doble, HBS 74 (London, 1937), 59-63.

XIV Objects ofRoya! Representation

43

pontifices sumant galeam et ponant super caput ipsius" ("All the bishops [present] are to take the helmet and put it οη the king's head"). Ιη ηο other text of the time is there a helmet mentioned: it is always the crown that is referred to. Generically, a type of crown is derived from a helmet, but there is ηο hint of that in the wording of the rubric ίη Egbert/Lanalet. Should we conceive of a helmet-like crown or a proper helmet, say like the Sutton Ηοο or Coppergate helmets? 46 Ίhe latter is more than likely. Ίhe earliest representation of a crown ίη an Anglo-Saxon context dates, as already mentioned, from the first half of the tenth century (930s). Ίhe first Ordo is not only preserved ίη a Continental manuscript, but it was also used οη the Continent, by Hincmar of Reims, when he compiled the Judith Ordo ίη 856 to serve for the coronation of .ιEthelwulf's queen Judith. 47 Ίhe next English coronation Ordo-hitherto referred to as the Lombard Ordo-, 48 dating from the late ninth century, uses a fair amount of Frankish material from a single source, for obvious reasons. Now there appear specific formulae for the insignia, and the relevant material was readily available: Charles the Bald was in the forefront of promoting royal representation and in this pursuit tapping all resources bearing οη this matter. Ίhis fact as well as the rapid succession ofWest-Frankish kings ίη the last quarter of the ninth century provided ample opportunities for the creation and employment of ordines and filtered through to Anglo-Saxon England. Ίhe so-called Lombard Ordo, 49 a combination ofthe first English Ordo and a West Frankish one (the Seven-forms Ordo), 50 featured crown, sceptre (or rod), sword, and ring as insignia. Drawing οη yet more West-Frankish material, 51 the second English Ordo from the early tenth century, which "remained in use until the Conquest, with relatively minor alterations being made sometimes, for specific consecrations," 52 featured ring, sword, crown, sceptre, and rod (virga). For comparison it may be noted 'Έarliest Ordo," 357. Ordines Coronationis Franciae: Texts and Ordines for the Coronation ofFrankish and French Kings and Queens in the Midd!e Ages, vol. 1, ed. Richard Α. Jackson (Philadelphia, 46

As suggested by Nelson,

47

1995), 76-79. 48 Ίhe argument that the Lombard Ordo is actually the second English Ordo and that the Ordo generally referred to as second English ought to take third place is advanced ίη Anton Scharer, Herrschaft und Reprasentation: Studien zur Hofku!tur Konig A!freds des Grofien (Vienna, 2000), 42- 48. 49 Pontijica!e in usum ecc!esiae Mediolanensis necnon ordines Ambrosiani ex codicibus saecc. IX-XV, ed. Marcus Magistretti, Monumenta veteris liturgiae Ambrosiana 1 (Milan,

1897), 112-19. 5° Carl Erdmann, Forschungen zur po!itischen Ideenwelt des Friihmitte!a!ters (Berlin, 1951), 87-89, re-christened the Ordo of Eleven Forms by Jackson, Ordines Coronationis Franciae, 159-63. 51 Ίhat is, apart from the Seven-forms Ordo, Erdmann Ordo, and Hincmar's 869 Ordo: see Janet L. Nelson, "Ίhe Second English Ordo," ίη Po!itics and Ritual, 361-74, at 361-62. 52 Janet L. Nelson, 'Ίnauguration Rituals," ίη Po!itics and Ritua!, 283-304, at 299.

XIV 44 that ίη the East Frankish Mainz Ordo of ca. 960 reference is made to the following insignia: sword, armillae (bracelets, in Old English beagas) et pallium (gown) and ring, sceptre, and rod and crown. 53 This short and simplified overview of the ordines shows that ίη Anglo-Saxon England, with one of the oldest anointing traditions ίη the west, from the ninth century the West-Saxon kings will have worn crowns, not as early as their Carolingian neighbours across the channel. But the ordines also brought into view other objects besides the crown, such as ring, sword, sceptre, and rod. The sword we have encountered already, but not the ring, and the sceptre seems rarely mentioned. 54 Lothar 1, Charles the Bald, and also the Ottonians from Otto II to Henry II display ίη their ruler portraits 55 besides the crown, sceptre, rod (occasionally), sword and shield (held by attendants), precious bejewelled vestments, leggings and shoes, bracelets, clasps, ηο ring (how could it be displayed ίη small format?), but frequently an orb, which is first held by Charles the Bald ίη manuscripts, the cathedra sancti Petri, and the equestrian statue from Metz. 56 The orb appears ίη pictorial representations fairly frequently; as an object it was, according to Schramm, ίη the mediaeval West first used by Henry 11. 57 All this brings home one important point: different media (naπative sources / ruler portraits ίη manuscripts with dedicatory, memorial purposes, but also οη seals) and ordines (laying out the ceremonial framework) open up different perspectives which can coincide but may also differ. This diversity has to do with the contexts at which they were directed. The one object featuring prominently ίη all these media is the crown, a clear indication of its importance. Ιη discussion of the royal treasure ίη relation to coming to power ίη the early mediaeval kingdoms one cannot pass over the story concerning King Eadwig (955-959), as related ίη the Life ofDunstan which was written ca. 1000: 58 'Άηd when at the time appointed by all leading men of the English he was anointed and consecrated king by popular election, οη that day after the kingly anointing 53 Le Pontifical Romano- Germanique du dixieme siecle, ed. Cyrille Vogel and Reinhard Elze, 3 vols., Studi e Testi 226,227,269 (Rome, 1963-1972), 1:246-59 (ηο. LXXII). 54 As for instance Duke Tassilo's sceptre in the 787 entry of the Murbach annals: Annales Nazariani, ed. Pertz, 43. 55 See above, η. 32, to which should be added Schramm and Mίitherich, Denkmale; Henry Mayr-Harting, Ottonian Book I!!umination: An Historica! Study, 2 vols. (London, 1991), esp. 1:57- 68; and Ulrich Kuder, "Die Ottonen ίη der ottonischen Buchmalerei: Identifikation und Ikonographie," in Herrschaftsrepriisentation im Ottonischen Sachsen, ed. Gerd Althoff and Ernst Schubert, Vortrage und Forschungen 46 (Sigmaringen, 1998), 137-234. 56 Schramm and Mίitherich, Denkmale, 267 (pl. 58). 57 Percy Ernst Schramm, Sphaira, G!obus, Reichsapftl: Wanderung und Wand!ung eines Herrschaftszeichens von Caesar bis zu Elisabeth ΙΙ. (Stuttgart, 1958), 61. 58 Vita sancti Dunstani auctore Β, chap. 21, in Memoria!s of Saint Dunstan, ed. William Stubbs, Rerum Britannicarum M edii Aevi Scriptores 63 (London, 1874), 32-33. The translation derives from English Historica! Documents, trans. Whitelock, 901.

XIV Objects ofRoyal Representation

45

at the holy ceremony, the lustful man suddenly jumped up and left the happy banquet and the fitting company of his nobles for the aforesaid caresses of loose women [sc. a woman of noble birth and her daughter]. When Archbishop Oda saw that the king's wilfulness, especially οη the day ofhis coronation, displeased all the councillors sitting around, he said to his fellow-bishops and other leading men: Let some of you go ... to bring back the king, so that he may, as is fitting, be a pleasant companion to his followers ίη the royal banquet." But, afraid of the king's likely disfavour, they hesitated; finally Abbot Dunstan and Bishop Cynesige (ofLichfield), a kinsman ofDunstan, were chosen "to bring the king, willing or unwilling, back to his deserted seat. When ίη accordance with their superiors' orders they had entered, they found the royal crown, which was bound with wondrous metal, gold and silver and gems, and shone with many-coloured lustre ("regiam coronam, quae miro metallo auri vel argenti gemmarumque vario nitore conserta splendebat"), carelessly thrown down οη the floor, far from his head, and he himself [sc. Eadwig] repeatedly wallowing between the two of them ίη evil fashion, as if ίη a vile sty." Ιη the end Dunstan had to drag the king away by force to take him back with him to the royal assembly. This is one of the few cases where a breach ίη protocol, a failure ίη ceremonial, is divulged in some detail. The story highlights the importance of the crown; the disregard shown by its wearer was ίη the end to have dire consequences. What made some of the objects which we have discussed, such as the crown, so precious? Ίhey were part of the Christianisation of kingship, and this ensured their symbolic value and longevity.

XV

Bishops

ίη

Ottonian Bavaria

Ιη what follows Ι want to draw your attention to a few 10th century bishops who were contemporaries and headed adjoining Bavarian sees, namely Abraham of Freising (957-93), Pilgrim of Passau (971-91) and Wolfgang of Regensburg (972-94). Occasionally the metropolitan, Archbishop Friedrich of Salzburg (958-91) will also come into the picture, whereas the fifth diocese of the archbishopric, Saben-Brixen, which had its seat ίη South Tyrol, presentday North Italy, will not feature ίη the paper. Ιη its stead occasional reference will be made, for comparison, to a neighbouring Suabian diocese with close links to Bavaria, namely Augsburg which was headed at the time by Udalrich (923-73) and Henry (973-82). Why concern oneself with bishops and οη top of that with 10th-century incumbents ίη the south-eastern corner of the East-Frankish realm? First and foremost let me cite reasons of comparison. The role of bishops ίη the revival of Anglo-Saxon culture and learning ίη the 10th century - just think of Dunstan, JEthelwold and Oswald - needs ηο special pleading, but comparison with the situation οη the continent will be useful. Such attempts have occasionally been made before, notably by Patrick Wormald and John Nightingale, 1 but with rather more stress οη the aspect of monastic reform than οη episcopal activity. And furthermore, my scope is more limited: by concentrating οη a very few bishops Ι only want to invite and to encourage a comparative approach ίη the future. Some areas, which might be fruitfully explored, Ι shall try to point out, but ίη a rather cursory fashion. Much is yet work ίη progress. There is a second objective ίη my looking at these bishops. Ιη exploring the Ottonian and Salian 'Reichskirche', 'imperial church', much has been made

Patrick Wormald, 'JEthelwold and his Continenral Contemporaries: Conract, Comparison, Contrast', in Bishop JEthelwold: I-Iis Caner and Injltιence, ed. Barbara Yorke (Woodbridge 1988), pp. 13-42 and John Nightingale, Όswald, Fleυry and Continental Reform', ίη St Oswald of Worcester: Life anιf Injltιence, ed. Nicholas Brooks and Catherine C υbitt (London 1996), pp. 23-45. The present paper, the origins of which go back to rhe 1990s, profited from the dίalogυe ,vith Andreas Weίnberger ,vhose ΜΑ thesis Abraham von Freising, Pilgιim von Passatι, Wo{tgang von Rι:gensbtιrg: drei bayeιische Bischiife des 1Ο. Jahrhtιnderts im Vergleich (Vίenna 2008) 1 sυggested the topic and sυpervίsed.

XV 2

Bishops in Ottonian Bavaria

of the 'system' which the rulers of the Ottonian family and their successors are said to have created by their appointment of members of the royal chapel (Hofkapelle) to bishoprics 2 and by a steady transfer of privileges to bishoprics and monasteries, 3 thereby using the church as much as possible as a prop and as a means of government. So in effect the sum of the privileges, granting all kinds of rights to a specific church - from holding a m arket to the transfer of comital rights - would make up the Ottonian-Salian church, as an eminent legal historian (Adalbert Erler) has claimed some time ago and thereby followed the concept which above all Leo Santifaller had developed. The late Timothy Reuter rightly dissented, 4 but even earlier dissatisfaction at this all too perfect concept of a system had been voiced. Ι vividly remember the seminars of Heinrich Fichtenau, where a different approach was chosen which aimed at bringing the bishops themselves into sharper focus, and by analysing their careers and origin the predominantly charter-based system theory was called into question. 5 So ultimately a thorough prosopography o f all the bishops would be the answer. Ιη part, yes. But we lack this prosopography and in anticipation of it can only muster a sample, as I do here. Another way of looking at the Ottonian and Salian episcopate was recognized some time ago and has recently reached a kind of apogee: the analysis of bishop's lives, vitae episcoporum. After the heyday of Merovingian hagiography, the 10th and 11 th centuries brought another climax of biographical literature,

Α rnarked rnove in this direction can be recognized after the death of Brun, archbishop of Cologne and brother of Otto Ι ίη 965. Before then Brun had prornoted his candidates to Lotharingian sees; cf. the fundarnental survey by Josef Fleckenstein, Die Hofkapelle cler cleutschen Kiinige ΙΙ: die Hofkapelle im Rahnzen der ottonisc~salischen &ichskirche (Stuttgart 1966), pp. 50- 58. See the relevant lists in Leo Santifaller, ZtιrGeschichte des ottonisch-salischen &ichskirchensystenzs (O sterr. Akad. d. Wiss., phil.-lύst. Κlasse. Sitzungsberichte 229,1, 2nd edn, Vienna 1964), pp. 78-11 5 and the classic surnrnary by Herrnann Κraυse, 'Konigturn υnd Rechtsordnung ίη der Zeit der sachsischen und salischen Herrscher', Zeitschrift fiir Rechtsgeschichte Germ. Abt. 82 (1965), p. 18 clairning that the Ottonian-Salian irnperial church sysrern was the great exarnple of how a 'ganzes einheitliches Kech tssystern' had been created 'durch planrnaβige Surnrnierung νοη Einzelakten'. Timothy Keuter, 'The "irnperial church systern" of the Ottonian and Salian rulers: a reconsideration', ) 011rnal of Ecclesiastical H istory 33 (1982), pp. 347-74, reprinted ίη ίdeιη, Medieval Polities and Moclern Mentalities, ed. Janet L. Nelson (Carnbridge 2006), pp. 325-54. For a recent short and subtle survey see Rudolf Sclύeffer, Der geschichtliche Ort der ottonisch-salischen Reichskiπhenpolitik (Opladen/Wiesbaden 1998). For a case in point see Heinrich Fichtenau, 'Vier Reichsbischofe der Ottonenzeit', in Kirche 1ιnd 5 taat in Idee ιιnd Geschichte des Abendlandes: t'estschrift zum 70. Gebtιrtstag von E:rdinand Maass 5), ed. Wilhelrn Baurn (Vienna 1973), pp. 81-96, dealing with Udalrich of Augsburg, Adalbero ΙΙ of Metz, Burchard of Worrns and Kather of Verona; see also η. 21.

