Change in Rural Appalachia: Implications for Action Programs [Reprint 2016 ed.] 9781512805864

Citation preview

Change in Rural Appalachia

Edited by

JOHN D . PHOTIADIS

and

H A R R Y K . SCHWARZWELLER

Change in Rural Appalachia Implications for Action

UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA PRESS

·

Programs

PHILADELPHIA

·

1970

Copyright © 1971 by the Trustees of the University of Penrisyl All rights reserved Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 75-122381 ISBN: 0-8122-7618-3

Manufactured in the United States of America

Dedicated to the Field Workers in Programs of Change Every age is an age of change. M a n , by nature a restless and inquiring creature, is c o n s t a n t l y seeking to master his environment and to achieve the full life. With each new success, h o w e v e r , our social world b e c o m e s m o r e complex and, because we are all dependent in some w a y s upon others, m o d e r n man finds it increasingly difficult to manage the course of events and his own destiny in the universe. Indeed, the m o m e n t u m of change n o w calls f o r the institutionalization of social mechanisms and the organization of specific agencies to help individuals and their families cope with the p r o b l e m s generated b y the forces of modernization, understand their place in the scheme of things, and adjust their lives in accord with the rapidly c h a n g i n g social order. Increasingly, the individual must l o o k to professionals for guidance. It is to the professional field workers in programs of directed change, w h e t h e r in rural A p p a l a c h i a or in other developing regions of the world, that we dedicate this b o o k . Struggling on the one hand with ideas, theories, and conceptual i n n o v a t i o n s and, on the o t h e r hand, with the immediate realities of the local situations, they are the master craftsmen —the practicing architects — w h o , collectively, will play a leading role in building the future c h a r a c t e r of our society. W h e t h e r social workers, Extension agents, Vista volunteers, Peace C o r p s members, c o m m u n i t y development experts, or field representatives of other agencies, their record of achievements in the United States and the world speaks for their effectiveness as change agents. W e respect their efforts and the services they have rendered. If this b o o k c a n m a k e a contribution, in any w a y , to the success of their w o r k on the local level, o u r own a m b i t i o n s in undertaking this venture shall h a v e been fulfilled. T h e Appalachian Center of West Virginia University

Preface M a n ' s social environment is changing at an accelerating rate. Each new a d v a n c e in technology, each new step in his struggle to master the physical universe, a n d each new insight into himself as a social being invariably leads to greater social complexity. Indeed, it often seems that c o n t e m p o r a r y man's c a p a c i t y to a b s o r b c h a n g e a n d to c o p e with the p r o b l e m s generated by his o w n unceasing quest for p r o g r e s s h a v e been taxed to the limit. M a n , in m a n y respects, is in danger of being o v e r w h e l m e d b y himself a n d the p r o d u c t s of his ingenuity a n d labor. The forces of modernization are reaching into all corners of the w o r l d and almost all peoples w e l c o m e them and the benefits that can be derived. T h r o u g h the processes of d i f f u s i o n , coupled with and m o d i f i e d b y local innovations, modern technologies a n d their social a n d cultural ramifications are being w o v e n into the fabric of life in every society. The nations of Asia, Latin America, the M i d d l e East, and elsewhere —slumbering rural giants not long a g o —are n o w integrally linked into the m o d e r n w o r l d c o m m u n i t y . A n d Africa, o n c e the D a r k Continent, is experiencing a tremend o u s a w a k e n i n g a s it g r o p e s its w a y into the twentieth century. So it is also with the once p r e d o m i n a n t l y rural, relatively isolated A p p a l a c h i a n mountain region of A m e r i c a . The incorporation of A p p a l a c h i a a n d its people into the larger A m e r i c a n society is occurring at an extremely rapid rate and, even in the m o r e isolated coves a n d hollows of the region, m a j o r social a n d e c o n o m i c changes are disturbing the traditional w a y of life. The new is replacing the old. N o w more than ever before, m o u n t a i n people are looking to the future a n d beyond the n a r r o w confines of their immediate n e i g h b o r h o o d s a n d kin g r o u p s in their search for p u r p o s e , identity, a n d o p p o r t u n i t y . Because of this, A p p a l a c h i a can no longer be regarded a s the rural " b a c k y a r d " of our nation. Yet, A p p a l a c h i a is, and for m a n y y e a r s will continue to be, a region in trouble. The conditions which h a v e m a d e it a pocket of p o v e r t y in the midst of the affluence of c o n t e m p o r a r y A m e r i c a n society cannot be easily modified or eradicated. Furthermore, the rapidity of change in recent years is producing rather severe social and e c o n o m i c difficulties—problems of adjustment —which, in turn, are manifested on the individual level a s p r o b l e m s of psychological dislocation. A s a result, agencies of directed change, such as the C o o p e r a t i v e Extension Service, are under constant pressure to recognize a n d to reorient their p r o g r a m s to those changing needs. vii

