Champlain: The Birth of French America [1 ed.] 9780773572560, 9780773528505

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CHAMPLAIN THE BIRTH OF FRENCH AMERICA

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EDITED BY

Raymonde Litalien and Denis Vaugeois

CHAMPLAIN THE

BIRTH

OF

FRENCH

AMERICA

Translated by Kathe Roth

McGILL-QUEEN'S UNIVERSITY PRESS

SEPTENTRION

PUBLISHER'S NOTE In general, the rules followed by the Biographical Dictionary of Canada have been applied in this work. Some proper names may be spelled differently from chapter to chapter. For instance, Dugua de Monts has a number of variants (Du Gua, du Gua, Mons, Monts); Champlain is sometimes Samuel Champlain, sometimes Samuel de Champlain - the particle having appeared during his lifetime. The index notes these variants, which result from the variety of sources used. The captions accompanying the illustrations are as explicit as possible, and the provenance of the illustrations is given at the back of the book. Since Champlain's maps come from various sources, we have created a list with references (pp. 37273). Finally, a complete chronology is included; its purpose is less to detail Champlain's activities than to place them within their context. Editions du Septentrion thanks the Canada Council for the Arts for its support in the publication and translation of this book; the Societe de developpement des enterprises culturelles du Quebec (SODEC) for its assistance; and the Government of Quebec for its Tax Credit Program. We are also grateful for the financial support of the Government of Canada through its Book Publishing Industry Development Program (BPIDP). THE CREATION OF THIS BOOK ALSO BENEFITED FROM THE SUPPORT OF CANADA AND THE PROGRAMME CANADA-FRANCE 1604-2004 AND THE COLLABORATION OF THE CONSEIL GENERAL DE LA CHARENTE-MARITIME.

COVER: Painting by Marc-Aurele de Foy Suzor-Cote (Musee national des beaux-arts du Quebec), astrolabe (Canadian Museum of Civilization), and document from the Archives departementales de la Charente-Maritime COVER ARTWORK: Bleu Outremer EDITORIAL TEAM: Pauline Arsenault, Guillaume Binns, Nathalie Piquet, Raymonde Litalien, Denis Vaugeois EDITING AND PROOFREADING: Joan Irving and Denis Vaugeois (The quotations originally in French were translated by Kathe Roth except for those from Biggar, Grant, and Thwaites.) PICTURE RESEARCH: Guillaume Binns, Denis Vaugeois LEGENDS: Pauline Arsenault (P.A.), Conrad E. Heidenrich and Edward H. Dahl (C.E.H. and E.H.D.), Robert Grenier (R.G.), Raymonde Litalien (R.L.), Francis-Marc Gagnon, Guillaume Binns, Denis Vaugeois ADVISORS: Yves Beauregard, lean-Pierre Chrestien, Roch Cote, Gaston Deschenes, Francois-Marc Gagnon, Michel Gaumont, Michel Lavoie, lean-Francois Palomino PROCESSING OF ILLUSTRATIONS, PHOTOGRAPHS, AND MAPS: Aska Suzuki, Julien Del Busso, Gilles Herman, Josee Lalancette DESIGN AND LAYOUT: Folio infographie

Original French edition © 2004 Les editions du Septentrion www. septentrion.qc.ca English edition © 2004 Les editions du Septentrion ISBN 2-894448-389-9 Co-published with McGill-Queen's University Press www.mqup.ca ISBN 0-7735-2850-4 Legal deposit - 4th quarter 2004 National Library of Canada

McGill-Queen's University Press acknowledges the support of the Canada Council for the Arts for their publishing program. They also acknowledge the financial support of the Government of Canada through the Book Publishing Industry Development Program (BPIDP) for their publishing activities.

Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Champlain: The Birth of French America / edited by Raymonde Litalien and Denis Vaugeois; translated by Kathe Roth. Translation of: Champlain: la naissance de FAmerique francaise. Co-published by Septentrion. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-7735-2850-4 i. Champlain, Samuel de, 1570-1635. 2. Acadia-History. 3. Canada—History-To 1663 (New France) 4. France-History-iTth Century. i. Litalien, Raymonde n. Vaugeois, Denis, 1935m. Roth, Kathe FC332.C43313 2004

97i.oi'i3'o92

02004-905921-1

A Word from the President of the General Council of Charente-Maritime

CI an event than the publication of a book? Champlain: The Birth

OULD THERE BE A BETTER INTRODUCTION tO the Celebration of

of French America announces the beginning of the period devoted to the four-hundredth anniversary of the founding of New France. For Charente-Maritime, being co-publisher of this work was natural. Our department is proud of being the region of origin of Champlain, Pierre du Gua, and many other pioneers whose descendants are now Canadians. The foundation of New France was above all a human adventure, that of Champlain and his companions, and that of the women and men who followed in their footsteps to build a new society and a new future. This book, a true collection of scholarly knowledge, reads like an adventure novel. Readers will find themselves returning to Champlain's era, discovering the many facets of the man and his role in structuring New France - and also, through various thematic texts,

CANADA-FRANCE

1604-2004

T

shedding new light on the birth of a myth, that of the founding hero, but with enough shadows and questions to provoke curiosity, conversation, even debate, and to reveal surprising aspects of our common history. I hope that reading this book will encourage you to retrace the paths of Champlain and his companions, from Brouage to He SainteCroix, from Saintonge to Acadia, from our department of CharenteMaritime to the Canadian provinces. I also hope that in 2004, the year of commemoration of the first French settlement in North America, we will have an opportunity to weave new ties, to carry out common projects, and to perpetuate a history centuries old.

CLAUDE BELOT, Senator

A Word from the Ambassador

HE FOUR-HUNDREDTH YEAR of continuous French presence in North America, 1604-2004, is an anniversary that the governments of France and Canada wanted to celebrate with an exciting and varied program of celebrations and commemorations. Champlain: The Birth of French America is one of the wonderful expressions of the memory that our two countries share. Why was 1604 chosen as an emblematic date? Wasn't it in 1535 that Jacques Cartier designated the St. Lawrence Valley as "Canada," a place-name that European fishermen continued to use for the region? And even before Cartier, in 1524, Verrazzano had dubbed the Atlantic coast Nofa Vrancia, which became New France in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Still in the sixteenth century, others had searched the islands or started colonies. The founding of the Sainte-Croix settlement, where few survived the winter of 1604, might seem a rather unimportant event in the steps leading to the creation of a new nation. And yet, in 1604, France opened a new era. After a hundred years of visiting the North American coasts on a seasonal basis, for the first time French seamen accustomed to fishing and trading for furs responded positively to the royal desire to found a settlement among the Aboriginal peoples with whom they were already trading. The small group of survivors from Sainte-Croix planted themselves in Acadian soil, intending to stay for the long term. These seamen at heart, who had always clung to the shoreline, turning their backs on the mainland to survey the ocean and draw on its wealth, this time faced the land before them, not just the ocean. They sailed up the rivers to find appropriate anchorages, of course, but also to build houses. On Riviere Sainte-Croix, they found a lovely island, one like those that explorers had coveted since Christopher Columbus. They thought that they would be sheltered from the en-

emy and within reach of food resources from neighbouring rivers. But their most formidable adversary, unbeknownst to them, was to be the fierce Canadian winter. In 1605, Samuel Champlain and Pierre Dugua de Monts, having learned from the disastrous winter at Sainte-Croix, decided to take their settlers not to another island, but to a vast land that could be farmed. They chose Port-Royal, a fertile valley where Acadia was to develop. A few years later, in 1608, the same small group of settlers would establish another settlement in the heart of the majestic St. Lawrence Valley, France's gateway to all of North America. Although in 1635, when Samuel Champlain died, New France still had only 150 inhabitants, the foundations of the small colony were solid. Four centuries later, and despite the turmoil of history, the new administrative entity that then appeared on the world map has become one of the most developed countries, and a partner, in many regards, to the country that enabled it to be born. Thus, 1604 is well and truly the founding date of the permanent French presence in Canada. And Samuel Champlain, a skilful and tenacious visionary, was the main artisan of this pioneering undertaking. I cannot but rejoice that this fascinating period of the early building of Canada by France will be better known, on both sides of the Atlantic, thanks to this magnificent book. CLAUDE LAVERDURE Canadian Ambassador to France

Canada

A Word from the Mayor of Quebec City

F

OR MANY OF us, what remains of the memory of our history courses is the suggestion that Jacques Cartier's voyages of exploration, as meritorious as they may have been, were, in the end, very disappointing. In particular, the gold and silver that the Spanish had discovered in abundance farther south was nowhere to be found in this region. The French came to view the pieces of quartz and iron pyrite brought back by the discoverer of Canada with scorn: "False as a Canadian diamond," it was said. A long pause followed. Between Cartier's voyages and Champlain's, nothing. Caught up in religious wars, France had no more time for overseas colonization undertakings, it was explained to us. The present book, for which I have the honour of writing a preface, along with French senator Claude Belot, president of the General Council of Charente-Maritime, and Canada's ambassador to France, Claude Laverdure, had plenty of surprises in store for me. From 1543 to 1603, there was much travel between France and Canada, but the voyages were always round trips. A king about whom we know little, Henri IV, finally changed things. Samuel de Champlain, who had travelled quite a bit on Spanish ships, including to Mexico, the West Indies, and Florida, managed to make his way onto a ship in one of the expeditions that the king had sent to North America. Unlike others, Champlain went with the intention of staying. He was dreaming of a permanent settlement. In 1604, he sojourned in Acadia and explored the Atlantic coast southward toward Florida. Finally, hoping to find a route to China, he opted to settle on the St. Lawrence. He even envisaged establishing a customs post at Quebec to take advantage of the heavy maritime traffic that he imagined would develop there. It would take another two centuries to find a route to the Pacific, and from there to China. Currently, the Americans are planning a huge commemoration of the prowess of Meriwether Lewis and William Clark, who reached the Pacific at the end of an expedition that started in 1804. They accomplished this feat with Canadian crews, guides, interpreters, and hunters who were the direct heirs of Champlain, men who had learned how to live in North America, from Hudson Bay to the Gulf of Mexico, and to coexist with the Aboriginals.

Champlain himself was a bold explorer who understood the importance of alliances between the French and the Aboriginals, down to the personal level: "Our sons will marry your daughters and we will be but one people," he told Chief Capitanal of Trois-Rivieres. What a lovely idea! And still an ongoing story . . . This book, published by Editions du Septentrion, is incredibly rich: it is a valuable reference tool at a time when interest in Champlain is increasing in anticipation of the commemoration of the founding of Quebec City, once the capital of French America. Among other things, this book underlines the coming four-hundredth anniversary of the first French settlement in North America at lie Sainte-Croix, followed by the one at Port-Royal. Following an agreement signed between President Jacques Chirac and Prime Minister Jean Chretien, the Canadian Embassy in Paris received a mandate to encourage and support commemorative projects. As mayor of Quebec City, it is my pleasure to salute this excellent initiative and the ambitious commemorative program that has been set up. Festivities will start in Acadia and continue in Quebec City and, indirectly, in a good part of North America, in cities as distant as St. Louis, Salt Lake City, and New Orleans, and states such as Oregon and California. The chapters in this book are written by some thirty experts of all origins and from all corners of the planet. Thanks to them, Champlain emerges from the shadows, still wrapped in mystery, but shining with merit and skill. Quebec City has associated itself with this accomplishment by becoming its ardent promoter. JEAN-PAUL L'ALLIER Mayor of Quebec City

VILLE VlLLE DE DE

QUEBEC

Table of Contents Preface DENIS VAUGEOIS

9

Historiography of Samuel Champlain RAYMONDS LITALIEN

11

PART I

France in Champlain's Time The Royal Navy in Champlain's Time ETIENNE TAILLEMITE

19

Henri IV and the World Overseas: A Decisive Time in the History of New France BERNARD BARBICHE

24

Brouage in the Time of Champlain: A New Town Open to the World NATHALIE FIQUET

33

American Aboriginals in the Ballets de Cour in Champlain's Time FRANCOIS MOUREAU

43

The European Fur Trade and the Context of Champlain's Arrival BERNARD ALLAIRE

50

PART II

Before 1608

Samuel de Champlain and Religion DOMINIQUE DESLANDRES Domestication of the Countryside and Provision of Supplies PAUL-LOUIS MARTIN

191

205

Champlain, Administrator JOHN A. DICKINSON

211

Champlain's Place-Names CHRISTIAN MORISSONNEAU

218

PART v The Challenges Champlain, or the Empowerment of the Colonial Enterprise FRANK LESTRINGANT

233

Champlain and the Dutch CORNELIUS JAENEN

239

The Occupation of Quebec by the Kirke Brothers BERNARD ALLAIRE

245

Champlain's Dream CHRISTIAN MORISSONNEAU

258

Secret Invaders: Pathogenic Agents and the Aboriginals in Champlain's Time ROBERT LAROCQUE

266

The Continent on which Champlain Set Foot in 1603 MARCEL TRUDEL

61

The Manuscripts of the Brief Discours LAURA GIRAUDO

63 83

Champlain's Voyage Accounts INTERVIEW WITH JEAN GLENISSON

279

Is the Brief Discours by Champlain? FRANCOIS-MARC GAGNON

93

From Champlain's Voyage Accounts to His 1632 Report PIERRE BERTHIAUME

284

Research Report: A Mission to Spain LAURA GIRAUDO

98

Champlain: Painter? FRANCOIS-MARC GAGNON

302

The French in New England before Champlain LAURIER TURGEON

Samuel de Champlain's Cartography, 1603-32 CONRAD E. HEIDENREICH AND EDWARD H. DAHL

312

PART VI

PART in Acadia: The Beginnings

PART VII

Acadia in Champlain's New France: From Arcadia to China 115 PAULINE ARSENEAULT Champlain and Lescarbot: An Impossible Friendship ERIC THIERRY

121

A Creation of Champlain's: The Order of Good Cheer ERIC THIERRY

135

Pierre Dugua de Mons: Lieutenant General of New France JEAN-YVES GRENON

Champlain: Taking Stock

143

PART IV

Consolidation of a Colony The Birth of the Franco-American Alliance ALAIN BEAULIEU

153

Migrations to New France in Champlain's Time GERVAIS CARPIN

163

Champlain and Ontario (1603-35) GAETAN GERVAIS

180

Remembering Champlain In the Shoes of Samuel de Champlain PATRICE GROULX The Tercentenary of the French Settlement at lie Sainte-Croix in 1604 MAURICE BASQUE

335

347

Was Champlain a Man of His Time? NANCY MARCOTTE

349

"Champlain's Astrolabe" JEAN-PIERRE CHRESTIEN

351

Discovering the Face of Samuel de Champlain DENIS MARTIN

354

Chronology

364

Champlain's Cartography

372

Bibliography

375

Sources of Illustrations

385

Index

387

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Preface OR A HISTORIAN, Samuel Champlain is a real treasure trove. EveF•I rything is there: books written in his hand - or, at least, presumed to be - and letters teeming with observations, information, plans, dreams. Also, maps - made by an engraver, of course, but whose origin cannot be doubted. Champlain's maps offered a considerable advance over maps of the era not only because of the new information they contained, but also because of their presentation. Chock-full of his careful observations, they incorporated as well observations made by his contemporaries and the knowledge that he had acquired from the Aboriginals. Champlain knew how to calculate positions; he knew how to document his actions; he knew how to look, listen, and observe. In 1613, he authored a stunning portrayal of the northeast extremity of North America, though Henry Hudson was the first to be credited with reaching it. Champlain was interested in everything. In the case of animal and plant species, he occupied himself with filling the gaps in knowledge of America; in the case of people, aware of the problems with immigration, he advocated mixed marriages between Europeans and Aboriginals. He accepted political and trade alliances that led him into military partnerships, but he dreamed mainly of peace and cohabitation. Champlain had all the talents of his time: the most common ones, such as trading and the art of combat; the less common ones of navigating and diplomacy; and the even rarer ones, such as storytelling and drawing. He was undeniably a good communicator, as we would say today. As an artist, Champlain was less prolific than Le Moyne de Morgue and John White, but his contribution is still important, especially if we accept that he drew the mysterious drawings that accompany his Brief Discours. I say "his Brief Discours" because we are now convinced that Champlain was the author of a text the original of which has not been found and that has served as the basis for three known versions, which are closely examined in this book. Readers of Champlain's writings are struck by the absence of emotion, the lack of information on himself, the omissions; the narrator is very circumspect. We must therefore wonder why Champlain wrote, and for whom. He had his secrets, his goals, and his strategies. Did he not have enemies and rivals, just as he had allies and protectors to count on?

Champlain was admirable for his tenacity. What motivated him? A desire for money? Unlikely. Glory? His own? He did not pretend to be humble, but although he was careful about his image, he no doubt had his reasons: for posterity, and also for king and country. Champlain's motivation is the subtext for the pages that follow in this book. It is up to readers to form their own opinion as they trace the path of the man who created the permanent French presence in North America. Champlain's contribution is enormous; his role is unique. Was there, in New France, any more complete figure, anyone whose actions were more significant? Was it by natural inclination or by a form of sublimation that Champlain was so utterly devoted to his colonization project? Nothing distracted him from it. He was firm, inflexible, determined. His action was uncompromising. Quickly, he appropriated the territory, reporting his observations in his accounts and on his maps. He named the country. He made his choices. Stadacone became Quebec. Exit Jacques Cartier. Exit the Iroquois and enter the Algonquins. It is difficult to imagine the birth of French America without Champlain. Curiously, it was English-language historians who did most of the building of Champlain's character. For their part, French-Canadian historians long argued over his vision: agriculture or trade? In fact, Champlain is so large that he requires a multidisciplinary approach, which the Programme Canada-France 16042004 allowed us to undertake. In preparing this monumental book, Raymonde Litalien and I counted upon the assistance of extraordinary researchers and also on the support of many people. Chief among them were Ambassador Raymond Chretien and his assistant, Terrence Lonergan; Senator Claude Belot, President of the General Council of Charente-Maritime; and Nathalie Piquet, curator of the Brouage site. The Mayor of Quebec City, Jean-Paul L'Allier, hosted the group in 2002, and his enthusiasm and support helped us take the project to completion. Finally, there were managers of archives, libraries, and museums whose availability was often put to the test and whose inexhaustible knowledge proved so valuable, enabling us to bring together a stunning collection of images. For instance, for the first time all the known maps by Champlain have been reproduced in colour. Finally, our profound gratitude and recognition to all those who met this challenge with us. They have been incredible. DENIS VAUGEOIS

Detail of a nautical map by Pierre de Vauk (1613). Bibliotheque Rationale de France. Michel Mollat du Jourdin and Monique de La Ronciere, Les Portulans (Office du livre, 1984), plate 71.

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Historiography of Samuel Champlain RAYMONDS LITALIEN Historical and Archival Adviser, Canadian Embassy, France

T

HE TEXTS PUBLISHED on Samuel Champlain are abun dant, diverse, and widely available. In addition, tributes are paid to him and reported in the press on major anniversaries, thus confirming the emblematic identity of the man known as the "Father of New France." We might therefore take it for granted that nothing more remains to be said about this historic figure. Indeed, not only has much been written on Champlain, but his own texts have been republished many times, annotated with scholarly comments, and buttressed by previously unpublished archives and judicious reflections. Such scholarly works have often led to other publications aimed at a more general public. When, in what context, and with what frequency have these works been published? In what manner and from what perspectives do they consider Champlain? What aspects of the life, career, and actions of the founder of Canada are still obscure? This historiographic outline should allow us to gauge the opportunities for new publications on Champlain.

America. At the same time, well-placed observers were also writing about Champlain. In his Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (1609), written upon his return to France from Port-Royal, Marc Lescarbot was somewhat taciturn about, and often critical of, the settlement in Acadia, although he did acknowledge that "the Order of Good Cheer [was] originally proposed by Mr. Champlain" (Lescarbot [1609] in Grant (trans, and ed.), 2: 342). The Jesuits began writing their Relations in 1610, and the early ones were concerned mainly with the life of the young colony. Champlain is treated with the greatest respect in them, and his actions are never questioned. The Relation by

Chronology and Nature of Publications on Champlain Much has been written about Champlain not only because of his activity in New France, but also because he himself left behind a great number of texts, most of which were published during his lifetime, thus providing much information for analysis. A number of his contemporaries who observed him in action also wrote accounts. Champlain is mentioned in historical works going as far back as the Ancien Regime, but it was in the mid-nineteenth century that French and Canadian historians began to become seriously interested in his writings and to publish them in critical and annotated editions. Thanks to these examinations of his works and the historical reflections that accompany them, Champlain's endeavours became part of the history of New France. Finally, Champlain himself has been the subject of historical study and numerous publications. Publications during Champlains Lifetime Champlain wrote four works reporting on his explorations, his administrative and trade activities, and his colonization plans. These reports, published between 1603 and 1632, were used primarily to promote French undertakings in North

Le Mercure Francois, published from 1611 to 1648, comprised twenty-five in-12 volumes. Each volume related the events important to France over one or several years.

Historiography of Samuel Champlain • n

Pere Le Jeune (Le Jeune, 1635), in particular, paints a very complimentary picture of the founder of Quebec City. Other accounts, perhaps written by Jesuit missionaries, appeared in Le Mercure fran$ois, an annual publication founded in 1611; they describe notable French events after 1605.] The first volume describes the exploits of Pierre Dugua de Monts in Acadia (1603-07), and many later volumes contain information on New France. The 1636 edition carried a detailed report on Champlain's last voyage, which left from Dieppe in 1633. According to some historians, this was the last account written by Champlain.2 During Champlain's lifetime, his writings were quite well known in France, although they were distributed mainly to his backers and partners, political interlocutors, and missionary friends. Champlain was neither a recognized writer nor a famous man in his time; his activities, which were revealed mainly through his writings, were always surrounded by a certain degree of mystery.

uncovered led to the publication of a variety of documents and historical accounts - some scholarly, some aimed at a general public - as well as romantic novels and other fiction inspired by the subject. About 150 titles related directly to Champlain, in French and English, written from 1850 to the present, not including the subsequent editions of single titles, have been found in the catalogues of the national libraries in France and Canada. This figure is an obvious sign of the relatively recent and sizable interest in the history of New France and its founder. New editions of old printed materials, often incorporating previously unpublished documents, proliferated in the midnineteenth century. These works contained a wealth of scholarly scientific commentary, reflecting the richness of that historiographic revival.

Publications after Champlain s Death Two centuries after Champlain's death, no book had yet been devoted to his memory and accomplishments, although some authors, such as Charlevoix in the mid-eighteenth century (Charlevoix [1744], in Berthiaume, 1994), referred to the ethnologic passages in Champlain's accounts or to his role as the administrator of New France. Neither in English- or Frenchspeaking North America nor in France was anyone interested in the first man to explore, map, and reveal to the world the territory of Canada as far west as the Great Lakes. In the first half of the nineteenth century, research began in the United States and Canada on the beginnings of exploration and colonization in North America. The archives then

The Political and Social Context of Publications In the seventeenth century, accounts of voyages were used to inform the French public about hitherto-unknown territories and peoples and to provide justification for colonization. In the nineteenth century, France obviously had no new colonization plans for Canada. However, it was ready to re-establish official relations with that nation, an event marked by the arrival of the Capricieuse at Quebec City in 1855 with a representative of the French government on board. This, in turn, led to new investigations into the early contacts during the French colonial period. Indeed, in both Canada and the United States, an identity movement was gaining strength, supported by groups of people whose roots were in Europe. In Canada, the troubles of 1837, the Durham Report,3 and the years of the Act of Union (1840) provided opportunities for a questioning of British

Les (Euvres de Champlain was published in 1870 by Father Charles-Honore Laverdiere, more than two centuries after the death of the founder of Canada (1635). The work sparked fresh interest in Champlain's activities.

In 1922, the archivist Henry Percival Biggar published the first volume in a bilingual and annotated series called The Works of Samuel de Champlain. It was the first - and only, to the present day - complete translation of Champlain's texts.

12 • C H A M P L A I N

colonial management. In this context, the founding texts of fact, the title page bears the inscription "second edition." The the French colony were seen as a timely way to shed new light first edition comprised a single copy and was kept by on and allow comparisons between the two modes of admin- Laverdiere in the library at Universite Laval. Phileas Gagnon istration. In the United States, the identity movement rein- explains why: forced and consolidated the emancipation achieved by the Mr. Desbarats, the printer .. . had completely finished the English colonies in 1783 through the Treaty of Versailles. The typesetting and platemaking and printed a single proof of each two frontier countries shared many similarities and cooperof the forms of the work for Mr. Laverdiere when a fire deated on projects. Edmund Bailey O'Callaghan, a Canadian stroyed all the plates. Mr. Laverdiere, who had carefully conserved the proofs, had them bound and made a single copy of Patriote who had taken refuge in the United States in 1837, was the work, which is kept at Universite Laval and which he called, appointed the archivist of the state of New York. Fran9oisquite rightly, the first edition. This is why, when the indefatigaXavier Garneau had his assistance when he consulted the colble Mr. Desbarats began once again to publish this work, Mr. lections of copies of documents from France. Everywhere, a Laverdiere placed on the title page "second edition." . . . Mr. need to write history was being expressed. Laverdiere had regretted that the first edition had been printed Garneau's monumental work (1845-52) was a reply to the using plates, since printing done from plates is never as beautiDurham Report, which had stated that Canadians were "a peoful and clean as when done directly from monotype characters. ple without a history and without a literature." This first hisThus, this publication is much handsomer than the one that tory of Canada, written by a Canadian and published in was destroyed. It is certainly the best typography work done in Canada, nevertheless suffered from major gaps in sources. As Quebec City. A detail that may be of interest: the work was typeset by a man named Dumais, and the printing was done by the a result, intensive and long-term research was launched in pressman Fortier, whose skill we have heard praised. (Gagnon, France; the main initiatives were subsidized by the Societe 1895,1:103) historique et litteraire de Quebec, Universite Laval, the Parliament of Lower Canada, then, after Confederation (1867), the Laverdiere's seminal work stimulated debate and new Public Archives of Canada. These undertakings were sup- writing in France, as well as in Canada and the United States. ported and unreservedly assisted by French archivists and li- Anniversaries of events linked to Champlain were celebrated brarians. Champlain was one of the first beneficiaries of the with the erection of monuments, the placing of commemointensified documentary research. One rative plaques, and the publishing of major discovery was a manuscript copy new texts. Such celebrations followed of the account of his first voyage to one after the other. In 1870, the tercenAmerica, Brief Discours des chases plus tenary of Champlain's presumed date remarquables que Samuel Champlain de of birth was feted; in 1878, a first stele Brouage a reconnues aux Indes occidenwas erected in Brouage;5 in 1904, Acadia tales. In the 18505, Henri-Raymond celebrated the tercentenary of the esCasgrain copied the manuscript betablishment of the colony at lie Saintelonging to Mr. Feret, librarian of DiCroix; in 1905, the anniversary of the eppe, and had the drawings at the foundation of Port-Royal was marked Bibliotheque nationale de France reproin Nova Scotia; in 1908, grand festivities duced. A partial version of the Brief were organized in Quebec City by the Discours was published in England, 4 Canadian government; in 1909, in and it was included, with explanatory Crown Point, New York, Champlain's notes, in Charles-Honore Laverdiere's first confrontation with the Iroquois magnificent Les (Euvres de Champlain was commemorated; in 1915, Ontario (1870). celebrated the tercentenary of "the adFather Laverdiere, a librarian and vent of European civilization in the Caprofessor of history at the Seminaire de nadian West";6 1920 brought the 350th Quebec, was not new to publishing. By anniversary of Champlain's presumed 1859, he had disseminated previously birth; 1935, the tercentenary of his unpublished documents on the history death; 1954, in New Brunswick, the of Canada in twenty-six successive is350th anniversary of the first settlement sues of L'Abeille, a monthly periodical Poster announcing the tercentenary celebrations was commemorated; and such celebrafor teenagers. In 1864, he began to work for Quebec City in 1908. To counter nationalist tions have continued up to 2004. They on Les (Euvres de Champlain. This commemorations, the federal government supplied the theme for a wide variety work, in which he integrated into his organized a series of events at the turn of the of literary genres: novels, poems, pagcentury, including the festivities to mark the scholarly commentary the most ad- foundation of Quebec City. Even though eants, hagiographic texts, and scholarly vanced knowledge of his time, became nationalist groups accused Ottawa of trying to works that, in turn, provided documenthe essential reference for historians, capitalize on French-Canadian heritage, the tation for textbooks. three-hundredth anniversary of the "Abitation and it remains so to this day. In France, the publications were de Champlain" was the occasion for sumptuous The book was also unique for the celebrations. It seems that there was also a similar to and as numerous as those manner in which it was produced. In French-language version of this poster. that appeared in Canada, although Historiography of Samuel Champlain • 13

their publishers were located over a smaller geographic area, being concentrated mainly around Paris; in Charente, where Champlain was born; and in maritime Normandy, from where he departed for Canada. On the other hand, Champlain's texts, like those of Gustave Lanson, Rene Doumic, and Louis Petit de Julleville, have been almost completely absent from the bibliographies of major university history and literature textbooks (Glenisson, 1994: 32). In both French and Canadian publications, the image of seventeenth-century colonial France was positive, thus justifying the great expansion of the French empire in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Indeed, Champlain describes the land with the scientific care of a contemporary geographer and depicts its inhabitants with the benevolent regard that a nineteenth-century ethnologist might have shown. In addition, Champlain probably managed to establish a colony almost without violence and to conduct long-lasting "civilizing" work, as borne out by the survival to this day in Canada of a society formed of the descendants of French settlers. The works on the founder of New France and on the ideas that he developed and put into practice were thus perfectly timed to support the "civilizing mission" with which France had charged itself in Africa and Asia.

The Themes The historiography of Champlain does not offer a great variety of themes, but deals invariably with his resolute and direct actions, which had major and durable effects. Historians and other authors have found in the subject a clear, easy-to-read canvas. However, each commentator accentuates certain particular aspects of Champlain's work. The choices generally follow the concerns of the time, emphasizing the establishment of an agricultural population when attachment to the land was being promoted, the immigration of French colonists when the need for identification with a "founding nation" was required, the relationship with Indians during Aboriginal protests. Without going so far as to say that there was a desire to write a "politically correct" history with Champlain as a starting point, it must be noted that this founding figure, because of his many different undertakings, lent himself to such a composite interpretation. In his own writings, Champlain left no doubt about his objectives and career. And from the outset, he was unanimously recognized as the "Father of New France." This identity, rooted in his endeavours as a true founder, has nevertheless led many historians to make generalizations and untrue statements. For instance, he is often credited with being solely responsible for the creation of New France, while others, such as Pierre Duguas de Monts, languish in obscurity.

This postcard printed by the Prudential Insurance Company of America makes a parallel between the explorer "De Champlain" and a company that presented itself as a pioneer in its sector. It dated the discovery of Lake Champlain at 4 July 1609. In fact, Champlain and two other Frenchmen left the settlement of Quebec on 28 June to "explore" Iroquois territory. They travelled down the Iroquois (Richelieu) River and passed the rapids at Chambly, then continued upstream in the company of Algonquins, Hurons, and Montagnais. Champlain finally reached the head of the lake on 29 July.