XV Bishops in Ottonian Bavaria

3

predominantly devoted to bishops. Just think of Ruotger's Vita domni Brunonis (968/69), Gerhard of Augsburg's Vita Uodalrici (982/993), the JJassiones of Adalbert of Prague (about 999 and 1004), to cite a few classic accounts. Walter Berschin has superbly dealt with Ottonian biography which in his view stretches from 960 to 1070 and is characterized inter alia by the historiographical element in these lives and the bishop as most favoured subject matter. 6 Furthermore he highlighted the fact that the bishop need not be presented as a saint in the vita. 7 Α year after Berschin's magisterial overview Stephanie Haarlander's massive thesis was published. 8 Here we have a wide ranging historical and literary analysis of a broad selection of Vitae which is followed by a useful catalogue of the lives. Haarlander ranges from a discussion of author and patron, causa scribendi and point of view to some common themes, such as the bishop in relationship to other clerics, colleagues, the aristocracy, the ruler and so οη. But what explains this interest in the bishop apart from the fact that the latter played an important role in 10th and 11 th century society? If we take οη board a recent brilliant exposition with regard to Cologne by Henry Mayr-Harting, 9 one is tempted to argue that one decisive guestion is how the role of the bishop should be defined within a much larger conceptual framework. The role model was in debate; for instance, how far should an involvement in worldly affairs go? 10 And we'll try to find an answer in respect of the three bishops we are primarily concerned with. But before that, a sketch of the historical developments in the archbishopric of Salzburg and the Eastern parts of Bavaria to the second half of the 10th century may be called for. 11 Walter Berschin, Biographie und Epochensti! im ίateinischen Mitte!a!ter I V / 1 (Stuttgart 1999), pp. 59-218. Berschin, Biographie tιnd Epochenstil IV/ 1, p. 187. Stephanie Haarliinder, Vitae episcoporum: eine Q11e!!engattung ;(!Pischen Hagiographie tιnd Historiographie, unters11cht an Lebensbeschreibungen von Bischlfen cles regnum Teutonic11m i111 Zeita!ter der Ottonen ιιnd Sa!ier (Stuttgart 2000). Henry Mayr-Harting, Church and Cosmos in Ear!y Ottonian Germany. The View fro111 Co!ogne (Oxford 2007). 10 Note the contrast between the active role advocated in Ruotger's Vita domni Brunonis (ch. 16 and especially ch. 20) [Ruotgers Lebensbeschreibung des Erzbischofs Bnιno von Kόin, ed. Irene Ott (MGH Scriptores rer. Germ., nova serίes 10, Weimar 1951), pp. 15 and 19-21] and the letter of Archbishop \Vilhelm of Mainz, illegitimate son of Otto 1, to Pope Agapit 11 (October 955) culminating in the critique: 'Dux comesque episcopi, episcopus ducis comitisque sibi operam vinclicat'. Monumenta Moguntina, ed. Philippus Jaffe (Bibliotheca rerum Germanicarum 3, Berlin 1866), pp. 347-50, at 348 (no. 18); for the date Γapstregesten 911-1024, ed. Harald Zimmermann (2nd edn, Vienna 1998), p. 75 (no. 249). 11 In the follo,vίng Ι dra,v on Handb11ch der bayerischen Geschichte. 1. Band, ed. Max Spindler (2nd edn, Munich 1981) and Georg Scheibelreiter, 'Das Christentum in Spiitantike und

XV 4

Bishops in Ottonian Bavaria

The episcopal organization of the church ίη Bavaria, also comprιsιng present day Austria to the west of the E nns river and present-day south Tyrol (northern Italy), dates back to the 8th century; a plan of four bishoprics corresponding to the four entities of the duchy with centres ίη Passau, Salzburg, Freising and Regensburg goes back to 716, it was carried through by Saint Boniface (ίη 739), who himself seems to have acted as archbishop; maybe Regensburg as the ducal centre par excellence had been envisaged as the metropolitan see, ίη the event it was Arn of Salzburg, a Bavarian trained ίη Freising, abbot of St Amand, pupil of Alcuin, friend of Charlemagne and successor to Virgil as bishop of Salzburg who ίη the aftermath of the fall of Tassilo ΠΙ, the end of the Agilolfing dynasty and the integration of Bavaria into the Carolingian orbit, was raised to archbishop ίη 798; therewith, and with the bishopric Saben (Sabiona) - ίη the 10th century relocated to Brixen - becoming part of the Salzburg metropolis, the diocesan framework had been completed by the end of the 8th century, which was to last with some modifications for a millennium (to the year 1785 ίη regard of Passau, or 1817 as for Freising). Ιη the wake of Tassilo's fall the once mighty neighbours ίη the east, the Avars, became an object of Frankish aggression with Frankish armies operating from Bavaria and Italy ίη the nineties of the 8th century, seizing the immeasurable treasures that had been hoarded by this nomadic people over the centuries. Thereby the Franks (who had previously been poor) became rich ίη Einhard's view. It also opened Bavaria for Frankish eastward expansion into the former Roman province of Pannonia to Lake Balaton. This also meant missionary efforts οη part of the Bavarian church, especially Salzburg which had experience ίη this field from work amongst the Carantanians dating back to the middle of the 8th century at the least. 12 This greater Bavaria constituted a regnum from 833 onwards, which was the bedrock of Louis the German's rule even after he had got the other East-Frankish provinces following the division of his father's empire. And the importance of the regnum or entity Bavaria is highlighted by subsequent developments. The great drawback came with the Hungarian raids and expansion. Α Bavarian army was annihilated near Bratislava ίη 907; 13 among the clerics the archbishop of Salzburg was killed. Mittelalter - von den Anfangen bis in die Zeit Friedrichs ΠΙ.', in Geschichte des Christentums in Osterreich (Vienna 2003), pp. 13- 144, especially pp. 25-6 and 53-6. 12 See Herwig Wolfram, Saίzburg, Bayern, Osterreich. Die Conversio Bagoarionωι et Carantanortιm und clieQtteίίen ihrer Zeit (Vienna 1995), pp. 193-336. 13 Schicksaίsjahr 907. Die Schίacht bei Pressburg unι/ das friihmitteίaίterίiche Nieclerό'sterreich, ed. Roman Zehetmayer (St Polten 2007).

XV Bishops in Ottonian Bavaria

5

As a result of this defeat the E astern border was moved back again to the E nns river. This did not mean that Christian life east of the Enns ceased completely, but under a rather loose Hungarian rule hardly more than rudiments survived. Furthermore the Hungarian incursions meant serious human and material loss as well as greater burdens οη church properties and their secularization to shore up military defences.14 Α similar, but perhaps not as precarious situation as the English, the West Saxons and Mercians, had to face against the Danes. 15 Ιη addition to this challenge came the change of dynasty (from the Carolingians, with the brief interlude of Konrad 1, to the Saxons) and the rebellions at the beginning of the reign of Otto the Great. Ιη 947 Otto's younger brother Henry, who had married Judith, a member of the former ducal family, was appointed duke of Bavaria, and thereby a close link of the Ottonian family with this former Carolingian regnum was established. As Otto survived further revolts in the early fifties, his success mounted. Decisive for Bavaria became the defeat of the Hungarians at the battle of the Lechfeld in 955, 16 because this meant an end to further raids and the chance of recovery. Let me just mention in this very cursory sketch that Henry, who died in 955, was in due course succeeded by his son Henry the Wrangler (who rebelled in 974, 976 and 977 and was held in Utrecht till 983). He in turn was succeeded in 995 by his son Henry, the later emperor Henry 11. That's enough by way of background. It's about time we turn to the dramatis personae. Only one of the three, if we also take the metropolitan of Salzburg and the bishops of Augsburg into account, two of the six bishops were deemed worthy of a biography: Udalrich of Augsburg and Wolfgang of Regensburg. 17 Udalrich's life was written by Gerhard, the dean of Augsburg cathedral, who had first-hand knowledge of Udalrich from the 950s οη, between late

14 Ιη this respect Duke Arnulf (907-37) ,vas notorious; see Kurt Reindel, Die bqyerischen Luitpoldinger 893-989. Sanzmlung und Erlάuter11ng der Qtιellen (Quellen und Erorterungen zur bayerischen Geschichte Neue Folge 11, Munich 1953), pp. 80-92 (no. 49). 15 See the perceptive analysis by David Ν. Dumville, Έcclesiastical Lands and the D efence of Wessex in the First Viking-Age', in idem, Wessex and Englandfronι Alfred to Edgar(Woodbridge 1992), pp. 29-54. 16 On the battle see Karlj. Leyser, 'The Battle at the Lech, 955. Α Stυdy ίη Tenth-Centυry Warfare', in idem, Meclieval Germany and Its Neighbours 900-1250 (London 1982), pp. 43-67. 17 Book one of the vita Uodalrici ίs devoted to the life of Udalrich (up to chapter 27); the second book contains the miracula. Actυally the lasr chapter (28) of Udalrich 's biography contains a highly critical account of the life of his successor Henry, one could almost call it a 'negative' or 'contrasting' vίta: Gerhard von Augsburg, Vita Sancti Uodalrici. Die iilteste Lebensbeschreibung cfes heiiigen Ulrich lateinisch - deutsch, ed. Walter Berschin and Angelika Hase (Heidelberg 1993), pp. 302-30.

XV 6

Bishops in Ottonian Bavaria

982 and 993 with a view to promote the cult of Udalrich who was the first saint to be canonized by a pope in 993. Ιη this respect similar circumstances obtained with regard to the life of Wolfgang, which was written by Otloh of St Emmeram before 1062, 18 some 60 years after the saint had died, and in all likelihood occasioned by the 'elevatio' of Wolfgang's bones by Pope Leo ΙΧ in 1052, but also by St Emmeram's attempts to gain independence from the bishops of Regensburg, a development which Otloh associates Wolfgang with, thereby projecting back conflicts of his own time. 19 Otloh could draw οη earlier written sources and local tradition. The two saints got a biography, so did to some extent Udalrich's little-loved successor, but their colleagues did not, though Wolfgang and Abraham feature in the vita Uodalrici and Pilgrim and Friedrich in the vita Wolfkangi. Ιη their case and in that of Abraham we have to pierce the information together from a variety of contemporary sources, but we lack a total, if partisan view of their respective lives. This means that only certain aspects of their careers, for which we have records, can be compared. The question of their respective origins is the first point that needs to be addressed. There is the widely held assumption, generally supported by the evidence, first analysed in a once well-known book by Aloys Schulte, of the aristocratic character of the medieval 'German' church; 20 before 1122 there are only a very few low-born bishops of un-free origin (two cases in the 9th century, four or five in the first half of the 11 th). More recently Heinrich Fichtenau by dealing with bishops of the 10th and 11 th centuries under the heading of nobilitas has analysed and illuminated this phenomenon. 21 Ιη our cases it can be maintained that Udalrich and his successor belonged to aristocratic families. Udalrich was related to the duke of Suabia at the time and in all likelihood to Adalbero, bishop of Augsburg whom he served as camerarius for a while; 22 of noble descent was also his successor Henry who ίη turn was a relative of the current duke of Suabia.23 Archbishop Friedrich of Salzburg belonged to one of the leading Bavarian noble families, the 'Sighardinger', Pilgrim of Passau was his nephew. 24 Abraham of Freising's name points to a Bavarian family of noble landholders Berschin, Biographie tιnd Epochensti!ΓV / 1, pp. 208-9. See Haarliίnder, Vitae episcoporum, pp. 140-42. 20 Aloys Schulte, Der Adel und die deutsche Kirche im Mittelalter (Stuttgart 191 Ο). 21 Heinrich Fichtenau, Lebensordn11ngen des 10. Jahrhtιnderts. Sttιdien iiber Denkart 1ιnd Existenz im einstigen Κarolingerreich (Stuttgart 1984), pp. 248-92. 22 Gerhard, Vita Uoclalrici, p. 94 (Ι c.1) . 23 Gerhard, Vita Uodalrici, p. 302 (Ι c.28). 24 Scheibelreiter, 'Das Christentum in Spatanήke und Mittelalter', p. 41 . 18 19

XV 7

Bishops in Ottonian Bavaria

in the Isen region who had shown a predilection for names derived from the Old Testament. Wolfgang does not 6t into this frame; he was of free, but not of noble origin, and his biographer is at some pains to explain this: Beatus igitur Wolfkangus, natione Suevigena, ex ingenuis parentibus et, ut sibi Salomon optat, nec divitias nec paupertatem patientibus, sed mediocriter recteque viventibus, est procreatus. 25 Again when his suitability to become bishop is being discussed later in the life some are reported as saying to Pilgrim, Wolfgang's backer: 'how can it happen that such a pauper and nobody should get the prize of such a bishopric when some well know persons of higher birth want to acquire it from the emperor'.26 As far as education and early career of the bishops are concerned we know a little about Abraham's, a little more about Pilgrim's and due to the vitae something of Udalrich's and Henry's and a lot about Wolfgang's. Abraham makes his appearance in Freising before his predecessor's death in a charter; 27 this in addition to his Bavarian origins lets one tentatively assume that he received his intellectual formation in Freising, the quality of which is reflected in his 'episcopal handbook' (Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Ms. Clm 6426) and his interests at enlarging the library of Freising. 28 The idea that prior to his promotion to the bishopric he might have belonged to the Ήofkapelle' was once mooted, but the evidence for such an assumption is insuf6cient. Pilgrim was apparently trained at Niederalteich, a Bavarian monastery founded in the 8th century, 29 and also in the company of his uncle, Archbishop Friedrich of Salzburg. Pilgrim seems to have accompanied his uncle to Italy in 969-70 (in support of 25

Vita 5. Wolfkangi

atιctore

Othlone, Acta Sanctorum, Novembris

ΙΙ / 1

(Brussels 1894),

p. 567 (c. 1). Vita Wolfkangi, p. 572 (c. 14). Die Traditionen des Hochstifts l'reising 2, ed. Theodor Bitterauf (Qυellen υnd Erorterungen zur bayerischen und deutschen Geschichte Neue Folge Band 5/ 2, Munich 1909), p. 79 (no. 1153 ad 957): Ac/11111 est Frig(isinge) palam do111no Abraha111postea episcopιιm et in presentiaprimorιι111 canonicorιιm id confir11:anti11m .. . 28 For a descripήon of this manυscript and its conrents see mosr recenrly Κatalog der lateinischen I-Iandschriften der Bayerischen 5 taatsbibliothek Miinchen: Die Perga111enthandschriften atιs de111 Donιkapitel l'reising. Vol. 2: Clm 6317-6437. Netι beschrieben von Giinter Glauche (Wiesbaden 2011), pp. 259-75 and before Natalia Daniel, I-Iandschriften ιles zehnten Jahrhunderts α1ιs der Freisinger Dombibliothek. Studien iiber Schriftcharakter und Herk11njt der nachkaro!ingischen und ottonischen Handsch1iften eine1· bayπischen Bib!iothek (Mυnich 1973), pp. 114-39, on the manυscripts prodυced or acqυired for Freising during Abraham's ponήficate cf. pp. 79-173. 29 See above all Heinrich Fichtenau, 'Ζυ den Urlςυndenfa.lschungen Pilgrims von Passaυ', in idem, Beitrdge zur Meclidvistik. Zweiter Bancl: Urkunclenjόrschung (Sruttgart 1977), pp. 157-79, at pp. 159-60 drawing on the relevanr informaήon in Wolfhere's Vita (Ι) Godehardi. 26