Preface

In examining the nature of recent changes in rural Appalachia the authors here attempt to provide a basis for assessing the present policies and formulating the future aims of programs of directed change, such as the Extension Service. However, although we focus specifically on the Appalachian case, the principles gleaned from analyses of this regional situation have wider applicability. In many respects, for example, similar processes of change are occurring in the Ozark Mountain Region, in various rural low-income areas of both the South and North, in our Western Indian reservations, and perhaps also in the urban ghettos of our large cities. Then too, rural Appalachia could be regarded as a microcosm of the underdeveloped nations of the world, manifesting many of the problems and strains that are so much a part of the human condition elsewhere. As a matter of fact, our attention to the role of the Extension Service in a changing Appalachia is especially relevant to programs of directed change in the emerging nations, for the American Extension Service has often been used as a prototype for such programs. Our decision to compile this book was stimulated, in part, by the growing interest of the Cooperative Extension Service of West Virginia University to reorient and reorganize its policies and programs to better serve the people of the state. West Virginia is entirely Appalachian —located in the heartland of this mountain region —and, as a result, the problems associated with a changing Appalachia are concentrated within its boundaries and receive highest priority by governmental planning agencies. Because of this, the Appalachian Center of West Virginia University— of which the Extension Service is the main program-implementing arm—encouraged and facilitated our work in preparing this volume. In order to help the Extension Service's program become more relevant to the changing needs of the people in the region, the Appalachian Center of West Virginia University established a committee of professional persons to perform the following tasks: (1) to develop a conceptual framework to better understand the nature of change in rural Appalachia; (2) to utilize this framework in pinpointing the crucial areas of change where more information and research are required; and (3) to suggest the future aims and policies of Extension so as to meet and deal with these changing needs, and to provide the best possible services for the taxpayer's money. Chapter 1, which was written at the specific request of the above committee, illustrates the type of approach followed by that committee in considering the nature of change in rural Appalachia. The committee's introductory and generalizing discussions became the basis for organizing a conference to explore in greater detail the various crucial sectors of change. viii