14 • C H A M P L A I N

Few authors could resist writing hagiographic accounts. Father Casgrain, describing Champlain in the West Indies, makes him out as "... a hero, in the manner of the Crusaders, with their ardent faith, their devotion to the church. He recalled the knighthood with his love of adventure and his enthusiastic turn of mind. . . . He was ahead of his century with his ideas of progress" (Casgrain, 18983: 14). Even Frances Parkman (1865), who could never be accused of having a kindly bias toward the French colonizers, spoke of him as "the prototype and model of all the heroes brought together by a single honour, he occupies the supreme rank near the altar of the homeland" (quoted in Casgrain, 18983: 54). Champlain's behaviour toward the Indians is usually presented as exemplary: he was an attentive and comprehensive observer, tolerant even when Christian principles were being challenged. His skills as a diplomat and negotiator meant, according to Benjamin Suite, that the alliance he made with the Montagnais at Tadoussac in 1603 was "one of the most adroit and least barbarous acts that politics has ever produced. ... Travelling to the west and northwest, if you speak French, the Savages will receive you as brothers" (Suite, 1882-84,1: 47)• In France, Champlain was seen as the ideal colonizer, applying, in the seventeenth century, principles that were advocated more than two centuries later. The colonial administrator and professor Hubert Deschamps clearly expresses this point of view, which was shared by many of his contemporaries: A solitary explorer without misanthropy, the founder of an empire without an army, Champlain is even more unusual for his policy toward the indigenous peoples. ... Along with the principles of assimilation, he inaugurated those of indirect administration, sedentarization of nomads, and the creation of islands of prosperity - in sum, all the modern processes of indigenous policy and development of the colonies. . . . The precursor of our humanities overseas, he was not only the first of our great colonists, but the only one who laid the foundations of a true colony, a new nation, the daughter of France. (Deschamps, 1951: 40-41) The attack against the Iroquois south of Lake Champlain in 1609 is sometimes discussed by historians, but it raises little controversy. They have argued that Champlain's intervention was justified by the need to protect the French trade routes, which were being obstructed by the Iroquois, and, in more recent texts, by the commitments made in 1603. To describe Champlain's personality, commentators are reduced to reading between the lines, since Champlain exposed few of his personal passions in his writings. Moreover, his contemporaries were more interested in his actions than his personality, so they are of little help in revealing the man. We must therefore deduce his personal qualities as they were expressed through the fulfilment of his mandate - such as his perseverance and talents as a negotiator and administrator and to build his personality from whole cloth. The extreme example of this rather widespread tendency among authors is found in Constantin-Weyer: "A saint, I tell you! And the proof is that he had the greatest virtue of saints: patience" (Constantin-Weyer, 1931). As no painted or drawn portrait of Champlain has been found, when his texts were republished he was readily pro-

Portrait of Michel Particelli d'Emery, superintendent of finances under Louis XIII and Louis IV, engraved in 1654 by Balthazar Moncornet and many times modified in order to portray Champlain. See Denis Martin's chapter in this book, pp. 354-62.

vided with an image. Although it was totally fictional, it gave an idea of what the founder of Canada must have looked like: a serious, dignified, honest, and good man. This image was freely copied and changed. A portrait made in 1654, by an inspector general of finances, was lithographed, printed, then imported to Canada in 1854. It fooled many authors, including French archivist Pierre Margry in 1864, until the deception was finally discovered in 1904.7 Other, more controversial subjects arise recurrently, such as Champlain's date of birth, his family, and especially his marriage, apparently unsuccessful, to Helene Boulle. Little is known about his childhood or his religious affiliation; was he Catholic or Huguenot, baptised as a Catholic or a convert? That he travelled to the West Indies is still viewed with scepticism by some, and others wonder whether he was really the author of the Brief Discours. His stays in France, which he did not write about, remain in shadow. The astrolabe found on the route of his explorations, his personal appearance, and the location of his tomb are other topics that have given rise to speculation. All of these widely debated questions remain unanswered because of gaps in archival materials. In some cases, however, errors seem to have been repeated over and over because authors failed to crosscheck documents or to use the most recent studies. One example is the date of birth. Pierre Damien Rainguet's assertion, 8 although questioned by Leopold Delayant in 1867 (Delayant, 1867, 3, 4: i), has been cited by many authors, including Laverdiere, thus increasing its claim Historiography of Samuel Champlain • 15

to validity. The stele erected in Brouage in 1878, indicating that Champlain was born "around 1570," shows that the birth date is still open to conjecture, with no certain source having been found (Audiat, 1879, 6: 378). Nevertheless, on the monument erected in Quebec City in 1898, the date 1567 was used, probably based on the age attributed to Champlain as a sergeant in mounted arms against the League in Blavet from 1595 to 1598. Jean Liebel, for his part, after careful examination of original documents, pinpointed Champlain's birth in 1580 (Liebel, 1978: 229-35). Another recurring question is that of Champlain's nobility. Many researchers believe that they have uncovered the noble origins of the Champlain family, thus providing the grounds, in their view, to elevate Champlain to a higher social class. The archivist-paleographer Marcel Delafosse summarizes the problem and hypothesizes, "Without concealing the degree of uncertainty that there is in such relationships, one may try to find one between Champlain and his uncle. Their social situations were analogous: they were people of modest origins who, thanks to their military positions and, it must also be said, their courage, slid or tried to raise themselves into the lower nobility; both marked this by adding a particle to their name" (Delafosse, 1958: 208-16). Historians are constantly raising other questions: was Champlain's objective colonization, proselytising, or trade? In the last quarter of the twentieth century, the pre-eminence of economic history, on the one hand, and the rich analyses of the founding period in Canada, on the other hand, have highlighted the role played by Champlain in the development of trade in New France (Beaulieu and Ouellet, 1993). These studies, which are supported by the publication of previously unpublished documents (Le Blant and Baudry, 1967), may now be added to those that have explored other aspects of Champlain's activity. But hundreds of documents remain to be analyzed, understood, and examined against previous studies in order to shed new light and bring original perspectives to the early history of the French presence in North America.

4X

Plate 33, Bologna: "There is another tree, which is called cacao, the fruit of which is very good and useful in many ways, and even serves for money among the Indians, who give sixty for one real. Each fruit is as big as a pine seed, and of the same shape; but has not so hard a shell. The older it is, the better" (Champlain [Brief Discours] in Biggar (ed.), i: 44-45).

Plate 16, Bologna: Champlain's attention was drawn to some small birds some of which, "periquitos," resembled parrots. He observed that these birds were "of the size of a sparrow, with a round tail, which are taught to speak; there are a great number" (Champlain [Brief Discours] in Biggar (ed.), i: 21-22).

Plate 20, Bologna. Champlain and his companions "proceeded in the evening to cast anchor in a roadstead called Monte Christi, which is a very good harbour and sheltered from the south, east and west, and is marked by a mountain which is directly opposite the roadstead, so high that it can be discerned fifteen leagues out to sea" (Champlain [Brief Discours] in Biggar (ed.), i: 27).

The Manuscripts of the Brief Discours • 65

these differences were due to Frati's errors rather than to actual differences between the two texts. Among other things, Chouinard notes the orthographic variants in the names of people and places, but these differences were due to the fact that in Frati's analysis, written in Italian, the proper nouns had been Italianized, as was common at the time.7 In his final note, Chouinard reminds his readers that such a discovery "proves, if it can, that the ms. that the eminent historian Laverdiere used is truly authentic" (in Frati 1925: 22 n. 25). Tucked into the Bologna volume, confirming the interest that Errera had in the manuscript, is a sheet of notes written in his hand, dated June 1925, in which he compares the text with the one published by Laverdiere, borrowed from the College canadien in Rome. In his notes, Errera addresses several orthographic differences between the two texts, but this is an uncompleted work of which no trace is found in his other writings. At the same time that Frati's article revealed the existence in Bologna of the Brief Discours, the historian Paolo Revelli, an expert in geography and cartography, took credit for discovering a third manuscript in the State Archives of Turin. The Turin Manuscript: Paolo Revelli's Discovery This copy of the Brief Discours is kept in the State Archives within the old library of the Royal Archives (Biblioteca Antica dei Regi Archivi; Archivio di Stato di Torino, then A.S.T., Corte, Biblioteca Antica, J.b.VI.s). The core of this library originated from old ducal collections dating back to the thirteenth century. The only real ducal library was that of Emanuele Filiberto, while all the books belonging to the Savoy branch were assembled in the ducal gallery. The library underwent its greatest period of growth during the reign of Carl Emmanuel I. Between 1606 and 1608, a gallery to house the library was built between the duke's residence and the castle. Between the windows were twenty-two walnut cabinets, eleven on each side. The volumes were placed on shelves on which the subjects were indicated in golden letters.

Plate 24, Providence. In Cuba, Champlain saw rabbits and a large number of birds, as well as "others, which could not fly, so that we caught some of them very easily; they are as big as a goose, with a very large head, a very wide beak, low on their legs, and feet like those of a water hen" (Champlain [Brief Discours} in Biggar (ed.), i: 34).

66 • C H A M P L A I N

There was a fire in 1667, and from then to 1713 the books from the library were piled pell-mell in the royal palace in a room off the archives. But, even in the second half of the seventeenth century, when the library was in a state of profound disorganization, the collection continued to grow with the acquisition of a number of titles, including from Fouquet's library in Paris. Only in the second decade of the eighteenth century, following reorganization of the patrimony of books, could one speak of the archival library as an autonomous physical entity. In 1723, one group of books (about ten thousand) was given to the library of the Royal University; another group went to the library of the Superga congregation in 1731; and a third group was transferred to the new home of the Court archives in 1734. The new classification of documents was adapted to the shape of the palace that the king's senior architect, Filippo Juvarra, had designed for the Court archives. Currently, the library, which contains about ten thousand volumes, including manuscripts, is located in the premises to which it was transferred in 1839 and uses the same classification system as it had in 1840. The catalogue, which dates from the same period, distinguishes between printed books and manuscripts. The shelving system is very basic; the only decorative element is two oval grilles that close the upper cabinet for the manuscripts, which is topped with the Savoy coat of arms.8 In the manuscript cabinet is a volume with the class letter J.b.VI.5, traditionally known by the title La navigation des fren$ois aux pays des Topinamboux et Margaias situes dans le Bresil entre les deux rivieres de Maregnon et des Amazones. This is actually the juxtaposition, in a single volume, of two separate accounts brought together due to the similarity of their themes, probably some time after they were written. This is evidenced by the different format of the paper, differences in handwriting, and the fact that the first account was previously part of another volume, since its permanent pagination, on the lower right, begins with the number 58. The accounts are

Champlain found himself in Spain some time after he left Blavet: "Departing from Cadiz, we proceeded to Sanlucar de Barrameda [plate 4, Turin, left], which is at the entrance of the river of Seville, where we remained three months. During this time I went to Seville [plate 5, right], made a drawing of it and one of the other place which I have thought fit to represent to the best of my ability" (Champlain [Brief Discours} in Biggar (ed.), i: 7).

combined in a volume bound in cardboard covered with parchment (25.1 cm x 34.3 cm). The first account provides the volume's title.9 It relates the voyage of Francois de Rassily to Amazonia and his return to Paris, accompanied by several Topinamboux people. The expedition took place in 1612 -14, and it is very likely that the account was written in 1613 and 1614, after the Topinamboux were received in a solemn audience by Louis XIII (April 1613) and a short time before the voyage to Brazil of Archange de Pembroke mentioned in the manuscript (see Semeria, 1990; Bonnault, 1954: 60). The authors of the account and of the copy are unknown. The Navigation takes up the first six pages of the volume and, according to the page numbers on the lower right hand, pages 58 to 63. Immediately under the title, on the left, is "11.98." The second manuscript in the volume - the Brief Discours - of which we do not know the author of the study or the date of writing - can be dated to the seventeenth century, given its handwriting. It seems unlikely that, as Bonnault posits, "the Brief Discours - Turin copy - was copied at the same time, by the same hand or by a 'writer' who had copied the same hand" (Bonnault, 1954: 60). In fact, the difference in handwriting between the two accounts is obvious and the date that the Navigation was written cannot help us much in dating the Brief Discours, because, as we shall see, the binding into one volume of the two texts was certainly done later, in spite of what the Turin archivists might think. The Brief Discours begins on page 7 and, curiously, starting on page 11 (which corresponds to fol. 5 of the manuscript) the pages were bound out of order. The numbering - which was obviously done after the two manuscripts were assembled - ends at page 63 and the written text on page 62. The manuscript contains fifty-tree drawings. Using the inventories of the royal house, I will try to reconstruct how the Brief Discours got to Turin, and when it was bound with the Navigation. Librarian Pierre Boursier is credited with writing a first, partial inventory of the ducal library: kept at the national library in Turin, this inventory was destroyed in the fire of 1904. The only complete inventory compiled during the seventeenth century was by Giulio Torrini in 1659.10 It faithfully follows the arrangement of the library in the gallery, indicating the

number of the cabinet, the orientation, and the title. On page 35, we read that in the sixth cabinet, east side, titled "Astrologica Cosmographica Matematica," on the second shelf, "Cosmographica," is found the text "Champlain, Des voyages." Unfortunately, there are no other indications, but the text to which he is referring no doubt is the Voyages of 1613 and not the Brief Discours. In 1709, Filiberto Amedeo Machet, responsible for reorganizing the library, undertook to write an index, which he completed in 1713, with the collaboration of Lorenzo Terraneo, physician and botanist, and Christoph Maria Plaf, Hellenist and Orientalist (1713, Biblioteca Nazionale di Torino [B.N.T.]: ms R.I. 5, P.M.). The work, in-folio, was 768 pages long. In the note to readers that introduces it, Machet recalls the importance, in number and quality of works, of the library, but also the great disorder in which it was found after the fire of 1667, not so much for the works lost (the contents of three cabinets) but for the piling up of the remaining texts: I have no doubt that the library of the Royal House of Savoy was one of the most considerable, in both the number and the quality of books of which it was composed, and for the order in which they were shelved; but some were destroyed in the fire of 1667 in the gallery of the palace in which they were housed, and we managed to save what remained only by throwing them pellmell into the public square. Thus, it has changed so much in aspect, both by the reduction in number of volumes and by the total reversal of the order in which they are shelved, that it is hard to recognize not only because of the notable difference in its extent but also by its disorder, as the face of the library was entirely pared away and made this pile of books absolutely useless, (ms R.I. 5, P.M., fol. i)

The volumes were spread over thirty-seven columns arranged according to where the different materials could be easily shelved. According to Machet, "We have put sixteen under the gallery, which were composed of the materials and books that are most often used, and the other twenty-one were built over the same gallery" Every book was labelled with a number indicating its position within the column so that it could be found easily and put back after reading; the numbering started anew at each column. Certain volumes, on different subjects, could not be placed in the corresponding columns for lack of space; they were placed in the archives room

TABLE i Table i. Variants in people's names Dieppe/Providence

Bologna

Turin

Mareschal d'Aumont, de St. Luc, et mareschal de Brissac (f. i r.)

Marechal daumont de st. Luc & marechal de brisac (f. i r.)

Marechal d'Aumont de St. Luc et marechal de brissac (f. i r.)

Mareschal de Brissac (f. i v.)

Marechal de brissac (f. i v.)

Marechal de brissac (f. i v.)

Cappitainne Pr[ovencal] (f. i v.) Cappitaine provencal (f. 2 v.) Cappitaine Provencal (f. 5 r.)

Capp.ne provancal (f. i v.) Capp.ne provancal (f. 3 r.) Capitaine provancal (f. 5 v.)

Capp.ne prove^al (f. i v.) Capp.ne provencal (f. 2 v.) Capitaine provancal (f. 5 r.)

General Soubriago (f. i v.) Soubriago (f. 2 v.) General Soubriago (f. 5 r.)

Gen.al Soubriago (f. 2 r.) Soubriago (f. 3 r.) Gen.al Subiaure (f. 5 v.)

General subiaur (f. 2 r.) Subiaure (f. 2 v.) General subiaure (f. 5 r.)

Domp Francisque Colombe (f. 4 v.) General Colonbe (f. 5 r)

Don fran.co colonbe (f. 5 v.) General Colonbe (f. 5 v.)

General Colombe (f. 5 r.) Don Fran.co Colonbe (f. 5 r.)

The Manuscripts of the Brief Discours • 67

TABLE 2

Variants in the name of the ship the Saint-Julien Dieppe/Providence St. Gulian (f. i v.) Sainct Gulian (f. 2 v.) St. leulian (f. 4 v.)

Bologna S. Julian (f. i v.) Saint Julian (f. 3 r.) St. Jullian (f. 5 r.)

Turin St. Julian (f. i v.) St. Julian (f. 2 v.) St. Julian (f. 4 v.)

Views of Cape St. Vincent (plate 2, Turin, left) and Seville (plate 5, Bologna, right). "On the following day, the weather having cleared, all our sailors came together again, and we proceeded to the islands of Bayona, in Galicia, to refit the said flag-ship which was much injured. Having sojourned six days at the said islands, we set sail, and three days afterwards came in sight of Cape St. Vincent . . . We doubled the said cape, and proceeded to the port of Cadiz" (Champlain [Brief Discours] in Biggar (ed.), i: 6).

TABLE 3

Variants in geographic names17 Dieppe/Providence

Bologna

Turin

Bretaigne (f. i r.) Brestaigne (f. i r.)

Bretaigne (f. i r. twice)

Bretaigne (f. i r. twice)

Indes occidentalles (f. i r.)

Indes Occidantales (f. i v.)

Indes Occidentales (f. i v.)

Cap de Finneterre (f. i v.)

Cap de finistere (f. 2 r.)

Cap de finistere (f. 2 r.)

lies de Bayonne in Gallice (f. i v.)

Isles de bayonne in gallice (f. 2 r.)

Isles de bayone in galice (f. 2 r.)

Cap de sainct Vincent (f. 2 r.) Cap St. Vincent (f. 45 v.)

Cap de St. Vicent (f. 2 v.) Cap St. Vincent (f. 70 r.)

Cap de St. Vicent (f. 2 v.) Cap de St. Vincent (f. 56 v.)

Callix (f. 2 v.) Calis (f. 2 v.) Callis (f. 2 v.) Calix (f. 3 r.)

Callix (f. 2 v.) Calix (f. 3 r. twice e 4 r.)

Calis (f. 2 v. twice) Calix (f. 2 v.) Caliz (f. 3 r.)

St. St. St. St.

S. luc de baramedo (f. 4 r.; f. 5 r.)

St. Lucques de Barrameda (f. 3 r.; f. 4 v.~

St. Lucques (f. 5 v.) St. Luco (f. 6 v.)

St. Lucques (f. 5 r.) St. Luco (f. 5 v.)

Siville (f. 4 r. twice) Siville (f. 70 r. twice)

Siville (f. 3 r. twice) Seville (f. 56 v. twice)

Luc de Barame[do] (f. 3 r.); [Luc] de Baramedo (f. 4 r.) Luc (f. 4 v.) Luca (f. 5 v.)

Siville (f. 3 r. twice) Seville (f. 46 r. twice)

68

CHAMPLAIN

Dieppe/Providence Portoricco (f. 4 three times; f. 8 r.; f. 8 v.; f. 9v.; f. 12 r. twice; f. 21 r.)

Bologne

Turin

Portorico (f. 5 r. three times)

Portoricco (f. 4 v. three times)

Portoricco (f. 11 r. e 11 v.; f. 12 v.; f. 16 r. twice; f. 27 v.)

Portorico (f. 7 v. e 8 v.; f. 12 v. twice; f. 22 r.) Porto rico (f. 10 r.)

La Gardalouppe (f. 6 r.)

La gardalouppe (f. 7 v.)

La gaodalouppe (f. 6 r.)

Las Birgines (f. 7 r.)

Las virgirgines (f. 8 v.)

Las virgines (f. 6 v.)

La Marguevite (f. 7 v.)

La marguerite (f. 9 v.)

La margueritte (f. 7 r.)

Cartagenes (f. 9 v.; f. 44 r.)

Cartagene (f. 12 v.; f. 59 v. twice; f. 60 v.)

Cartagene (f. 9 v.; f. 48 v. e 49 r.)

Cartagene (f. 44 r. twice)

Cartagenne (f. 48 r.)

Portovella (f. 12 r.; f. 43 r. four times; f. 43 v. four times)

Portovella (f. 16 r.; f. 56 r. three times and f. 56 v.; f. 58 r. three times and f. 58 v. )

Portovella (f. 12 v.; f. 45 r. four times; f. 46 v. three times and f. 47 r.)

Neufve Espaigne (f. 12 r.; f. 21 r.; f. 21 v.; f. 44 r.; f. 44 v.) Neugue Espaigne (f. 17 r.) Nove espaigne (f. 24 r.; f. 35 r.; f. 37 v.; f. 45 r.)

Neufve Espaigne (f. 16 r.; f. 22 v.; f. 27 v.; f. 28 r.; f. 59 v.; f. 61 v.) Nove Espaigne (f. 22 v.; f. 32 v.; f. 35 r.; f. 43 r.

Neufve espaigne (f. 12 v.; f. 18 r.; f. 22 r. twice; f. 48 v.; f. 50 v.) Nove Espaigne (f. 29 v.; f. 42 v.; f. 46 v.; f. 56 r.)

St. Domingue (f. 12 r.; f. 45 v. twice) St. Dommigue (f. 17 r.; f. 18 r.)

st. dominique (f. 16 r.) Sainct Domingo (f. 22 v.; f. 23 v.' St. dominique (f. 66 v. e 67 r.)

ste. domingo (f. 13 r.; f. 18 v.) St. domyngo (f. 18 r.) St. domingo (f. 54 r. e 54 v.)

Porto-platte (f. 12 v. twice) Portoplatte (f. 12 v.) e port de Platte (f. 13 r.)

Porto platte (f. 16 r. and 16 v.) Port de platte (f. 17 v.)

Porto platte (f. 13 r, twice) Portoplatte (f. 13 v.)

Mousquittes (f. 13 v.) Port de Mousquitte (f. 13 v.)

Mousquittes (f. i8r.) Port de mosquitte (f. 18 r.)

Mousquites (f. 14 r.) Port de mousquite (f. 14 r.)

After leaving the roadstead of Monte Christi, the crew found itself at "Cap St Nicolas" (plate 21, Bologna). The ship entered the bay. "Having anchored, we perceived the vessels of the said merchants, whereat our admiral greatly rejoiced, feeling sure of taking them. All night we did all we possibly could to try and enter the said harbour, and when morning came, the admiral took counsel of the captains and pilots as to what was to be done" (Champlain [Brief Discours} in Biggar (ed.), i: 28). The Spanish were thinking of attacking, but their plans ultimately came to nought.

Dieppe (f. 13 v.)

Dieppe (f. 18 r.)

Diepe (f. 14 r.)

Port de St. Nicolas (f. 14 v.) Cap St. Nicolas (f. 15 v.)

Port de St. nicolas (f. 19 v.) Cap st. nicollau (f. 20 v.)

Port de st. nicolas (f. 15 r.) Cap st. nicolas (f. 15 v.)

L'Espaignolle (f. 18 r.)

Lespaignolle (f. 23 v.)

Lespagnolle (f. 18 v.)

St. Jean de Luz (f. 21 r. twice; f. 22 v.: f. 43 r.; f. 43 v. twice)

St. Jehan de Luz (f. 27 v. twice; f. 56 r.; f. 58 v. twice) St. Jihan de Luz (f. 29 v.)

St. Jean de Luz (f. 22 r. twice; f. 23 v.,

Bouteron (f. 21 v. twice)

Bouterron (f. 28 r. twice)

Boutteron (f. 22 v. twice)

Vereaciux (f. 21 v.)

Veracroux (f. 28 v.)

Veracrux (f. 23 r.)

St. Jean de Lus (f. 45 r.) St. Jehan de Luz (f. 47 v. twice)

The Manuscripts of the Brief Discours • 69

Bologna

Dieppe/Providence Mechique (f. 22 v. twice; f. 24 v.; f. 43 r.) Ville de Mechique (f. 23 r.)

Mechique (f. 29 v. twice; f. 56 r.) Ville de Mechique (f. 30 v.) Mexique (f. 32 r.)

Turin Mechique (f. 23 v. et f. 24 r.; f. 26 v.; f. 45 r.) Ville de Mechique (f. 25 r.)

Destrois de Magelano (f. 36 v.) Destroict de Magellan (f. 43 v.)

Destroit de magelano (f. 48 v.) Destroit de magellan (f. 58 r.)

Destroit de magelano (f. 39 r.) Destroit de magellan (f. 46 v.)

Banama (f. 43 r.); Panama (f. 43 r. twice; f. 43 v. four times) La Havanne (f. 43 v. twice; f. 44 r. four times; f. 44 v. four times; f. 45 r. twice)

(Panama (f. 56 v., 57 v. e 58 r. five times)

(Panama (f. 45 v., 46 r. e 46 r. five times)

La Havane (f. 58 v.; f. 59 r.; f. 59 v.; f. 60 v. twice; f. 61 v. twice; f. 64 r. twice) La Havanne (f. 58 v.; f. 59 v.)

La Havanne (f. 47 v.; f. 50 r.; f. 52 r. twice) La La La La

Havana (f. 47 v.) Havano (f. 48 r. twice) Havanno (f. 48 r. twice) havanne (f. 49 r. twice)

Campesche (f. 44 r. three times)

Campeche (f. 58 v. twice; f. 59 r.)

Canpeche (f. 47 v. twice; f. 48 r.)

Canal de Bahan (f. 45 r.; f. 45 v. twice)

Canal de Bahan (f. 64 r.; f. 66 v. e f. 67 r.)

Canal de Baan (f. 52 r.); Canal de Bahan (f. 54 r. e f. 54 v.)

La Floride (f. 45 r.) la Flouride (f. 45 r.) Floride (f. 54 v.)

La floride (f. 64 r. twice) Floride (f. 67 v.)

La floride (f. 52 r. twice) Flouride (f. 45 v.)

La Vermude (f. 45 r.) La Bermude (f. 45 v.)

La vermude (f. 65 v.; f. 68 v.)

La vermude (f. 53 r.; f. 55 v.)

Isle Terciere (f. 45 v.)

Lisle tercere (f. 68 v.)

Lis tersere (f. 55 v.)

adjacent to the library. The manuscripts were shelved after the printed materials in columns 13,14,32,34,35, and 36, since they were not numerous enough to form separate columns. However, Machet recommended that in future the manuscripts should be shelved in a separate space and in closed cabinets so that they could be found more easily and preserved properly.11 This recommendation was followed in 1840 when the library was reorganized. On page 245 of the inventory, under "Column XIII. Books on Cosmography and Geography," is "Champlain, West Indies M. S., n. 98." The manuscript thus was in one of the columns that contained texts consulted more frequently. The inventory showed no trace of the Navigation. We can thus state that the Turin copy of the Brief Discours entered the Savoy library between 1659 - the date of Torrini's inventory - and 1713 - the date of Machet's inventory. This would confirm in part Bonnault's hypothesis that the manuscript came from the House of Savoie-Carignan, heir of Louis de Bourbon, Comte de Soissons and son of Charles de Bourbon. Charles, the viceroy of New France for several months in 1612, was, in Champlain's own words, one of his protectors. However, the manuscript arrived at the Savoy library not in 1831, as Bonnault presumed, but at least one century earlier, between the second half of the seventeenth century and the beginning of the eighteenth century (Bonnault, 1954: 60-61). Although the criteria according to which some of the books were transferred to the university library in 1723 are poorly understood, we know which ones were transferred thanks to two indexes (of the manuscripts and the printed materials, respectively) written in 1732 by Francesco Domenico Bencini, librarian of the University Library.12 In the first 70 • C H A M P L A I N

index, related to the manuscripts, there is no trace of the Brief Discours or of the Navigation. The Brief Discours therefore was not among the volumes transferred to the university library. In an inventory written in 1840, on the other hand, we find both manuscripts, under the title Navigation des fren$ois. We know that both were included, since under the title we read "with figures" and we know that the text of the Navigation did not have any, but the Brief Discours did. We also read "without date or name of author." Both manuscripts - considered to be one - bore the class number J.b.VI.5, which is the one still used today.13 The class number was based on the position of the cabinet, marked with letters of the alphabet in ascending order - the manuscript was found, and is still found, in the cabinet marked with the letter "J" - and its place within the cabinet - the Brief Discours is found in the right-hand part of cabinet J, on the sixth shelf. The inventories seem to indicate that the Brief Discours and the Navigation were bound in a single volume after 1713 and before 1840. It is even possible that since it is mentioned only in the 1840 inventory and not in previous inventories, the Navigation entered the library only during the eighteenth century. However, the indication "n.98," which appears on its first page no doubt refers to the previous classification, adopted during Machet's reorganization, in which Champlain's manuscript bore the class number 98. It is even possible that in Machet's 1713 inventory, manuscript no. 98, identified "Champlain West Indies M.S." also included the Navigation, but inserted after the Brief Discours, which numbered fifty-six pages; this might explain the page numbers 58 to 63 on the lower right hand in the text of the Navigation.

View of "Port Moustique [plate 19: Bologna, above; Turin, lower left; Providence, lower right], near Tortuga, which is a little island so named, off the entrance of the said port. . . . There is a very good entrance to the said Moustique bay, more than two thousand paces in width, and there is an exposed sand-bank, so that it is necessary to keep near to the land on the east side in order to enter the said port, in which there is good anchorage; and inside is an island where one can find shelter from the wind which strikes straight into the harbour" (Champlain [Brief Discours] in Biggar (ed.), 1: 24-26].

The Manuscripts of the Brief Discours • 71

Portrayal(s) of a cayman (plate 49: Bologna, above; Turin, below left). "I have also seen many times in that country animals they call caymans, which are, I believe, a kind of crocodile, so large, that some of the said caymans are twenty-five and thirty feet in length; and they are very dangerous, for if one of them should find a man at its mercy, without doubt it would devour him." On the right-hand page of the Turin manuscript, plate 46, Champlain drew "a kind of snake [probably a rattlesnake], as long as a pike, and as thick as one's arm; the head is as large as a hen's egg, and on it are two plumes; at the end of the tail they have a rattle, which makes a noise as they glide along. They are very dangerous with their teeth, and with their tail; nevertheless, the Indians eat them, after removing the two extremities" (Champlain [Brief Discours] in Biggar (ed.), i: 56, 54).

