Central Catalan and Swabian: A Study in the Framework of the Typology of Syllable and Word Languages 9783110573060, 9783110555387

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Javier Caro Reina Central Catalan and Swabian

Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie

Herausgegeben von Claudia Polzin-Haumann und Wolfgang Schweickard

Band 422

Javier Caro Reina

Central Catalan and Swabian A study in the framework of the typology of syllable and word languages

ISBN 978-3-11-055538-7 e-ISBN [PDF] 978-3-11-057306-0 e-ISBN [EPUB] 978-3-11-057075-5 ISSN 0084-5396 Library of Congress Control Number: 2018958031 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2019 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston Typesetting: Integra Software Services Pvt. Ltd. Printing and binding: CPI books GmbH, Leck www.degruyter.com

Acknowledgements This work would not have been possible without the help of many people. I would like to start with Peter Auer, the first supervisor of the PhD, for his advice and support through the years. Thanks also go to Maria-Rosa Lloret, who happily agreed to be the second supervisor. I would also like to thank Renate Schrambke, who aroused my interest in dialectology and the typology of syllable and word languages. For discussions on the typology, I am grateful to Renata Szczepaniak. I am also especially thankful to Marco García García for giving me the last kick to finish my thesis. My thanks also go to Mercedes Figueras for being there for questions regarding Catalan grammar and pronunciation. For discussion and comments, many thanks to Josefina Carrera, Matthias Heinz, Nikolay Khakimov, Stefan Kleiner, Werner König, Martin Kümmel, Conxita Lleó, Robert Murray, Clàudia Pons-Moll, Rudolf Post, Daniel Recasens, Stephan Schmid, Christian Schwarz, Jeff Siegel, Helmut Spiekermann, Joan Veny, Joaquim Viaplana, and Lluís de Yzaguirre. I would like to acknowledge the scholarships from the Landesgraduiertenförderung (LGFG) and the Hermann Paul School of Linguistics (HPCL). I would also like to thank the Freiburg Institute for Advanced Studies (FRIAS) for providing financial and administrative support for the workshop on Phonological Typology of Syllable and Word Languages, which Renata Szczepaniak and I organized on March 29‒31, 2010. Additionally, funding for the printing of the book was generously provided by the Wissenschaftliche Gesellschaft Freiburg. And last, but certainly not least, a big thanks to my family and friends!

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110573060-201

Contents Acknowledgements  Abbreviations  Glosses 

 V

 XIII

 XV

1 1.1 1.2 1.3

 1 Introduction  Aim of the study   1 Treatment of the examples  Outline   6

2 2.1 2.1.1 2.1.2 2.2 2.2.1 2.2.2

 9 Phonological typology  Traditional typology   9 Syllable structure   10 Phoneme inventories   12 Rhythm-based classifications   16 The isochrony hypothesis   16 The rhythm class hypothesis   19

3 3.1 3.2 3.2.1 3.2.2 3.3 3.3.1 3.3.2 3.3.3

 26 Typology of syllable and word languages  Theoretical framework   27 The syllable and the phonological word   32 The syllable   34 The phonological word   39 Research areas   42 Language typology   43 Historical linguistics   43 Language variation   44

4 4.1 4.1.1 4.1.2 4.2 4.3 4.3.1 4.3.2 4.3.3 4.4

 46 Typological parameters  Review of the typological parameters   46 Geminates   48 Vowel harmony   51 Evaluating the prosodic domains   52 Syllable structure   55 Classification of syllable complexity   55 Emergence of syllable complexity   57 Research on syllable structure   59 Phonotactic restrictions   60

 5

VIII  4.4.1 4.4.2 4.5 4.6 4.6.1 4.6.2 4.6.3 4.6.4 4.7 4.7.1 4.7.1.1 4.7.1.2 4.7.1.3 4.7.1.4 4.7.2 4.7.3 4.7.4 4.7.5 4.7.6 4.7.7 4.8

 Contents

Stress-related restrictions   61 Position-related restrictions   61 Syllable- and word-related processes   64 Syllable-optimizing processes   66 Consonant deletion   66 Vowel deletion   67 Consonant epenthesis   68 Vowel epenthesis   70 Word-optimizing processes   72 Unstressed vowel reduction   72 Neutralization of height and length contrasts   74 Neutralization of nasalization   77 Neutralization of roundness   77 Discussion   79 Vowel lengthening and diphthongization   81 Consonant deletion   83 Vowel deletion   84 Consonant epenthesis   87 Vowel epenthesis   89 Consonant cluster simplification   90 Syllabification and resyllabification   91

 94 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan  5.1 Introduction   95 5.1.1 Catalan dialectology   95 5.1.2 Data sources   98 5.1.2.1 Atles Lingüístic del Domini Català (ALDC)   98 5.1.2.2 Diccionari Català-Valencià-Balear (DCVB)   102 5.1.2.3 Monographs   103 5.2 Syllable structure   103 5.2.1 Surface syllable structure   103 5.2.2 Syllable types   104 5.2.3 Sonority Sequencing Principle   108 5.2.4 Syllable contact   110 5.3 Phonotactic restrictions   114 5.3.1 Stress-related restrictions   114 5.3.2 Position-related restrictions   115 5.3.3 Summary   118 5.4 Syllable-optimizing processes   118 5.4.1 Consonant assimilation   118

Contents 

5.4.2 5.5 5.5.1 5.5.2 5.5.3 5.5.4 5.5.5 5.5.6 5.5.7 5.5.8 5.5.8.1 5.5.8.2 5.5.8.3 5.5.9 5.5.9.1 5.5.9.2 5.5.10 5.5.11 5.6 5.7

 121 Hiatus resolution  Word-optimizing processes   125 Word-final obstruent devoicing   125 Affrication of word-final [ʒ]   126 Obstruent voicing across word boundaries   128 Unstressed vowel deletion   131 Deletion of word-final n   136 Deletion of word-final r   136 Simplification of word-final homorganic consonants  Deaffrication of [d͡ʒ] and [t͡ʃ]   143 Deaffrication of [d͡ʒ]   144 Deaffrication of [ t͡ʃ ]   146 Summary   146 Unstressed vowel reduction   148 Centralization and merger of back vowels   148 Diphthong simplification   156 Word-final nasalization   162 Word-final consonant epenthesis   163 Syllabification and resyllabification   166 Summary   171

6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan  6.1 Introduction   178 6.1.1 Catalan historical linguistics   178 6.1.2 Data sources   182 6.2 Syllable structure   186 6.2.1 Surface syllable structure   186 6.2.2 Syllable types   187 6.2.3 Sonority Sequencing Principle   188 6.2.4 Syllable contact   190 6.2.5 Summary   191 6.3 Phonotactic restrictions   191 6.3.1 Stress-related restrictions   191 6.3.2 Position-related restrictions   192 6.3.3 Summary   195 6.4 Syllable-optimizing processes   195 6.4.1 Consonant epenthesis   195 6.4.2 Vowel epenthesis   198 6.4.2.1 Word-initial vowel epenthesis   198 6.4.2.2 Word-final vowel epenthesis   199

 178

 139

 IX

X 

 Contents

6.4.2.3 6.4.3 6.4.4 6.4.4.1 6.4.4.2 6.4.4.3 6.5 6.5.1 6.5.1.1 6.5.1.2 6.5.1.3 6.5.2 6.5.3 6.5.4 6.5.5 6.5.6 6.5.7 6.5.8 6.5.9 6.5.9.1 6.5.9.2 6.5.9.3 6.5.10 6.6

Summary   200 Glide strengthening   201 Coda weakening   202 Vocalization of word-medial VLat. T y, Ce,i, B, V, D   202 Vocalization in word-medial VLat. C’M, G’M, SM, S’N   204 Vocalization of OCat. l   204 Word-optimizing processes   206 Unstressed vowel reduction   207 Unstressed vowel reduction in Old Catalan   207 Unstressed vowel reduction in Middle Central Catalan   211 Summary   216 Syncope   218 Apocope   220 Deletion of word-final n   224 Word-final obstruent devoicing   225 Deletion of word-medial consonants   227 Deletion of word-final r   229 Deaffrication of [d͡ʒ] and [t͡ʃ]   230 Decentralization of stressed schwa   231 Emergence of stressed schwa   232 Development of stressed schwa   237 Summary   239 Simplification of word-final homorganic consonants   239 Summary   241

 245 7 Synchronic description of Swabian  7.1 Introduction   245 7.1.1 Alemannic dialectology   245 7.1.2 Data sources   252 7.1.2.1 Südwestdeutscher Sprachatlas (SSA)   253 7.1.2.2 Ortsgrammatiken   253 7.2 Syllable structure   256 7.2.1 Surface syllable structure   257 7.2.2 Syllable types   258 7.2.3 Sonority Sequencing Principle   258 7.3 Phonotactic restrictions   259 7.3.1 Stress-related restrictions   259 7.3.2 Position-related restrictions   265 7.4 Syllable-optimizing processes   269 7.4.1 Vowel epenthesis   269

Contents 

7.4.2 7.4.3 7.5 7.5.1 7.5.2 7.5.3 7.5.4 7.5.5 7.5.6 7.5.7 7.6 7.7

 273 Nasalization  Consonant assimilation   278 Word-optimizing processes   282 Vowel lengthening   282 Lenition of fortis consonants   289 Glottal stop insertion   296 Diphthongization   301 Denasalization in unstressed syllables   303 Decentralization of stressed schwa   304 Word-final nasalization   307 Syllabification and resyllabification   309 Summary   312

 318 8 Diachronic description of Swabian  8.1 Introduction   318 8.1.1 Alemannic historical linguistics   318 8.1.2 Data sources   320 8.2 Syllable structure   322 8.2.1 Surface syllable structure   322 8.2.2 Syllable types   323 8.2.3 Sonority Sequencing Principle   324 8.2.4 Syllable contact   327 8.2.5 Summary   330 8.3 Phonotactic restrictions   330 8.3.1 Stress-related restrictions   330 8.3.2 Position-related restrictions   333 8.3.3 Summary   337 8.4 Syllable-optimizing processes   337 8.4.1 Vowel epenthesis   337 8.4.1.1 Vowel epenthesis in Old Alemannic   338 8.4.1.2 Vowel epenthesis after apocope   340 8.4.1.3 Vowel epenthesis in sequences of liquid + obstruent  8.4.1.4 Summary   343 8.4.2 Nasalization   344 8.5 Word-optimizing processes   344 8.5.1 Unstressed vowel reduction   345 8.5.1.1 Unstressed vowel reduction in Old Alemannic   345 8.5.1.2 Unstressed vowel reduction in Swabian   348 8.5.1.3 Summary   356 8.5.2 Apocope   357

 342

 XI

XII  8.5.2.1 8.5.2.2 8.5.2.3 8.5.2.4 8.5.3 8.5.3.1 8.5.3.2 8.5.3.3 8.5.4 8.5.4.1 8.5.4.2 8.5.4.3 8.5.4.4 8.5.5 8.5.6 8.5.7 8.5.8 8.5.9 8.6

 Contents

General apocope   358 Apocope in feminine weak nouns   360 Apocope in masculine strong nouns   363 Summary   363 Syncope   365 Syncope in pretonic syllables   365 Syncope in posttonic syllables   368 Summary   372 Degemination of geminate sonorants   372 Degemination of word-final geminate sonorants   373 Degemination of word-medial geminate sonorants   375 Degemination of geminate nasals after apocope   375 Summary   377 Deletion of word-medial consonants   378 Fortition of word-initial d   384 Vowel lengthening   386 Consonant epenthesis   388 Loss of non-word-initial h   393 Summary   395

9 9.1 9.1.1 9.1.2 9.2 9.2.1 9.2.2 9.3 9.3.1 9.3.2 9.3.3 9.3.4 9.3.5 9.3.6 9.4 9.5

 400 Conclusions and discussion  Typological affiliation of Central Catalan   400 Summary of findings   400 Standard and non-standard Central Catalan   402 Typological affiliation of Swabian   402 Summary of findings   402 Swabian and standard German   404 Central Catalan and Swabian   406 Syllable structure   406 Phonotactic restrictions   407 Word-optimizing processes   407 Syllable-optimizing processes   409 Syllabification and resyllabification   409 Summary and discussion   409 Word language types   411 Future directions in typological research   414

10

List of linguistic atlases and dictionaries 

11

References 

General index 

 445

 419

 418

Abbreviations #

word boundary

� Ø

empty element

*

reconstructed form

.

syllable boundary

/.../

phonological transcription

[...]

phonetic transcription

]F

foot boundary

]ω

word boundary

‘...’

lexical meaning

+

morpheme boundary

]ϕ

resyllabification

phrase boundary




becomes

Alg.

Alghero Catalan

Ar.

Arabic

Bal.

Balearic

B.

Rule of Saint Benedict

C

consonant

CCat.

Central Catalan

Ð

fricative

ENHG

Early New High German

F

phonological foot

Fs

strong foot

G

glide

Fw

weak foot

Germ.

German

Gmc

Germanic

It.

Standard Italian

L

liquid

Lat.

Classic Latin

MCat.

Middle Catalan

MCCat.

Middle Central Catalan

MHG

Middle High German

Min.

Minorcan

N

nasal

N.

Notker

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110573060-202

XIV 

 Abbreviations

NWCat.

North-Western Catalan

O

obstruent

OAlem.

Old Alemannic

OCat.

Old Catalan

OFr.

Old French

OHG

Old High German

OSpan.

Old Spanish

P

stop

Port.

Portuguese

Rouss.

Roussillon Catalan

S

sonorant

SAlem.

South Alemannic

Span.

Standard European Spanish

Swab.

Swabian

Turk.

Turkish

URAlem.

Upper-Rhine Alemannic

V

vowel

V́

stressed vowel

V̆

short vowel

Ṽ

nasal vowel

V̅

long vowel

Val.

Valencian

VLat.

Vulgar Latin

WGmc

West Germanic

μ

mora

σ

syllable

σs

strong syllable

σw

weak syllable

ϕ

phonological phrase

ω

phonological word

Glosses 1

first person

2

second person

3

third person

acc

accusative

art

article

aux

auxiliary verb

comp

comparative

cond

conditional

dat

dative

def

definite

dem

demonstrative

dim

diminutive

f

feminine

fut

future

gen

genitive

imp

imperative

ind

indicative

indef

indefinite

inf

infinitive

iprf

imperfect

m

masculine

n

neuter

neg

negative particle

nom

nominative

par

partitive

pass

passive

pl

plural

poss

possessive

prf

perfect

prs

present

pron

pronoun

pst

past

ptcp

participle

refl

reflexive pronoun

sg

singular

subj

subjunctive

sup

superlative

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110573060-203

1 Introduction 1.1 Aim of the study Since the introduction of the typology of syllable and word languages (Auer 1993; 1994; 2001), there has been a growing interest among linguists working on dialectology and historical linguistics in approaching language variation and change from a new perspective. The typology of syllable and word languages has since inspired different lines of research, especially in the field of German linguistics. With regard to dialectology, Schrambke (2003) and Nübling/Schrambke (2004) applied the typology of syllable and word languages to Alemannic, an Upper German dialect group, showing that North Alemannic has a higher number of word-related traits than South Alemannic, which has preserved an originally syllable-centered stage. The resulting picture sharply contrasts with previous classifications, which were mainly based on prosodically unrelated segmental features such as the reflexes of OAlem. î [iː], û [uː], íu [yː]. In this respect, Kauffmann (1890, 33) was the first dialectologist to favour prosodic features, rather than drawing on segmental ones: Die ansicht, wonach [...] eine mundart sich erst umgrenzen lasse, wenn eine überwiegende majorität zusammenfallender, gleichbegrenzter lauterscheinigungen constatirt sei, [...] lässt außer acht, dass die characteristischen merkmale einer mundart viel weniger in den einzelnen lauten, als in constitutiven factoren wie accent, betonung, quantität u. a. liegen, die nur viel zu wenig erforscht sind.1

Kauffmann was certainly not aware of the implications that his proposal would have for the classification of Swabian. Despite being received favourably by scholars of the time such as Fischer (1891, 412), Kauffmann’s constitutive factors had to wait for almost a century before finding an appropriate theoretical framework that allowed for the identification of the connection between the relevance of specific prosodic domains and the phonological make-up of a language. With regard to historical linguistics, Szczepaniak (2007) examined Old, Middle, and Early New High German demonstrating that the phonological development of

1 ‘The view that [...] a dialect can only be delimited against another one when it can be shown that an overwhelming majority of phonological features coincide geographically and are delimited to the same degree, [...] does not consider that the characteristic features of a dialect are not found so much in the single sounds as they are in constitutive factors such as stress, intonation, quantity, etc., which have been studied much too scarcely’ (translation J.C.R.). https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110573060-001

2 

 1 Introduction

German can be accounted for as a wholesale shift from a syllable language to a word language. For example, phonological processes such as word-final obstruent devoicing (Auslautverhärtung) and unstressed vowel reduction (Vokalabschwächung), both of which are attested in Middle High German, contribute to profiling the phonological word. While historical grammars merely give an account of phonological processes, the typology of syllable and word languages provides a window on language change often revealing that phonological processes are mutually related. In this respect, Becker (2010, 261‒262) points out: “Interessant wird die historische Phonologie erst dann, wenn man zur Kenntnis nimmt, dass sich die Merkmale in den Sprachen der Welt nicht beliebig verteilen, sondern in Bündeln auftreten, also irgendwie zusammenhängen”.2 Szczepaniak (2007, 336) further proposes the study of similar typological developments in German varieties, which may reveal syllable- and word-optimizing strategies that are absent from standard German. In addition to German and other Germanic languages, word-related features can be found in Romance languages. This is the case in Central Catalan and Portuguese, which are characterized by complex syllable structure and unstressed vowel reduction. These features point to a typological affinity with word languages. With the exception of the work of Schmid (1997; 2014) on Italo-Romance dialects, the typology of syllable and word languages has not been fully exploited in Romance linguistics. As a consequence, the word-related patterns of languages and language varieties such as Central Catalan and Portuguese are still poorly understood. Following on from the work of Schrambke (2003), Nübling/Schrambke (2004) and Szczepaniak (2007), the present study contributes to the research on the typology of syllable and word languages by examining the common patterns derived from the centrality of the prosodic domain of the phonological word in two distant-related dialects: Central Catalan, a Romance dialect belonging to the Catalan dialect group, and Swabian, a German dialect belonging to the Alemannic dialect group. For this purpose, I will analyse Central Catalan and Swabian phonology from a synchronic and diachronic perspective, thereby focusing on three typological parameters: syllable structure, phonotactic restrictions, and phonological processes. The synchronic account will help to evaluate the relevance of the prosodic domains of the syllable and the phonological word on the basis of the syllable- and word-related features found in the different Catalan and

2 ‘Historical phonology becomes most interesting when we acknowledge that phonological features are not randomly distributed in the languages of the world, but occur in clusters. In other words, they are somehow connected to each other’ (translation J.C.R.).

1.1 Aim of the study 

 3

Alemannic dialects. Additionally, the diachronic account will enable us to explore the following questions: – Are the current syllable-related features remnants of a prior syllable-oriented stage? – Do the detected word-related features constitute an innovation resulting from a typological development? – Which phonological process triggered the typological drift? – In which variety is the relevance of the phonological word more pronounced? – Finally, does the development of Central Catalan and Swabian unveil common patterns that may shed light on a previously undocumented typological pathway? Central Catalan and Swabian were selected for the following reasons. First, Central Catalan and Swabian have a higher number of word-related features than other Catalan and Alemannic dialects. These features include complex syllable structure and unstressed vowel reduction. Interestingly, complex syllables are attested at earlier stages of Central Catalan and Swabian while unstressed vowel reduction constitutes an innovation. Let us take a closer look at the phonological evolution of OCat. abeurador [aβewɾaˈðoɾ] ‘water trough’ and OAlem. óbaz [ˈob˳as] ‘fruit’. In Old Catalan, we find a symmetrical vowel system, where full vowels and diphthongs may occur both in stressed and unstressed syllables (see Figure 1.1). In contrast, CCat. abeurador [əβəwɾəˈðo] shows centralization in unstressed vowels and deletion of word-final r. Additionally, in standard Central Catalan the unstressed diphthong [əw] has been preserved while in non-standard Central Catalan it has been simplified to [u].

OCat. abeurador [aβewɾaˈðoɾ] Symmetrical vowel system (full vowels and diphthongs both in stressed and unstressed syllables)

CCat. abeurador [əβəwɾəˈðo]~[əβuɾəˈðo] Asymmetrical vowel system (full vowels mainly in stressed syllables) Simplification of diphthongs in unstressed syllables (non-standard Central Catalan) Deletion of word-final r

Figure 1.1: Phonological development of OCat. abeurador ‘water trough’.

4 

 1 Introduction

Similarly, in Old Alemannic we find a symmetrical vowel system, where short and  long vowels may occur both in stressed and unstressed syllables (see Figure 1.2). In contrast, Swab. Obst [ˈɁoːb ˳ ʒ˚d̥] resulted from unstressed vowel deletion, vowel lengthening in stressed syllables, glottal stop insertion in word-initial onsetless syllables, and consonant epenthesis in word-final position.

OAlem. óbaz [ˈob ˳̥ as] Symmetrical vowel system (full vowels both in stressed and unstressed syllables)

Swab. Obst [ˈɁoːb ˳ ʒ˚d̥ ] Asymmetrical vowel system (full vowels mainly in stressed syllables) Vowel lengthening in stressed syllables Deletion of reduced unstressed vowels Glottal stop insertion in word-initial position Consonant epenthesis in word-final position

Figure 1.2: Phonological development of OAlem. óbaz ‘fruit’.

Thus, a comparison with earlier stages reveals that Central Catalan and Swabian underwent phonological processes that profiled the phonological word in varying degrees. Unstressed vowel reduction (centralization, diphthong simplification) and vowel lengthening are stress-related processes that contribute to creating an asymmetry between the stressed and unstressed syllables of the phonological word. Deletion of word-final r, glottal stop insertion, and consonant epenthesis are position-related processes that help to highlight the margins of the phonological word. Additionally, syllable complexity arose from unstressed vowel deletion and consonant epenthesis. Altogether, these processes give clues about the increasing relevance of the prosodic domain of the phonological word. Second, Central Catalan and Swabian are well documented in linguistic atlases, local grammars (Ortsgrammatiken), dialect dictionaries, and historical grammars. This allows for a synchronic and diachronic phonological account of the patterns of syllable structure, phonotactic restrictions, and phonological processes. Third, recent work in linguistic typology revolves around regional and non-standard varieties rather than written standard languages since standardization may bring about a deviation from the typological patterns that are

1.2 Treatment of the examples 

 5

typically found in the languages of the world (Kortmann 2004). In this respect, Central Catalan and Swabian offer the possibility to examine typological features in varieties that have not been under the influence of standardization. Central Catalan has the status of a standard language. However, there are dialect features that typologically differ from the standard. This is also the case in Swabian, which has not been subject to standardization. Let us consider simplification of diphthongs in unstressed syllables. The typology of syllable and word languages predicts that in word languages diphthongs are likely to undergo simplification in unstressed syllables. The prediction is borne out for non-standard Central Catalan and Swabian. For example, non-standard Central Catalan abeurador ‘water trough’ and Swabian Arbeit ‘work’ underwent diphthong simplification resulting in [əβuɾəˈðo] and [ˈɁɛɾb̥əd̥], respectively. For comparison, the corresponding items are [əβəwɾəˈðo] and [ˈɁaʀbaɪt] in standard Central Catalan and standard German, respectively. Thus, standard Central Catalan and standard German deviate from the expected typological patterns. Finally, the typology of syllable and word languages may contribute to a better understanding of language variation within a dialect group. First attempts to describe typological variation within a language group were carried out by Donegan/Stampe (1983) and Donegan (1993), who related the phonological divergence between the Mon-Khmer and Munda branches of the Austroasiatic language family to opposite rhythmic principles. Similarly, the phonological differences found in the Catalan and Alemannic dialect groups can be accounted for in terms of typological features.

1.2 Treatment of the examples Written forms from Central Catalan and Swabian are cited in the orthographies of standard Catalan and standard German, respectively. Orthographic representations are, as is usual practice, in italics. Dialectal forms from Swabian lacking a counterpart in standard German are given according to the Schwäbisches Wörterbuch. The Latin and Vulgar Latin etymology of Catalan (and any other Romance language) is given in small capitals following the established convention in historical Romance linguistics. The examples from Central Catalan and Swabian are transcribed according to the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA). As for the fortis and lenis obstruents in Alemannic, I will follow Fleischer/Schmid’s (2006, 245) broad transcription. In this way, the voiceless lenis obstruents in Swabian ([b̥], [d̥], [ɡ̊], etc.) differ from the voiced obstruents in Central Catalan ([b], [d], [ɡ], etc.). The phonetic transcriptions taken from the Südwestdeutscher Sprachatlas (SSA) and the local

6 

 1 Introduction

grammars (Ortsgrammatiken) have been adapted to the IPA. Examples from other languages will be given as found in the original source. Interlinear glosses conform to the Leipzig Glossing Rules, which are available at http://www.eva.mpg.de/lingua/resources/glossing-rules.php. The codes for category labels are given on the list of glosses above. Person-number combinations are represented as 1sg (first-person singular), 3pl (third-person plural), etc. Following Luraghi/Huumo (2014, ix), I will employ the abbreviation par for the Catalan partitive pronoun en. In glosses, segmentable morphemes are separated by hyphens while portmanteau morphs are separated by periods. In written Catalan, a hyphen is used when a full pronoun (me ‘me’, te ‘you’, se ‘him/herself’, etc.) follows an infinitive, a gerund, or an affirmative imperative ending with consonant or u. In this case, the hyphen of the orthography overlaps with the hyphen of the interlinear glosses. The interlinear glosses of the Swabian examples will be given according to standard German. Admittedly, this is problematic in cases where standard German does not coincide with Swabian. For example, in Tag-e [d̥ɛːɡ̊] ‘day-pl’ the glosses refer to standard German although in Swabian [d̥ɛːɡ̊] is a portmanteau morph containing the lexeme tag and the plural morpheme. As for the description of syllable structure and phonological processes, the symbol C will denote a non-syllabic segment, V a syllabic segment, G a glide, O an obstruent, P a stop, Ð a fricative, S a sonorant, N a nasal, and L a liquid (see list of abbreviations above).

1.3 Outline Chapter 2 presents an overview of previous approaches to prosodic typology, which include the traditional phonological typology and the rhythm-based classifications. The traditional phonological typology is illustrated with data from the World Atlas of Language Structures (WALS). The relevance of phonological implications derived from the cross-linguistic patterns of syllable structure and phoneme inventories is critically discussed against the background of the typology of syllable and word languages. The chapter goes on to summarize the rhythm-based classifications, which include the isochrony hypothesis and the rhythm class hypothesis. It concludes by making an important distinction between the notions of stress-timed and syllable-timed languages and syllable and word languages. Chapter 3 introduces the typology of syllable and word languages. After summarizing the contributions by Auer (1993; 1994; 2001), which established the theoretical framework, the chapter goes on to address the relevance that the

1.3 Outline 

 7

different prosodic domains in Nespor/Vogel’s (1986) Prosodic Hierarchy have for the phonological make-up of a language. The discussion, however, concentrates on the prosodic domains of the syllable and the phonological word. The chapter concludes with an overview of typological research on language typology, historical linguistics, and language variation. Chapter 4 begins with a review of the various typological parameters previously put forward in the literature. After setting up the typological parameters that will be employed as diagnostic tools for evaluating the relevance of the prosodic domains of the syllable and the phonological word in Central Catalan and Swabian, the chapter presents the cross-linguistic patterns of typological parameters. These include syllable structure, phonotactic restrictions, phonological processes, and (re)syllabification. Chapter 5 provides a synchronic account of Central Catalan phonology. After a brief discussion on the explanations proposed to account for the phonological differences between Eastern and Western Catalan, the chapter examines the traditional dialect classification and the special position that Central Catalan occupies among Catalan dialects. It then analyses the relevance of the prosodic domains of the syllable and the phonological word with regard to the typological parameters presented in Chapter 4. The patterns of the word-optimizing processes within the Catalan dialect group are illustrated with North-Western Catalan and Valencian. Chapter 6 examines the historical development of Old Catalan into Central Catalan. It provides insight into the origin and development of the word-related features found in Central Catalan. Additionally, it examines word-optimizing processes that cannot be detected from a synchronic perspective. Finally, the chapter gives an overview of syllable- and word-optimizing processes in Vulgar Latin, Pre-Old Catalan, and Middle Central Catalan. Chapter 7 is devoted to a synchronic analysis of Swabian phonology. Following on from the work of Nübling/Schrambke (2004), the chapter delves into an examination of the relevance of the prosodic domains of the syllable and the phonological word regarding the typological parameters described in Chapter 4. Additionally, the chapter compares Swabian to Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic in order to assess the typological affiliation of the different Alemannic dialects. Chapter 8 concentrates on the historical development of Old Alemannic into Swabian. In order to answer the question of how the word-related features found in Swabian originated and expanded, the chapter provides a detailed account of the patterns of syllable structure, phonotactic restrictions, and phonological processes based on historical records. Thus, this chapter contributes to the typological research initiated by Szczepaniak (2007).

8 

 1 Introduction

Chapter 9 summarizes the findings obtained from the typological analysis of Central Catalan and Swabian and further reviews their theoretical implications for the typology of syllable and word languages. The chapter then introduces a classification of different word language types that will contribute to a better understanding of the typological similarities found in Central Catalan and Swabian. It concludes by exploring some of the possible future directions in typological research.

2 Phonological typology Before introducing the typology of syllable and word languages, I will give an overview of previous approaches to phonological typology. First, I will present traditional typology critically discussing the relevance that phonological implications have for the prosodic hierarchy (Section 2.1). For this purpose, I will focus on selected phonological features from the World Atlas of Language Structures (WALS). These include syllable structure (Section 2.1.1) and phoneme inventories (Section 2.1.2). Then, I will describe the rhythm-based classification which gave rise to the classification of stress-timed and syllable-timed languages (Section 2.2). The typology of syllable and word languages can be better understood against the background of the so-called isochrony hypothesis, which will be treated in Section 2.2.1. The refutation of the isochrony hypothesis paved the way for two different lines of research: the rhythm class hypothesis (Section 2.2.2) and the typology of syllable and word languages, which will be treated in more detail in the next chapter.