Preface

Guest speakers, i.e., experts, were invited to write analytical papers dealing with some facet of rural to urban transition in Appalachia and, in most cases, to point out the implications of their conclusions for action programs. Chapters 2, 3, 11, 12, 13, and 14 were initially presented at the Rural-Urban Transition Conference held at Mont Chateau Lodge, Morgantown, West Virginia, in October, 1967. Since then, however, these papers have been subject to extensive revision by the authors and by the editors so that, at this point, they represent the end products of a long process of deliberation. The other chapters included here serve to elaborate on our theme and, thereby, contribute to a more rounded perspective of the processes of change in contemporary Appalachia. Chapters 4, 8, and 10 were originally published as journal articles. Chapter 4 is reprinted with permission from the American Sociological Review; Chapters 8 and 10, from Rural Sociology. We reprint them because the points they make should be considered by change agents attempting to formulate new programs in Appalachia. Some of the papers were written specifically for this volume, Chapters 5, 7, and 9, or derived from earlier unpublished working papers, Chapters 6 and 15. The book is composed of four parts. Part I deals with the relationships between rural Appalachia and the larger society, and with the implications of these changes in terms of what is happening to the individual on the local level. Part 11 analyzes some of the major social institutions in the region —the Appalachian family, mountain religion, attitudes toward government in a dependent economy, education as a stimulator of change, and the local power structure as a barrier to modernization. Part III, building upon the earlier discussion, is concerned with the role of action programs in a context of change; some program innovations are suggested. Finally, as an illustration of what can and must be done, Part IV looks toward the future, focusing specifically on the new Extension Service as an instrument for effecting the social reconstruction of Appalachian society. We are grateful to the men who gave of their time and professional energies to prepare papers for this book; their patience in negotiating with the editors must be acknowledged and is appreciated. We also wish to express our gratitude to all those who supported the events which led to the preparation of this volume, to the Conference participants; to the Appalachian Center personnel of West Virginia University, and the Phase I and Phase II Committee members of the Extension Service, who helped us enormously with suggestions, criticisms, and encouragement; to Ernest J. Nesius, Vice-President of West Virginia University; to Billy L. Coffindaffer, Dean of the Appalachian Center; to Beryl B. Maurer, Director of the Diviix

Preface

sion of Personal and Family Development of the Appalachian Center; and, in particular to Frederick A. Zeller, Director of the Office of Research and Development of the Appalachian Center, who contributed a great deal t o w a r d the initiation and organization of this project. In addition, we want to acknowledge the useful criticisms and suggestions concerning the last chapter of this b o o k which were received from the following scholars: C. Harrington and H. Capener of Cornell University; H. Hanson, University of Connecticut; R. Clark, University of Maine; E. B r o w n , Pennsylvania State University; and E. Niederfrank of the Federal Extension Services. W e thank Mrs. Susan Bienemann and Mrs. Mary Cobbs for their editorial and statistical work in the project. It should be noted that as our work on the manuscript progressed, we, the editors, became thoroughly involved with the ideas put forth in each and every paper. Although we may not fully concur with an author's point of view, or at times even with his conclusions, we feel that we have profited immeasurably from the interchange. Hence, we thank the authors for the stimulation to enlarge or modify our own perspectives on the nature of c h a n g e in Appalachia. Finally, we are indebted to our former teachers at Cornell University and to our numerous and sundry colleagues over the years who have excited our thinking on the subject of social change, and alerted us to the validity of one of the more important principles in formulating effective programs of directed change. Change programs should not promote change simply for the sake of change or for the creation of socially desired images by the implementing agency. Rather, these programs should build their change strategy in the light of its effect on the psychic world of the individual on the local level.

John D. Photiadis Harry K. Schwarzweller Morgantown, West Virginia October, 1969

χ

Contents PART I The Individual, Appalachia, and the Larger Society 1. Rural Southern Appalachia and Mass Society by John D. Photiadis

1 5

2. Population and Migration Changes in Appalachia by James S. Brown

23

3. Social Change and the Individual in Rural Appalachia by Harry K. Schwarzweiler

51

4. The Southern Appalachian Folk Subculture as a TensionReducing W a y of Life by Richard A. Ball

69

P A R T II Changing Social Institutions in Appalachia

81

5. The Appalachian Family by James S. Brown and Harry K. Schwarzweiler

85

6. Churches of the Stationary Poor in Southern Appalachia by Nathan L. Gerrard

99

7. The Economy and Attitudes toward Government in Appalachia by John D. Photiadis

115

8. Education as a Cultural Bridge between Appalachian Kentucky and the Great Society by Harry K. Schwarzweiler and James S. Brown

129

9. Social Change and Power Structure: An Appalachian Case by Richard A. Ball

147

P A R T III A c t i o n P r o g r a m s in a Context of C h a n g e

167

10. Critical Examination of C h a n g e P r o g r a m s in the Light of a System in Equilibrium by John D. Photiadis

171

11. P r o g r a m s of Directed C h a n g e in an Era of Social Reorganization. The Case of Extension by R o m a n J. Verhaalen