J2 • C H A M P L A I N

Or it might be that when it arrived at the library, likely in the eighteenth century, and in any case before 1840, the Navigation was attributed the same shelf number, 98, in the new catalogue because of its thematic similarity to the Brief Discours. It would have been common at the time to form manuscript miscellanies, assembling materials by theme without concern for format or chronological sequence. It was only in 1926 that researchers discovered the existence of the Turin manuscript. In the introduction to his inventory of documents concerning the Americas preserved in Italian archival collections, the historian Paolo Revelli wrote, "One may say that other documents were not known until now, such as ... a text from the very early seventeenth century of the account voyages to the West Indies and New Spain by Samuel Champlain, the future founder of the settlement of Quebec" (Revelli, 1926: 54). He then took credit for the discovery: "The research that I conducted in the archives of the state of Turin led . . . to the discovery of a new manuscript, until now unknown, of Samuel Champlain's voyage to the West Indies and New Spain" (Revelli, 1926: 113). After describing the contents of the volume listed in the catalogue under the title the Navigation, he states that the second account "must without doubt be considered a copy, contemporary with the original, of the voyage account to the West Indies of Samuel Champlain, the well-known governor of Canada, founder of the settlement of Quebec" (Revelli, 1926: 65-66). Curiously, in his description Revelli mentions only eight figures, although the manuscript contains fifty-two. In the current state of knowledge, it is difficult to say if there is a more profound relationship between the Navigation and the Brief Discours that, bound in a single volume, ended up in the old library, unless there was an interest in the House of Savoy in ancient history and voyages. The hypothesis advanced by Revelli on this subject deserves further investigation: Only direct examination of the manuscript that was once at Dieppe and is now in Rhode Island would enable us to draw conclusions about the relationship between the three manuscripts, but I do not believe that it is useless to reveal that the brief account . . . that in the Turin manuscript precedes Champlain's account evokes, from the first lines, the trade practised in this country for thirty-five years by "those from Roan and Dieppe" and then discusses the ships from Dieppe steered to these shores by "Rasily Caualier Breton de grande extraction et grand marinier" [Breton of great extraction and great seaman]. (Revelli, 1926: 113) Spelling and Textual Variants in the Copies of the Brief Discours The three copies of the manuscript are identical in substance but have many spelling variants, even in the title and especially in the first pages. At the time, of course, literal transcription was not a strictly ordered procedure; copyists often changed or interpreted the text, sometimes incorrectly, or they committed transcription errors. In the Brief Discours, there are few names of people, and they are presented with certain variants in the three copies.14 In terms of the spelling of proper names, Vigneras maintains, the Bologna manuscript seems to be the closest to the

original text. It gives, for example, the form in which the name of General Pedro de Zubiaur appears in the Providence manuscript - three times in the form Soubriago - and in the Bologna manuscript - twice in the form "Soubriago" and then in the form "Soubiaure" (Vigneras, 1957:164). Bonnault had previously revealed the form "Soubriago," remarking that the deformation into "Zubiau" or "Cubiaur" would be understandable, "But why Soubriago ? The copyist recopied it. If there were two copyists, one copied the other" (Bonnault, 1954: 60). Nevertheless, although Vigneras opines that "the Turin version of the Brief Discours is without doubt the work of a compiler and therefore devoid of any interest" (1957:164), it is in fact the Turin copy that presents not the form "Soubriago," but "Subiaure" or "Subiaur" - that is, the forms closest to the original. General Francisco Coloma's name is not spelled correctly, but as "Colonbe" or "Colombe." The name of another important figure in the Brief Discours, Champlain's uncle Guillaume Allene, does not appear at all in any of the three copies, but only the nickname by which he was known, "capitaine provencal," in various forms.15 It is interesting, in fact, to note that in the Turin copy the expression "my uncle" is not found (f. 2 v.), while it is found in the Providence (f. 2 v.) and Bologna (f. 3 r.) copies. The ship on which the author of the account says that he made his voyage to the West Indies is presented correctly in the Bologna and Turin copies, but in two more distant forms in the Providence copy. Geographic Names^ Their Many Variants Aside from spelling variants for terms, three other types of variant are identifiable from a comparative analysis of the three copies: inversion of terms, use of different terms with a similar meaning, and simple copyist's errors. There is an inversion of terms on the first page, when the author recounts his decision to make a voyage to the West Indies. The Providence copy reads, "in sorte de pouvoir m'enbarquer dans quelqu'un des navires de la flotte que le Roy d'Espaigne envoye tous les ans aux Indes occidentalles," while the Bologna and Turin copies read, respectively, "me pouvoir in barquer" and "me pouvoir enbarquer." Further on in the text, referring to the departure of the armada, we read, "Ladict armee fist a la voille a commencement du mois de Janvier de 1'an 1599, et trouvans tousiours le vent fort aigre" (Providence, f. 5 r.), or "le vant toujour fort" (Bologna, f. 5 v.), or "le vent tousiour fort" (Turin, f. 5 v.). In the description of Puerto Rico, the copyist writes, "Laquelle ile contien environ soixante dix lieus de long, et de large quarante liens' (Providence, f. 12 r.), "laquelle isle contien environ soixante dix lieues de long et de large quarante lieues" (Bologna, f. 15 v.), or "laquelle isle contient environ soixante dix lieues de lone et quarante lieues de large" (Turin, f. 12 v.). In the explanation of the origin of the name of Sonde (canal) de Campeche, we find again an identical order of the terms in the Providence and Bologna copies, and a different order in the Turin copy: "II faut avoir tousiours la sonde in la main in passant ce canal" (Providence, f. 20 r.); "II faut avoir toujour la sonde in la main in passant ce Canal" (Bologna, f. 26 v.); "II The Manuscripts of the Brief Discours • 73

The silver mines and their operation (plate 30;Providence,above,Bologna,bottom left,;Turin,bottom right). "Two leagues from the said Mexico are silver mines, which the king of spain has farmed ouit for five millions of gold a year,and he has also reserved the right of employing in them a great number of slaves to get from the mines for his profit,as much as they can;and he draws besides the tenth part of all that the lessees get,so that these mines produce a very good revenue to the king of spain" (Champlain [ Brief Discours] in Biggar (ed.), 1:42-43

74 . CHAMPLAIN

Corn (plate 43: Turin, above left; Bologna, above right; Providence, below). "The Indians make use of a kind of corn which they call maize, which is the size of a pea, yellow and red; and when they wish to eat it, they take a stone, hollowed like a mortar, and another, round, in the shape of a pestle: and after the said corn has been steeped for an hour, they grind and reduce it to flour in the said stone; then they knead and bake it in this manner: they have a plate of iron, or of stone, which they heat on the fire: and when it is quite hot, they take their paste, and spread it upon the plate rather thin, like pancakes; and having thus cooked it, they eat it hot, for it is no good cold, or after keeping" (Champlain [Brief Discours] in Biggar (ed.), 1: 51-52).

The Manuscripts of the Brief Discours • 75

fault tousiour avoir la sonde in la main in passant se canal" (Turin, f. 21 r.) On the other hand, in the description of Aboriginal ceremonies, the order is identical in the Bologna and Turin copies and different in the Providence copy: "Apres qu'ilz ont bien chante et dame" (Providence, f. 39 r.), "Apres quilz ont bien dansse et chante" (Bologna, f. 51 r.); "Apres quilz ont bien danse et chante" (Turin, f. 41 r.). The second type of variant, the use of different terms with a similar meaning, appears very frequently in the text of the Brief Discours. In the description of the fruit called "coracon,"17 we read that "il rend unne humeur odorifrente" in the Providence (f. 11 r.) and Bologna (f. 14 v.) copies, while in the Turin copy we find, "il rend unne odeur odoriferente" ( f. 11 r.). Further on, in the description of the chameleon, we read, "II a ca taiste assez pointue" (Providence, f. 11 v.); in the other two copies, we find "fort pointue" (Turin, f. 12 r.; Bologna, f. 15 r.). Referring to Porto Platte, on Santo Domingo, and the ban on trade for foreigners, two copies read, "pour les tenir in plus grande crainte d'aborder ladicte terre" (Providence, f. 12 v.) and "pour les tenir in plus grande crainte daborder las terre" (Bologna, f. 16 r.), but the third copy reads, "et po les tenir mieulx in grande crainte d'aborder la ditte terre" (Turin, f. 13 r.). In the part devoted to New Spain, we find, "tout ce pays la est decore defort beaux fleuves et rivieres" (Providence, f. 23 r.) in one manuscript, but in the other two copies, "tout ce pays est decore de tres beaux fleuves et Rivieres" (Bologna, f. 30 r.) and "tout se pais est decore de tres beaux fleues et rivieres" (Turin, f. 24 v.) Again, to describe the use of cochineal18 in the Bologna and Turin copies, we find, "& puis on la bat pour avoir la grene dont ilz resement apres pour m faire croistre d'autre" (Bologna, f. 32 v.); "& puis on la bat po avoir la greine dont ils ressement apres po in fair croistre daultre" (Turin, f. 27 r.). The Providence copy reads, "et puis on la bat pour avoir la graine, dont ilz resenent apres pour in avoir d'autre" (Providence, f. 25 r.). In the Bologna and Turin copies, we find the same term also in the description of "dragons": "II ya aussy des dragons destrange figure ayant la teste aprochante de celle dun aigle les ailles comme une chauvesouriz, le corps comme ung laizard et na que deux piedz asses gros, la queue fort escailleuse et est gros comme un mouton" (Bologna, f. 43 r-43 v.); "II y a aussy des dragons destrange figure ayant la teste aprochante de celle dun aigle les ailes comme unne chauvesouris le corps comme un laizard et na que deux piedz asses gros la queue fort escailleuse, et est gros comme un mouton" (Turin, f. 35 r.-35 v.). In the Providence copy, however, we read, "II y a aussy des dragons d'estrange figure, ayantz la teste approchante de celle d'un aigle, les ailles comme une chauvesouris, le corps comme ung lezard, et n'a que deux piedz asses gros, la queue assez escailleuse, et est gros comme ung mouton" (Providence, f. 32 v-33 r.). Still in the part regarding New Spain, we read, "II se voict dans les bois et dans les campaignes grand nombre de chancres" (Providence, f. 36 r.), but in the other two copies, "II se voit dans le bois et dans les campaignes grande quantite de chancres" (Bologna, f. 47 v.) or "II se veoit dans les bois et dans les campaignes grande quantite de chancres" (Turin, f. 38 v.). 76 . CHAMPLAIN

Finally, when the account discusses Aboriginal peoples, it is again the Providence copy that is different from the two others: "Tous ces Indiens sont d'une humeur fort melancholique, et ont neantmoins 1'esprit fort vif" (Providence, f. 41 r.); "Tous ces Indiens sont dune humeur fort melancholicque et ont ne aumoingz lesprit assez vif" (Bologna, f. 53 v.); "Tous ces Indiens sont dune humeur fort melancolique et ont neantmoins lesprit asses vif" (Turin, f. 42 v.). The third type of error, as mentioned above, is no doubt due to copyist errors. Vigneras had noted that there is a punctuation error in the first sentence of the Providence copy of the Brief Discours, in which Generals D'Aumont, de St. Luc, and de Brissac are mentioned; the comma between D'Aumont and St. Luc has disappeared: "Ayant este employe in 1'armee du Roy qui estois in Bretaigne soubz messieurs le mareschal d'Aumont de St. Luc et mareschal de Brissac." This caused the copyist in Bologna to make an error, changing "messieurs" to "monsieur": "Ayant este enploie in larmee du Roy quy estoict in bretaigne soubz monssieur le marechal daumont de st. luc & marechal de brisac" (Vigneras, 1957: 198-99). The Turin copyist, on the other hand, forgot the comma and kept "messieurs": "Ayant este enploye in larmee du Roy qui estoit in bretaigne soubs messieurs le Marechal d'Aumont de St. Luc & Marechal de brissac." The text also contains other copyist's errors. In the description of the port of Mousquitte: "et y a unne isle dedans ou Ton se peut mettre a 1'abry du port qui frappe droict dans ledict port" (Providence, f. 13 v.); "& y a unne Isle dedans ou Ion se peult mettre alabry du port qui frape droit dedans le dit port" (Turin, f. 14 v.). The copyist of the Bologna manuscript noted the error and, having first transcribed "port," corrected it to "nort": "& y a une isle de dans ou Ion se peult mettre alabry du nort qui frappe droit de dans le diet port" (Bologna, f. 18 v.).19 In the description of the "cassaue,"20 the Providence copyist committed an error, unlike the Bologna and Turin copyists: "Ilz ont ausy d'unne autre racine qu'ilz nomment cassaue, dont ilz se servent pour faire du pain, mais sy quelqu'un in mangeroit de cuit il mourroit" (Providence, f. 31 v.); "Ilz ont aussy dune autre Racine quilz nomment cassaue dont ilz se servent pour faire du pain mais sy quelqun in mangeoit de crue il mourroit" (Bologna, f. 41 r.); "Hz ont aussy d'une autre racine quilz nomment cassaue dont ilz se servent po faire du pain mais si quelqun in mangeoit de crue il mourroit" (Turin, f. 34 r.). In the description of the cayman, the error seems to result from the position of the comma: "II a le dessoubz du ventre jaulne blanchastre, le dessus arme de fortes escailles de couleur de verd brun, ayant la test fort longue, les dentz estrangement aigues" (Providence, f. 34 r.); "Il a le dessoubz du ventre jaulne blanchastre le dessus arme de fortes escailles de coulleur de verd brun changeant, la teste fort longue, les dentz estrangement aigues" (Bologna, f. 44 v.); "Il a le desoubz du ventre jaulne Blanchastre, le desseus arme de fortes escailles de couleur de verd brun changeant, la teste fort longue, les dentz estrangement aigues" (Turin, fs. 36 r-36 v.) In the part about rounding up cattle, the error probably arises from a difficulty with interpretation on the part of the

Providence copyist: "Pour les prendre ilz ont des maigres qui courent a cheval apres ces boeufs" (Providence, f. 45 r.); "pour les prendres ilz ont de negres qui courent a cheval apres ces beufz" (Bologna, f. 63 r.); "pour les prendres ilz ont des negres qui courent a cheval apres ses beufs" (Turin, f. 51 r.-5i v.). Finally, in the description of the arrival at Porto Belo, aside from spelling variants, there is an error by the Bologna and Turin copyists, who have repeated a word from the preceding line, "contree" rather than "terre": "Nous feusmes trois sepmaines sur la mer avant que d'ariver audict lieu de Portovella, ou ja trouvay bien changement de contree; car au lieu d'ume tresbonne et fertille terre que j'avois trouve in la Nove Espaigne, comme j'ay recite cy dessus, je rencontray bien unne mauvaise terre, estant ce lieu de Portovella la plus meschante et malsaine demeure qui soit au monde" (Providence, f. 43 r.); "Nous feusmes trois semainnes sur la mer avant quarriver audict lieu de portovella ou je trouvay bien changement de contree car an lieu dune tres belle ville et fertille terre que javois trouve in la Nove Espaigne comme jay recite sy devant je rencontray bien une mauvaise contree estant celieu de porto vella la plus meschante & mal sayne demeure qui soit au monde" (Bologna, f. 56 r.); "nous feusmes trois semaines sur la mer avant que arriver au dit lieu de portovella, ou je trouvay bien changemt de contree car au lieu dune tresbonne belle et fertille terre que javois trouve in la nove espaigne comme jay recite cy desseus je rencontray bien unne mauaise contree estant ce lieu de portovella la plus mechante et mal sayne demeure qui soit au monde" (Turin, f. 45 r.). A comparative analysis also reveals a gap in all three copies of the manuscript, in the part that relates the arrival at Sonde: "fors ung canal qui contien ... lieues de long et trois de large" (Providence, f. 20 r.; Bologna, f. 26 v.; Turin, f. 21 r.). In a number of cases, one of the copies has missing words. In the description of Puerto Rico, the Providence copy reads, "la ville est [ ] marchande: elle avoit este puis peu de tens pillee des Anglois" (f. 8 v.). In the other two copies, we find, "la ville et asses marchande elle avoit puis peu este pilee des englois" (Turin,f. 8 r) and "la ville est assez marchande elle avoit puis peu este pellee des anglois" (Bologna, f. 11 r.). In this case, the gap is obvious, since the Providence copy contains a blank space. In other cases, however, the gap can be identified only in comparison with the other copies. In the description of Santo Domingo, we read, "Le dicte isle de S.t Dommigue est grande" (Providence, f. 18 r.) rather than "Laditte Isle de Sainct Domingo est/ort grande" (Bologna, f. 23 v.) or "La ditte Isle de S.t Domingo est fort grande" (Turin, f. 18 v.). When the text deals with the silver mines of New Spain, we find, "A deux lieues dudict Mexique il y a des mines d'argent que le Roy d'Espaigne a affermes a cinq millions d'or par an" (Providence, f. 24 v.) instead of "A deux lieues dudit Mexique il y a des mines dargent que le Roy despaigne a affermees a cinq million d'argent par chascun an" (Bologna, f. 32 r.) or "A deux lieues du dit mechique il y a des mines dargent que le Roy despaigne a affermees a cinq millions dor par chacun an" (Turin, f. 26 v.). Similarly, in the description of the "algarobe":21 "L'on trouve dedans ung petit fruict comme unne grosse febue verte, qui a ung noiau, et est fort bon" (Providence, f. 28 r.), and "Lon trouve dedans un pettit fruit comme unne grosse febue verte

quy a un noyeau, et est fort bon" (Turin, f. 30 v.) instead of "Lon trouve de dans ung petit fruit comme une grosse febue verte qui a ung noyau et est fort bon au goust" (Bologna, f. 36 v.). Still in the part on fruits of New Spain, the author suggests, "le croy que qui voudroit prendre la paine d'y planter de bons fruittiers de par de9a, ilz y viendroient fort bien" (f. 32 r. Providence); "Je croy que qui voudroit prendre la paine dy planter des bons frutiers de par deca, ilz y viendroyent fort bien" (Turin, 34 v.); "Je croy que quy voudroit prendre la peine dy planter des bons fruis de pardessa ilz y viendroient fort [bons] bien & bons" (Bologna, f. 42 r.). The Bologna copyist left out the word "bons," which, it seems, he had written in error instead of "bien." In other cases, it is the Bologna manuscript that contains gaps, as in the description of the use of corn: "Ilz ont une platine de fer ou de piere qu'ilz font chauffer sur le feu, et comme elle est bien chaude, is prennent leur paste et 1'estendent dessus assez tenue, comme tourteaux, et 1'ayant fait anisy cuire, le mangent tout chaud, car il ne vault rien froid ny garde" (Providence, f. 31 r.); "Ilz ont une platine de fer ou de pierre quilz font chaufer seur le feu et comme elle este bien chaude ilz prennent leur paste & les tendent desseus assez terue comme torteaux & layant fait ainsy cuire le mangent tout chauld car il ne vault rien froid ny garde" (Turin, f. 33 v.); "Ilz ont une platine de fer ou de pierre quilz font chauffer sur le feu et comme elle est bien chaude ilz prennent leur paste & lestendent dessus assez tendue comme torteaux & layans fait ainsy cuire le mangent tout chauld, car il nevault pas froid" (Bologna, f. 40 v). In still other cases, the Turin manuscript has missing words, as in the part on Guadeloupe: "il y a quantite de bons portz" (Providence, f. 6 r.; Bologna, f. 7 v.); "il y a de bons portz" (Turin, f. 6 r.). Similarly for a sentence regarding the Cayman Islands: "nous in apportasmes de tresbons fruictz" (Providence, f. 18 v.); "nous in emportasmes de tresbon fruictz" (Bologna, f. 24 v.); but "no in emportames de bons fruicts" (Turin, f. 19 v.). There are even parts of sentences and complete sentences missing. In the Turin manuscript, f. 11 v., the sentence "II ne croit ne bles ny vin dans toute ceste ile" is missing; it appears in the Providence copy, on f. 11 v., and in the Bologna manuscript on f. 15 r. Again in the Turin manuscript, f. 38 v., the following words are missing: "mais ilz ont ceste propriette de chercher des coquilles" and "les pensent engloutir ilz pinsent les poissons"; they are present in the Providence copy, on f. 36 r., and in the Bologna copy, on f. 48 r. Yet again, in the Turin manuscript, f. 53 v., the following words are missing: "pour le manger, et quand lesdictz poissons vollants"; these words are present in the Providence copy, f. 45 r., and in the Bologna copy, f. 66 r. In the description of the port of Havana, the Providence copy is missing a part of the sentence "II a a 1'entree fort estroitte [...], tresbonnes, et bien munies de ce qui est necessarie pour les conserver" (Providence f. 44 v.); these words are present in the Bologna copy, "II a lantree fort estroitte & achascune des deux pointes de la dicte antree ya une forteresse tres bonne et bien munies de ce qui est necesaire pour les conserver" (f. 60 v.) and the Turin copy, "II a lentree The Manuscripts of the Brief Discours • 77

Turtle(s) (plate 50: Providence, above; Bologna, bottom left; Turin, bottom right). "I have also seen turtles of marvellous size, such that two horses would have enough to do to drag one of them; and there are some so large that, in the shell which covers them, three men could place themselves and float as in a boat. They are caught in the sea. Their flesh is very good and resembles beef. There is a very large quantity of them in all the Indies, and they are often seen going to feed in the woods" (Chamt>lain IBrief Discoursl in Bissar fed.), r sfi-syY

/S • C H A M P L A I N

TABLE 4

The figures in the Brief Discours No. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42

Dieppe/Providence Cape Finisterre (f. 2 r.) Cape St. Vincent (f. 2 v.) Cadix (f. 3 r.) San Lucar de Barrameda (f. 3 v.) Seville (f. 4 r.) Canary Islands (f. 5 v.) La Deseade Island (f. 6 r.) Guadaloupe (f. 6 v.) Virgin Islands (f. 7 r.) Pearl fishermen (f. 8 r.) Margarita Island (f. 8 r.) Puerto Rico (f. 10 r.) "Sombrade" tree (f. 10 v.) "Cora9on" fruit (f. 11 r.) Chameleon (f. 11 v.) Parrakeets (f. 12 r.) Portoplatte (f. 13 r.) Port of Mancenille (f. 13 r.) Port of Mousquitte (f. 14 r.) Monte Cristo (f. 15 r.) Cape St. Nicolas (f. 15 v.) Santo Domingo (f. 17 v.) Mountain with copper mine (f. 18 r.) Seabirds (f. 19 v.) Cayman Islands (f. 19 v.) La Sonde (f. 20 v.) Veracruz (f. 22 r.) San Juan de Luz (f. 22 r.) Mexico City (f. 24 r.) Silver mines (f. 24 v.) Cochineal (f. 25 r.) "Canime" tree (f. 25 v.) "Cacao" tree (f. 26 v.) "Gouyane" tree (f. 27 r.) "Acoyate" fruit (f. 27 v.) "Algarobe" fruit (f. 28 r.) "Carreau" fruit (f. 28 v.) "Siroille" fruit (f. 28 v.) "Palmiste" tree (f. 29 r.) "Cocque" fruit (f. 29 v.) Palm tree (f. 30 r.) "Plante" fruit (f. 30 v.)

Bologna Cape Finisterre (f. 2 r.) Cape St. Vincent (f. 2 v.) Cadix (f. 3 v.) San Lucar de Barrameda (f. 4 r.) Seville (f. 4 v.) Canary Islands (f. 6 r.) La Deseade Island (f. 7 r.) Guadaloupe (f. 8 r.) Virgin Islands (f. 9 r.) Pearl fishermen (f. 10 r.) Margarita Island (f. 10 v.) Puerto Rico (f. 13 r.) "Sombrade" tree (f. 14 r.) "Cora9on" fruit (f. 14 v.) Chameleon (f. 15 r.) Parrakeets (f. 15 v.) Portoplatte (f. 17 r.) Port of Mancenille (f. 17 v.) Port of Mousquitte (f. 19 r.) Monte Cristo (f. 20 r.) Cape St. Nicolas (f. 20 v.) Santo Domingo (f. 23 r.) Mountain with copper mine (f. 24 r.) Seabirds (f. 25 r.) Cayman Islands (f. 26 r.) La Sonde (f. 27 r.) Veracruz (f. 28 v.) San Juan de Luz (f. 29 r.) Mexico City (f. 31 v.) Silver mines (f. 32 r.) Cochineal (f. 33 r.) "Canime" tree (f. 33 v.) "Cacao" tree (f. 35 r.) "Gouyane" tree (f. 35 v.) "Acoyate" fruit (f. 36 r.) "Algarobe" fruit (f. 37 r.) "Carreau" fruit (f. 37 v.) "Siroille" fruit (f. 38 r.) "Palmiste" tree (f. 38 v.) "Cocque" fruit (f. 39 r.) Palm tree (f. 39 v.) "Plante" fruit (f. 40 r.)

Turin Cape Finisterre (f. 2 r.) Cape St. Vincent (f. 2 v.) Cadix (f. 3 r.) San Lucar de Barrameda (f. 3 v.) Seville (f. 4 r.) Canary Islands (f. 5 v.) La Deseade Island (f. 6 r.) Guadaloupe (f. 6 v.) Virgin Islands (f. 7 r.) Pearl fishermen (f. 7 v.) Margarita Island (f. 8 r.) Puerto Rico (f. 10 v.) "Sombrade" tree (f. n r.) "Cora9on" fruit (f. 11 v.) Chameleon (f. 12 r.) Parrakeets (f. 12 v.) Portoplatte (f. 13 v.) Port of Mancenille (f. 13 v.) Port of Mousquitte (f. 14 v.) Monte Cristo (f. 15 v.) Cape St. Nicolas (f. 16 r.) Santo Domingo (f. 18 r.) Mountain with copper mine (f. 19 r.) Seabirds (f. 20 r.) Cayman Islands (f. 20 v.) La Sonde (f. 21 v.) Veracruz (f. 23 r.) San Juan de Luz (f. 23 v.) Mexico City (f. 26 r.) Silver mines (f. 26 v.) Cochineal (f. 27 r.) "Canime" tree (f. 27 v.) "Cacao" tree (f. 29 r.) "Gouyane" tree (f. 29 v.) "Acoyate" fruit (f. 30 r.) "Algarobe" fruit (f. 30 v.) "Carreau" fruit (f. 31 r.) "Siroille" fruit (f. 31 r.) "Palmiste" tree (f. 31 v.) "Cocque" fruit (f. 32 r.) Palm tree (f. 32 v.) "Plante" fruit (f. 33 r.)

Publisher's note: Giraudo has modernized and corrected the titles of figures. This table locates them, and indicates which ones are missing, in each manuscript (f.2. r., or folio 2 recto; f.2.v., or folio 2 verso). Note 7 indicates that a comparison of variants in the spelling of geographic names could be conducted.

A dragon (plate 47, Providence). "There are also dragons of strange shape, having a head approaching to that of an eagle, wings like a bat, a body like a lizard and only two rather large feet, the tail somewhat scaly; and they are large as a sheep, but are not dangerous and do no harm to anybody, though to see them one would say the contrary" (Champlain [Brief Discours] in Biggar (ed.), i: 54-55).

The Manuscripts of the Brief Discours • 79

No. 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81

Dieppe/Providence "Maix" (f. 31 r.) "Cassau," "Copal," and "Patates" (f. 31 v. Other fruits (f. 32 r.) "Couleure" snake (f. 32 v.) Dragon (f. 33 r.) Iguana (f. 33 v.) Cayman (f. 34 r.) Turtle (f. 34 v.) Tigers (f. 34 v.) "Siuette" animal (f. 35 r.) Lama (f. 35 v.) Deers and other animals (f. 35 v.) "Pacho del cielo" bird (f. 36 v.) Ebony tree (f. 37 v.) Other tree (f. 38 r.) Brazil nut tree(f. 38 v.) Aboriginal ceremony (f. 39 v.) Inquisition (f. 41 r.) Aboriginals and church (f. 41 v.) MISSING (f. 42 r.) Aboriginal habitations (f. 42 v.) MISSING (f. 43 r.) MISSING (f. 43 r.) MISSING (f. 43 v.) MISSING (f. 44 r.) MISSING (f. 44 r.) MISSING (f. 44 v.) MISSING (f. 44 v.) MISSING (f. 44 v.) MISSING (f. 45 r.) MISSING (f. 45 r.) MISSING (f. 45 r.) MISSING (f. 45 r.) MISSING (f. 45 r.) MISSING (f. 45 v.) MISSING (f. 45 v.) MISSING (f. 45 v.) MISSING (f. 45 v.) MISSING (f. 45 v.)

Turin "Maix" (f. 41 r.) "Cassau," "Copal," and "Patates" (f. 41 Other fruits (f. 42 v.) "Couleure" snake (f. 43 r.) Dragon (f. 43 v.) Iguana (f. 44 r.) Cayman (f. 45 r.) Turtle (f. 45 v.) MISSING (no space f. 45 v.) MISSING (frame f. 46 r.) Lama (f. 47 r.) MISSING (frame f. 47 v.) MISSING (frame f. 49 r.) MISSING (blank space f. 49 v.) MISSING (blank page f. 50 r.) MISSING (blank page f. 50 v.) MISSING (blank page f. 52 r.) MISSING (blank page f. 54 r.) MISSING (blank page f. 54 v.) MISSING (blank space f. 55 r.) MISSING (blank space f. 55 v.) MISSING (blank page f. 57 r.) MISSING (blank space f. 57 v.) MISSING (no space f. 58 r.) MISSING (blank space f. 59 r.) MISSING (blank page f. 60 r.) MISSING (blank page f. 61 r.) MISSING (blank page f. 62 r.) MISSING (blank space f. 62 v.) MISSING (blank page f. 63 v.) MISSING (blank page f. 64 v.) MISSING (blank page f. 65 r.) MISSING (blank space f. 65 v.) MISSING (blank space f. 66 r.) MISSING (blank space f. 66 v.) MISSING (blank space f. 67 r.) MISSING (blank page f. 68 r.) MISSING (blank page f. 69 r.) MISSING (blank space f. 69 v.)

fort estroitte et a chacunne des deux pointes de la ditte entree y a unne forteresse, tresbonnes et bien munies de se qui est nessesaire po les conserver" (f. 49 r.~49v.). The biggest difference is found in the last sentence of the manuscript: the Bologna and Turin copies contain a part substantially the same, with a few spelling differences - that is not present in the Providence copy. Providence copy: "Ayantz passe lesdictes isles des Essores, nous feusmes recognoistre le cap St. Vicent, ou nous prismes deux vaisseaux Anglois qui estoient in guerre, que nous menames in la riviere de Seville, d'ou nous estions partis, et ou fust 1'achevement de nostre voiage; aquel je demeuray depuis nostre partement de Seiville, tant sur mer que sur terre, deuz ans deux mois" Bologna copy: "Aiant passe les dictes Isles des Essores nous feusmes recougnoistre le Cap St. Vincent ou nous prismes deux vaisseaux anglois qui estoient in guerre que nous menames alia riviere de siville dou nous estions prtis et ou fust la chevent de nre voiage dontje louay diou et de le quejavois par ca grace reseu le contentement que je desirois pour leffet que javois desire & entrepris ce voiage auquel je demuray de puis nre partemente de siville tant sur mer que sur terre deux ans deux mois" Turin copy: "Ayant passe les dittes isles des essores, no feusmes recognoistre le cap de St. Vicent ou no primes deux vaisseaux, Anglois que estoyent in guerre: que no menasmes in la riviere de Seville dou no estions partis et ou feust lachevement de nre

80

CHAMPLAIN

"Maix" (f. 33 v.) "Cassau," "Copal," and "Patates" (f. 34 r.) Other fruits (f. 34 v.) "Couleure" snake (f. 35 r.) Dragon (f. 35 v.) Iguana (f. 36 r.) Cayman (f. 36 v.) Turtle (f. 37 r.) MISSING (frame f. 37 r.) Animal dit Siuette (f. 37 v.) Lama (f. 38 r.) MISSING (frame f. 38 r.) "Pacho del cielo" bird (f. 39 r.) MISSING (frame f. 39 v.) MISSING (frame f. 40 r.) MISSING (frame f. 40 v.) MISSING (blank page f. 41 v.) MISSING (blank space f. 43 r.) MISSING (blank page f. 43 v.) MISSING (blank space f. 44 r.) MISSING (blank space f. 44 v.) MISSING (blank space f. 45 v.) MISSING (blank space f. 46 r.) MISSING (blank space f. 47 r.) MISSING (blank space f. 48 r.) MISSING (blank space f. 48 ¥.-49 r.) MISSING (blank space f. 50 r.) MISSING (blank space f. 50 v.) MISSING (blank space f. 51 r.) MISSING (blank space f. 51 v.) MISSING (blank space f. 52 r.) MISSING (blank page f. 52 v.) MISSING (blank space f. 53 r.) MISSING (blank space f. 53 v.) MISSING (blank space f. 54 r.) MISSING (blank space f. 54 v.) MISSING (blank space f. 55 r.) MISSING (blank space f. 55 v.) MISSING (blank space f. 56 r.)

voyage dontje louuay dieu et de ce que javois par sa grasse receu lecontentement que je desirois po leffait que javois dessire et entepris ce voyage; auquel je demeuray depuis nre partement de Seville, tant seur mer que seur terre; deux ans deus mois"

The Figures in the Brief Discours In the seventeenth century, there was a wave of interest in the New World, and voyage accounts turned from especially original and extravagant aspects to the realities of nature: the typical elements of flora and fauna, the portrayal of which was intended more to describe than to amaze. The Brief Discours was no exception. As we know, it is ornamented with figures, in different numbers in the three copies: sixty-two in the Providence copy, fifty-one in the Bologna copy, and fifty-three in the Turin copy. Referring to the Bologna copy, Casale Pedrielli wrote, In this respect, Samuel Champlain's manuscript is interesting: his voyage account from the port of Calais to the Indies is accompanied by simple pen drawings, made by the author himself, in clear lines that bring out the contours. Appearing one after the other, a ccompanied by didactic commentaries often made more comprehensible by the use of easy comparisons, are images of the parrot, the chameleon, the iguana, and the palm tree, to cite just some of the many exotic items illustrated by Champlain. (Casali Pedrielli, 1992: 96)

TABLE 5

The missing figures Subject Dieppe/Providence Turin No reference in the text

No reference in the text but blank space on f. 55 r.

No reference in the text but blank space on f. 44 r.

Porto Belo

No reference in the text

No reference in the text but blank page at f. 57 r.

No reference in the text but blank space on f. 45 v.

Port of Panama

Reference in the text on f. 43 r.

Reference in the text and blank space on f. 57 v

Reference in the text and blank space on f. 46 r.

Porto Belo River

Reference in the text on f. 43 v.

Reference in the text on f. 58 r.

Reference in the text and blank space on f. 47 r.

Coast of Campeche

Reference in the text on f. 44 r.

Reference in the text and blank space on f. 59 r.

Reference in the text and blank space on f. 48 r.

Port of Cartagena

Reference in the text on f. 44 r.

Reference in the text and blank page at f. 60 r.

Reference in the text and blank space on f. 48 v.49 r.

Havana

Reference in the text on f. 44 v.

Reference in the text and blank page at f. 61 r.