2.1 Traditional typology While morphology and syntax have been the focus of typological research, phonological aspects have not been fully exploited. A plausible explanation is that traditional approaches to phonological typology have been primarily based on universals derived from the cross-linguistic patterns of syllable structure (Greenberg 1978a), phoneme inventories (Hockett 1955, 42‒143; Trubetzkoy 1971; Maddieson 1984; 1991), and phonological processes (among others: Bhat 1978; Ferguson 1978; Dressler 1979). Universals are typically defined in terms of markedness. With regard to phoneme inventories, frequent segments are viewed as unmarked while uncommon segments are viewed as marked (see Greenberg 1966, 13‒24 for examples and Haspelmath 2006 for discussion). The universals include absolute, statistical, and implicational universals (see Velupillai 2012, 31‒34 and Moravcsik 2013, 10‒17 for details). For a comprehensive overview of traditional typology, see Schmid (2012, 46‒51). In contrast to traditional typology, the typology of syllable and word languages is based on a multi-layered and hierarchically structured phonological model. Thus, the typology of syllable and word languages brings to light the interplay between the relevance of a specific prosodic category and the patterns of syllable structure, phoneme inventory, and phonological processes. Traditional typology will be illustrated with selected chapters of the World Atlas of Language Structures (WALS), which analyse phonological aspects from https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110573060-002

10 

 2 Phonological typology

a cross-linguistic perspective. I will focus on syllable structure (Section 2.1.1) and phoneme inventories (Section 2.1.2). After presenting the values set up by Maddieson (2013a; 2013d; 2013e), I will address the following questions: Which are the correlations derived from the values? And more importantly, what do they reveal about the phonological make-up of languages and language varieties? 2.1.1 Syllable structure Maddieson (2013d) gives an account of syllable structure complexity in a sample of 486 languages, thereby establishing three different degrees: simple with the template (C)V, moderately complex with the template (C)(C)V(C), and complex with the template (C)(C)(C)V(C)(C)(C)(C) (see Kouwenberg 2010, 365‒367 and Velupillai 2012, 77‒79 for discussion).1 Catalan has complex syllable structure although it was classified as a language with moderately complex syllable structure (see Section 5.2.1). This is due to the fact that Carbonell/Llisterri (1992) was the only source for Catalan syllable structure. Since their description does not provide examples of complex syllable structure, it was assumed that syllable complexity does not exist in the language. In this respect, Auer (1993, 40) emphasizes that “no typology can be better than the grammars on which it is based”. Kouwenberg (2010, 365‒367) critically discusses Maddieson’s (2013d) categorizations of syllable structure. First, prenasalized stops, which contain a sequence of nasal + stop, were treated as single consonants. For example, Mba, a Niger-Congo language, was classified as a language with simple syllable structure. However, a re-evaluation of prenasalized consonants as a sequence of two consonants would imply that Mba (as well as other Bantu languages), has complex syllable structure. The status of prenasalized consonants still remains a disputed issue. For example, Kadenge (2010) analysed the syllabification patterns of prenasalized consonants in Zezuru, a Niger-Congo language, concluding that they constitute single consonants rather than complex consonant clusters. Second, syllable complexity should be assessed depending on whether complex syllables occur word-initially, word-medially, and word-finally since complex syllables are often disallowed word-medially. For example, English has moderately complex syllable structure in word-medial position and complex syllable structure in word-initial and word-final position. Third, the syllable types CV and V are both regarded as simple although onsetless syllables are more complex than CV syllables in terms of markedness. Data

1 I cite WALS (2013) while Kouwenberg (2010) and Velupillai (2012) refer to WALS (2008) and (2011), respectively.

2.1 Traditional typology 

 11

from language acquisition could help to assess the markedness of the syllable type V. Intriguingly, work on the acquisition of syllable structure cannot clear up the matter. For example, in Dutch and German the acquisition of V is preceded by the acquisition of CVC. By contrast, in European Portuguese and Spanish the acquisition of V and CV occurs simultaneously, as illustrated in Table 2.1 (see Costa/Freitas 1999 for discussion). That is, the syllable type V seems to be marked in Dutch and German, but unmarked in European Portuguese and Spanish. Moreover, in European Portuguese the syllable type V is employed for repairing so-called problematic onset fricatives (ÐV > V), onset liquids (LV > V), and branching onsets (OLV > V) (see Ferreira‐Gonçalves/Freitas 2016, 550‒551 for Brazilian and European Portuguese). Table 2.1: Acquisition of syllable complexity in selected languages. Language

Acquisition of syllable types

Source

Dutch German European Portuguese Spanish

CV > CVC > V > VC CV > CVC > V, VC > CVCC CV, V > CVC > CCV CV > V > CVC > VC > CCV

Levelt/Schiller/Levelt (1999, 242) Kehoe/Lleó (2003a, 407) Vigário/Frota/Freitas (2003, 816) Kehoe/Lleó (2003a, 409)

Greenberg/Osgood/Jenkins (1966, xxv) postulated the following universal: “if syllables containing sequences of n consonants in a language are to be found as syllabic types, then sequences of n-1 consonants are also to be found in the corresponding position (prevocalic vs. postvocalic) except that CV → V does not hold” (see Greenberg 1978a, 248‒249 for a reformulation). In other words, the universal predicts that CCCV implies CCV while CCV implies CV. Similarly, VCCC implies VCC while VCC implies VC. The syllable type V is excluded since V is not necessarily implied by CV or VC. This is in line with Kouwenberg’s (2010, 367) observation that V constitutes a marked syllable type. Additionally, Greenberg (1978a) studied correlations derived from word-initial and word-final consonant clusters in a sample of 104 languages. With regard to word-initial and word-medial consonant clusters, Greenberg (1978b, 35) postulated the universal that the existence of word-initial clusters implies the existence of word-medial clusters, but not vice versa. The four logically possible language types are the following: (1) languages with word-initial and word-medial clusters (as in English); (2) languages without word-initial and word-medial clusters (as in Hawaiian); (3) languages with word-medial clusters only (as in Tamil); and (4) languages with word-initial clusters only. Since the last language type is not attested, word-initial clusters imply word-medial clusters. However, evidence against this implicational universal comes from languages such as Mixtec, an Otomanguean language spoken in south-central Mexico, and Teiwa, a Papuan

12 

 2 Phonological typology

language spoken in eastern Indonesia, both of which have consonant clusters only in word-initial position (Macaulay 1996, 26; Klamer 2010, 49). Finally, Maddieson (2013d) found a tendency for languages with complex syllable structure to have large consonant inventories. This issue will be discussed in the ensuing section. In summary, these correlations do not reflect the relevance of the prosodic categories of the syllable and the phonological word. Tentatively, simple and moderately complex syllable structure may be associated with the relevance of the syllable while complex syllable structure may be associated with the relevance of the phonological word (see Section 4.3 for discussion). In Maddieson’s (2013d) categorization of syllable complexity, the role of the prosodic domains is not important. In contrast, for the typology of syllable and word languages, this issue is crucial since syllable complexity may give clues about domain boundaries. For example, Catalan is a language with complex syllable structure. More specifically, complex syllables occur in stressed syllables and in word-final position (see Section 5.2.1). This reveals that syllable complexity helps to signal the right margin of the phonological word. In this respect, the typology of syllable and word languages predicts that complex syllables will occur in stressed syllables and at word and morpheme boundaries. Additionally, Auer (1993, 88) found that complex syllable structures positively correlate with word-related phonotactics and processes. 2.1.2 Phoneme inventories Maddieson (2013a; 2013e) examined the complexity of consonant and vowel quality inventories in a sample of 563 and 564 languages, respectively (see Velupillai 2012, 69‒77 for discussion). With regard to the consonant inventory, Maddieson (2013a) distinguishes between the following inventory types: small (with 6‒14 consonants), moderately small (15‒18), average (19‒25), moderately large (26‒33), and large (more than 34). An example of a language with a small consonant inventory is Rotokas, a North Bougainville language spoken in Papua New Guinea. The consonant inventory of Rotokas is comprised of /p t k β ɾ ɡ/. By contrast, an example of a language with a large consonant inventory is !Xóõ, a Khoisan language spoken in Botswana and Namibia, with no less than 122 consonants. Catalan has 23 consonants and was accordingly classified as a language with an average consonant inventory. With regard to the vowel quality inventory, Maddieson (2013e) distinguishes between the following inventory types: small (2‒4), average (5‒6), and large (7‒14) (see Maddieson 1991 for literature on previous studies). Vowel quality is defined in terms of vowel height, tongue-root position, and roundness. Importantly, vowel length, vowel nasalization, and

2.1 Traditional typology 

 13

diphthongs were excluded from the analysis. An example of a language with an average vowel inventory is Spanish with the five vowel qualities /i e a o u/. Examples of languages with a large vowel quality inventory are Catalan and German with seven and fourteen vowel qualities, respectively. Maddieson (2013e) found no correlation between the number of consonants and the number of vowels. However, he found that there is a tendency for marked consonants to occur in languages with larger inventories. The so-called “size prediction” was borne out for glottalized consonants, labio-velars, “th” sounds, pharyngeals, and clicks. Velupillai (2012, 72) points out that small consonant inventories do not necessarily consist of consonants that are cross-linguistically more common. This is the case in Rotokas, a language with a simple consonant inventory (see above), where we find the consonants /β/ and /ɾ/, which occur respectively in merely 12% and 2% of the languages of the UCLA Phonological Segment Inventory Database (UPSID). Additionally, Maddieson (2013d) found a significant, albeit not strong, correlation between consonant inventory and syllable structure. Thus, languages with small consonant inventories tend to have simple syllable structure while languages with large consonant inventories tend to have complex syllable structure (see Moravcsik 2013, 165‒166 for discussion). For the typology of syllable and word languages, the correlations derived from the consonant and vowel quality inventories are not relevant since they do not give insights into the phonological make-up of a language or language variety. As we will see in Chapter 3, in syllable languages the distribution of sounds is determined by the syllable while in word languages it is determined by the phonological word. In other words, the distribution of sounds is symmetrical in syllable languages, but asymmetrical in word languages. These distribution patterns were not taken into account in Maddieson’s (2013a; 2013e) research. Issues relevant for the typology of syllable and word languages involve phonotactic restrictions related to stress (stressed and unstressed syllables) and within-word position (word-initial, word-medial, and word-final). Some particular questions with regard to phonotactic restrictions are: May consonants occur in all syllable onsets or only in word-initial onsets? Are vowel contrasts possible both in stressed and unstressed syllables or are they neutralized in unstressed syllables? Maddieson (2013c) gives an account of the presence of uncommon sounds, which comprise clicks, labio-velars, pharyngeals, and dental fricatives. For example, clicks are present only in nine languages in the sample. This is the case in Hadza, Khoekhoe, Sandawe, and !Xóõ, which were classified as languages with a large consonant inventory. However, the question arises as to the distribution patterns of clicks. In Khoekhoe and !Xóõ, clicks may only occur in word-initial onsets while in Hadza and Sandawe they may occur both in word-initial and word-medial onsets, as illustrated in Table 2.2. For example, in Hadza, a language without clear

14 

 2 Phonological typology

genetic affiliation spoken in Tanzania, clicks (central oral, lateral oral, nasalized central, and nasalized lateral) have no word-related restrictions, as in [k|ak|a] ‘large flat rock’, where the dental central oral click [k|] appears both in the word-initial and word-medial onset (see Sands/Maddieson/Ladefoged 1996, 175‒176 for details). Similarly, in Sandawe, a Khoisan language spoken in Tanzania, clicks (voiceless, aspirated, voiced, glottalized, and nasalized) have no word-related restrictions, as in [‖’ὸ‖’á] ‘baboon’, where the glottalized lateral click [‖’] occurs both in the word-initial and word-medial onset. However, some clicks are licensed exclusively in word-initial position. These include the aspirated dental, nasalized dental, aspirated post-alveolar, voiced post-alveolar, and voiceless lateral clicks (see Hunziker/ Hunziker/Eaton 2008, 17‒23, 74‒75 for details). In sum, clicks signal the word-initial position in Khoekhoe and !Xóõ while they cannot be exclusively associated with the word-initial position in Hadza and Sandawe. Table 2.2: Occurrence of clicks in selected languages. Word-initial onset

Word-medial onset Source

Khoekhoe !Xóõ Hadza

+ + +

− − +

Sandawe

+

+

Beach (1938, 88) Traill (1985, 164‒166) Sands/Maddieson/Ladefoged (1996, 175‒176) Hunziker/Hunziker/Eaton (2008, 23)

In Spanish, the opposition between the phonemes /i e a o u/ is possible both in stressed and unstressed syllables (Quilis 1999, 144). By contrast, in Central Catalan the opposition between the phonemes /i e ɛ a o ɔ u/ is possible only in stressed syllables. In unstressed syllables, /e ɛ a/ merge into [ə] while /o ɔ u/ merge into [u] such that unstressed syllables mostly contain the vowels [i ə u] (Carbonell/Llisterri 1992, 55). The patterns of the vowel quality inventory described for Spanish and Catalan are not included in Maddieson’s (2013e) classification. However, they are of central importance for the typology of syllable and word languages since they reveal whether the distribution of the vowel inventory is symmetric (as in Spanish) or asymmetric (as in Central Catalan). This asymmetry is associated with a word-optimizing strategy that reduces the number of phonological oppositions in unstressed syllables, rendering stressed syllables prominent (see Section 4.7.1). The same applies for the occurrence of front rounded vowels (Maddieson 2013b) and nasal vowels (Hajek 2013). For example, German and Turkish, both of which were classified as languages with a large vowel quality inventory, exhibit front rounded vowels. In German, front rounded vowels mainly occur in stressed syllables while in Turkish they may occur both in stressed and unstressed syllables.

2.1 Traditional typology 

 15

The analysis conducted by Maddieson (2013a; 2013e) is exclusively based on phoneme inventories. Certainly, our knowledge of phonological universals has been shaped by the cross-linguistic patterns of phoneme inventories (Maddieson 1984; 1991). In contrast, the phonetic realization of phoneme inventories has remained obscure in the typological literature. The lack of allophonic variation was criticized by scholars such as Basbøll (1985) and Hyman (2008). Adding allophonic variation to the consonant and vowel quality inventories might transform our understanding of phonological universals. For example, Hyman (2008, 89‒92) critically discusses the phoneme analysis of the consonant inventory in Rotokas, where there is a sharp contrast between the phonemes /p t k β ɾ ɡ/ and the allophones [b d ɡ β ɾ ɣ m n ŋ]. The surfacing consonants call into question the existence of the underlying voiceless /p t k/. Therefore, the absence of allophonic voiceless stops challenges the universal “If a language has only one stop series, that series is plain voiceless” (Maddieson 1984, 39). In this respect, Hyman cautioned against conducting phoneme analyses in such a way that a phonological universal is met. A phonological typology exclusively based on phoneme inventories poses several problems. This issue will be exemplified by phonemic and allophonic schwa. According to the UPSID database, which contains 451 languages (Maddieson/ Precoda 1990), phonemic schwa occurs in 76 languages.2 Examples of languages with schwa are German, Diegueño, and Romanian. In view of the low frequency (17%), schwa can be regarded as a marked vowel. However, the phonological status of schwa is not always straightforward. For example, the phonological status of schwa in German has been a matter of debate. On the one hand, it may occur only in unstressed syllables. That is, its occurrence is predictable. This has led scholars to assume underlying /e/, /eː/, or /ɛ/. On the other hand, there are (near-)minimal pairs (see Wiese 1996, 16‒18 for discussion). In this respect, Diegueño resembles German (see Langdon 1970, 36‒41). In contrast to German and Diegueño, the phonological status of schwa is clear in Romanian. Alternatively, schwa may be viewed as an allophone. This is the case in Luxembourgish, where schwa is derived from the phoneme /e/, as in Fësch [fəʃ  ] ‘fish’ (Gilles 2014, 283). This example shows the problems related to phoneme analyses. While phonemic schwa is not common in the languages of the world, allophonic schwa resulting from unstressed vowel reduction seems to be more frequent. For example, phonemic schwa is not common among Romance languages – Romanian and Balearic Catalan seem to be the only languages with phonemic schwa. However, unstressed schwa is widely attested in

2 The calculation was obtained with the web interface developed by Henning Reetz, which is available at http://web.phonetik.uni-frankfurt.de/UPSID.html. The selected criteria include “short”, “no modifier”, “voiced”, “mid”, “central”, “unrounded”, and “monophthong”.

16 

 2 Phonological typology

Romance languages and language varieties such as Central Catalan, Neapolitan, European Portuguese, and Romansh (see Table 5.25). The high frequency of allophonic schwa in unstressed syllables would force us to revise the view of schwa as a marked vowel. The implications derived from the patterns of phonemic and allophonic schwa have not been properly addressed in typological research. On the one hand, phonemic schwa was found to occur in languages with moderately complex and complex syllable structure (Auer 1993, 88). On the other hand, allophonic schwa resulting from unstressed vowel reduction reveals a strategy that optimizes the phonological word by creating an asymmetry between stressed and unstressed syllables. This implies that centralized vowels are marked in syllable languages – that is, they violate the Nucleus Law – while they are unmarked in word languages.

2.2 Rhythm-based classifications 2.2.1 The isochrony hypothesis In this section, I will discuss the so-called isochrony hypothesis (see Auer/ Uhmann 1988, 216‒219 and Auer 1993, 3‒24 for a detailed account). The observation that English and Spanish do not share the same rhythm led Lloyd James (1940, 25) to compare the different rhythmic patterns of English and Spanish to “Morse-code rhythm” and “machine-gun rhythm”, respectively. Pike (1945, 35) labelled languages such as English “stress-timed” and languages such as Spanish “syllable-timed” assuming that the temporal organization of language occurs at regular intervals, which are associated with stresses in stress-timed languages and to syllables in syllable-timed languages. The isochrony hypothesis was first postulated by Abercrombie (1967, 97) in the following way: As far as is known, every language in the world is spoken with one kind of rhythm or with the other. In the one kind, known as a syllable-timed rhythm, the periodic recurrence of movement is supplied by the syllable-producing process: the chest-pulses, and hence the syllables, recur at equal intervals of time – they are isochronous. French, Telugu, Yoruba illustrate this mode of co-ordinating the two pulse systems: they are syllable-timed languages. In the other kind, known as a stress-timed rhythm, the periodic recurrence of movement is supplied by the stress-producing process: the stress-pulses, and hence the stressed syllables, are isochronous. English, Russian, Arabic illustrate this other mode: they are stress-timed languages.

The hypothesis predicts that the temporal organization of language is isochronous. That is, the rhythm of the languages of the world is mapped either on

2.2 Rhythm-based classifications 

 17

inter-stress intervals (iso-accentual) or on syllables (iso-syllabic). Subsequently, the rhythm class “mora-timed” was put forward for languages such as Japanese (see Warner/Arai 2001 for a review). Figure 2.1 depicts the three types of isochrony.

Figure 2.1: Types of isochrony (Nespor/Shukla/Mehler 2011, 1149).

The isochrony hypothesis was tested in a series of instrumental studies (see Auer/ Uhmann 1988, 219‒237 for an overview). In the absence of positive evidence, it was finally refuted (Ramus/Nespor/Mehler 1999, 267‒268). In what follows, I will summarize the results yielded by Roach (1982) and Dauer (1983). Abercrombie (1967) made two predictions regarding the patterns of inter-stress intervals and syllable duration in stress-timed and syllable-timed languages. First, “in a syllable-timed rhythm, the stress-pulses are unevenly spaced, and in a stress-timed rhythm the chest-pulses are unevenly spaced” (Abercrombie 1967, 97). That is, syllable-timed languages are expected to have higher deviations in inter-stress intervals than stress-timed languages given that stress is isochronous in stresstimed languages. Second, “there is considerable variation in syllable-length in a language spoken with stress-timed rhythm, whereas in a language spoken with a syllable-timed rhythm the syllables tend to be equal in length” (Abercrombie 1967, 98). That is, stress-timed languages are expected to exhibit more variable syllable duration than syllable-timed languages. Roach (1982) tested the predictions against the languages that Abercrombie assumed to be stress-timed (Arabic, English and Russian) and syllable-timed (French, Telugu, and Yoruba) measuring inter-stress intervals and the standard deviation of the syllable durations in spontaneous speech samples. The measurements of the inter-stress intervals revealed that the languages associated with stress-timed rhythm had a higher deviation in inter-stress intervals than the languages associated with syllable-timed rhythm (e.g. 617 for French vs. 1267 for English). Moreover, the measured values of the standard deviation of the syllable durations did not differ substantially (e.g. 75.5 ms for French vs. 86 ms for English). Altogether, the results obtained did not

18 

 2 Phonological typology

support the claims made by Abercrombie. Roach (1982, 78) concludes that there is no empirical evidence for a distinction between stress-timed and syllable-timed languages, suggesting that the distinction is auditory and subjective in nature. This could be the reason why some languages are perceived to be spoken more quickly than others (Roach 1998). After measuring the duration of interstress intervals in reading passages in English, Greek, Italian, Spanish, and Thai, Dauer (1983, 54) concluded that there was no significant difference between the mean durations found for English (48  cs), which is typically classified as a stress-timed language, and Italian or Spanish (48.5 cs and 48 cs, respectively), which are typically classified as syllable-timed languages, thereby providing evidence against the isochrony hypothesis. However, the question remained as to why the rhythm of English and Spanish is perceived differently. The author addresses this question claiming that the rhythmic differences are directly connected to specific phonological properties such as syllable structure, unstressed vowel reduction, and stress (Dauer 1983, 55). An analysis of the recorded passages leads to the following observations regarding syllable structure in English and Spanish: First, stress-timed languages show a higher variation than syllable-timed languages. For example, the occurrence of open syllables amounts to 70% in Spanish and only to 30% in English. Thus, the high frequency of open syllables in syllable-timed languages may create the impression of regular syllabic intervals. Second, syllable structure and stress are mutually related in stress-timed languages while syllable structure is not sensitive to stress in syllable-timed languages. In English, for example, complex syllable structure occurs in stressed syllables while simple syllable structure is more frequent in unstressed syllables. Additionally, the perception of rhythm may also be influenced by unstressed vowel reduction. The presence of reduction processes such as shortening, centralization, and deletion contributes to the perception of unequal vocalic intervals in stress-timed languages. By contrast, in syllable-timed languages the distribution of the vowel inventory is not sensitive to stress. Finally, the realization of stress is also indicative of rhythm. In stress-timed languages, stress is more pronounced in stressed than in unstressed syllables. The prominence of the stressed syllable is coupled with length, pitch contour, loudness, and quality. Lexical stress is typical of stress-timed languages while syllable-timed languages lack lexical stress or exhibit differences in the pitch contour. Given that the isochrony hypothesis has proved to be wrong, it follows that a classification of languages into stress-timed and syllable-timed is no longer valid. Instead, Dauer (1983, 59‒60) proposes a model which builds on stress-related properties. According to the role of stress, languages range from less stress-based (as in Japanese) to more stress-based (as in English), as illustrated in Figure 2.2. The magnitude of the effect of stress can be assessed examining

2.2 Rhythm-based classifications 

 19

stress–based Japanese

French

Spanish

Greek

Portuguese

English

Figure 2.2: Rhythmic classification of selected languages (Dauer 1983, 60).

syllable structure, unstressed vowel reduction, and the phonetic realization of stress. Importantly, a “syllable-based” category is excluded from the model. 2.2.2 The rhythm class hypothesis In this section, I will give a brief overview of three different methods that have been devised in order to grasp acoustic correlates of rhythm: (1) the standard deviation measurements %V, ΔC, and ΔV (Ramus/Nespor/Vogel 1999); (2) Varco (Dellwo 2006); and (3) the Pairwise Variability Index (PVI) (Grabe/Low 2002). Then, I will present the different classifications made for the rhythm class of Catalan. Finally, I will discuss whether and to which extent acoustic measurements can capture word languages. After previous research failed to identify the temporal organization of language (see Section 2.2.1), Ramus/Nespor/Vogel (1999) proposed instrumental measurements in an attempt to capture the acoustic properties of speech that shape rhythmic structure. These acoustic properties are related to phonological properties such as syllable structure and unstressed vowel reduction. The combination of these properties have a strong influence on the perception of a language as a stress-timed or syllable-timed language. The authors analysed the acoustic properties of speech in eight languages (Catalan, Dutch, English, French, Italian, Japanese, Portuguese, and Spanish) according to three values: the average proportion of vocalic intervals within the sentence (%V), the average standard deviation of consonantal intervals (ΔC), and the average standard deviation of vocalic intervals (ΔV) (Ramus/Nespor/Vogel 1999).3 These values allow for the following predictions: First, %V will be lower in stress-timed languages since stress-timed languages have a higher number of syllable types. Second, ΔC will be higher in stress-timed languages as a consequence of the higher number of syllable types. Finally, ΔV will be higher in stress-timed languages owing to vowel asymmetries in stressed and unstressed syllables resulting from unstressed vowel reduction. The acoustic measures predicted for stress-timed and syllable-timed languages are illustrated in (1) following Frota/Vigário (2001, 252).

3 The speech sample for Catalan was taken from Central Catalan (Bosch, personal communication), which has vowel centralization in unstressed syllables (see Section 5.5.9 for details).

20 

 2 Phonological typology

(1) Acoustic measures predicted for stress-timed and syllable-timed languages Stress-timed

Syllable-timed

%V




ΔC

ΔV

>

ΔV

The %V and ΔC values are assumed to be sensitive to syllable complexity. In other words, the higher the syllable complexity, the lower the average proportion of vocalic intervals and the higher the average standard deviation of consonantal intervals. In contrast, the ΔV value is more difficult to estimate since it may be linked to contrastive vowel length and unstressed vowel reduction (see Ramus/Nespor/Mehler 1999, 273‒274 for discussion). The measurements for English and Italian are in line with these predictions. For example, English shows a lower %V (40.1 vs. 45.2) and a higher ΔC and ΔV (5.35 vs. 4.81 and 4.64 vs. 4.00, respectively). Of the three projections of the data – that is, on the (%V, ΔC), (%V, ΔV), and (ΔV, ΔC) planes – the distribution over the (%V, ΔC) plane fit best with the standard rhythm classes “stress-timed”, “syllable-timed” and “mora-timed”, as shown in Figure 2.3. Dutch, English, and Portuguese, which are typically classified as stress-timed languages, behave differently from Catalan, French, Italian, and Spanish, which are typically classified as syllable-timed languages. In contrast, Japanese, which is typically classified as a mora-timed language, deviates from the languages in the sample (see Nespor/Shukla/Mehler 2011 for Basque, Finnish, Hungarian, Marathi, Tamil, and Turkish). The values measured by Ramus/Nespor/Mehler (1999) have been applied to European and Brazilian Portuguese (Frota/Vigário 2001) in order to support phonetic evidence for the phonological differences reported in the literature. Further, Easterday/Timm/Maddieson (2011) tested the patterns of the values %V, ΔC, and ΔV according to three phonological features (complex syllable structure, phonemic vowel length, and unstressed vowel reduction) against a speech sample from twenty-two genetically and areally diverse languages. Their findings can be summarized as follows: (1) there is a significant effect of syllable structure on the %V and ΔC values, as predicted by Ramus/Nespor/Mehler (1999, 273); (2) phonemic vowel length has a significant effect on the ΔV value; and (3) vowel reduction has no significant effect. In follow-up work, the values proposed by Ramus/Nespor/Mehler (1999, 273) were modified. Grabe/Low (2002) developed the “Pairwise Variability Index” (PVI) in order to measure the durational variability of adjacent intervals (see Low/

2.2 Rhythm-based classifications 

 21

Figure 2.3: Distribution of the languages over the (%V, ΔC) plane (Ramus/Nespor/Mehler 1999, 273).

Grabe/Nolan 2000, 394‒397 for a comparison with previous rhythmic measures). More specifically, they made a distinction between vocalic normalized (nPVI) and intervocalic raw (rPVI) intervals predicting that stress-timed languages will have high vocalic nPVI and intervocalic rPVI values while syllable-timed languages will have low vocalic nPVI and intervocalic rPVI values. Subsequently, Dellwo (2006) implemented the standard deviation of consonantal intervals (ΔC) introducing the variation coefficient (Varco), thereby ruling out possible speech rate effects. Current work on acoustic rhythm usually combines these three methods (see Prieto et al. 2012 for Catalan, English, and Spanish and Schmid 2014 for Italo-Romance dialects). Acoustic measurements have been employed to explain rhythmic differences between varieties of English. This is the case in L2 varieties and the multicultural variety of London. L2 varieties of English have been described as being more syllable-timed than British English (Wells 1982, 643‒644, 646‒647, 651). Previous research on Hong Kong English (Setter 2003), Nigerian English (Gut 2005), and Singapore English (Low/Grabe/Nolan 2000) has reported acoustic properties associated with syllable-timed languages. For example, Low/Grabe/Nolan (2000) found that the vocalic nPVI values were lower in Singapore English than in British English. Additionally, a study of the multicultural variety of London (Torgersen/Szakay 2012) revealed that young non-Anglo speakers – that is, speakers with recent immigrant background – are more syllable-timed than young Anglo speakers.

22 

 2 Phonological typology

While there is general agreement on the rhythm class of languages such as English, Japanese, and Spanish, the rhythm class of other languages seems more problematic. This is the case in Brazilian Portuguese, Catalan, French, and Polish. Nespor (1990, 164) discussed the rhythm class of Catalan, Brazilian Portuguese, and Polish, concluding that they occupy an intermediate position between stresstimed languages such as English and syllable-timed languages such as Italian. For example, Catalan has features typical of stressed-timed languages such as complex syllable structure and unstressed vowel reduction. On the other hand, it also has features typical of syllable-timed languages such as hiatus resolution and lack of weight-sensitive stress. The rhythm class of French will be discussed in more detail in Section 3.2. With regard to the rhythm class of Catalan, the acoustic evidence supported in the literature is inconclusive. According to Ramus/Nespor/Mehler (1999), Catalan clusters with syllable-timed languages such as Italian and Spanish (see Figure 2.3 above). The measured %V, ΔC, and ΔV values do not verify the hypothesis that Catalan is an intermediate language as expected owing to complex syllable structure and unstressed vowel reduction. Moreover, a comparison of the measured values indicates that Catalan is more syllable-timed than Spanish regarding %V (45.6 vs. 43.8) and ΔC (4.52 vs. 4.74), but more stress-timed regarding ΔV (3.68 vs. 3.32). The results obtained by Prieto et al. (2012) support the classification of Catalan as syllable-timed. In contrast, the PVI values succeed in capturing the intermediate position of Catalan, as posited by Nespor (1990, 164). Grabe/ Low (2002) expected Catalan to have a relatively high vocalic nPVI value due to unstressed vowel reduction and a low intervocalic rPVI value due to a syllable complexity that is intermediate between Spanish and English. Their results show that Catalan differs from Spanish with respect to the vocalic nPVI value (44.6 vs. 29.7) and the intervocalic rPVI value (67.8 vs. 57.7) (see Figure 2.4). That is, the values for Catalan are higher, which is in accordance with a stress-timed language. Gavaldà-Ferré (2007) tested the effect of unstressed vowel reduction on the acoustic correlates of rhythm in two Catalan dialects: North-Western Catalan and Central Catalan. Central Catalan resembles North-Western Catalan with respect to complex syllable structure. However, Central Catalan differs from North-Western Catalan with respect to unstressed vowel centralization (see Section 5.5.9). The values measured were the following: (1) the %V, ΔC, and ΔV values; and (2) the vocalic nPVI and the intervocalic rPVI. Additionally, the same values were measured for Czech, English, French, German, and Italian. Her findings can be summarized as follows: First, there is no significant difference between the measured %V and nPVI values in the speech samples from North-Western Catalan and Central Catalan. In other words, the vocalic values of both dialects pattern similarly. As can be observed in Figure 2.5, the measured %V value for

2.2 Rhythm-based classifications 

 23

Figure 2.4: Distribution of the languages over the (nPVI, rPVI) plane; ○ = prototypical stresstimed, ● = prototypical syllable-timed, ■ = prototypical mora-timed, □ = mixed or unclassified (Grabe/Low 2002, 530).

North-Western Catalan and Central Catalan is not significantly different. Neither is it in comparison to other languages from the sample such as Czech, French, and Italian. Second, North-Western Catalan and Central Catalan are classified as syllable-timed languages regarding %V and ΔC. Finally, the nPVI and rPVI values reveal that North-Western Catalan and Central Catalan take an intermediate position between syllable-timed languages such as Italian and stress-timed languages such as English. The results yielded by the study shed light on the previously assumed effect of unstressed vowel reduction on the acoustic correlates of rhythm, unveiling that unstressed vowel reduction does not necessarily imply a reduction of vowel duration. Different lines of evidence support this observation. First, in an account of the correlates of stress in Central Catalan and Spanish, Ortega-Llebaria/Prieto (2011) showed that the duration of stressed and unstressed vowels was similar regardless of the centralization processes typical of Central Catalan. Second, Low/Grabe/Nolan (2002) compared the spectral and durational pattern of reduced vowels in British English and Singapore English reporting a longer duration of reduced vowels for Singapore English. Third, Easterday/Timm/Maddieson (2011) found in their sample no significant effect of vowel reduction on the %V, ΔC, and ΔV values. Let us consider languages from the sample that resemble Central Catalan in that they have complex syllable structure, lack of contrastive

24 

 2 Phonological typology

Figure 2.5: Box plot for %V (Gavaldà-Ferré 2007, 21).

vowel length, and unstressed vowel reduction. This is the case in Nambikwara (a Nambikwaran language spoken in Brazil), Tamazight (an Afro-Asiatic language spoken in Morocco), and Temne (a Niger-Congo language spoken in West Africa). According to the distribution over the (%V, ΔC) plane, Nambikwara and Temne are, similar to Central Catalan, syllable-timed languages while Tamazight is a stress-timed language. In contrast to Ramus/Nespor/Mehler (1999, 5), the %V values (45.6 in Catalan, 49.6 in Temne, 44.8 in Tamazight, and 60.0 in Nambikwara) are not always sensitive to unstressed vowel reduction. The absence of an effect of vowel centralization on the acoustic correlates of rhythm raises the question of whether and to which extent a phonetic account can grasp the speech rhythm of languages with unstressed vowel reduction. Phonetically, vowel centralization may bring about a reduction of the vowel duration (as in British English), but not necessarily (as in Central Catalan and Singapore English). Phonologically, however, the process is of considerable importance since phonological oppositions are no longer possible in unstressed syllables. Additionally, vowel centralization contributes to creating an asymmetry in the phonological word. Therefore, the relevance of this phonological property is not always reflected in the values measured. One contentious issue is whether phonetic evidence supports rhythmic classifications based on the phonological make-up of a language. In other words, are syllable-timed languages also syllable languages? And conversely, are stresstimed languages also word languages? Schmid (2014) tested the rhythm class hypothesis against a sample of nine Italo-Romance dialects, demonstrating the existence of phonetic evidence closely linked to specific phonological properties. For example, the (%V, ΔV) and (%V, Varco C) planes cluster Bitontino,

2.2 Rhythm-based classifications 

 25

Friulian, Romagnolo, and Turinese, which constitute the most stress-based dialects. However, acoustic measurements may not always capture the acoustic correlates of word languages. This issue highly depends on the language-specific strategies employed for profiling the phonological word. For example, languages such as English and German have complex syllable structure and unstressed vowel reduction. Others, in turn, have simple syllable structure and strong phonotactic restrictions allowing a set of consonants to appear exclusively in word-initial position. Such is the case in !Xóõ and Khoekhoe (see Section 2.1.2). This implies that stress-timed languages can be unambiguously classified as word languages while not all word languages can be unambiguously classified as stress-timed languages. Conversely, syllable-timed languages may involve either syllable languages or word languages. Thus, stress-timed languages such as English and German are also word languages. In contrast, !Xóõ and Khoekhoe can be unambiguously classified as word languages from a phonological point of view while they would probably be classified as syllable-timed languages from a phonetic point of view. These observations force us to revise a Eurocentric notion of word languages, which is shaped by our knowledge of typical stress-timed languages such as English and German.

3 Typology of syllable and word languages The preceding chapter has shown that previous attempts to classify languages on the basis of phonetic-phonological features fall into two main categories: traditional typology and rhythm class. In traditional typology, syllable structure, phoneme inventories, and phonological processes are examined in the search of universals, which result in implications of the type “all languages have stops” or “if a language has /p/ then it has /k/” (examples taken from Maddieson 1984, 39‒40). Instead, the rhythm class hypothesis is based on the assumption that acoustic correlates of rhythm are directly linked to phonological features such as consonant clustering, contrastive vowel length, and unstressed vowel reduction. In contrast to morphological or syntactic classifications, phonological typology has not succeeded in classifying languages according to specific phonological features. With regard to morphology, languages have been classified as inflectional, agglutinative, and fusional according to the number of morphemes occurring per word-form (see Bauer 2003, 231‒238 for a comprehensive overview). With regard to syntax, languages have been classified as VO and OV according to the order of the clause constituents (see Velupillai 2012, 281‒302 for word order typology). A typology in terms of constituent order correlates with syntactic features while a typology in terms of isolating, agglutinative, and fusional does not correlate with any morphological features (Bauer 2003, 235). In this respect, phonological universals may provide predictions based on marked structures implying unmarked ones, but they do not reveal the relevance of specific prosodic categories. For example, Maddieson (2013c) shows that clicks are marked in that they are present in 9 of the 567 languages of his sample. However, their presence alone does not suffice to account for the phonological make-up of these languages. A closer look at the distribution patterns of clicks reveals that their occurrence is constrained by a specific prosodic domain. While in Hadza and Sandawe clicks may appear both in word-initial and word-medial onsets, in Khoekhoe and !Xóõ they are restricted to word-initial onsets (see Table 2.2). That is, the phonotactic restrictions of clicks in Khoekhoe and !Xóõ point to the relevance of the phonological word since clicks may only occur word-initially. The relevance of the phonological word becomes apparent when we draw on the distribution patterns of the phoneme inventory, which is highly sensitive to within-word position (see Figure 4.4 for the distribution of consonants and vowels in !Xóõ). The typology of syllable and word languages allows us to classify languages according to the relevance of the prosodic categories of the syllable and the phonological word. The relevance of these prosodic domains conditions the https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110573060-003

3.1 Theoretical framework 

 27

phonological make-up of a language. In “syllable languages”, the syllable constitutes the central prosodic category while in “word languages” the phonological word constitutes the central prosodic category. The magnitude of the relevant prosodic category can be estimated assessing the number of regularities referring to the syllable or the phonological word. These regularities may correlate with each other. For example, complex syllable structure, which is typical of word languages, is found to correlate with word-related phonotactics and processes such as unstressed vowel reduction. Thus, in contrast to traditional typology the typology of syllable and word languages is based on a multi-layered and hierarchically structured phonological model where the syllable and the phonological word represent the most important categories. Additionally, it relates the relevance of a specific prosodic category to the patterns of syllable structure, phoneme inventory, and phonological processes. This chapter is structured as follows: In Section 3.1, I will present the theoretical framework of the typology of syllable and word languages, which is based on Auer (1993; 1994; 2001). In Section 3.2, I will discuss the relevance of the prosodic categories of the syllable and the phonological word. In Section 3.3, I will give an overview of the research areas where the typology of syllable and word languages has proved to be particularly fruitful. These include language typology, historical linguistics, and language variation.