183

12. Educational Reform in A p p a l a c h i a : P r o b l e m s of Relevance, Strategy and Priority b y Stanley O . Ikenberry

195

13. Individual A d a p t a t i o n to a C h a n g i n g Society: The Role of Retraining a n d Related Action P r o g r a m s b y Robert W. Miller

207

14. Some O b s e r v a t i o n s on Planning Effective P r o g r a m s of Directed C h a n g e in Rural A p p a l a c h i a by Selz C. M a y o

221

P A R T IV T o w a r d the Future 15. New A i m s for P r o g r a m s of Directed Change: The Case of C o o p e r a t i v e Extension in an A p p a l a c h i a n State b y l o h n D. Photiadis Appendix

xii

231

233 263

Change in Rural Appalachia

Part 1 The Individual, Appalachia, and the Larger Society The sociocultural integration of rural Appalachia with the larger American society is occurring at a rapid rate. This p h e n o m e n o n has been greatly facilitated in recent years by the massive influx of federal funds, the development of a regional highway system, marked improvement of local roads and transportation services, modernization of school facilities, and widespread disperson of m o d e r n means for mass communication. These and similar developments —mainly of a technological n a t u r e — h a v e paved the way for the general diffusion of social and cultural changes of enormous consequence or potential consequence even in the more remote neighborhoods of the region. And this, in turn, tends to link rural Appalachia ever more closely into the mainstream of c o n t e m p o r a r y America. The Appalachia of earlier times had been bypassed, so to speak, by social and economic developments outside the region. As a result, the mountain w a y of life in m a n y respects became a cultural holdover f r o m frontier America. Although the basic tenets of the Protestant ethic have always occupied an integral place in the Appalachian folk tradition —the early settlers, w h o were p r e d o m i n a n t l y Anglo-Saxon, brought this cultural theme with them and tended to perpetuate it through their religious forms and in their attempts to rationalize existing class differences —these values failed to gain significant overt expression within the unfavorable environmental circumstances of the region. As in m a n y other underdeveloped areas of the world, the individual's drive to enhance his lot in life w a s systematically smothered by conditions and events beyond his immediate control. Consequently, the Appalachian people adapted their lives a n d their life goals to that which w a s possible in the context of existing oppor1

The Individual, and Society

Appalachia,

tunities; some, c o n f o r m i n g to local standards, became successful; many others gradually drifted into the depths of poverty and, particularly in recent years, began to retreat into lives of quiet frustration; and countless t h o u s a n d s of the y o u n g e r and more aggressive individuals migrated to the cities. As o u r larger society becomes more complex, however, and as the forces of modernization intrude m o r e deeply into the social fabric of Appalachian life, the traditional m o d e s of adaption, such as conformity to the local pattern, w i t h d r a w a l into the sanctuary of the kin group, rebellion—as occasionally occurred, f o r example, in the coal camps —and out-migration f r o m the region, n o longer provide satisfactory solutions. Local standards of success are being replaced by national norms. Extended family groups are tending to break apart into smaller units. Urban industries at the receiving end of the migration streams are more and more demanding that their recruits come prepared to do skilled work. And regional development p r o g r a m s are encountering some difficulties in getting things moving because of the pervasive a p a t h y that seems to exist n o w a d a y s among the people of rural A p p a l a c h i a , or, in other words, the quiet resistance of chronic f r u s t r a t i o n . In a situation of rising expectations, particularly when the necessary means to achieve the new goals are not available to individuals a n d when the customary compensations are either disappearing or can n o longer be rationalized, the stability of the individual is threatened. Change agents, in dealing with the problems of Appalachia, must take these factors and trends into account and, moreover, must be cognizant of the effects their p r o g r a m s have on the psychic world of their clients. Part I of this b o o k provides a general, overall, sociological asessment of w h a t is h a p p e n i n g in Appalachia. In addition, it offers some useful perspectives on the intricate balance between the changing needs of the individual and the changing socioeconomic situation in the region. As Appalachia becomes more tightly linked with the larger American society, strains and tensions will u n d o u b t e d l y become more evident on the individual level. According to Photiadis, for instance, adjustments in the social and personality systems tend to lag behind changes in the cultural system, where the new values are being introduced at a very rapid rate, and, as a result, the various systems and subsystems are no longer in harmony. Thus, despite rapid cultural change, the individual cannot satisfy his rising expectations —finds it exceedingly difficult to attain culturally defined goals —and consequently experiences a great deal of personal disorientation. Photiadis, therefore, suggests that programs of directed change should 2