27

XV 8

Bishops in Ottonian Bavaria

Otto Ι). What erudition Pilgrim had acquired οη this course of studies can be gleaned from the charters which he drew up. Udalrich, the oldest of the set by well over a generation, was sent to school at St Gall, where he made such an impact that the brothers wanted him to become a monk; after school he received the fi.nishing touches in the service of the leading East-Frankish churchman of the time. Udalrich's parents decided to commit him to the care of bishop Adalbero of Augsburg, apparently a relative, who in due course made him his chamberlain. 30 Henry, Udalrich's successor, is also claimed to have been a learned man, 31 though it is not recorded where he acguired his learning. Ιη Wolfgang's case we have the most detailed information about his scholastic career. At fi.rst, at the age of seven, he was taught by a cleric, for further study he was sent to the Reichenau monastery; there he met and became friends with Henry who was of very noble stock32 and whose brother I:>oppo was bishop of Wϋrzburg (941-61) . Henry persuaded Wolfgang to go with him to Wϋrzburg, 33 where at the time Stephen of Novara, a famous schoolmaster, was teaching (from about 952 to 970). 34 One day, after Stephen had lectured οη Martianus Capella, some pupils who could not quite follow, asked Wolfgang to help them, and he could explain what they had failed to understand. When Stephen heard about it, he became angry and banned Wolfgang from attending his lectures; this foreshadows Abaelard's experience at the hands of A nselm of Laon. Wolfgang subseguently followed his friend Henry, who had been appointed archbishop of Trier by Otto Ι, to Trier and took over the cathedral-school (956). There he also served as chaplain, latterly chancellor (cancellarius) and dean, 35 a clear indication that Wolfgang was acguainted from fairly early οη in his career with the drafting and issuing of charters. After Henry's premature death (in 964) Brun of Cologne tried to make Wolfgang stay, but the latter returned home and chose to enter the monastery of Einsiedeln, famed for its strict observance of the rule and headed by the English abbot Gregory. Wolfgang became a monk, taught again, and was ordained priest

Gerhard, Vita Uoclalrici, pp. 90-94 (Ι c. 1). Gerhard, Vita Uodairici, pp. 326-8 (Ι c. 28): grammaticae artis et aiiorunz iibrorunz magnanz scientiam habebat. 32 Otloh, Vita Woifkangi, p. 568 (c. 4): exinιia Franc0111nι 511e1Jorumqtιe prosapia genitus. 33 I0or the follo,ving see Otloh, Vita Woifkangi, pp. 568-70 (cc. 4-11). 34 Karl Strecker in MGH Poetae Latini 5, 2 (Berlίn 1939), p. 554. Ι owe this reference to Anna Priesching. 35 Siegfried Haider, Das bischdfliche Κapeiianat Ι: Von den Anfάngen bis in das 13. Jahrhunclert (Vienna-Cologne-Graz 1977), pp. 128-30, esp. p. 128 η . 7. 30

31

XV Bishops in Ottonian Bavaria

9

by Udalrich of Augsburg, a frequent visitor to E insiedeln who had come to know Wolfgang. There are apparendy some vestiges of Wolfgang's teaching activities in Einsiedlen manuscripts, though the question of which script was actually Wolfgang's is contested. 36 Wofgang subsequently set off with the permission of his abbot to convert the Hungarians, an undertaking which failed m ainly because it touched Pilgrim of Passau's sphere of influence who thought that Wolfgang was better suited for the see of Regensburg than as a free-lance missionary. It might be useful to recall the men whose patronage Wolfgang had enjoyed early in his life - this is ηο name dropping οη part of Odoh: they number some of the most prominent personalities (Brun and Udalrich) ίη the church in his day. Wolfgang by all means showed an extraordinary gift for attracting patronage and he succeeded even in difficult situations, as for instance after the death of Henry of Trier. Next it might be useful to know when and how the group of clerics Ι have been discussing did become bishops. Udalrich was presented by his relatives, amongst them Duke Burchard of Suabia, to K.ing Henry Ι to succeed the deceased Hiltine, and the King, impressed by Udalrich's imposing stature and learning acceded to the demand and granted him the bishopric in 923.37 Udalrich in his turn promoted relatives to fiefs and key positions of the church of Augsburg and a nephew was groomed as successor, though predeceased him. Ulrich's eventual successor H enry was, according to the Vita Uodalrici, by a sly plot of his relatives, amongst them the Duke of Suabia, elected bishop (973) and then humbly asked the emperor for the bishopric which Otto ΙΙ granted him after five days.38 Abraham became bishop in 957, Friedrich at the synod of Ingelheim in 958 in the presence of the Κing and 16 bishops at a critical moment for the church of Salzburg - Friedrich's predecessor, who was alive then, had been blinded οη the orders of Henry, the king's brother, Pilgrim ίη 971 most likely οη his uncle's intervention with Otto Ι, who must have known Pilgrim from his slighdy earlier stay at court (969 /70) 39 in Italy and Wolfgang οη Pilgrim's and the markgrave Burghard's pleading with Otto Ι (and Otto ΙΙ) in the autumn of 972, when Pilgrim attended the emperors' court

The evidence painstakingly assembled by Matthias Μ. TiscWer, 'Die ottonische in Einsiedeln zur Zeit Abr Gregors. Zum Bildungsprofil des hl. Wolfgang', Studien tιnd Mitteilungen zu1· Geschichte des Benediktinerordens tιnd seiner Zweige 107 (1996), 93-181 was disputed by Hartmut Hoffmann, Schreibsch11!en des 10. und des 11. Jahrhunderts im Siidwesten des Deutschen Reichs (Hannover 2004), pp. 50-53. 37 Gerhard, Vita Uodalrici, pp. 96-8 (Ι c. 1). 38 Gerhard, Vita Uodalrici, pp. 302-10 (Ι c. 28) . 39 Fichrenau, 'Zu den Urkundenfilschungen Pilgrims von Passau', pp. 161-2. 36

Κlo sterschule

XV 10

Bishops in Ottonian Bavaria

Nierstein. 4°For Friedrich and especially for his nephew Pilgrim the choice of Wolfgang will have looked advantageous. Thereby Wolfgang's missionary efforts with the Hungarians were curtailed and a possible competition for Salzburg, which ίη the 9th century had been engaged ίη missionary work ίη this area, and for Passau with its newly elected ambitious bishop, who was about to mount a serious challenge of his own, not least to his uncle, was prevented. Moreover, the attempts of the recently deceased incumbent at Regensburg (Michael) to promote one of his nephews to the bishopric were thus thwarted 41 and the resistance to the imminent establishment of a bishopric in Prague primarily at the expense of Regensburg was overcome. 42 And furthermore a bishop who could not rely οη the network of a mighty noble family, such as Wolfgang, would be mindful of the patronage he had received and perhaps more cooperative; 43 Friedrich and Pilgrim might also have been in sympathy with Wolfgang as a 'reforming' spirit. Το succeed in their office it was decisive what kind of accord the bishops could strike with the royal and regional authority, in the present case with the three Ottos οη the one, the dukes of Suabia and of Bavaria - the latter largely from the junior line of the Ottonian family - οη the other hand; and also ίη the relationship with the nobility and clergy. Again one would think that Wolfgang had to rely more οη the relationship to Otto ΙΙ, Duke Henry ΙΙ and the bishops who had supported him than other candidates who could draw οη ίη

40 'Γhe following stages in Wolfgang's proιnotion to the bishopric can be deduced: Pilgrim and Burkhard ,vin over the emperors for Wolfgang as bishop of Kegensburg (second half of October 972), envoys are senr to Wolfgang, who had apparen tly been staying with Pilgrim ίη Passau, to accompany him to Kegensburg and assure a unanimous elect:ion. 'Γhe next act takes place ίη Frankfort at Christmas, where Wolfgang, after having been 'grilled' by rhe bishops present, is invested with the staff by the emperor, finally οη his return to Kegen sburg he is enthroned and consecrated by Archbishop Friedrich and rhe latter's suffragan bishops, viz. Wolfgang's colleagues: Arnold of St Emmeram, Libri de 5. Emmerammo, ed. Georg Waitz, MGH Scriptores 4 (Hannover 1841), pp. 556-7 (ΙΙ cc. 2-4), an account οη which Otloh is drawing. 41 In rhese efforts Michael, Wolfgang's predecessor, even drew on the treasure of St Emmeram, obviously to his detriment: Arnold, Libri de 5. Ettιnιeramttιo, p. 554 (1 c.17). 42 See below 16 and especially Henry Mayr-Harting, 'Was the identity of the Prague church ίη the tenth century imposed from ,vithout or developed from within?', ίη Die 5uche nach den Urspriingen: Von der Bedeutung des friihen Mittelalters, ed. Walter Pohl (Vienna 2004), pp. 271-8, at 273 noting Michael as an opponent to the plan. 43 Α ,vealthy bishop could also be expected to endo,v his church; cf. Gerhard, Vita Uodalrici, pp. 320-26 (1 c. 28), recording a major grant of bishop Henry, and 'Γhietmar of Merseburg, Chronicon, ed. Werner Trillmich (Ausge,vahlte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mitrelalters 9, Darmstadt 1957), p. 286 (VI c. 40); before becoming bishop Thiermar was asked ,vhether he ,vould endo,v the church of Merseburg ,vith part of his inheritance.

XV Bishops in Ottonian Bavaria

11

their family resources and ίη turn promoted their family members. However, the many influential and highly esteemed people Wolfgang knew and his apparently great abilities will undoubtedly have worked ίη his favour. Perhaps he was networking ίη a more modern sense. And for the gifted outsider there was always a place at the time of recovery, expansion and imperial revival. But before being carried away by lofty speculation too far let us look at the instances, where lines of contact between the royal court, the ducal family and the respective bishop can still be witnessed: it is charters that we have to turn to, namely grants to the bishops and their sees. Ιη the following Ι want to proceed by seniority (of appointment/ election) and hence start with Udalrich ίη a cursory fashion, then turn to Abraham, Friedrich of Salzburg, Pilgrim of Passau and 6nally to Wolfgang of Regensburg. Udalrich appears ίη just a few royal charters as intercessor and recipient,44 hardly an adequate reflection of his loyalty to Otto Ι. The 6rst grant - it is a major one - that Abraham received dates from 30 June 973; it concerned land ίη Krain (Carniola), present-day Slovenia, and was reissued with more detailed boundaries 6ve months later (23 November) .45 Even taking into account the accidents of transmission it is noteworthy that 16 years ίη of6ce had elapsed before Abraham attracted enough royal/imperial attention to get a donation, even though he had been mentioned ίη two royal charters of the 960s as intercessor together with Judith and once with Henry and Judith. 46 This observation ties ίη with other indications that ίη Abraham's orbit, the centre of gravitation was not so much the royal court as the ducal family. After her husband's premature death ίη 955 Judith chose Abraham as one of her closest advisors and he served also as tutor to her infant son Henry the Wrangler; the close relationship of Abraham to Judith and Henry did not go unnoticed with contemporary observers. Thietmar of Merseburg writing between 1012 and 1018 'says that after the death of Duke Henry of Bavaria, his widow Judith lived continently with Bishop Abraham, for which she was "torn apart by the hateful teeth of common gossip". At her reguiem mass [she died after 985], which the bishop celebrated, he turned to the people before communion and said: 'Ίf she ever committed the sin for which she has been defamed, may the

44 See Die Regesten der Bischofe tιnd des D0111kapiteis von A,ιgsburg. Erster Band, ed. Wilhelm Volkert (Augsburg 1985), nos. 111, 115 and 134. 45 In the follo,ving the royal/imperial diplomas ,vlύch ,vere eclited in the MGH eclition of the Diplomata regum et imperatorυm by Theodor Sickel (Hannover 1879-88) are quoted by number, such as D.O. ΙΙ 47 and 66 (= Diplomas of Otto ΙΙ number 47 and 66). 46 D.O. Ι 110 (13 February 961) and 279 (3 April 965); H.eindel, Die bayerischen Lιitpoidinger, pp. 223-4 (no. 110 and 111).

XV 12

Bishops in Ottonian Bavaria

Almighty Father cause the saving remedy of his Son's body and blood to bring me to judgment and well-earned damnation, and may it be to the perpetual salvation of her soul". After this courageous declaration, he took communion "with innocence of mind and body", the people believed him however late in the day, and the previous detraction was positively turned to his advantage.'47 The close association with the ducal family led Abraham to join Henry the Wrangler's rebellion in 974, which was aimed at the overthrow of Otto ΙΙ, but failed; apparendy shordy before the conspiracy became public some possessions had been restored to Freising by royal charter.48 The conspirators were sent into custody to different places: Henry the Wrangler to lngelheim and Abraham of Freising to Corvey. Early in 976 Henry escaped from lngelheim and resumed his rebellion; he was defeated, Otto ΙΙ took Regensburg in July and Henry fled to Bohemia from where he mounted a further rebellion in the summer of 977 capturing Passau. After a short siege, Passau was taken by the emperor and his nephew Duke Otto (Eadgith's grandson!) who had been appointed a year before. That was the end of the revolt, a few months later Henry the Wrangler was sentenced to custody with Bishop Folkmar of Utrecht. There he was held to 983, till the death of Otto 11. It was not to 985 that Henry was reinstated as duke of Bavaria. What happened to Bishop Abraham? He was a leading participant in the 6rst rising of 974, and there is evidence that he spent some time in Corvey; before long, however, he seems to have absconded and returned to Bavaria. It is assumed that he probably retired to the Freising possessions in South Tirol and Carinthia for a time. Ιη general he appears to have kept a rather lower pro6le. Between 977 and 981 he nonetheless was involved in some 40 exchanges of property, in sum we have about 160 such documents for his whole ponti6cate. This throws light οη the (should we say) managerial side of the bishop's activities: providing for his familia and retinue, exchanging land and serfs, almost an everyday business, which we can also follow, though οη a smaller scale, with Abraham's Bavarian colleague Friedrich, less so with Pilgrim and Wolfgang. And here we might also cite, for reasons of comparison, the numerous (80 odd?) leases of Oswald of Worcester and York (961 -92). How much such skills were required is indicated by the demand for additional troops which Otto II sent off from ltaly early in the autumn of 981 and where the archbishop of Salzburg and the bishop of Regensburg were required to muster 70 knights each, Abraham

47 Henry Mayr-Harting, Ottonian Book IΙ!,ιmination. An Historical p. 88 after Thietmar, Chronicon, p. 78 (ΙΙ c. 41). 48

D.O.