3.1 Theoretical framework Following on from previous prosodic-based rhythm classifications (see Auer 1993, 10‒24 for a review), the typology of syllable and word languages classifies languages according to the relevance of the prosodic domains of the syllable and the phonological word. In contrast to earlier approaches to rhythm (Abercrombie 1967), the typology of syllable and word languages combines phonetics and phonology in order to evaluate the dominant prosodic domain. In what follows, I will present the work of Auer (1993; 1994; 2001), which constitutes the theoretical framework of the typology of syllable and word languages. Auer (1993) tested correlations predicted to occur between phonetic and phonological parameters against a geographically and genetically diversified sample of 34 languages. The correlations are given in (2) and (3) according to their strong or weak predictive power, respectively. The correlations regarding tone and vowel harmony are not listed (see Auer 1993, 88 for details) since they are not relevant for the present investigation. In Section 9.3, I will examine whether the correlations are borne out for Central Catalan and Swabian.

28 

 3 Typology of syllable and word languages

(2) Strong correlations: a) complex syllable structure positively correlates with word-related phonotactics and processes (e.g. unstressed vowel reduction or allophonic alternation restricted to a certain position within the word); b) unstressed vowel reduction positively correlates with word-related phonotactics and processes; c) central or back unrounded vowels are rarely found in languages with simple syllable structure and in languages with lack of (or vaguely defined) word stress; d) languages without word stress do not exhibit syllable shells exceeding CC...CC; e) phonemic geminates are rare in languages with unstressed vowel reduction. (3)  Weak correlations: f) syllable structure optimizing processes occur in languages with simple syllable structure; g) syllable structure deteriorating processes occur in languages with complex syllable structure; h) unstressed vowel reduction does not occur in languages with low syllable complexity and weak stress rules; i) complex syllable structure negatively correlates with syllable-related phonotactics and processes (e.g. vowel epenthesis). In earlier work (Dauer 1983), stress was assumed to be of central importance. Complex syllable structure and unstressed vowel reduction were directly derived from word stress. Accordingly, word stress was predicted to correlate in the sample with syllable complexity, unstressed vowel reduction, and word-related processes/phonotactics. However, the predicted correlation was not supported by the data. For example, !Xóõ, Khoekhoe, and Tamang are characterized by word-related processes and phonotactics. However, they lack word stress and complex syllable structure. Rather, it is the absence of word stress that correlates with other parameters such as simple syllable structure. In this respect, Auer (2001, 1398) points out that the assumed central importance of stress might be motivated by the role that stress has in European languages such as English. Table 3.1 plots the typological affiliation of the languages in the sample according to the patterns of processes/phonotactics, processes related to syllable structure, unstressed vowel reduction, word stress, tone, and syllable complexity. The languages are arranged depending on whether they are more proximate to the syllable language (top) or the word language prototype (bottom). The

3.1 Theoretical framework 

 29

prototypes are highlighted in grey. A prototypical syllable language will predominantly have syllable-related processes/phonotactics, syllable-optimizing processes, marginal unstressed vowel reduction, phonetically weak word stress, tone lexically assigned to syllables, and simple syllable structure. In contrast, a prototypical word language will primarily have word-related processes/phonotactics, syllable-deteriorating processes, far-reaching unstressed vowel reduction, phonetically strong word stress, tone lexically assigned to phonological words, and complex syllable structure. Auer (1993, 37) emphasizes that the prosodic prototypes are idealizations. In other words, the properties of a prototypical syllable or word language are not expected to be fully reflected in any natural language. Table 3.1: Typological affiliation of the languages in the sample (adapted from Auer 1993, 94). Processes/ Syllable Unstressed Word Tone Syllable phonotactics  structure rules vowel reduction stress  complexity Prototypical syllable S language Yoruba Amo Navaho Eskimo Mundari Vietnamese Fijian

S S S S S S S

Basque Japanese Hausa Toba-Batak Mandarin Quechua

S/W S S S S S

Korean Yidiɲ Nimboran French Turkish Telugu Khalka Asmat

S S/W S/W S/W W W W W

Uzbek Tamang Nama (Khoekhoe) !Xóõ

W W W W

S

S S S S S/W S (W) S S S/W S/W S/W S/W W S/W S/W S/W

−

−

S

L

− − − − − − −

− −

S S S − − S −

L L L L L L L

− (W) S − (S) −

M L L L L L

− − − −

− (+) (+) − (+) (+)

(+) −

(+) − + (+) − − − −

+ − + − (+) (+) +

− − − − − − − −

M M M H M L L L

+ − − −

(+) − −

− W W W

M L M M

+ + +

(continued)

30 

 3 Typology of syllable and word languages

Table 3.1 (continued) Processes/ Syllable Unstressed Word Tone Syllable phonotactics  structure rules vowel reduction stress  complexity Toda Diegueño Tzeltal Klamath Gaelic Russian Circassian Arabic English

W W W W W W W W W

S/W S/W W S/W S/W S/W W W W

(+) + − − + + + (+) +

+ + + + + + (+) + +

− − − − − − − − −

H M H H H H H H H

Prototypical word language

W

W

+

+

−

H

H = high syllable complexity (CC...CC or more), L = low syllable complexity (C(G)...C or less), M = medium syllable complexity (in between including CG...CC), S = syllable-related, W = word-related. The blank spaces indicate that the category does not apply or that the information was not available in the grammar consulted (see Auer 1993, 38–40 for primary sources).

The typological affiliation of a language results from the number of regularities referring to the prosodic domain of the syllable or the phonological word. Thus, we can distinguish between unambiguous syllable languages (Yoruba), non-prototypical syllable languages (Basque), languages of intermediate status (Turkish), non-prototypical word languages (Uzbek), and unambiguous word languages (English). In previous work (Abercrombie 1967, 97), languages were classified as either stress-timed or syllable-timed (see Section 2.2 for details). That is, the classification was categorical and, therefore, did not comprise languages of intermediate status. In contrast, the typology of syllable and word languages classifies languages according to the central prosodic category, which is defined in terms of prototypical features. In other words, languages of intermediate status do not pose a problem. In related work (Szczepaniak 2010), Luxembourgish was classified as a language of intermediate status. Auer (1993, 37) explains the nature of these languages in terms of a typological drift that has not yet been accomplished. In the same vein, Prieto et al. (2012, 697) suggest that rhythmic differences found in closely related dialects are indicative of language change. The classification given in Table 3.1 rests on the assumption that the typological affiliation of a language or language variety results from the sum of word-related strategies such as word-related processes, unstressed vowel reduction, and syllable complexity. A word of caution, however, is that the occurrence and interaction

3.1 Theoretical framework 

 31

of strategies employed for highlighting the phonological word may vary crosslinguistically. This issue will be discussed in more detail in Section 9.4. The prosodic categories of the syllable and the phonological word are modelled on the prosodic hierarchy of Nespor/Vogel (1986), which is illustrated in (4). Originally, the prosodic constituent that immediately dominated the phonological word was the clitic group (CP). Following scholars that have abandoned this prosodic category (see Hall 1999, 9 for an overview), I will refer to the phonological phrase as the prosodic constituent immediately dominating the phonological word. (4) Prosodic hierarchy (adapted from Nespor/Vogel 1986, 4) Phonological Utterance (U) Intonational Phrase (I) Phonological Phrase (φ) Phonological Word (ω) Foot (F) Syllable (σ) Auer (1994) provides evidence against the syllable as universal central prosodic category. The optimal syllable structure CV is shaped by Vennemann’s (1988) Preference Laws, which include the Head Law, Coda Law, and Nucleus Law (see Section 3.2.1). Evidence supporting the validity of the Preference Laws comes from language change. Diachronic developments show a tendency for phonological processes to promote the optimal syllable structure, thereby repairing ill-formed syllable structures. This is the case in languages such as Italian and Pāli. However, Auer (1994) emphasizes that diachronic developments may also show a tendency for phonological processes to deteriorate the optimal syllable structure. This is the case in languages such as Middle and New High German as well as some Occitan and Italian dialects. Auer (1994, 59) concludes that “die Gegenbeispiele [zeigen] nicht, daß Vennemmans Präferenzgesetze falsch sind, sondern vielmehr, daß sie charakteristische natürliche Tendenzen zusammenfassen, die für einen phonologischen Sprachtyp dominant sind”.1 In this respect, well-formed syllable structures are preferred in a syllable language while illformed syllable structures may be preferred in a word language. The phonological processes optimizing or deteriorating syllable structure are therefore indicative of the central prosodic category. Importantly, the counter-evidence

1 ‘The counter-examples do not show that Vennemann’s Preference Laws are wrong. Rather, they capture characteristic natural tendencies that are dominant in one phonological language type’ (translation J.C.R.).

32 

 3 Typology of syllable and word languages

provided for the syllable as universal prosodic category is not intended to ultimately abandon this category but rather to show that the relevance of the category of the syllable (and the phonological word) may vary to different degrees in the languages of the world. Theoretical implications derived from the typology of syllable and word languages may lead to revisions in our understanding of natural phonology, language change, and language variation. A theoretical implication for natural phonology involves a relativization of the concepts “marked” and “unmarked”. This issue will be illustrated discussing the unmarked syllable structure CV. Hitherto, simple syllable structure has been considered to be unmarked while complex syllable structure has been considered to be marked (see Blevins 1995, 336 for discussion). The marked or unmarked character of a feature such as syllable structure cannot be described only in terms of frequency (see Haspelmath 2006 for discussion). The unmarked character of this feature is linked to the typological affiliation of a language or language variety. Thus, simple syllable structure is unmarked in a syllable language while complex syllable structure is unmarked in a word language. The typology of syllable and word languages also provides a principled framework for understanding language variation and change. Language change can be defined in terms of a typological drift involving the shift of the relevant prosodic category. Thus, the typology of syllable and word languages is capable of illuminating the causal connection between phonological processes that were originally not apparent, thereby unveiling the increasing relevance of a specific prosodic domain. Additionally, language variation within a dialect group can be explained in a more satisfactory way when the dialects that constitute the dialect group represent different stages of a typological drift.

3.2 The syllable and the phonological word As we have seen in the previous section, the typology of syllable and word languages is based on the idea that the centrality of the syllable and the phonological word has an impact on the patterns of syllable structure, phonotactic restrictions, and phonological processes. A word of caution, however, is that other prosodic domains may also shape the phonological make-up of a language. In this respect, Auer (1994, 61) observes that the mora, the phonological foot, and the phonological phrase are relevant in Japanese, Yidiɲ, and West Greenlandic, respectively. However, the syllable seems to be the central prosodic category in these languages.

3.2 The syllable and the phonological word 

 33

Recent research has shown that the phonological foot (or moraic foot) constitutes the domain of phonotactic restrictions and (morpho-)phonological processes. This is the case in German (Wiese 1996), Late Old High German (Szczepaniak 2007, 150–154), and Welsh (Hannahs 2013). For example, Hannahs (2013, 85‒119) shows that the phonological foot regulates the size of the phonological word by means of processes such as vowel epenthesis, consonant deletion, and vowel deletion (see Section 4.6.4 for examples). Additionally, the distribution of /h/ is foot-related. Similarly, in German the relevance of the phonological foot is apparent in morpho-phonological processes and the distribution of [h] and [Ɂ] (see Wiese 1996, 56‒65 for details). The phonological phrase may also constitute the domain of stress and phonological processes, as in French. The rhythm class of French has been a matter of debate in the literature. Since Abercrombie (1967, 97), French has been traditionally viewed as a syllable-timed language. Although acoustic measurements have shown that French patterns with syllable-timed languages such as Spanish (among others: Ramus/Nespor/Mehler 1999; Grabe/Low 2002), some scholars have provided evidence against the classification of French as a syllable-timed language (Wenk/Wioland 1982; Dufter 2004). Similarly, the typological affiliation of French is not straightforward. Auer (1993, 10, 94) classified French as a language of intermediate status (see Table 3.1). On the one hand, there are syllable-related features such as resyllabification. On the other, there are word-related features such as complex syllable structure and schwa in unstressed syllables. Crucially, the relevance of the phonological phrase can be gleaned from stress and phonological processes. French has phrase-final stress (Michelas/D’Imperio 2012, 217). That is, stress is neither lexical nor contrastive. Additionally, French exhibits the following phrase-related processes: (1) liaison and enchaînement in phrase-medial position (Meisenburg/Selig 1998, 130‒139; Pustka 2011, 156‒178); (2) vowel and consonant lengthening both in phrase-initial and phrase-final position (Fougeron/Keating 1997; Georgeton/Fougeron 2014), which involve fortition at the margins of the phrase; and (3) vowel devoicing in phrase-final position (Fagyal/Moisset 1999; Smith 2003).2 Additionally, Michelas/D’Imperio (2012) demonstrated that in French vowel duration significantly increases at phrase boundaries when syntactic and accentual boundaries overlap. These findings reveal that syntactic information is coded prosodically. Altogether, there

2 Cross-linguistically, vowel devoicing may constitute an instance of unstressed vowel reduction, as in Modern Greek (Auer 1993, 66; Smith 2003, 178). This is not the case in French, where the process is associated with a prosodically prominent position (phrase-final stressed syllables). In addition, devoicing correlates with vowel lengthening.

34 

 3 Typology of syllable and word languages

is a substantial amount of evidence that the phonological phrase is the central prosodic category in French. Therefore, French can be classified as a phrase language.3 Phrase languages sharply contrast with word languages. While the phonological word is the constituent that grasps the interaction between phonology and morphology, the phonological (or accentual) phrase is the constituent that grasps the interface between phonology and syntax, as put forward by Nespor/ Vogel (2007, xx). In other words, morphological information can be highlighted prosodically in word languages while syntactic information is highlighted prosodically in phrase languages. In summary, the prosodic categories of the phonological foot and the phonological phrase are central prosodic categories in languages such as Welsh and French, respectively. Notwithstanding, from a cross-linguistic perspective they are not as recurrent as the prosodic categories of the syllable and the phonological word. However, more research would be needed to clear up this matter.

3.2.1 The syllable The syllable constitutes the central prosodic category in syllable languages. The optimal syllable structure CV is shaped by Vennemann’s (1988) Preference Laws. These include the Head Law, the Coda Law, and the Nucleus Law, which are given in (5), (6), and (7), respectively. According to the Head Law, the syllable may be optimized by means of phonological processes such as fortition, consonant deletion (CCV > CV), consonant epenthesis (V > CV), and vowel epenthesis (CCV > CVCV). Fortition processes include affrication, glide strengthening, obstruent devoicing, etc. (Recasens 2002, 358‒359). Similarly, according to the Coda Law the syllable may be optimized by means of phonological processes such as lenition, consonant deletion (CVC > CV), and vowel epenthesis (CVC > CVCV). Lenition processes include deaffrication, gliding, voicing, etc. (see Section 4.5 for details).

3 The term “phrase language” was coined by Féry (2016, 270) in order to label languages where tonal specifications are assigned at the level of the phonological and intonational phrase and where specifications such as pitch accent are scarce or absent at the level of the phonological word. Such is the case in French (see Féry 2016, 271‒277 for details).

3.2 The syllable and the phonological word 

 35

(5) Head Law (Vennemann 1988, 13‒14) A syllable head is the more preferred: (a) the closer the number of speech sounds in the head is to one, (b) the greater the Consonantal Strength value of its onset, and (c) the more sharply the Consonantal Strength drops from the onset toward the Consonantal Strength of the following syllable nucleus. (6) Coda Law (Vennemann 1988, 21)    A syllable coda is the more preferred: (a) the smaller the number of speech sounds in the coda, (b) the less the Consonantal Strength of its offset, and (c) the more sharply the Consonantal Strength drops from the offset toward the Consonantal Strength of the preceding syllable nucleus. The Nucleus Law makes the following claims: First, monophthongs are preferred to diphthongs. This preference is based on the observation that diphthongs imply monophthongs while monophthongs do not necessarily imply diphthongs. In this sense, diphthongs are marked structures. Although historical developments provide evidence for monophthongization, we also find counterevidence involving diphthongization (especially in Swabian). Certainly, the distribution of diphthongs is syllable-related when it is not constrained by a higher prosodic category such as the phonological word. For example, in syllable languages such as Spanish diphthongs may occur both in stressed and unstressed syllables, as in viaj-o [ˈbjaxo] ‘travel-1sg.prs’ and viaj-ó [bjaˈxo] ‘travel-3sg.pst’. By contrast, in word languages diphthongs are restricted to stressed syllables (see Section 4.4 for discussion). Second, optimal nuclei are constituted by vowels. Deviations from optimal nuclei include syllabic sonorants and syllabic obstruents (see Hall 2011b, 221‒223 for details). For example, English and German have syllabic sonorants. Importantly, they only occur in unstressed syllables. Vennemann (1988, 29‒30) does not provide evidence for the optimization of syllables with consonants as nuclei. However, we find diachronic changes that point to the markedness of such syllable structures. This is the case with the syllabic sonorants [m̩ n̩ l̩ ɾ̩] in Germanic, which became [am an al aɾ] respectively in Old High German (Braune/ Reiffenstein 2004, 68‒69; Szczepaniak 2007, 99). (7) Nucleus Law (Vennemann 1988, 27)    A nucleus is the more preferred: (a) the steadier its speech sound, and (b) the less the Consonantal Strength of its speech sound. The Contact Law establishes that the syllable contact between two adjacent consonants is optimal when the sonority of the first consonant is higher than the second one, as formulated in (8) in terms of the Consonantal Strength. In other

36 

 3 Typology of syllable and word languages

words, syllable contacts are marked when they involve rising sonority transitions, but unmarked when they involve falling (or flat) sonority transitions. (8) Contact Law (Vennemann 1988, 40)    A syllable contact A$B is the more preferred, the less the Consonantal Strength of the offset A and the greater the Consonantal Strength of the onset B; more precisely – the greater the characteristic difference CS(B)-CS(A) between the Consonantal Strength of B and that of A. Ill-formed syllable contacts may be repaired by means of the following processes: (1) anaptyxis (A.B > AV.B, where V is a vowel); (2) assimilation, which may be either regressive (A.B > C.B, where C is weaker than A) or progressive (A.B > A.C, where C is weaker than B and stronger or equally strong to A); (3) calibration, which occurs either with coda weakening (A.B > C.B, where C is weaker than A) or with head strengthening (A.B > A.C, where C is stronger than B); (4) epenthesis (A.B > A.CB, where C is stronger than B); (5) gemination (A.B > A.AB); (6) metathesis (A.B > B.A); and (7) tautosyllabification (A.B > .AB) (see Vennemann 1988, 51‒55 for examples). Some of these processes applied in Old Catalan and Old Alemannic, as we will see in Sections 6.2.4 and 8.2.4. In addition to the syllable contact between two adjacent consonants, there are ill-formed syllable contacts involving two adjacent vowels. In this respect, Restle/Vennemann (2001, 1318) postulate the Hiatus Law. According to the Hiatus Law, hiatuses are ill-formed syllable structures, especially when they contain phonetically similar vowels ([a.a]) or vowels that are phonetically similar to glides ([i.a], [u.a]). Hiatuses can be repaired by means of consonant epenthesis, fusion ([a.a] > [a(ː)]), glide formation ([i.a] > [ja], [u.a] > [wa]), and vowel deletion (see Restle/Vennemann 2001, 1318‒1319 for examples and Casali 2011, 1437‒1443 for a typology of hiatus resolution). Instances of hiatus resolution are found in Central Catalan and Old Alemannic, as will be shown in Sections 5.4.2 and 8.5.5. (9) Hiatus Law (Restle/Vennemann 2001, 1318)    Ein Hiat ist disfavorisiert, und zwar umso mehr, je geringer die Zahl der Merkmale ist, in denen sich die beiden Hiatvokale unterscheiden, aber auch desto mehr, je besser sich einer der sich berührenden Vokale zum Gleitlaut eignet.4

4 ‘A hiatus is dispreferred, especially when the two vowels slightly differ with regard to the number of features shared and also when one of the adjacent vowels is suitable for a glide’ (translation J.C.R.).

3.2 The syllable and the phonological word 

 37

The Preference Laws have been critically discussed by scholars such as Woodard (1989) and Auer (1994). For example, Woodard (1989, 525‒526) indicates that in addition to syllable-optimizing strategies such as the development of Lat. /w/ and ͡ respectively there are also processes that do not obey the /j/ into It. /v/ and /dʒ/ Preference Laws. These include lenition of Indo-European voiced aspirated stops and lenition of word-medial Italic /s/ in Latin, Oscan, and Umbrian. These developments are not in line with the Preference Laws since they bring about an increase of the sonority in the syllable onset, thereby violating the Head Law. That is, in contrast to Vennemann’s claim (1988, 4) the Preference Laws are not universal since they fail to explain syllable-deteriorating processes. As Auer (1994) demonstrates, the Preference Laws are followed in syllable languages while they can be violated in word languages (see Section 3.1). More specifically, the Head Law can be violated by means of syllable- deteriorating processes such as lenition, consonant deletion (CV > V), consonant epenthesis (CV > CCV), and vowel deletion (CVCV > CCV). Additionally, the Coda Law can be violated by means of syllable-deteriorating processes such as fortition, consonant epenthesis (CV > CVC), and vowel deletion (CVCV > CVC). Interestingly, lenition is syllable-optimizing when it applies in the syllable coda, but syllable-deteriorating when it applies in the syllable onset. Conversely, fortition is syllable- optimizing when it applies in the syllable onset, but syllable-deteriorating when it applies in the syllable coda. Finally, the Nucleus Law is disobeyed when sonorants and obstruents become syllabic. Syllableoptimizing and syllable-deteriorating processes are summarized in Table 3.2 according to the onset and coda. Table 3.2: Syllable-optimizing and syllable-deteriorating processes. Syllable-optimizing

Syllable-deteriorating

Onset

– fortition – consonant deletion (CCV > CV) – consonant epenthesis (V > CV) – vowel epenthesis (CCV > CVCV)

– lenition – consonant deletion (CV > V) – consonant epenthesis (CV > CCV) – vowel deletion (CVCV > CCV)

Coda

– lenition – consonant deletion (CVC > CV) – vowel epenthesis (CVC > CVCV)

– fortition – consonant epenthesis (CV > CVC) – vowel deletion (CVCV > CVC)

Syllable-deteriorating processes may optimize a higher prosodic category such as the phonological foot (F), the phonological word (ω), and the phonological phrase (ϕ). This issue will be illustrated with lenition and consonant deletion.

38 

 3 Typology of syllable and word languages

Lenition implies a violation of the Head Law since it increases the sonority of the syllable onset. For example, /b/ undergoes lenition in Cologne Ripuarian and Spanish. However, in Cologne Ripuarian lenition is word-related while in Spanish it is phrase-related, as shown in (10) and (11), respectively. More specifically, in Cologne Ripuarian /b/ undergoes spirantization only in word-medial intervocalic position, where /b/ becomes [v], as in leb-en ‘live-inf’ [ˈlεbə] > [ˈlεvə]. Note that the process does not apply word-initially or phrase-medially. Otherwise, it would have given rise to *[voːx]ω ‘book’ and *[[t͡svai]ω [ˈvøːʃɐ]ω]ϕ. By contrast, in Spanish /b/ undergoes spirantization only in phrase-medial intervocalic position, where /b/ becomes [β], as in bebida ‘drink’ [[beˈβiða]ω]ϕ and cinco bebida-s ‘five drink-pl’ [[ˈθiŋko]ω [βeˈβiðas]ω]ϕ. In contrast to Cologne Ripuarian, spirantization is not sensitive to word boundaries in Spanish. (10) Consonant lenition in Cologne Ripuarian leb-en ‘live-inf’ [ˈlεbə]ω > [ˈlεvə]ω Buch ‘book’ [boːx]ω zwei Büch-er ‘two book-pl’ [[t͡svai]ω [ˈbøːʃɐ]ω]ϕ (11) Consonant lenition in Spanish bebida ‘drink’     [[beˈβiða]ω]ϕ cinco bebida-s ‘five drink-pl’     [[ˈθiŋko]ω [βeˈβiðas]ω]ϕ Similarly, consonant deletion implies a violation of the Head Law since it gives rise to onsetless syllables. For example, consonant deletion applies in Bambara, a NigerCongo language spoken in Mali, and Spanish. In Bambara, consonant deletion is foot-related while in Spanish it is word-related, as shown in (12) and (13), respectively. More specifically, in Colloquial Bambara velar consonants undergo deletion in foot-medial position when surrounded by identical vowels, as in [[mɔ̀kɔ́]F]ω > [[mɔ̀ɔ]́ F]ω ‘person’ (see Green 2015, 10‒11 for details). Note that the process does not always apply word-medially, as in [[dàrà]F [ká]F]ω ‘breakfast’, where foot-initial [k] is preserved. In Colloquial Spanish, /d/ undergoes deletion only in word-medial position, as in dedo [ˈdeo]ω ‘finger’. Note that deletion does not apply word-initially or phrase-medially, which would have resulted in *[[ˈθiŋko]ω [ˈeos]ω]ϕ. (12) Consonant deletion in Colloquial Bambara [[mɔ̀kɔ́]F]ω > [[mɔ̀ɔ́]F]ω ‘person’ [[dàrà]F [ká]F]ω > [[dàrká]F]ω ~ [[dràká]F]ω ‘breakfast’ (13) Consonant deletion in Colloquial Spanish dedo ‘finger’ [ˈdeðo]ω > [ˈdeo]ω cinco dedo-s ‘five finger-pl’ [[ˈθiŋko]ω [ˈðeos]ω]ϕ

3.2 The syllable and the phonological word 

 39

Thus, syllable-deteriorating processes such as lenition and consonant deletion help to optimize higher prosodic domains such as the phonological foot, the phonological word, and the phonological phrase since they bring about an increase of the sonority within these prosodic domains. Syllable-deteriorating processes that optimize the phonological word in Central Catalan and Swabian will be accounted for in the ensuing chapters. Importantly, syllable-related processes are not necessarily syllable-optimizing. An example of a syllable-related process that is syllable-deteriorating involves deaffrication in Central Catalan (see Section 5.5.8). While syllable-deteriorating processes may be associated with a word language, syllable-optimizing processes are not exclusively associated with a syllable language since word languages may have a preference for optimal syllable structures. This runs counter to the widely held view that a preference for optimal syllable structures is typical of syllable languages. This issue will be discussed in more detail in Section 9.4.

3.2.2 The phonological word Recent work has been devoted to the phonological (or prosodic) word (among others: Hall/Kleinheinz 1999; Dixon/Aikhenvald 2002; Ulbrich/Werth/Wiese 2018). Different lines of evidence have shown that a prosodic category is needed in order to satisfactorily explain the domain of certain phonological rules (segmental and prosodic processes, stress alignment, and syllabification), phonotactic rules, and minimality constraints. This prosodic category is the phonological word (see Hall 1999, 2 for a review of the term), which is defined by Nespor/Vogel (1986, 109) in the following way: The phonological word is the lowest constituent of the prosodic hierarchy which is constructed on the basis of mapping rules that make substantial use of nonphonological notions. In particular, the phonological word (ω) represents the interaction between the phonological and morphological components of grammar.

According to the prosodic hierarchy, the phonological phrase immediately dominates the phonological word, which in turn immediately dominates the phonological foot, as illustrated in (4) above. The interaction of the phonological and morphological components of grammar put forth by Nespor/Vogel (1986) helps to grasp the alignment of phonological and morphological boundaries. In other words, phonological boundaries are indicative of morphological boundaries. There is general agreement regarding the non-isomorphism between the phonological word and the morphological (or grammatical) word. That is, the size of the phonological and the morphological word does not have to be necessarily

40 

 3 Typology of syllable and word languages

identical. The size of the phonological word may vary from language to language. This strongly depends on whether affixes and function words are integrated into the phonological word ([stem+suffix]ω) or constitute a single phonological word ([stem]ω[suffix]ω). In Turkish, for example, the plural suffix belongs to the phonological word, as in çocuk-lar [t ͡ʃod͡ʒukˈlar]ω ‘child-pl’, where the suffix -lar carries word-final stress (Nespor/Vogel 1986, 119). In German, by contrast, the derivational suffix -lich ‘-ly’ behaves as a single phonological word, as in täglich [tɛːk]ω[lɪç]ω ‘daily’, where the marked syllable contact highlights a word boundary (Wiese 1996, 73‒74). The same applies for compounds. In Demotic Greek, compounds form a single phonological word as in κουκλόσπιτο [kuˈklɔspito]ω ‘doll’s house’, where there is one primary stress (Nespor/Vogel 1986, 112‒113). Alternatively, in German they may consist of at least two phonological words as in Haustür [haʊs]ω[tyːɐ]ω ‘front door’, where there is a primary and a secondary stress (Wiese 1996, 72‒73, 296). Thus, a phonological word may be larger, smaller, or equal to a morphological word, as shown in (14). Diagnostic criteria for determining the phonological status of affixes and compounds include word stress, syllabification, and phonological processes such as assimilation and degemination (see Bergmann 2014 and 2018 for German). (14) Non-isomorphism between the phonological and the morphological word a. phonological word > morphological word b. phonological word < morphological word c. phonological word = morphological word The size of the phonological word may be regulated by the foot or the mora. With regard to the foot, the trochee is the prototypical phonological word in German (Eisenberg 1991). The preference for the trochee can be traced back to Middle High German, where phonological processes contributed to monopedal trochaic phonological words (Szczepaniak 2007, 177). With regard to the mora, phonological words must be minimally bimoraic in some Upper German dialects. The word minimality is achieved by means of monosyllabic lengthening (Auer 1989a; Seiler 2009; Seiler/Würth 2014). The size of the morphological and phonological word may vary depending on whether affixes and clitics are integrated into the phonological word. In this respect, stress and phonological processes may help to determine whether affixes and clitics belong to the phonological word or rather whether they constitute themselves a phonological word. With respect to stress, languages with fixed stress give cues about the phonological status of clitics. This is the case in Slovak, which has word-initial stress, as in the lexical item stole [ˈstɔlɛ] ‘table’. When a preposition is attached to the root, it is subject to the word-initial stress

3.2 The syllable and the phonological word 

 41

rule, as illustrated in (15). This reveals that in Slovak prepositions belong to the phonological word. (15) Phonological status of clitics in Slovak (Hanulíková/Hamann 2010, 376) stole [ˈstɔlɛ]ω ‘table’ na stole [ˈnastɔlɛ]ω ‘on the table’ Additionally, phonological processes may give hints about the phonological status of affixes. In Mwotlap, an Oceanic language spoken in the Republic of Vanuatu, the surface syllable structure is (C)V(C) and comprises the syllable types V, CV, VC, and CVC. Underlying consonant clusters are permitted only in word-medial position when heterosyllabic (as in CVC.CV) such that there is no deviation from the syllable template (C)V(C). In word-initial position, underlying consonant clusters are resolved by vowel epenthesis. For example, /βnʊ/ ‘village’ surfaces as [βʊˈnʊ]. That is, vowel epenthesis points to the existence of a word boundary. When the affixes /nɛ/ ‘of’ and /na/ ‘art’ are attached to the root, we can observe two different patterns, both of which are given in (16). Vowel epenthesis takes place when the affix /nɛ/ ‘of’ is attached. This indicates that the underlying consonant cluster is still word-initial (i.e. /nɛ#βnʊ/). On the other hand, vowel epenthesis does not take place when the affix /na/ ‘art’ is attached. In this case, the underlying consonant cluster is no longer at the word boundary (i.e. /naβnʊ/) and surfaces as [nap.ˈnʊ]. Note that /b/ becomes [p] as a result of syllable-final obstruent devoicing, which shows that the consonant cluster is heterosyllabic. Thus, /nɛ/ and /na/ are both clitics since they form an accentual unit with the host. However, /na/ is integrated into the phonological word while /nɛ/ constitutes a single phonological word. Therefore, the patterns of syllable structure and phonological processes help to assess the phonological status of clitics. (16) Phonological status of clitics in Mwotlap (François 2005, 118) /βnʊ/ ‘village’ > [βʊˈnʊ]ω /nɛ/ ‘of’ + /βnʊ/ ‘village’ > [nɛ]ω[βʊˈnʊ]ω /na/ ‘art’ + /βnʊ/ ‘village’ > [napˈnʊ]ω A cross-linguistically valid definition of the phonological word is not straightforward owing to the non-isomorphism between the phonological and the morphological word. In this respect, Auer (1993, 91) claims that the definition of a phonological word is language-specific. This view is also held by Schiering/ Bickel/Hildebrandt (2010). After examining the phonological rule domains in Limbu and Vietnamese, they conclude that the phonological word is not universal, proposing the language-particular character of this prosodic category. With

42 

 3 Typology of syllable and word languages

regard to Vietnamese, there is no positive evidence of phonological rules referring to the phonological word (see Brunelle 2017 for details). Therefore, Vietnamese can be classified as an unambiguous syllable language (see Table 3.1). However, Auer (1993, 17‒18) points out that at an earlier stage, Vietnamese had word-related features such as word-final stress and unstressed vowel reduction. The loss of these features clearly points to a development towards a syllable language. Word languages typically have phonological asymmetries which involve the distribution of the phonetic and phonemic inventory. These phonological asymmetries have been approached by the positional faithfulness theory (Beckman 1999). This theory is based on the observation that perceptually and psycholinguistically prominent positions such as stressed syllables, syllable onsets, roots, and root-initial syllables maintain phonological oppositions that may be neutralized in non-prominent positions. The privileged and non-privileged positions are given in (17). (17) Privileged vs. non-privileged positions (Beckman 1999, 3) a. Privileged positions b. Non-privileged positions Root-initial syllables Non-initial syllables Stressed syllables Unstressed syllables Syllable onsets Syllable codas Roots Affixes, clitics, function words Long vowels Short vowels Some asymmetries found in Catalan and German have been explained in terms of positional faithfulness constraints. For example, coda neutralization in Catalan and German are explained as coda/onset asymmetries, unstressed vowel reduction in Catalan as stressed/unstressed syllable asymmetries, and phonotactic restrictions in German as root/affix asymmetries. Lloret/Jiménez (2008) employed the positional faithfulness theory to describe asymmetries in Catalan. Although positional faithfulness succeeds in accounting for some phonological asymmetries in the languages of the world, it fails to grasp a bigger picture: that these asymmetries are mostly related to the phonological word. That is, these asymmetries are typical of word languages, which are characterized by additional asymmetries such as stress-sensitive syllable complexity. In this sense, the typology of syllable and word languages enables us to analyse a wider range of phenomena.

3.3 Research areas The typology of syllable and word languages has opened up new lines of research, which include language typology, historical linguistics, and language variation.

3.3 Research areas 

 43

This section will give an overview of the research areas where the typology of syllable and word languages has been successfully applied (see Section 9.5 for further research areas).