The Individual,

Appalachia, and Society

attempt to assure the maintenance of at least a minimum degree of equilibrium between the various systems so that the psychic world of the individual is not overwhelmed or destroyed. Ball, in effect, makes the same point rather strongly in his paper when he argues that the impoverished mountaineer's frustrations "are also deepened by those who urge him to self-help and increase his expectations for improvement for they m a y succeed in increasing his desire for a better life. Unless this goal is attained quickly, the problem often becomes even more frustrating simply because the motivation to solve it is intensified." Ball, moreover, attributes the durability of the Appalachian folk subculture to the fact that it has developed as a nonrational response to frustration rather than as a rewarding solution to environmental problems. T h o s e who would modify the mountaineer's way of life must take its nonrational functions into account. In the process of transition, however, the role of the extended family should not be overlooked. For, as Schwarzweiler makes clear, the Appalachian family functions as a stabilizing, adaptive structure; without the family group standing ready to provide a haven of safety in time of stress, the mountaineer would find it exceedingly difficult to maintain the integrity of his social self. Yet, it is the family structure which is bearing the brunt of disturbing influences produced by the c o n t e m p o r a r y forces of change. Hence, programs of directed change in Appalachia must guard against an unwarranted and unwise erosion of this dominant institution lest the problems of individual frustration be intensified. But, whether programs of directed change in the region are highly successful or not, there is little doubt that rural Appalachia is joining the nation. The process appears irreversible. Well-established migration streams, as Brown's research indicates, lock Appalachia into the heartland of America. Indeed, the population trends of the region now parallel those of the nation as a whole. It is quite obvious, nevertheless, that Appalachia will continue to need considerable help from the outside for m a n y years to come. Regional development programs face an enormous challenge. As in other underdeveloped regions of the world, the goal of catching up is an extraordinarily elusive one.

3

* Rural Southern Appalachia and Mass Society by John D. Photiadis*

T h e N a t u r e of the E a r l y A p p a l a c h i a n S o c i e t y D u e t o the p h y s i c a l m a k e u p , i s o l a t i o n , a n d h o m o g e n e i t y o f its p o p u l a t i o n , t h e S o u t h e r n A p p a l a c h i a n r e g i o n , in p a r t i c u l a r its rural s e g m e n t , has f u n c t i o n e d in the past as a s e m i a u t o n o m o u s s o c i a l s y s t e m . T h e s y s t e m retained or modified,

independently

o f the l a r g e r A m e r i c a n

p a r t i c u l a r set o f beliefs u p o n w h i c h its i d e o l o g y a n d v a l u e

society,

a

orientations

w e r e b a s e d . T h i s belief s y s t e m a n d its i d e o l o g y w e r e s t r o n g l y

influenced

b y t w o t h i n g s : (1) the beliefs a n d v a l u e o r i e n t a t i o n s of t h e e a r l y settlers 1 a n d (2) the t y p e of i n t e r a c t i o n p a t t e r n s f o s t e r e d b y the p h y s i c a l

makeup

o f the r e g i o n . T h u s , v a l u e s , s u c h as i n d i v i d u a l i s m , t r a d i t i o n a l i s m , f a t a l i s m , religious f u n d a m e n t a l i s m , a n d life in h a r m o n y w i t h n a t u r e , g a i n e d g r e a t e r p r o m i n e n c e in the h i e r a r c h y o f v a l u e o r i e n t a t i o n s of rural