ΙΙ

80, genuine basis.

St,ιdy Ι

(London 1991),

XV Bishops in Ottonian Bavaria

13

of Freising 40, the bishop of Saben (Sabiona) -Brixen 20. 49 The highest contingents amounted to 100 and were due from the archbishops of Mainz and Cologne and the bishops of StraBburg and Augsburg. The Augsburg example calls for a word of explanation. It may reflect οη the wealth of the bishopric, but even more οη Bishop Henry's, Udalrich's successor, situation: having earlier sided with Henry the Wrangler, he tried to make up for it by being particularly obliging to Otto Π. 50 For the next royal diploma Abraham had to wait. Thus if Otto chose to put up with Abraham subsequent to the latter's involvement ίη the rebellion of 974, he did not show him any favours. It is under Otto ΠΙ that two charters were issued for Abraham, the first (D.O. ΠΙ 58) is more-or-less a confirmation of the 'Carniola' grant of 973 and the second confirms an earlier grant by Otto Ι of Guadagno to Innichen with a lifetime's lease reserved for Abraham. 51 Ιη the document Otto ΠΙ refers to the freguent service which bishop Abraham had οη numerous occasions devotedly shown him. The fence had been mended ίη the end. The Salzburg evidence is more numerous and more evenly spread, thereby mirroring the court presence and loyal attitude of the archbishop throughout the above mentioned conflicts. But the pre-eminent position which Salzburg had occupied before the downfall of Herold, Friedrich's predecessor, could not be regained. First, we see Friedrich interceding οη behalf of the Salzburg canons with Otto Ι (8 June 959). Α decade later he was given the abbey of Herrenchiemsee (D.O. Ι 380 issued οη 30 October 969, when Friedrich was in Otto's company in Italy, close to Pisa). Litde more than four months later - they had moved to Pavia in the meantime - Otto granted a vill with substantial adjoining lands, situated in the eastern part of his diocese, presentday Styria. This diploma was drawn up, so it seems, by Friedrich's nephew Pilgrim, who must have accompanied his uncle. As intercessors Otto's wife Adelheid and Henry the Wrangler, Duke of Bavaria, are mentioned. The next diploma for Friedrich of Salzburg was issued in Regensburg οη 21 July 976 und recorded a grant of a courtyard and the surrounding buildings in Regensburg; obviously it is a reward for Friedrich's loyalty after Henry the Wrangler's second rebellion had been defeated; the references in the text to fidelity reinforce this point. More than a year later earlier grants were 49 Die Rl(gesten des Kaisen·eichs unter Otto Π. 955 (973)-983, ed. Hanns Leo Mikoletzky (Graz 1950), p. 375 (ηο. 856 c). MGH Constittιtiones Ι, ed. Ludwig Weiland (Hannover 1893) p. 633 (ηο. 436): Abraha111 XL 111ittat. 50

Gerhard, Vita Uodalrici, pp. 328-31

51

D.O.

ΠΙ

109 (5 November 992) .

(Ι

c. 28).

XV 14

Bishops in Ottonian Bavaria

confirmed (1 October 977) in Passau, another occasion to reward the faithful, though this time just by confirming long held possessions. The same applies to a diploma of 18 May 982, which once again staked Salzburg's claim in the Southeast. And the first charter of Otto ΠΙ for Salzburg (Mainz, 7 October 984) was a general confirmation, that is, a renewal, of all earlier donations. Ιη Friedrich's case more contacts can be observed between ruler and archbishop, which is not surprising considering Friedrich's position, one instance looks very much like a reward being tendered, the confirmations οη the other hand make one wonder whether they served as a kind of pretext οη part of the archbishop to be remembered at court. Pilgrim ίη contrast quite clearly shows what could be achieved. He by far surpasses his colleagues in the number of charters which were issued in his favour by Otto Ι, Π and ΠΙ, at the least 1Ο between 972 and 985, nine between 972 and 977. And this is a plain indication of his contacts with the court, of his reaping rewards for his loyalty and his networking. Ιη the following not all the charters he had a hand in can be examined in detail, the more important will be glimpsed at, in order to elucidate the overall trend rather than any particulars. Ιη 972, the year after he was promoted to the bishopric, he received a grant of vineyards ίη the Wachau (present-day Lower Austria), that is the eastern regions regained from the Hungarians. Two charters were drawn up οη this occasion, one by Otto Ι and the other by Otto ΙΙ . 52 There is a reference in the text to an earlier grant by a King Louis (perhaps Louis the German) which the two Ottos renewed and confirmed. But what is really striking about the two diplomas is the fact that Pilgrim is referred to as pontifex sanctae Lauriacensis ecc/esiae. By calling himself pontiff of the Holy Church of Lorch Pilgrim staked a claim that he was to pursue, unsuccessfully though, for the rest of his career, namely to have Passau raised to the status of archbishopric. 53 For that matter he conceived the so-called Lorch tradition. Late antique Lorch was a bishop's seat, Salzburg not, Pilgrim knew this from Eugippius's Vita Severini, a work available in I:>assau, and hence Pilgrim claimed a continuity between Lorch and Passau. What was the rationale behind Pilgrim's plan? Passau as archbishopric would rival Salzburg, his uncle's see, and, more importantly, would be ideally suited for the Christianization of the Hungarians. Not only did Pilgrim put forward his Lorch claims in royal diplomas, he also forged for that purpose a corpus of six papal charters granting him inter alia the pall, 54 rights as a D.O. Ι 423 and D.O. ΙΙ 27 of 18 October 972 (Nierstein). There was an Ottonian parallel, namely Magdeburg, of which Pilgrim ,vill have been aware. 54 Die Regesten cfer Bischofe von Passau Ι, ed. Egon Boshof (Munich 1992), p. 62. See now Franz-Reiner Erkens, Die Fάlschungen Pilgrims ι;οn Passau: Historisch-kritische Untersιιchungen und 52 53

XV Bishops in Ottonian Bavaria

15

papal vicar etc. Moreover Pilgrim, as above all Heinrich Fichtenau has shown, almost certainly wrote the diplomas himself; he was an accomplished scribe who mastered charter minuscule. Very rarely did he use his skills for others, once he drew up a royal charter for his uncle, Archbishop Friedrich to which Ι referred to before, and οη another occasion (in July 973) a diploma of Otto ΙΙ for Henry the Wrangler; 55 the rest of the charters written by him concerned Passau, served the interests of Passau. Ιη Pilgrim's case sometimes even the stages that led to the issuing of a diploma can be observed, for there are cases when a draft of his survived. As for instance in the following three examples: in the renewal of the grant of the abbey of Kremsmίinster (from 21 June 975) we can detect that the grand vocabulary used in the disposition of the draft is toned down in the (final) charter. 56 The reverse can be said in regard of the grant of St Mary's Abbey (Niedernburg) Passau to Pilgrim. Ιη the diploma Pilgrim's loyalty and the destruction wrought by the rebellion (of Henry the Wrangler) are emphatically described, whereas the draft lacked any glowing terms in this respect. Here the lapse of time (before and after the siege of Regensburg) and the changes that occurred, namely Otto of Suabia having been appointed duke of Bavaria, may account for the differences between draft and diploma. Ιη October 977 Pilgrim attracted once again a large grant for his bishopric, 57 a kind of compensation for the losses he had suffered as the rebellion of 977 had centred οη Passau. Making most of his stake as loyal supporter of Otto who had been driven from his see, Pilgrim pushed the case for Lorch without any inhibitions, evinced by the claim for continuity and archepiscopal status, even more so as the land granted lay in Lorch; although the situation must have been favourable, as is evident by the grant, he did not quite get his way; he had overplayed his hand and had to tone down the text. The case of Wolfgang of Regensburg looks different. Of course he also relied οη contacts, though not so much οη such with the court. The first royal diploma ίη his favour is the grant of Wieselburg (Lower Austria) to the church of Regensburg by Otto ΙΙ dated to 14 October 979 (D.O. ΙΙ 204), but actually transacted in July 976. Subsequently he is mentioned a number of times as intercessor for the monks of St Emmeram, in 980, 981 and 983. 58 Could there be a better advertisement for a reforming bishop and former monk: Edition nach del7ι Codex Gotwicensis 53a (rot), 56 (schwarz) (Munich 2011) for an edicion of the forged papa1 privileges (ηο. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7 and 9) and expert comment. 55 D.O. ΙΙ 44. 56 D.O.II111. 57 D.O. ΙΙ 167 (5 October 977): Ennsburg ίη 'Γraungau and 10 regales hobas ίn Lorch! 58 D.O. ΙΙ 230,241, 293 / 294/ 295 / 296.

XV 16

Bishops in Ottonian Bavaria

of the seven times he appears in royal charter six, if not all seven concern the monastery he reformed by putting it in charge of Ramwold whom he had called from Trier. He cooperated when the bishopric of Prague was created (973-76), 59 and at the time of Henry the Wrangler's rebellion he seems to have kept a very low profile (in order to avoid taking sides?). We have viewed the bishops who played such a vital role in the propagation of literary culture more from the receiving end of literary production, namely as recipients of royal grants. But the example of Pilgrim has shown to what an extent the grantee could be involved in the drawing up of a diploma. Ιη his case the drafts which had to be scaled down have survived as later copies. Ιη other cases drafts put forward by the recipient will also have existed - differences of style indicate, where a draft might have been used in the drawing up of a document, but they have not survived simply by the fact that they were not kept after the grant had been issued. How much the bishops under discussion were involved in the production of records and in record keeping is also borne out by the surviving deeds concerning exchanges of land from Salzburg (under archbishop Friedrich) and Freising (under bishop Abraham). 60 That the handwriting of Abraham, Pilgrim and most likely Wolfgang is known may be more than a pure coincidence, also the fact that the bishops under discussion owned or commissioned de luxe manuscripts, especially Abraham and Wolfgang. 61 How come that these bishops were so successful in furthering literary culture considering the grim situation of the first half of the 10th century especially in the eastern parts of Bavaria? Was it a new impulse of royal, ducal and other patronage, was it a certain level of stability and peace regained - despite the revolts of the seventies, was it a heightened prestige of literary culture, a rekindled interest in the rich treasures of their libraries (viz. Freising, Regensburg and Salzburg)? Were Ι to try to address these questions Ι would have to start this paper all over again and putyourpatience underundue stress. Butletme at the end point

See above η. 42 and Ocloh, Vita Wolfkangi, pp. 578-9 (c. 29). See the editίon of the Codex Friderίci ίη Salzburger Urkundenbtιch. Ι. Band: Traditionscodices, ed. \Villibald Hauthaler (Salzburg 191 Ο), pp. 166-87 comprising 24 items and Traditionen Freising 2, ed. Bitrerauf, pp. 80-193 (ηο. 1155-312) . Ocloh, Vita Wolfkangi, p. 579 (c. 29) also suggests that Wolfgang had a hand in the draftίng of a grant of privileges. 61 As for Abraham see the masterly expositίon by Mayr-Hartίng, Ottonian Book Illumination Ι, pp. 88-95, with regard to Wolfgang see Regensburger Bιιchmalerei. Von friihkarolingischer Zeit bis zιιm Ausgang des Mittelalters, ed. Florentίne Mίitherich, Karl Dachs (Munich 1987), p. 32 (ηο. 15 and pl. 4 and 93). 59 60

XV Bishops in Ottonian Bavaria

17

to a few key constituents: the education these bishops had enjoyed, the way they could draw οη the Carolingian resources of their libraries; and οη top of these vital preconditions, the Carolingian foundations, so to speak, came the decisive factor of communication. It played an important part in the career of Friedrich and especially Pilgrim - just consider his role in attracting royal grants and confirmations: he was a master at it. But communication, getting to know the right people and networking, was also an important element in Wolfgang's road to the bishopric. And it also mattered with Abraham. He had manuscripts copied in Metz and in his pastoral handbook (Munich Clm 6426) feature among the 'modern' items sermons by Liudprand of Cremona and Rather of Verona. Liudprand's sermons Abraham brought from his exile in Corvey (Saxonia), those of Rather most likely were acquired by the good services of Duchess Judith, a keen supporter of Rather, or by intermediaries from Freising's land holdings in Carinthia and South Tirol. Ιη the improved conditions of the second half of the 10th century we should look to communication - networking, travel to and from the court, travel οη official and pastoral mission, exchange of books, ideas and goods - as an important factor in the careers as well as in the cultural impact of the Ottonian bishops.

INDEX Written sources and historical objects are italicized; in the case of charters bold print indicates discussion or quotation of a document. Aachen: M 5; XI 13; XI1 270,274,275,280; XIV 38,39 Aachen Epic: XI1 2 7 4 5 Aaron, see Hildebald Abraham, bishop of Freising: XV 1, 6, 11, 12 origins of: XV 6 , 7 education and career: XV 7 episcopal handbook of: XV 7, 17 and charters: XV 11,12,13,16 commissioning of de l w e manuscripts: XV 16 manuscripts copied in Metz: XV 17 handwriting: XV 16 Adalbero, bishop of Augsburg, relative of Udalrich: XV 6, 8 Adalbert of Prague: XV 3 Adalhard, cousin of Charlemagne, abbot of Corbie: XI1 375 Adalhard, abbot of St-Bertin: W 13 Adalhard, son of Eberhard and Gisla: VII 12 Adamnan, abbot of Iona: VI 22,23 Adelheid, queen and empress, wife of Otto I: XV 13 Agatho, pope: VI 26,28 Agilbert, bishop of the West Saxons, later of Paris: 1 12; I1 5 , 6 Agilolfings, first dynasty of Bavaria: XII 281; xv 4 Agobard, archbishop of Lyons: XI1 276 Aidan, sent from Iona, bishop of Lindisfame: I1 4; IV 190 and mission: I11 56, 57 Aistulf, king of the Longobards: XIV 34, 35 Albinus, abbot of St Augustine's Canterbury: 14; I1 7 Alchfled, daughter of king Oswiu: I 13, 17 Alchfrid, son of king Oswiu: I 13; 11 5 Alchred, king of the Northumbrians: VI 20 Alcuin, York schoolmaster at the court of Charlemagne, abbot of Tours: IV 194,200; VI 18,20,70; VIII 179, 200; XI1 273,278; XV 4

as poet and courtier: XI1 271,272,273, 278 letters to Anglo-Saxon lay recipients: VI 20; VIII 179 and Offa: VI 66 Aldfrid, king of the Northumbrians: VI 18, 21,22,23,25,26,61 Aldhelm, abbot of Malmesbury, bishop of Sherborne: l V 190, 199; V 75; VI 18, 21,23,61,70 and Wthilwald: VI 18 De virginitate: IV 190, 199; V 75; VI 21; VIII 196 Aldred, sub-king of the Hwicce, see also Eanberht and Uhtred: VI 36,64 Aldwulf, bishop of Rochester: VI 33 Alfred the Great, king of the Anglo-Saxons: IV 195, 196; V 67,76,79, 80, 81, 82, 83; VII 1-24; VIII 177-206; IX 1, 2, 10, 11; X 311-21; XI 14; XII 278; XIV 41 building burhs: V 81,82; VII 15; VIII 191 his charters: X 312, 317 his handbook (enchiridion): VIII 199,200 as anointed king: VIII 182 as suffering king: IV 195, 196; VIII 187, 188,197,200,201; X 313,315 Laws of: IV 196; V 83; VIII 183; X 3 17, 318 and overlordship: VIII 181, 185, 186 prose preface to Regulapastoralis: IV 196; V 83; VIII 185 and Solomon: V 82, 83; VIII 191, 192, 193,196,204,206 and translations, see also Augustine and Boethius: VIII 183; X 317 his wife: V 81; VIII 180; X 312-13 his will: X 312,316,317 and his witan: X 317,318 Alfred Jewel, see Jewel, Alfred Ambrose, bishop of Milan: VIII 196, 197 Amelia: VII 18