Reference in the text and blank space on f. 50 r.

Island of Cuba

No reference in the text

Reference in the text and blank page at f. 62 r.

No reference in the text but blank space on f. 50 v.

Pineapples

No reference in the text

No reference in the text but blank space on f. 62 v.

No reference in the text but blank space on f. 51 r.

Rounding up of cattle

No reference in the text

No reference in the text but blank page at f. 63 v.

No reference in the text but blank space on f. 51 v.

Bahamas canal

Reference in the text on f. 45 r.

Reference in the text and blank page at f. 64 v.

Reference in the text and blank space on f. 52 r.

Florida

Reference in the text on f. 45 r.

Reference in the text and blank page at f. 65 r.

Reference in the text and blank page at f. 52 v.

Aboriginal habitations

Bermuda

Reference in the text on f. 45 r.

Reference in the text and blank space on f. 65 v.

Reference in the text and blank space on f. 53 r.

Flying fish

No reference in the text

No reference in the text but blank space on f. 66 r.

No reference in the text but blank space on f. 53 v.

Sharks

Reference in the text on f. 45 v.

Reference in the text and blank space on f. 66 v.

Reference in the text and blank space on f. 54 r.

Coast of Santo Domingo

Reference in the text on f. 45 v.

Reference in the text and blank space on f. 67 r.

Reference in the text and blank space on f. 54 v.

Florida

No reference in the text

No reference in the text but blank page at f. 68 r.

No reference in the text but blank space on f. 55 r.

lie Terciere

Reference in the text on f. 45 v.

Reference in the text and blank page at f. 69 r.

Reference in the text and blank space on f. 55 v.

The Azores

No reference in the text

No reference in the text but blank space on f. 69 v.

No reference in the text but blank space on f. 56 r.

The Providence copy, in addition to presenting the largest number of figures, is the only one in which they are executed in natural colours, while in the Bologna and Turin copies they are executed in pen. Vigneras has hypothesized that in the case of the Providence copy the illustrator preceded the copyist, since the copy does not contain empty space where the text mentions a nonexecuted drawing. The contrary situation occurs in the Bologna copy: each time the text mentions a non-executed space, an empty space, sometimes with a frame, appears, which leads us to presume that the copyist preceded the illustrator (Vigneras, 1957: 164-65). This observation may also apply to the Turin copy, which has a number of empty frames and spaces. In reality, comparative analysis of the three copies shows that the original manuscript of the Brief Discours must have contained at least eighty-one drawings. As we can see, fifty-one figures are present in all three copies of the manuscript, two others only in the Providence and Turin copies, nine others only in the Providence copy, and nineteen figures are missing in all three manuscripts, but we

know that they are in the original manuscript because the text refers to them and/or because there is a blank space. From the text of the three copies and a comparative analysis, we can draw important information on the figures in the original manuscript. Thus, of the missing figures, eight are not referred to in the text in any of the three copies, while the others are referred to; however, in the Bologna and Turin copies, a blank space still seems to have been reserved for them, the only exception being the figure that should have represented the Porto Belo River, to which the Bologna text refers but without leaving a corresponding space. In the Providence copy, even in the eleven cases in which the text refers to a figure, no space was left for one. Conclusion We have followed the paths of the three copies of the Brief Discours between Dieppe, Providence, Turin, and Bologna. Certain mysteries have been unravelled, but other hypotheses remain to be verified in the light of new information. The Manuscripts of the Brief Discours • 81

Through a comparative analysis of the three manuscripts, we have identified many variants, of various types and also discovered gaps in the text. The difference observed between the last sentence of the account, which contains some words in the Bologna and Turin copies that are missing in the Providence copy, allows us to make conclusions on the relationships between the three copies. It is not possible that the Bologna and Turin copyists worked from the copy now preserved in Providence. On the other hand, the Providence copy - which contains the largest number of drawings - could not have been drawn from either of the other two copies. Finally, in spite of the many variants that seem similar in the Bologna and Turin

copies, it is unlikely that the two copyists based their works on each other's: the Turin manuscript contains two drawings not present in the Bologna manuscript, and the latter contains elements missing in the former. In short, none of the three copies appears to be a copy of either of the other two. This comparison leads to the hypothesis that the copyists of the three manuscripts worked from a fourth copy, more complete, or that they had access to the original manuscript. For the moment, we can only imagine this manuscript by reconstructing the text and the figures after comparing the three copies that have survived to the present day. to one of which, named Nacou, we went to take in water, and as we landed we saw more than three hundred savages, who fled away into the mountains without it being in our power to overtake a single one of them, they being more nimble in running than all our men who tried to follow them" (Champlain [Brief Discours} in Biggar (ed.), 1:11-12).

to be credulous with regard to the quetzal and the dragon, two beasts that were not familiar to him, is it not still disconcerting that the Spanish Archives reveal that Urdayre sent two officers to Mexico City, one of whom was none other than Yeronimo de Vallebrera, the captain of the Saint-Julian? Of course, Champlain is not named among those who accompanied him, but this simple fact makes Champlain's idea of a tour of Mexico less unlikely than Vigneras would have it. Even if Champlain did not personally go to Mexico City, he might have obtained from Yeronomino de Vallebrera the details that he deemed useful to include in his "account." The same could be said of his stay in Porto Belo. Even though he is somewhat biased against the absolute authenticity of the Brief Discours, Vigneras cannot keep from concluding, Whether he made the voyage or not, he included Porto Belo and Cartagena because Coloma had been there. If he mentions Margarita, it is because every armada sent a tender there, and his description of Guadeloupe is owed to the fact that fleets going to America were in the habit of making a water stop there. In his narration he included all the places visited, including Mexico City, by part or all of the armada that went annually to the West Indies, without taking account of the itinerary really followed by the Saint-Julian. He may have learned what he knew about the Caymans from a few French privateers. (Vigneras, 1957:194)

How, from this, he concludes that the Brief Discours was probably not written by Champlain escapes me. For these are precisely the type of remarks that seem to me to militate in favour of its authenticity, if one accepts my observations on the intention and literary genre of the Brief Discours. civ Is the Brief Discours by Champlain? • 91

Mexico City (plate 19: Providence, left; Bologna, right). "But all the contentment I felt at the sight of things so pleasing was but little in regard to what I experienced when I beheld that beautiful city of Mexico, which I had not supposed to be so superbly constructed of splendid temples, palaces and fine houses; and the streets extremely well laid out, in which are to be seen the large handsome shops of the merchants full of all sorts of very rich merchandise. I think, as well as I could judge, that there are in the said city twelve to fifteen thousand Spanish inhabitants, and six times as many Christian Indians also dwelling there, besides a great number of negro slaves." Champlain then describes the environs and notes, "Two leagues from the said Mexico are silver mines, which the king of Spain has farmed out for five millions of gold a year" (Champlain [Brief Discours] in Biggar (ed.), i: 42-43).

NOTES 1. We do not know Champlain's date of birth. The years 1567 and 1570 have been proposed, which would make him twenty-eight or thirty-one years old. 2. Bruchesi, 1950, 44. He is supported on this point by Claude de Bonnault, 1954, 62 n.6: "Mr. Biggar did not know much about old France. Since he did not seek to inform himself, he mistook an army quartermaster, a superior officer, for a lower officer".

3. Vigneras, 1957, 168. Vigneras bases himself on Contratacion 5112 (Zubiaur, 12 and 15 September 1598) from the 1'Archivo General de Indias. Vigneras is less fussy about dates than is Bruchesi, or he might have pointed out that Zubiaur set sail in late August rather than at the "beginning," as Champlain says. 4. Deschamps, 1951, 5-6: "It is very doubtful that this voyage took place; it was probably only a compilation of accounts by other voyagers." He even suggests that Champlain got these accounts

from his uncle and simply made "a synopsis that he attributed to himself in order to curry the favour of the king, of whom he was perhaps already an observer." In addition, by denouncing "the cruelties of the Spanish and the Inquisition with regard to the Indians," Champlain may have wanted to please Henri IV. 5. "Inclined to line his pockets, he had committed so many abuses that he had been suspended for three years" (Vigneras, 1957,171).

Research Report: A Mission to Spain LAURA GIRAUDO State University of Milan, Italy

WE

STILL KNOW LITTLE about Samuel de Champlain's youth. His presence in Spain in 1598 and his participation in the voyage to the "West Indies" related in the Brief Discours are surrounded with mystery. There is still room for controversy, since without documentary proof the many doubts surrounding this famous voyage account, of which three manuscript copies exist, cannot be entirely erased. Claude de Bonnault wrote in 1954 that the account reported in the Brief Discours "was reproduced many, many times without raising objections. In reality, it was accepted only as long as it was not subjected to textual evidence. When compared with authentic pieces of evidence, it proved unable to stand up."1 The research to date has unearthed documents that confirm some parts of the account but contradict many others.2 A number of Spanish archival collections related to the history of Canada have been found, but there are still others to explore (see Bonnault, 1951-52 and 1952-53: 415-66; Bois, 1990). The Medina Sidonia collection, in Sanlucar de Barrameda, is one. For his research in the 19508, Vigneras was not able to obtain access to it, but he attached great importance to it: "We might discover the key to the mystery if we find the original manuscript of the Brief Discours, or if the Duque de Medina Sidonia overcomes his fear of thieves" (Vigneras, 1957: 200). That is the genesis of the idea of my research mission to the Medina Sidonia archives in Spain. The main objective was to find any trace of Champlain in either Spain or Sanlucar de Barrameda as well as any trace of his journey to the West Indies. The relevance of the archives is obvious, given the organization of the Spanish Crown's fleets and armadas in the sixteenth century.

The Casa de la Contratacion and the Carrera de Indias The Casa de la Contratacion was created by the Spanish Crown on 20 January 1503 to control trade with the American territories.3 The organization's headquarters was located in Seville until 1707, when it was transferred to Cadix. The Crown may have wanted to follow the Portuguese model of the Casa da India and intended to use the Casa de la Contratacion to centralize the management of trade with the Americas, but it rapidly abandoned the idea that the organization could monopolize all trade and contented itself with having it control the

circulation of people and merchandise to further fiscal objectives. The Casa de la Contratacion organized convoys for departure, granted navigation permits to private ships, inspected cargos, compiled bills of lading, and collected taxes on merchandise. In addition to its trade, fiscal, and inspection functions, it acted as a civil court in cases involving revenues due to the Crown by merchants and as a criminal court in cases of violation of trade and navigation statutes. In 1526, Charles Quint placed it under the jurisdiction of the Council of the West Indies, but in fact, it continued to be very autonomous.4 The expression carrera de Indias refers to the navigation of merchant ships between a Spanish port and American ports. This trade began to develop in the first half of the sixteenth century and became fully organized around 1560. In 1521, to counter the pillaging of pirates, the Armada Real de la guardia de la Carrera de las Indias was created. Thus, trade between Spain and its American territories was conceived from its earliest years as a private activity, although subject to the authority and standards of the Crown. On various occasions, the king authorized Italian, Flemish, German, English, and French merchants to trade in Spain's New World territories. Foreigners also took part in trade by partnering with Spanish merchants who acted as sales agents, and many foreign ships obtained special permits to join authorized convoys. Legislation by the Crown and, later, the Casa's standards reduced both the economic risks of navigation and the initial costs of the transactions. To those participating in the carrera de Indias, the Crown offered collective protection of ownership rights through the administrative structure in America and, during crossings, the convoy system. More than seventy of the two hundred chapters of ordenanzas sent by the Council of the West Indies to the Casa de la Contratacion dealt with navigation standards, enforcement of which fell to the king's officers. Starting in 1561, crossings by single ships were banned, and all maritime traffic had to travel in two annual convoys protected by warships: the New Spain fleet and the Terra Firma fleet. In 1579, the position of president of the Casa de la Contratacion was created with a mandate to ensure the punctuality of departures, but the convoys continued to be delayed mainly due to the divergent, if not contradictory, interests of those concerned: shipowners, merchants, proveedores (ship's chandlers), and king's officers. In Research Report: A Mission to Spain • 93

restricting navigation to specific periods of the year, the convoy system made it necessary to send ships, called navios de aviso, to ensure communications, both governmental and private (Veitia y Linaja, 1672: book 2, chapter 21). In 1759, a royal statute designated the months during which convoys had to depart, but it was not always respected. In a report to Philippe II, the Duque de Medina Sidonia, then general captain of the Andalusian coasts, recalled that he had to appoint the general and admiral of the New Spain fleet in December so that the ships could be assembled in Guadalquivir in March and be ready to raise anchor in May. And then, in May the captains for the Terra Firma fleet had to be appointed so that the ships could be assembled at Sanliicar in July and be ready to leave in August. The duke's suggestions were found in a decree in 1582. For the return trip, it was established that the convoys would assemble at Havana in June and sail in August, to avoid the hurricanes that made navigation difficult in the Bahamas.5 In 1558, upon the death of the Marquis de Santa Cruz, who had been in charge of the West Indies fleets and armadas, the king appointed the Duque de Medina Sidonia capitdn general del mar oceano y costa del Andaluda, a position he assumed officially on 21 March.6 Subsequently, the duke had civil and criminal jurisdiction over all types of ships (see Alvarez de Toledo, 1994, book i: 338-45). He soon issued a series of instructions for generals, captains, soldiers, seamen, and whoever else was involved with the fleets and armadas.7 The Ordenanzas de la Gente de la Mar, transcribed by Juan Pedro Velazquez Gaztelu (1774: 405-15), were promulgated in 1590. The Archives of Medina Sidonia: The Key to the Mystery? I would perhaps have had more luck at the Archive del Mar Oceano in Sanlucar de Barrameda, and I might even have found the complete list of seamen on the San Julian at the time when the ship arrived in Spain, since there is a document from the Casa de Contratacion, dated 23 December 1598, which contains the following paragraph: "We cannot settle the accounts with regard to the crews of General P. de Zubiaur, because the original lists are at the Armada del Mar Oceano." Unfortunately, the Archive del Mar Oceano is not open to the public. (Vigneras, 1957: 195) The Archives of Medina Sidonia (AMS), property of the Casa de Medina Sidonia, comprise 6,314 boxes. Aside from the Medina Sidonia archive, which is the largest, there are collections belonging to various families: Fajardo, Toledo, Aragon, Moncada, Requesens, and Maza de Linaza. Most of the documents are originals, but there are also copies and printed materials. There are also, of course, personal papers, administrative documents, and official and private correspondence.8 The history of the archives is closely linked to the life of Isabel Alvarez de Toledo, Duquesa de Medina Sidonia, known as the Red Duchess.9 The niece of the historian Gabriel Maura, she had been familiar with the family archives since adolescence and began to reorganize them in 1956, when she transferred them to the palace at Sanlucar de Barrameda. After her years in exile, she returned to her cataloguing in the late 19708 and wrote a detailed inventory of each file. This inventory, 94 • C H A M P L A I N

twenty volumes long, is an indispensable tool for researchers interested in the archives. The archive does not contain a specific index of documents related to the Capitania del Mar Oceano, which might contain information on the voyage described in the Brief Discours. In fact, there is no section as such devoted to the Capitania; in the general index there are few references to the Capitania and the convoys that departed for the West Indies, especially for the final years of the sixteenth century and the early seventeenth century. For the period between 1590 and 1603, there are only three boxes containing correspondence between the king (or his secretaries) and the Duque de Medina Sidonia.10 The other files relating to the Capitania cover the years before or after this period.11 Certain documents kept in the archives mention Luis Fajardo, general of the fleet that lifted anchor in 1598 and whose return voyage crossed the path of the fleet commanded by Francisco Coloma that left from Sanlucar on 3 February 1599. When his fleet returned to Spain in March 1599, General Fajardo stayed behind at Cartagena with his flagship; he later returned to Spain with Coloma's fleet. The duke suggested to the king that a new fleet be fitted out without waiting for Fajardo to return.12 A letter from the king to the duke dated 22 February 1601 corroborates an episode related in the Brief Discours, which is also confirmed by other sources in the Archive of the West Indies: the capture of two English ships by General Fajardo off Cape St. Vincent. For otra mi zedula embio a mandar al General Don Luis Fajardo lo que ha de hazer de lo que toca a la presa de los navios de Yngleses que tomo sobre el Cavo de St.Vizente el ano pasado de 1600 os encargo y mando proveais y ordeneis que se bueva lo que se tomo. (AMS, box 2404. See also Vigneras, 1957: 192)

Other documents mention Pedro de Zubiaur, who, as we know, left Blavet on 23 August 1598 with eighteen ships, among them the San Julian, and returned to Sanlucar on 12 October.13 On 24 December 1600, the king made it known to the duke that irregularities and fraud had been committed on certain ships under the command of General Zubiaur. In the attached letter from Francisco de Quiroz, dated 24 November, it was explained that frauds had been committed against the Crown, but that in spite of inquiries by the Duque de Medina Sidonia the case was not taken to court and only one officer was convicted (AMS, box 2404). Aside from these few references, there is no trace in the Medina Sidonia archives of the crew list for the San Julian; nor are there any documents related to either Zubiaur's or Coloma's fleet. The account books of the duke's family for the years 1598-1600 shed no light on the matter, either.14 It seems obvious that the documentation regarding the Capitania del Mar Oceano, which was probably at Sanlucar (or at Madrid before the archives were transferred), has been lost, but it is impossible to know how.15

pagador of Zubiaur's convoy was named Luis de Toledo; his accounts can thus be found alongside those of the five pursers.19 The consultas of the Council of the West Indies of November 1598 mention the preparations of the convoy before Zubiaur was relieved of his position.20 The royal decree of 2 December 1598 ordered the president of the Casa de la Contratacion to spend thirty thousand ducats to fit out Zubiaur's ships.21 Then, in January 1599, Zubiaur was one of the three candidates for the position of general of the New Spain fleet.22 In November of that year, he was among the candidates for the position of general of the armada charged with going to defend the territories from the Dutch.23 Two other consultas, of February and March 1599, dealt with the preparations of the New Spain fleet.24 On 22 February 1599, the Council of the West Indies ordered the Casa de la Contratacion to quickly prepare for the departure of the New Spain fleet and to keep General Zubiaur from sequestering the ships that were supposed to be part of it (AWI, Indiferente, 1957, L. 5, f. 110 v.). Two galizabras (ships with a draught of about one hundred tons) that were part of Zubiaur's fleet were sold later (AWI, Indiferente, 1957, L. 5, f. no v.). In the meantime, as we know, Coloma took over Zubiaur's position as general of the armada that lifted anchor on 3 February.25 General Zubiaur was also mentioned in some of the actions taken and convictions handed down by the Council of the West Indies regarding an illegal cargo of wine and oil on the San Julian (AWI, Indiferente, 1953, L. 5, f. 52 v.-53: "Real Disposicion" of 26 June 1600. Escribania, 954: "Sentencias del Consejo," 1600-12. Escribania 10126: "Pleitos del Consejo," 1603-05). And the San Julian was mentioned not only in the letter from the general to the Council of the West Indies of 12 October 1598, but also in other documents in the sections Contratacion, Indiferente, and Patronato. A few days before the departure, the bureaucrats of the Casa de la Contratacion, while inspecting ships in Coloma's armada, noted that the San Julian had a full cargo to which only two quintals of hardtack could be added (AWI, Contratacion 2956: "Relacion de la visita a los galeones de la armada de Coloma por los oficiales de la Casa de la Contratacion," 30 January 1599). The list of seamen in General Coloma's armada, when it was in Puerto Rico in March 1599, comprised 1,182 people, including 78 sailors on board the San Julian. Unfortunately, no names are mentioned (AWI, Patronato, 254, N. 3, G. 3, R. 6 (i): "Relacion de la gente de mar y guerra que al presente ay en los diez y siete galeones, filibotes y otros navios de la armada de que es capitan general el senor don Francisco Coloma, que La gente de mar que hay en la mayor parte de ellas [the ships in esta surta en esta isla de San Juan de Puerto Rico"). In June of the convoy] es flamenca y francesa, de la cual se puede fiar bien that year, repairs were made to the ships, including the San poco en Jornada como esta sino es de los que son muy conoJulian, at Veracruz.26 Finally, documents from the Archives de cidos que hay pocos en estos navios han servido y sirven bien Simancas and the AWI indicate that following damage to it, merezen que se les satisfaga su trabajo.17 the San Julian lost contact with the fleet, confirming part of In addition to the references to Pedro de Zubiaur's appoint- the Brief Discours.2? Other documents in the AWI mention ment as captain of the armada in September 1598 (AWI, that by order of General Coloma, the ship was sold and the Indiferente 1866), there are references to him and his convoy in captain and crew were transferred to other ships (AWI, the sections Contratacion, Indiferente,i8 and Escribania. These Contratacion 2956 e 2958; Indiferente General 2680). There is the question of the dismissal of Guillermo are documents of various types: accounts of the pagadores de armada and maestres (pursers); measures and convictions by Eleno, the "Capitaine Provencal" of the Brief Discours, in two the Council of the West Indies; royal measures and decrees. The documents in which the texts are almost identical: both are

The General Archive of the West Indies in Seville: The Armada of Francisco Coloma The Archives of the West Indies (AWI), founded in 1785, contains the collections of the main institutions related to the New World and is the largest documentation centre for studying the Spanish administration in the Americas.16 The Ordenanzas para el Archive General de Indias of 1790 decreed that the collections were to be classified according to their provenance. Today, the Archives contain more than 43,000 boxes, categorized in 16 sections: Patronato, Contaduria, Contratacion, Justida, Gobierno, Escribania de Camara, Arribadas, Correos, Estado, Ultramar, Papeles de Cuba, Consulados, Titulos de Castilla, Tribunal de Cuentas, Diversos, Mapas y Pianos. Four of these sections do not conform with the principle of provenance and contain documents from other collections: Patronato, Titulos de Castilla, Diversos, Mapas y Pianos. The largest collection comprises documents from the Council of the West Indies, distributed mainly in the sections Justida, Escribania de Camara, Contaduria, and Gobierno. The documents of the Casa de la Contratacion form the second-largest collection. This section has six thousand files containing all of the documents related to the activities of the Casa. Digitization of the collection began in the mid-1980s, and today a good part of the documents relating to the sixteenth century are available in digital form. In the 19508, Vigneras conducted research at the Archives de Simancas and the AWI; he published some of the results in an interesting article that compared the Brief Discours with the documents regarding the voyage of Pedro de Zubiaur from Blavet to Cadix, and that of Francisco Coloma from Sanlucar de Barrameda to America (Vigneras, 1957). Unfortunately, he found no document in which the name of Samuel de Champlain appeared: "For months," he wrote, "I dug through various sections of the Archives of the West Indies in Sevillle without once finding the name of the founder of Quebec" (Vigneras, 1957: 195). Fifty years later, the mystery is still intact, in spite of the abundance of documentation on these two voyages. The hypothesis advanced by Vigneras to the effect that Champlain undertook the voyage clandestinely or in a subordinate role appears more and more likely. In addition to the documents on French seamen and clandestine passengers on the San Julian mentioned by Vigneras (AWI, Contratacion 2958 and Contratacion 64), there is a letter from Pedro de Zubiaur dated 18 October 1598 refering to the phenomenon:

Research Report: A Mission to Spain • 95

dated 26 February i599and both mention a sum of 300 reals paid by the Casa de la Contratacion: Al capitan Guillermo Eleno del felibote San Julian de los que traxo Cubiaur de bretana y ba sirviendo en la armada de don francisco coloma. Don Francisco tello thesorero de su magestad en la Casa de la contrazion de las indias mande VM pagar al cappitan guilermo eleno tresicentos reales que salen diez mil y doscientos maravedies que se los mandamos pagar a buen quenta de su sueldodel tiempo que a servido de Cappitan del felibote nombrado San Julian uno de losque traxo de bretana el general pedro de cubiaur desde onze de octubre del ano passado de noventa y ocho que entro en San Lucar enpeco a servir por quenta de la armada que avia de yr a puertorico.28

My research at the AWI turned up a surprise: letters addressed to the Duque de Medina Sidonia, which one might have expected to be at Sanlucar. In a letter of 25 December 1598, the king informs the duke that he has ordered General Coloma to fit out an armada to sail to the West Indies: os encargo y mando que a los capitanes y personas que por su (de Coloma) orden fueron a lebantar la dicha gente les deis y hagais dar todo el favor y ayuda que fuere necesario y conviniere para que con la mayor brevedad que mere posible se lebante y recoja en ellos la mas gente que se pudiere y procurar que la que se asentare y alistar no se ausente y que entre ella y la de la tierra no aya ningun ruido ni escandalo (AWI, Indiferente 2496, L. 7, n. i, f. 221 r.).

There is no trace of this letter in the Medina Sidonia archives, which confirms that a number of documents from these archives were lost. But it is also possible, as this case proves, that these documents are in the AWI. There are a number of types of documents regarding the armada of General Coloma in the Contaduria, Contratacion, Escribania, Indiferente, Patronato sections of the archive. First, one finds the above-mentioned reports on the number of sailors and soldiers who sailed with the armada (AWI, Patronato, 254, N. 3, G., 3. R. 6, n. i: "Relacion de la gente de mar y guerra que habia en las 17 naos de la armada del general don Francisco Coloma." Contained in n. 2: "Relacion de la gente de guerra en la misma armada. Son 12 companias y en ellas 1.233 personas"). Then there are the registers of the convoys (AWI, Contratacion,!^: "Registros de ida a Nueva Espana y a Santo Domingo." Ramo 2. "De los que fueron a Santo Domingo con los galeones y armada de Tierra Firme del general don Francisco Coloma. Ano de 1599"), the papeles de armada (AWI, Contratacion, 2956; Contratacion, 2957; Contratacion, 2958;

Contratacion, 2965, n. 4, regarding Juanes de Urdaire, almirante de Francisco Coloma), accounts of specific episodes - such as the story of the four hundred soldiers whom General Coloma left in Puerto Rico in March 1599 (AWI, Patronato 175, R. 42: "Infantes y soldados de guarnicion: defensa de Puerto Rico," 28 March 1599) - and reports on the services rendered by admirals and captains (AWI, Patronato, 257, N. i, G. 9, R. i: "Meritos y servicios: almirante Juan Maldonado, 1599"). Other files in the section Contratacion contain the account books of the pursers (maestres) (AWI, Contratacion, 3968; Contratacion, 3969; Contratacion, 3970), the officers of the Casa de la Contratacion (factores) (AWI, Contratacion, 4318: "Cuentas de Francisco Duarte de 1599 a 1615. n. i. De lo gastado en la armada del cargo del general don Francisco Coloma. 1599 y 1600"), and the treasurers charged with collecting taxes on products (receptores de averia) (AWI, Contratacion, 4400: "Cuentas de Leonardo de Ayala de 1598 y 1599. Numero i. Ano de 1598. Ramo i. "Las pertenecientes a la armada de don Luis Fajardo." Ramo 4. "Las pertenecientes a la armada de don Francisco Coloma"; Numero 2. Ano de 1599. Ramo 7. "Pertenecientes a la armada de don Francisco Coloma"). During the voyage, the Council of the West Indies issued a number of edicts on the shipping of merchandise, as well as warnings to the general and to the galleons that were to transport precious metals.29 There are also letters and reports addressed by Coloma and various captains (AWI, Indiferente 1115 et 1116). Finally, Coloma's armada gave rise to various civil and criminal trials, which resulted in abundant documentation.30 The Next Stage of Research? The research mission in Spain did not provide the anticipated results. On the other hand, we now know that the documents of the Capitania del Mar Oceano, which for a long time were thought to be in the Medina Sidonia archives, are not there or not any more. We have yet to completely sift through the abundant documentation of the Archive of the West Indies, and the practice of writing several copies of documents might encourage us to look for documents that have not been found in the Archives de Medina Sidonia. Other archives and collections also deserve exploration, notably the Archive del Museo Naval, in Madrid and in Ciudad Real, in particular the Vargas Ponce collection.31 Claude de Bonnault's words are still relevant: "We must not despair that one day new documents will come to light, which will help to replace the fantastical story of Champlain with the true story" (Bonnault, 1954: 69). 2: 230), and "Leaving the River St. John, and following the

coast for twenty leagues, they came to a large river . . . where they encamped on a small island [Sainte-Croix] in the middle of said river, which Monsieur Champlain had already explored" (Lescarbot [1609] in Grant (trans, and ed.), 2: 240). Lescarbot had an opportunity to consult the maps left by Champlain for Dugua de Monts.11 Among them were the maps he had drawn in Acadia, but also perhaps one that is now lost that he had drawn during his trip to the St. Lawrence Valley in 1603.12 Lescarbot no doubt used them for his Figure de la Terre neuve, grande riviere de Canada, et cotes de Vocean en la Nouvelle France.^ For the St. Lawrence axis, the place-names were taken in large part from Jacques Cartier,14 but Lescarbot's Champlain and Lescarbot: An Impossible Friendship • 129

"Figure of Port Royal in New France, by Marc Lescarbot, 1609." Lescarbot got a bit carried away when he made this map, sprinkling the bay with two ships, two dolphins, a rather scarylooking fish, and cannons to defend the entrance. Here and there are other cannons and small castles, the one at Port-Royal being, appropriately, slightly larger. It is interesting to compare this map with Champlain's portrayal of the settlement on his 1613 map (see p. 139). More realistic is the moose standing near the "orignac" river ("orignac" being the Basque spelling of the French word "orignal" for "moose"). On the north shore of the bay are a "Mon Royal" and a "Mont de la Roque" behind "Poutrincourt," facing an island called "Biencour ville."

drawing of the shores of the St. Lawrence River and its confluents proves to be remarkably accurate.15 For instance, the map shows the "Saguenay River" flowing out of a lake. It was the Montagnais of Tadoussac who had told Champlain in 1603 "that having passed the first fall, whence comes this torrent of water, they pass eight others, and then they travel one day's journey without finding any; then they pass ten other rapids, and enter a lake, which they take two days to cross" (Champlain [1603] in Biggar (ed.), i: 12223). In addition, Lescarbot spoke of a large "Riviere des Iroquois" oriented southwest-northeast and emptying into the St. Lawrence downriver of the "Rapids of the great river of Canada." Here, too, he proves to have benefited from the testimony of Champlain, who had been, in 1603, the first European to travel upriver "some five or six leagues" and to note that the river was "some three to four hundred paces wide" and "runs about southwest" (Champlain [1603] in Biggar (ed.), i: 141-42). In the map of Acadia made by Lescarbot in his Figure, all the place-names are taken from Champlain16 and the tracing of the littoral is very close to that on the map at the Library of Congress. The drawing of the Baie de Chouacouet is revealing: Lescarbot forgot neither the large southern point of land nor the eight islands carefully noted by Champlain. Only the "Kinibeki," "Norumbega," Sainte-Croix, and Saint-Jean Rivers are drawn approximately by Lescarbot, but it must be pointed out that Champlain had mapped only the lower watercourses. Lescarbot and Champlain did not see each other again until several months after publication of Histoire de la Nouvelle-Fmnce: the Parisian bookseller-publisher Jean Millot released it for sale in the early spring of 1609,17 but Champlain returned to France only in October of that year. He arrived at Honfleur on the rtfh and soon left for Fontainebleau. There, he found Pierre Dugua de Monts (Champlain [1613] in Laverdiere (ed.), 3: 349), who had just had an extension of his 130 • C H A M P L A I N

fur-trading monopoly rejected.18 Both met with Henri IV, to whom Champlain offered a belt "of porcupine quills," two small birds "the size of blackbirds and of a scarlet colour," and the head of "a certain fish which was caught in the great Iroquois lake." The king felt "pleasure and satisfaction" (Champlain [1613] in Biggar (ed.), 2:110,109), but he did not reconsider his decision. In 1610, Dugua de Monts went to Rouen, accompanied by Champlain, to decide with his partners Caulier and Legendre what he should do. They returned to Paris in January, with Champlain remaining in the capital until the end of February to prepare for his next voyage to depart from Honfleur on 7 March (Champlain [1613] in Laverdiere (ed.), 3: 350-53). It was during the first weeks of 1610 that Champlain met up with his companion from Port-Royal. Their meeting was quite warm, since Lescarbot wanted to hear, down to the last detail, about the first wintering over at Quebec and the expedition against the Iroquois in the summer of 1609. This particularly vivid account is found in part of La Conversion des Sauvages (Lescarbot, i6ioa: 40-44), written in October 1610, when Poutrincourt's son, Charles de Biencourt, was trying to obtain subsidies from the regent Marie de Medicis for his father, who had returned to Port-Royal the preceding 17 June to baptize Aboriginals.19 Thus, we read, "Champlain, who had loaded his musket with two balls, seeing two Iroquois walking ahead with feathers on their heads, doubted that they were two chiefs and wanted to advance to look at them more closely. But the savages of Kebec held him back, saying, 'it is not good that they see you, for forthwith, not being in the habit of seeing such people, they will run. But pull back behind our front rank and then, when we are ready, you will move forward.' This is what he did, and by this means both captains were killed together by a musket shot."20 Lescarbot was able to talk with Champlain again during Champlain's next visit to France, from 27 September 1610 to i March 1611 (Champlain [1613] in Laverdiere (ed.), 3: 377, 379).