3.3.1 Language typology The typology of syllable and word languages has been a useful tool for determining the typological affiliation of closely related languages and language varieties. For example, Auer (1993, 24‒33) discusses the typological differences between Italian vs. Portuguese, Uzbek vs. Turkish, and Classical Mongolian vs. Khalka. Nübling/ Schrambke (2004) assessed the relevance of the prosodic domains of the syllable and the phonological word in selected Germanic languages concluding that Afrikaans, Norwegian, and Swedish are syllable-centered while Danish, English, and German are word-centered, as illustrated in Figure 3.1. In contrast to these Germanic languages, Luxembourgish does not exhibit a clear typological affiliation (Szczepaniak 2010). Recent work has contributed to the typological classification of Germanic languages (see Höder 2014 for Low German, Eliasson 2014 for Swedish, and Gilles 2014 for Luxembourgish). Additionally, contrastive studies were conducted for Northern Alemannic and Danish (Schrambke 2007), German and Spanish (Szczepaniak 2009), and German and Luxembourgish (Szczepaniak 2010). syllable language

word language Danish

Afrikaans Norwegian Swedish

Luxembourgish

English German

Figure 3.1: Typological affiliation of selected Germanic languages (Nübling/Schrambke 2004, 286).

3.3.2 Historical linguistics The application of the typology of syllable and word languages is of particular interest in historical linguistics since it allows language change to be accounted for in terms of a wholesale drift from a syllable-centered into a word-centered language or vice versa. A typological change from a syllable-centered into a word-centered language has been reported for standard German (Szczepaniak 2007). The typological development of Old High German into New High German is depicted in Figure 3.2. A typological change from a word-centered into a syllable-centered language has been reported for Vietnamese (Auer 1993, 18). Language contact

44 

 3 Typology of syllable and word languages

seems to lead to the emergence of a syllable-centered language (see Caro Reina/ Szczepaniak 2014, 21‒22 for discussion). syllable language Old High German

word language Middle High German

New High German

Figure 3.2: Typological development of German.

Recently, Kümmel (2014) examined the typological affiliation of Old Indo-Aryan and Old Iranian, both of which are derived from Indo-Arian. Old Indo-Aryan and Old Iranian differ in that Old Indo-Aryan is rather syllable-oriented while Old Iranian is rather word-oriented. The typological affiliation of Old Indo-Aryan and Old Iranian became stronger at a later stage. Thus, Middle Indo-Aryan and Middle Iranian experienced a rise in the incidence of syllable- and word-related features respectively, as illustrated in Figure 3.3. syllable language Middle Indo-Aryan Old Indo-Aryan

word language Old Iranian

Middle Iranian

Figure 3.3: Typological development of Indo-Iranian languages.

Additionally, historical linguistics may help to evaluate the typological affiliation of languages that have been classified as languages of intermediate status. This is the case in Luxembourgish (Nübling/Schrambke 2004; Szczepaniak 2010; Gilles 2014). A comparison between Luxembourgish and Old High German reveals that Luxembourgish has undergone a word-oriented development. This development, however, is not as pronounced as in German.

3.3.3 Language variation The typology of syllable and word languages has succeeded in accounting for language variation within a dialect group. Schrambke (2003) and later Nübling/ Schrambke (2004) were the first to apply the typology of syllable and word languages to the Alemannic dialect group. They identified a concentration of word-related features in North Alemannic and syllable-related features in South Alemannic (see Section 7.1.1). In this respect, the typological classification considerably differs from previous traditional classifications (see Caro Reina 2013, 39‒40

3.3 Research areas 

 45

for discussion). Importantly, the picture emerging after applying the typology of syllable and word languages reflects the different stages of the historical development. More specifically, South Alemannic has preserved a prior syllable-centered stage while North Alemannic has introduced word-related features. Similarly, typological differences have been also found between Southern and North Dutch (Noske 2005), Italo-Romance dialects (Schmid 2014), and the Croatian varieties Čakavian and Kajkavian (Hakimov 2018).

4 Typological parameters This chapter is devoted to the typological parameters that will be employed as diagnostic tools for evaluating the relevance of the prosodic domains of the syllable and the phonological word in Central Catalan and Swabian. The chapter begins with a review of the typological parameters that have been proposed in the literature (Section 4.1). Then, it shows the patterns of these parameters according to stress and within-word-position (Section 4.2). The parameters are described in more detail in the following sections. These include syllable structure (Section 4.3), phonotactic restrictions (Section 4.4), syllable- and word-related processes (Section 4.5), syllable-optimizing processes (Section 4.6), word-optimizing processes (Section 4.7), and (re)syllabification (Section 4.8). Central aspects of these parameters will be illustrated with examples from languages and language varieties different from Central Catalan and Swabian.

4.1 Review of the typological parameters A number of parameters have been proposed for evaluating the typological affiliation of a given language or language variety (among others: Auer/Uhmann 1988, 253; Auer 2001, 1395‒1398; Nübling/Schrambke 2004, 284‒285; Szczepaniak 2007, 330). For example, Table 4.1 displays the typological parameters put forward by Szczepaniak (2007, 330), which include syllable structure, vowel inventory, vowel quantity, word stress, phonetic and phonological processes, geminates, and vowel harmony. First attempts to simplify the number of parameters were carried out by Reich (2002, 186‒189), who suggested reducing the typological parameters to rhythmic stress, vowel inventory, and the prosodic domain of sandhi. Recently, Caro Reina/Szczepaniak (2014, 16‒20) evaluated the typological parameters previously found in the literature. As a consequence, the number of parameters was simplified considerably. The parameters put forward include syllable structure, vowel and consonant inventory, and phonetic and phonological processes, as shown in Table 4.2. The decision to simplify the parameters was motivated in part because some parameters needed a critical revision and in part because some parameters could be subsumed under a single one. The typological parameters that will be used throughout the book are given in Table 4.3. These parameters differ from previous ones in the following way: First, vowel and consonant inventory are subsumed under phonotactic restrictions. Second, there is no a priori reason to assume that https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110573060-004

4.1 Review of the typological parameters 

 47

Table 4.1: Typological parameters (Szczepaniak 2007, 330). Syllable language

Word language

Syllable structure Vowel inventory Vowel quantity

simple symmetric in all syllables

Word stress

a) lack of word stress, musical word stress, phrase stress b) phonetically weak syllable-related and syllable-optimizing present present

high variable asymmetric restricted to certain word-related positions (mostly in stressed syllables) a) dynamic word stress b) phonetically strong

Phonetic and phonological processes Geminates Vowel harmony

word-related and word-optimizing absent absent

Table 4.2: Typological parameters (Caro Reina/Szczepaniak 2014, 17).

Syllable structure Vowel and consonant inventory Phonetic and phonological processes

Syllable language

Word language

simple symmetric

high variable asymmetric

syllable-related and syllableoptimizing

word-related and word-optimizing

Table 4.3: Typological parameters.

Syllable structure (see Section 4.3) Phonotactic restrictions (see Section 4.4) Phonetic and phonological processes (see Sections 4.6‒4.7) (Re)syllabification (see Section 4.8)

Syllable language

Word language

simple syllable-related syllable-optimizing

high variable word-related word-optimizing

syllable-optimizing

word-optimizing

the presence of geminates and vowel harmony is indicative of a syllable language. Finally, (re)syllabification has been introduced. Section 4.2 will address the question of how these parameters are expected to behave in a syllable and a word language. Sections 4.3‒4.8 will describe in more detail the parameters contained in the table. In what follows, I will critically discuss the parameters regarding geminates (Section 4.1.1) and vowel harmony (Section 4.1.2) (for word stress see Caro Reina/

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Szczepaniak 2014, 14, 19‒20). Although previous studies have indicated that geminates and vowel harmony are typical of syllable languages, it will be shown that this is not necessarily the case.

4.1.1 Geminates The presence of geminates was previously associated with a syllable language while their absence was associated with a word language. In this respect, Auer/ Uhmann (1988, 249) argue that the instability of syllable boundaries is a feature typical of word languages. In word languages, syllable boundaries are blurred by means of lenition processes such as flapping and spirantization, which may bring about the emergence of ambisyllabic consonants. The observation that degemination occurred in word languages such as Abruzzian and German led to the assumption that degemination constitutes a word-related feature that reflects the instability of syllable boundaries. This assumption was supported by the phonological patterns described by Donegan/Stampe (1983) for the Munda and Khmer language families. While geminates are possible in Sora, they are absent from Khmer. Note that Sora and Khmer were selected as representative languages of the Munda and Khmer language families, respectively. The idea that geminates are indicative of a syllable language poses several challenges. First, degemination does not occur exclusively in word languages. Let us consider the development of Latin geminate obstruents in Italian and Spanish, both of which are widely viewed as syllable languages. While Italian has preserved the etymological geminates, Spanish has simplified them. For example, the reflexes of Latin vacca ‘cow’ in Italian and Spanish are vacca [ˈvakːa] and vaca [ˈbaka], respectively. In contrast to German, the simplification of the geminates in Spanish has not resulted in ambisyllabic consonants (see Szczepaniak 2007, 240‒247 for ambisyllabic consonants in Early New High German). That is, in Spanish the syllable boundaries are clearly delimited, as in the item vaca ‘cow’, which is syllabified as [ˈba.ka] (see Quilis 1999, 365‒366 for syllabification in Spanish). Second, geminates may also occur in word languages. Admittedly, the implications derived from the cross-linguistic patterns of geminates have not been carefully examined in the framework of the typology of syllable and word languages. Geminates have been studied cross-linguistically with regard to their place and manner of articulation and distribution (see Dmitrieva 2012, 14‒16 for an overview of the literature). For the discussion, I will concentrate on the distribution of geminates. Cross-linguistically, geminates most frequently occur in word-medial intervocalic position, especially between a short stressed vowel and a short unstressed

4.1 Review of the typological parameters 

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vowel (Thurgood 1993, 2, 8). That is, they mostly occur in stressed syllables. A possible explanation for this is that in many languages geminates are weight-sensitive and therefore attract stress (see Davis 2011, 885‒892 for geminates in stress systems). On the other hand, little is known of the occurrence of geminates in unstressed syllables cross-linguistically. It would be interesting to find out whether geminates in unstressed syllables positively correlate with geminates in stressed syllables. In addition to occurring in word-medial intervocalic position, geminates are also attested in word-initial and word-final position. While word-final geminates correlate with word-medial geminates, word-initial geminates do not necessarily imply word-medial geminates (see Muller 2001, 201‒235 for a survey of 29 languages). In view of these cross-linguistic patterns, we can make the following predictions: Geminates will be word-related if their distribution is constrained by the prosodic domain of the phonological word. This is the case when geminates are sensitive to stress and within-word position. Interestingly, geminates occurring in stressed syllables are cross-linguistically more frequent. This observation sharply contrasts with the assumption that geminates are found in syllable languages. An example of a language where geminates may occur only in stressed syllables is Itunyoso Trique, an Oto-Manguean language spoken in Mexico. Importantly, geminates occur in the onset of monosyllabic roots while they are disallowed when the root is polysyllabic (DiCanio 2008, 42‒43; 2010, 230). Examples from Itunyoso Trique are given in (18). (18) Single consonants and geminates in Itunyoso Trique (DiCanio 2010, 230) [tə̃Ɂ] ‘corncob’ [tːə̃Ɂ] ‘spine’ [kə̃h] ‘naked’ [kːə̃h] ‘sandal’ A further word-related feature involves the weight-sensitive coupling of geminates with short vowels and single consonants with long vowels that arises in stressed syllables (see Maddieson 2008, 1931 for examples and references). This implies that stressed syllables are bimoraic, as illustrated in Figure 4.1. These weight-sensitive patterns will be discussed in more detail when addressing the development of Old Alemannic into Swabian in Chapter 8. Conversely, geminates will be syllable-related if their distribution is not sensitive to stress and within-word position. This is the case when geminates occur both in stressed and unstressed syllables or both in word-initial and word-medial onsets. In this respect, Vennemann (1995, 187‒188) talks about “syllable-based and stress-based quantity languages” (silben- und akzentbasierten Quantitätssprachen). In syllable-based quantity languages we find geminates both in stressed and unstressed syllables while in stress-based quantity

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Figure 4.1: Prosodic representation of geminates and long vowels.

languages we find geminates only in stressed (or rhythmically prominent) syllables. Importantly, this distinction is based on stress. That is, it does not consider geminates with regard to within-word position. Examples of languages where geminates occur both in stressed and unstressed syllables are Finnish and Italian. An example of a language where geminates occur word-initially, word-medially, and word-finally is Tashlhiyt Berber, as illustrated in Table 4.4. Table 4.4: Geminates in Tashlhiyt Berber (Ridouane 2007, 124).

[t] [tː]

Word-initial onset

Word-medial onset

Word-final coda

[tid] ‘those (fem.)’ [tːid] ‘soap’

[itid] ‘for those (fem.)’ [itːid] ‘approach’

[ifit] ‘he gave it (masc.)’ [ifitː] ‘he gave it (fem.)’

To gain further insight into the implications derived from the behaviour of geminates, additional research is required. For example, issues such as the distribution patterns of geminates and the tight coupling of geminates with vowel lengthening in stressed syllables should be addressed cross-linguistically. The results gained should not be exclusively based on phoneme inventories since underlying single consonants may also surface as geminates as a result of phonological processes. Such is the case with consonant assimilation across word and morpheme boundaries, which may also contribute to the demarcation of morphological structures. Another phonological process leading to geminates is the so-called “raddoppiamento sintattico”. In Italian, geminates generally occur word-medially both in stressed and unstressed syllables. However, they may also occur word-initially when the raddoppiamento sintattico rule applies (see Nespor/Vogel 1986, 165‒172 and Schmid 1999, 170‒173 for details). In addition, geminates may also arise when two identical consonant segments meet at word and morpheme boundaries. An example is German, where geminates may be found at compound-internal boundaries, as in Schifffahrt [ˈʃɪfˌfaːɐt] ‘shipping’ and wahllos [ˈvaːlˌloːs] ‘indiscriminate’

4.1 Review of the typological parameters 

 51

(Wiese 1996, 231). In contrast to Italian, geminates do not occur word-medially in German. Thus, the occurrence of geminates can be associated with a word-related strategy since it signals word boundaries (see Abercrombie 1967, 82 for examples from English).

4.1.2 Vowel harmony Let us turn to vowel harmony. Auer (1993, 98) found the following correlation in his cross-linguistic study: “No language with even a marginal system of tone or vowel harmony shows more than peripheral accent-dependent reduction”. In this way, the presence of vowel harmony was associated with a syllable language (Auer/Uhmann 1988, 246; Auer 1993, 44‒45; 2001, 1397‒1398). This assumption was originally motivated by the idea of what word languages are. Since word languages are characterized by unstressed vowel reduction and unstressed vowel reduction is at odds with vowel harmony, vowel harmony was then related to syllable languages. Intriguingly, vowel harmony turned out to delimit the phonological word in syllable languages – a strategy that was expected to occur in word languages. This problem forced us to revise our view of word languages, which had been strongly shaped by Germanic languages. On the one hand, there are word languages that have a preference for vowel centralization (as in German). On the other, there are word languages that have a preference for vowel harmony (as in Finnish and Turkish). The implications derived from these observations required the introduction of diverse word language types and the treatment of vowel centralization and vowel harmony as vowel reduction processes. The role of vowel harmony was critically discussed by Kabak (2014, 120‒121). Rather than syllable-optimizing, vowel harmony optimizes the phonological word since it promotes word segmentation. In this respect, Vroomen/Tuomainen/de Gelder (1998, 146) tested the predictive value of disharmony in Finnish for recognizing words in newspaper texts. Additionally, perception experiments have conclusively shown that vowel harmony gives the hearer cues for segmenting words (see Vroomen/Tuomainen/de Gelder 1998 for Finnish and Kabak/Maniwa/ Kazanina 2010 for Turkish). In order to evaluate whether vowel harmony is a word-related or syllablerelated process, we must detect first the prosodic domain within which the process applies. Vowel harmony will be illustrated with Granada Andalusian, where the loss of a word-final segment has brought about raising of the low vowel [a] as well as lowering of the tense mid vowels [e o] such that [a e o] are realized as [æ̞ ɛ ɔ], respectively (the high vowels [i u] will not be treated). This

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process is labelled “vowel opening” (apertura vocálica) and constitutes a vowel harmony process whereby vowels coincide in the feature [±RTR]. Examples from Granada Andalusian are given in (19) for the singular and plural paradigm of the lexical items asa ‘handle’, nene ‘child’, and mono ‘monkey’. As we can observe, the feature [−RTR] expands linkwards from the final unstressed syllable towards the stressed syllable. (19) Vowel harmony in Granada Andalusian (Lloret/Jiménez 2009b, 296) asa [ˈasa] ‘handle’ asa-s [ˈæ̞sæ̞] ‘handle-pl’ nene [ˈnene] ‘child’ nene-s [ˈnɛnɛ] ‘child-pl’ mono [ˈmono] ‘monkey’ mono-s [ˈmɔnɔ] ‘monkey-pl’ The question arises as to whether the process is syllable-related or word-related since we do not know the patterns of vowel harmony when the phonological word contains more than two syllables. The examples in (20) can help to clear up this matter. First, the harmonic feature [−RTR] expands from the final syllable to the preceding syllables regardless of stress. Note that both pretonic and posttonic syllables exhibit vowel harmony. Second, the process is optional when vowels differ with respect to quality. However, it is obligatory when the vowels are identical. Thus, the domain of vowel harmony in Granada Andalusian is word-related and word-optimizing. (20) Vowel harmony in Granada Andalusian (Lloret/Jiménez 2009b, 298‒299) pretonic syllable: momento-s ‘moment-pl’ [moˈmɛntɔ] ~ [mɔˈmɛntɔ] reloj ‘watch’ [reˈlɔ] ~ [rɛˈlɔ] horroros-o-s ‘terrible-m-pl’ [ɔrɔrɔˈsɔ] posttonic syllable: trébol-es ‘clover-pl’ [ˈtɾɛβolɛ] ~ [ˈtɾɛβɔlɛ] monóton-o-s ‘monotonous-m-pl’ [mɔˈnɔtɔnɔ]

4.2 Evaluating the prosodic domains After reviewing the typological parameters previously found in the literature and presenting a selection of typological parameters that will be systematically employed for the synchronic and diachronic analysis of Central Catalan and Swabian (see Table 4.3), I will show how these parameters may help to evaluate the relevance of the prosodic categories of the syllable and the phonological word. For this purpose, I will study the patterns of the parameters syllable structure, phonotactic restrictions, and phonetic and phonological processes with regard to stress (stressed and unstressed syllables) and within-word

4.2 Evaluating the prosodic domains 

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position (word-initial, word-medial, and word-final), as illustrated in Figure 4.2. Note that this distinction cannot be applied to the parameter (re)syllabification. The typological affiliation of Central Catalan and Swabian will be determined applying the working basis outlined in the figure (see Tables 5.27, 6.19, 7.21, and 8.37).

Stress-related (stressed vs. unstressed)

Position-related (word-initial, word-medial, word-final)

Syllable structure Phonotactic restrictions Phonetic and phonological processes Figure 4.2: Parameters in relation to stress and within-word position.

According to the patterns of the parameters regarding stress and within-word position, we can make the following predictions: In syllable languages, syllable structure, phonotactic restrictions, and processes will have the syllable as their prosodic domain. That is, they will not be sensitive to stress or position within a higher phonological domain such as the phonological word. As a consequence, syllable structure will be simple, phonotactic restrictions will be syllable-related, and processes will optimize the syllable. In word languages, by contrast, syllable structure, phonotactic restrictions, and processes will have the phonological word as their prosodic domain. That is, they will be sensitive to stress and within-word position. With regard to stress, we can expect syllable complexity in stressed syllables, stress-related restrictions, and word-optimizing processes such as unstressed vowel reduction. With regard to within-word position, we can expect complex syllable structures at word and morpheme boundaries, position-related restrictions, and word-optimizing processes such as fortition at word boundaries. Phonotactic restrictions may be the result of phonological processes. This is the case with unstressed vowel reduction, which leads to an asymmetry between stressed and unstressed syllables. In the ensuing sections the patterns of these parameters will be illustrated in more detail. For the typology of syllable and word languages, it would be valuable to exhaustively examine the syllable- and word-optimizing strategies employed in a particular language or language variety. This research may yield

54 

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important knowledge regarding the question of whether there is a direct correlation between the typological parameters and, more importantly, how they interact with each other. As for correlations, Auer (1993, 88) observes in his cross-linguistic survey a positive correlation between syllable complexity and word-optimizing processes (see Section 3.1). Crucially, simple syllable structure is not necessarily in conflict with a word language, as previously thought (Auer/Uhmann 1988, 249; Auer 1993, 66; 2001, 1396; Szczepaniak 2007, 33‒35). For instance, Auer (1993, 74) reports for !Xóõ, a Khoisan language spoken in Botswana and Namibia, simple syllable structure and, crucially, strong phonotactic restrictions permitting the phonemic contrast of 116 consonants in the word-initial onset and 6 consonants in the word-medial onset (see Auer 1994, 62‒64 for discussion and Traill 1985, 164‒166 for details). In this respect, complex syllable structure (as in German) and phonotactic restrictions (as in !Xóõ) are two completely different phonological strategies that help to highlight the left margin of the word. Forthcoming cross-linguistic studies will shed light on the issue of which strategy is more frequently used and whether these strategies are language-family specific. Once evidence has been provided for the relevance of the syllable and the phonological word as prosodic domains, the inevitable question remains as to which prosodic domain is of more relevance. In other words, on a scale going from the syllable language type on the left to the word language type on the right, where exactly would we find Central Catalan and Swabian? More importantly, how do the different Catalan and Alemannic dialects abut with one another with regard to the typological parameters? This issue can be addressed by establishing the affiliation of a given language or language variety on the basis of absolute and comparative indicators. These terms have been adapted from Siegel (2008, 20), who uses them to discuss morphological simplicity in pidgin and creole languages. For example, in absolute terms syllable complexity and unstressed vowel reduction constitute word-optimizing strategies, both of which occur in Catalan and Alemannic dialects, albeit in varying degrees. In this respect, comparative indicators can help to assess the scope and degree of the word-optimizing strategies. For example, we can compare syllable complexity and unstressed vowel deletion in two (or more) varieties that are closely related (Central Catalan and Valencian, Swabian and South Alemannic, etc.), distantly related (Central Catalan and Swabian), or not related at all (Central Catalan and Palauan). Alternatively, we can compare these strategies at different stages of the same variety (Old Catalan and Central Catalan, Old Alemannic and Swabian, etc.). Thus, comparative indicators allow us to determine the word-related affiliation of Central Catalan and Swabian with regard to other Catalan and Alemannic varieties, respectively.

4.3 Syllable structure 

 55

4.3 Syllable structure First, I will present a classification of syllable complexity that will be applied to Central Catalan and Swabian (Section 4.3.1). This classification will enable us to examine how syllable complexity may contribute to profiling the phonological word. Then, I will present possible scenarios that lead to the emergence of syllable complexity (Section 4.3.2). Finally, I will critically discuss previous studies on syllable structure (Section 4.3.3).

4.3.1 Classification of syllable complexity For a classification of syllable complexity, I will follow Maddieson (2013d), who distinguishes between simple, moderately complex, and complex syllable structure, as shown in (21) (see Auer 1993, 41–44, Levelt/van de Vijver 2004, and Easterday 2017 for other classifications). Simple syllable structure includes the syllable types CV and V, where V represents a short vowel, a long vowel, or a diphthong, as in Germ. Kuh [kuː] ‘cow’. Moderately complex syllables allow a single consonant in the coda and/or a consonant cluster of up to two consonants in the onset, where the second consonant is restricted to a liquid or a glide, as in Germ. groß [ɡʀoːs] ‘big’. This combination is widely attested in the languages of the world and therefore constitutes an unmarked structure (see Parker 2012 for a cross-linguistic study). Moderately complex syllables are comprised of the syllable types VC, CVC, CCV, and CCVC. With regard to complex syllable structure, the combination of two consonants in the onset has no phonotactic restrictions, as in Germ. schnell [ʃnɛl] ‘fast’. Additionally, three or more consonants are allowed in the onset and two or more in the coda, as in Germ. Kunst [kʊnst] ‘art’. Complex syllables may contain ill-formed syllable structures that violate the Sonority Sequencing Principle, as in Germ. Straße [ˈʃtʀaːsə] ‘street’ (see Parker 2011, 1161– 1167 for a comprehensive overview). As we have seen in Section 2.1.1, complex syllable structure implies moderately complex syllable structure while moderately complex syllable structure implies simple syllable structure. (21) Syllable templates according to syllable complexity simple: (C)V moderately complex: (C)(C)V(C) complex: (C)(C)(C)V(C)(C)(C)(C) Syllable languages typically have simple (or moderately complex) syllable structure. This is the case in Boumaa Fijian, an Austronesian language spoken

56 

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in Melanesia, which has the canonical syllable (C)V (Dixon 1988, 15). Note that Auer (1993, 94) classified Fijian as an unambiguous syllable language (see Table 3.1). Interestingly, in languages with simple syllable structure the syllable type V may contribute to profiling the phonological word when its occurrence is restricted to word-initial position. This is the case in Kulina, an Arawan language spoken in south-western Amazonia, where word-medial sequences of contiguous vowels are resolved by means of diphthongization, glide insertion, and glottal stop insertion. As a result, onsetless syllables only occur word-initially (see Dienst 2014, 27‒28 for details). Additionally, Kulina has demarcative stress since primary stress falls on the word-final syllable. Thus, word-initial onsetless syllables and word-final stress delimit disyllabic phonological words. Examples of languages with moderately complex syllable structure are Spanish and Teiwa. The frequency of the different syllable types in Spanish is given in Table 4.5. The table is based on Guerra (1983), who studied Spanish syllable structure on the basis of spoken data (see Delattre 1969 and Dauer 1983 for similar studies). His findings can be summarized as follows: First, the most frequent syllable type is CV (56%). Second, open syllables are more common than closed syllables (69% vs. 31%). Third, simple syllable structure is more frequent than moderately complex and complex syllable structure (66% vs. 34%). Finally, the complex syllable types VCC, CVCC, and CCVCC have an occurrence of < 1%. The high frequency of the syllable type CVC (22%) can be conditioned morphologically. For example, the syllable type occurs as a consequence of nominal inflection (as in casa [ˈka.sa] ‘house’ vs. casa-s [ˈka.sas] ‘house-pl’) and verbal inflection (as in com-e [ˈko.me] ‘eat-3sg.prs’ vs. com-en [ˈko.men] ‘eat-3pl.prs’). Similar to Spanish, Teiwa, a Papuan language spoken in Eastern Indonesia, has Table 4.5: Frequency of the syllable types in Spanish (Guerra 1983). Syllable type CV CVC V VC CCV CCVC VCC CVCC CCVCC

Frequency 56% 22% 10%  8%  3%  1% < 1% < 1% < 1%

4.3 Syllable structure 

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moderately complex syllable structure (Klamer 2010, 49). However, in contrast to Spanish, moderately complex syllables are restricted to word-initial onsets, thereby highlighting the right margin of the phonological word. Complex syllable structure is typical of word languages, where it is expected to occur in stressed syllables and at word and morpheme boundaries (Auer/ Uhmann 1988, 247, 249; Auer 1993, 66; 2001, 1396). Complex syllables may occur word-initially (as in standard Georgian), word-finally (as in Catalan), or both word-initially and word-finally (as in English and German). A word of caution, however, is that complex syllables do not always profile the phonological word. This is the case in Polish, where complex syllable structure may occur both in word-initial and word-medial onsets, as in przestępstwo [pʃɛ.stɛm.pstfɔ] ‘crime’ (example taken from Rubach 2006, 679). Thus, complex and moderately complex syllable structure profile the phonological word when they are associated with word and morpheme boundaries. Although simple syllable structure has been previously associated with syllable languages (Auer 1993, 66, 74; 2001, 1396; Szczepaniak 2007, 33‒35), they may also occur in word languages with strong position-related restrictions such as !Xóõ. This issue will be discussed in more detail in Section 4.4.2.

4.3.2 Emergence of syllable complexity Languages with complex syllable structure such as English and German raise the question of how syllable complexity may arise and develop historically. If complex syllable structure is marked, we can assume that they evolved from simpler syllable structures. Here I will outline three possible scenarios that explain the origin of syllable complexity. These include retention of a prior language stage, unstressed vowel deletion, and consonant epenthesis, as depicted in Figure 4.3.

Inherited from a prior language stage (Italian)

Unstressed vowel deletion (Georgian)

CCC Consonant epenthesis (German) Figure 4.3: Scenarios of complex syllable structure.

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First, syllable complexity may have been inherited from an earlier language stage. Admittedly, this does not provide an answer to the question concerning their immediate origin. For example, in Italian we find the word-initial complex syllable structures [sp st sk], which violate the Sonority Sequencing Principle. These consonant clusters are derived from Latin, as shown in (22). This, again, raises the question of how these complex syllable structures emerged in Latin. (22) Inherited complex syllable structures in Italian Lat. strada > It. strada ‘street’ Lat. spĕculum > It. specchio ‘mirror’ Lat. scūtum > It. scudo ‘shield’ Second, syllable complexity may result from vowel deletion, as in the case of Georgian. Evidence comes from Old Georgian and related Kartvelian languages such as Megrelian and Svan (Butskhrikidze 2002, 143‒147). For example, in Modern Georgian we find moderately complex and complex syllable structures in the lexical items briali ‘sparkle’ and zriali ‘humble’, respectively. In contrast, the etymological counterparts in Megrelian (barbač, zirzol) and Svan (bərbər, zərzən) have retained the original CVC syllable type in word-initial position. Interestingly, Megrelian and Svan differ with respect to the quality of the unstressed vowel. Megrelian has the full vowels /a/ and /i/ while Svan has schwa. In this respect, Svan might represent an intermediate stage between Megrelian and Modern Georgian since vowel deletion is usually preceded by unstressed vowel reduction. Unstressed vowel deletion will be discussed in more detail in Section 4.7.4. Finally, another possibility involves the introduction of consonants at word margins – that is, both in word-initial and word-final position. These epenthetic consonants contribute to increasing syllable complexity. Thus, simple syllables become moderately complex (#CV > #CCV, CV# > CVC#) while moderately complex syllables become complex (#CCV > #CCCV, CVC# > CVCC#). The resulting syllable complexity highlights word and morpheme boundaries. Crucially, epenthetic consonants are not motivated etymologically. Examples from Early New High German are given in (23). Consonant epenthesis will be discussed in more detail in Section 4.7.5. (23) Word-final consonant epenthesis in Early New High German (Szczepaniak 2014, 172) MHG ackes > ENHG axt ‘axe’ MHG saf > ENHG saft ‘juice’ With regard to the emergence of syllable complexity, the question arises as to whether cross-linguistically vowel deletion is more frequent than consonant epenthesis. Additional research would be needed in order to clear up this matter.

4.3 Syllable structure 

 59

4.3.3 Research on syllable structure The empirical study of syllable structure can give us insights into the typological patterns of syllable complexity. Some particular questions with regard to syllable complexity are: Do complex syllables occur in stressed syllables and at word and morpheme boundaries? How frequent is complex syllable structure compared to simple and moderately complex syllable structure? Is syllable complexity morphologically conditioned? In what follows, I will discuss selected aspects that are central for typological study of syllable structure. For the discussion, I will concentrate on Spanish since Spanish syllable structure has been approached from different perspectives. First, the frequency of the different syllable types in Spanish was presented in Table 4.5 above. However, the results do not answer questions relevant for the typology of syllable and word languages such as the patterns of syllable structure according to stress (stressed and unstressed syllables) and within-word position (word-initial, word-medial, and word-final). In this respect, Lloyd/Schnitzer (1967) analysed the occurrence of the syllable types with regard to stress (tonic, pretonic, and posttonic) and within-word position (initial, medial, and final), as shown in Table 4.6. Similarly, the frequency of the Catalan underlying syllable types will be shown in Table 5.6 according to stress (stressed and unstressed syllables) and within-word position (non-word-final and word-final). Table 4.6: Frequency of Spanish syllable types (Lloyd/Schnitzer 1967, 61). Syllable type

V VC VCC CV CVC CVCC CCV CCVC CCVCC

Stress-related

Position-related

Stressed

Unstressed

Initial

Medial

Final

 2%  3%  0% 48% 43% < 1%  3%  2% < 1%

 7%  4% < 1% 72% 11% < 1%  5%  1% < 1%

15% 15% < 1% 42% 21% < 1%  5%  2% < 1%

 2%  1%  0% 75% 16% < 1%  6%  1% < 1%

 4%  2%  0% 59% 30% < 1%  3%  1%  0%

Second, Guerra (1983) analysed Spanish syllable structure on the basis of spoken data. By contrast, Lloyd/Schnitzer (1967) analysed Spanish syllable structure on the basis of the lexicon. Their study was based on 70,755 entries of the 18th

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edition of the Diccionario de la lengua española, which contained a total number of 252,404 syllables. Dictionaries constitute a common source for the study of syllable structure (see Duanmu 2009 for German and Schmid 1997 for Italian dialects). As we will see in Section 5.2, the frequency of the Catalan syllable types is based on a dictionary. Studies on syllable structure that are based on spoken language and dictionaries offer the following advantages and disadvantages. Spoken language reflects the usage of frequent words. Additionally, it reveals the influence that phonological processes may have on syllable structure. This is the case with resyllabification as in mis amigos [mi   ̮saˈmiɣos] ‘my friends’ and consonant deletion as in los ratones [loraˈtones] ‘the mice’, where the sibilant is deleted before a trill (Quilis 1999, 251). In turn, dictionaries allow for the study of the lexicon. However, the results may be influenced by the forms selected for the entries. For example, the entries for nouns, adjectives, and verbs involve singular forms, singular masculine forms, and infinitives, respectively. That is, inflected forms are not taken into account. In addition to spoken language and dictionaries, written texts are a possible source for the study of syllable structure (Navarro Tomás 1946). However, written texts are largely or exclusively employed for diachronic studies. Third, the study of syllable structure may be conducted at the phonetic or phonological level (see Auer 1993, 42 for discussion). While Guerra (1983) provides a phonetic analysis, Lloyd/Schnitzer (1967) provide a phonological analysis. Only phonetic analyses allow us to detect how phonological processes occurring in connected speech may have an impact on the frequency of the syllable types. This is the case with resyllabification, hiatus resolution, consonant deletion, etc. Finally, Spanish syllable structure was also studied from a diachronic perspective on the basis of written texts (see Lloyd 1996 and Heinz 2008 for Old and Middle Spanish). Diachronic studies of syllable structure require a critical interpretation of the historical records. This is the case with the phonetic/phonological status of graphemes and syllabification of word-medial consonants (see Frey 1988 for Old High German).