2

INDEX

Amiens: VII 22 Angelcynn: IV 196; X 320 Angilberga, wife of Louis 11, mother of Gisla, abbess of San Salvatore: VII 6 Angilbert, abbot of St Riquier: XI1 270,272, 273,281 Angilram, archbishop of Metz: XI 9; XI1 28 1 Angli: I1 passim; I11 60, 61; IV 189, 193, 194, 196;V76;VI39,40 Offa's rex Anglorum titles forgeries: VI 63 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, see Chronicle, AngloSaxon Anglo-Saxons : IV 196 ; V 67,70,83; VI 43 Anna, king of the East Angles: I 12 Annales Bertiniani: VII 7, 8, 17; XIV 39 Annales Fuldenses: VII 17; X 3 11,3 12,314, 316 Annales regni Francorum: VIII 182,183; XI 10 Annales Vedastini: VII 22,23,24 Anointing: V 77, 79 Appledore: VII 23 Aquitaine: XI1 280 Arbeo, bishop of Freising: XI11 72 Am, abbot of St Amand, bishop and archbishop of Salzburg: XV 4 Amulf of Carinthia, king and emperor: VII 1, 2,14; X 311-21; XI 14 his charters: X 312,318,319,320 and Cadmug Gospels: X 3 14,320 and Codex Aureus and ciborium: X 320 and illness: X 3 13,3 14 Amulf, duke of Bavaria: XV 5 Asser, Welsh cleric at Alfred's court, bishop of Sherbome: VIII 185 Life of King Alped: IV 195,201; V 81, 82; VII 4,6,8, 16, 19; VIII 181, 182, 185-206; X 313,321; XI1 278,279 and Bede: VIII 188, 189, 190 and Einhard: VIII 186,204 and Gregory the Great: VIII 188, 189; X 315 and Proverbia Grecorum: VIII 193, 194, 195, 198-9 and Sedulius Scottus: VIII 192, 193, 194, 195, 199,201,202,203,204,205 Astronomer Eta Hludowici imperatoris: IV201; XI 10,11; XI1 276,280,281; XIV 40,41 Athelney: V 80 Audulf, Charlemagne's steward: XI1 271 Augsburg: XV 5 Augustine, bishop of Hippo: IV 192 Old English translation of his Soliloquies: X 318

Ps.-Augustine De mirabilibus sacrae scriphrrae: XI11 74 Augustine, Roman missionary and archbishop of Canterbury: 12,4,5; I11 56,57; IV 187, 194;V68 Avars: I11 61, 62; XI1 272; XIV 35, 36; XV 4 Blfthryth, daughter of Alfred, wife of Baldwin 11: VII 15, 21 Blfivald, king of the East Angles: VI 19, 22,51 Ella, king of the Northumbrians: VIII 179 Elle, king of the South Saxons: V 70 Bthelbald, king of the Mercians: V 76,77, 78; VI 10, 11, 18, 19, 31, 34, 35, 36, 48, 53; XI1 276,277 his royal styles: VI 48-63, 67, 68, 69 as rex Suutangli and rex Britanniae: V 77; VI 4 2 , 5 6 6 0 an anointed king: V 77 Ethelbald, king of the West Saxons, elder brother ofAlfred: VII 12; VIII 180, 205; X 317 Bthelberg, daughter of king Bthelberht, wife of king Edwin: I 3,7, 10, 17; VI 17 Bthelberht, king of Kent (t 616): I 3,4, 5, 6, 7,9, 10, 17; IV 189; V 70,71,73,74, 83; VI 16,39; VIII 180 Ethelberht 11, king of Kent, son of Wihtred: VI 19,33,41,45 Ethelberht, king of the West Saxons, elder brother of Alfred: VIII 184; X 3 17 Ethelburh, abbess of Barking: IV 190 Bthelfled, daughter of Alfred, lady of the Mercians: V 82 Bthelheard, archbishop of Canterbury: VIII 179 Bthelhelm, archbishop of Canterbury: IX 3 Ethelmund, ealdorman: VI 37 Bthelred, king of the Mercians: IV 188; VI 18,26,44, 52, 56 Bthelred, king of the Northumbrians: VI 20 Ethelred, king of the West Saxons, elder brother of Alfred: VII 4, 5; VIII 177, 180; X 317 Bthelred, ealdorman of the Mercians, Alfred's son in law: V 81, 82, 83; VII 23 Bthelric, son of Bthelmund: VI 37,38 Bthelstan, king of the English: IX 3, 10, 11; XI1 277,279; XIV 42 Bthelwalch, king of the South Saxons: I 5, 12, 15, 16, 17 Bthelwald, king of the East Angles: I 12, 15 Ethelwold, son of Bthelred and nephew of Alfred: X 3 17 Ethelwold, bishop of Winchester: XV 1

INDEX Ethelwulf, king of the West Saxons, father of king Alfred: V 79, 80; VII 2, 3,4, 6, 7, 8,9, 10, 11, 12; VIII 177, 180, 183, 185, 186,205; IX 9, 10; X 317; XIV 41 marriage to Judith: VII 12 Baldwin I, count of Flanders: VII 14 Baldwin 11, count of Flanders: VII 2, 14, 15, 20,21,24 and the building of castles: VII 22 Baptism: 16,7,9, 11, 12, 13, 16 Baptismal sponsorship, see also conversion: 112, 13, 15, 16, 17 Barberini Gospels, see Gospels, Barberini Bardney, monastery: IV 188 Barking, monastery, see also Ethelburh and Hildilith: IV 190 Bavaria, Bavarians: X 3 16,319; XIS1 69,72; XIV 35,36; XV 1-17 Bectun, abbot: VI 72 Bede: I 1-17; I1 1-8; IV 188,191,194,196, 197, 198, 199,200; V 68,73; VI 19, 22,23,27,42,43,58,59 'Death Song': I1 1,2 De temporum ratione: IV 190 Historia abbatum: 11 7; VI 23 Historia ecclesiastics gentis Anglorum: I passim; I1 passim; I11 56-7, 6 0 4 1 ; IV 190, 193, 194,200; V 68,69,70, 71,73,74,77; VI 22,42,43,44,45, 52, 57, 59; VIII 181, 188; XIV 32, 33 Letter to archbishop Ecgberht of York: I1 2; VI 22,28,29 on mission and missionaries: I11 56, 57,60 on overlordship (imperium), see overlordship: V 70,71 his use of Cantia and Cantuarii: VI 42 Benedict, saint: IV 196 Benedict 111, pope: VII 7; XIV 42 Benedict Biscop, founder of Wearmouth and Jarrow: I1 7; I11 58; VI 22 Benfleet: VII 23 Beorhtric, king of the West Saxons: VII 6 Berehtfrid, secundus a regeprinceps of the Northumbrians: VI 26,27 Berhtwald, archbishop of Canterbury: VI 26, 27,73 Berengar, son of Eberhard and Gisla: VII 12, 13 Berhtgisl, bishop of the East Angles: I 15 Berhtwulf, king of the Mercians: VI 34 Bernhard, grandson of Charlemagne, king of Italy: XIS 275 Bernicia, Northumbrian kingdom: I 7, 10, 13; I1 4; V 68; XIV 33

3

Bertha, daughter of king Charibert, wife of king Ethelberht: I 3,4, 5, 7, 17; I11 56; VI 16 Bertha, daughter of Charlemagne: XI1 270, 273,274,281 Birinus, bishop of the West Saxons (Dorchester): I 11, 12 Bischofshofen, Salzburg: XIII 69 Bishops, role in mission: IS1 56, 57, 58 Bishops, role in lothand 1lth century society: XV 1-17 origins: XV 6, 7 episcopal levies: XV 12, 13 patronage, drawing on the Carolingian resources, and communication: XV 17 Bodensee: I11 58 Boethius: VIII 196,206 Old English translation of his Consolation ofphilosophy: X 3 18 Bohemia: XV 12 Boniface V, pope: VI 17,40 Boniface, Anglo-Saxon monk, missionary and archbishop: I11 56, 58, 59, 61, 62; IV 194; VI 51; X 320 and king Wthelbald of the Mercians: VI 18, 19, 51, 54,61,62,63; XI1 276,277 organizes the Bavarian church: XV 4 correspondence: IS1 59,61; IV 194,200; VI 18, 19,41,42,49,51,61,62,63; XI1 277 Book of Nunnaminster: VIII 190 Boruhtware (Boructuarii): I11 60, 61 Botwine, abbot of Medeshamstede:VI 67 Bowl, Oimside: XIII 70 Bratislava: XV 4 Bregwine, archbishop of Canterbury: VI 47,48 Brescia: VII 8 Liber Vitae: VII 4, 5,9, 13 San SalvatoreISantaJulia, see also Gisla: VII 5, 6 Bretwalda: VIII 181, 182, 183 Britons: 12, 6; V 70; VIII 177, 178 Brooch, Fuller: X 321 Brorda, Mercian ealdorman: VI 33 Brun, archbishop of Cologne, brother of Otto I: xv 8, 9 Burghal Hidage, see Hidage, Burgha1 Burghard, markgrave: XV 9 Burgred, king of the Mercians, Alfred's brother in law: V 80,81; VIII 179 Burgundy: I 11 Caedmon, poet: I1 8

4

INDEX

Caedwalla, king of Gwynedd: I 10 Caedwalla, king of the West Saxons: I 16, 17; I11 58; VI 43,72; W I 185 Calendar of 354: XI 12,13 Calendar ofSt Willibrord, see Willibrord Canterbury: 14, 13; V 80; VIII 183 pontifical: IX 1,3 school of: I1 6 St Augustine's: VI42 St Martin's church: 14; I11 56,57 Carantanians: XI11 72; XV 4 Carinthia: XV 12, 17 Carniola w a i n ) , Slovenia: XV 11 Carolingians: VIII 179; XI 1,4; XIV 41; xv 5 Cathwulf: VIII 193,200 Ceawlin, king of the West Saxons: V 70; VIII 178 Cedd, missionary, later bishop of the East Saxons: 1 14, 15; I1 5 Cenwalh, see Coinwalh Ceolfrid, abbot of Jarrow and Wearmouth: VI 22,23 Ceolred, king of the Mercians: VI 5 1, 54; XI1 277 Ceolwulf, king of the Mercians: V 80,81; VIII 179 Ceolwulf, king of the Northumbrians: VI 22 Cerdic, legendary founder of the West Saxon dynasty: VIII 177,178,179,181,184 descent from: VIII 179, 180, 184, 185 Chalice, Tassilo: XI11 71, 75; XIV 36 Charlemagne: IV 195; VII 6, 10; VIII 183, 192, 193, 194; X 320; XI 2,3,4,5, 6,7,8, 13, 16 18; XI1 269-82; XI11 75; XIV 34, 35, 36, 38, 39,40, 41; XV 4 and his children: XI1 26942 chapel and chancery, see also Fulrad, Angilram, Hildebald, Ercanbald and Hitherius: XI1 271,273 and concubines: XI1 278 letters to Offa: VI 66 his will: XIV 37-8,41 and the four precious tables mentioned in his will: XIV 38, 39 Charles the Bald, king of the West Franks and emperor: VII 1,2,3,7, 8, 10, 12,22; VIII 197,206; M 5; X 320; XI 2,6, 7, 11, 12, 14, 17, 18; XIV38,40,41, 43,44 anniversaries of: XI 11, 12 and CompiBgne: XI 13, 14 and crowns: XIV 41 and St-Denis: XI 11, 12

and Solomon: VIII 192 court culture: V 83; X 320; XIV 40,43 equestrian statue of: XIV 44 Charles the Fat, king of the East Franks and emperor: VII 1, 12,22; X 3 11,312, 317 Charles Martel, mayor of the palace, grandfather of Charlemagne: XI 10; XI1 281 Charles the Younger, son of Charlemagne, king: XI1 273,274,277,278,279, 280; XIV 40 Charters, Anglo-Saxon origins: V 73 production in stages as sign of authenticity: VI 30-32,60 confirmations as sign of authenticity: VI 32-5 reissuing of charters: VI 35 disputes: VI 37, 38 by Sawyer numbers: Sawyer 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 and 6: VI 39 Sawyer 7: VI 40,41 Sawyer 8: VI 17,30,31,35,40 Sawyer 9: VI 40 Sawyer 10:VI31,40,41,44 Sawyer 11: VI 40,44 Sawyer 12: VI41,44 Sawyer 13: VI 40,44 Sawyer 14: VI 40,44 Sawyer 15: VI 41 Sawyer 16: VI41,44 Sawyer 17: VI 40 Sawyer 18: VI 40 Sawyer 19: VI 40 Sawyer 20: VI 41,44 Sawyer 21: VI 40 Sawyer 23: VI 31,40 Sawyer 24: VI 40,41,52,65 Sawyer 25: VI 45 Sawyer 26: VI 40 Sawyer 27: VI 33,34,40,52,65 Sawyer 28: VI 41,45,47,48,67 Sawyer 29: VI 41,46,47 Sawyer 30: VI 40,41,45,52 Sawyer 31: VI 41,45,47 Sawyer 32: VI 35,41,45,47 Sawyer 33: VI 33,34,41,46,47,48 Sawyer 34: VI 33,34,46,47,64 Sawyer 35: VI 35,41,46 Sawyer 36: VI 35,41,46 Sawyer 37: VI 41,46,47 Sawyer 38: VI41,47 Sawyer 43: VI 74 Sawyer 45: VI 74