Appalachia

t h a n t h e y did in u r b a n a r e a s w i t h i n a n d o u t s i d e the r e g i o n . 2 T h e o p p o s i t e e f f e c t o c c u r r e d f o r v a l u e s s u c h as a c h i e v e m e n t a n d m a t e r i a l i s m ,

which

e m e r g e d as s t r o n g c u l t u r a l t h e m e s in u r b a n A m e r i c a . B e c a u s e v a l u e s a r e p r e d i s p o s i t i o n s to a c t i o n a n d a r e utilized as c r i t e r i a f o r m a k i n g c h o i c e s in life, i n t e r a c t i o n p a t t e r n s a m o n g

the

members

o f this s o c i e t y w e r e in line w i t h these v a l u e s . C o n s e q u e n t l y , the s o c i a l s y s t e m o f rural S o u t h e r n A p p a l a c h i a n s o c i e t y w a s r e l a t i v e l y

integrated,

a n d its i n t e g r a t i o n w a s b a s e d o n these v a l u e s . E l e m e n t s of t h e s o c i a l s y s t e m s u c h as n o r m s a n d s t a t u s e s , w h i c h c o n s t i t u t e its s t r u c t u r e , w e r e w e l l - d e f i n e d * Research Professor and Professor of Sociology,

West Virginia University. 5

The Individual, Appalachia, and Society a n d accepted, a n d p e r f o r m e d the function they w e r e expected to perform. This w a s also true of the v a r i o u s processes of the social system, such as c o m m u n i c a t i o n and decision-making, which constitute aspects of the functioning of the social s y s t e m . 3 Furthermore, b e c a u s e of limited contact with the outside, at least in the past, an i n d i v i d u a l b o r n into this society developed a personality which w a s in a c c o r d a n c e w i t h the social structure of the region. Reference groups outside the local c o m m u n i t y w h i c h could, in some respects, change the orientations of these people w e r e not extensive. For instance, the income an individual m a d e o r the facilities he had in his house were not compared b y him (in his o w n m i n d ) w i t h those of individuals of similar status 4 outside the region; c o m p a r i s o n s w e r e made o n l y with respect to other individuals—his k i n s f o l k o r f r i e n d s — w i t h i n the region and, more so, within the c o m m u n i t y a n d the n e i g h b o r h o o d . T h o s e s a m e constants — h o m o g e n e i t y , physical makeup, and isolation — w h i c h influenced the nature of the social and personality systems also influenced the nature of the culture system of the early rural Southern A p p a l a c h i a n society. T h e r e f o r e , at least up to the time when the influence of the mass society w a s felt, the culture system w a s more in accordance with the personality a n d the social systems than it w a s later. For example, an individual w h o l a c k e d m o d e r n conveniences in his home but w h o w a s a g o o d target shooter w a s accorded social rank b y himself and b y others in his c o m m u n i t y m a i n l y o n the basis of his shooting ability. Perception and e v a l u a t i o n of one's position in the social system were determined m o r e on the basis of the local culture than the culture of the larger A m e r i c a n society. This a u t o n o m y of the A p p a l a c h i a n rural social system w a s more distinct in h o l l o w s characterized b y a culture of p o v e r t y . B y nature this t y p e of culture helps to integrate the social system, to maintain its isolation f r o m other systems and, in turn, to reinforce its resistance to influences f r o m the outside, even in cases where there is proximity to urban centers. 5 A l o n g w i t h these differences there w e r e numerous aspects of the local culture w h i c h w e r e similar to those of the larger American society. In general, the relationships a m o n g the v a r i o u s social o r cultural subsystems within the region —such as the relationship between rural and urban social and cultural subsystems —or the relationship between the entire mass society and the rural social and cultural subsystems, should be seen mainly in terms of a partial, but relatively stable equilibrium. Such an equilibrium refers to systemic linkage pertaining only to certain dimensions of the culture and the social system while in terms of other dimensions, a state 6