No document attests to his presence at Champlain's marriage to Helene Boulle, celebrated on 30 December in Paris in the Saint-Germain-1'Auxerrois Church,21 but the second edition of his Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, written in large part during the fall of i6io,22 contains allusions to new discoveries. For instance, Lescarbot says of the Huron Savignon, brought back by Champlain, that he was "a man of good size, strong, robust, and courageous," who claimed that he had, in his country, "large and small animals, different from ours," as well as horses, which he "portrayed to us ... by neighing" (Lescarbot [i6iia] in Tross, 3: 605, 606; see also Mcleod, 1966: 617). Thanks to the information that he had gathered, Lescarbot was able to expand his work from three to six volumes, "in the first of which I shall describe the voyages made to Florida . . . in the second, those made under M. de Villegagnon to the Antarctic France of Brazil; in the third, those of Jacques Cartier and Samuel Champlain to the great river of Canada; in the fourth, those of MM. de Monts and de Poutrincourt to the coast of the new-found land, which is bathed by the great ocean as far [south] as the fortieth degree; in the fifth, what has been accomplished in these parts since our return to France in the year 1607; and in the sixth, the manners, modes of life, and customs of the tribes with whom we are concerned" (Lescarbot [i6i2a] in Grant (trans, and ed.), i: 51). In the second-to-last book, he recounts Champlain's exploits in the St. Lawrence Valley, not only in 1608 and 1609, but also in 1610. Lescarbot recounts Champlain's second expedition against the Iroquois, during which the explorer received "a blow to the ribs that he still complains about" (Lescarbot [i6m], 1866, 3: 605). The second edition of Histoire de la Nouvelle-Fmnce was put on sale by Jean Millot at the beginning of 1611, and Lescarbot no doubt offered a copy to Champlain just before his departure from Honfleur on i March 1611 (Thierry, 2001: 230-31). It was probably this copy that Champlain read through before writing his Voyages, published in 1613. He devoted himself to this task during his next stay in France, from 10 September 1611 to 6 March 1613. Because Dugua de Monts was short of money after the defection of his partners, Collier and Legendre, Champlain had to promote the work accomplished in the St. Lawrence Valley to be able to "place myself under the protection of some great man."23 Champlain wrote a "very accurate journal" of the "observations made in the course of discoveries" that he had made with "Sieur de Mons" in New France from 1604 to 1611. In it is not only a "description of the countries, coasts, rivers, ports, and harbours," but also many detailed maps and two general maps, "the first suitable for navigation" (Champlain [1613] in Biggar (ed.), 3: 224), which are incorporated with the writing - in fact, one might almost say that the writing is simply the commentary for the maps, which Champlain considered his essential and innovative contribution. These were subjects that it was particularly important to know about, if pilot and seamen wished to avoid "the dangers into which one might run." Thus, "your Majesty's subjects, whom it may please you hereafter to employ for the preservation of the aforesaid discoveries," could fulfil their mission (Champlain [1613] in Biggar (ed.), i: 207, 208).

Champlain sought to make himself valuable to future patrons by providing them with accurate information. He therefore had to respond to the criticisms that Lescarbot had made in the first edition of his Histoire, which were repeated in their entirety in the second edition. For one thing, Champlain recognized that Cartier had gone as far as the Montreal region, writing that he "on his voyage never passed beyond the great rapid of St. Louis [Lachine rapids]."24 Then, when he discussed the Montagnais in chapter 4 of volume 2 of his Voyages, he took out all mention of anthropophagy, as well as all "words of our holy faith." Of course, he also deleted the references to Gougou and the monstrous Armouchiquois. Vexed, and no doubt feeling betrayed, he nevertheless took pleasure in noting Lescarbot's unadventurous character - twice. First, he said, about the performance of Theatre de Neptune given at PortRoyal on 14 November 1606, "Upon our arrival, Lescarbot, who had remained at the settlement, along with the others who had stayed there, welcomed us with sundry jollities for our entertainment" (Champlain [1613] in Biggar (ed.), i: 438); second, telling of Lescarbot's departure for the Saint-Jean and SainteCroix Rivers in June 1607: "L'Escarbot . . . [had] not yet left Port-Royal. This is the farthest he went, which is only fourteen to fifteen leagues beyond said Port-Royal" (Champlain [1613] in Biggar (ed.), i: 452). The two men never met again. When Champlain was next in France, from 26 August 1613 to 24 April 1615 (Champlain [1613] in Laverdiere (ed.), 3: 474; [1619] in Laverdiere (ed.), 4: 497), Lescarbot was in Switzerland, where he had been serving with the king's ambassador, Pierre de Castille, since November 1611 (Thierry, 2001: 241-86). Then, from 10 September 1616 to 11 April 1617 (Champlain [1619] in Laverdiere (ed.), 4: 595,596), Champlain managed not to cross Lescarbot's path in the capital. After Champlain's return to Paris in April or July 1616 (Thierry, 2001: 285-86), Lescarbot tried to meet with him to discuss a third edition of his Histoire de la Nouvelle-France,25 but his attempts were in vain. And so he wrote, "Since the above-described voyage [that of 1610], Champlain had made several others that have not come to my knowledge, thus only those of the years 1611 and 1613" (Lescarbot [1618] in Grant (trans, and ed.), 9: 313), and he had to make do with the Voyages of 1613 to recount Champlain's activities in the St. Lawrence Valley from 1608 to 1613, in chapters two to eight of volume 5. The conflict between the two men reached a peak after Lescarbot sprinkled new acerbic remarks in his work, published in 1617. First, he attacked the literary quality of Champlain's writings, just before interweaving Des Sauvages with Cartier's second Relation: "... if, in giving the words of the Author, one finds here and there a style less literary and smooth than ordinary, the reader will remember that I have not wished to make any change: though in truth I have struck out some trivialities" (Lescarbot in Grant (trans, and ed.), 2: 76). Then, Lescarbot pointed out a series of inconsistencies in Champlain's writings; unfortunately, however, he was often excessive in his criticism. Of course, one can debate who exactly named Port-Royal - Champlain or Dugua de Monts (Lescarbot in Grant (trans, and ed.), 7: 503; Champlain [1613] Champlain and Lescarbot: An Impossible Friendship • 131

in Laverdiere (ed.), 3: 166) - but Lescarbot exaggerated when he wrote, "I do not know why Champlain, in the account of his voyages printed in 1613, goes out of his way to say that I did not go further than St. Croix, seeing that I do not say the contrary. But he is unmindful of what he does himself, stating in the same book (p. 151) that from said St. Croix to Port Royal is but fourteen leagues, whereas on p. 95 he had made it twenty-five, and on looking at his map it will be found to be at least forty" (Lescarbot in Grant (trans, and ed.), 2: 359). It should be noted that Champlain had not written precisely that it was fourteen leagues from Port-Royal to SainteCroix, but only that Lescarbot went no farther than fourteen or fifteen leagues beyond Port-Royal. This would not have been correct if Champlain was speaking of the distance to Sainte-Croix, but in fact he was certainly thinking of the SaintJean River, where Lescarbot did go, and which in fact was fourteen or fifteen leagues from Port-Royal. As for the distances marked on Champlain's maps, it is impossible to calculate even thirty leagues from Sainte-Croix to Port-Royal. Lescarbot was no doubt confused because the scale numbers on Champlain's maps, rather than being marked at the end of each division, are placed in the middle of the space separating them.26 Later, Lescarbot exaggerates again when he writes, regard132 • C H A M P L A I N

ing Duval's conspiracy at Quebec in 1608, "Champlain in recounting this fact places himself among the judges, and says that Duval conspired with four, while in his description one finds only three. Then he says that the conspirators (who were to execute their plan in four days) had offered to deliver the place to the Spanish, although it had barely begun to be built" (Lescarbot in Grant (trans, and ed.), 2: 304). If Champlain, after having stated that Duval had conspired with four men, said later that he had conspired with only three, the contradiction would leap to the eye, but this is not true. Duval had in fact conspired with four, but only three remained to be judged and sentenced, since Champlain had pardoned the one who had revealed the existence of the plot, enabling his accomplices to be arrested. As for delivery of the place to the Spanish, there is no contradiction there either. When the plot was formulated, there was no question of delivering to the Spanish a fort already constructed, since Duval "had led them into this conspiracy as soon as they sailed from France" (Champlain [1613] in Biggar (ed.), 2: 33), as witnesses would testify. The plot consisted of choosing the opportune moment for seizing everything, whether the fort was completed or not. However, the conspirators were not able to carry out their plans four days later, since boats from Tadoussac were due to arrive at Quebec.27

Figure of the Newfound Land, the Great River of Canada, and the Coast of the Ocean in New France. This map by Marc Lescarbot is from the first edition of his Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (1609). It indicates the French settlements (marked with a lily), mountainous zones, and Aboriginal nations, including the Souriquois (Micmac), with whom Lescarbot had many contacts. In the lower left-hand corner are products of Aboriginal agriculture: corn, grapes, and tobacco. The frame of the map stops at Iroquois River, although Lescarbot knew by hearsay of lakes beyond it, including the famous lake to which Champlain would lend his name.

Lescarbot was in an awkward position when it came to Champlain's greatest success: the accuracy of his information on the New World. Lescarbot was undoubtedly irked by the influence that Champlain had acquired as a result of his exploration work. Had Lescarbot not contributed to wresting the position of lieutenant general away from Dugua de Monts in favour of the Comte de Soissons, then Prince de Conde, in 1612? Had he not been named lieutenant of the viceroy, with the true powers of a governor, without having either the title or the commission (Trudel, i966a: 186-89)? He had become an incontestable authority. Thus, when President JacquesAuguste de Thou wrote in his Historia sui temporis about Poutrincourt's stay in Acadia in 1606-07, he preferred to find his information in Champlain's Voyages of 1613 rather than in Lescarbot's L'Histoire de la Nouvelle-France.28 He knew in fact that Lescarbot had seen no more of the New World than some parts of Acadia - that is, very little - and that he had the shortcoming of many humanist travellers, who inscribed each place visited within a memory that evoked associations, such that these places always represented something other than themselves. Champlain never felt it proper to respond to these new attacks.29 In any case, from 1617 to 1620, as lieutenant of Marechal de Themines, who had succeeded Prince de Conde

as viceroy of New France, he was preoccupied with his partners in the Compagnie du Canada, who had withdrawn in 1617 and refused him passage on their ship in 1619. His position was consolidated only by the designation, on 25 February 1620, of a new viceroy, Henri de Montmorency-Damville, who was already Amiral de France (Trudel, 19663: 238-69). As for Lescarbot, he married a "so-called wealthy heiress" and had to devote himself to interminable trials to recover his wife's inheritance. Then, having won these lawsuits, he re-established himself as a country gentleman in Soissonnais.30 He took up pen and ink again only in 1628, to celebrate Louis XIII and Richelieu, conquerors of the English on the island of Re and the rebel Protestants at La Rochelle.31 The threat of a return to the chaos of the times of the League, with its parade of insurrections and invasions, seemed to be finally a thing of the past. The monarchy appeared to him to be not only the main asset in the regeneration and re-establishment of the body politic, but also the very heart of the homeland, too long troubled and humiliated. An old humanist who was nostalgic for the Golden Age, Lescarbot believed he was seeing Astraea returning to the kingdom of France, and he left the fate of distant New France in the hands of Samuel de Champlain, a man of action, still young and resolutely turned toward the future. (A? Champlain and Lescarbot: An Impossible Friendship • 133

NOTES 1. Frank Lestringant and Joe C. W. Armstrong have written about this conflict. See Lestringant, 1984: 69-88; Armstrong, 1987: 284-89. 2. Liebel, 1978: 229-37. The quotation is excerpted from the Voyages (Champlain [1632] in Biggar (ed.), 4: 363). 3. Thierry, 2001: 39-59. Marc Lescarbot discussed the 1594 revolt of the Croquants in his Histoire de la Nouv'die-France ([i6i2a] in Tross (ed.), 2: 493). 4. In class letter G 3321. ?5 1607. €4 1981. 5. Lescarbot [1612] in Grant (trans, and ed.), 3: 221-22. Lescarbot called this "great brook" "Riviere de 1'Orignac" on his map of Port-Royal (Lescarbot, 1612, on a plate between pp. 428 and 429). See the map p. 130. This name is still used today: Moose River. 6. They had met before 1604: Thierry, 2001: 98. 7. Arch. nat. (Paris), Minutier central, Et. LVII, 18, contract made 22 September 1608 between Marc Lescarbot and Jean Millot for the first edition of YHistoire de la Nouvelle-France. 8. Lescarbot [1609] in Grant (trans, and ed.), 2: 125. Champlain located Carrier's SainteCroix near the Richelieu Rapids, while it was actually fifteen leagues downriver, at the mouth of the St. Charles River (Doiron, 1984: 99-106). 9. Lescarbot [i6ua] in Tross (ed.), 3: 60607. Lescarbot is alluding to the Iroquois forts seen by Champlain in 1609 and 1610: Champlain [1613] in Laverdiere (ed.), 3: 341, 362. 10. Letter from Father Pierre Biard to Father Christophe Baltazar, provincial (Port-Royal, 31 Jan. 1612), in MNF i: 230. 11. "Having returned to France after a stay of three years in the country of New France, I went to see the Sieur de Mons, to whom I related the most striking things I had observed there since his departure, and I gave him the map and drawings of the more remarkable coasts and harbours in those parts" (Champlain [1613] in Biggar (ed.), 2: 3). 12. Champlain alludes to this map in his Voyages of 1632 (in Laverdiere (ed.), 5: 704). 13. Lescarbot, 1609, plate between pages 236 and 237. The legend for the map is given on 236-43. 14. Comparison of place-names is greatly facilitated by the map Choronymes de Jacques Cartier published as a plate by Christian Morissonneau (1978). 15. To be convinced of this, one simply has to compare Lescarbot's map with the map of the world drawn by Guillaume Levasseur in 1601. In his Crucial Maps-, however, W. F. Ganong said of the latter,"... it is not only a precious document in

the evolution of Canadian place-nomenclature, but it represents, also, for our region, the highest achievement in pre-Champlain French, or any other cartography" (1964:130). He published a facsimile in a plate in the same book. 16. Comparison of the place-names is greatly facilitated by the maps Choronymes chez Samuel de Champlain. Nouveau-Brunswick, Nouvelle-Ecosse, Gaspesie, Basse-Cote-Nord et Choronymes chez Samuel de Champlain. Nouvelle-Angleterre, also published by Christian Morissonneau in a plate in his Langage geographique de Cartier et de Champlain (1978). 17. Printing of the book was completed on 28 February 1609 (Lescarbot, 1609: 888). 18. Dugua de Monts's monopoly was definitively revoked on 6 October 1609 (Baudry and Le Blant (eds.): 191-93). 19. Poutrincourt hoped to obtain the monopoly on the fur trade by converting many Aboriginals. Thus, on 24 June 1610, the priest Jesse Fleche, who had come from France with him, baptized twenty-one members of the family of Souriquois chief Membertou. See Thierry, 2001: 216-25. 20. Lescarbot, i6ioa: 43-44 . Lescarbot used this account again in the 1611-12 edition of his Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, adding, "This is what he [Champlain] told us" (1866,3: 602). The account that Champlain gave in his Voyages of 1613 was slightly different: "Our Indians began to call me with loud cries; and to make way for me they divided into two groups, and put me ahead some twenty yards, and I marched on until I was within some thirty yards of the enemy, who as soon as they caught sight of me halted and gazed at me and I at them. When I saw them make a move to draw their bows upon us, I took aim with my arquebus and shot straight at one of the three chiefs, and with this shot two fell to the ground and one of their companions was wounded who died thereof a little later. I had put four bullets into my arquebus" (in Biggar (ed.), 2: 99). In turn, Lescarbot took up this version in the 1617-18 edition of his Histoire de la NouvelleFrance ([1618] in Grant (trans, and ed.), 11: 307). When he heard the account directly from Champlain, he no doubt had reservations about the truth of his version and deemed it more likely that Champlain had killed two Indians with a musket shot loaded with two bullets. 21. Lescarbot does not appear as a witness in the marriage contract signed on 27 December 1610: Cathelineau, 1930:142-55. The marriage certificate dated 30 December 1610 was not published before the church was destroyed in 1871 (Faillon i: 12324).

22. The publishing contract was signed by Marc Lescarbot and Jean Millot on 30 November 1610: Thierry, 2001: 226-27. 23. Champlain [1613] in Laverdiere (ed.), 3: 432-35. The quotation is from Champlain in Biggar (ed.), 2: 243. See Trudel, ig66a: 184-93. 24. Champlain [1613] in Biggar (ed.), 2: 220. With the discovery, in 1608, of vestiges of the habitation in which Cartier wintered over in 1535-36, Champlain was also able to correct the error of the location of Sainte-Croix in Des Sauvages: "Nearer Quebec there is a little river, which comes from a lake in the interior, distant six or seven leagues from our settlement. I consider that in this river, which is north a quarter north-west of our settlement, was the place where Jacques Cartier passed the winter" (Champlain in Biggar (ed.), 2: 36). The "small river" is today's St. Charles River. 25. Lescarbot wanted to pay tribute to Poutrincourt, who had been killed in the battle of Mery-sur-Seine on 5 December 1615, and to respond to Biard's Relation published early in 1616. The Jesuit priest was suspected of having permitted the destruction of the settlement of Port-Royal by the Englishman Argall in November 1613. See Thierry, 2001: 284-97. 26. Champlain [1613] in Laverdiere (ed.), 3: 271, note i. For other errors in Lescarbot's reading of Champlain, see Champlain [1603] in Laverdiere (ed.), 2: 81, note 3, and Champlain [1613] in Laverdiere (ed.), 3: 294-95, note 2. 27. Champlain [1613] in Laverdiere (ed.), 3: 296-302. Lescarbot is still exaggerating when, on the 1609 expedition against the Iroquois, he writes, "Having gained victory on July 2nd, they counted and found only sixty men in twenty-four canoes, according to Champlain, which would be only three in each, which does not seem believable" (in Grant (trans, and ed.), 11: 305). 28. Regarding the expedition led by Poutrincourt to Cape Cod in the fall of 1606, cf. Thou, X 739: 14-15. and Champlain [1613] in Laverdiere (ed.), 3: 242-44. See Stegmann, 1968: 302-09. 29. The influence of Lescarbot's L'Histoire de la Nouvelle-France was still evident in the "conference of histories" written by Champlain at the beginning of his Voyages of 1632 (Champlain [1632] in Laverdiere (ed.), 5: 648-700). See Lestringant, 1984: 7430. Thierry, 2001: 319-49. The quotation is taken from Viollet-le-Duc, 1843: 441. Lescarbot married Francoise de Valpergue on 3 September 1619. 31. In 1629, Lescarbot published La Chasse aux Anglois en Vile de Rez, et au Siege de la Rochelle. See Thierry, 2001: 326-43.

A Creation of Champlain's: The Order of Good Cheer ERIC THIERRY Professor

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OST HISTORIANS who have studied the beginnings of New France have mentioned the Order of Good Cheer initiated by Champlain in the Port-Royal settlement in the winter of 1606-07.l According to the writings of both Champlain and Marc Lescarbot, his companion in Acadia (Champlain [1613] in Biggar (ed.), i: 447-48; Lescarbot, i6i2a: 553-56), the Order was formed of all those who dined with Poutrincourt, the leader of the colony. Each member in turn that is, on one day out of every fifteen - had to hunt and fish to feed the others. There was also a ceremonial aspect, especially at the evening meal when the day's chief butler came into the dining room followed by the other members, each carrying a dish. After dessert, the chief butler passed to his successor the insignia of his charge, a collar, then drank a toast to him. Authors have viewed the Order of Good Cheer as a gastronomic brotherhood,2 as a parody of the Court (Chase, 1884: 45), and as the first club in America (Maillet and Scalabrini, !973: 23). Because of the presence of Lescarbot, the author of Theatre de Neptune, Les Muses de la Nouvelle-France, and Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, others have even termed it a literary academy.3 It was re-created a number of times,4 and even today in Canada its heritage is evoked to provide assistance to neighbours,5 to attract tourists,6 for friends to share a good time,7 or to keep children busy during school vacations.8 Interest in the Order of Good Cheer is not simply anecdotal. Its creation and operation attest to the cultural universe of the pioneers of French Acadia, highlighting the effort to integrate scurvy into the medical discourse of the time, the need for communion of these Christians, who had survived the religious wars, and the process of acculturation born of the contact between the Frenchmen and the Mi'kmaqs. A Remedy for Scurvy The battle against scurvy was the main goal of the Order of Good Cheer, as Champlain and Lescarbot both agreed. The former says, "We spent this winter very pleasantly, and had good fare by means of the Order of Good Cheer which I established, and which everybody found beneficial to his health, and more profitable than all sorts of medicine we might have used" (Champlain [1613] in Biggar (ed.), i: 447-48); the latter recounts that "in order to keep our table joyous and well pro-

vided, an Order was established at the board of the said M. de Poutrincourt, which was called the Order of Good Cheer, originally proposed by Champlain," and he added, "... this diet . . . served us as a prophylactic against the disease of the country" (Lescarbot [1617 and 1618], 1907-14: 342, 344). The idea of wintering over still intimidated the French, who were poorly acclimatized. Ever since the first colonists had settled on lie Sainte-Croix in July 1604, they had been facing the ravages of insufficient intake of vitamin C: during the winter of 1604-05, the "land-sickness"9 killed thirty-five or thirty-six colonists,10 and the following winter, twelve of the men who moved to the Bay of Port-Royal died of it.11 Champlain had observed the disease very closely at lie Sainte-Croix, when he was with Dugua de Monts: There was engendered in the mouths of those who had it large pieces of superfluous fungus flesh (which caused a great putrefaction); and this increased to such a degree that they could scarcely take anything except in very liquid form. Their teeth barely held in their places, and could be drawn out with the fingers without causing pain. . . . Afterwards, they were taken with great pains in the arms and legs, which became swollen and very hard and covered with spots like flea-bites; and they could not walk on account of the contraction of the nerves; consequently they had almost no strength, and suffered intolerable pains. They also had pains in the loins, stomach, and bowels, together with a very bad cough and shortness of breath. In brief, they were in such a state that the majority of the sick could neither get up nor move, nor could they even be held upright without fainting away. (Champlain [1613] in Biggar (ed.), i: 303-04) Every winter, the colony's surgeon conducted autopsies, attended by Champlain: In many cases it was found that the interior parts were diseased; for example the lungs were so altered that no natural moisture could be seen; the spleen was watery and swollen; the liver very fibrous and mottled, with none of its natural colour; the vena cava, both ascending and descending, full of thick, clotted and black blood; the gall tainted. Nevertheless many arteries, both in the mid and lower bowels, were in pretty good condition. In some cases incisions were made with a razor upon the thighs over the purple spots, whence there flowed a black clotted blood.12

A Creation of Champlain s: The Order of Good Cheer • 135

Games, music, good cheer, and good humour were the most effective ways to pass the time - and to survive the long winters. During the winter of 1606-07, not one of the guests at Poutrincourt's table fell victim to scurvy. Yet, Champlain did not start up the Order of Good Cheer again at Quebec in 1608.

The characteristics of vitamin C deficiency - hemorrhages of the gums, joints, and stomach and kidney mucosae, as well as ulcerations of the duodenal mucosa and loosened teeth (Roger and Binet, 1931: 73) - had been remarkably well observed, but no remedy had been found. Annedda, which had saved Carrier's Frenchmen wintering over on the St. Lawrence in 1536, seemed to be unknown on the shores of Acadia,13 and when Dugua de Monts consulted with erudite physicians upon his return to France in the fall of 1605, nothing was proposed to him except the scholarly name of the disease, scorbutus.i4 It was thus without any cures in hand that Poutrincourt sailed from La Rochelle with Lescarbot in May 1606. They had no more information to go on when they were reunited with Champlain at Port-Royal than the theories found in their writings. Although he was a lawyer at the parliament of Paris, Lescarbot had long been interested in medicine. Not only was he an old friend of the hygienist Nicolas Abraham de La Framboisiere (see Thierry, 2001: 35, 92), but in 1602 he had published a translation of a work in Latin by a physician from Poitou, Francois Citois, Histoire merveilleuse de Vabstinence triennale d'une fille de Confolens en Poictou, published in the same year. Drawing on Hippocrates and Galen, the author attempted to explain a young woman's anorexia as being caused by the drying of her liver consequent to a persistent fever. Then, he defended Dr. Laurent Joubert by exposing the weakness of the arguments of his colleague Israel Harvet, author of Discours par lequel est monstre contre le second paradoxe de la

136

CHAMPLAIN

premiere decade de M. Laurent Joubert, quil ny a aucune raison que, quelques uns puissent vivre sans manger, durant plusieurs jours et annees (Thierry, 2001: 87-92). At Port-Royal, Lescarbot was able to compare his theories with Champlain's experience, and the two men very quickly agreed that the onset of scurvy among the settlers had to do with nutrition. Champlain had already noted that consumption of too much "salt meat and vegetables"15 encouraged the development of the disease, but Lescarbot tried to explain it by the fact that "meats which are salt, smoked, rancid, mouldy, raw, and evil-smelling, likewise of dried fish, such as weevilly cod and ray, in short, of all melancholic meats, which are hard to digest, soon grow sour, and produce a course and melancholic blood" (Lescarbot in Grant (trans, and ed.), 2: 261). The mission of the Order of Good Cheer, to supply Poutrincourt's table daily with fresh game and fish, was in conformity with Regime de vivre., written by an anonymous author and published in 1561: "Flesh is a very good nourishment: for it fortifies, strengthens, feeds, and fattens the body and is soon converted into blood" (Anonymous, 1561:37b-38a). Galen had shown that "nutrition is an assimilation" and that "assimilation and transformation of one substance into another are not always possible, if they do not already have a common relation and an affinity in their qualities" (Galien, in Daremberg Pichot, 1994:16). It was also important, according to Lescarbot, for the settlers to spend the winter in good spirits. Aware of the impor-

tance of a balance of humours,16 he noted that "it is everywhere useful to have a good constitution if one is to be in health and live long. For those whose nature readily receives cold and gross humours, and the trunk of whose body is porous, likewise those who are subject to obstructions of the spleen, and those who lead a sedentary life, are more subject to these diseases" (Lescarbot in Grant (trans, and ed.), 2: 265-66). Whence the need, in New France, to be "neither chagrined, nor lazy" (Lescarbot, i6i2a: 556) and '"to rejoice and do good in his life, and to rejoice in his own works.'"17 This was the opinion of most medical authorities. To prevent disease, they recommended avoidance of moral despondency and fear. For instance, Ambroise Pare had written that in periods of "pestilent fever" one must "remain joyous, in good and friendly company, and sometimes listen to songs and musical instruments and other times read and listen to pleasant readings" (Pare 3, 1969: VHP XLV. See Biraben, 1976, 2: 37-38). The Order of Good Cheer was deemed effective, there being no victims of scurvy at Poutrincourt's table during the winter of 1606-07. The seven men who died18 had not had the good fortune to be part of the general staff of the colony. Lescarbot tells us that they were part of the "common sort," being simple workers, and that they never had, "at will," "such delicacies as fresh meat, flesh, fish, milk, butter, oil, fruit, and such like." In addition, all of them had been "continually grumbling, finding fault, discontented do-nothings" (Lescarbot in Grant (trans, and ed.), 2: 270). The Order of Good Cheer was not, however, perceived by its members as a radical means of warding off scurvy; it was not re-created by Champlain when he arrived at Quebec in 1608, or by Poutrincourt and his son, Biencourt, when they returned to Port-Royal in 1610. All those who lived in Acadia in the winter of 1606-07 knew that it had been exceptionally mild. Although snow usually came to the Acadian littoral by late November, it had fallen for the first time on 31 December and had melted quickly. Only February was truly snowy. Champlain, Lescarbot, and their companions wore their doublets until January (Lescarbot, i6i2a: 556-58; Champlain [1613] in Biggar (ed.), i: 446-47). It was obvious to them that good hunting and fishing parties, capable of supplying Poutrincourt's table, had been made possible only because of the unseasonably warm weather. In the light of today's medical knowledge, we can try to assess more clearly the effectiveness of the Order of Good Cheer. It was not the game and fish that saved the general staff of the colony from scurvy: there is almost no vitamin C in animal products and only a little in organ meats - particularly liver, brain, and kidneys - and in shellfish. Rather, it was due to the vegetables that the colonists' gardens produced during the summer, which they were able to consume during the winter (see Thierry, 20023), along with "small fruits like small apples coloured with red" found by the settlers "all the winter long" in the "meadows" of Port-Royal (Lescarbot in Grant (trans, and ed.), 3: 257). These were no doubt cranberries, which are called pommes de pres (meadow apples) today in Acadia.19 Harvested after the first frost and before the first snowfall, they are very high in vitamin C. Lescarbot says that

These seventeenth-century taps, found on the site of the second settlement, were used to empty wine out of barrels or casks.

Rhenish stoneware bellarmine jug, found on the site of the second settlement. The presence of these jugs proves that Rhenish wines were brought to the St. Lawrence Valley. The jugs date from the occupation of the Quebec settlement by the Kirke brothers from 1629 to 1632.