INDEX Sawyer 49: VI 65 Sawyer 50: VI 65 Sawyer 56: VI 36,43,64 Sawyer 57: VI 37,66 Sawyer 58: V136,37,66,69 Sawyer 59: VI 36,37,66,69 Sawyer 60: VI 66 Sawyer 61: VI 66 Sawyer 63: VI 66 Sawyer 65: VI 73,74 Sawyer 82: VI 49,55 Sawyer 83: VI 49,55 Sawyer 84: VI 55 Sawyer 85: VI 56 Sawyer 86: VI 62 Sawyer 87: VI 62 Sawyer 88: VI 34,62 Sawyer 89: V131,32,36,42,55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60 Sawyer 90: VI 49 Sawyer 9 1: VI 62 Sawyer 92: VI 36,49,52,61,62, 67.68 sawyer 94: VI 49,55,56,57,59,60 Sawver 95: VI 55.56 Sawyer 97: VI 55,56 Sawyer 99: V155,56,62 Sawyer 100: VI 49,62 Sawyer 101: VI 56, Sawyer 102: VI 49,55 Sawyer 103: VI 56 Sawyer 105: VI 46,47,48,64,67 Sawyer 106: VI 34,36,66 Sawyer 108: VI 65 Sawyer 109: VI 67 Sawyer 110: VI 10 Sawyer 111: VI 10 Sawyer 113: VI 67, Sawyer 114: VI32,36,67,68,69 Sawyer 116: VI 68,69 Sawyer 117: VI68 Sawyer 118: VI 68 Sawyer 121: VI 68 Sawyer 123: VI 36,47,52,64,65 Sawyer 125: VI 64,65 Sawyer 127: VI 68,69 Sawyer 128: VI 36,52,64,65,68 Sawyer 129: VI 52,64,65 Sawyer 130: VI 35,52,64,65 Sawyer 131: VI 35,52,64,65 Sawyer 134: VI 64 Sawyer 135: VI 68 Sawyer 136: VI 68

Sawyer 139: VI 32,36,69,70 Sawyer 140: VI 64,65 Sawyer 141: VI 67 Sawyer 143: VI 64 Sawyer 144: VI 68 Sawyer 145: VI 67 Sawyer 146: VI 70 Sawyer 147: VI 67 Sawyer 153: V 76 Sawyer 155: VI 35 Sawyer 227: VI 71 Sawyer 228: VI 71 Sawyer 229: VI 71 Sawyer 230: VI 71 Sawyer 231: VI 71 Sawyer 234: VI71 Sawyer 235: IV 191,199; VI 72,73 Sawyer 236: VI 71 Sawyer 237: VI 71 Sawyer 238: VI 71 Sawyer 239: VI 71 Sawyer 240: VI 71 Sawyer 241: VI 71 Sawyer 243: VI 73 Sawyer 247: VI 73 Sawyer 248: VI 73 Sawyer 252: VI 71,72 Sawyer 255: VI 73 Sawyer 264: VI 71,72 Sawyer 265: VI 64 Sawyer 1164: VI 71,72 sawyer 1165: IV 191,199; V 68; VI 74 Sawyer 1166: VI 71 Sawyer 1169: VI 71 Sawyer 1170: VI 71 Sawyer 1171: IV 190,191,199; VI 31,35,43,48,72,73,74 Sawyer 1173: VI 74 Sawyer 1180: VI 48,74 Sawyer 1181: IV 191; VI 74 Sawyer 1182: VI 37 Sawyer 1183: VI 65 Sawyer 1184: VI 32,33,34,65,66 Sawyer 1187: VI 37 Sawyer 1245: VI 71 Sawyer 1249: VI 71 Sawyer 1257: VI 65 Sawyer 1258: VI 35 Sawyer 1264: VI 35 Sawyer 1429: VI35 Sawyer 1430: VI 65 Sawyer 1433: VI 38 Sawyer 1436: VI 37 Sawyer 1438: V 79

6

INDEX

Charters, Anglo-Saxon (cont.) Sawyer 1603: VI 71 Sawyer 1609: VI 39 Sawyer 1612: VI 41,46,47 Sawyer 1614: VI 64,65 Sawyer 1788: VI 49,62 Cheitmar, prince of the Carantanians: XI11 72 Chertsey, abbey: IV 191 Childeric, king, father of Clovis: XI 4 Childeric 111, king of the Franks: XI 4; XIV 34 Chronicle, Anglo-Saxon: 1 2; IV 196,201; V 76, 81, 83; VI 69; VII 4, 12, 16, 17,23; VIII 178-85, 186,203; X 312,313,321 genealogical references in: VIII 178, 179, 180 Cicero, Marcus Tullius: VIII 201,202 Cisoing, family monastery founded by Eberhard of Friuli, see also Eberhard, Gisla, Adalhard and Rudolf: VII 10 Clemens Peregrinus, see Peregrinus of Freising Clovis, king of the Franks: XI 4 Coenwulf, king of the Mercians: VI 10,20, 34 Coifi, pagan high-priest: I 8 Coinred, father of Ine: VI 72 Coinwalch, king of the West Saxons: I 11, 12, 17; I1 5; VI 72 Colman, bishop of Lindisfarne: I1 5 Columbanus, Irish monk and abbot of Luxeuil and Bobbio: I11 58,59 Cologne: XV 3 archbishop of, see also Brun and Hildebald: XV 13 compatemitas, see spiritual kinship Compikgne: XI 13 precious objects gifted to: XI 13, 14 Constantine the Great, emperor: XI11 73, 74 Continuations of Fredegar: XI 10; XI1 281; XIV 34 Conversion: I 1-17; V 71,72,73 amicitia as a factor: I 17 and integration: V 71 baptismal sponsorship: 1 12, 15, 16, 17 conversion of a royal prince in exile: I 9, 10, 11, 12 participation of the elite: I 8, 9 preparatory phase: I 3,4,7, 12 role of the king's wife (see also under Wthelberg, Bertha): 19, 13, 17 role of the overlord (see also baptismal sponsorship) I 5,6, 13, 14, 17 Cookham, monastery: VI 35 Coppergate Helmet, see Helmet, Coppergate Corbie, abbey: XI 2

Coronation: IX 4, 7, 10 Corvey, abbey: XV 12, 17 Councils and synods: V 72,78; VI 24,25,32, 35,37,59,69 Aclea (804): VI 37 Austertield (702103): VI 25 Chelsea (801): VI 34 Clofeshoh (747 and later): IV 194,200; V 76; VI 28,37,51,63 Gumley (779): VI 32,67,68 Hatfield (679): VI 40,49 Hertford (672173): V 72 Legatine (786): VI 28,65 Whitby (664): I1 4-5; VI 27 and publicity of written records (papal letters etc.): VI 24-8 Creoda: VIII 178 Cross, Rupertus, Salzburg: XI11 69-75; XIV 36 Cuthberht, archbishop of Canterbury: IV 194; VI 28 Cuthberht, monk and bishop of Lindisfarne: I11 58 Cuthberht, deacon, later abbot of Wearmouth and Jarrow: I1 1 Cuthburg, queen and nun: VI 2 1 Cuthwine, recipient of Cuthberht's letter on the death of Bede: I1 1 Cwichelm, king of the West Saxons: I 7 Cynegisl, king of the West Saxons, father of Coinwalch: 1 11, 13, 14, 15, 16 Cynesige, bishop of Lichfield: XIV 45 Cynethryth, queen, wife of Offa: VI 33 Cynewulf, king of the West Saxons: VI 20, 60,64,68,69 Cyniburg, daughter of Penda, sister of Peada, wife of Alchfrid: I 13 Cynric, son of Cerdic: VIII 177, 188 Danai (Danes): I11 61 Danes, see also Vikings: IV 196; V 80,81; VIII 177, 179, 181, 187; XV 5 Dating clause and years of incarnation: VI 58,59 David, see Charlemagne: XI1 271 Dedications and literary culture: VI 21-2 Deira, Northumbrian kingdom: I 3, 7, 10; 114, 5; IV 189; V 68; XIV 33 Desiderius, king of the Longobards: XIV 35,36 Deusdedit, archbishop of Canterbury: I 14 Diploma (Frankish royal), outward features: XI 2,3,4 chrismon: XI 2,3 monogram: XI 2 , 6

script: XI 2 seal: XI 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 shorthand notes: XI 3 , 6 , 7 sign of recognition: XI 3 Diploma (Frankish royal), formulae: XI 7, 8,9 anniversaries and stipulation for prayer: XI 11, 12, 14, 16; XI1 278 Divisio regnoi-um (806): XI1 279 Dorchester: 1 13, 16 Dunstan, archbishop of Canterbury: XIV 45; xv 1 Vita sancti Dunstani auctore B: XIV 44-5 Durham Liber Vitae: VI 2 1 Eabe, princess of the Hwicce: I 15,17 Eadbald, king of Kent, son of Wthelberht: I 6; VI 17,39 Eadberht I, king of Kent (t 748): VI 33,45 Eadberht IL, king of Kent, succeeds Wthelberht 11: VI 45,46 Eadberht Praen, king of Kent: VIII 179, 185 Eadburh, daughter of Offa, wife of Beorhtric: VII 6; VIII 205; XI1 278 Eadgyth=Edith, daughter of Edward the Elder, wife of Otto I: XIV 42 Eadric, king of Kent: V 74; VI 30,35,40,43 Eadwig, king of the English: XIV 44-5 Ealhmund, king of Kent, successor to Ecgberht 11: VI 47; VIII 184 Ealhswith, Alfred's wife: VIII 190; X 3 12, 313 Eanberht, sub-king of the Hwicce, see also Aldred and Uhtred: VI 36,64 Eanfled, daughter of Edwin and Wthelberg: 17.10 Eanfrid, king of Bernicia: I 10 Eanmund, king of Kent, successor to Eadberht 11: VI 33,46,48 Eardwulf, king of Kent, son of Eadberht I: VI 20,42,45 Eardwulf, bishop of Rochester: VI 20,30,33, 34,42,45 Earkonwald, bishop of London, brother of Wthelburh: IV 190, 191, 199 East Angles, East Anglia: I 6,9, 13, 14; V 68, 69, 71, 80, 81; VIII 181 East Saxons, Essex: I5,9, 13, 14, 15; V 79; VI 35,72,73 Eberhard, marcher-lord of Friuli: VII 9, 10, 11,12 and Cisoing: VII 10 his and Gisla's will: VII 11, 12 Ebroin, mayor of the palace: VI 59

Ecgberht I, king of Kent: 11 7; VIII 184 Ecgberht 11, king of Kent: VI 33,34,46 Ecgberht, king of the West Saxons, son of Ealhmund: V 79, 80; VIII 177, 183, 184,185; IX 9, 10 and overlordship: VIII 181, 182 Ecgberht, archbishop of York, see also under Bede: IV 194; VI 19,29 Ecgberht, Anglo-Saxon monk at Rath Melsigi and Iona: 111 60, 61 Ecgfrith, king of the Mercians, son of Offa: v 77,79; VI 20,33,54 Ecgfrith, king of the Northumbrians: VI 18, 23,24 Edington, battle of: V 80 Edward the Elder, king of the Anglo-Saxons: V 81,82; VII 16; IX 1, 10, 11; X 317 Edwin, king of the Northumbrians: I 3,5,6,7, 8,9, 10, 11, 12, 14, 17; I1 3,4; IV 188, 198; V 70,71,75; VI 17, 40,52 Egilbert, bishop of Freising: XI 15 Einhard, court scholar, biographer of Charlemagne: VIII 186; XI 15 Vita Karoli Magni: XI1 269, 279,280; XIV 35, 36, 37, 38, 39,40 Einsiedeln, abbey: XV 8,9 Ellinrat, daughter of Arnulf: X 3 15 Enns river: XV 4 Enthronement: IX 4 , 5 Eopreht, artijex: X 320 Eorpwald, king of the East Angles, son of Raedwald: 1 9, 10, 11 Ercanbald, chancellor of Charlemagne: XI1 273 Ermoldus Nigellus In honorem Hludowici: XIV 41 Essen: XIV 41 Eucherius, bishop of Lyons: XI 13 Eugippius, Commemoratorium vitae sancti Severini: XV 14 Evesham, monastery: VI 49 Exile: 17,9, 10, 11, 12, 17; VI 23, 52 Farnham: IV 191 Fastrada, queen, wife of Charlemagne: XI1 270,275 Felix, bishop of the East Angles: I 11, 12; VI 23 Felix, Ethelwulf's 'secretary': VII 3 , 4 Felix of Crowland, see Guthlac Fem&res,abbey: VII 5 Finan, bishop of Lindisfarne: I 13, 14 Flaccus, see Alcuin: XI1 272

8

INDEX

Flodoard, Reims canon and historiographer: VII 20 Florilegium Frisingense: XI11 72 Folkmar, bishop of Utrecht: XV 12 Folkwin, abbot of Reichenau: VII 4 Forchheim: X 3 16 Forgeries earliest Kentish charters: VI 39 see also Pilgrim of Passau Formulae, see diploma Frobenius Forster, abbot of St Emmeram, Regensburg: XI11 72 Frankfurt: VII 14; XIV 36 Franks: 12, 11; 115; I11 59; X 316,320; XIV 34,35,36 Freising: XV 4, 7, 12 episcopal church: XI 15, 18 Friedrich, archbishop of Salzburg: XV 1,6,7, 10, 11,12 origins of: XV 6 elevation to archbishopric: XV 9 and charters: XV 13,15,16 Frisians: 12; 111 59,60 Frithuwald, sub-king of Surrey: IV 191; VI 74 Fulda, abbey: VII 9; X 314 Fulham: VII 2 1 Fulk, archbishop of Reims: VII 2, 13, 14, 15, 20,21,22,24; X 321 Fuller Brooch, see Brooch, Fuller Fursa, abbot: I1 8 Geat: VIII 180 Genealogy of Alfred: VIII 186 Mercian: VI 53; W I 181 Northumbrian: W I 181 Gerhard of Augsburg Vita Uodalrici: XV 3, 5,6 Germanus of Auxerre, translation of his relics: XI 13 Gildas: V 71 Gisela, sister of Charlemagne, abbess of Chelles: XI1 271,272,273, 275; m 39 Gisla, daughter of Charlemagne: XI1 270, 273,274 Gisla, daughter of Louis the Pious and Judith, wife of Eberhard of Friuli: VII 9, 10,12 Gisla, daughter of Lothar I, abbess of San Salvatore, Brescia: VII 6 Gisla, daughter of Louis 11, abbess of San Salvatore, Brescia: VII 6 Gisla, daughter of Eberhard of Friuli: VII 9 Goods acquired on the Continent: I11 58