Rural Southern Appalachia ot a c c o m m o d a t i o n exists. Because of this a c c o m m o d a t i o n , occupants of similar or higher social positions on the outside were used infrequently points of reference by those inside; outsiders, on the other hand, were neither concerned with, nor did they expect the Southern Appalachian subsystems to keep up with them. Finally, it should be noted that the more removed from the present, the less the cultural and social systemic linkage between rural Southern Appalachia and the urban society, and the less effective the status of accommodation between the two. In summary, the rural Appalachian social system, due to homogeneity and isolation, retained within itself and in its relationships with the mass society a status of relatively stable equilibrium and, in turn, of relative integration. This integration was based on three aspects of equilibrium: ( l ) equilibrium within the rural social system, which resulted in each element and process functioning as it was expected to function; (2) equilibrium between the rural social system and its environment, such as the relationship between the community social system and the personality or culture system; and (3) equilibrium which refers to the relationship between the rural and urban Southern Appalachian social systems, or the relationship between the rural Southern Appalachian social system and the larger American society. 6 T h e discussion below refers to the changes which are occurring in these systems of equilibrium as a result of the changing factor of isolation, one of the constants which determined equilibrium in the early Appalachian society.

Changes in Isolation The Beginning of the Process of Rapid Incorporation of the Region into the Larger Society In recent years, a number of cultural changes have affected the isolation of the region, and in turn, the relationship between the region and the larger American society. Among the most important changes of this nature have been the rapid improvements in means of mass communication and transportation, the availability of employment opportunities in urban centers, 7 and the changes in formal education occurring in the last few decades. It is not that changes of this nature did not take place previously but simply that more recent changes in these areas have occurred at an accelerated rate. Through mass media, primarily television, people in the region, and in rural areas in particular, have b e c o m e increasingly aware of the style of life and value orientation of the larger society. Improved transportation has brought them into closer contact and interaction with 7

The Individual, and Society

Appalachia,

the outside. Migration to urban centers where employment is available has also produced interaction and communication with the outside; some migrants frequently return to their home in Southern Appalachia while relatives visit those who remain in the urban setting. 8 From the theoretical point of view, communication and interaction with the outside constitute two processes crucial in the building of new social systems. Through increased communication with the outside, members of the Appalachian society became increasingly aware of the mass society culture, of its social structure, and of the value orientations on which modern society is founded. In particular, rural Appalachians became more cognizant of the level of living and the incomes of the more visible urban middle class, and the importance this class places on the achievement of these standards. The urban middle class is more visible than other strata because most mass media advertising is directed toward this group and because this class constitutes the standard between two extremes. Therefore, because the urban middle class constitutes a visible, prestigious stratum of society, it becomes a potential reference group for the rural resident. Furthermore, this visibility coupled with increased interaction facilitates the development of a single societal system which tends to incorporate rural communities and neighborhoods. It is understood, of course, that the single new system does involve complete linkage, but this is true now more so than in the past. Still the difference exists even in general areas of behavior such as the ways of life which are presented in Table 1. The data in this table were collected through a state survey using the cluster method of sampling. The approximately 1,300 respondents, male adults, were asked to rank the nine ways of life listed in Table 1 in terms of perceived importance. The ranking reported is the product of the compilation of three different batteries of questions which were administered. 9 Each question was typed on a small card so that the respondent could rank them without prompting by the interviewer. These ways of life are treated as predispositions to action, i.e., as criteria for making choices in life. In other words, we regard them as general indicators of value orientations. But because this method is not the most sophisticated technique to ascertain values, our comparisons incorporated ways of life which we have found mentioned more often in literature about Appalachia. Individualism and fatalism, frequently mentioned as values, were not included because they are not regarded as ways of life. 1 0 Table 1 shows that the most important values for both the urban centers, Charleston and Morgantown, and the smaller towns or towns of more θ

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