4.4 Phonotactic restrictions The distribution of the vowel and consonant inventory may be symmetrical or asymmetrical. An asymmetrical distribution is in accordance with a word language while a symmetrical distribution may be in accordance either with a syllable or with a word language. Syllable-related asymmetries are conditioned by the syllable, and not by a higher prosodic category such as the foot or phonological word. For example, in Chinese the distribution of obstruents

4.4 Phonotactic restrictions 

 61

is constrained by the prosodic category of the syllable such that obstruents may occur in syllable onsets (both word-initial and word-medial), but not in syllable codas. By contrast, word-related asymmetries are conditioned by the phonological word. In this respect, we can distinguish between stress-related (stressed vs. unstressed syllables) and position-related (word-initial, word-medial, and word-final) restrictions, which will be presented in Sections 4.4.1 and 4.4.2, respectively.

4.4.1 Stress-related restrictions In syllable languages, the vowel and consonant inventory is symmetrical in stressed and unstressed syllables. Such is the case in Spanish, where the set of vowels and consonants may appear both in stressed and unstressed syllables (Szczepaniak 2009, 261‒262). By contrast, in word languages the vowel and consonant inventory exhibit different degrees of asymmetry. This asymmetry is achieved by means of phonological processes. With regard to the vowel inventory, asymmetries in stressed and unstressed syllables mostly arise from vowel reduction in unstressed syllables and/or vowel lengthening and diphthongization in stressed syllables. These processes will be dealt with in more detail in Sections 4.7.1 and 4.7.2, respectively. With regard to the consonant inventory, asymmetries in stressed and unstressed syllables result from fortition in word-initial onsets and lenition in word-medial onsets. Fortition and lenition will be treated in more detail in Section 4.5. An example of a language that has strong stress-related restrictions regarding the vowel inventory is !Xóõ, a Khoisan language spoken in Botswana and Namibia. In !Xóõ, 44 phonemic contrasts are licensed in stressed syllables (see Figure 4.4 in the following section). These phonemic contrasts involve the occurrence of oral, nasal, aspirated, pharyngealized and glottalized vowels. In turn, only oral and nasal vowels may appear in unstressed syllables (Auer 1993, 74). In absence of historical or dialect data, the question remains as to whether these phonotactic restrictions resulted from unstressed vowel reduction. I will discuss this issue in Section 4.7.1.4 when describing the stress-related restrictions regarding diphthongs in Estonian.

4.4.2 Position-related restrictions Trubetzkoy (1971, 241‒261) observes that there are languages that have a preference for delimiting word and morpheme boundaries while others do not. As

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for the languages of the first class, we can distinguish between four different types of word boundary markers: (1) phonematic and aphonematic; (2) individual and group signals; (3) word and morpheme boundary markers; and (4) positive and negative boundary signals. These word boundary markers are closely connected to word languages in that word and morpheme boundaries are highlighted in a specific way. These word boundary markers can relate to syllable structure, phonotactic restrictions, and phonological processes. In this section, I will focus on the word boundary markers regarding phonotactic restrictions. The question of how syllable structure and phonological processes can contribute to delimiting the phonological word is addressed in Sections 4.3 and 4.7, respectively. Trubetzkoy (1971, 255) talks about “positive” and “negative” boundary signals with regard to the presence or absence of a boundary that can be associated with a certain sound or group of sounds. Unlike negative signals, positive signals indicate a word or morpheme boundary. For example, [h] is a positive signal in Cornish since it occurs only word-initially (Thomas 1992, 361). By contrast, [h] is a negative signal in English since it can occur both in word-initial and word-medial onsets. For the present study, I will employ the term positive and negative signals. However, the notion of negative signals will be used in a narrower sense. While positive signals involve the occurrence of a sound only in a particular position, negative signals involve the non-occurrence of a sound only in a certain position. Thus, [h] is a positive signal in Cornish since it explicitly highlights the word-initial position of the phonological word. By contrast, [ŋ] is a negative signal in English since it implicitly highlights the word-initial position of the phonological word. Thus, negative signals give cues of the defective distribution of sounds. Certainly, positive signals are more effective than negative signals. In what follows, I will illustrate the value of the positive and negative signals for the typology of syllable and word languages with two unrelated languages: !Xóõ and Teiwa. Figure 4.4 shows the structure of disyllabic words in !Xóõ, a Khoisan language spoken in Botswana and Namibia. With regard to the distribution of consonants, !Xóõ exhibits striking phonotactic restrictions permitting the phonemic contrast of 116 consonants in word-initial onsets and 6 consonants in word-medial onsets (see Auer 1994, 62–64 for discussion and Traill 1985, 164–166 for details).1 Among

1 Interestingly, the motivation of these phonotactic restrictions has remained obscure in the literature. In this respect, Traill (1985, 166) points out: “Nowhere else in the world does one find these types of segments in such profusion and moreover subject to apparently gratuitously to such restrictive distribution in words. (Notice that the non-Khoisan click languages Zulu and Xhosa do not restrict clicks to stem initial position.) The question is whether this is potentially

4.4 Phonotactic restrictions 

 63

the consonants that are restricted to word-initial onsets are clicks, which function as positive signals. In this respect, !Xóõ differs from Sandawe, a Khoisan language spoken in Tanzania, where clicks occur both in word-initial and word-medial onsets (see Section 2.1.2).

Figure 4.4: Structure of disyllabic words in !Xóõ.

Let us turn to Teiwa, a Papuan language spoken in Eastern Indonesia. The structure of disyllabic words in Teiwa is given in Figure 4.5. Vowels are not included. The large majority of the consonants may occur both in word-initial and word-medial onsets as well as in word-final codas. In contrast to !Xóõ, Teiwa has no positive signals, only negative signals. These include [ŋ] in word-initial position and [v h w j] in word-final position. That is, the language does not make use of phonotactic restrictions in order to delimit the phonological word. However, despite lacking positive signals, Teiwa has other strategies for highlighting the phonological word. These include syllable complexity and unstressed vowel reduction. With regard to syllable complexity, moderately complex syllables are associated with the margins of the phonological word since consonant clusters are restricted to word-initial position while codas are restricted to word-final position (see Klamer 2010, 48‒50 for details). In summary, position-related restrictions may contribute to highlighting word boundaries. This is the case in !Xóõ, where the relevance of the phonological

of deeper linguistic interest. Is the search for a linguistic explanation appropriate or does one merely note the facts and leave it like that?”.

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Figure 4.5: Structure of disyllabic words in Teiwa.

word can be gleaned from tight phonotactic restrictions. By contrast, the distribution of the consonants in Teiwa is not sensitive to the phonological word.

4.5 Syllable- and word-related processes In syllable languages, phonetic and phonological processes contribute to optimizing the syllable while in word languages they contribute to profiling the phonological word. With regard to phonetic and phonological processes, we have to distinguish between the domain of application (syllable- and word-related) and the domain highlighted (syllable- and word-optimizing processes) since they do not necessarily coincide. Each prosodic category may serve as the domain of application of phonetic and phonological processes. In this respect, a process may be syllable-, foot-, word, and phrase-related depending on the domain within which it applies. In the following, I will concentrate on processes that refer to the prosodic domains of the syllable and the phonological word – that is, syllable- and word-related processes. Importantly, syllable-related processes are not necessarily syllable-optimizing. Similarly, word-related processes are not necessarily word-optimizing (see Caro Reina/Szczepaniak 2014, 19 for discussion). This issue will be exemplified by lenition of MHG /ɡ/ in two High German dialects: Cologne Ripuarian and Upper-Rhine Alemannic. Lenition is typically associated with an increase of sonority. After examining the patterns of lenition cross-linguistically, Gurevich (2011, 1564) proposes the following stages of lenition: tt th > t > d > (θ) ð ɾ > Ɂ h j > Ø. For example, voiceless stops become voiced as a result of voicing (t > d) while voiced stops become fricatives as a result of spirantization (d > ð), etc. A list of lenition processes is given in (24). This classification does not entail lenition processes such as deaffrication ͡ and /tʃ͡ / (as in Central and lenition of fortis consonants. Deaffrication of / dʒ/

4.5 Syllable- and word-related processes 

 65

Catalan) and lenition of fortis consonants (as in Swabian) will be described in Sections 5.5.8 and 7.5.2, respectively. (24) Lenition processes (Gurevich 2011, 1564) Degemination tt → t Flapping h Deaspiration t →t Debuccalization Voicing t→d Gliding Spirantization td→θð Loss

td→ɾ t→Ɂh t→j Ɂhj→Ø

Let us examine the patterns of lenition of MHG /ɡ/ in Cologne Ripuarian and Upper-Rhine Alemannic, which are illustrated in Table 4.7. Note that the lenition process involved is gliding. In Cologne Ripuarian, lenition applied to MHG /ɡ/ both in word-initial and word-medial onsets giving rise to [j] (see Gemmill 1976 for details). Additionally, the process occurs in sequences of stop + liquid. Thus, lenition is syllable-related since the domain of the process is the syllable, and not a higher prosodic category such as the phonological word. Similar to Cologne Ripuarian, MHG /ɡ/ underwent lenition in Upper-Rhine Alemannic (see Schrambke 1981, 54–55 and 1983 for details). However, lenition is restricted to word-medial onsets (the transcriptions are taken from the SSA and correspond to the questionnaire of survey site OG 14 Marlen). That is, lenition is word-related since the phonological word is the domain within which the process applies. Table 4.7: Lenition of MHG /ɡ/ in Cologne Ripuarian and Upper-Rhine Alemannic. MHG

Cologne Ripuarian

Upper-Rhine Alemannic

Word-initial onset

guot ‘good’ glîch ‘equal’ grôz ‘big’

[joːt] [jlɪʃ] [jʀoːs]

[ɡ̊uˑəd̥] [ɡ̊liː] [ɡ̊ʀoːz̥]

Word-medial onset

leg-en ‘put-inf’ morgen ‘morning’

[ˈlɛjə] [ˈmoʀjə]

[ˈlɛjə] [ˈmoːəʀjə]

Thus, lenition of MHG /ɡ/ may be syllable-related (as in Cologne Ripuarian) or word-related (as in Upper-Rhine Alemannic). However, the question remains as to whether the process is syllable-optimizing or word-optimizing. Lenition is syllable-optimizing or syllable-deteriorating depending on whether it applies in syllable codas or syllable onsets, respectively (see Table 3.2). In Cologne Ripuarian and Upper-Rhine Alemannic, the process applies in syllable onsets and is

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syllable-deteriorating since it violates the Head Law and Contact Law. More specifically, in Cologne Ripuarian lenition is syllable-related, but not syllable-optimizing. In Upper-Rhine Alemannic, lenition is word-related and word-optimizing since the process contributes to increasing the sonority within the phonological word, as illustrated in Figure 4.9 (see Schrambke 2007, 104‒105 for lenition in Alemannic and Danish).

4.6 Syllable-optimizing processes In this section, I will describe syllable-optimizing processes. The processes selected include consonant deletion (4.6.1), vowel deletion (4.6.2), consonant epenthesis (4.6.3), and vowel epenthesis (4.6.4). These processes contribute to preserving (or restituting) the ideal syllable structure CV, thereby reducing syllable complexity and repairing ill-formed syllable contacts.

4.6.1 Consonant deletion Consonant deletion is a syllable-optimizing strategy when it helps to repair illformed syllable structures. Vennemann (1988) shows examples of consonant deletion which are consistent with the Head Law and Coda Law. With regard to syllable complexity, moderately complex and complex syllables can be simplified by means of consonant deletion, both in syllable onsets and syllable codas. The process may arise from phonotactic restructuring rules. This is the case in creole languages that have lexifiers with complex syllable structure (see Alber/ Plag 2001 and Plag/Schramm 2006 for Sranan and Schramm 2015 for selected creole languages). In addition to language contact, phonotactic restructuring rules may change historically in the same language or language variety, as in the development of Sanskrit srotas into Pāli sota ‘stream’ (see Murray 1982 for details). In languages with simple or moderately complex syllable structure, consonant deletion may give rise to morpho-phonological rules. Andalusian is an example of a language with moderately complex syllable structure, where consonants are weakened or deleted in the syllable coda. When deletion applies word-finally, we find morpho-phonological alternations (see Vennemann 1988, 21‒22 for Afrikaans, Greek, and Sanskrit). This is the case with nominal inflection, as illustrated in (25) with data from Jerez de la Frontera Andalusian. The alternation arises from deletion of /l ɾ θ d/ in the word-final coda, which takes place in the singular. Note that in the phonetic transcription Ø indicates the loss of a segment.

4.6 Syllable-optimizing processes 

 67

The underlying consonants surface when the plural suffix -es [e] is attached since they occupy the word-medial onset. As a consequence, there is phonologically conditioned allomorphy. (25) Word-final consonant deletion in Jerez de la Frontera Andalusian (ALEA) árbol [ˈaɾβoØ] ‘tree’ árbol-es [ˈaɾβole] ‘tree-pl’ flor [floØ] ‘flower’ flor-es [ˈfloɾe] ‘flower-pl’ luz [luØ] ‘light’ luc-es [ˈluθe] ‘light-pl’ pared [paˈɾeØ] ‘wall’ pared-es [paˈɾeðe] ‘wall-pl’ Importantly, these alternations do not argue for the phonological word since its shape is conditioned by the syllable structure rules of the language. In other words, the syllable is more relevant than the phonological word. However, in Section 4.7.3 we will see that word-final consonant deletion may also profile the phonological word. This is the case with deletion of word-final n in Luxembourgish, which applies in word-final codas, but not in word-medial codas (see Auer 2014, 5 for discussion). Again, only the entire picture of the phonological make-up of a language can help to assess the syllable-optimizing or word-optimizing character of a phonological process. Andalusian is a variety with a clear affinity to a syllable language. This typological affinity results from syllable-related features such as simple syllable structure, syllable-related phonotactic restrictions, and syllable-optimizing processes.

4.6.2 Vowel deletion Similar to consonant deletion, vowel deletion is a syllable-optimizing strategy when it helps to repair ill-formed syllable structures. This is the case with hiatuses since they violate the Head Law and Contact Law. Restle/Vennemann (2001, 1318‒1319) discuss diverse strategies for repairing hiatuses, which include consonant epenthesis, fusion, glide formation, and vowel deletion (see Section 3.2.1). Vowel deletion may resolve hiatuses that occur at word boundaries or in word-medial position. In Spanish, hiatuses that emerge at word boundaries as a result of connected speech are regularly repaired by means of vowel deletion when they involve two equal vowels, as in está atento [esˈtaˈtento] ‘he is attentive’ (see Quilis 1999, 375 for details). Alternatively, hiatuses may arise in word-medial position as a result of word-medial consonant deletion (see Section 4.7.3). Again, the resulting hiatus may be repaired by means of vowel deletion. In Old Catalan, for example, padella [paˈðeʎa] ‘pan’ experienced deletion of word-medial [ð]. In Balearic Catalan, the sequence of

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contiguous vowels was resolved by vowel deletion such that [pəˈeʎə] became [ˈpeʎə], as illustrated in Figure 4.6.

CV.CV.CV

word-medial consonant deletion

CV.V.CV

ill-formed syllable contact

CV.V.CV

CV.CV

vowel deletion

Figure 4.6: Hiatus resulting from word-medial consonant deletion.

Auer (1993, 52) points out that hiatus resolution may occur both in potential word languages such as West-Circassian and in potential syllable languages such as Yoruba. The presence of hiatus resolution led Nespor (1990, 164) to claim that Catalan occupies an intermediate position between stress-timed languages such as English and syllable-timed languages such as Italian. However, in Central Catalan the process is sensitive to within-word position, as we will see in Section 5.4.2.

4.6.3 Consonant epenthesis Consonant epenthesis is a syllable-optimizing process when it helps to repair ill-formed syllable structures. In this respect, Vennemann (1988, 14, 53‒54) related consonant epenthesis to the Head Law and Contact Law. With regard to the Head Law, onsetless syllables may be repaired by means of consonant epenthesis. This process is attested in Italian dialects such as Calabrese, Lucanese, and Sicilian (Rohlfs 1949, 539‒542). Examples from Sicilian are given in (26), where an epenthetic [ɡ] has been added in order to avoid word-initial onsetless syllables. This instance of consonant epenthesis is a prime example of a process that is not only syllable-optimizing but also word-related since epenthesis applies in word-initial position (see Section 4.5 for discussion). (26) Word-initial consonant epenthesis in Caltanisetta Sicilian (Rohlfs 1949, 540) gácidu ‘acid’ (cf. It. acido) gora ‘now’ (cf. It. ora) gúnnici ‘eleven’ (cf. It. undici)

4.6 Syllable-optimizing processes 

 69

With regard to the Contact Law, consonant epenthesis helps to improve wellformed syllable contacts and repair ill-formed syllable contacts. These syllable contacts may involve two contiguous consonants (C.C) or vowels (V.V). Additionally, they may be inherited or may have resulted from either vowel deletion (CV.CV.CV > CVC.CV) or consonant deletion (CV.CV.CV > CV.V.CV). An example of a syllable contact involving two consonants is found in Neapolitan, where the well-formed syllable contacts in [l.s n.s ɾ.s] are optimized by means of the epenthetic consonant [t]. In this way, an increase of the Consonantal Strength of the onset is achieved, which leads to the syllable contacts [l.ts͡ n.ts͡ ɾ.ts͡ ]. For instance, the lexical items falso ‘false’, pens-are ‘think-inf’, and arsenale ‘arsenal’ devel͡ ͡ ͡ oped into fau[ts]o (with l-vocalization), pen[ts]are, and ar[ts]enale, respectively (Rohlfs 1949, 444). Similarly, in Basque we find affrication of sibilants after sonorants. Examples from Goizueta Basque involve loan words from Spanish such as ensalada [enˈ t͡s̺alaða] ‘salad’. Importantly, the optimization of the syllable contact only occurs word-medially. For example, the process does not apply within higher prosodic domains such as the phonological phrase, as in éun zuló [ˈewns̻uˈlo] ‘hundred holes’. Note that Rohlfs (1949, 444) talks about epenthetic consonant (Übergangslaut) while scholars such as Bertinetto/Loporcaro (2005, 135) and Hualde/Lujanbio/Zubiri (2010, 120) talk about affrication. Certainly, consonant epenthesis seems to be more appropriate since affrication typically applies to stops. An example of an ill-formed syllable contact that arose from vowel deletion is found in Old Spanish. As a consequence of word-medial vowel deletion (see Section 4.7.4), the future form venirá ‘s/he will come’ became venrá. The resulting syllable contact [n.ɾ] is ill-formed since the second segment is higher in sonority than the preceding one. The ill-formed syllable contact was repaired by means of a homorganic epenthetic consonant. Consonant epenthesis gave rise to the form vendrá with the well-formed syllable contact [n.dɾ] (see Hall 2011b, 233‒236 and Penny 2002, 211‒214 for details). The different stages of the development are depicted in Figure 4.7.

CV.CV .CV word-medial vowel deletion

CVC.CV ill-formed syllable contact

CVC.CCV consonant epenthesis

Figure 4.7: Consonant epenthesis resulting from word-medial vowel deletion.

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Let us turn to consonant epenthesis in ill-formed syllable contacts involving a hiatus. In this respect, Szczepaniak (2007, 142‒144) discusses glide insertion in Old High German. For example, lexical items such as bū-an [ˈbuː.an] ‘dwellinf’ developed an epenthetic consonant giving rise to būw-an [ˈbuː.wan]. A hiatus may also arise from word-medial consonant deletion (see Section 4.7.3). For example, OCat. padella [paˈðeʎa] ‘pan’ underwent deletion of wordmedial [ð]. In Central Catalan, the resulting hiatus was repaired by means of consonant epenthesis ([pəˈeʎə] > [pəˈjeʎə]), as illustrated in Figure 4.8. In contrast to Central Catalan, Balearic Catalan resolved the resulting hiatus by means of vowel deletion ([pəˈeʎə] > [ˈpeʎə]) (see Section 4.6.2). The occurrence of the epenthetic glides [j] and [w] highly depends on the quality of the preceding vowel. Thus, [j] is preferred after front vowels (CCat. paella [pəˈjɛʎə] ‘pan’) while [w] is preferred after back vowels (OHG būw-an [ˈbuːwan] ‘live-inf’) (see Section 5.4.2 for Central Catalan).

CV.CV .CV word-medial consonant deletion

CV.V.CV ill-formed syllable contact

CV.CV.CV consonant epenthesis (glide insertion)

Figure 4.8: Consonant epenthesis resulting from word-medial consonant deletion.

Consonant epenthesis resulting from word-medial vowel deletion (see Figure 4.7) and word-medial consonant deletion (see Figure 4.8) involve the restitution of well-formed syllable structures. This implies that in the historical development of a language word-optimizing processes may be followed by syllable-optimizing processes. Such is the case with vowel epenthesis after apocope, as will be shown in Section 4.7.4.

4.6.4 Vowel epenthesis Vowel epenthesis constitutes a syllable-optimizing process when it helps to resolve moderately complex and complex syllable structures and repair illformed syllable contacts. Accordingly, vowel epenthesis can be linked to the

4.6 Syllable-optimizing processes 

 71

Head Law, Coda Law, Nucleus Law, and Contact Law. Intriguingly, Vennemann (1988) does not provide examples of vowel epenthesis as a syllable-optimizing strategy. Auer (1993, 49‒50) distinguishes between vowel epenthesis resolving underlying consonant clusters and vowel epenthesis in loan words. Vowel epenthesis resolving consonant clusters is predicted to occur in syllable languages. Not surprisingly, it is found in unambiguous syllable languages (Mundari) and in languages without a clear typological affiliation (Turkish). However, it is also found in non-prototypical word languages (Uzbek) and in unambiguous word languages (Diegueño, Gaelic, Klamath, and Toda). These findings pose a problem since vowel epenthesis seems to be more frequent in word languages. Interestingly, in Diegueño and Gaelic the epenthetic vowel involves schwa. This is in line with word languages since unstressed vowel reduction is a common strategy in word languages (see Section 4.4.2). In this respect, the occurrence of epenthetic vowels in word languages seems to be a remnant of a prior syllable-oriented stage, where epenthetic vowels involve full vowels, as in Old High German (see below). At a later stage, these epenthetic vowels may undergo centralization and, as far as phonotactically permitted, finally deletion. In this respect, Auer (1993, 55) points out that vowel deletion is attested in Diegueño, Gaelic, and Klamath. By contrast, it is marginal (or absent) in Mundari, Turkish, and Uzbek. Thus, vowel epenthesis and vowel deletion co-occur in word languages, though in different phonological contexts. Szczepaniak (2007, 98‒104) gives an account of vowel epenthesis in Old High German. In Old High German, vowel epenthesis resolves moderately complex and complex syllable structures (chraft ‘power’ [xɾaft] > [ˈxaɾaft]). Additionally, it repairs not only ill-formed nuclei containing syllabic sonorants (Gmc *fugl [ˈfuɡl] ˌ ‘bird’ > OHG fogal [ˈfoɡal]) but also ill-formed syllable contacts (farwa ‘colour’ [ˈfaɾwa] > [ˈfaɾawa]). In Old High German, epenthesis involves “copy vowel epenthesis”. That is, the quality of the epenthetic vowel is mostly identical to the adjacent vowel (see Hall 2011a, 1581 for details). Similar to consonant epenthesis (see Section 4.6.3), vowel epenthesis may be employed for repairing an ill-formed syllable structure that arose from a word-optimizing process. This is the case with apocope, which may give rise to structures that are subsequently repaired by vowel epenthesis. This issue will be discussed in more detail in Section 4.7.4. Vowel epenthesis is widely attested in L2 languages and creole languages. An example is Sranan, an English-based creole language spoken in Surinam. In Sranan, vowel epenthesis is only found in word-final position. As shown in (27), vowel epenthesis repairs word-final moderately complex syllables (see Alber/ Plag 2001, 817 and Uffmann 2006, 1088‒1091 for details).

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(27) Word-final vowel epenthesis in Sranan (Alber/Plag 2001, 817) English Sranan afraid > frede because > bikasi nose > noso top > tapu A word of caution, however, is that vowel epenthesis cannot be exclusively associated with a syllable-optimizing strategy. In Section 4.7.6, I will discuss vowel epenthesis in Welsh, where the process contributes to regulating the size of the phonological word.

4.7 Word-optimizing processes In this section, I will illustrate word-optimizing processes. The processes selected include unstressed vowel reduction (4.7.1), vowel lengthening and diphthongization (4.7.2), consonant deletion (4.7.3), vowel deletion (4.7.4), consonant epenthesis (4.7.5), vowel epenthesis (4.7.6), and consonant cluster simplification (4.7.7). These processes help to optimize the structure of the phonological word creating stress-related and position-related phonotactic restrictions, strengthening the margins of the word, increasing the sonority within the word, and regulating the size of the word, as illustrated in Figure 4.9 (see Szczepaniak 2014, 162 for a similar representation).

4.7.1 Unstressed vowel reduction Unstressed vowel reduction is a word-optimizing process since it brings about an asymmetry between the stressed and unstressed syllables of the phonological word. We find different definitions of unstressed vowel reduction in the literature. For example, Auer (1993, 66) describes reduced vowels as centralized and/ or devoiced. In contrast, Bybee et al. (1998, 280) count as reduction any process that involves a contrast neutralization such as centralization, unrounding, shortening, rising, and deletion. As pointed out by Barnes (2006, 20, 29), cross-linguistically the most common licensing asymmetries between stressed and unstressed syllables involve the neutralization of contrasts of vowel height, quantity, and nasalization. Less common asymmetries include the neutralization of palatality, roundness, ATR, RTR, and pharyngealization. For the synchronic and diachronic account of Central Catalan and Swabian, I will talk about unstressed vowel

 73

4.7 Word-optimizing processes 

increasing sonority

Processes strengthening the left margin: fortition (aspiration) consonant epenthesis

C

Processes increasing the sonority within the word: lenition (deaspiration, voicing, spirantization, flapping, debuccalization, flapping, gliding) deletion

V Stressed syllables: lengthening diphthongization

C

decreasing sonority

Processes strengthening the right margin: fortition (word-final obstruent devoicing) consonant epenthesis

V

C

Unstressed syllables: neutralization of vowel height (centralization, merger of tense and lax mid vowels, merger of back vowels) diphthong simplification denasalization unrounding deletion

Figure 4.9: Word-optimizing processes with regard to stress and within-word position.

reduction with regard to the neutralization of contrasts of height, quantity, nasalization, and roundness. Additionally, I will regard diphthong simplification as a further instance of vowel reduction. Importantly, Auer (1993, 66) points out that reduced vowels do not necessarily constitute correlates of stress. In this respect, he distinguishes between reduced vowels that form part of the phoneme inventory and reduced vowels that are conditioned by the phonetic environment. For example, in Balearic Catalan and Luxembourgish schwa may occur both in stressed and unstressed syllables, as in esquena [əsˈkənə] ‘back’ and Ënn-en [ˈənən] ‘onion-pl’, respectively. This raises the question whether schwa differs acoustically according to stress. Interestingly, in Luxembourgish schwa behaves similarly in stressed and unstressed syllables while in Balearic Catalan schwa was found to be more lowered and retracted in stressed syllables than in unstressed ones (see Recasens/Espinosa 2006, 657‒658 and Thill 2017, 104‒109 for details). Examples of phonetically conditioned centralization are East Anglian English and Teiwa (see Auer 1993, 66 for more examples). These languages differ with respect to the segment triggering centralization as well as the position and the quality of the vowel undergoing centralization. For example, in East Anglian English the phoneme /ɛ/ may be realized as the

74 

 4 Typological parameters

open-mid central vowel [ɜ] when followed by /l/, as in the lexical items bell, tell, well, etc. (Chambers/Trudgill 1998, 79‒80). In Teiwa, a non-Austronesian language spoken in eastern Indonesia, the pharyngeal fricative /ħ/ has a centralizing and unrounding effect on the following vowel, as illustrated in (28), where /ɑ ɔ u/ are realized as [ɜ ʌ ɨ], respectively (Klamer 2010, 45‒46). Note that centralization occurs both in stressed (moxo’ [məˈħ ʌɁ] ‘earth’) and unstressed syllables (xuri [ħɨˈri] ‘quiet’). (28) Phonetically conditioned vowel centralization in Teiwa (Klamer 2010, 45‒46) xala’ [ħɜˈlaɁ] ‘mother’ moxo’ [məˈħʌɁ] ‘earth’ xuri [ħɨˈri] ‘quiet’

4.7.1.1 Neutralization of height and length contrasts Centralization, vowel shortening, and diphthong simplification will be illustrated with Palauan, an Austronesian language spoken in Micronesia. The vowel system of Palauan is given in Table 4.8. In stressed syllables we find short vowels, long vowels, and diphthongs. In unstressed syllables, by contrast, we only find short vowels. The imbalance between stressed and unstressed syllables arose from processes such as centralization, vowel shortening, and diphthong simplification. Table 4.8: Palauan vowel system in stressed and unstressed syllables.

Short vowel Long vowel Diphthong

Stressed syllable

Unstressed syllable

i ɛ a ɔ u iːj ɛːj oːw uːw wo ow ju uj

i ɛ ə o u

Palauan is a lexical-stress language, where stress may vary within the phonological word as a result of morphological processes (see Cutler 2015, 106 for lexical stress). This is the case with the third-person singular possessive suffix (-el, -il, -ul), which triggers vowel reduction of the preceding vowel/diphthong in the stem. The vowel height contrasts are neutralized in unstressed syllables when the possessive suffix is attached, as shown in (29). As a result of centralization, there is a five-toone inventory reduction (/i ɛ a o u/ > [ə]).

4.7 Word-optimizing processes 

 75

(29) Vowel centralization in Palauan (Josephs 1975, 20‒21, 56‒57) bsibs [ˈpsipsə] ‘drill’ bsebs-el [psəˈpsɛl] ‘drill-3sg’ sers [sɛɾs] ‘garden’ sers-el [səɾˈsɛl] ‘garden-3sg’ kar [kaɾ] ‘medicine’ ker-ul [kəˈɾul] ‘medicine-3sg’ ngor [ŋoɾ] ‘mouth’ nger-el [ŋəˈɾɛl] ‘mouth-3sg’ chur [Ɂuɾ] ‘laughter’ cher-il [Ɂəˈɾil] ‘laughter-3sg’ In addition to short vowels, Palauan has long vowels that are characterized by the presence of a glide. Front long vowels are followed by [j] while back long vowels are followed by [w]. Again, the possessive suffix triggers the reduction of the preceding long vowel such that long vowels become short, as illustrated in (30) (see Josephs 1975, 59 for exceptions). (30) Vowel shortening in Palauan (Josephs 1975, 59) biich [biːjɁ] ‘sieve’ bich-el [biˈɁɛl] ‘sieve-3sg’ deel [dɛːjl] ‘nail’ del-el [dɛˈlɛl] ‘nail-3sg’ dekool [dəˈkoːwl] ‘cigarette’ dekol-el [dəkoˈlɛl] ‘cigarette-3sg’ luuk [luːwkh] ‘nest’ luk-el [luˈkɛl] ‘nest-3sg’ Similarly, diphthongs undergo simplification when unstressed. Some patterns of diphthong simplification are given in (31), where stressed [wo ow] and [ju uj] become [u] and [i], respectively (see Josephs 1975, 59‒62 for details). (31) Diphthong simplification in Palauan (Josephs 1975, 60) suobel [ˈswobəl] ‘homework’ subel-el [subəˈlɛl] ‘homework-3sg’ udoud [uˈðowð] ‘money’ udud-el [uðuˈðɛl] ‘money-3sg’ iungs [juns] ‘island’ ings-el [inˈsɛl] ‘island-3sg’ buil [bujl] ‘month’ bil-el [biˈlɛl] ‘month-3sg’ The patterns of unstressed vowel reduction in Palauan can be summarized as follows: There is a strong asymmetry between stressed and unstressed syllables since long vowels and diphthongs are licensed only in stressed syllables. Additionally, [a] is restricted to stressed syllables while schwa is restricted to unstressed syllables. The short vowels [i ε o u] may occur both in stressed and unstressed syllables. However, in unstressed syllables these vowels are derived from long vowels and diphthongs. Unstressed vowel reduction is also attested in Romance languages. Table 4.9 contains the patterns of unstressed vowel reduction in Galician, Italian, Brazilian Portuguese, European Portuguese, Neapolitan, and Romansh. Long vowels and diphthongs are not included. In stressed syllables there are seven vowels

76 

 4 Typological parameters

(/i e ε a ɔ o u/). In unstressed syllables, however, we find the following inventory reductions: (1) seven-to-five inventory reduction in Galician, Italian, Brazilian Portuguese (only in pretonic syllables); (2) seven-to-four in Neapolitan (only in pretonic syllables) and European Portuguese; (3) seven-to-three in Brazilian Portuguese (only in posttonic syllables) and Romansh; and (4) seven-to-one in Neapolitan (only in posttonic syllables). The inventory reductions result from processes involving the neutralization of vowel height contrasts, which include merger of tense and lax mid vowels, merger of back vowels, and centralization. Galician, Italian, and Brazilian Portuguese exhibit merger of mid lax and tense vowels. That is, the lax mid vowels /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ surface as the tense mid vowels /e/ and /o/, respectively. In Brazilian Portuguese, this is only the case with pretonic syllables since in posttonic syllables raising applies to front non-low vowels (/i e ɛ/ > [i]). Merger of back vowels is common to Brazilian Portuguese (only in posttonic syllables), European Portuguese, Neapolitan (only in pretonic syllables), and Romansh. Centralization applies in European Portuguese, Neapolitan, and Romansh. Unlike European Portuguese and Romansh, the degree and scope of centralization is sensitive to within-word position in Neapolitan. More specifically, centralization applies to /e ɛ/ in pretonic syllables and to /i e ɛ a ɔ o u/ in posttonic syllables. In Neapolitan and Romansh centralization results in [ə] while in European Portuguese it gives rise to two different centralized vowels: [ɨ] and [ɐ] derived from /e ɛ/ and /a/, respectively (see Regueira 2009, 151‒154 for pretonic vowels in Galician and Rodrigues/Hora 2016, 508‒513 for unstressed vowel reduction and loss in Portuguese). Table 4.9: Unstressed vowel reduction in selected Romance languages. Variety

Stressed syllable

Unstressed syllable

Source

Galician

i, e, ɛ, a, ɔ, o, u

i, e (< e, ɛ), a, o (< ɔ, o), u

Veiga (1976, 47‒49)

Italian

i, e, ɛ, a, ɔ, o, u

i, e (< e, ɛ), a, o (< ɔ, o), u

Schmid (1999, 133)

Brazilian Portuguese

i, e, ɛ, a, ɔ, o, u

pretonic: i, e (< e, ɛ), a, o (< ɔ, o), u posttonic: i (< i, e, ɛ), a, u (< ɔ, o, u)

Bisol/Veloso (2016, 70‒73)

European Portuguese

i, e, ɛ, a, ɔ, o, u

i, ɨ (< e, ɛ), ɐ (< a), u (< ɔ, o, u)

Bisol/Veloso (2016, 73‒75)

Neapolitan

i, e, ɛ, a, ɔ, o, u

pretonic: i, a, ə (< e, ɛ), u (< ɔ, o, u) posttonic: ə (< i, e, ɛ, a, ɔ, o, u)

Ledgeway (2009, 71‒83)

Romansh

i, e, ɛ, a, ɔ, o, u

i, ə (< e, ɛ, a), u (< ɔ, o, u)

Montreuil (1999, 527)

4.7 Word-optimizing processes 

 77

Altogether, Romance languages differ with respect to the patterns of unstressed vowel reduction. However, we can detect the following similarities. First, merger of back vowels and centralization are historically preceded by merger of tense and lax mid vowels, as in European Portuguese, Neapolitan, and Romansh. Second, centralization co-occurs with merger of back vowels. Third, unstressed vowel reduction may be sensitive to within-word position. This is the case with merger of back vowels in Brazilian Portuguese and centralization in Neapolitan. Fourth, centralization seems to be sensitive to vowel height since high vowels are more reluctant to become centralized than low and mid vowels. Finally, in Romance languages we do not find the patterns of unstressed vowel reduction of Palauan, where all underlying (short) vowels undergo centralization in unstressed syllables. The patterns of unstressed vowel reduction in North-Western Catalan and Central Catalan will be shown in Section 5.5.9.1 (see Table 5.25 for details).