A Creation of Champlain's: The Order of Good Cheer • 137

the settlers made "cotignac? or jam, "for dessert,"20 but it is possible that they used cooked cranberries as a side dish with meat and especially that they made cranberry juice, a very important source of vitamin C. The red wine that flowed freely at Poutrincourt's table (Lescarbot, i6i2a, 2: 555) also played an important role. Of course, it does not contain vitamin C, but its tannin can protect the small amount of vitamin C stored in the body of a well-nourished human being by slowing its destruction by oxidation (see Carpenter, 1987). Thus, the mild winter of 1606-07 did not cause too many problems. A Return to the Time of Communion In addition to preserving its members from scurvy, the Order of Good Cheer was intended to rally the elite of the colony around its leader.21 Lescarbot portrays a Poutrincourt who knew that "a captain in charge of a number of men, chiefly volunteers . . . and in a country so remote . . . [should not] deprive himself of friends, that in his company he has not the larger part at his disposal, especially those of the better class" (Lescarbot in Grant (trans, and ed.), i: 72). Mutinies provoked by the brutality of leaders had led to the ruin of many previous colonial enterprises attempted by the French. In Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, Lescarbot evokes the example of Villegagnon, the founder of the colony of Guanabara, which existed in Brazil from 1555 to 1560. Villegagnon threatened "by the body of St. James (which was his customary oath) that he would break every limb of the first man who angered him. This rude behaviour, and the bad food, brought about a conspiracy against him, but on discovering it he had some of them flung into the sea, and punished the others Some, unable to endure this, went off to live among the Savages" (Lescarbot in Grant (trans, and ed.), i: 185; see Lery [1580], 19943:188-89). Then there was Captain Albert, left by Ribaut in command of Fort Charles, Florida, in 1562: Albert's "harshness or cruelty" led him to "with his own hands [hang] one of his soldiers for a very trivial cause. And when he proceeded to threaten the others with punishment (it may be that they were not obeying him, as I can well believe), and more than once put his threats into practice, mutiny broke out among them so fiercely that they put him to death (Lescarbot in Grant (trans, and ed.), i: 72; see Laudonniere, 1958: 76.). Poutrincourt acted very differently. Lescarbot praised his "customary good humour" (Lescarbot, i6i2a, 3: 609) and stated "that during our whole voyage, he never struck one of his men, and that if any one was at fault, he made a pretence of striking him in such wise as to give him time to escape" (Lescarbot in Grant (trans, and ed.), i: 72). Courageous, farsighted, and entrepreneurial,22 the leader of the settlers at PortRoyal knew how to make his men like him, particularly the elite of the colony. He shared his daily life with them, welcomed them to his table, and ate and drank with them. What tied Poutrincourt to each member of his general staff was the "master-faithful servant" relationship so valued by gentlemen of the time. The total selflessness and unlimited devotion of the loyal supporter was matched by the total trust, unlimited confidence, and protection of the master (see Mousnier, 1974, i: 85-93)138 •

CHAMPLAIN

If, however, the elite and the leader of the colony felt the need to institute an "order," it was because the links of loyalty were not completely fulfilling. Everyone wanted to form a particularly tight-knit community, and it was characteristic of an "order" to associate hierarchy and communion. In his Traite de Vamour de Dieu, St. Fra^ois de Sales wrote, "The union established in distinction makes the order" (Desjardins, 1969: 12.), but the catechism of the Council of Trent was more explicit: "The order . . . is an arrangement of superior things and inferior things, arranged between them such that one is attached to the other" (quoted in Durand, 2001: 222). The Order of Good Cheer had elements of a bacchic society: it had its vow (hunting and fishing to make good cheer), its collar (which "was worth more than four crowns"), its officer (the chief butler), and its banquets, which took place every day at noon and in the evening (Lescarbot in Grant (trans, and ed.), 2: 343). But to compare it to the Order of the Medusa or to the Caveau would be to confuse eras: bacchic societies are a product mainly of the eighteenth century (see Dinaux, 1867; Anonymous, 1712; Level, 1988) - and to forget the religious ideal that motivated it and made it a true chivalric order, similar to the Order of the Golden Fleece, created by the Due de Bourgogne Philippe le Bon in 1430, and the Order of Saint-Esprit, instituted by Henri III in 1579 (see Huizinga, 1980: 87-97; De Gruben, 1997; Boucher, 1973: 129-42). Certainly, not all the settlers at Port-Royal were won over. It is possible that not everyone in the colony was aware of the scope of the Order of Good Cheer. Perhaps not even Champlain knew. He had taken the initiative of creating it, but he had not set out the ceremony. In his 1613 Voyages, he was not very specific, saying only, "This order consisted of a chain which we used to place with certain little ceremonies about the neck of one of our people, commissioning him for that day to go hunting. The next day it was conferred upon another, and so on in order" (Champlain [1613] in Biggar (ed.), i: 448). The true master of the ceremony was no doubt Lescarbot, the author of the most detailed account. A fervent Catholic and a very cultivated man, he knew how to use ritual to bestow significance upon an event. He had written Le Theatre de Neptune and had it performed on 14 November 1606, on the occasion of the return of Poutrincourt from Cape Cod. The leader of the colony thus was welcomed in a manner fit for royalty, with a procession of local authorities coming to meet him, a ceremony handing him the insignia of sovereignty, a parade of jubilation, and a banquet (see Thierry, 20023:125-29). Inspired by the chivalric orders, Lescarbot turned to holy rites to unite the members of the Order of Good Cheer. If he called the chief butler "Architriclin," it was to establish a parallel between Poutrincourt's feasts and the wedding of Cana in the Vulgate, with its feast organized by the architridinus, who tasted the water transformed into wine by Jesus (Evangelium Johannis, 2, 8-9). As this miracle prefigured the prosperity of the messianic era, the abundant food at Port-Royal prefigured the successful transformation of New France into the City of God. Poutrincourt was identified with Jesus in his inauguration of the nuptials of the Creator and his people;23 like Jesus stood in opposition to John the Baptist, who belonged to the

port Royal. On 16 June 1604, the expedition reached the Annapolis Basin (Nova Scotia), named Port Royal by Champlain. In his opinion it was "one of the finest harbours I had seen on all these coasts" (i: 256) and "the most suitable and pleasant for a settlement that we had seen" (i: 259). The map was updated after the move from Sainte-Croix since it includes features of settlement not built until 1605, and Poutrincourt's mill built in 1606. (Source: LAC, Champlain [Les Voyages] 1613, facing p. 22; see also Champlain, in Biggar (ed.), i: facing p. 259) (See also Lescarbot's map [p. 130], published four years earlier.) [C.E.H. and E.H.D.] Compare with Lescarbot's map published four years earlier. (See p. 130.)

period of fasting and preparation (according to Matthew 11:18 and i924), he stood in opposition to Dugua de Monts, who had bestowed only hunger and scurvy upon the population of lie Sainte-Croix during the winter of 1604-05. The "good cheer" reconstructed at Port-Royal was that of the early church. The guests were the apostles, served at table by a deacon, the chief butler (Acts of the Apostles, 6, 2-6). They communed by sharing their meal, thus encouraging and maintaining a unity that enabled them to become one body in Jesus Christ. And like the multitudes at the time of the first Christian community who rushed to the towns near Jerusalem to celebrate the praises of the disciples of the Lord,25 many Mi'Kmaqs came to the Port-Royal settlement to admire the Order of Good Cheer. "At these proceedings," wrote Lescarbot, "we always had twenty or thirty savages, men, women, girls, and children, who looked on at our manner of service. Bread was given them gratis as one would do to the poor. But as for the Sagamos Membertou, and other chiefs, who came from time to time, they sat at table, eating and drinking like ourselves."26 The sharing of bread and wine is, of course, reminiscent of the Last Supper. The meals of the Order of Good Cheer were "Eucharistic." When Christ sat down to eat with the Apostles for the last time, he said to them, "With desire I have desired to eat this passover with you before I suffer, for I say unto you, I will not any more eat thereof, until it be fulfilled in the kingdom of God." Then, when he took a cup, he gave thanks and said, "Take this, and divide it among yourselves: for I say unto you, I will not drink of the fruit of the vine, until the

kingdom of God shall come" (Luke, 22, 14-18, in Bible, King James version). Jesus himself placed the Last Supper in relation with the banquet of the end of time described by Isaiah. The meal taken by Poutrincourt with his general staff recalled this "feast of fat things, a feast of wines on the lees, of fat things full of marrow, of wines on the lees well refined" (Isaiah, 25, 6, in Bible, King James version). The Mi'Kmaqs did not have to be excluded even from this, for in the last days, all nations would flow toward the mountain of Zion and say, "Come ye, and let us go up to the mountain of the Lord, to the house of the God of Jacob; and he will teach us of his ways, and we will walk in his paths" (Isaiah, 2, 3, in Bible, King James version). And then the Lord would prepare the eschatological banquet for them. A return to the times of the early church, but also foretelling the final days, the good cheer returning daily to Poutrincourt's table was sacred. Through it, Port-Royal was transformed into New Jerusalem, the Acadian territory embodied a celestial archetype, and New France became a reality. The colony thus succeeded in appropriating a new country. The Order of Good Cheer was equivalent to a "justification" and a "consecration" of a still-wild country (see Eliade, 2002: 17-23)An Encounter of Cultures To deny the religious ideal of the Order of Good Cheer would be to forget that Poutrincourt had burned with the desire, since the Edict of Nantes and the peace of Vervins, to serve God and his king (see Thierry, 2002b), that he had gone to A Creation of Champlain's: The Order of Good Cheer • 139

Finally, the Order of Good Cheer wished to transport the Acadia to undertake "the most generous enterprise ever in the world, which is to establish the Christian faith and the name prestige of the table of the French king to Port-Royal: "At our of Francis among the barbarian peoples deprived of the midday or evening meals," writes Lescarbot, "... that was our knowledge of God" (Lescarbot, 1606: fol. /v), and that chief banquet, at which the ruler of the feast or chief butler . . . Lescarbot, wishing to "flee a corrupt world" (Lescarbot, 16123, having had everything prepared by the cook, marched in, nap2: 485), shared his ambition. Both former League members, kin on shoulder, wand of office in hand, and around his neck they were driven by an extreme concern for temporal works the collar of the Order, which was worth more than four and personal commitment to serve the Catholic religion. "Our crowns; after him all the members of the Order, each carrying present age," wrote Lescarbot, "is fallen, as one might say, into a dish. The same was repeated at dessert, though not always a lethargy, without either love of Christian charity, and retains with so much pomp. And at night, before giving thanks to almost nothing of that fire which kindled our fathers, either in God, he handed over to his successor in the charge the collar the time of our first kings, or of the crusades for the Holy of the Order, with a cup of wine, and they drank to each other" (Lescarbot in Grant (trans, and ed.), 2: 343). This was reminisLand" (Lescarbot in Grant (trans, and ed.), 3: 93). When they arrived in Port-Royal, Poutrincourt and cent of the succession of three services brought to the king by Lescarbot quickly began to disseminate Christian teachings. In the chief butler, the baker, the pages of the Chamber, the masorder that his men "might not live as beasts" and to "set an ter of the kitchen, and the keeper of the dishes, preceded by an example" for the Aboriginals, Poutrincourt charged Lescarbot usher, and of the custom, also in use at the royal table, of with devoting "some hours" to "giving Christian teaching" to exchanging toasts by saluting the other and even offering one's the "little folk" of the colony "regularly on Sundays, and some- own glass (see Cloulas, 1986:183-84). times on other occasions." Among the French, Lescarbot Did the Mi'Kmaqs try to emulate the French? Lescarbot writes, "Nor was my labour without fruit, many bearing me notes a few efforts: "When they arrived at our lodgings, their witness that never had they heard such a good exposition of greeting was, Ho, ho, ho, and such is their custom; but for Divine things, and that previously they had not known a sin- making of courtesies and kissing of hands they have no skill; gle principle of the Christian Doctrine, in which state indeed except some few who endeavour to follow our fashion, and the greater part of Christendom is living" (Lescarbot in Grant seldom came to see us without a hat, in order to salute us (trans, and ed.), 2: 266-67; see Thierry, 2002b: 119-20). Some with a more ceremonious action."27 But such efforts were limof the Aboriginals were present when he taught. They did not ited, and Lescarbot had to recognize that civilizing the Abounderstand what he was saying in French, but some, according riginals was a very arduous task: "In this kind of civilities to him, were attentive and allowed grace to enter them. For I cannot praise our savages, for they do not wash themselves instance, Chkoudun, chief of the Aboriginals at Saint-Jean at meals, unless they be monstrously foul; and having no River, began to wear a cross and had one erected at the en- use of linen, when their hands are greasy they are constrained to wipe them on their hair, or upon the hair of their trance to his village, O'igoudi (Lescarbot, i6iob: 77). The Order of Good Cheer was also supposed to demon- dogs. They make no scruple about breaking wind at strate the high degree of civilization represented by French meals."28 The Indians of Port-Royal were more than willing to atmanners and to encourage the Aboriginals to imitate them. Having an open, well-laden table was a noble tradition: ac- tend Poutrincourt's dinners during the winter of 1606-07 becording to Brantome, recalling the words of Francis I, it was cause they were hungry: "... when the winter is too mild . . . "as utterly fitting for a great captain to be magnificent, sump- they can get neither venison nor fish, save with extreme diffituous in feasts, banquets, and dinners, as to be generous and culty . . . and are constrained to feed upon the bark of trees, magnanimous in combat and in victory" (Brantome, 1867: and on the parings of skins, and on their dogs, which in this 122). Eating had become even more important to the nobility extremity they eat."29 When they came to the settlement, they in the early sixteenth century: the ceremony and the context received bread, which they particularly liked (Lescarbot, i6i2a: became more complicated and elaborate; the art of dining 555, and see 516). They also tasted wine, like Membertou, made the meal a multifaceted moment of sensual enjoyment "whereof he is fond, says he, when he has drunk thereof he and aristocratic contact. The Court had begun to recognize, sleeps sound and has no further care or anxiety" (Lescarbot in according to Brantome, "the comforts, the pleasures, and the Grant (trans, and ed.), 2: 355). great luxuries of the table ... in tender morsels and delicacies As a contact zone, the Bay of Port-Royal offered a context of meats, both flesh and fish, and other tidbits to eat" for the encounter of cultures,30 but the Order of Good Cheer (Brantome, 1867, 5: 30). France had become a gastronomic was not responsible for the nutritional acculturation of the country, as Scepeaux de Vieilleville notes in his Memoires: "The Mi'Kmaqs. Their diet had long been modified by contacts with other kings of Christianity, and even of the world, can match Europeans.31 Lescarbot even mistakenly accused the Europeneither our excellent delicacies nor our uniquely triumphant ans of causing the Aboriginals of Acadia to abandon agriculfeasts, nor can their officers properly dress meats and make ture: "The people of Canada and of Hochelaga, in the time of them tasty or disguise them as do ours; we need no other evi- Jacques Cartier, also tilled the soil after the same manner, and dence than that all the foreign princes seek to obtain cooks the land brought forth for them corn, beans, peas, melons, and pastry-makers in France, and other servants for the enjoy- squashes, and cucumbers; but since their furs have been in ment of the palate, and all table service, which are head ands request, and that in return for these they have had victuals without any further trouble, they have become lazy, as have shoulders above than any other nation" (1836: 107). 140 • C H A M P L A I N

Marc Lescarbot wrote that otter was served at table because of its flesh. It was hunted for its fur, but also because of the damage that it caused to ponds and fish reservoirs. Master otter hunters tracked the animals in the fall, when the leaves had fallen, since they hid behind leaves during the summer (see Allaire, 1999: 251-52).

also the Souriquois [Mi'Kmaqs], who at the same late date practised tillage."32 Acculturation brought about by the Order of Good Cheer was in fact mainly in the other direction.As proof, one simply has to read Lescarbot's description of the meats served at Poutrincourt's table: "We had abundance of game, such as ducks, bustards, grey and white geese, partridges, larks, and other birds; moreover, moose, caribou, beaver, otter, bear, rabbits, wildcats (or leopards), nibaches,33 and other animals, such as the savages caught, whereof we made dishes well worth those of the cookshop in the Rue aux Ours, and far more."34 At the instigation of the Aboriginals, the members of the Order of Good Cheer tasted new meats and often found them delicious. Lescarbot writes, "Our savages have also often given us bears' flesh to eat, which was very good and tender, and like beef: also that of leopards, very like a wild cat, and of a beast which they call nibaches ... and its fatness is incredible" (Lescarbot in Grant (trans, and ed.), 3: 225). Even beaver tails were appreciated: "It is the best and most delicate part of the beast" (in Grant (trans, and ed.), 3: 223).

The members of the Order of Good Cheer ate these meats with spicy sauces or in pot pies, particularly elk, with which, Lescarbot writes, "we also made excellent pasties" (Lescarbot in Grant (trans, and ed.), 2: 343), but when the Mi'Kmaqs hosted them in their tradition, the French did not hesitate to sample their foods. For instance, when he accompanied a group of Aboriginals to recover the meat of a moose they had killed, Lescarbot attended a "very dainty feast with this venison, the tenderness of which no words could express; and after the roast we had boiled meat, and broth abundantly, made ready in an instant by a savage, who framed with his hatchet a tub or trough of the trunk of a tree, in which he boiled the flesh."35 In creating the Order of Good Cheer, the elite of PortRoyal wanted to transplant to the colony the art of living of the French aristocracy. The colony had embraced the hope of civilizing a wild country, but this quickly began to seem an elusive goal: the cuisine of the Aboriginals rivalled the service at Poutrincourt's table. At the point of contact with the realities of the New World, a new France was born - which quickly became very different from the old one. cA?

NOTES i. Among the numerous works, see Trudel, 2. Pichette, 1994: 23. Jean Glenisson saw the 19663: 63-64; Julien, 1976: 30; Cazaux, 1992: 43; Order as an "early version of the garrison mess" Mahaffie Jr., 1995: 36; Landry and Lang, 2001: 21- (Glenisson, 1994: 20). 22. There are few studies devoted exclusively to the 3. Chartier, 1996: 952. The poet William Order of Good Cheer: Fortier, 1928; Anonymous, KcLennan referred to the "literary academy" in 1949: 25-29; Anonymous, 1950: 13-17; Anonymous, 1893 (McLennon, 1893: 395-96). 1972: 1189-1192; Salter, 1976: 111-119. The name 4. The Order of Good Cheer was re-created "Ordre de Bon Temps" was translated to "Order of in 1931 in Nova Scotia by the leaders of Annapolis Good Cheer" by W. L. Grant in History of New Royal (Salter, 1976:119, note 49) and in 1946 in the France by Marc Lescarbot, 2: 342). province of Quebec by Roger Varin. One member

of this Quebec movement of Catholic youth was the poet Gaston Miron; with friends linked to various degrees with the Order, he founded Editions de 1'Hexagone in 1953. See Tellier, 2003. 5. The Calgary Chapter of the Order of Good Cheer was created in 1989 to collect funds for charitable associations in Calgary, Alberta (http:// www.orderofgoodcheer.com). 6. A visitor who spends more than three days in Nova Scotia may ask to become a member of

A Creation of Champlains: The Order of Good Cheer • 141

the Order of Good Cheer, which still exists in the province. Certificates are distributed by tourist information bureaus or through the Nova Scotia Marketing Agency. 7. See, on the Web site of the Cullen family, its reconstruction of the Order of Good Cheer (http://www.cullenfamily.ca/pix3/order_cheer_i/ html/DSCN4796.JPG.html). 8. The city of Montreal reconstructed the Order of Good Cheer for young Montrealers in the summer of 2003 (http://services.ville.montreal. qc.ca/parcs-nature/fr/pdf/Camp2003Cite Historia.pdf). 9. Champlain [1613] in Biggar (ed.), i: 303. Scurvy was called this because it first affected the legs, and then the rest of the body (Gomez-Geraud, 1984: 95). 10. Thirty-five is Champlain's number (Champlain [1613] in Biggar (ed.), i: 304); thirtysix, Lescarbot's (Lescarbot, i6i2a: 452). 11. Twelve is the number given by Champlain (Champlain [1613] in Biggar (ed.), i: 376). Lescarbot writes, "half-a-dozen died of it" (Lescarbot, i6i2a: 480). He can be suspected of having minimized the losses inflicted by scurvy at Port-Royal. For the winters 1605-06 and 1606-07, he always halves the number of deaths given by Champlain. It must be remembered that he wrote Histoire de la Nouvelle-France to promote Poutrincourt's Acadian undertaking. See Thierry, 2001: 173-98. 12. Champlain [1613] in Biggar (ed.), i: 305. Champlain's observations were similar to those in Cartier's second Relation, in which he describes the autopsy of a Frenchman who died from scurvy in 1536 on the shore of the St. Lawrence (Cartier in Bideaux, 1986: 170). 13. Lescarbot, 16123: 468. Champlain knew the route that Cartier had taken on the St. Lawrence in 1535-36, since he mentioned it in Des Sauvages (Champlain [1603] in Biggar (ed.), i: 132). On annedda, see appendix IX of Cartier's Relations (Cartier in Bideaux, 1986: 259-62). 14. Lescarbot, 16123: 452. Hieronymus Reusner had published Liber de scorbuto in Frankfurt in 1600, and Francois Martin followed it with Traite du scorbut sa Description du premier voyage faict aux Indes orientales par les Francois en I'an 1603, published in Paris in 1604, but the allusion to

scurvy made by the Swedish bishop Olaus Magnus in his Historia de gentibus septentrionalibus, published in Rome in 1555, seems to have been better known; it is cited by Lescarbot in Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (Lescarbot, 16123: 453-54). 15. Champlain [1613] in Biggar (ed.), i: 307. Although we now know that some vegetables are high in vitamin C, vegetables were not well regarded in Champlain's day. See Ceard, 1982: 32. 16. On the theory of humours, see Lebrun, 1995:18. 17. Lescarbot in Grant (trans, and ed.), 2: 467. Lescarbot was quoting Ecclesiastes (3, verses 12 and 22).

18. Seven is the number given by Champlain (Champlain [1613] in Biggar (ed.), i: 449). Lescarbot writes, "In February and March we lost four of our men" (Lescarbot [1613] in Grant (trans, and ed.), 2: 344). 19. Specifically in the Cocagne region of New Brunswick. 20. Lescarbot, 16123, 3: 815. Cotignac is quince jam. On making it, see Serres, 1600: 865-66. It was recommended by physicians to facilitate digestion: Framboisiere, 1669: 71. 21. From the list of those wintering over in 1606-07 established by Marcel Trudel (Trudel, i966a: 486), we can reconstruct the list of the fifteen members of the Order of Good Cheer: lean de Poutrincourt, Francois Addenin, Pierre Angibault, known as Champdore, Charles de Biencourt, Samuel de Champlain, Du Boullay, Estienne, Fougeray de Vitre, Robert Grave, Francois Guittard, Daniel Hay, Louis Hebert, Charles de La Tour, Claude de La Tour, and Marc Lescarbot. 22. In making colonization the stuff of heroes, Lescarbot is no different from other authors of voyage accounts. See Ouellet, 1986:187-93. 23. Mark, 2, 19: "Can the children of the bridechamber fast, while the bridegroom is with them? As long as they have the bridegroom with them, they cannot fast" (Bible, King James version). 24. Matthew, 11, 18-19: "For John came neither eating nor drinking, and they say, he hath a devil. The Son of man came eating and drinking, and they say, Behold a man gluttonous and a winebibber, a friend of publicans and sinners. But wis-

dom is justified of her children" (Bible, King James version). 25. Acts of the Apostles, 5,16. 26. Lescarbot in Grant (trans, and ed.), 2: 343-44; Lescarbot, 16123, 2, 519 n. i: "Sagamos means Captain." Membertou was the sagamos of Port-Royal and Bay St. Mary. 27. Lescarbot in Grant (trans, and ed.), 3: 204. On the role of the hat in the process of acculturation of Aboriginals in New France, see Turgeon and Picot-Bermond, 1994: 265-78. 28. Lescarbot in Grant (trans, and ed.), 3: 203. On the importance accorded by Lescarbot to table manners, see Elias, 1982:141-282, and Muchembled, 1994: 203-89 and 367-454. 29. Lescarbot in Grant (trans, and ed.), 3:172. Since, unlike the French, they had no firearms, the Aboriginals of Port-Royal liked to hunt in the frozen snow because the animals could not run off too quickly (Lescarbot, i6i2a, 3: 777-78). 30. On the notion of "contact zone," see Pratt, 1992: 6-7. 31. Biard, 1616: 495: "In summer, once our ships arrived, for several weeks they were constantly idly gorging themselves with many meats to which they were not accustomed and becoming intoxicated with wine and other liquors." 32. Lescarbot in Grant (trans, and ed.), 3: 250. There is no archaeological evidence supporting Lescarbot's belief that agriculture had been widespread in Acadia before the arrival of the Europeans; Aboriginal populations lived from hunting, fishing, and gathering. See Burley, 1981: 203-16; Stewart, 1989: 55-77. 33. Raccoons (see Ganong, 1909: 227). 34. Lescarbot in Grant (trans, and ed.), 2:343. Hillairet, 1964: 207: "The name of this street is the corruption of the old French word ones, meaning 'oz'es,' or geese; it was called this in 1209, 1297, and 1300: Vitus ubi coquuntur anseres (street where geese are cooked). In 1450, it was still Rue aux Oe's, although it was then inhabited mainly by furriers." Rue aux Ours still exists today, in the 3rd Arrondissement, between Rue Saint-Martin and Boulevard Sevastopol. 35. Lescarbot in Grant (trans, and ed.), 3: 22122. Broth made of moose fat was known to be delicious (Campeau, "Introduction," MNF I: 136*).

Pierre Dugua de Mons Lieutenant General of New France JEAN-YVES GRENON Member of the Societe historique de Quebec

IERRE DUGUA was born into a noble family in Royan (Charente-Maritime) around 1558. His title was Seigneur de Mons, for the name of the estate that he owned, where the family's castle was located,1 on a small hill overlooking the town. His father was Guy Dugua, and his mother was Claire Goumard, also from an aristocratic family.2 Pierre Dugua had one sister, Marie. Although he was a Calvinist, in May 1597 Dugua de Mons married a Catholic, also from a noble family: Judith Chesnel, born in the Meux castle near Jonzac. They had no children. In 1582, Dugua de Mons distinguished himself by fighting under the banner of Henri de Navarre against the (Catholic) League, notably at Honfleur and Dieppe. He had met the future Henri IV in 1580 when the latter was besieged at the Royan citadel. Later, in 1594, as a reward for his services, Henri IV

J)

(although he had converted to Catholicism to accede to the throne of France) paid Dugua a pension, raised him to the dignity of Gentleman in Ordinary to the King's Chamber, and appointed him Governor of the Castle of Madrid and Bois de Boulogne. At the end of his career, Dugua became governor of the town of Pons (1610-18), a Huguenot stronghold where Champlain, his lieutenant at the Quebec settlement, came to confer with him on how to guide the new colony. Dugua de Mons died in obscurity and with little money at the castle of Ardenne, at Fleac-sur-Seugne (Charente-Maritime), on 22 February 1628 (one year before Champlain was temporarily ousted from Quebec by the English: he returned in 1632). His wife survived him by ten years and was buried under the Saint-Eutrope a Saintes Church.

Transcription of a receipt given by Pierre Dugua de Monts to his treasurer on 21 June 1609 for the payment of his royal pension. De Monts acknowledges having received 2000 livres tournois for the year, and the document is dated 21 June 1609. The author of this chapter opts for the spelling "Mons." I, Pierre Dugua, Sieur de Monts, gentleman in ordinary to the king, confess to have received in cash from Master Raymond Phelypeaux, councillor to said lord in his state council, treasurer of his savings, the sum of two thousand pounds ordered for me by said lord for the estate and pension that it pleases His Majesty to give me during the present year, with which sum of two thousand livres tournois I am content and well paid and acquit said lord Phelypeaux, above-mentioned treasurer of savings and all others. In witness of which I have signed the present document in my hand, the 2ist day of June 1609 [signature] Pierre Dugua (transcription, P.A., and translation, Ka'the Roth)

Pierre Dugua de Mons, Lieutenant General of New France • 143

Both Champlain and the poet-historian Marc Lescarbot described Pierre Dugua as an honest, likeable, generous man; a good organizer; persistent; and inspired by a great colonial vision for France, in spite of the apathy, or even hostility, of the Court toward such a venture. To testify to his esteem for Dugua de Mons, Champlain gave the name "Riviere Dugas" to what is today the Charles River that flows through central Boston and past Harvard University. In Champlain's 1613 map, writes Marcel Trudel, the peak of "Cap-aux-Diamants bore the name 'Du Gas,' a name that was soon dropped" (i966a: 452). Today's Nicolet River, a tributary of the St. Lawrence, was also named "riviere Dugas," by Champlain in 1609 (Champlain [1632] in Biggar (ed.), 3: 282; see also Liebel, 1999: 281). An Apprenticeship at Tadoussac, a Foothold in Acadia Peace returned to France in 1598 - both domestic, thanks to the Edict of Nantes, and foreign, thanks to the Treaty of Vervins with Spain; these events indirectly stimulated the return to world exploration. In spite of Sully's hostility, Pierre Dugua, who was wealthy and interested in business, began to think of taking on the formidable challenge of overseas colonization, and he seized the first opportunity to arise, in 1599. He accepted the invitation of his former companion in arms, a Protestant like him, Pierre Chauvin de Tonnetuit, to go to Tadoussac, at the time simply a seasonal fur-trading post on the St. Lawrence at the mouth of the Saguenay fjord. He went as an observer and "for his pleasure." After spending a few months in Tadoussac, he returned to France with a fairly good knowledge of the distant country and of the fur trade with the Aboriginals. It was no doubt thanks to this experience that he envisaged founding a colony in North America himself, but in a more temperate climate than Tadoussac's. He sold his land in Royan and used much of his wife's dowry to invest in Chauvin's enterprise in Canada, and then in his own undertakings in Acadia and at Quebec. In 1603, Dugua de Mons eagerly proposed to Henri IV a series of "Seven Articles for the discovery and settlement of the coasts and land of Acadia." This important document was to be the seed from which the settlement of North America by France would germinate; Dugua de Mons eventually got the credit (without receiving the glory). Essentially, this formal proposal to the king requested the conferring upon Dugua de Mons, extraordinarily and for a ten-year period, of practically all the royal powers (political, judicial, and administrative) needed to found a colony overseas; in return, the holder of the contract, Dugua de Mons and his future partners, were to defray all costs arising from this bold and ambitious undertaking, which obliged them to transport and permanently settle one hundred people (a number that was lowered a little before the departure) in Acadia. This was a major challenge for the time. In short, this was a private enterprise, without a sou paid out by the government, whose role was limited to according Dugua de Mons the authority to colonize in the name of the king. Henri IV, who shared Dugua de Mons's vision, acted against Sully's advice3 and accepted Dugua's proposal on 8 November 1603, designating him as "lieutenant general" to represent him first in Acadia and then at Quebec, replacing the 144 • C H A M P L A I N

late Commander de Chaste. The vast territory ceded by the king to Dugua de Mons stretched from 40° to 46° north latitude in North America - from the north part of the Gulf of St. Lawrence to the latitude of today's Philadelphia. To add to Dugua de Mons's authority on the seas, he was appointed a vice-admiral by Admiral Charles de Montmorency. The parliaments of Bordeaux, Rennes, and Paris took more than a year to record the letters patent granted by Henri IV to Dugua de Mons, so strong was the resistance by merchants and certain influential Catholics. It should be noted that Dugua de Mons also had the mission of converting Aboriginals to the Catholic faith, which he agreed to do even though he remained a Protestant, as he confirmed before a notary in May 1596.4 In return for the very heavy financial burden on Dugua de Mons's shoulders - to explore and to create a colony settlement completely at the expense of his company - the king granted him by letters patent, on 18 December 1603, the exclusive right to conduct the fur trade in Canada, gathering furs that would be subject to duty in France. Other merchants thus found themselves excluded from this lucrative trade. It was out of the anticipated profits from this commercial monopoly that Dugua de Mons was to fund the establishment of the colony, the exploration of new territory in North America, and the search for a new route to China. The freedom to fish off Newfoundland was not at all affected by Dugua de Mons's monopoly on the land. However, fishermen who were in the habit of bringing furs home from Canada found themselves deprived of this source of income, which was often easier to earn than through fishing and whaling. It is thus not surprising that fishermen and fur merchants, mainly those from Rouen, Saint-Malo, and Saint-Jean-de-Luz, as well as the Parisian hatters (who bought beaver pelts to make elegant hats), energetically protested at the Court against the trade monopoly granted to Dugua de Mons, who was, in addition, a Protestant. To top it off, they were not above having privateers from Gascony, the Netherlands, and other nations steal the furs that Dugua de Mons's ships were transporting for sale in France to offset the enormous costs of the new colony in New France. In reality, Dugua de Mons lost most of his and his wife's fortunes in North America. It was thus under rather difficult political and economic circumstances that Dugua de Mons managed to create, on 8 February 1604, a first financing company with, among others, two men from Rochelle, Samuel George and Jean Macain (who later brought lawsuits against him, which they lost). Champlain: A "Volunteer" in Acadia To help him with his future undertaking, Dugua de Mons called upon a young man from Brouage, in Saint-Onge,5 Samuel de Champlain, an experienced explorer who had just returned from a voyage on the St. Lawrence (1603), about which he had published an account. Champlain had no official title in Dugua de Mons's expedition to Acadia in 1604; he was simply a "volunteer," receiving no salary. But he did have a mission: to explore the east coast of North America, which he did twice with Dugua de Mons, and to "make maps," at which

he excelled.6 Thus, in 1604, Dugua de Mons and Champlain were closely linked in their common determination to found a new France in America; they would never give up on this idea. It must be added that this fruitful association between the Protestant Dugua de Mons and the Catholic Champlain7 certainly would not have been possible if Henri IV's Edict of Nantes had not officially ended, in 1598 - though for a short time - the merciless religious wars. Dugua de Mons also invited several gentlemen on his expedition to Acadia, including Fra^ois Grave, Sieur du Pont; Jean de Biencourt, Sieur de Poutrincourt, who would later succeed him at Port-Royal; and Sieur d'Orville. He also recruited some sixty colonists, chosen from among the trades (carpenters, stone-cutters, cooks, miners, etc.), Swiss soldiers,8 and sailors. All of them were paid by Dugua de Mons's company. Apparently concerned with religious balance, Dugua de Mons also brought a chaplain and a pastor.9 He had to outfit two ships, the Bonne Renommee and the Don de Dieu, and fill their holds with provisions for one year and with the materials needed to construct a permanent "settlement" for wintering over.10 No women were enlisted for such a perilous expedition. On 9 April 1604, the ships raised sail and left the port of Honfleur for the dangerous crossing of the North Atlantic. After an exceptionally rapid, "straight" crossing, the Don de Dieu, with Dugua de Mons on board, arrived on the American coast on 13 May 1604, weighing anchor at the cape of La Heve to await the Bonne Renommee. Near the coast, Dugua de Mons's men boarded and inspected the Levrette, a ship that was trading in violation of his monopoly. A little farther, on the coast of what is today Nova Scotia, they stopped over for three weeks, "digging in" at PortMouton, so named because a sheep had jumped overboard there. During this time of well-deserved rest, Dugua de Mons and Champlain explored the nearby coastline in a shallop,11 looking for a place to establish a permanent colony that would be easy to defend against the Aboriginals, if necessary.12 Thinking they had done well, they chose a small island located near the mouth of the Sainte-Croix River, Dochet Island.13 The summer of 1604 was spent building houses, warehouses, a chapel, a kitchen, and a fortified palisade. Many of the materials had been brought from France by Dugua de Mons. The first wheat to be harvested in North America was sown; the harvest was promising. Unfortunately, the first winter in North America was long and harsh for the Europeans, who were not accustomed to the severe climate (much snow in October and temperatures often dipping to -30°). Food supplies were quickly exhausted,14 fresh water and firewood ran out, the cider and wine froze, and above all the horrible disease of scurvy, little known in Europe, spread like a plague; almost half of the men died.15 In the spring of 1605, Dugua de Mons had to resign himself to moving what was left of his small, young, and very distressed colony to a better site, preferably farther south, where the climate would be milder. This said, the ephemeral attempt at Sainte-Croix was rich in lessons for colonists at Port-Royal and Quebec.16

Pierre Dugua de Monts's coat of arms (bottom left) includes a star and a crescent argent separated by a band of gold, surmounting the family motto, which means "God gave them this land." It should in fact read "Dabit dues his quoque finem" (see note 2 on p. 150). This grouping hangs at the reconstructed Port-Royal settlement.