Gospels Barberini: XI11 71 St Petersburg: XI11 71 Gottschalk, monk: VII 11 Gregory the Great, pope: 12,3,4, 5; I1 3; IV 187,188,189, 190,193,194, 195, 197, 198,201; V 68,72,75; VI 17, 39,40; IX 1 , 2 and episcopal organization of the English church: V 72 Gregory as teacher, master and apostle of the English: IV 189, 193, 194; V 74, 75,76; VIII 188; X 320 Dialogi: IV 187, 196,201 translation into Old English: IV 195; VIII 188 Moralia in lob: IV 190, 192; VIII 188 Regula pastoralis: IV 187, 194 translation into Old English: IV 195, 201; VIII 189 Anonymous Whitby Life of (Liber beati et laudabilis viri Gregoriipupae urbis Romae): IV 188, 189, 190, 193, 195, 196, 197, 198,200,201; V 75, 76; VI 56 Gregorian tradition: I11 59; IV 187-201; V 75,76 cult of: IV 194 see also St Andreas in Clivo Scauri Gregory pope: W 5 Gregory, abbot of Einsiedeln: XV 8 Grimbald, monk at St Bertin, later adviser of king Alfred: VII 2, 13, 15,20; VIII 206; IX 3 Guthlac, warrior, monk and hermit of Crowland: I11 58; V 69; VI 29 and Ethelbald: V 77; VI 53,54 Vita sancti Guthlaci by Felix: V 69,70, 77; VI 22,29,48,51,534 Guthrum, king of the Danes: V 80; VIII 181; X 317 Hadrian I, pope: XI 16; XIV 36,40 Hadrian, abbot of St Augustine's: I1 6,7; v 75; VI 59 Hadrian's Wall: I 13 Hresten, Viking leader: VII 22,23,24 Hampshire: V 80 Handbook, episcopal, Anglo-Saxon 8th century: IV 194 Hartgar, bishop of Likge: VII 11 Hatfield Chase, battle of (12.10.633): I 10 Heaberht, king of Kent: VI 34,46,48 Headda, bishop of Lichfield, and his scribe: VI 29

INDEX Heiric of Auxerre, 9th century scholar and theologian: VIII 206 Helmet Coppergate: XIV 43 Sutton Hoo: XIV 43 Henry 11, duke of Bavaria, subsequently king and emperor: XI 1,2, 16; XIV 44 Henry 111, king and emperor, son of Konrad 11: XI 15, 16, 18 Henry I, duke of Bavaria, brother of Otto I: xv 5,9, 11 Henry 11, the Wrangler, duke of Bavaria: XV5, 10, 11, 13, 15 rebellion of: XV 12, 13, 15, 16 Henry, archbishop of Trier, brother of Poppo of Wiirzburg, fiiend of Wolfgang: XV 8, 9 Henry, bishop ofAugsburg: XV 1,5,6, 13 origins of: XV 6 education and career: XV 8 elevation to bishopric: XV 9 Herefiid, priest: VI 18 Herold, archbishop of Salzburg: XV 9, 13 Herrenchiemsee, abbey in Bavaria: XI 9, 10; XII281;XV 13 Hewalds, the two, Anglo-Saxon missionaries: 111 60 Hidage Burghal: V 81,82; VII 15, 16 Tribal: V 69,70,73; VI 50,60 Hild, abbess of Whitby: 11 5; IV 190 Hildebald, archbishop of Cologne, archchaplain: XI1 271 Hildegard, wife of Charlemagne (T784): XI1 275 Hildesheim: XI 15, 18 Hildilith, abbess of Barking: IV 190 Hiltine, bishop of Augsburg, predecessor of Udalrich: XV 9 Hiltrud, Tassilo's mother, daughter of Charles Martel: XI 10, 11; XI1 281 Hiltrud, daughter of Charlemagne: Xn 270, 273,274,275 Hincmar, archbishop of Reims Judith Ordo: V 79,80; VII 9; XIV 43 Ordo of 879: IX 2 De ordinepalatii: XI1 275-6 Hitherius, head of chancery under Charlemagne: XI 6, 16 Hlothere, king of Kent: V 74; VI 30,35,40, 43 Hodilred (Ethelred), East Saxon prince, charter for Ethelburh of Barking: IV 190, 191; VI 35,73,74 Homer, see Angilbert

9

Honorius I, pope: VI 17,40 Honorius, archbishop of Canterbury: I 14 Horace, Roman poet: VIII 201,202 Hrabanus Maurus, abbot of Fulda, archbishop of Mainz: W 11 Hucbald of St-Amand, late Carolingian scholar and teacher: W 15 Humility: I 8; IS 4 Hunfrid, bishop of Thbrouanne: VII 13,14 Hungarians: VII 16; XV 4,5,9,10,14 Hunni see Avars Hwicce: 12, 15; V 68,78; VI 36,49,63,64,66 Hygeberht, (arch)bishop of Lichfield: VI 65 Ibe (Eowa), abbot: VI 60 Ida, founder of the Bernician dynasty: VIII 181 Identity, English sense of, and community: IV 189, 190, 196,198, 199; V 74, 75,83,84 decisive role of the church: V 84 Imma, Northumbrian thegn: I1 6 Zndiculus loricatoncm (levy of knights for Otto IS): XV 12, 13 Ine, king of the West Saxons: V 74, 83; VI 21, 51,71,72; VIII 185 Ingelheim: XIV 35; XV 12 Ingwald, bishop of London: VI 62 Innichen: XV 13 Insignia: M 4,5, 6,8,9, 10; XIV 31,42,43,45 amillae (beagas): XIV 44 crown: IX 5; XIV 40,41,43,44,45 the evidence of royal images (ruler portraits): XIV 40,44 helmet: M 6; XIV 42,43 precious garments: XIV 39-41,44 orb: XIV 44 ring: IX 5,8; XIV 43,44 rod: IX 5,6,8; XIV 42,43,44 sceptre: IX 5,6,8,9; XIS1 75; XIV 42, 43,44 sword: IX 5,s; XIV 41,43,44 Interpreter(s) Benedict Biscop: I1 7 Cedd at synod of Whitby: 11 5 Frankish: I1 3 Oswald: I1 4 and translation of records: VI 26,27,28 Zntitulationes,royal styles: VI 9-74 previous research into: VI 1&14 as self-statement: VI 14-16 publicity of written records: VI 16-39 of Charlemagne: XI 8; XIV 35 of the West Saxon kings (late 7th and 8th century): VI 71-3

10

INDEX

Zntitulationes, royal styles (cont.) of the West Saxon kings in the 9th century: IV 196 of the Kentish kings: VI 4 0 4 8 of the East Saxon princes and kings: VI 7 3 9 of the South Saxon kings: VI 74 of the kings and sub-kings of the Hwicce: VI 3&7,74 of Frithuwald, sub-king of Surrey: VI 74 in the laws: VI 40 in cases ofjoint rule: VI 43,72,73,74 in the Kentish succession crises of the 680s and 760s: VI 45-7 as expression of legitimacy: VI 47,48, 67, 69, 70 as expression of overlordship: VI 57,64; VIII 186 and gratia dei formula: VI 50-55 episcopal styles: VI 51-2, 65 Iona: I 2, 10, 11; 114; I11 57, 60; V 69; VI 23 Irish: I 2, 11, 14; 114, 5; V 70 Irmingard, queen, wife of Louis the Pious: XI1 276,280 Irminsul, Saxon sanctuary: XIV 35 Irmintrude, queen, wife of Charles the Bald: XI 11 Isidore, bishop of Seville: VIII 202,204 De nahrra rerum: I1 1 Isle of Wight: 12, 15, 16; V 68, 69; VIII 180 Italy: XV 7, 13 Ivories, Anglo-Saxon: XIII 70 Jrenberht, archbishop of Canterbury: V 79; VI 65 Jarrow: I1 7; VI 22,23 Jaruman, bishop of the Mercians: I 15 Jerusalem: XI11 69 Jewel, Alfed: X 321 John VI, pope: VI 18 John of Beverly, bishop of Hexham: I1 8 John the Old Saxon, abbot ofAthelney: VIII 203; IX 10 Judith, wife of Louis the Pious, empress: VII 9; XI 7 Judith, daughter of Charles the Bald, wife of Wthelwulf, Wthelbald and count Baldwin I of Flanders: V 80; W 3, 7, 8, 12, 14,21; VIII 180; XIV41 Judith, wife of Henry I, duke of Bavaria: XV 11,17 Julius, see Pippin, son of Charlemagne Justus, bishop of Rochester, subsequently archbishop of Canterbury: I 6; VI 17

Karlmann, mayor of the palace, brother of Pippin 111: XI 10; XI1 28 1; XIV 34 Karlmann, king of the Franks, brother of Charlemagne: XI 6 Karlmann, king of the East Franks, son of

LouistheGerman:X311,315;XI 14 Karlmann, king, son of Louis the Stammerer: VII 12 Kamlus Magnus et Leo Papa, see Aachen Epic Kent, see also Canterbury: I 10, 13; V 68,69, 70,78,79; VI 20,42,44,64,66; VIII 180, 184, 185;X318 East- and West-Kent (Rochester): V 69; VI 4 5 4 , 6 5 Thanet: 1 3 Kinship, spiritual: 1 12, 17; VII 3,9,23 Konrad I, king of the East Franks: XV 5 Konrad 11, king and emperor: XI 15, 16, 18 Kremsmiinster, abbey: XIV 36; XV 15 Language(s): I1 1-8 British: I1 2,3 English (Saxon): I1 2,3, 5, 6,7 Frankish: I1 6 Greek: I1 3,6,7 Irish: 112 , 3 Latin: I1 2, 6,7 Pictish: I1 2,3 Lastingham, monastery (resting place of Oswald): VI 54 Laurentius, archbishop of Canterbury: I 6 Laws, Old English: V 74,75; VI 29 of Wthelberht: V 73,74, 83 of Hlothere and Eadric: V 74; VI 40 of Wihtred: VI 40,50,51 of Ine: V 74,83; VI 51,72,73 of Offa: V 74, 83 of Alfred: V 74,83 Lechfeld, battle of: XV 5 Leo pope: VII 3, 6, 7, 16, 17, 18; VIII 182 anointing of Alfred: VII 16; VIII 182 Leopolis: W 19 walling of Leonine city, see Rome Leofric Missal, see Missal, Leofric Letter writing as indication of a growing literary culture: VI 16-21 Leuthere, bishop of the West Saxons, nephew of Agilbert: 1 12; VI 72 Liber Pontificalis:VII 7,8, 17, 18; XI 16; XIV 41-2 Liber Tmditionum, Salzburg: XI11 72,75 Lichfield, archbishopric: V 78; VI 65 Likge: XI 14 Lindsey: 19; V 68

Liudhard, Frankish bishop in Bertha's retinue: I3,4,5,7 Liudprand, bishop of Cremona: XV 17 Liutgard, partner and wife of Charlemagne, queen: XI1 271,273,274,275,277, 278 Liutgard, daughter of Otto I: XI 15 Liutswind, mother of Amulf: X 3 11,3 15 Lobbes, abbey: XI 14 London: IV 196; V 72,77,78,80,83; VII 23 Longobards: IV 189, 198; XIV 34,35,36 Larch, Upper Austria: XV 14, 15 Lothar I, emperor: VII 5, 7, 9, 10, 17; XI 7; XIV 39.40.41.44 Lothar (or ~ o t h a i r e ) 'king ~ ~ , of Lotharingia: XI 7 Lotharingia: X 3 17 Louis the Pious, king and emperor: IV 195; X315;XI2,3,6,7, 11;XII270, 273,275,276,278,279,280,281; XIV 38,39,40,41 made co-emperor: XIV 40-41 Louis the German, king of the East Franks: VII 2; X 317; XI 3,7, 11, 16, 17; XV 4, 14 Louis 11, king of Italy and emperor: VII 6, 7, 8, 9; XI 7 Louis the Stammerer, king of the West Franks: VII 12 Louis the Child, king of the East Franks: X 3 17 Louis d'outremer, king of the West Franks: IX 3 Lul, bishop of Mainz: IV 194; VI 19,20,42 Lupus, abbot of Ferrihres: VII 3,4,9, 10 Liber legum: VII 10 Mainz, archbishop of: XV 13 Marinus, pope: VII 16 Markward, abbot of Pam: VII 4 , 5 , 7 Martianus Capella: XV 8 Martyrology, Old English: IV 195,200 Mautem, Lower Austria: X 3 14 Medeshamstede,head of confederation of monastic houses: V 79; VI 34,64 Meginfrid, chamberlain of Charlemagne: XI1 271,273 Mellitus, bishop of London, later archbishop of Canterbury: I 5 , 6 Menalcas, see Audulf Meonware: 1 16 Mercia, Mercians: 1 13, 14, 15, 16; I1 6; IV 196; V 68,69,80,81,82; VI 50; VIII 179, 181; IX 4; XV 5 Merovingians: 1 3,4, 10; XI 4

and treasure: XIV 32 Metz, church of: XI 9, 10, 18; XI1 28 1 Michael, bishop of Regensburg, predecessor of Wolfgang: XV 10 Middle Angles: I 13, 14, 15, 17; V 68 Middlesex: VI 66,68 Milan: X 3 17 Milton: VII 23 Minuscule, Carolingian: XI 2 Missal, Leofric: IX 3, 6, 8,9 Mission, insular to the Continent: I11 5 5 4 2 monastic background to: I11 56, 57 and society: I11 59 support groups, friendship: I11 59,60 missionary programme: I11 6 0 4 2 Monogram, see diploma, outward features Montpellier Psalter, see Psalter, Monpellier Monza: XIV 36 Moravians: X 3 19 Mul, brother of Caedwalla, king of the West Saxons: VI 43; VIII 185 Niederalteich, Bavarian abbey: XV 7 Northumbria, Northumbrians: 1 3,5,6,7, 11, 13, 16; IV 189; V 68,69,71,75,80, 81;VIII 179, 181 Nothelm, archbishop of Canterbury: IV 191; VI 33 Noyon: VII 22,23 Oda, archbishop of Canterbury: XIV 45 Odilo, duke of the Bavarians, father of Tassilo: XI 10, 11; XI1 281 Odo, king of the West Franks: VII 14,22; X 317 Offa, king of the Mercians: V 74,76,77,78, 79; VI 10,20,32,33,34,35,36, 37,50,54,63; VIII 205; XI1 278; XIV 36 and councils: see councils and synods and the Hwicce: VI 64 and Kent: V 78; VI 46,47,48,64,65 and Sussex: VI 32,33,65 dynastic marriages of daughters: V 79; XI1 278 new penny: V 78 his royal styles: VI 63-70 Offa's Dyke: V 78 Oiscingas, ruling family of Kent: I 6 Oise: VII 22 Old English Orosius, see Orosius, Old English Ordo First English: IX 2,4,5,6,7,8,9, 10; XIV 42,43 Judith, see Hincmar