4.7.1.2 Neutralization of nasalization Unstressed vowel reduction involving the neutralization of nasalization will be illustrated with European Portuguese. In European Portuguese there are nasal vowels both in stressed and unstressed syllables. However, in some dialects there is a widespread tendency for nasal vowels to undergo denasalization in posttonic syllables while nasalization is retained in stressed syllables (Sampson 1999, 202, 206). Examples from Algarve Portuguese are presented in (32), where [u] results from denasalization and diphthong simplification of /ɐ̃w̃/ (see Maia 1975, 69‒73 for details). Similarly, Swabian has experienced denasalization in unstressed syllables, as we will see in Section 7.5.5. (32) Denasalization in Algarve Portuguese (Sampson 1999, 202) órfão [ˈɔɾfu] ‘orphan’ (cf. Port. [ˈɔɾfɐ̃w̃]) toc-am [ˈtɔku] ‘touch-3pl’ (cf. Port. [ˈtɔkɐ̃w̃])

4.7.1.3 Neutralization of roundness Let us move on to unrounding, which implies the neutralization of roundness contrasts. The process may apply to both front and back vowels. While unrounding of back vowels has been reported in the literature (see Delattre 1969, 313‒314 for English), unrounding of front vowels has remained obscure. This is due to the fact that front rounded vowels are rather uncommon in the languages of the world, as shown by Maddieson (2013b). He examined the presence of front rounded vowels in a sample of 562 languages concluding that

78 

 4 Typological parameters

they were attested merely in 37 languages (7%). With regard to their stress-related distribution, we can distinguish front rounded vowels occurring mainly in stressed syllables (Germ. Mühle [ˈmyːlə] ‘mill’) from front rounded vowels occurring both in stressed and unstressed syllables (Turk. gül-üm [ɡyˈlym] ‘rose-1sg’). Maddieson (2013b) discusses the different historical scenarios that lead to the emergence of front rounded vowels. However, he does not make a distinction between fronting and rounding. Fronting implies back rounded vowels becoming front, as in OHG hūs-ir ‘house-pl’ [ˈhuːsiɾ] > [ˈhyːsiɾ]. In contrast, rounding implies front unrounded vowels becoming rounded. This is the case when vowels assimilate to the place of articulation of adjacent consonants. In South Alemannic, for example, MHG esche [ˈeʃə] ‘ash’ and wërf-en [ˈvεɾfən] ‘throw-inf’ underwent rounding, giving [ˈøʃːə] and [ˈʋœːʀfːə] respectively (the transcriptions are taken from the SSA and correspond to the questionnaire of survey site WT 24 Tiengen). In the examples, rounding resulted from an assimilation process. The assimilation process was regressive in the case of [ʃ] while it was progressive in the case of [ʋ] (see SSA, Maps 37.01‒09 for details). Additionally, fronting may also result from a chain shift. This is the case with the development of MHG hûs ‘house’ [huːs] > [hyː˳z] in Upper-Rhine Alemannic (see Freudenberg 1974, 79‒81 for discussion). From a diachronic perspective, the restriction of front rounded vowels to stressed syllables may be explained as a result of fronting (or rounding) that took place only in stressed syllables. Alternatively, the restriction may have arisen from unrounding that took place only in unstressed syllables. Languages with front rounded vowels in stressed and unstressed syllables mostly exhibit vowel harmony, as in Turk. gül-üm [ɡyˈlym] ‘rose-1sg’. This notably reduces the number of languages with unrounding in unstressed syllables. In what follows, I will illustrate the patterns of fronting/rounding and unrounding with examples from Italo-Romance dialects. In Piedmontese dialects we find rounding and unrounding, both of which occur in stressed and unstressed syllables. For example, in Torino Piedmontese the lexical items luna ‘moon’ and butt-are ‘put-inf’ are pronounced [ˈlyŋa] and [byˈte], respectively. That is, fronting took place both in stressed ([ˈlyŋa]) and unstressed syllables ([byˈte]). By contrast, in Monferro Piedmontese the lexical items are pronounced [ˈliŋa] and [biˈte], respectively (Berruto 1974, 32). That is, unrounding has taken place both in stressed ([ˈliŋa]) and unstressed syllables ([biˈte]). Fronting and unrounding are therefore syllable-related processes in Torino and Monferro Piedmontese. Unfortunately, there is no evidence that in Monferro Piedmontese unrounding occurred first in unstressed syllables and then in stressed syllables, which would imply an intermediate stage with front rounded vowels in stressed syllables ([ˈlyŋa]) and front unrounded vowels in unstressed syllables ([biˈte]). In Ligurian

4.7 Word-optimizing processes 

 79

we find vowel alternation involving the front rounded vowel [œ] in stressed syllables and the back rounded vowel [u] in unstressed syllables, as in trov-o [ˈtɾœːvu] ‘find-1sg.prs’ and trov-are [tɾuˈva] ‘find-inf’, respectively (Forner 1997, 245). That is, in Ligurian rounding applies only in stressed syllables. Note that the unstressed back unrounded vowel [u] in trov-are [tɾuˈva] ‘find-inf’ resulted from merger of back vowels, as in European Portuguese and Romansh (see Table 4.9). Finally, in Ladin we find instances of unrounding in unstressed syllables only. For example, in La Villa Ladin the reflexes of Lat. fūste and fūstīle have given the lexical items [fyʃ] ‘spoke (n.)’ and [fiʃˈti] ‘fountain trough’, respectively. The front rounded vowel [y] derived from Latin ū is preserved in the stressed syllable ([fyʃ]) while it underwent unrounding in the unstressed one ([fiʃˈti]) (see Kramer 1977, 97 for discussion). In this respect, Schorta (1938, 57) points out: “In Müst und in Eb ist die Tendenz, die in der Anlautsilbe stehenden unbetonten ü (< Ū,́ roman. ọ̈) zu entrunden, unverkennbar”.2 In some languages, front rounded vowels seem to be resistant to unrounding. This is the case in Carhaisien Breton and French. Carhaisien Breton has the front rounded vowels [y] and [ø], both of which may occur in stressed and unstressed syllables, as in [œʀ̯t] ‘wedding’ and [œˈʀøʒεt] ‘married’, respectively. Importantly, /i e ɛ a o/ surface as [ə] in unstressed syllables while /y/ and /ø/ do not undergo centralization (Timm 1984, 150‒151). Similar to /i e/, /y/ may undergo devoicing in absolute final position ([dy] ~ [dy̥ ] ‘black’). Thus, in unstressed syllables rounded vowels experience devoicing rather than unrounding. With regard to French, Delattre (1969, 317) observed that unstressed vowel reduction involves lip unrounding and tongue centering in the case of [y] and [ø] and closing toward [ø] in the case of [œ]. Thus, unstressed vowel reduction does not lead to a complete loss of the [+rounded] distinctive feature.

4.7.1.4 Discussion The instances of unstressed vowel reduction presented so far involve languages with lexical stress. Lexical stress enables us to identify vowel reduction when stress shift takes place. This is the case in Romance languages with suffixes that carry stress such as verb endings and diminutive suffixes. In languages with fixed stress, however, unstressed vowel reduction can only be identified historically or reconstructed with the help of the comparative method. Let us consider the phonotactic restrictions in Estonian. In Estonian, a Uralic language belonging to

2 ‘In Müstair and Engiadina Bassa there is a clear tendency for pretonic ü (< Lat. Ū ́ , Rom. [ø]) to undergo unrounding’ (translation J.C.R.).

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 4 Typological parameters

the Finnic branch, there is a striking contrast between the number of diphthongs allowed in stressed and unstressed syllables. A total of 36 diphthongs may occur in primary stressed syllables while only 3 occur in secondary stressed syllables and unstressed syllables (Asu/Teras 2009, 369). The question arises as to whether this phonotactic restriction arose from diphthong simplification in unstressed syllables (as in Palauan), or rather from diphthongization in stressed syllables. Only diachronic and comparative data from closely related varieties can help to clear up this matter. Similar to Romance languages, unstressed vowel reduction is also widely attested in Germanic languages. Szczepaniak (2007, 155‒166) discussed unstressed vowel reduction in Middle High German, which involves the neutralization of vowel height and vowel length. For example, OHG hōr-en [ˈhoːɾen] ‘hear-inf’ and sag-ēn [ˈsaɡeːn] ‘say-inf’ became [ˈhøːɾən] and [ˈsaɡən] respectively in Middle High German. That is, the originally unstressed short ([e]) and long vowel ([eː]) underwent centralization. The patterns of unstressed vowel reduction in Swabian will be discussed in Section 8.5.1. In Germanic historical linguistics, vowel reduction (and loss) have been traditionally explained in terms of the so-called initial strong expiratory stress. German historical grammars provide this explanation without critically assessing the relation between fixed stress and vowel reduction (among others: Streitberg 1896, 29, 170; Wilmanns 1897, 313, 402‒403; Baesecke 1918, 17; Schirmunski 1962, 158; Paul 1998, 19, 79; Sonderegger 2003, 256; Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 18‒19). This view has been called into question by scholars such as Henzen (1928, 105) and Lass (1994, 95‒96). For example, Lass (1994, 96) adduces that Uralic languages such as Finnish and Nguni Bantu languages such as Zulu do not exhibit unstressed vowel reduction despite word-initial stress, concluding that “[r]eduction under low prominence is a language-specific choice – one that Germanic happens to have made”. The role of strong expiratory stress has also been a central tenet in Romance historical linguistics, especially in Romance languages that experienced intense language contact with Germanic languages. For example, language contact with Old Franconian was assumed to trigger unstressed vowel reduction in Catalan (Wartburg 1950, 104; Rasico 1982, 103‒104) and French (Pope 1952, 13, 112; Wartburg 1965, 65; Zink 1986, 37) (see Noske 2009 for a critical discussion on French). In order to evaluate whether there is a correlation between fixed stress and unstressed vowel reduction, I will examine the patterns of unstressed vowel reduction in languages with fixed stress and lexical stress (see Table 4.10). For this purpose, I will follow Goedemann/Hulst’s (2013) classification of languages with fixed stress. Unstressed vowel reduction will be illustrated with vowel centralization. Cross-linguistically, we find languages with fixed stress and centralization

4.7 Word-optimizing processes 

 81

such as Kayardild and Scottish Gaelic which support the idea that centralization correlates with fixed stress. However, we also find languages with fixed stress that do not exhibit centralization. Such is the case in Finnish and Latvian. Therefore, centralization does not correlate with fixed stress as previously assumed in the literature. Crucially, further evidence against a correlation between fixed stress and centralization comes from languages such as Palauan and European Portuguese, both of which have lexical stress and centralization. Table 4.10: Correlation between fixed stress and unstressed vowel centralization. Language

Language family

Fixed stress

Centralization

Source

Kayardild Scottish Gaelic Finnish

Australian Indo-European Uralic

+ + +

+ + −

Latvian Palauan Portuguese

Indo-European Austronesian Indo-European

+ − −

− + +

Evans (1995) Gillies (1993) Sulkala/ Karjalainen (1992) Mathiassen (1997) Josephs (1975) Mira Mateus (2003)

A further problem with Germanic strong expiratory stress involves the time span between the origin of initial stress in Proto-Germanic and the first attested instances of unstressed vowel reduction in Germanic languages. For example, Old High German has full vowels both in stressed and unstressed syllables (Braune/ Reiffenstein 2004, 60‒78). Vowel reduction processes are not attested until Late Old High German and especially in Middle High German. While Germanic languages such as German, Dutch and English have experienced unstressed vowel reduction, Icelandic has preserved the full vowels in unstressed syllables (Árnason 2011, 67). Certainly, fixed stress and unstressed vowel reduction are processes that optimize the phonological word. These strategies, however, do not necessarily imply each other. While some languages combine unstressed vowel reduction with fixed stress (as in Middle High German), others combine fixed stress with vowel harmony (as in Finnish). That is, the word-optimizing strategies are gradual and language or language-family specific.

4.7.2 Vowel lengthening and diphthongization As we have seen in the previous section, asymmetries between stressed and unstressed syllables may arise by means of unstressed vowel reduction. In

82 

 4 Typological parameters

addition to asymmetries in unstressed syllables, asymmetries in stressed syllables may result from processes such as vowel lengthening and diphthongization. In this respect, Bohnenberger (1928, 6) talks about “vowel strengthening in stressed syllables” (Verstärkung der Selbstlaute der Hauptsilben) when describing the phonological development of Swabian. Vowel lengthening is widely attested cross-linguistically. The process may be syllable-related or word-related. It is syllable-related when it applies both in stressed and unstressed syllables. In contrast, vowel lengthening is word-related when it is sensitive to stress or within-word position. In stressed syllables, vowel lengthening involves the emergence of bimoraic syllables from originally monomoraic ones. That is, the asymmetry is defined in terms of syllable weight. Thus, heavy and light syllables are associated with stressed and unstressed syllables, respectively. On the other hand, vowel lengthening may be restricted to wordfinal syllables, thereby functioning as a word boundary signal (see Cutler/Norris 1988 for vowel length in speech segmentation). The same applies for diphthongization. However, diphthongization, especially in Germanic languages, mostly applied to long vowels. This poses a problem. If the asymmetry is defined in terms of syllable weight, diphthongs do not differ from long vowels since both are bimoraic. In this sense, the word-related strategy should not be assessed with regard to syllable weight but rather with regard to the distribution of the vowel inventory. That is, the emergence of new diphthongs gives rise to an increase of the vowel inventory in stressed syllables. Szczepaniak (2007, 233‒236) examined vowel lengthening in stressed syllables of disyllabic words in Early New High German. She distinguishes between regular and analogical vowel lengthening. Regular lengthening took place in open syllables (MHG hase [ˈha.zə] ‘hare’ > ENHG Hase [ˈhaːzə]). In closed syllables, vowels did not undergo lengthening. This is the case with geminates, which subsequently became ambisyllabic consonants (see Szczepaniak 2007, 240‒247 for details). Analogical lengthening took place in the paradigm of lexical items such as MHG tac ‘day’. The noun is monosyllabic in the singular and disyllabic in the plural (tac [tak] ‘day’ vs. tag-e [ˈta.ɡə] ‘day-pl’). Lengthening evolved in the plural form first, which brought about a morpho-phonological alternation in the paradigm ([tak] vs. [ˈtaː.ɡə]). Subsequently, lengthening took place in the singular in analogy to the plural ([taːk] vs. [ˈtaːɡə]). That is, levelling helped to avoid the phonologically conditioned allomorphy, thereby preserving the integrity of the phonological word in both contexts. In addition to open syllable lengthening, vowel lengthening is attested in monosyllabic words. The process is linked to word minimality. In some languages, monosyllabic words must be bimoraic. This is the case in Turkish (Kabak 2014) and Zurich Alemannic (Seiler 2009; 2010; Seiler/Würth 2014).

4.7 Word-optimizing processes 

 83

Compensatory lengthening is another instance of vowel lengthening. In contrast to open syllable lengthening and monosyllabic lengthening, compensatory lengthening cannot be explained in terms of syllable weight. Interestingly, the process has been mostly observed in languages where the contrast of vowel length previously existed (Blevins 2004, 153‒154). That is, compensatory lengthening does not really contribute to creating an asymmetry within the phonological word. Instances of open syllable lengthening and monosyllabic lengthening are attested in Swabian, as we will see in Sections 7.5.1 and 8.5.7. In contrast to Germanic languages, vowel lengthening is not common among Romance languages (see Schmid 2016, 473 for details).

4.7.3 Consonant deletion Consonant deletion is a word-related process when it contributes to increasing the sonority within the word. Consonant deletion is the last stage of word-medial lenition, thereby creating a hiatus, which constitutes an ill-formed syllable structure, as illustrated in Figure 4.10 (see Section 4.5 for lenition and Sections 4.6.2 and 4.6.3 for syllable-optimizing processes resolving hiatuses).

CV.CV.CV

CV.V.CV

word-medial consonant deletion

ill-formed syllable contact

Figure 4.10: Word-medial consonant deletion.

Word-medial consonant deletion is attested, in varying degrees, in Germanic languages such as Middle Low German, Faroese, and Icelandic (Lasch 1914, 169‒170; Árnason 2011, 33). In Middle High German, the process applied to ege, ige, ide, etc., as in getregede [ɡəˈtɾeɡədə] ‘cereal’ > getreide [ɡəˈtɾejdə] (see Szczepaniak 2007, 212‒215 for details). Word-medial deletion also took place in Swabian, as we will see in Section 8.5.5. A striking case of consonant deletion is found in Central Catalan, where a well-formed syllable contact involving a falling sonority transition is deteriorated by means of consonant deletion, as in vend-re ‘sell-inf’ [ˈbɛn.dɾə] > [ˈbɛn.rə].

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The opposite development is found in Old Spanish, where an ill-formed syllable contact involving a rising sonority transition is resolved through consonant epenthesis, as in venrá ‘s/he will come’ [venˈra] > [benˈdɾa] (see Section 4.6.3). Instances of consonant deletion in Catalan will be discussed in more detail in Sections 5.2.4 and 6.5.6.

4.7.4 Vowel deletion Deletion of unstressed vowels is consistent with a word language when it contributes to deteriorating syllable structure. On the one hand, vowel deletion may lead to the emergence of marked syllable contacts that violate the Contact Law. This is the case when deletion occurs word-medially. On the other, it may lead to the emergence of marked syllable structures in word-initial and word-final position that violate the Head Law and Coda Law, respectively (see Auer 1993, 51‒52 for examples). Recall from Section 4.3.2 that consonant complexity may arise from vowel deletion. This is the case in Georgian, where vowel deletion brought about moderately complex and complex syllable structures in word-initial position. We can distinguish between apheresis, syncope, and apocope depending on whether vowel deletion applies word-initially, word-medially, or word-finally, respectively. Of the three types of vowel deletion, apocope is the most important owing to its phonological and morphological implications. With regard to phonological implications, we can distinguish between the following scenarios. A single consonant arises when the word originally contained a single consonant in the word-medial onset (CV.CV > CVC). In contrast, a consonant cluster arises when the word originally contained a tautosyllabic (CV.CCV > CVCC) or a heterosyllabic (CVC.CV > CVCC) consonant cluster in the word-medial onset. Importantly, consonant clusters resulting from originally heterosyllabic groups follow the Sonority Sequencing Principle while consonant clusters resulting from tautosyllabic groups violate the Sonority Sequencing Principle. More specifically, apocope in words with word-medial single consonants gives rise to moderately complex syllable structure (CVCV > CVC). As a consequence, the word-final consonant may undergo devoicing or deletion (see Figure 4.11, left side). Cross linguistically, devoicing is more common with obstruents than with sonorants. Examples of languages with word-final obstruent devoicing are Polish and Russian. The target of word-final obstruent devoicing may differ. In Turkish, for example, only stops undergo devoicing (see Iverson/Salmons 2011, 1623‒1633 for a typology of final laryngeal neutralization). Word-final obstruent devoicing is an instance of fortition that strengthens the right margin of the phonological word. Moreover, the alternation between word-medial voiced consonants and word-final

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voiceless consonants contributes to increasing the sonority in word-medial position and decreasing it in word-final position. Alternatively, the word-final consonant may be deleted. At first glance, the process seems to be syllable-optimizing since a moderately complex syllable structure becomes simple (CVC > CV). However, the process may also be word-related when restricted to the word-final coda, thereby highlighting the right margin of the phonological word (see Sections 4.6.1 and 4.7.3 for discussion). Languages may combine both strategies, employing word-final devoicing with obstruents and word-final deletion with sonorants. This is the case in Central Catalan, as we will see in Section 5.5.

CV.CV#

CVC#

CVC.CV#, CV.CCV#

Word-related features: emergence of moderately complex syllable structure word-final obstruent devoicing word-final consonant deletion

CVCC#

Word-related features: emergence of complex syllable structure word-final obstruent devoicing simplification of consonant clusters

Figure 4.11: Word-related features resulting from apocope.

Apocope in words with word-medial consonant clusters gives rise to complex syllable structure (CVCCV > CVCC). Similar to apocope in words with wordmedial single consonants, the word-final consonant cluster may undergo word-final obstruent devoicing and simplification (see Figure 4.11, right side). Simplification may take place in homorganic and non-homorganic consonant clusters (see Section 4.7.7 for discussion and examples). Little is known of the cross-linguistic patterns of consonant cluster simplification. For example, it would be interesting to know whether simplification of non-homorganic consonants is preceded by simplification of homorganic consonants. Consonant clusters resulting from apocope may follow the Sonority Sequencing Principle (CVC.CV > CVCC). Alternatively, they may violate it (CV.CCV > CVCC). Apocope may be accompanied by vowel epenthesis or metathesis when the resulting consonant cluster violates the Sonority Sequencing Principle. Epenthesis may take place either within the consonant cluster (CVCC > CV.CVC) or after the consonant cluster (CVCC > CV.CCV), both of which are attested in varieties of Sammarinese Romagnolo, an Italo-Romance dialect. For example, Lat. vĭtru ‘glass’ underwent apocope giving rise to a sequence of stop + liquid that

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violates the Sonority Sequencing Principle (CV.PLV > CVPL). Northern varieties resolved the ill-formed syllable structure by means of anaptyxis (vĭtru > [ˈveːdɐɾ]) while southern varieties resolved it by means of paragoge (vĭtru > [ˈviːdɾi]) (Michelotti 2008, 119‒120). Instances of vowel epenthesis after apocope will be shown for Catalan and Swabian in Sections 6.4.2.2 and 8.4.1.2, respectively. An example of metathesis is found in Persian, where the word-final consonant clusters resulting from apocope and containing sequences of obstruent  + sonorant (mr, fr, xr, sr) were repaired by regular metathesis, as illustrated in (33). Cross-linguistically, vowel epenthesis occurs more frequently than metathesis (Hall 2011a, 97). The patterns of Catalan and Swabian will confirm this observation. (33) Metathesis as a result of apocope in Persian (Hock 1985, 534) namra > namr > narm ‘soft’ vafra > vafr > barf ‘ice, snow’ caxra > caxr > carx ‘wheel’ asru > asr > ars ‘tear’ With regard to morphological implications, apocope may bring about the morphologization of metaphony and umlaut. Such is the case in Italian dialects (Maiden 1985) and standard German (Szczepaniak 2007, 182‒196), respectively. Apocope may be constrained phonologically and morphologically. On the basis of the historical development of French and Greek, Foley (1977, 70) establishes an implicational hierarchy of apocope. Thus, apocope of /o/ implies apocope of /e/. Additionally, apocope of /a/ implies apocope of both /e/ and /o/, as illustrated in (34). As will be shown in Sections 6.5.3 and 8.5.2, Catalan and Swabian meet this implicational hierarchy. (34) Phonological constraints on apocope (Foley 1977, 70) (A´) e → Ø/_# (B´) o → Ø/_# (C´) a → Ø/_# In sum, vowel deletion constitutes the last stage of unstressed vowel reduction. This leaves us with the question of whether vowel deletion is preceded by vowel reduction processes such as vowel centralization. This issue will be addressed in more detail when accounting for word-medial and word-final vowel deletion in Catalan and Swabian. In addition to deteriorating syllable structure, vowel deletion may also contribute to regulating the size of the phonological word. In this respect, Szczepaniak

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(2007, 166‒181) discusses how word-medial vowel deletion helps to stabilize the size of the phonological word in Middle High German. Similarly, Hannahs (2013, 115‒119) discusses how antepenultimate vowel deletion helps to stabilize the size of the phonological word in Welsh.

4.7.5 Consonant epenthesis Consonant epenthesis has been exclusively associated with syllable-optimizing strategies in the literature. However, the process is word-optimizing when it contributes to increasing syllable complexity at word and morpheme boundaries. Consonant epenthesis violates the Head Law and Coda Law when it occurs word-initially and word-finally, respectively. Although instances of consonant epenthesis have been reported for Catalan (Badia Margarit 1994, 258‒259; Moll 2006, 152‒153), Friulian (Pellis 1910), and German (Paul 1998, 160‒161), the word-optimizing nature of the process has remained obscure. As a consequence, the phonological process was mostly explained in terms of analogy. For example, epenthesis in MHG mâne ‘moon’ > ENHG mond was assumed to result from analogy to manôt ‘month’. The explanation fails to answer the question of why analogy did not work in the opposite direction, bringing about a simplification of syllable structure. The first thorough account of word-related consonant epenthesis was delivered by Moser (1951b, 44‒84), who distinguished between two different types of word-related consonant epenthesis (Konsonantenanfügung): epenthesis at morpheme boundaries (im mittelbaren Auslaut) and epenthesis at word boundaries (im unmittelbaren Auslaut). Szczepaniak (2007, 249‒257) was the first to relate the process to the increasing relevance of the phonological word in Early New High German. Examples from Early New High German are given in (35), where moderately complex syllable structures become complex in word-final position. (35) Word-final consonant epenthesis in Early New High German (Szczepaniak 2014, 172) MHG ackes > ENHG axt ‘axe’ MHG mâne > ENHG mand ‘moon’ MHG nieman > ENHG niemand ‘nobody’ MHG saf > ENHG saft ‘juice’ Accounts of word-final consonant epenthesis are scarce in the literature (see Blust 1994 and Mortensen 2012 for selected Austronesian, Bantu, and Tibeto-Burman languages). In what follows, I will discuss word-final consonant epenthesis in

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Friulian, an Italo-Romance dialect spoken in Friuli-Venezia Giulia. The process has been documented by Pellis (1910), Francescato (1966, 16, 63‒65, 218), and Heinemann (2001). Examples from Friulian are given in (36). The examples use the orthography as found in Faggin’s (1985) Vocabolario della lingua friulana. (36) Word-final consonant epenthesis in Friulian (Francescato 1966, 16, 65) stomi ‘stomach’ (< Lat. stŏmăchus) [ˈstɔmi] ~ [ˈstɔmit] om ‘man’ (< Lat. hŏmo) [ɔm] ~ [ɔmp] ğovin ‘young person’ (< Lat. iŭvĕnis) [ˈzɔvin] ~ [ˈzɔvint] len ‘wood’ (< Lat. lĭgnum) [lɛŋ] ~ [lɛŋk] The process applies word-finally when open syllables contain a high vowel and when closed syllables contain a nasal consonant. As a consequence, simple syllables become moderately complex (CV# > CVC#) while moderately complex syllables become complex (CVC# > CVCC#). The epenthetic consonant is [t], which assimilates to the place of articulation of the preceding nasal segment giving rise to [mp nt ŋk]. Consonant epenthesis is also attested, albeit less frequently, with rhotics, as in sustar [zusˈtaɾt] ‘sob’ (Pellis 1910, 6). The occurrence of an epenthetic obstruent after high vowels is in line with previous cross-linguistic studies (see Mortensen 2012 for details). In addition to word-final consonant epenthesis, Friulian exhibits a number of word-related features. These include diphthongization (Lat. fŏrte > fuart [fwaɾt] ‘strong[m]’), vowel lengthening (Lat. fŏcus > fûc [fuːk] ‘fire’), word-final obstruent devoicing (Lat. largo > larg [laɾk] ‘long[m]’), and word-final syllable complexity resulting from apocope (Lat. arcus > arc [aɾk] ‘arc’). This supports the idea that word-related features such as consonant epenthesis seldom appear in isolation. To sum up, word-final consonant epenthesis has been previously described in the literature. However, the process could not be directly connected to the relevance of the phonological word. For example, Blust (1994, 136) claims that “parallel changes in different language families cannot be merely arbitrary, and we must therefore ask ourselves what possible phonetic/phonological motivation might lie behind them”. In this respect, the typology of syllable and word languages provides a principled explanation of consonant epenthesis in terms of a word-profiling process that correlates with other word-related features, as shown for Friulian. The instances of word-optimizing consonant epenthesis detected in Early New High German and Friulian were restricted to the wordfinal position. Examples of consonant epenthesis in word-initial position have not been described so far in the literature. However, Swabian provides examples of consonant epenthesis occurring also word-initially, as we will see in Section 8.5.8.

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4.7.6 Vowel epenthesis Instances of vowel epenthesis optimizing the phonological word were first showed by Szczepaniak (2007, 247‒249) for Early New High German. Vowel epenthesis in lexical items such as maur ‘wall’ [mawɾ] > [ˈmaw ⋅əɾ] brought about a deterioration of syllable structure since the offglide of the diphthong became ambisyllabic ([ˈmawəɾ] > [ˈmaw ⋅əɾ]). As a consequence, there was an increase of the sonority within the phonological word. Additionally, vowel epenthesis contributed to regulating the size of the phonological word. The resulting trochee is the preferred foot in German and phonological processes such as vowel epenthesis and vowel deletion help to stabilize the size of the word. In what follows, I will show how vowel epenthesis in Welsh may also be viewed as a word-optimizing strategy. In Section 4.6.4, we have seen how vowel epenthesis may optimize syllable structure. The patterns of vowel epenthesis in Sranan were illustrated in (27), where epenthesis occurred word-finally such that moderately complex syllable structures become simple (top > tapu). Similar to Sranan, Welsh has vowel epenthesis in lexical items such as pobl ‘people’, which surfaces as [ˈpɔbɔl], as shown in Table 4.11. At first glance, epenthesis seems to optimize syllable structure since the consonant clusters [bl tr dr] violate the Sonority Sequencing Principle. Table 4.11: Vowel epenthesis in Welsh (Hannahs 2013, 89). Example

Underlying form

Surface form

pobl ‘people’ llestr ‘dish’ brwydr ‘battle’

/pobl/ /ɬestr/ /bruɨdr/

[ˈpɔbɔl] [ˈɬɛstɛr] [ˈbruɨdɨr]

However, a closer look reveals that vowel epenthesis optimizes the phonological word. In Welsh, word-final consonant clusters must be arranged according to the Sonority Sequencing Principle. Violations of the Sonority Sequencing Principle are resolved either through vowel epenthesis or through consonant deletion, both of which help to regulate the size of the phonological word. That is, the choice of vowel epenthesis or consonant deletion is foot-sensitive. Vowel epenthesis is employed in monosyllabic words while consonant deletion is employed in disyllabic words such that the resulting foot is trochaic, as illustrated in Table 4.12. In contrast to Welsh, Sranan is not foot-sensitive since epenthesis may result in disyllabic (top > tapu) and trisyllabic words (because > bikasi).

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Table 4.12: Foot-related vowel epenthesis and consonant deletion in Welsh (Hannahs 2013, 90). Example

Underlying form

Surface form

pobl ‘people’ posibl ‘possible’ llestr ‘dish’ ffenestr ‘window’ brwydr ‘battle’ paladr ‘wheel shaft’

/pobl/ /posibl/ /ɬestr/ /fenestr/ /bruɨdr/ /paladr/

[ˈpɔbɔl] [ˈpɔsɪb] [ˈɬεstεr] [ˈfεnεst] [ˈbruɨdɨr] [ˈpalad]

In sum, in order to evaluate vowel epenthesis as syllable-optimizing (as in Sranan) or word-optimizing (as in Early New High German and Welsh) we need to consider the whole picture of phonological processes interacting with each other.

4.7.7 Consonant cluster simplification Consonant cluster simplification is a process that cannot be clearly ascribed to a syllable language or a word language. On the one hand, simplification enhances syllable structure, which is typical of syllable languages. On the other hand, it presupposes complex syllable structure, which is typical of word languages. For this reason, Auer (2001, 1397) talks about a secondary (or indirect) word language feature with regard to assimilation processes at word boundaries. Let us consider Yimas, a language spoken in Papua New Guinea, where homorganic consonant clusters involving sequences of nasal + voiceless stop (/mp nt ŋk/) behave differently depending on whether they occur word-initially or word-finally (Foley 1991, 41‒42). In word-initial position, they are retained, as in mpa ‘now’, ntakɨk ‘to leave’, and ŋkak ‘to go by land’. By contrast, in word-final position they are simplified, as in ŋarɨm ‘branch’, wakɨn ‘snake’, and kaŋ ‘shell’. However, the underlying consonant clusters surface in word-medial position when the dual suffix -ɨl and the plural suffix -ɨt are attached giving rise to ŋarɨmpɨl, wakɨntɨt, and kaŋkɨl, respectively, as shown in (37). (37) Simplification of word-final homorganic consonants in Yimas (Foley 1991, 70) ŋarɨmp-ɨl ‘branch-du’ ŋarɨm ‘branch’ wakɨnt-ɨt ‘snake-pl’ wakɨn ‘snake’ kaŋk-ɨl ‘shell-du’ kaŋ ‘shell’

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Consonant cluster simplification is motivated by phonotactic rules since in Yimas word-final consonant clusters are restricted to sequences of voiceless stop + nasal, as in ɨrɨpm ‘coconut palm’, patn ‘betel nut’, and wasakŋ ‘small’. The patterns described for Yimas are in line with Auer’s (2001, 1397) observations. On the one hand, consonant assimilation brings about a simplification of syllable structure complexity since word-final complex syllables become moderately complex (CVCC > CVC). On the other hand, the process requires complex syllable structures. In sum, the process is word-related since it only applies word-finally. Additionally, it is word-optimizing since it helps to highlight the right margin of the phonological word. As we will see in Section 5.5.7, Central Catalan has simplification of word-final homorganic consonants.