Port-Royal^ the First French Settlement in Today's Canada Hoping to find a better site to establish his settlement, Dugua de Mons and Champlain explored the east coast as far south as Cape Cod, from 18 June to 2 August 1605.17 After this fruitless search, Dugua de Mons decided to move18 his settlement from lie Sainte-Croix to a site that he named Port-Royal, a magnificent, easily defended site (today's Annapolis Royal). Champlain wrote, "This site was the cleanest and most pleasant for living that we had seen." This time on the mainland, they built a single large habitation, better designed than the dispersed cabins on lie Sainte-Croix, capable of housing all fifty people together in a fortified square in order to protect them properly. Port-Royal thus became the first French settlement in what is Canada today, and Dugua de Mons's dream of a French colony in North America began to take shape.19 The wintering over of 1605-06 at Port-Royal took place under better conditions than those at lie Sainte-Croix. Scurvy took fewer victims (twelve out of fifty men): Champlain and Lescarbot had founded the Order of Good Cheer to improve the small group's diet and keep up its morale. Unfortunately, on 21 September 1605, just as his small colony was well settled in, Dugua de Mons (who had been away from France for sixteen months) suddenly had to leave for France because his company was in great financial difficulty. His trade monopoly was under serious threat from Basque and Breton merchants, who neither accepted nor respected it - no more than did the fishermen, who were also trading in violation of the monopoly. Dugua de Mons was also being accused of having invested too much in the settlement effort and not enough in the fur trade. Before leaving, he Pierre Dugua de Mons, Lieutenant General of New France • 145

passed the command of Port-Royal to Francois Grave and asked Champlain to continue exploring southward, where the climate was more temperate. This Champlain did, in 1606, with Poutrincourt, but with no more success than previously.20 It should be noted that in spite of his company's financial difficulties, in 1606 Dugua de Mons sent a ship, the Jonas, to ensure that Port-Royal, command of which he had passed to Poutrincourt, would survive. Poutrincourt was accompanied by Marc Lescarbot, who became the first historian in New France.21 The following year, on 17 July 1607, over Dugua's protests, his commercial monopoly was suddenly abolished following intense lobbying at the Court by other merchants, fishermen, and the hatters of Paris, all supported by Sully. Free competition between merchants was thus re-established, to the detriment of Dugua's company. His monopoly, granted so that he could found a colony, had lasted only four years. He had suffered heavy losses, estimated at 10,000 pounds, 22 as a consequence of the pillaging of his furs and the parallel illegal trade conducted by rival merchants. He was forced to close temporarily the young Port-Royal colony and return all of the settlers to France, even though they were already well settled and had begun to farm, a valuable gauge of autonomy. In 1606, guardianship of the Port-Royal habitation was conferred upon the Souriquois chief Membertou, with whom the French had good relations, and he protected it very well until Poutrincourt returned in 1610. Also in 1606, Dugua de Mons's enterprise was threatened by a concession awarded by the King of England to a company of London and Plymouth merchants to exploit and operate a coastal territory, much of which overlapped with the land that Henri IV had conceded to him in 1603. The foundation of Virginia followed in 1607. In addition, two of Dugua de Mons's ships were captured by the Dutch captain Hendrick Lonck in the St. Lawrence. This new loss accelerated the collapse of Dugua de Mons's first financial company. The Foundation of Quebec (1608), a Joint Enterprise of Dugua de Mons and Champlain Less well known than Dugua de Mons's attempted settlement at lie Sainte-Croix and his foundation of Port-Royal is the essential role that he played in the foundation of the settlement of Quebec from 1608 to 1613. In fact, when he returned to France from Port-Royal in September 1607, he lost his trade monopoly, dissolved his first company, and fell into near ruin. Nevertheless, he retained his titles of Lieutenant General of New France and vice-admiral, and Champlain went to see him at Fontainbleau. Dugua de Mons was determined to continue his plan to firmly establish France in America and refused to let himself be discouraged by what he had undergone in Acadia. Encouraged by Champlain and supported at the Court by a few "people of quality and merit," Dugua de Mons obtained from Henri IV (who had finally begun to fear the English and Dutch colonization efforts in North America), on 8 January 1608, the re-establishment of his monopoly in Canada, but for one year only. He had to act quickly to finance a new company, 146 • C H A M P L A I N

which he did with Collier and Legendre, merchants in Rouen. New France was thus reborn thanks to Dugua de Mons, who decided this time to take a two-pronged approach. First, he authorized Poutrincourt to return to Port-Royal (confirming the cession of his rights to him). Poutrincourt returned only in 1610, to Henri IV's displeasure. Second, he charged his young friend Champlain, in whom he had every confidence, to go to the St. Lawrence to found Quebec and continue his explorations with a view to finding a route to China. Quebec would be easier to defend than the site on the Atlantic coast and would give them an advance on competitors in the fur trade once spring came. Dugua de Mons did not go to the settlement of Quebec himself (no doubt concerned with preserving his temporary monopoly by keeping an eye on things in France), but he delegated almost all of his powers (political, judicial, and administrative) to Champlain, who became his lieutenant at Quebec. It was the first time that Champlain held a position of command. In April 1608, Dugua de Mons had two ships fitted out at his own expense, once again the Don de Dieu and the Levrier. These ships left Honfleur on 6 April and sailed for Quebec (via Tadoussac).23 Champlain and his group of thirty settlers, hired and paid by the Dugua de Mons's new company, had loaded the ships with provisions for one year and the materials needed to built a permanent fortified post for the fur trade, settlement, and evangelizing. On 3 July 1608, the settlement of Quebec was founded by Champlain. According to Jean Glenisson, Dugua de Mons was its "co-founder,"24 thanks to the mandate that he had granted to Champlain and to the financial and material means that he had provided for this audacious undertaking - truly a common undertaking by the two men from Saint-Onge. When he arrived at Quebec, Champlain had the land cleared and a first habitation built, which remained the property of Dugua de Mons until 1613. Gardens were started under the curious but benevolent eyes of the Aboriginals, who quickly became friendly with the French.25 Unfortunately, the first winter was as disastrous as the one at lie Sainte-Croix, once again due to scurvy; in June 1609, when Champlain returned to France, there were only eight survivors of the twenty-seven original colonists, and Dugua de Mons's monopoly expired on 7 October, leading to the return of free competition in the fur trade. What is surprising is that, in spite of so much adversity, Dugua de Mons and Champlain persevered with their plan, and notwithstanding the lack of a monopoly, Dugua de Mons again sent men and provisions to Quebec.26 "At a time when all seemed lost for France in America, it was to Dugua de Mons that New France owed its survival," wrote Jean Glenisson. "He saved Quebec from abandonment." In 1611, reduced to sustaining Quebec with means that were clearly insufficient, his partners abandoned Dugua de Mons, who, having lost his royal protector, Henri IV, assassinated in 1610, had to face the prospect of giving up his project, which he did in 1612. In agreement with Champlain and President Jeannin, Dugua de Mons decided that the future of New France would be in better hands with a person

Detail of Champlain's map of "Isle de Saincte Croix." The settlement on lie Sainte-Croix was one in a long line of island settlements on the continental margin that, though they did not last long, indicated a propensity on the part of Europeans to choose islands to start something new - a new "societal project." This site, chosen by Dugua de Monts, was surrounded by rocks and seemed easy to defend. In addition, there was an abundance of herring, sea bass, and other fish (see Guay, 2003:121-22).

more highly regarded by the Catholic regent of the kingdom, Catherine de Medicis, than a Huguenot such as him. Thus, the Comte de Soissons, who succumbed to smallpox, and then Prince de Conde took up the responsibility. The latter was soon awarded a twelve-year monopoly on the fur trade and confirmed Champlain as his lieutenant at Quebec. A Higher Goal than Personal Profit It must be remembered that the foundation of New France had cost the French state nothing; in fact, the French state was not very interested in it before Richelieu (1626) and, later, Louis XIV, who made it a true royal colony only in 1663. From 1604 to 1613, the settlements at lie Sainte-Croix, Port-Royal, and Quebec were financed entirely by Dugua de Mons's companies, even after the fur trade was once again opened to competition in 1609, thus depriving him of the revenue he needed for his costly enterprise. He was ultimately forced to cede the shares remaining to him in Acadia to the Marquise de Guercheville, protector of the Jesuits, and to sell for 3,900 pounds the habitation at Quebec, in 1613, to the new Compagnie du Canada (in which he became a minority shareholder27). Unlike the other fur merchants, who had no obligation to found colonies, Dugua de Mons did not act solely with a view to personal profit. The historian George MacBeam has noted, "Because he [Dugua de Mons] was not interested in trade as the necessary source of funds required for colonization and discovery, he sacrificed his personal gain in order to attain a higher objec-

tive, in which Champlain was his unfailing ally" (MacBeam, 1966: 30). Dugua de Mons never abandoned Champlain. For example, in 1617, when he no longer had any responsibility for Canada, he wrote a long letter to Louis Hebert encouraging him to support Champlain by settling at Quebec with his family - and the Heberts were the first family to do so. In 1619, having retired to Fleac-sur-Seugne, Dugua de Mons made the long trip to Fontainebleau to defend his former lieutenant and request that Louis XIII confirm Champlain as commander at Quebec when a new company (more interested in trade than settlements) wanted to dislodge him and had refused to allow him to board its ships. Thanks, it seems, to Dugua de Mons's appeals, Champlain was able to leave for Quebec in 1620. For his part, Champlain wrote, in 1613, "And although he saw that it was hopeless to obtain this commission [expired in 1609], he [Dugua de Mons] did not cease to pursue his project, from his desire that everything should turn out for the good and honour of France" (Biggar (ed.), 2: 111-12). Together and complementary in their activity, one the enthusiastic financier and promoter, the other the tireless producer, the two great men from Saint-Onge shared the same vision, which they achieved together in spite of all the obstacles. In 1991, the former Jesuit priest of Brouage, the late Maxime Le Grelle, celebrated their common work in the following terms: "To render to Dugua de Mons the tribute to which he has the right casts absolutely no shadow on Champlain. On the contrary, it is encouraging to see the Pierre Dugua de Mons, Lieutenant General of New France

• 147

Abitation de Qvebecq. This is Champlain's best-known picture plan. Construction at Quebec began in July 1608, initially with building material brought from France. By the end of the year the structure was substantially as shown in this engraving, but construction continued for several more years. (Source: LAC, Champlain [Les Voyages] 1613, p. 187; see also Champlain, in Biggar (ed.), 2: facing p. 39) [C.E.H. and E.H.D.]

perfect agreement between these two men, one a Catholic and the other a Protestant, with regard to the creation of Quebec, a cause that was close to the hearts of both men. Together, they triumphed over the terrible coalition of interests of the rival merchants opposed to their destiny" (Le Grelle, 1991: 78). If Champlain occupies such a prominent position in Quebec history, it is because Dugua de Mons had been inspired in inviting him to go to Acadia with him, and later in according him his lieutenancy at Quebec. To finish on a poetic note, here is how Marc Lescarbot celebrated Dugua de Mons in verse: De Monts, tu es celui de qui le haul courage A trace le chemin a un si grand ouvrage: Et pour ce, de ton nom, malgre Feffort des ans, la feuille verdoira d'un eternel printemps. [De Monts, your unfailing courage ever sent You on to marvellous accomplishment For this, your name, despite time's tarnishing, Will always wear the eternal green of spring.

148 • C H A M P L A I N

Pierre Dugua de Mons Commemorated in France^ the United States, and Canada Even though Pierre Dugua de Mons is still not well known to the general public, he is commemorated in Royan, France, his birthplace, with a stele, a street name, a plaque, and a seaside promenade. The town of Pons devoted a street to its former governor. At Fleac-sur-Seugne, a plaque marks his place of burial. In Brouage, a plaque on the ramparts and a window in the church were also placed in his memory. In Paris, on an exterior wall of the Musee des colonies (today, the Musee des arts d'Afrique et d'Oceanie), Dugua de Mons's name is engraved with Champlain's and those of other great figures of French colonial expansion. In the United States, St. Croix Island (Maine) is designated an international historic park (with Canada) and a stele was erected there in 1904. Facing it on the Canadian side is a booth and an interpretive panel recalling the settlement at Sainte-Croix. At Annapolis Royal, a large monument was erected in 1904 in memory of "Lieutenant General Pierre Du Cast de Monts," and his habitation at PortRoyal was completely reconstructed in 1939 by the Canadian government at the site of the original settlement. (A?

Decorative woodwork devoted to Dugua de Monts in the entrance hall of the National Assembly building in Quebec City. Note the spelling "De Monts." On this subject, see note, p. 143.

"How Samuel de Champlain left Honfleur/Derechef for the Newfound Lands of Canada AD 1608." This stained-glass window, in the Quebec National Assembly building, depicts the departure of Champlain for the St. Lawrence on the Don de Dieu. At the time, he was Dugua de Monts's lieutenant.

NOTES 1. On this castle and the Dugua family, see the article by Frederic Chasseboeuf in Revue de la Saintonge et de I'Aunis, vol. 18 (1992): 47, and, in the same journal, the article by Jacques Daniel (1997). The original castle was destroyed in 1737 and rebuilt in 1739 by Marianne de Saint-Legier. In this chapter, I opt for the spelling "De Mons" rather than "De Monts." All indications are that in Dugua's time, both spellings were used. 2. The Dugua coat of arms ("the star and a silver crescent in a field of gules with a band of gold in the middle") is seen on the main fireplace of the Chatellars castle at Meursac, at the abbey in Sablonceaux, on the monument dedicated to Pierre Dugua in Royan, and at the entrance to the Port-Royal "settlement" (near today's Annapolis Royal, Nova Scotia). Under the blazon is the motto Dabit Deus his quoque finem ("God will also give to these"). 3. Regarding Dugua's specific plan, Sully stated, "Sieur de Mons's voyage to go and make settlements in Canada is completely contrary to my advice, especially because they will never find great wealth in locations below the fortieth parallel." 4. In practice, Dugua de Mons and Champlain do not seem to have been great preachers of the faith in Acadia, though Champlain later did so at Quebec. It was not until 24 June 1610 that a first Aboriginal, Chief Membertou, was baptized (taking the name Henri, for Henri IV) with his family at Port-Royal, at the time commanded by Poutrincourt. On "the religious origins of New France," see the excellent exhibition in the church in

Brouage. Its creator, Pauline Arsenault, an Acadian, emphasizes the "ecumenical" spirit that moved Dugua de Mons and Champlain. On the role of Protestants in New France, see Lalonde, 2002. 5. Champlain's town of birth was about thirty-five kilometres from Royan, Dugua's town of birth. 6. "M. de Monts," Champlain wrote, "asked me if I would agree to make this voyage with him. The desire that I had on the last voyage [in 1603] having increased in my mind, I agreed" (Champlain [1632] in Laverdiere,5: 706). 7. It has been said that Champlain was born Protestant in a town where Protestants were in the great majority and that he converted to Catholicism in 1598 to be able to accompany his uncle, Guillaume Allene, on Spanish ships headed for the West Indies. In 1610, Dugua de Mons was one of the signatories to Champlain's marriage contract with Helene Boulle, a Protestant at the time. 8. When the colony was founded, the King of France did not provide soldiers to protect it. 9. These two religious men had theological disputes and eventually came to blows. Ironically, they were interred in a common grave at PortRoyal. 10. Dugua chartered three more ships to conduct the fur trade in the St. Lawrence in order to finance his future colony and to board and inspect any ship caught contravening his monopoly. 11. Shallops were rowboats made in France that could be taken apart and loaded on ships

whose draught was too deep for navigation close to the coast or to land. 12. As they went along the Baie des Francois (today's Bay of Fundy), as it was named by Dugua, the explorers hoped to find major lodes of ore; no doubt they were dreaming of the Spanish gold in South America. Their search was in vain. 13. Named He Sainte-Croix by Pierre Dugua in 1604, this island was the location of the first French settlement in North America after the fruitless settlement attempts in Florida. It thus preceded by three years the English colony of Jamestown, Virginia, founded in 1607. Andre Robitaille (1996) gives a good description of the living conditions at lie Sainte-Croix and Port-Royal. This island should not be confused with Jacques Cartier's Fort SainteCroix, constructed in 1535 on the Saint-Charles River at Quebec. 14. Because the ice around the small island was always breaking up, it became practically impossible to cross the river to hunt game on the mainland and to fetch fresh water. 15. Their bones were found buried at one end of the island, where they are preserved today. 16. In Champlain (1956: 26), Marcel Trudel writes that Sainte-Croix had been intended only as a temporary base. The island (now closed to visitors and without residents) is today part of the St. Croix Island International Historic Site located near Calais, Maine, and is well protected by a 1980 agreement between Canada and the United States. A plaque, unveiled on the island in 1904, as well as

Pierre Dugua de Mons, Lieutenant General of New France • 149

interpretive panels on the Canadian side and a booth on the American side commemorate the failed attempt made in 1604 by Dugua de Mons and his courageous team. 17. Two sites on Isle des Monts Deserts, Maine, memorialize the 1605 passage of Dugua and Champlain. In September 1604, Dugua had sent Champlain to reconnoitre south of Sainte-Croix, as far as Isle des Monts Deserts (one of the few places in the United States to retain the place name given it by Champlain). During this voyage, Champlain came into contact with the Etchemins, whom he encountered again the following year with Dugua de Mons. 18. Some of the structures on lie SainteCroix were dismantled and transported to PortRoyal, including Dugua de Mons's cabin. 19. Unfortunately, in 1613 the English from Virginia, commanded by Captain Agrall, occupied and set fire to Port-Royal; the French were driven away for a number of years. Ceded back to France in 1632 by the Treaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye, Port-Royal was taken once again by the English in 1654, returned to France in 1667, and went again to England in 1713.

20. Anecdotally, it is interesting to note that Dugua de Mons brought back live animals to France from Canada, including a moose, a hummingbird, and a beaver. He exhibited them at the court of Henri IV, himself a great hunter, and showed them to the young Dauphin, who became Louis XIII. A birchbark canoe, also brought back by Dugua de Mons, was paddled up the Seine in Paris with great pomp. 21. The departure of the Jonas from La Rochelle was delayed several times due to powerful winds that grounded it near the ramparts (there was also talk of sabotage). A bit before, the Don de Dieu, this time fitted out by Corneille de Bellois, a partner of Dugua de Mons's, left Honfleur to trade furs without Dugua's knowledge and in contravention of his monopoly. It was another betrayal to add to his tribulations. 22. Wanting to compensate partially for the losses suffered by Dugua de Mons, the king awarded him 6,000 pounds - which Dugua had to collect himself from the ships of rival merchants. As Champlain wrote, "it was giving him an endless task" against an illusory reward that he was never able to cash in on - far from it.

23. Champlain and his small team went from Tadoussac to Q.uebec in barks and not on the Don de Dieu, as some have written. Before leaving Tadoussac, Champlain freed Francois Grave, who had been held prisoner and injured on the Basque smuggling ship the Darache. Also in 1608, Dugua de Mons sent a third ship to trade on the coast of Acadia to help finance his new company. 24. Glenisson, 1994: 353. Jacques Mathieu has written, "Pierre Dugua de Mons, seconded by Samuel de Champlain, founded France's first permanent settlement in North America, at Quebec, in 1608" (2001: 47). Jean Liebel comments, "It is surely inaccurate and unjust to de Mons to state that Champlain, and he alone, was the founder of Quebec" (1999: 244). 25. As we know, when he passed through Tadoussac in 1603, Champlain made an alliance with the Aboriginal nations of the region. 26. In 1611, Dugua de Mons sent from Quebec a cargo of oak timber for naval construction in France; this was the first export from Canada aside from furs and fish. 27. Until 1622, Dugua de Mons remained a minority shareholder in the various companies that succeeded each other at Quebec.

PART IV

Consolidation of a ColonyJ

Overleaf Detail of a drawing by Champlain. See p. 187.

The Birth of the Franco-American Alliance ALAIN BEAULIEU 1 Professor, History Department, Universite du Quebec a Montreal

' N THE SPRING OF 1603, the Tadoussac region was the site of a major diplomatic gathering for three Aboriginal .nations (Montagnais, Algonquin, and Etchemin); it was also attended by the French. This gathering marked a crucial step in the creation of the first French-Aboriginal system of alliances and opened the way for the founding of a French colony in the St. Lawrence Valley: in exchange for their promise to provide military assistance to their allies the French obtained permission to settle in the region. Thanks to Des Sauvages,2 a short account that Champlain published upon his return from his first voyage to North America, it is possible to reconstruct this event, which represents one of the funda j mental moments in an alliance that was to be decisive in the history of New France. The Aboriginal Parties By the early seventeenth century, the fur trade had largely penetrated the St. Lawrence Valley, and the Aboriginal branches of this trade extended into the interior of the continent. At the entrance to the St. Lawrence, the Montagnais, especially those in Tadoussac, played a central role. At the crossroads of a trade network that extended to the back country, they travelled up the Saguenay to fetch the furs of the Aboriginals to the north, which they bartered for European items. They jealously protected their position as intermediaries in this trade, even preventing some of their neighbours from trading directly with the Europeans. The Algonquins, their allies, played a similar role farther west, bringing furs to the St. Lawrence Valley from certain Great Lakes nations. In 1603, the Aboriginal informers whom Champlain encountered beyond Lac Saint-Pierre were thus very familiar with the routes linking Montreal to the interior of the continent. The Montagnais and Algonquins were nomadic and lived mainly from hunting, gathering, and fishing. During the summer, they gathered on the shores of the main watercourses, and the rich resources of the coastal region allowed them to form larger villages. In the fall, they returned to the interior, divided up into smaller bands, and subsisted mainly on hunting big game. To the French, this way of life seemed very precarious, but the Montagnais and Algonquins were deeply at-

tached to it, and the nomadic way of life was well rooted in their social and cultural structure. The Saint-Maurice River seems to have been the dividing line between the Montagnais and Algonquin territories, with the former living to the east, as far as the area around Sept-

Title page of the "treatise" Des Sauvages by Samuel Champlain (without the particle), dating from 1603. This short work conveys Champlain's first impressions of Aboriginal life in Canada.

The Birth oj the Franco-American Alliance • 153

qui ni be quy. This map of the mouth of the Kennebec River (Maine) is one of Champlain's better maps, in spite of the difficult island-studded channel. The letter "H" is missing but refers to the little pond on the peninsula near the centre of the map. An Aboriginal fishing camp is nearby. The expedition, led by de Monts, was here 1-8 July 1605. (Source: LAC, Champlain [Les Voyages] 1613, p. 64; see also Champlain, in Biggar (ed.)> i: facing p. 321) [C.E.H. and E.H.D.]

lesekifies montrent ks bvafles (tew. A Lecoursdelanuiere. F ., Jfies qui foot a 1'antre dc la riuiere. C Deux rochers qui font dans ianuicrefort dangereux £> Iflcts & rochers qui font hlonsdeUcofte.

lies; the latter, to the west, in the upper St. Lawrence and the Ottawa Valley. During the first half of the seventeenth century, three Montagnais bands, those of Tadoussac, Quebec, and Trois-Rivieres, maintained regular contacts with the French. A few Algonquin bands are named frequently in the documents: the Kichesipirinis, or Algonquins of the Island, who had their main camp on Morrison Island; the Weskarinis, or Algonquins of the Small Nation, who lived in the environs of the Red, Petite Nation, and Lievre Rivers; and the Onontchataronons, or people of Iroquets, who seem to have lived in the South Nation River valley (Day and Trigger, 1978: 792). In the early seventeenth century, the Montagnais and Algonquins had an alliance with the Etchemins, the name used by the French at the time to designate the nations living in the areas that today are identified with the Malecites, the Passamaquoddys, and the Penobscots (Johnson and Martijn, 1994: 26). Although the Etchemins present in Tadoussac in 1603 are usually equated with the Malecites, there is no absolute certainty on this point. The Hurons (Wendats) were also parties to the alliance between the Montagnais, Algonquins, and Etchemins. Their territory was located on the shores of Georgian Bay (Lake Huron). Sedentary farmers, the Hurons were organized in a four-nation confederation that included a total of between twenty thousand and thirty thousand people in the early sev154 • C H A M P L A I N

E Bafles ou de plainc met j HVn efbngePeati douce, vaifleaui du ran de f o , \ I VH ruifleau o u d « > chal tonntauxpeuuccclchoucr, ', pcs pcHUcniciitret a demy flot. F Lelieuoulcs fauuages caIfies au Boanbre 352 Oppenheim, 360 Orbis Terrae Compendiosa, 330; see also illustration p. 325; see also De Nautonnier Order of Good Cheer, 11,124,135-142, 299, 343! a remedy for scurvy, 135138, 214, 349; its religious ideal, 140, 141; preparation of meals, 141; list of members, 142; its founding, 146; see chronology p. 365 Order of Malta, 22, 23 Order of the Golden Fleece, 138 Order of the Medusa, 138 Ordre de Saint-Esprit, 138 Ordre du Caveau, 138 Oregon, 61 Oresund, 53, 56 Orillia, 341-345 Orleanais, 174 Orlogio, Francesco, known as the Knight of Horloge, 36 Orville, Sieur d', 145; see chronology P-365 Oslo, see map p. 53 Ossossane, 188 Otitis, 271; see also diseases Otouacha, see chronology p. 367 Ottawa Forwarding Co., 352 Ottawa, 13, 327, 339-345, 353 Ottawa River, 61, 62, 153, 161, 181-183, 189,195, 211, 237, 289, 318, 320, 341, 350, 351, 362; see maps pp. 226, 352; see chronology pp. 366, 367; see also Riviere des Algommequins, Algonquin River, Ottawa Valley Ottawa Valley, 154, 352; see also Ottawa River Ottawas, Aboriginals, 62, 185, 186, 314; see chronology p. 367; see map p. 162; see also High Hairs Ouellet, Real, 229, 284 Ouescharinis, Aboriginals, see map p. 162; see also Algoumequins of the Small Nation Ouigodi, 253 Ouinipigons, Aboriginals, 189; see also Algonquins of Lake Superior, People of the Sea, Puants Overman, Capitaine, 351, 352 Oxford, 355

Pacific Ocean, 57, 61, 258, 263, 264 Pakhurst, Anthony, 176 Palma Cayet, Pierre Victor, 16, 30,128 Paltsis, Victor Hugo, 357, 359 Panama, 82, 84, 264, 265; isthmus of, 61; canal, 345; see tables pp. 70, 81 Panounias, a Souriquois Aboriginal, 123,124 Papin, notary, 117; see also illustration p. 117 Pardo Osorio, Sancho, 87 Pare, Ambroise, 137 Parent, Simon-Napoleon, 358 Paris, 22, 40, 52, 56, 101, 107, 121, 130, 131, 136, 138, 144, 146, 149, 150, 169, 172-174, 183, 203, 235, 245, 248, 249, 251, 268, 338, 349, 350, 356-358, 360, 371; see map p. 53; see chronology pp. 366, 368, 371 Paris World's Fair in 1901, 358 Parkman, Francis, 15 Parmentier, brothers, 20; see also Parmentier, Jean Parmentier, Jean, 259; see also Parmentier, brothers Particelli d'Emery, Michel, 15, 356, 359, 362; see also illustrations pp. 15, 356 Passamaquoddy Bay, 106 Passamaquoddys, Aboriginals, 154; see map p. 162; see also Etchemins, Malecites Patagons, Aboriginals, 258 Patrie, the, 281, 338, 346 Paul V, 22 Peabody Museum, 353 Peace of Cateau-Cambresis (1559), 51 Peace of Montpellier, 22 Peace of Suse, see Treaty Peiresc, Nicolas-Claude Fabri de, 281, 282, 302, 303 Pelgrom, Franchoys, 241, 242 Pelgrom, Gheeraert, 241 Pelgrom, Leonard, 241, 242 Pelgrom, Paulus, 241 Pelgrom, Steffen, 241 Pelletier, David, 208, 315, 359 Peloponnesus, 115 Pelt, Abraham, 242 Pembroke, Archange de, 67 Penobscot Bay, no Penobscot River (sometimes known as "de Norembegue"), 98,102,104, 110-112,120,123,130,154; see map p. 228; see chronology p. 365; see also Pentagouet River Penobscots, Aboriginals, 62,154; see also Pentagouets Pentagouet, 23, 169, 245, 252, 256 Pentagouet River, 98,120,125, 299; see also Penobscot River People of Fire, Aboriginals, see map p. 162; see also Mascoutens People of the Sea, Aboriginals, 189; see also Ouinipigons, Puants Perce Rock, see illustration p. 127; see map p. 228; see also Isle Percee Perce, 170; see also lie Percee, Perce Rock Perche, 177 Perez de Gusman, Alonso, 97 Perryville, see chronology p. 367 Peru, 29, 39, 41, 45, 47, 82, 265, 279, 291 Pesche des morues vertes et seches sur le Grand Bane et aux costes de Terre Neuve, 107; see also illustration p. 107 Petit de Julleville, Louis, 14 Petit, Elie, 168; see also illustration p. 168 Petit Parisien, the, 183 Petite Nation River, 154, 184