12

INDEX

Ordo (cont.) Second English: IX 1,2,4,5,6,7,8,9, 10: XIV 43 ~ r d m a i nIX : 2,4,5,9 Hincmar's of 869 (Ordo of Charles the Bald): IX 2, 5 Lombard = new Second English: IX 1,6, 7,8,9; XIV 43 Seven (or Eleven) Forms: IX 2,4,7,8,9, 10; XIV 43 East Frankish Mainz: XIV 44 Orosius, Old English: VIII 183 Onnside Bowl, see Bowl, Ormside Orte: VII 18 Osburh, Alfred's mother: W I 186 Osferth, kinsman of Alfred (illegitimate son?): X 315,316 Osgeofu, queen, wife of Alchred: VI 20 Oslac, dux of the South Saxons: VI 32,65 Osred, king of the Northumbrians: XI1 277 Osric, king of Deira: I 10 Osthryth, queen, wife of Wthelred, daughter of Oswiu: IV 188 Ostia: VII 17, 18 Oswald, king of the Northumbrians: I 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 16, 17; I1 3,4,5; IV 188; V 70,71; VI 54; XIV 32 Oswald, bishop of Worcester, archbishop of York: XV 1, 12 Oswine, king of Deira: I 8; 114 Oswine, king of Kent: VI 43,44 Oswiu, king of the Northumbrians, Oswald's brother: 1 12, 13, 14; I1 5,7; IV 188; V 70,71; VI 17,23,40; XIV 32, 33,35 Otford, battle of: VIII 185 Otloh of St Emmeram Vita WolJkangi: XV 6, 8, 9 Otto I, king and emperor: IX 5; XI 5, 14, 15; XIV42; XV 5, 8, 11, 13, 14 Otto 11, king and emperor: XI 17; XIV 44; XV 10, 12, 13, 14, 15 Otto 111, king and emperor: XI 1,2, 13, 14; XI1 277; XIV 41 Otto, duke of Suabia and Bavaria, nephew of Otto 11: XV 12, 15 Ottonians = Liudolfings = Saxon dynasty (919-1024): XI 1; xrv 44; xv 5,10 Overlordship, see Elle, Ceawlin, Wthelberht, R~dwald,Edwin, Oswald, Oswiu, Wthelbald, Offa, Ecgberht, Alfred, under conversion and under Zntihrlationes: V 7 1, 76

Paris: 1 12; I1 5,21 Parochia, confederation, 'affinity' of monastic houses: I11 56 Passau: XV 4, 10, 12, 14, 15 Niedernburg, abbey: XV 15 Paulinus, Ethelberg's chaplain, bishop of York and Rochester: I 4 , 7 , 8, 10; I1 3,4; IV 190 Pavia: VII 6,7,9; XIV 34,35; XV 13 Peada, ruler of the Middle Angles, son of Penda: 1 13,14,15,17 Penda, king of the Mercians: I 10, 12, 13, 14, 15; V 69,70,71; VI 50; XIV 32,33, 35,36 Penwalh, father of Guthlac: V 69,70; VI 48,53 Peregrinatio: I II58, 59 Peregrinus of Freising = Clemens Peregrinus: XI11 72-3,74 Picts: 114; V 70 Pilgrim, bishop of Passau: XI 15; XV 1,6,7, 9, 10, 11 origins of: XV 6 education and career: XV 7 drawing up charters: XV 8, 13, 15, 16 charters received: XV 14 as forger: XV 14, 15 elevation to bishopric: XV 9 Pilgrimage: I11 58,59; VI 37 Pilheard: VI 34 Pippin 111, mayor of the palace and king of the Franks: XI 2,6,8; XI1 281; XIV 34,35 Pippin, son of Charlemagne, king: VII 10; XI1 270,271,274,278,279 Plegmund, archbishop of Canterbury: IX 3 Plegwin, monk: VI 19 Poeta Saxo and Arnulf: X 320 Polemius Silvius: XI 13 Pontifical Canterbury, see Canterbury Egbert: IX 6,8,9; XIV 42,43 Lanalet: IX 6, 8, 9; XIV 42,43 Milan: IX 6, 7 Romano-Germanic: IX 7 Poppo, bishop of Wiirzburg: XV 8 Prague, establishment of bishopric: XV 10, 16 Pride, sense of honour: I 8 Proverbia Grecorum: VIII 193-5, 197-9 Psalter, Montpellier: XI11 75

Paderborn Epic, see Aachen Epic

Ramwold, abbot of St Emmeram: XV 16

Quedlinburg, nunnery: XI 14, 15 Queen's ordo of the 'Lombard' = new second English ordo: IX 7, 10, 11

INDEX Rather, bishop of Verona: XV 17 Ratold, son ofArnulf: X 315,316,317 Ratpert Casus sancti Gall? XI 16,17 Ravenna: XIV 34.38 Rredwald, king of the East Angles: I 5, 6, 7, 9, l l ; V 7 0 Reaction, heathen: 16, 15 Regensburg: X 324; XV 4,6, 12, 13, 15 Regnante-formula: VI 67 Reichenau, abbey: VII 4,6; XV 8 'Reichskirche' (imperial church), Ottonian and Salian: XV 1, 2 as system: XV 2 Reims: VII 20, 21 Relics, and Charlemagne: XIV 38 and Gisela: XIV 39 Relics, transfer of Calixtus: VII 10 Chrysanthus and Daria: VII 5 Edwin: IV 188 Rendlesham: 1 15 Ripon: VI 24,25 Rome: 13, 12, 17; V 71,72; VI 24,25,26,37; VII 2,4, 7, 16; VIII 180; IX 3; X 314; XI1 278; XIV 34,41,42 St Peter: VII 17, 18; XIV 38,41,42 Cathedra sancti Petri: VIII 192; XIV 44 walling of the Leonine city: VII 16, 17, 18 Rorico, count: XI1 281 Rotrud, daughter of Charlemagne: XI1 270, 271,272,273,274,281 Rudolf, son of Eberhard and Gisla, abbot of Cysoing, St Bertin and St Vaast: VII 2, 12, 13, 14, 15,20,21,22,23, 24; IX 3 Rugini: 111 6 1, 62 Ruodheid, daughter of Charlemagne: XI1 270, 273,274,275 Ruotger Kta dornni Brunonis: XV 3 Rupertus Cross, see Cross, Rupertus, Salzburg Sabiona, Saben, bishop's seat transferred to Brixen in the 10th century: XV 1, 4, 13 Sacramentary, Gelasian: IX 5 Sacramentaw of Ratold: IX 1.3.8.9 Sreberht, king of the East saxon;, nephew of king Wthelberht: I5,6, 14 St Andreas in Clivo Scauri: IV 190, 191, 199 St-Bertin: VII 13, 14, 15,20,21,22,23 St-Denis: XI 11, 12 precious objects gifted to: XI 13 St Emmeram, Regensburg: XV 6, 15 St Gall: XV 8 St-Josse: VII 3

St Petersburg Gospels, see Gospels, St Petersburg St-Vaast: VII 13, 14, 15,20,22,23; M 3 Salzburg: XI 2; XU1 69,71; XV 3,4,5, 10, 13,14 SalzburgLiber Traditionurn, see Liber Traditionurn, Salzburg Saracens: VII 16, 17 Saxons, Continental: 111 60; XI1 278; XIV 35 Seal, see also diploma, outward features of the Merovingian kings: XI 4 of Charlemagne: XI 4, 5 of Louis the Pious: XI 17 of Otto I: M 4; XI 5 and ruler portraits: XIV 44 Sebbi, king of the East Saxons (with Sighere): I 15; VI 35,73,74 Sedulius Scottus, Irish scholar active on the Continent: VII 11, 12; W I 190, 192, 197,199,201,203,204,206 Liber de rectoribus Christianis: VIII 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 199,200, 202,205 and Eberhard of Friuli VII 11, 12 Seine: VII 22 Selsey: I1 8 Sergius I, pope: VI 23 Sergius 11, pope: VII 5, 17 Shires: V 82 Shorthand or Tironian notes, see diploma, outward features Sigeberht, king of the East Angles, brother of Eorpwald: I 11; VI 23 Sigered, king of Kent, successor to Eardwulf: VI 45,48 Sigeberht 11, king of the East Saxons: I 14, 15,17 Sighardinger,Bavarian aristocratic family (see Friedrich and Pilgrim): XV 6 Sighere, king of the East Saxons (with Sebbi): I 15; VI 43,44 Siginand, priest and artifex: X 320 Sigired, king of Kent (late 680s): VI 33 Somerset: V 80; X 319 South Saxons, Sussex: 15, 13, 15, 16, 17; V 68, 69,78,79; VI 64, 65, 66; VIII 180 South Tirol: X V 12 Spoleto: X 314 Stephen 111, pope: XIV 34 Stephen of Ripon, see Eta Wilfridi Stephen of Novara, schoolmaster in Wiirzburg: XV 8 Stidberht, abbot, see Sawyer 106: VI 34

14

INDEX

StraBburg, bishop of: XV 13 Stuf, see also Wihtgar: VIII 180, 186 Suabia, dukes of: XV 6,9, 12 Suaebhard, king of Kent: VI 43,44 Suidbert, missionary, bishop and founder of Kaiserswerth: I11 60 Surrey, see also under Frithuwald: V 68,79; VI 68,69 Susteren, nunnery: X 320 Suthangli, Suutangli: VI 56-8, 59 Sutton Hoo: I 15; XIV 33,38 Sutton Hoo Helmet, see Helmet, Sutton Hoo Swanahild,Agilolfing partner of Charles Martel: XI1 281 Swidhelm, king of the East Saxons: I 12, 15 Tassilo, duke of the Bavarians, cousin of Charlemagne: VIII 183; XI 9, 10; XI11 69-75; XIV 35,36; XV 4 and infidelity: XI 10 his insignia: XI11 74-5 as 'malicious man': XI 10; XI1 281 Tassilo Chalice, see Chalice, Tassilo Thames: VII 23 Thegan Gesta Hludowici imperatoris: XI1 280; XIV 39,40-41 Theodolinda, queen of the Longobards: XIV 36 Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury: I1 6,7; IV 194; V 72,75; VI 18,24,30,35, 52,59 Theodrada, daughter of Charlemagne: XI1 270,273,274,275 Theodulf, bishop of Orleans: XI1 270; XIV 39 On the court: XI1 272-3 Thietlach, bishop of Worms: VII 20 Thietmar, bishop of Merseburg: XI 3, 17; xv 10 Chronicon: XI 17; XV 10, 11, 12 Thuringians: I11 59 Thyrsis, see Maginfrid Toll-privileges: V 78 Torhtgyd, nun at Barking: I1 8 Torhthelm, bishop of Leicester: VI 52 Trajan, Roman emperor: IV 195 Treason: V 74, 83; XI1 280 Treasure: XI11 75 significanceof in early medieval society: XIV 3 1 4 0 of the Avars: XIV 3 5 4 of Charlemagne, see Charlemagne, his will of the Longobards: XIV 34-5,36 of Louis the Pious: XIV 41 of Tassilo: XIV 35, 36

Trent, battle of: 11 6 Tribal Hidage, see Hidage, Tribal Tribur, council of: X 315,320 Trier: XV 8, 16 Udalrich, bishop ofAugsburg: XV 1,5,6, 9, 13 origins of: XV 6 education and career: XV 8 elevation to bishopric: XV 9 and charters: XV 11 Uhtred, sub-king of the Hwicce, see also Aldred and Eanberht: VI 36,37,64 Uncial, (English): IV 190, 191, 192; VI 32 Unruoh, father of Eberhard: VII 12 Unruoh, son of Eberhard and Gisla: VII 12 Unwona, bishop of Leicester: VI 33,65 Uscfrea, son of Edwin and Ethelberg: I 10 Uta, queen, wife of Arnulf: X 3 11,3 12,316 Verberie: VII 3, 8 Vegetius, manuscript of: VII 11 Vikings: VII 1,2, 14, 15, 16, 19,21,22; X 319; XI 13 'great Scandinavian army': VII 21,22,23 Virgil, Roman poet: VIII 196, 203 Virgil, bishop of Salzburg: XI11 72, 73 Vitae episcoporum: XV 2 , 3 Vitalian, pope: I1 6; VI 17,40 Wala, brother of Adalhard, cousin of Charlemagne, abbot of Corbie: XI1 280 Wales: V 78 Wealdhere, bishop of London: VI 61,73 Wearmouth (- Jarrow): I1 7; IV 192,200; V 68 Werferth, bishop of Worcester: IV 195; VIII 188 West Saxon Genealogical Regnal List: VIII 177-8,184 West Saxons, Wessex: I 7, 17; V 68,69, 80, 81; VI 71-3; VIII 177, 180, 181, 184; IX 4; xv 5 Whitby, monastery: IV 188, 190 synod of: 114,5 Widukind of Corvey: M 5 , 6 Wieselburg, Lower Austria: XV 15 Wigheard, archbishop-elect of Canterbury: I1 6 Wihtbert, hermit and failed missionary: I11 60 Wihtgar, see also Stuf: VIII 180, 186 Wihthun, bishop of Selsey: VI 33 Wihtred, king of Kent: VI 35,40,43,44,48; VIII 180 Wilfrid, bishop of Worcester: VI 3 1, 60

INDEX Wilfrid, bishop ofYork: I 16, 17; I1 5; III56, 58,61; VI 18, 19,24,25,26,28 Vita Wilfridi Z episcopi Eboracensis auctore Stephano: VI 24-8,52 Wilhelm, archbishop of Mainz: XV 3 William of Malmesbury: IX 10 Willibald, monk, missionary and bishop of Eichstgtt: III 58 Willibrord, monk, missionary, archbishop: I11 56, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62 Calendar of: IV 190,198 Wiltshire: V 80 Winchester: 1 12 Wine, bishop of the West Saxons (Winchester), later of London: I 12 Winitherius A, notary of Henry 111: XI 16 Winwaed, battle of (655): V 69 Woden: IV 189; VIII 177, 181 Woking, monastery: VI 67,68 Wolfgang, bishop of Regensburg: XV 1,5,6, 9, 10, 11, 12, 15 origins of: XV 7 education and career: XV 8 , 9 as scribe: XV 9, 16

missionary activities: XV 9 elevation to bishopric: XV 9, 10 and charters: XV 15 as reformer: XV 15, 16 commissioning of de luxe manuscripts: XV 16 Wor (Ealdwine), bishop of Lichfield and Leicester: VI 3 1 Worcester, bishopric and abbey, provenance of charters: VI49, 57, 59, 60, 67, 69 Worms: W 20; X 3 17 Wulfhere, king of the Mercians, son of Penda: I 12, 15, 16; VI 74 Wulfhere, ealdorman: X 3 18 Wynnibald, monk, missionary and abbot: 111 58

Yffi, grandson of Edwin: I 10 York: 19, 10; IV 188; V 72 Zacharias, pope: VI 28 Zwentibold, son ofArnulf, king of Lotharingia: X 3 15,3 16,3 17