4.8 Syllabification and resyllabification The domain of syllabification and resyllabification gives us cues of the relevance of the prosodic domains of the syllable and the phonological word. Let us consider the syllabification of the sequence VPLV, where P and L represent a stop and a liquid, respectively. The diverse syllabification patterns will be illustrated with Spanish, Turkish, and German (see Figure 4.12). There are two possible syllabifications: V.PLV and VP.LV. The syllabification V.PLV is in accordance with the Onset Maximization Principle and constitutes an unmarked syllable contact. This is the case in Spanish, where lexical items such as copla ‘popular song’ are syllabified as [ˈko.pla]. On the other hand, the syllabification VP.LV may violate the Onset Maximization Principle and constitutes a marked syllable contact. The unmarked syllable contact can be conditioned phonotactically or morphologically. Turkish is an example of a language with marked syllable contacts that are phonotactically conditioned. In Turkish, onsets containing two consonants are disallowed such that VPLV can only be syllabified as VP.LV. The syllabification is in line with the Onset Maximization Principle. However, it forms a marked syllable contact, as we can observe in the lexical items kaplan ‘tiger’ and kitaplar ‘book-pl’, both of which are syllabified as [kap.ˈlan] and [ki.tap.ˈlaɾ], respectively. The syllable boundary does not coincide with a morphological boundary in kaplan while the syllable boundary coincides with a morphological boundary in kitaplar, where -lar is a plural morph. That is, the syllable boundaries do not highlight morphological information. In contrast to Turkish, German is an example of a language with marked syllable contacts that are morphologically conditioned. In German, the syllabification of VPLV will depend on whether there is a morphological boundary. For example, the lexical item Problem ‘problem’ is syllabified as [pʀo.ˈbleːm] since the item does not contain any morpheme boundaries.

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The syllabification follows the Onset Maximization Principle and constitutes an unmarked syllable contact. However, the lexical item löblich ‘laudable’ is syllabified as [ˈløːp.lɪç] since the item contains the derivational morpheme -lich ‘-ly’. Therefore, the syllabification violates the Onset Maximization Principle and constitutes a marked syllable structure. Thus, in German there are unmarked (Problem ‘problem’) and marked (löblich ‘laudable’) syllabifications. Marked syllable contacts emerge when word and morpheme boundaries are highlighted. This is the case with derivational morphemes such as -lein ‘dim’, -lich ‘-ly’, -los ‘-less’, etc. that have the status of phonological words (Wiese 1996, 65‒68). The same applies to resyllabification across word boundaries. VPLV V.PLV

VP.LV

well-formed syllable contact e.g. Spanish

ill-formed syllable contact

Phonotactically conditioned

Morphologically conditioned

moderately complex syllables are disallowed in the onset e.g. Turkish

PL is allowed in the onset syllable boundary highlights a word or morpheme boundary e.g. German

Figure 4.12: Motivation of marked syllabification.

Marked syllabification is expected to occur in word languages since they help to highlight word and morpheme boundaries, as in German. Nübling/Schrambke (2004, 281) have shown the different syllabification patterns in standard and regional German in the lexical items Verein ‘club’ and überall ‘everywhere’ (see Table 4.13). In standard German, the syllable boundaries are identical to the morphological boundaries such that the morphological structures are highlighted phonologically (see Pröll/Kleiner 2016 for details). For example, in the lexical item Verein the syllable boundary is placed between the derivational prefix verand the root ([fεɐ.ˈɁaɪn]). Similarly, in the complex adverb überall the syllable boundary is placed between über and all ([ˈɁyː.bɐ.ˌɁal]). Note that in both cases resyllabification is avoided by means of an epenthetic [Ɂ]. In contrast to standard German, regional German syllabifies these items as [fε.ˈʀaɪn] and [ˈɁyː.bə.ˌʀal]. Similar syllabification patterns can be found in Dutch, where Northern and Southern Dutch resemble standard German and regional German, respectively (see Noske 2005, 474‒476 for examples).

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Table 4.13: Syllabification patterns in standard and regional German (adapted from Nübling/Schrambke 2004, 281). Example

Standard German

Regional German

Verein ‘club’ überall ‘everywhere’

[fεɐ.ˈɁaɪn] [ˈɁyː.bɐ.ˌɁal]

[fε.ˈʀaɪn] [ˈɁyː.bə.ˌʀal]

As a consequence of resyllabification, false splitting (or reanalysis) may arise (see Campbell 2013, 102‒103 for examples). False splitting is therefore typical of syllable languages although it may also be found in word languages as a remnant of a prior syllable-oriented stage. False splitting is attested in Germanic languages such as Middle English and Middle Low German (Lasch 1914, 146; Luick/Wild/ Koziol 1940, 994‒997). In what follows, I will illustrate the process with examples from Middle English. The description is based on the Oxford English Dictionary. In Middle English, lexical items such as nadder ‘adder’ lost their initial n in the combination a nadder > an adder (cf. Germ. Natter ‘adder’) while vowel-initial items such as ewt ‘newt’ and uncle could gain an initial n in the combination an ewt and myn uncle, as shown in (38). The resulting variants adder and newt have become established as standard forms. In contrast, nuncle only persists as a dialect form. (38) False splitting in Middle English (OED) a nadder > an adder an ewt > a newt myn uncle > my nuncle These instances of false splitting have been explained in terms of alternation of the indefinite article (a ~ an) and possessive adjective (my ~ myn, thy ~ thyn). This explanation can be challenged if we consider languages which have false splitting, but not such alternations, as in Italian (see Rohlfs 1949, 542‒545 for examples). This leads us to conclude that in Middle English false splitting was unleashed by resyllabification. Unlike Middle English and Middle Low German, the historical grammars of German do not provide examples of false splitting. However, the process is attested in Swabian, as we will see in Section 7.6.

5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan The differences between western and eastern varieties of Catalan have been traditionally explained in terms of historical factors. These include the influence of pre-Latin substrate languages (Sanchis Guarner 1956), the Roman colonization patterns (Badia Margarit 1981), and the new settlements resulting from the Christian reconquest (Ferrando 1989) (see Veny 2015, 33‒35 for a comprehensive overview). In this respect, Veny (2002, 22) does not dispute that these factors may have played a role in the formation of Catalan. However, he points out that many of the diverging phonological and morphological processes found in eastern varieties of Catalan evolved at a later stage than the presumed historical factors. With regard to Central Catalan, centralization of /a ε e/ in pretonic syllables can be traced back to the twelfth century (Rasico 1982, 236). Additionally, merger of /ɔ o u/ into [u] in unstressed syllables was completed in the sixteenth century (Rasico 1982, 106) (see Section 6.5.1.2 for details). Therefore, the first attested forms involving unstressed vowel reduction do not seem to support theories based almost entirely on external factors. Veny (2001b, 200) further argues that processes such as vowel centralization cannot be the result of the influence of a substrate language if similar processes are also found in other Romance languages where the substrate influence assumed for eastern varieties of Catalan is not tenable. I propose that the phonological differences between Western and Eastern Catalan can be accounted for in a more satisfactory way in the framework of the typology of syllable and word languages. It will be argued that Eastern Catalan, unlike Western Catalan, underwent a language-internal development towards the word pole on the scale of syllable and word languages. Central Catalan was chosen because this dialect shows a higher concentration of word-related processes than other Eastern Catalan dialects. The chapter is structured as follows: First, I will give an overview of Catalan dialectology and present the data sources (Section 5.1). Next, I will assess the relevance of the syllable and the phonological word in Central Catalan examining syllable structure (Section 5.2), phonotactic restrictions (Section 5.3), syllable- and word-optimizing processes (Sections 5.4 and 5.5, respectively), and (re)syllabification (Section 5.6). Finally, I will summarize the results gained from the analysis (Section 5.7).

Note: An abridged version of this chapter was published in Caro Reina (2014a). https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110573060-005

5.1 Introduction 

 95

5.1 Introduction 5.1.1 Catalan dialectology Catalan is a Romance language spoken in eastern Spain (Catalonia, the Valencian Community, the Balearic Islands, and parts of Aragon and Murcia), Andorra, Roussillon, and the Sardinian city of Alghero (see Map 5.1). For the classification of Catalan dialects, I will follow Veny (1991, 244–245; 2002, 19–20; see Veny 1986, 31–38 for previous classifications). Catalan is traditionally divided into two main dialect groups: Western Catalan (català occidental) and Eastern Catalan (català oriental). Western Catalan comprises North-Western Catalan (català nord-occidental) and Valencian (valencià) while Eastern Catalan is made up of Central Catalan (català central), Roussillon Catalan (rossellonès), Balearic Catalan (balear), and Alghero Catalan (alguerès). Valencian is subdivided into Northern Valencian (valencià septentrional), Central Valencian (valencià central), and Southern Valencian (valencià meridional). Additionally, Balearic Catalan is subdivided into Majorcan Catalan (mallorquí), Minorcan Catalan (menorquí), and Ibizan Catalan (eivissenc). Map 5.2 depicts the areas where the different Catalan dialects and subdialects are spoken. North-Western Catalan, Valencian, Central Catalan, and Balearic Catalan have the status of standard languages (Argenter 1999, 7‒12). The distinction between Western and Eastern Catalan has been traditionally made on the basis of phonological, morphological, and lexical criteria (see Viaplana 1984 and Veny 2001a, 197–198 for a critical discussion). The phonological differences between both dialect groups are displayed in Table 5.1. For the sake of simplicity, the transcriptions given for Western and Eastern Catalan correspond to North-Western Catalan and Central Catalan, respectively.1 A closer look at the table reveals that in Eastern Catalan feature 1 (vowel centralization in unstressed syllables), feature 2 (merger of back vowels in unstressed syllables), feature 8 (deaffrication), and feature 10 (reinforcement of word-final r) are associated with processes characteristic of word languages such as unstressed vowel reduction (features 1 and 2), lenition in syllable onsets that violate the Head Law and Contact Law (feature 8), and consonant epenthesis that highlights the margins of the phonological word (feature 10). Additionally, feature 3, which is concerned with the historical development of VLat. e /e/ (< Lat. ē, ĭ, œ), constitutes a word-optimizing process (see Section 6.5.9 for details). Thus, if features 1 In the transcription of the Western Catalan examples, the realization of word-final a as [ε] typical of the area around Lleida was not considered (see Veny 1986, 112 for a map with the distribution of the process).

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 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

Map 5.1: Catalan-speaking areas (Generalitat de Catalunya 2009, 7). Reprinted with permission.

Map 5.2: Catalan dialects (from Nuet Badia/Bernat/Torres 1992, 6). Reprinted with permission.

5.1 Introduction 

 97

Table 5.1: Phonological features of Western and Eastern Catalan (Veny 1991, 244–245; 2002, 19–20). Western Catalan (North-Western Catalan) 1

2

Eastern Catalan (Central Catalan)

Lack of centralization of unstressed /a ε e/Centralization of unstressed /a ε e/ > [ə] in > [ə] in unstressed syllables: unstressed syllables: palla [ˈpaʎa] ‘straw’ vs. pall-et-a [paˈʎeta] palla [ˈpaʎə] ‘straw’ vs. pall-et-a [pəˈʎεtə] ‘straw-dim-f’ ‘straw-dim-f’ pell [peʎ] ‘skin’ vs. pell-et-a [peˈʎeta] pell [peʎ] ‘skin’ vs. pell-et-a [pəˈʎεtə] ‘skin-dim-f’ ‘skin-dim-f’ Lack of merger of /ɔ o u/ into [u] in Merger of /ɔ o u/ into [u] in unstressed unstressed syllables: syllables: coca [ˈkoka] ‘cake’ vs. coqu-et-a [koˈketa] coca [ˈkokə] ‘cake’ vs. coqu-et-a [kuˈkεtə] ‘cake-dim-f’ ‘cake-dim-f’ cuca [ˈkuka] ‘bug’ vs. cuqu-et-a [kuˈketa] cuca [ˈkuka] ‘bug’ vs. cuqu-et-a [kuˈkεtə] ‘bug-dim-f’ ‘bug-dim-f’

3

VLat. /e/ (< Lat. ē, ĭ, œ) > /e/: cepa > ceba [ˈseβa] ‘onion’

VLat. /e/ (< Lat. ē, ĭ, œ) > /ə/ > /ε/: cepa > ceba [ˈsεβə] ‘onion’

4

VLat. ŭ in jŭnco > u: junc [ʒuŋ] ‘reed’

VLat. ŭ in jŭnco > o: jonc [ʒoŋ] ‘reed’

5

Retention of stressed /kwa ɡwa/: quattŭor > quatre [ˈkwatɾe] ‘four’ coac’la > guatlla [ˈɡwaʎʎa] ‘quail’ Retention of unstressed /kwa ɡwa/: aqua > aigua [ˈajɣwa] ‘water’ lĭngua > llengua [ˈʎeŋɡwa] ‘tongue’ VLat. lj, c’l, g’l > [ʎ]: palea > palla [ˈpaʎa] ‘straw’ Retention of [t͡ʃ] in the syllable onset: xinxa [ˈt͡ʃiɲt͡ʃa] ‘bed bug’ panxa [ˈpaɲt͡ʃa] ‘belly’ Lat. cs, sce, i > [jʃ ]: cacsa > caixa [ˈkajʃa] ‘box’ pisce > peix [pejʃ] ‘fish’ Lack of reinforcement of word-final r: cor [kɔɾ] ‘heart’

Simplification of stressed /kwa ɡwa/: quattŭor > quatre [ˈkwatɾə] ~ [ˈkɔtɾə] ‘four’ coac’la > guatlla [ˈɡwaʎʎə] ~ [ˈɡɔʎʎə] ‘quail’ Simplification of unstressed /kwa ɡwa/: aqua > aigua [ˈajɣwə] ~ [ˈajɣə] ‘water’ lĭngua > llengua [ˈʎeŋɡwə] ~ [ˈʎeŋɡə] ‘tongue’ VLat. lj, c’l, g’l > [ʎ] > [j]: palea > palla [ˈpaʎə] ~ [ˈpajə] ‘straw’ Deaffrication of [t͡ʃ] in the syllable onset: xinxa [ˈʃiɲʃə] ‘bed bug’ panxa [ˈpaɲʃə] ‘belly’ Lat. cs, sce, i > [ʃ ]: cacsa > caixa [ˈkaʃə] ‘box’ pisce > peix [peʃ ] ‘fish’ Reinforcement of word-final r through consonant epenthesis: cor [kɔɾt] ‘heart’ Lack of epenthetic n in llagost, llagosta, llagostí (< *lagŭsta) ‘locust’: [ʎəˈɣost], [ʎəˈɣostə], [ʎəɣusˈti]

6

7 8

9

10

11

12 13

Epenthetic n in llagost, llagosta, llagostí (< *lagŭsta) ‘locust’: [ʎaŋˈɡost], [ʎaŋˈɡosta], [ʎaŋɡosˈti] hedera > hedra [ˈeðɾa] ‘ivy’ die martis > dimarts [diˈma ts͡ ] ‘Tuesday’

hedera > heura [ˈεwɾə] ‘ivy’ die martis > dimarts [diˈmaɾs] ‘Tuesday’

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 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

regarding one single lexical item are sorted out (features 4, 11, 12, and 13), we are left with a considerable number of phonological features that indicate the relevance of the phonological word.

5.1.2 Data sources The literature consulted includes Badia Margarit’s (1994) Gramàtica històrica catalana [Historical Grammar of Catalan] and Moll’s (2006) Gramàtica històrica catalana [Historical Grammar of Catalan] as well as phonetic descriptions of the different Catalan dialects such as Recasens’ (1996b) Fonètica descriptiva del català [Descriptive Phonetics of Catalan]. The maps and the examples were taken mainly from the Atles Lingüístic del Domini Català (ALDC) and the Diccionari català-valencià-balear (DCVB), which will be presented in Sections 5.1.2.1 and 5.1.2.2, respectively. In order to gain additional insights into sociolinguistic variation in Central Catalan, I drew on studies dealing with the dialect spoken in smaller areas. These studies are listed in Section 5.1.2.3. 5.1.2.1 Atles Lingüístic del Domini Català (ALDC) The Atles Lingüístic del Domini Català (ALDC) is a regional linguistic atlas that continues the tradition of linguistic atlases such as the Atlas Linguistique de la France (ALF) and the Survey of English Dialects (SED). The ALDC is therefore embedded in traditional dialectology, which focused on the spoken language of older speakers, especially in rural areas. In this respect, the informants selected for the survey can be depicted as non-mobile, older, rural males (NORMs) (see Chambers/Trudgill 1998, 29‒30 for the term). The questionnaire was devised by Badia Margarit and Veny following the Diccionari català-valencià-balear (DCVB) and previously published linguistic atlases such as the Atlas Lingüístico de la Península Ibérica (ALPI) and the Atlas Lingüístico y Etnográfico de Andalucía (ALEA). The questionnaire was basically organized according to semantic fields typical of rural life. It also addresses linguistic issues such as inflectional morphology, syntax, and external sandhi (see Badia Margarit/Pons Griera/Veny 1993 for details). Seven volumes have been published since 2001 and further volumes are planned to come out in the next years.2 Table 5.2 displays the sematic fields as well as the number of maps and lists contained in each volume.

2 The chapters that will be published in future volumes include El mar. Els vaixells. La pesca (Sea, ships, fishing), Vària (Miscellanea), Morfologia no verbal (Non-verbal morphology), Morfologia verbal (Verbal morphology), Sintaxi (Syntax), and Fonosintaxi (External sandhi phenomena).

5.1 Introduction 

 99

Table 5.2: ALDC volumes. Volume

Semantic field

Map

List

Vol. I (2001)

1. El cos humà. Malalties (Human body. Diseases)

1‒179

1‒12

Vol. II (2003)

2. El vestit (Clothing) 3. La casa i ocupacions domèstiques (House and housekeeping)

180‒448

13‒19

Vol. III (2006)

4. La família: Cicle de la vida (The family: Life cycle) 5. Món espiritual: L’Església. Festes religioses. Creences (Spiritual world: The church. Religious festivities. Believes) 6. Jocs (Play) 7. Temps cronològic. Meteorologia (Time. Weather) 8. Topografia (Topography)

449‒739

20‒62

Vol. IV (2008)

9. El camp i els cultius (Land and farming)

740‒939

63‒65

Vol. V (2010)

10. Indústries relacionades amb l’agricultura (Activities related to agriculture) 11. Els vegetals (Plants)

940‒1254

66‒71

Vol. VI (2012)

12. Vida pastoral (Pastoral life) 13. Els animals domestics (Domestic animals)

1255‒1529

72‒85

Vol. VII (2014)

14. Insectes i altres invertebrats. Ocells. Animals salvatges (Insects, wild birds, wild animals) 15. Oficis (Occupations)

1530‒1689

86‒94

In contrast to other linguistic atlases such as the Südwestdeutscher Sprachatlas (SSA) (see Section 7.1.2.1), the questionnaire does not contain chapters dedicated to phonology. For the study of phonological processes, we have to select well suited lexical items. This gap has been partially filled with the publication of the Petit Atlas Lingüístic del Domini Català (PALDC), which comments on phonological, morphological, and lexical aspects of the ALDC. One of the main problems of a lexical-oriented atlas is that lexical heterogeneity makes it difficult to account for all the different phonetic realizations of a lexical item. This is the case with llamp ‘lightning’ (ALDC III, Map 673), which allows for the study of the patterns of word-final [mp]. As will be shown in Section 5.5.7, the homorganic consonant cluster [mp] remains preserved in Valencian, Balearic Catalan, and Alghero Catalan while it has been simplified to [m] in North-Western Catalan, Central

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Catalan, and Roussillon Catalan. Unfortunately, this item is not suited for the study of simplification of word-final homorganic consonants since in Valencia the most common form is rajo [ˈrajo]. Since the published volumes of the ALDC do not contain further instances of word-final [mp], the process cannot be illustrated with a map. The elicitation of the data was carried out mainly between 1964 and 1978. The network comprises 190 locations, of which 174 are in Spain, 13 in France, 2 in Andorra and 1 in Sardinia. With regard to the survey sites in Spain, 92 are situated in Catalonia, 47 in Valencia, 20 in Aragon, and 15 on the Balearic Islands. Table 5.3 shows the site numbers according to dialect and dialect group. Central Catalan is represented with 55 sites – that is, 20% of the sites surveyed. Table 5.3: ALDC sites according to dialect and dialect group. Dialect group

Dialect

Eastern Catalan (català oriental)

Roussillon Catalan (rossellonès) Central Catalan (català central) Balearic Catalan (balear) Alghero Catalan (alguerès)

Western Catalan (català occidental)

North-Western Catalan (català nord-occidental) Valencian (valencià)

Survey site 1‒14 15‒69 70‒83 84 85‒145 146‒190

A total of 473 informants were interviewed. They are characterized as older, lifelong residents of the place where the interviews were carried out, and with little formal education. With regard to gender, 413 (87%) of the informants were male and 60 (13%) female. As typical of traditional dialectology, the number of female informants is poorly represented (see Coates 2016, 34‒40 for discussion). Many of the interviews were recorded on tape. Additionally, the recordings contain spontaneous speech (so-called etnotextos), which revolves around daily life and work (for example customs, festivities, fishing, harvesting, songs, etc.) (see Veny/Pons Griera 1998 for Eastern Catalan). The original ALDC blank map was adapted in order to chart phonological processes relevant for the present study (see Map 5.3). The original volume and the number of the map (or the list) are indicated in the upper left-hand corner with Roman and Arabic numerals, respectively. For example, ALDC I/19 stands for map 19 of volume one. Similarly, ALDC III/L 53 stands for list 53 of volume three. When two different responses are reported for a survey site, they will appear on the left side under the heading ‘comments’, as in the ALDC original maps.

5.1 Introduction 

Map 5.3: Blank map of the Atles Lingüístic del Domini Català (ALDC).

 101

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 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

The ALDC has display maps. That is, the responses for a particular item appear phonetically transcribed for each survey site. For example, ALDC I, Map 19 charts different pronunciations of the lexical item plor-ar ‘cry-inf’, which include [ploˈɾaɾ], [ploˈɾaɾ], [ploˈɾa], [pluˈɾa], and [pʎoˈɾaɾ]. These forms arose from phonological processes such as lateral palatalization ([pʎoˈɾaɾ]), merger of back vowels in unstressed syllables ([pluˈɾa]), weakening of word-final r ([ploˈɾaɾ]), and deletion of word-final r ([ploˈɾa]). The interpretive maps presented in this book are based on the display maps and lists of the ALDC. For example, the lexical item plor-ar ‘cryinf’ (ALDC I, Map 19) enables us to study deletion of word-final r and merger of back vowels in unstressed syllables (see Map 5.9 and Map 5.21, respectively). The use of combination maps proved to be particularly useful in the following cases: (1) when the responses to a specific item are not available in a considerable number of survey sites (see Map 5.4 for word-medial [n.r]); and (2) when there is lexical heterogeneity (see Map 5.10 for word-final r in combination with the reflexive pronoun). The phonetic transcriptions were made following the IPA conventions. However, some remarks have to be made regarding the phonetic transcription used by the ALDC. First, [β ð ɣ] represent approximants, and not fricatives. Second, there is no difference between singleton and geminate affricates. This is the case with the lexical item fetge ‘liver’ (ALDC I, Map 171), which was tran͡ scribed as singleton affricates in the area of Central Catalan ([ˈfe dʒə], [ˈfet͡ʃə]) ͡ [ˈfet.t͡ʃ ə]) (see Lloret 1992 and although there exist geminate affricates ([ˈfed. dʒə], Pradilla Cardona 2002, 302‒303 for details). Finally, the symbol for the velarized lateral [ɫ] was only used in cases of extreme velarization. Given that in Catalan the latelal /l/ is generally articulated with velarization in the syllable coda (Recasens 1996b, 305‒307), it will be transcribed as [ɫ] in the examples taken from the atlas. 5.1.2.2 Diccionari Català-Valencià-Balear (DCVB) The Diccionari català-valencià-balear (DCVB) was compiled by Alcover and Moll. Altogether, the DCVB has more than 160.000 entries, which contain the following information: definition, geographical distribution of the lexical item, examples, chronologically attested forms, idioms (Loc.) and sayings (Refr.), comments related to folk culture (Cult. pop.), phonetic forms (Fon.), modern and medieval spellings (Var. ort., Var. form.), inflected and derived forms (Intens.), synonyms (Sinòn.), antonyms (Antòn.), etymology (Etym.) and, in the case of verbs, the conjugation both in Old and Modern Catalan. I used the phonetic transcriptions of the dictionary when the ALDC could not help to adequately study a phonological process on the basis of different lexical items in different Catalan dialects. This is the case with deaffrication of word-medial ͡ (Table 5.18). /dʒ/

5.2 Syllable structure 

 103

5.1.2.3 Monographs Colomina Castanyer (1999, 293‒302) offers an extensive bibliography of monographs and articles on Central Catalan. I examined the bibliography and selected the material that will support the results gained from the ALDC by adding useful information on language variation conditioned by sociolinguistic factors such as age and gender. Table 5.4 lists the monographs and articles selected for Central Catalan and locates them according to their political district. The districts are geographically ordered from north to south. The ALDC survey sites are given in the table for each of the counties. Additionally, I used material available for North-Western Catalan (Gili Gaya 1932; Coromines 1936) and Valencian (Colomina Castanyer 1985; 1991; Gimeno Betí 1992; Segura Llopes 1996; Beltran Calvo 2005). Table 5.4: Selected studies for Central Catalan. District

ALDC survey site

Source

Alt Empordà 16, 17, 22, 25, 26, 32

Bech Camps (1980), Luna Batlle (1995; 1996), Sala (1983)

Garrotxa

23, 29

Cardús (1983), Monturiol/Domínguez (2001)

Osona

34, 38, 39

Dorca Dorca (2006; 2007; 2008), Vilà Comajoan (1989)

Solsona

40

Barniol Estany (1981; 1983)

Bages

41, 44, 45, 51

Riera (1993)

Selva

47

Bernat Baltrons (1991), Fernàndez Planas (1993), Ruyra (1964)

Alt Camp

66

Palacín Artiga (1993)

Tarragona

68

Recasens (1985)

5.2 Syllable structure In this section, I will address the following issues regarding Central Catalan syllable structure: surface syllable structure (5.2.1), syllable types (5.2.2), the Sonority Sequencing Principle (5.2.3), and syllable contact (5.2.4).

5.2.1 Surface syllable structure Central Catalan syllable structure can have a maximum of two consonants in the syllable onset and a maximum of two or three consonants in the syllable coda

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depending on whether they appear word-medially or word-finally, respectively. According to Maddieson’s (2013d) classification (see Section 4.3.1), Central Catalan has complex syllable structure. The syllable template for Central Catalan is depicted in (39). Central Catalan does not differ from other Catalan dialects with respect to syllable structure complexity. However, the frequency of complex syllable types varies owing to phonological processes typical of this variety, as will be shown in the following section. (39) Central Catalan surface syllable structure σ Onset

Rhyme Nucleus

Coda

V

(C) (C) (C)

(C) (C) 5.2.2 Syllable types

Central Catalan has twelve different syllable types. These are arranged in Table 5.5 according to the number of consonant slots occurring in the onset: onsetless syllables (V, VC, VCC, VCCC), onsets with one consonant (CV, CVC, CVCC, CVCCC), and onsets with two consonants (CCV, CCVC, CCVCC, CCVCCC). Table 5.5: Syllable types of Central Catalan monosyllabic words. Syllable type

Example

V VC VCC VCCC CV CVC CVCC CVCCC CCV CCVC CCVCC CCVCCC

i [i] ‘and’ un [un] ‘indef.art[m.sg]’ arc [aɾk] ‘bow’ arc-s [aɾks] ‘bow-pl’ mà [ma] ‘hand’ sol [sɔɫ] ‘sun’ parc [paɾk] ‘park’ parc-s [paɾks] ‘park-pl’ pla [pla] ‘plain[m]’ fred [fɾɛt] ‘cold[m]’ brusc [bɾusk] ‘rough[m]’ brusc-s [bɾusks] ‘rough[m]-pl’

5.2 Syllable structure 

 105

The syllable types VCCC, CVCCC, CCVCCC, and CCVCCCC mostly occur in combination with inflectional morphemes, as in dorm-s [dɔɾms] ‘sleep-2sg.prs.ind’. Some remarks have to be made regarding the syllable types CVCCC and CCVCCC. Masculine nouns and adjectives ending in the consonant clusters -sc, -st, -sp,-xt (bosc ‘wood’, trist ‘sad[m]’, cresp ‘frizzy[m]’, text ‘text’) can form the plural either with the suffix -s (boscs, trists, cresps, texts) or with the suffix -os (boscos, tristos, crespos, textos). The suffixes alternate in many dialects although Northern Valencian has a preference for plural formation with -s (Clua 2002, 512). Note that affixation in lexical items such as text-s [teksts] ‘text-pl’ implies the existence of an additional syllable type involving the template CVCCCC. This syllable type is assumed by Badia Cardús (2002, 126). However, Lloret (2002, 216) points out that the combination of [t] plus [s] results in the affricate [t͡s]. For the frequency of the twelve syllable types listed in Table 5.5, I will refer to De Yzaguirre (1995). His survey is based on the Diccionari de la Llengua Catalana. This dictionary contains 68,551 words. In order to quantitatively analyse Catalan syllable structure, the entries of the dictionary were transcribed phonologically, the syllable boundaries were inserted, and the consonant and vowel segments were systematically computerized. The total number of syllables elicited is 2,414,824. Additionally, nouns, adjectives, and verbs were inflected.3 Table 5.6 presents the frequency of the underlying syllable types according to stress (stressed vs. unstressed syllables) and within-word position (non-word-final vs. word-final). The syllable types are arranged according to their absolute frequency. De Yzaguirre’s (1995, 67‒69) findings can be summarized as follows: (1) simple, moderately complex, and complex syllable structures occur with a frequency of 1,316,890 tokens (55%), 1,028,908 (43%), and 69,026 (3%), respectively; (2) simple and moderately complex syllables are preferred to complex syllables (97% vs. 3%); (3) the universal syllable type CV is with 1,159,160 tokens (48%) the most common type in Catalan; (4) the syllable type CV occurs more frequently in unstressed syllables than in stressed syllables (72% vs. 28%); (5) the syllable type CV occurs more frequently in non-word-final syllables than in word-final syllables (88% vs. 12%); (6) open syllables are more common than closed syllables (60% vs. 40%); (7) open syllables occur more frequently in unstressed syllables (74% vs. 26%) and non-word-final syllables (87% vs. 13%); (8) moderately complex syllables occur more frequently in unstressed syllables than in stressed syllables 3 The approximate number of inflected forms was 595,000 and comprised around 8,400 verbs at a rate of 51 forms per verb, 20,000 masculine nouns, 20,000 feminine nouns, and 20,000 adjectives (De Yzaguirre, personal communication). Note that inflectional endings occurring with complex consonant clusters, as in the adjective fresc ‘fresh’, which forms the plural either as fresc-s [fɾɛsks] ‘fresh-pl’ or as fresc-os [ˈfɾɛskus] ‘fresh-pl’, were computerized as fresc-os ‘fresh-pl’.