Petite Riviere, 134; see also Riviere Saint-Charles Petition des Droits, 252 Petrarch, 47 Petuns, Aboriginals, 62,108,186,187, 271, 272; see map p. 162; see chronology p. 367 Phelypeaux, Sieur, 143; see also illustration p. 143 Philadelphia, 144 Philippe II, 50, 94, 96,121,192, 258; see chronology p. 364 Philippe III, see chronology pp. 364, 368 Philippe IV, King of Spain, 251, 252; see chronology p. 368 Philippe le Bon, 138 Philosophia reformata, by J. D. Mylius, 360 Picardie, 175 Pichon, Marie, 286 Pico, 329 Pictou, 110,112 Piedmont, 251, 257 Pierre de Castille, 131 Pignerol, 252 Pijart, Pierre, 271 Pillet, Charles, see chronology p. 368 Pinguet, settler, 177 Piombo, Sebastiano de, 354 Pitersen, Jan, 243 Pivert, Nicolas, 171,175, 210, 257 Plains of Abraham, 343, 371 Plainte de la Nouvelle-France dicte Canada, La, by Georges Le Baillif, 201 Plaisance, 175 Plancius, Petrus, 244 Plantagenet, Henry, 34 Plantin, Christophe, 330, 374 Plastrier, M., 173 Platter, Thomas, 37, 282 Plattsburgh, 339 Pliny, 311 Plymouth (England), 146, 248, 257; see chronology p. 368 Plymouth Harbor or Plymouth Bay, 222; see also illustration p. 220; see map p. 228; see chronology p. 365; see also Port St. Louis Plymouth River, 220 Point St. Matthew, 155,157,161, 204, 237; see also Pointe aux Alouettes Pointe a Callieres, see chronology p. 366 Pointe aux Alouettes, 157,158,161, 236, 239; see also Point St. Matthew Pointe aux Vaches, 298 Pointe Platon, see map p. 227; see also Pointe Sainte-Croix Pointe Sainte-Croix, see map p. 227; see also Pointe Platon Pointe-Levy, see chronology p. 370 Poirier, Pascal, 347 Poisson, Champlain's valet, 202 Poitou, 175 Polo, Marco, 259 Polyneuritis, 270; see also epidemics, diseases Ponant, Marine du, 20, 23, 26; see also Atlantic Ocean Poncet de la Grave, 19 Pons, 34,143,148 Pons, Jacques de, 35, 36 Popeliniere, Sieur de La, 34, 36, 39, 45; see also illustration p. 34 Por du Rossynol, see illustration p. 219; see also Liverpool Bay, Port du Rossignol Poree, Thomas, 243 Portage-du-Fort, 351; see map p. 352 Port aux Mines or des Mines, 313;

see map p. 228; see also illustration p. 313; see also Advocate Harbor Port de Malle Baye, 223; see also Malbaie Port de Mancenille, 82 Port de Mousquitte or Mosquitte, see table p. 69, Port or Cap de St. Nicolas, see tables pp. 69, 79; see also illustration p. 69 Port du Rossignol, see map p. 228; see also Liverpool Bay, Por du Rossynol Port-Fortune, 44, 120, 123, 225, 294; see also illustrations p. 222, 295; see map p. 228; see chronology p. 365; see also Chatham, Stage Harbor Port-Louis, see chronology p. 364 Port Moustique, see illustrations p. 71; see also Mousquitte Port-Mouton or Port-au-Mouton, 102, 116, 145; see also illustration p. 103; see map p. 228; see chronology P-365 Port of Mancenille, see table p. 79 Port of Mousquitte, see table p. 79 Port-Royal, n, 13, 23, 28, 43, 98, 104, 120, 121, 123-126, 130-132, 134, 135, 137-142, 145-147, 150, 166, 169, 170, 172, 174, 175, 177, 181, 194196,

199,

202,

203,

207,

221,

224,

229,

245,

248,

208,

214,

255-257,

288, 293, 299, 300, 308, 330, 337, 358; see also illustrations p. 113, 125, 130, 139, 194, 202; see map p. 228; see chronology pp. 365-367; see also Annapolis Royal Port saincte Helaine, see map p. 228; see also Musquodoboit Harbor Port St. Louis or Port du cap sainct Louys, see illustration p. 220; see also map p. 228; see chronology p. 365; see also Plymouth Harbor; Porto Platte, 76; see tables pp. 69, 79 Porto Belo, 77, 82, 84, 91, 92, 265; river, 81; see tables pp. 69, 81; see map p. 83 Poullain, Guillaume, 188 Pourtraits et vies des hommes illustres, 355 Poutrincourt, Jean de Biencourt de, 28, 57,116,122-126,128,129-131,133142,145,146,166,167,169,170,173, 175,179,193,195-197,199, 203, 204, 207, 208,

222, 223, 242, 264,

288,

292, 294, 295, 300, 316, 337, 347; see chronology pp. 365, 366 Precis historique de la Marine royale de France, by Poncet de la Grave, 19 Premier livre de la description de tous les ports de mer de I'univers..., by Jehan Mallard, 35 Presse, La, 346 Prevert de Sainct-Malo, 127 Prevost de Beaulieu-Persac, Captain, 22 Prince Edward Island, see map p. 228; see also Isle Sainct Jean Proulx, Jean-Pierre, 175 Provence, 195 Prudential Insurance Company of America, 14; see also illustration p. 14 Prunieres, Henri, 43 Puants, Aboriginals, 189; see also Ouinipigons, People of the Sea Publications du Quebec, 287 Puerto Rico, 73, 77, 82, 84, 87, 89, 90, 95, 96, 280; see tables pp. 69, 79; see also illustration p. 84; see map p. 83

Index • 395

Puget de la Serre, M., 45 Puibusque, Adolphe de, 64, 356 Purpura, 270, 275; see also epidemics, diseases Pussot, carpenter, 174 Puyravault, 34 Q

Quebec City, 10-13,16, 28, 32, 54 55, 57, 62, 73, 95,101,116,120,125,130,131, 133> 135, 136, H3» H4, 146-150,154, 155,160,165-167,170-174,176-178, l8l-l84, 186-189, 191, 194, 2OO, 202205, 207, 2O8, 210-212, 214-217, 219, 222, 223, 229, 242, 244, 245-257, 261-265, 271, 272, 280, 28l, 285-290,

292, 294, 297, 298, 302, 308, 311, 317,

324, 328, 331, 336, 338, 34i-349> 354> 356, 358, 361, 362, 371, 372; see also illustrations p. 13, 148, 183, 217, 247, 290; see map p. 227; see chronology pp. 365-370; see also Stadacone Quensson, Mils de, 114 Quercy, 122 Quimper, 41 Quinn, David, 105 Quinta Essentia, by Thurneisser, 360 Quiroz, Francisco de, 94

R Rabel, Daniel, 43, 45, 47-49 Radisson, Pierre-Esprit, 182, 257 Raimond Merigon, Blaise, 22 Rainguet, Pierre Damien, 15 Ralluau, Jean, 57, 242 Rama, 342 Ramusio, Giovanni Battista, 99,100; see also illustration p. 99 Rasilly, Francois de, 67 Ravaillac, Francois, see chronology p. 366 Razilly, brothers, 46,169 Razilly, Isaac de, 22, 23, 46,178,179, 248, 256, 257; see chronology PP- 369, 370 Rebellions of 1837,12 Recollets, 39,170, 171,173,179,187-189, 197,198, 200, 201, 208-210, 216, 235, 246-248, 262, 268, 289, 321, 342; see chronology pp. 367-370 Red Bay, 101,104 Red River, 154 Regime de vivre, 136 Relation derniere, by Marc Lescarbot, 196 Religious Wars, 19, 27, 30, 36, 86,102, 108,110,121,122,135,145, 235; see also Ligue Rembrandt Harmenszoon van Rijn, known as Rembrandt, 355 Renard, the, 244; see also Vos Renaudot, Theophraste, 46, 47, 49; see also Gazette Rennes, 144 Reusner, Hieronymus, 142 Reval, see map p. 53 Revelli, Paolo, 66, 73, 82 Reversing Falls, 253 Revillon River or Reuillon River, 331; see also French River Revolt of the Croquants (1594), 122, 134 Ribaut, Jean, 26, 28, 32,126,138, 292; see also illustrations p. 28, 29; see also Laudonniere Ribertiere, merchant from Saint-Malo, 170 Richard, carpenter, 174 Richelieu, Armand Jean du Plessis, Cardinal, 10, 22, 23, 25, 26, 29, 31, 396 • C H A M P L A I N

39. 40, 45, 46, 48, 57> 133, 147, 170, 177, 211, 223, 239, 241, 248, 250, 251, 256, 278, 282, 290, 300, 355; see also illustrations pp. 39, 277; see chronology pp. 368, 369, 371 Richelieu Rapids, 134 Richelieu River, 14, 62, 160, 161, 242, 259, 285, 305, 317; see map p. 226; see chronology pp. 364, 366, 369; see also Iroquois River Richelieu Valley, 162; see also Richelieu River Richer, Estienne, 16 Richer, Jean (bookseller), 16 Richer, Jean (translator), 182 Richmond Island, 222; see also Island of New England Rideau Falls, 184, 350; see also illustration p. 350 Rideau River, 350; see map p. 352 Riga, see map p. 53 Rigaud de Vaudreuil de Cavagnial, Pierre de, Marquis de Vaudreuil, 359 Rigault, the, 346 Rigault de Genouilly, the, 336 Rijser, Cornelis, 242 Riley, John B., 344 Rimouski, see chronology p. 370 Rincon, Antonio del, 354 Rinieri de Colle, Bernardino, known as el Bellamarto, 36 Rio de Janeiro, 26 Ripa, Cesare, 43 Riss, Francois, 354 River du Gas, 144, 222,225 River of Chishedec, 311; see also Moisie River Riviere Bruyante, see map p. 227; see also Riviere Etchemin, Riviere Jeannin Riviere Chaudiere, see map p. 227; see also Riviere des Etechemins Riviere Chetica, 225; see also Riviere Saint-Jacques Riviere de Batiscan, see map p. 226 Riviere de Champlain, 225; see map p. 226 Riviere de Gennes, see map p. 226; see also Riviere Yamaska Riviere de 1'Orignac, 130,134; see also Moose River Riviere de Quinibequy, see map p. 228; see also Kennebec River Riviere des Algommequins, see map p. 226; see also Algonquin River, Ottawa River Riviere des Etechemins, see map p. 227; see also Riviere Chaudiere Riviere des Francais, 185,189 Riviere des Prairies, see map p. 226; see chronology p. 367 Riviere des Yrocois, see map p. 226; see also Iroquois River, Richelieu River Riviere du Gas, 144, 222, 225; see also Charles River Riviere du Gouffre, 223; see map p. 227 Riviere du Loup, see map p. 226; see also Riviere saincte Suzanne Riviere du Pont, 223; see map p. 226; see also Nicolet River Riviere Etchemin, 247; see map p. 227; see also Riviere Bruyante, Riviere Jeannin Riviere Jeannin, 223; see map p. 227; see also Riviere Bruyante, Riviere Etchemin Riviere Malbaie, 223; see also Flat River, Bad Bay Riviere Mattawa, 185,190, 321; see chronology p. 367 Riviere Mohawk, 154

Riviere Montmorency, see illustration p. 247 Riviere Sainct Antoine, see map p. 226; see also Riviere Saint-Francis Riviere saincte Suzanne, see map p. 226; see also Riviere du Loup Riviere Sainte-Anne, see map p. 226; see also Riviere Sainte-Marie Riviere Sainte-Marie, see map p. 226; see also Riviere Sainte-Anne Riviere Saint-Francois, see map p. 226; see also Riviere sainct Antoine Riviere Saint-Jacques, 225; see also Chetica River Riviere Yamaska, see map p. 226; see also Riviere de Gennes Robertson, Samuel Eliot, 362 Roberval, Jean Francois de La Roque, Sieur de, 21, 26, 32, 51, 55, 60, 61,100, 115,120, 126, 206, 265, 312, 354; see also illustration p. 60 Roche d'Aillon, Joseph de la, 189 Roche-Bernard, La, 23 Rochefort, 41, 191; see also illustration p. 191 Rodier, L. T., 338 Rodin, Auguste, 339 Rohan, Benjamin de, 22 Rollet, Anne, 171,175 Rollet, Claude, 208 Rollet, Marie, 169,171,175 Rome, 46, 361 Ronciere, Charles de la, 22 Ronjat, Eugene, 261 Roque, Marguerite de la, Roberval's niece, 60; see also illustration p. 60 Roquemont de Brison, Claude de, 165, 297; see chronology p. 370 Roscoff, 124 Rossignol, Jean, 102, 219; see also illustration p. 219 Rostock, see map p. 53 Rouen, 35, 40, 51, 52, 57, 73,101,102, no, 112,116,130,144,146,165,166, 170,183, 223, 241-244, 248, 249, 251, 257, 289; see map p. 53; see chronology pp. 366-368, 370 Rouse's Point, 339 Rousseau, Jacques, 82; and the Brief Discours, 88 Routhier, Adolphe-Basile, 344, 345 Roy, Girard de, 21 Roy, Pierre-Georges, 311 Royal Society of Canada, The, 337, 340, 341, 344 Royan, 143,144,148,150 Rubens, Pierre Paul, 302 Rudin, Ronald, 346 Ruellius, botanist, 311 Ruisseau Lairet, 209 Rupert River, 264 Russel, Alexander Jamieson, 352 Rut, John, 179 Rye, 248 S

Sable Island, 27, 54, 55, 98,165 Sables d'Olonne, 106, 256 Sablonceaux, 34,150 Saco Bay or Saco River, 123, 295, 296, 311, 330, 372; see also illustration p. 123; see map p. 228; see chronology p. 365; see also Chouacouet Sacre, the, 112 Sade, Laure de, 47 Sagard, Gabriel Theobat, 155, 172,188190, 204, 209, 262; see chronology P-369 Saguenay-Lac-Saint-Jean, 62, 109, no

Saguenay River, 27, 51, 62,116,126,130, 144,153,155,162,180, 236, 298, 299; see map p. 227, 237, 288; see also illustration p. 27; see chronology p. 364 Saint Agnant, 34 Saint-Andre, the, 248 Saint-Aubin, Francois, 179 Saint Augustin, 259 Saint-Charles River, 134,150,155, 208; see chronology p. 369 Saint-Denis, see chronology p. 364 Sainte-Anne, the, 256 Sainte-Croix Island, 184; see also He Sainte-Croix Sainte-Croix River, 98,102,106,130, 131,145,154,166, 167,169; see map p. 228 Sainte-Foy, 149 Sainte-Helene Island, 224, see map p. 226; see chronology p. 366 Sainte-Marie des Hurons, 180, 353 Saintes, 34, 36,143 Saint-Etienne, the, 296; see chronology pp. 367, 368 Saint Fort sur Brouage, 35; see also Brouage Saint-Gilles, 106, 256 Saint-Jean, the, 257; see chronology P- 37i Saint Jean d'Angle, 35; see also Brouage Saint-Jean-de-Luz, 101, 109-111, 116, 144, 166, 241, 257; see tables PP- 69, 79 Saint John (New Brunswick), 337, 338, 340, 341, 343 Saint John or Saint-Jean River, no, 124, 129-132, 140, 154, 169, 173, 178, 256; see map p. 228; see also illustration p. 253; see chronology P-365 Saint Julian, see table p. 68; see also Saint-Julien, San Julian Saint-Julien, the, 41, 83, 84, 86-89, 9i> 92, 316; see table p. 68; see also Saint Julian, San Julian Saint-Just, 35; see also Brouage Saint-Laurent, the, 256 Saint-Legier, Marianne de, 150 Saint-Louis, the, 22 Saint-Louis Rapids, no, 116, 125, 131, 155,156,180-186,189, 221, 223, 289; see map p. 226; see also Sault Saint-Louis; see also illustration p. 156; see chronology pp. 364, 366, 367; see also Lachine Rapids Saint Luc, Francois Timoleon d'Espinay, 37, 76, 85, 86, 203 Saint-Luc, gunpowder factory or storehouse, see also illustrations p. 42 Saint-Malo, 19, 20, 22, 51, 52, 57,101,116, 144,156,166,170, 223, 243, 256, 260, 281, 292, 316, 354; see also llustration p. 19; see map p. 53; see chronology pp. 365-367 Saint-Martin-de-Re, 22 Saint-Maurice River, 153; see map p. 226; see also Trois-Rivieres Saint-Michel, the, 22 Saintonge, 33, 36,114,175,191, 200, 224, 225, 240, 296, 349; see also illustrations p. 191, 225; see chronology p. 364 Saint-Ours Rapids, see chronology P-364 Saint Pierre de Salles, 35; see also Brouage Saint-Pierre River, 156, 207 Saint-Pierre, the, 243; see chronology P-37i Saint-Sauveur, 169; see chronology p. 367

Saint-Vincent, 109 Salamandre, the, 249 Salamanque, 311 Salem, 353 Salisbury, Neal, 112 Salmon River, 223 Samuel de Champlain, Father of New France, by Samuel Eliot Robertson, 362 San Juan de Porto Rico, 84 San Julian, the, 94-97; see table p. 68; see also Saint Julian, Saint-Julien San Lucar or Sanlucar de Barrameda, 41, 66, 87, 89, 93-96; see also illustrations p. 65, 84; see tables PP- 68, 79 San Sebastien, 241, 243 Sandoval, the 87, 90, 91; see map p. 83 Sanger, David, 112 Sanson, 86; see also Gran Sanson Sanson, Nicolas, 316, 332 Santa Cruz, Marquis de, 94 Santa Elena, 107 Santo Domingo, 76, 77, 84,181; see tables pp. 69, 79, 81 Sarcel de Prevert, Jean, 116,127,128, 170, 313 Sault de Montmorency, see map p. 227; see also Montmorency Falls Sault Saint-Louis, see chronology; 366-367, see also Saint-Louis Rapids Sault St. Marie, 189 Sauvage, Jean, 20 Savary, Jacques, 239 Savignon, Huron, 131; see chronology p. 366 Savoie, 251, 252 Scadding, Henry, 352 Scarlet fever, 271; see also diseases Scurvy, 98,124,135,137-139,142,145147,167, 205, 214, 215, 217, 259, 267, 268, 294, 349; see chronology p. 365; see also diseases Seine, 150 Senecas, Aboriginals, 108,112,154; see also Five Nations Senegal, 24 Sept-lies, 153, 225, 307, 311; see chronology p. 365 Serres, Olivier de, 311 Seudre River, 114 Severn, 185 Sevestre, Charles, 286 Sevestre, Jacques, 286 Sevestre, Louis, 286 Sevestre, Thomas, 286 Seville, 41, 68, 80, 87, 93, 244; Riviere, 65, 68, 80; see also illustrations p. 65, 68; see tables pp. 68, 79 Shakespeare, William, 354, 355, 363 Shediac, 348 Short-Wallick, 346 Short-Wallick, monument, 346 Siege of Ostende, 30 Sillery, 32 Simmons, William, 112 Singularitez de la France antarctique, autrement nommee Amerique, Les, by Andre Thevet, 46,102, 235 Sioui, Ovide, 342 Smallpox, 267-274; see also illustration p. 268; see also epidemics, diseases Smith, John, 110,112, 321, 331; see chronology p. 368; see also Map of Virginia Smith, Nicholas B., 128 Smith, William, 342 Smithsonian Institute, 353 Snow, Dean, 272 Societe Assomption, 347 Societe de geographic de Quebec, 65

Societe historique et litteraire de Quebec, 13 Societe Saint-Jean-Baptiste, 336, 344 Soleil, Le, 337, 349 Sonde, La, 73, 82; see also Canal or coast of Campeche Sorel, 166,176 Sosa y Vivero, Alvaro de, 97 Soubriago, General Pedro; 86; see table p. 67; see also Zoubiaur, general Souriquois, Aboriginals, 62,123,124, 127,133,141,195,196, 203, 301; see map p. 162; see also Micmacs Southbridge, 338 South Nation River 154 Spice Islands, 263 Spieghel der Zeevaerdt, by Lucas Janszoon Waghenaer, 330, 374; see also Waghenaer Spitzberg, 21, 49, 240 Staats, Barent, 242 Stadacone, 10, 62, 219, 223, 268; see also Quebec Staden, Hans, 9, 46, 246, 274, 306 Stage Harbor, 120; see also illustration p. 222; see also Port-Fortune Star, The, 341 St. Claire River, 181 Stettin, see map p. 53 Stewart Museum, 10 Stewart, T. D., 273 St. Francois de Sales, 138,195 St. John's, 175 St. Joseph Island, 272; see also Christian Island, Gahoendoe St. Pieter, the, 242 St. Stephen, 338 Stockholm, see map p. 53 Strait of Anian, 244, 263; see also illustration p. 263 Strait of Belle Isle, 100,101; also named "Grande Baye" by Cartier, 100,108 Strait of Magellan, 21, 258, 259, 265, 279; see table (Detroict de Magellan) p. 70 Strait of Quebec, 221, 224 Stralsund, see map p. 53 Strasbourg, 241 Strozzi, Philippe, 19 Sturgeon Lake, 186 Sudan, 346 Suite de I'Histoire des chases les plus memorables advenues en Maragnon, by Father Yves d'Evreux, 46 Suite du voyage de I'Amerique, by Baron de Lahontan, 236 Sully, Maximilien de Bethune, Due de, 21, 26, 29-32,124,144,146,165, 179, 193, 280; see chronology p. 364 Suite, Benjamin, 15, 261, 337, 339, 341, 344-346, 357, 358, 361 Sumatra, 20, 22 Sundstrom, L., 272 Susquehanna River, 108 Susquehannas, Aboriginals, 107 Suzor-Cote, Marc-Aurele de Foy, 359 Sweers, Barend, 241 Syphilis (called "Indians' revenge"), 10, 268; see also diseases T

Tabula Nautica, 331, 372; see also illustration p. 294; see also Gerritsz, Hudson Tadoussac, 15, 27, 28, 54, 61, 62,109, no, 112,116,125-127,130,132,144, 147,149,150,153-161,166,170,171, 175,176,180,181,185,194, 203, 205, 211, 213, 215, 221-223, 235, 236, 242-

249, 252, 257, 263, 275, 280, 289, 300, 317, 358; see map p. 227; see also illustration p. 27; see chronology pp. 364—370 Taft, William Howard, 339, 344, 345 Taillemite, Etienne, 19, 24 Talemon, 109 Talon, Jean, 239 Tamise, 248 Tanguay, Jean, 161 Tarber Richardson, Harriette, 125 Tardivel, Jules-Paul, 337, 345 Taschereau, Elzear, 340 Taschereau, Louis-Alexandre, 341 Tello, Francisco, 87 Temps, Le, 346 Terrasse Dufferin, 336, 346; see also illustration p. 336 Terrier, Isabelle, 171; see chronology p. 368 Tersmitten, Hendrik, 239 Tessouat, Algonquin chief, known as the "One-eyed Man of the Island") 159,162,182-184, 237; see chronology p. 366; see also Besouat Tetes-de-Boule, Aboriginals, 62 Tharazon, notary, 114; see also illustration p. 114 Theatre de Neptune en la NouvelleFrance... by Marc Lescarbot, 44, 124,131,135,138; see chronology P-365 Themines, Pons de Lauziere, Marquis de, 133; see chronology pp. 367, 368 Therien, Gilles, 238, 298 Thevet, Andre, 46, 98,102,109,112, 235, 263, 268, 355 Thibault, Claude, 362 Thierry, Eric, 30,121,135, 282 Thirty Years' War (1618-48), 53, 55, 251 Thou, Jacques-Auguste de, 133, 281 Thurneisser, Leonhard, 360 Thwaites, Reuben Gold, 311 Ticonderoga, 160, 181, 339; see chronology p. 366; see also Crown Point Tierarche, 121 Tierra del Fuego, 258 Timmerman, Jorgen, 241 Timucuas, Aboriginals, 28, 29, 307; see also illustrations pp. 28, 29 Toanche, 185 Toledo, Luis de, 95, 97 Topinambous, Aboriginals, 67; see also Tupinambous Toronto, 342, 352 Torrini, Giulio, 67, 70 Tortoise Island, 222, see also Great Wass Island Tortue, La, 82, Tortuga (island), 71 Toulon, 19, 23 Toulouse, 23,121 Tourville, 23 Traite de I'amour de Dieu, by St. Francois de Sales, 138 Traite de I'CEcoconomie politique, by Antoine de Monchretien, 239 Traitte de la marine et du devoir d'un bon marinier, by Samuel de Champlain, 91,100, 214, 235, 282, 291. 304, 3i3> 3i6, 321, 324> 33i> 332, 352; see also illustrations pp. 235, 321, 324, 329; see chronology P- 370 Traite du scorbut, by Francois Martin, 142 Treasurer, see chronology p. 367 Treaty of Barwald (January 1631), 252 Treaty of London (1604), 58 Treaty of Lyon (1601), 193 Treaty of Paris (1763), 24

Treaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye (29 March 1632), 46,150,178, 210, 245, 256, 299; see also illustration p. 254-255; see chronology p. 370 Treaty of Tordesillas, 25, 26, 44; see also illustration p. 25 Treaty of Versailles (1783), 13 Treaty of Vervins (2 May 1598), 20, 22, 26, 53,122,140,144,165,193; see chronology p. 364 Treaty or Peace of Monc.on (2 may 1626), 252, 257 Treaty, Truce, or Peace of Suse (24 April 1629), 245, 246, 248, 252, 257, 299; see chronology p. 370; see also Battle of Pas de Suse Treguier, 20 Tremblade, La, 37, 114 Trent River, 185,186 Tresors des Archives nationales du Canada, 286 Trevoux, 220 Trigger, Bruce G., 268, 271, 305-307, 311 Trinite de Vendome, 34 Trinite, the, 35, 256 Trip, Elie, 239 Trizay, 34 Trois-Rivieres, 9,116,154,155,166,167, 189,190, 215, 217, 219, 220, 229, 261, 265, 269, 271, 285, 346, 357; see map p. 226; see chronology pp. 368, 371; see also Saint-Maurice River Trudel, Marcel, 10, 26, 54, 58, 61, 98, 142,150,192,198, 202, 211, 258, 290, 332, 359, 36o Tsonnontouans, Aboriginals, see map p. 162; see also Entouhonorons, Senecas Tuffet, Jean, 257 Tupinambous or Tupinamba, Aboriginals, 46, 235, 237, 306; Turgeon, Laurier, 98 Tutonaguy, 219

u Ungava Bay, 101 Unions Saint-Joseph, 337 Universite d'Ottawa, 239 Universite Laval, 13, 64, 351, 362 Urbino, Castrico, d', 36 Urdaire or Urdaye, Juanes or Joannes de, 84, 91, 96 Ursulines, 10,197,198 Usselincx, Willem, 243 Utrecht, 239 V

Vachon, Andre, 217, 298 Valdes, Juan de, 97 Vallard, Nicolas, 354 Vallebrera, Yeronimo de, 87, 91 Valliere, Due de la, 44, 49 Valpergue, Fran9oise de, 134 Valteline, 251, 257 Van de Bogard, Cornelius, 244 Van der Mur, Cornelius, 244 Van der Platen, Guillaume, 243 Van Liebergen, family, 240 Van Metern, Emmanuel, 31, 240 Van Tweenhuysen, Lambert, 240 Van Vreeswijck, Goosen, 239 Vannini de Gerulewitz, Marisa, 82 Varin, Roger, 142 Vauban, Sebastien Le Prestre, Marechal de, 40, 41, 262 Vaugeois, Denis, 10, 42, 82, 346 Vauk, Jacques de, 102 Vaulx, Pierre de, 10,102,103 Vaumas, G. de, 203

Index • 397

Velazquez Gaztelu, Juan Pedro, 94 Venes, 332 Venezuela, 87, 90 Venice, 29, 291 Ventadour, Henri de Levis, Due de, 179, 211, 265; see chronology p. 369 Vera, Gabriel de, 97 Veracruz, 84, 90, 95; see tables pp. 69, 79 Vercheres, Madeleine de, 357 Vere, Edward of, Count of Oxford, 355 Verendrye, Pierre Gaultier de Varennes et de la, 258, 264 Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie, 240; see also East Indies Company Verite, La, 337 Vermeulen, Gilles, 244 Vermeulen, Hendrick, 244 Vermeulen, Jehan, 244 Vermeulen, Lodewicq, 242, 243 Vermont, 339, 344 Verrazzano, Giovanni da, 25, 26, 60, 61, 99,100,104,111,112,115,116,120, 123, 259, 261 Verrazzano, Girolamo da, 112 Versailles, 41,174 Versillac, 174 Vervins, 121 Vezina, Joseph, 343 Vieilleville, Scepeaux de, 140 Viel, Nicolas, 188, 200; see chronology p. 369 Vienne, Marguerite, 171 Viert, Joachim Du, 46 Vige, Eliane, 282 Vige, Jimmy, 282 Vignau, Nicolas de, 182-184, 217, 318, 319, 322, 332, 351; see chronology p. 366

Vigneras, L. A., and the Brief Discours, 73, 76, 81, 86-93, 95 Vignerot, Marie-Madeleine de, Duchesse d'Aiguillon, 355; see also illustration p. 355 Vikings, 258 Villain, printer, 356 Villegagnon, Durand de, 24, 26, 32, 126,131,138 Villeroy, Nicolas Neufville de, 26, 30, 193 Vimont, Barthelemy, 189 Vincennes, see chronology p. 368 Virgin Islands, 84, 87, 90; see tables pp. 69, 79; see also illustration p. 90 Virginia, 9, no, 120,126,146,150,163, 170,196, 257, 321, 339; see chronology pp. 366, 369; see also Map of Virginia Vitre, 20,166 Vogels, Arnout, 241, 242 Volkaerts Mossel, Mathijs, 241, 243 Voltaire (Francois Marie Arouet) 30 Vos, the, 244; see also Renard Voyages de la Nouvelle France occidentale, dicte Canada, Les (1632), by Samuel de Champlain, 32,123,134,187-189, 235, 284, 286291, 293-297, 299, 301, 321, 331; dedication to Richelieu, 46; see also illustrations pp. 286, 287, 291; see chronology p. 370 Voyages du sieur de Champlain (1613), 67, 91,121,131-134,138,159,176,183, 185,194, 203, 218, 224, 225, 233, 235, 262, 282, 284-290, 293-296, 299, 301, 306, 317-320, 350, 356, 361; see also illustration p. 284; see chronology p. 366

Voyages et descouvertures faites en la Nouvelle France, depuis I'annee 1615. jusques a la fin de I'annee 1618, by Samuel de Champlain (1619), 172,184,197, 201, 208, 264, 266, 282, 283, 284, 286-288, 290, 293, 295, 296, 299-301, 304, 307, 308, 314, 320; see also illustration p. 285; see chronology p. 368 Vrais Portraits des hommes illustres, Les, by Theodore de Beze, 355 W

Waghenaer, Lucas Janszoon, 330, 374; see also Spieghel der Zeevaerdt Walker, Edmund, 342 Wallis, W. S. and R. S., 128 Walsingham, Francis, 31 Wampanoags, Aboriginals, 106,108 War of Flanders (1578-84), 50, 51 Wars of Italy, 26, 43 Washington, 353 Wendats, Aboriginals, 154; see map p. 162; see also Hurons Weskarinis, Aboriginals, 154; see also Algonquins of the Small Nation West Ferry, 108 West Indies Company, 239 West Indies, 10,15, 22, 24, 41, 54, 60, 73, 84, 88, 89,115,129,164, 240, 241, 256, 258, 275, 280; see also illustration p. 60; see map p. 83; see chronology p. 364 West Indische Compagnie, 240, 241; see also Dutch West Indies Company Weymouth, George, 260 Wherborn, M., 354

White Cape, 222; see also Cap Blanc White Lion, 242; see also Witte Leeuw White, John, 9 William, the, 257 Winthrop, 108 Wisconsin, 189 Witsen, Jonas, 241 Witte Leeuw, 242, 243; see also White Lion Wolfe, James, 342 Wolves, Aboriginals, 182; see also Mohicans Work of Jacques Le Moyne de Morgues, The, 206 Works of Samuel de Champlain, The, published by Biggar, 12; see also Biggar Wyoming, 258 Y

Yamaska, 219 Ymago Mundi, 258 Yroquois, Aboriginals, 224; see map p. 162; see also Iroquois Z

Zaltieri, Bolognino, 115 Zanotti, Francesco Maria, 64 Zubiaur or Zubiaurre, General Pedro (sometimes of), 86, 92, 94, 95, 97; see table p. 67, 86; see also Soubriago

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COMPOSED IN MINION BODY TEXT 11 AND IN ACANTHUS IN A LAYOUT DESIGNED BY JOSEE LALANCETTE THIS BOOK WAS PRINTED IN OCTOBER 20O4 ON JENSON SATIN l60M PAPER UNDER THE ATTENTIVE EYE OF YVON BEGIN OF PRESSES TRANSCONTINENTAL QUEBEC AND BOUND AT ATELIERS MULTI-RELIURE S.F. UNDER THE SKILFUL DIRECTION OF SUZANNE FERRON THE WHOLE FOR GILLES HERMAN AND DENIS VAUGEOIS EDITORS AND PUBLISHERS AT THE SEPTENTRION