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Table 5.6: Frequency of underlying syllable types (De Yzaguirre 1995, 67–69). Syllable type

Frequency

Stress-related Stressed

Unstressed

Position-related Non-word-final

Word-final

CV 1,159,160 (48%) 327,316 (28%) 831,844 (72%) 1,018,519 (88%) 140,641 (12%) CVC 654,027 (27%) 174,379 (27%) 479,648 (73%) 309,630 (47%) 344,397 (53%) VC 223,101 (9%) 11,332 (5%) 211,769 (95%) 169,011 (76%) 54,090 (24%) V 157,730 (7%) 21,255 (13%) 136,475 (87%) 126,218 (80%) 31,512 (20%) CCV 116,748 (5%) 19,936 (17%) 96,812 (83%) 103,690 (89%) 13,058 (11%) CVCC 48,013 (2%) 41,200 (86%) 6,813 (14%) 920 (2%) 47,093 (98%) CCVC 35,032 (1%) 8,898 (25%) 26,134 (75%) 24,361 (70%) 10,671 (30%) VCC 10,861 (< 1%) 6,228 (57%) 4,633 (43%) 4,685 (43%) 6,176 (57%) CVCCC 4,974 (< 1%) 4,941 (99%) 33 (1%) 22 (< 1%) 4,952 (100%) CCVCC 4,664 (< 1%) 2,242 (48%) 2,422 (52%) 186 (4%) 4,478 (96%) VCCC 325 (< 1%) 325 (100%) 0 (0%) 2 (1%) 323 (99%) CCVCCC 189 (< 1%) 189 (100%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 189 (100%) Total:

2,414,824 (100%)

(79% vs. 21%) while they occur slightly more frequently in non-word-final syllables than in word-final syllables (59% vs. 41%); and (9) complex syllables occur more frequently in stressed syllables (80% vs. 20%) and word-final syllables (92% vs. 8%). These results confirm the cross-linguistic preference for open syllables and simple syllable structure. Additionally, they reflect the predicted occurrence of complex syllable structure in stressed syllables and at the margins of the phonological word (Auer 1993, 66, 74–75). The frequency of the syllable types provided by De Yzaguirre (1995) can be compared to the survey made by Heinz (2010), who studied the frequency of Catalan syllables on the basis of running texts. The frequency given in Table 5.7 corresponds to the results obtained after analysing the syllable structure of approximately 6,000 words occurring in modern newspaper articles. In contrast to De Yzaguirre (1995), there is no distinction between stress and within-word position. Additionally, resyllabification was not considered. This would have implied a reduction of the word-final syllable types CVC, VC, CVCC, and CCVC. The table reveals that the results of De Yzaguirre (1995) and Heinz (2010) are similar, with the exception of the syllable types V, VC, VCC, and CCVC. Recall that Table 5.6 lists the frequency of underlying syllable types. In order to study the frequency of the surface syllable types in Central Catalan, a number of phonological processes have to be applied. These include deletion of word-final n (Section 5.5.5), deletion of word-final r (Section 5.5.6), and simplification of word-final homorganic consonants (Section 5.5.7). De Yzaguirre’s (1995) data

5.2 Syllable structure 

 107

Table 5.7: Frequency of syllable types according to De Yzaguirre (1995) and Heinz (2010). Syllable type CV CVC VC V CCV CVCC CCVC VCC CVCCC CCVCC VCCC CCVCCC Total:

De Yzaguirre (1995, 67‒69)

Heinz (2010)

1,159,160 (48%) 654,027 (27%) 223,101 (9%) 157,730 (7%) 116,748 (5%) 48,013 (2%) 35,032 (1%) 10,861 (< 1%) 4,974 (< 1%) 4,664 (< 1%) 325 (< 1%) 189 (< 1%)

4,685 (42%) 2,826 (26%) 888 (8%) 1,190 (11%) 444 (4%) 420 (4%) 221 (2%) 237 (2%) 59 (1%) 35 (< 1%) 8 (< 1%) 0 (0%)

2,414,824 (100%)

11,013 (100%) Σ = 11,029 syllables, not clear = 16 (0,15%)

allows us to calculate the frequency of the surface syllable types in word-final position. The results are given in Table 5.8, where the syllable types are arranged according to the number of consonants in the word-final coda. Additionally, I calculated the frequency of surface syllable types in Valencian, where word-final processes such as deletion of word-final n applies, but not deletion of word-final r and simplification of word-final homorganic consonants. The comparison of the surface syllable types in Central Catalan and Valencian will serve as a comparative indicator for assessing the value of syllable complexity in these dialects (see Section 4.2 for absolute and comparative indicators). We find that complex syllable structures – that is, (C)(C)VCC and (C)(C)VCCC – are slightly less frequent in Central Catalan than in Valencian (7% vs. 10%).4 4 Originally, the total number of underlying and surface syllable types was slightly different (657,580 vs. 657,613) since De Yzaguirre (1995, 119) treated word-final /mp/ and /mps/ separately. These cases were normalized for the table. Common to all Catalan dialects are the following phonological processes occurring in the word-final syllable type (C)(C)VCCC: /nts/ > [ns] (4,349 cases), /nks/ > [ŋs] (334 cases), /ɾts/ > [ɾs] (254 cases), /lts/ > [ɫs] (56 cases), and /mps/ > [ms] (19 cases). After applying these processes, we obtain the surface frequency given for Valencian. Additionally, in Central Catalan we find the following processes affecting the underlying wordfinal syllable types (C)(C)VCCC, (C)(C)VCC, and (C)(C)VC: /lps/ > [ps] (12 cases); /nt/ > [n] (15,034 cases), /ɾs/ > [s] (4,115 cases), /nk/ > [ŋ] (557 cases), /lt/ > [ɫ] (69 cases), /mp/ > [m]

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 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

Table 5.8: Frequency of word-final surface syllable types in Central Catalan and Valencian. Syllable type Underlying frequency

Surface frequency Central Catalan

(C)(C)V (C)(C)VC (C)(C)VCC (C)(C)VCCC Total:

Valencian

185,211 (28%) 409,158 (62%) 57,761 (9%) 5,483 (1%)

197,342 (30%) 416,828 (63%) 42,984 (7%) 459 (< 1%)

185,211 (28%) 409,158 (62%) 62,773 (10%) 471 (< 1%)

657,613 (100%)

657,613 (100%)

657,613 (100%)

5.2.3 Sonority Sequencing Principle In Catalan, the syllable is generally organized according to the Sonority Sequencing Principle (see Pons-Moll 2011, 113‒114 for the sonority scale). However, ill-formed syllables containing appendices (i.e. extrasyllabic elements) abound. In Central Catalan, syllable appendices are only found in the syllable coda, as opposed to German and English, where they can appear in the syllable onset as well. The only consonant that functions as a suppendix is the coronal segment [s], which occurs both word-medially in Latin prefixes (explicació [əksplikəsiˈo] ‘explanation’) and word-finally as ending of the plural (corb-s [kɔɾps] ‘raven-pl’, parc-s [paɾks] ‘parkpl’) and the second-person singular (sap-s [saps] ‘know-2sg.prs.ind’). Figure 5.1 and Figure 5.2 display the sonority of the segments in the items corb-s [kɔɾps] and parcs [paɾks], respectively. As can be observed, the word-final sibilant is more sonorous than the precedent stop, thus violating the Sonority Sequencing Principle. The high frequency of underlying complex syllable structures in non-wordfinal position (see Table 5.6) is derived from Latin prefixes such as ex-, transbefore a heterosyllabic stop (explicació [əks.pli.kə.si.ˈo] ‘explanation’) or in-, ob-, sub-, etc. before a tautosyllabic sibilant (inspector [ins.pəkˈto] ‘inspector[m]’). More specifically, the non-word-final syllable type VCC has a frequency of 4,685 tokens, of which 4,493 (96%) correspond to the prefix ex-. In this respect, De Yzaguirre (1995, 23) points out that the phonetic transcriptions made for the Diccionari Català-Valencià-Balear (DCVB) in the early twentieth century show (14 cases), and /lp/ > [p] (12 cases); /ɾ/ > [Ø] (12,131 cases). Deletion of word-final r and simplification of word-final homorganic consonants are described in Sections 5.5.6 and 5.5.7, respectively. Further simplification processes are not treated. For practical reasons, the combination of /t/ with the plural morpheme /s/ was considered as two single segments.

5.2 Syllable structure 

 109

Figure 5.1: Sonority of corb-s ‘raven-pl’.

Figure 5.2: Sonority of parc-s ‘parc-pl’.

that complex syllable structures had been subject to simplification in word-medial position. For example, the phonetic transcriptions of the lexical item explicació ‘explanation’ contain simplification ([əks.pli.kə.si.ˈo] > [əs.pli.kə.si.ˈo]). The author further argues that complex syllable structures must have been subsequently reintroduced under the influence of written language (De Yzaguirre 1995, 121‒122, 127‒129). In this sense, a language-external factor prevented complex codas from occurring only in word-final position. Simplification of word-medial complex syllable structure involves the loss of the first segment of the consonant cluster ([ks] > [s], [ns] > [s], [ps] > [s]). Lloret (2002, 217) reports that simplification, if not already lexified, correlates with style. The consonant clusters are retained in formal speech (as in explicació [əksplikəsiˈo] ‘explanation’). In casual speech, however, they are simplified, especially in frequent words (as in explicació [əsplikəsiˈo] ‘explanation’). Examples from Central Catalan are given in (40).

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 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

(40) Word-medial complex codas in formal and casual speech (Lloret 2002, 217) explicació ‘explanation’ [əks.pli.kə.si.ˈo] ~ [əs.pli.kə.si.ˈo ] inspector ‘inspector[m]’ [ins.pək.ˈto] ~ [is.pək.ˈto] obscuritat ‘darkness’ [ups.ku.ɾi.ˈtat] ~ [us.ku.ɾi.ˈtat] transmet-re ‘transmit-inf’ [tɾəns.ˈmε.tɾə] ~ [tɾəs.ˈmε.tɾə]

5.2.4 Syllable contact In this section, I will describe the patterns of the ill-formed syllable contact involving the heterosyllabic consonant cluster [n.r]. The syllable contact violates the Contact Law since the syllable boundary lies before the more sonorous segment, as illustrated in Figure 5.3. The ALDC contains examples of this ill-formed syllable contact in lexical items such as cendra [ˈsεn.rə] ‘ash’ (ALDC II, Map 314), divendres [di.ˈβεn.rəs] ‘Friday’ (ALDC III, Map 628), and gendre [ˈʒεn.rə] ‘son-in-law’ (ALDC III, Map 510). Map 5.4 shows the retention of the ill-formed syllable contact in these lexical items, which is found in North-Western Catalan, Roussillon Catalan,

Figure 5.3: Sonority of cendra ‘ash’.

Figure 5.4: Sonority of cendra ‘ash’ after consonant epenthesis.

5.2 Syllable structure 

 111

Majorcan Catalan, and Alghero Catalan. However, the ill-formed syllable contact was optimized by means of consonant epenthesis such that the items are realized as [ˈsεn.dɾə] ‘ash’, divendres [di.ˈβεn.dɾəs] ‘Friday’, and gendre [ˈʒεn.dɾə] ‘son-in-law’, respectively. As a result, the syllable boundary lies before the strongest segment, as depicted in Figure 5.4. Consonant epenthesis applies in Valencian, North-Western Catalan, Central Catalan, Minorcan Catalan, and Ibizan Catalan. In Central Catalan we find both forms. However, the ill-formed syllable contact [n.r] occurs in the northern area while the well-formed syllable contact [n.dɾ] occurs in the southern area. Interestingly, the etymological well-formed syllable contact [n.dɾ] has been deteriorated by means of consonant deletion. The ALDC provides examples of this process in lexical items such as encend-re [ən.ˈsεn.dɾə] ‘light-inf’ (ALDC II, Map 289), estend-re [əs.ˈtεn.dɾə] ‘hang.out-inf’ (ALDC II, Map 417), and prend-re [ˈpεn. dɾə] ‘take-inf’ (ALDC I, Map 17). As a result, the items are realized as [ən.ˈsεn.rə] ‘ash’, estend-re [əs.ˈtεn.rə] ‘hang.out-inf’, and prend-re [ˈpεn.rə] ‘take-inf’, respectively, as shown in Figure 5.5 and Figure 5.6 with the lexical item prend-re ‘take-inf’.

Figure 5.5: Sonority of prend-re ‘take-inf’.

Figure 5.6: Sonority of prend-re ‘take-inf’ after consonant deletion.

Map 5.5 charts the distribution of the process, which occurs in North-Western Catalan, Roussillon Catalan, and Central Catalan. In Central Catalan, the process

112 

 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

Map 5.4: Retention of the etymological ill-formed syllable contact [n.r].

5.2 Syllable structure 

Map 5.5: Deterioration of the etymological well-formed syllable contact [n.dɾ].

 113

114 

 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

applies in the same area where the original ill-formed syllable contact is retained. In this respect, Veny (PALDC I, Map 30) explains this syllable-deteriorating process in terms of analogy. Thus, in analogy to cendra [ˈsεn.rə] ‘ash’ (with ill-formed syllable contact), items such as encend-re [ənˈsεndɾə] ‘light-inf’ (with well-formed syllable contact) experience a syllable-deteriorating process. However, the question arises as to why items such as cendra [ˈsεn.rə] ‘ash’ (with ill-formed syllable contact) do not experience a syllable-optimizing process in analogy to items such as encend-re [ənˈsεndɾə] ‘light-inf’ (with well-formed syllable contact). The direction of analogy is indicative of the preference for ill-formed syllable structures. Importantly, the syllable-deteriorating process does not occur in Balearic Catalan and Alghero Catalan, both of which are syllable-oriented.

5.3 Phonotactic restrictions 5.3.1 Stress-related restrictions The Central Catalan vowel system comprises [i e ε a ɔ o u] in stressed syllables and [i ə u] in unstressed syllables. The number of oppositions permitted in stressed syllables sharply contrasts with the reduced number of possible oppositions in unstressed syllables. This seven-to-three inventory reduction results from centralization of /a ε e/ and merger of /o ɔ u/ into [u] (see Mascaró 2002 for a detailed description and Recasens 1996b, 112–115, 144–145 for exceptions). Thus, in Central Catalan height contrasts are neutralized in unstressed syllables. As a consequence, the set of full vowels [e ε a ɔ o] may appear only in the stressed syllable of the phonological word. According to Barnes (2006, 20), the neutralization of vowel height belongs to the most common asymmetries between stressed and unstressed vowels. Unstressed vowel reduction will be described in more detail in Section 5.5.9. De Yzaguirre (1995, 91) gives an account of the frequency of underlying vowels in stressed and unstressed syllables. His results were adapted in Table 5.9 in order to compare the frequency of unstressed vowels in Central Catalan and Valencian. The frequency of the stressed vowels does not differ in Central Catalan and Valencian. Therefore, a distinction between the dialects was not made for stressed vowels.5 With regard to unstressed vowels, Valencian has preserved 5 Certainly, there are differences in the stressed vowels such as the reflexes of VLat. ē, ĭ, and œ, which involve [e] and [ɛ] in Western Catalan and Eastern Catalan, respectively (see feature 3 in Table 5.1). However, these dialect patterns were not computerized by De Yzaguirre (1995, 62). For example, the lexical item sense ‘without’, which is realized as [ˈsense] in North-Western

5.3 Phonotactic restrictions 

 115

the Old Catalan vowel system and therefore represents an older stage of Central Catalan. In Valencian, tense and lax mid vowels are realized as tense ([e o]) in unstressed syllables. In order to investigate the frequency of Central Catalan surface vowels in unstressed syllables, two rules have to be applied: centralization of /a e ε/ and merger of /o ɔ u/. Thus, [ə] has a frequency of 1,115,604 tokens, which results from the sum of the occurrence of unstressed /e/ (617,884 tokens) and /a/ (497,720 tokens). Similarly, [u] has a frequency of 316.097, which results from the sum of the occurrence of unstressed /o/ (232,751 tokens) and /u/ (83,346 tokens). With regard to the frequency of unstressed vowels in Central Catalan, we can draw the following conclusions: First, [ə] is the most common unstressed vowel (62%), followed by [i] (20%) and [u] (18%). Second, [i] and [u] appear more frequently in unstressed syllables than in stressed syllables (73% vs. 27% and 95% vs. 5%, respectively). Thus, the occurrence of [i] and [u] can be associated with the unstressed syllable of the phonological word. Table 5.9: Frequency of stressed and unstressed vowels in Valencian and Central Catalan. Stressed syllable [i] [e] [ɛ] [a] [ə] [o] [ɔ] [u] Total:

Unstressed syllable Valencian

Central Catalan

137,623 (22%) 76,397 (12%) 109,073 (18%) 216,544 (35%) ‒ 31,030 (5%) 32,401 (5%) 15,173 (2%)

364,882 (20%) 617,884 (34%) ‒ 497,720 (28%) ‒ 232,751 (13%) ‒ 83,346 (5%)

364,882 (20%) ‒ ‒ ‒ 1,115,604 (62%) ‒ ‒ 316,097 (18%)

618,241 (100%)

1,796,583 (100%)

1,796,583 (100%)

5.3.2 Position-related restrictions The Central Catalan consonant system is given in Table 5.10. Marginal or rare consonants are indicated in parentheses. This is the case with [v], which occurs in some areas of Tarragona, as in visita [vəˈzitə] ‘visit’ (see Recasens 1996b, 194‒195

Catalan and [ˈsɛnsə] in Central Catalan, was annotated with the tense mid vowel [e]. Therefore, the frequency of stressed vowels differs in Western and Eastern Catalan dialects. However, this issue is not relevant for the discussion since I will focus on the frequency of unstressed vowels.

116 

 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

for details). Alternatively, the sound generally occurs as a result of obstruent voicing across word boundaries (Section 5.5.3). Voiceless stops do not have an aspirated realization (Recasens 1996b, 182, 207, 233). In addition to the single consonants listed in the table, Central Catalan exhibits geminates, which include [bb dd dd͡ʒ mm nn ll ʎʎ]. Examples such as ball-ar [bəˈʎa] ‘dance-inf’ and vetll-ar [bəʎˈʎa] ‘be.awake-inf’ show that geminates are phonemic (see Wheeler 2005, 36‒37 for the phonological status of geminates). Importantly, phonemic geminates may occur both in stressed and unstressed syllables. Table 5.10: Central Catalan consonant system (simplified from Julià Muné 2002, 56). Bilabial Labiodental Stop

p

b

Fricative

f

Affricate Nasal

m

(v)

Alveolar t

d

s ts͡

z

͡ dz n

Lateral

ɫ

Tap

ɾ

Trill Approximant

Prepalatal Palatal

Velar k

ʃ tʃ͡

ɡ

ʒ

͡ dʒ

ɲ

ŋ

ʎ

r w

β

ð

j

ɣ

In order to examine whether Central Catalan highlights the phonological word by means of phonotactic restrictions, the Central Catalan consonant system is arranged in Table 5.11 according to the occurrence (positive signal) or non-occurrence (negative signal) of single consonants in word-initial onsets (#C), word-medial onsets (C.C and V.C), word-medial codas ( C.C), and word-final codas (C#). Geminates and consonant clusters are not included. Positive and negative word boundary signals are highlighted in grey. In Central Catalan, [β ð ɣ v d͡z d͡ʒ] are positive signals while [b d ɡ z ʒ t͡s ŋ ɾ] are negative signals. For example, [β] is a positive signal since it only occurs word-medially (avi [ˈaβi] ‘grandfather’). Conversely, [b] is a negative signal since it may occur word-initially (bota [ˈbɔtə] ‘boot’) and word-medially (canvi [ˈkambi] ‘change’), but not word-finally. The position-related restrictions partly result from phonological processes. This is the case with [b d ɡ z ʒ]. The absence of the voiced obstruents in word-final position is due to word-final obstruent devoicing (Section 5.5.1). Crucially, the positive and negative signals detected for Central Catalan are valid only in isolated words. In connected speech, however, these signals mostly disappear. With regard to the positive signals, [β ð ɣ] may also occur word-initially as a result of lenition

5.3 Phonotactic restrictions 

 117

Table 5.11: Distribution of single consonants in Central Catalan (adapted from Julià Muné 2002, 60‒81). Word-initial

Word-medial

Word-final

#C

C.C, V.C

C.C

C#

p b t d k ɡ f v s z ʃ ʒ ts͡ ͡ dz tʃ͡

͡ dʒ m n ɲ ŋ ɫ ʎ ɾ r β ð ɣ

+ + + + + + + – + + + + ‒ – – – + + + – + + – + – – –

+ + + + + + + – + + + + + + + + + + + – + + + + + + +

+ + + + + + + + + + – – + – – – + + – + + – + + – – –

+ – + – + – + – + – + – + – + – + + + + + + + + – – –

j w

+ +

+ +

– –

+ +

when preceded by a vowel, as in la bota [ləˈβɔtə] ‘the boot’. Additionally, [v dz͡ dʒ͡ ] may be found in word-final position when word-final [f ts͡ t͡ʃ ] become voiced through resyllabification (Section 5.5.3). With regard to the negative signals, [b d ɡ z ʒ] may also be found in word-final position when word-final [p t k s ʃ ] are followed by a voiced consonant, thereby becoming voiced according to the coda voice agreement rule (cap riu ‘no river’ /kap#ɾiw/ > [ˈkabˈriw]) (see Bonet/Lloret 1998, 122‒126 for details). Only the negative signals [ ts͡ ŋ ɾ] are retained in connected speech.

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 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

5.3.3 Summary Central Catalan has stress-related and position-related restrictions. These phonotactic restrictions partly arise from phonological processes such as unstressed vowel reduction and word-final obstruent devoicing. Stress-related restrictions include the occurrence of [e ɛ a o ɔ] in stressed syllables and schwa in unstressed syllables. Position-related restrictions include the positive signals [β d ɣ v d͡z d͡ʒ] and the negative signals [b d ɡ z ʒ t͡s ŋ ɾ]. In connected speech, the word boundary signals disappear with the exception of the negative signals [ t͡s ŋ ɾ]. Thus, stress-related restrictions are more effective than position-related restrictions.

5.4 Syllable-optimizing processes This section gives an account of consonant assimilation (5.4.1) and hiatus resolution (5.4.2). Instances of vowel epenthesis, which are closely connected to vowel deletion, will be treated in Section 5.5.4.

5.4.1 Consonant assimilation Consonant assimilation may be both syllable- and word-related. It is syllablerelated when it applies both within and across word boundaries, but word-related when it only applies within word boundaries. Additionally, consonant assimilation may be both syllable- and word-optimizing. It is syllable-optimizing when it improves syllable structure in terms of Vennemann’s (1988) Preference Laws. This is the case with ill-formed syllable contacts that violate the Contact Law. In contrast, it is word-optimizing when it occurs at word boundaries, thereby highlighting the margins of the phonological word. This is the case with simplification of word-final homorganic consonants (see Sections 4.7.7 and 5.5.7). Importantly, the process substantially differs from simplification of word-final consonant clusters resulting from juxtaposition of words in connected speech. While the former is word-optimizing, the latter is syllable-optimizing. In syllable languages, assimilation occurs within and across word boundaries. That is, the process is not constrained by the prosodic domain of the phonological word. By contrast, in word languages assimilation applies word-medially while it is avoided across word boundaries. The simplification of ill-formed syllable contacts resulting from the juxtaposition of words within the phonological phrase implies a deterioration of the phonological word for the following reasons:

5.4 Syllable-optimizing processes 

 119

First, ill-formed syllable contacts are not marked in word languages. Second, illformed syllable contacts may help to highlight word boundaries. Third, place and manner assimilation constitutes a direct violation of the integrity of the phonological word. Therefore, in word languages there is a tendency for assimilation to be blocked across word boundaries. In this section, I will outline the patterns of assimilation in Central Catalan and Majorcan Catalan. The comparison will show that in Central Catalan the process is sensitive to the phonological word. In other words, Central Catalan is more reluctant to assimilation processes across word boundaries while Majorcan Catalan strongly promotes them. We can distinguish between place assimilation and manner assimilation, both of which are regressive in Catalan dialects (see Bonet/Lloret 1998, 126‒151 for details). With regard to regressive place assimilation, Central Catalan differs from Majorcan Catalan in two respects (see Table 5.12). First, in Central Catalan assimilation is optional across word boundaries (gat petit ‘small cat’ [ˈɡat pəˈtit] ~ [ˈɡapːəˈtit]), but compulsory in word-medial position (fútbol [fuˈbːoɫ] ‘football’) (Bonet/Lloret 1998, 144). By contrast, in Majorcan Catalan assimilation is obligatory both across (gat petit [ˈɟapːəˈtit] ‘small cat’) and within word boundaries (fútbol [fuˈbːoɫ] ‘football’). Note that in Majorcan Catalan velar stops undergo palatalization ([k] > [c], [ɡ] > [ɟ]) (Recasens 1996b, 243‒244). In contrast to Majorcan Catalan, assimilation is sensitive to word boundaries in Central Catalan. Second, in Central Catalan assimilation is restricted to alveolar stops. More specifically, sequences of alveolar stop + stop/fricative may result in geminate stops (gat petit [ˈɡapːəˈtit] ‘small cat’) and geminate affricates (gat francès [ˈɡap͡fːɾənˈsɛs] ‘French cat’, gat gegant [ˈɡad͡ʒːəˈɣan] ‘huge cat’). Note that the coda obstruent and the following segment must agree in voicing according to the coda voice agreement rule (see Bonet/Lloret 1998, 122‒126 for details). By contrast, in Majorcan Catalan assimilation applies with all stops. For example, in Majorcan Catalan we find assimilation in sequences of stop + stop/fricative both within and across word Table 5.12: Regressive place assimilation in Central Catalan and Majorcan Catalan (Prieto 2004, 261‒262).

/t/+ stop

Example

Central Catalan

Majorcan Catalan

gat petit /ɡat#petit/ ‘cat small[m]’

[ˈɡat pəˈtit] ~ [ˈɡapːəˈtit]

[ˈɟapːəˈtit]

[ˈɡat fɾənˈsɛs] ~ [ˈɡap͡fːɾənˈsɛs]

[ˈɟap͡fːɾənˈsəs]

[ˈɡad ʒəˈɣan] ~ [ˈɡad͡ʒːəˈɣan]

[ˈɟad͡ʒːəˈɣant]

/t/+ fricative gat francès /ɡat#fɾansɛz/ ‘cat French[m]’ gat gegant /ɡat#ʒeɡant/ ‘cat huge[m]’

120 

 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

boundaries, as in capsa [ˈcatsə] ‘box’ and llop terribl-e [ˈʎotːəˈribːlə] ‘wolf terrible-m’, respectively. With regard to manner assimilation, Central Catalan may exhibit assimilation in homorganic sequences of stop + lateral/nasal. By contrast, in Majorcan Catalan we find manner assimilation resulting in geminates in sequences of stop + consonant, sibilant + liquid/glide, and nasal + lateral/glide (Pons-Moll 2011, 116‒117), as shown in Table 5.13. For example, in Central Catalan the ill-formed syllable contact in cap llit [ˈkab.ˈʎit] ‘no bed’ is retained. Note that coda voice agreement applies in /kap#ʎit/. By contrast, in Majorcan Catalan the ill-formed syllable contact is optimized by means of manner assimilation, which results in [ˈkaʎ. ˈʎit]. That is, the original rising sonority transition in [b.ʎ] is replaced by a flat sonority transition. As a consequence, the integrity of the phonological word is violated since the item cap [cap] ‘no’ has phonologically conditioned allomorphy, as in cap iot [ˈcaˈjːɔt] ‘no yacht’, cap riu [ˈcaˈrːiw] ‘no river’, cap llit [ˈcaˈʎːit] ‘no bed’, cap fet [ˈcaˈfːet] ‘no fact’, etc. Thus, in Majorcan Catalan well-formed syllable contacts are more important than the integrity of the phonological word. By contrast, in Central Catalan the retention of ill-formed syllable contacts helps to maintain the integrity of the phonological word, as in cap iot [ˈkab.ˈjɔt] ‘no yacht’, cap riu [ˈkab.ˈriw] ‘no river’, cap llit [ˈkab.ˈʎit] ‘no bed’, cap fet [ˈkap.ˈfet] ‘no fact’, etc. Additionally, ill-formed syllable contacts highlight word and morpheme boundaries. Table 5.13: Regressive manner assimilation in Central Catalan and Majorcan Catalan (adapted from Pons-Moll 2011, 217).

stop + fricative stop + liquid sibilant + liquid nasal + lateral

Example

Central Catalan

Majorcan Catalan

cap fet /kap#fet/ ‘no fact’ cap llit /kap#ʎit/ ‘no bed’ dos llits /doz#ʎits/ ‘two beds’ un llum /un#ʎum/ ‘one light’

[ˈkap ˈfet] [ˈkab ˈʎit] [ˈdoz ˈʎits] [uɲ ˈʎum]

[ˈcaf ˈfet] [ˈcaʎ ˈʎit] [ˈdoʎ ˈʎits] [uʎˈ ʎum]

In Central Catalan, manner assimilation is optional while in Majorcan Catalan it is obligatory. Additionally, assimilation occurs more frequently in word-medial position than across word boundaries. Examples of word-medial assimilation are setmana [səˈmːanə] ‘week’ and setmesó [ˌsɛmːəˈzo] ‘seven-month premature baby’. Note that in these examples manner assimilation is preceded by place assimilation: setmesó [ˌsɛdməˈzo] (with coda voice agreement) > [ˌsɛbməˈzo] (with place assimilation) > [ˌsɛmːəˈzo] (with manner assimilation). According to the ALDC (III, Map 481), the form [ˌsɛmːəˈzo] (with total assimilation) holds sway in

5.4 Syllable-optimizing processes 

 121

Majorcan Catalan while the form [ˌsɛdməˈzo] (with place preservation) predominates in Central Catalan.6 Place and manner assimilation strongly depends on speech tempo. In Central Catalan, assimilation does not occur in formal style while it may be common in casual speech. In this respect, Kerswill (1987, 40) argues that connected speech processes such as assimilation should be included in sociolinguistic descriptions. Certainly, there is no sociolinguistic study on place and manner assimilation in Catalan dialects that may give insights into the patterns of the process with regard to word boundaries, frequency, speech tempo, etc. The picture obtained from the patterns of place and manner assimilation shows that Central Catalan and Majorcan Catalan behave differently. In Central Catalan, the process is sensitive to the phonological word while in Majorcan Catalan it applies both within and across word boundaries. In this respect, the domain of the syllable is more relevant in Majorcan Catalan than in Central Catalan.

5.4.2 Hiatus resolution Hiatus resolution is a syllable-optimizing process that repairs ill-formed syllable contacts involving two adjacent vowels. As indicated in Section 3.2.1, hiatuses may be resolved by means of consonant epenthesis, fusion, glide formation, and vowel deletion. In Central Catalan, hiatuses are resolved differently depending on whether they occur at word boundaries or word-medially. With regard to hiatus resolution at word boundaries, we find glide formation and vowel deletion. In contrast to Wheeler (2005, 124), who also talks about fusion when the adjacent vowels are identical, I will only talk about vowel deletion. In what follows, I will briefly describe the patterns of vowel sandhi following Prieto (2004, 190‒195), which are summarized in Table 5.14 (for a detailed account see Bonet/Lloret 1998, 184‒186, Recasens 1996b, 163‒170, Vallverdú Albornà 2002, 141‒165, and Wheeler 2005, 124‒144). The patterns of vowel sandhi are basically conditioned by stress. Thus, hiatuses are retained when the adjacent vowels are stressed, as in portar api [puɾˈta ˈapi] ‘to bring celery’. The same applies when the first vowel is unstressed and the second is stressed, as in porta api [ˈpɔɾtəˈapi] ‘s/he brings celery’. In contrast, vowel deletion (or glide formation) occurs when the second vowel is unstressed. This is the case portar ametlles [puɾˈtaˈmɛʎʎəs] 6 However, in Central Catalan we marginally find [ˌsɛbmeˈzo] (with place assimilation) in survey site 57 and [ˌsɛmːəˈzo] (with manner assimilation) in survey sites 18, 32, 36‒37, 46, 50, 56, 63, and 67.

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 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

‘to bring almonds’, where the first and second vowel are stressed and unstressed, respectively. The same applies in port-a ametlle-s [ˈpɔɾ   ̮təˈmɛʎʎəs] ‘s/he brings almonds’, where both vowels are unstressed. Glide formation occurs when the adjacent vowels involve the sequences [i#u u#i] and, less frequently, [ə#i ə#u i#ə u#ə].

Table 5.14: Vowel sandhi in Central Catalan. V́ # V́ V̆ # V́ V́ # V̆ V̆ # V̆

hiatus retention hiatus retention vowel deletion glide formation vowel deletion glide formation

port-ar api [puɾˈta ˈapi] ‘bring-inf celery’ port-a api [ˈpɔɾtə ˈapi] ‘bring-3sg.prs celery’ port-ar ametlle-s [puɾˈtaˈmɛʎʎəs] ‘bring-inf almond-pl’ port-ar olive-s [puɾˈtawˈliβəs] ‘bring-inf olive-pl’ port-a ametlle-s [ˈpɔɾ  ̮təˈmɛʎʎəs] ‘bring-3sg.prs almond-pl’ port-a olive-s [ˈpɔɾtəwˈliβəs] ~ [ˈpɔɾtəwˈliβəs] ‘bring-3sg.prs olive-pl’

With regard to hiatus resolution in word-medial position, we find consonant epenthesis and vowel deletion. Word-medial vowel deletion is optional and occurs only when the adjacent vowels are unstressed (see Vallverdú Albornà 2002, 132‒136 for details). Thus, sequences of stressed and unstressed vowels behave differently. These sequences are subject to deletion at word boundaries, as in portar ametlles [puɾˈtaˈmɛʎʎəs] ‘to bring almonds’. In contrast, they are retained in word-medial position, as shown in (41). (41) Retention of word-medial hiatus (Bonet/Lloret 1998, 182) fi-ï [ˈfi.i] ‘entrust-1sg.prs.subj’ actu-a [ək.ˈtu.ə] ‘act-3sg.prs.ind’ In Central Catalan, consonant epenthesis involves the epenthetic consonant [ɣ] and the glides [j w] (Bibiloni 2002, 283–284; Recasens 1996b, 246, 300, 302). The epenthetic consonant depends on the quality of the adjacent vowels. While [ɣ w] are employed with back vowels, [j] is employed with front vowels, as illustrated in (42). (42) Hiatus resolution through consonant epenthesis raó ‘right’ [rəˈo] > [rəˈɣo] du-e-s ‘two-f-pl’ [ˈduəs] > [ˈduɣəs] braó ‘upper arm’ [bɾəˈo] > [bɾəˈwo] paella ‘pan’ [pəˈeʎə] > [pəˈjeʎə]

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 123

The ALDC offers examples of hiatus resolution by means of consonant epenthesis in the lexical items diarrea [diəˈrɛə] ‘diarrhoea’ (ALDC I, Map 169), graelles [ɡɾəˈeʎes] ‘grill’ (ALDC II, Map 324) and paella [pəˈeʎə] ‘pan’ (ALDC II, Map 328). The lexical item diarrea ‘diarrhoea’ marginally has consonant epenthesis.7 In contrast, consonant epenthesis occurs more frequently in the lexical items graelles ‘grill’ and paella ‘pan’. Map 5.6 charts the distribution of consonant epenthesis in the lexical item paella ‘pan’ (see PALDC II, Map 118 for details). In contrast to North-Western Catalan and Valencian, where the original hiatus is retained ([paˈeʎa]), Central Catalan and Majorcan Catalan have undergone hiatus resolution. In Central Catalan, the hiatus was resolved by means of consonant epenthesis ([pəˈjeʎə]) while in Majorcan Catalan it was resolved by means of vowel deletion ([ˈpeʎə]). This implies that in Balearic Catalan the sequence [ə.e] behaves similarly at word boundaries and in word-medial position, as opposed to Central Catalan. Additionally, we find [ð] in Ribagorça Catalan and in some survey sites of Roussillon Catalan and Central Catalan. The sound is a remnant of word-medial Lat. t, which is also preserved in Alghero Catalan as [ɾ]. The question arises as to why Central Catalan is the only Catalan dialect where hiatuses are repaired by means of consonant epenthesis. This finding conflicts with the picture obtained that Central Catalan is more word-oriented than other Catalan dialects. For this reason, we would not expect to find consonant epenthesis in this variety. A possible explanation is that in Central Catalan there is a tendency for syllable complexity to occur word-finally. Evidence comes from the distribution of the syllable type CV, which occurs more frequently in nonword-final than in word-final syllables (88% vs. 12%), as shown in Section 5.2.2. However, this explanation poses at least two problems. First, other word-medial hiatuses are not repaired. This is the case with cuina [kuˈinə] ‘kitchen’, which does not exhibit consonant epenthesis or glide formation. Glide formation is found in North-Western Catalan (see PALDC II, Map 130 for details). Second, we find in Central Catalan ill-formed syllable contacts in lexical items such as cendra [ˈsɛn.rə] ‘ash’ (see Map 5.4). In the northern area of Central Catalan the forms [ˈsɛn.rə] and [pəˈjeʎə] coincide geographically. Thus, the question remains open as to why Central Catalan has consonant epenthesis as opposed to other Catalan dialects.

7 According to the ALDC (I, Map 169), consonant epenthesis occurs in survey sites 28, 54, 57, 58, 64, and 114.

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 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

Map 5.6: Word-medial hiatus resolution.

5.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 125

5.5 Word-optimizing processes The word-optimizing processes that will be analysed in this section are word-final obstruent devoicing (5.5.1), affrication of word-final /ʒ/ (5.5.2), obstruent voicing across word boundaries (5.5.3), deletion of unstressed vowels (5.5.4), deletion of word-final n (5.5.5), deletion of word-final r (5.5.6), simplification of word-final ͡ and / tʃ͡ / (5.5.8), unstressed homorganic consonants (5.5.7), deaffrication of /dʒ/ vowel reduction (5.5.9), word-final nasalization (Section 5.5.10), and word-final consonant epenthesis (5.5.11).

5.5.1 Word-final obstruent devoicing As shown in Table 5.11, voiced obstruents are not permitted in word-final position. This phonotactic restriction results from the word-final obstruent rule, which applies in all Catalan dialects. Examples from Central Catalan are given in ͡ surface as [p t k s tʃ͡ tʃ͡ ] respectively when occurTable 5.15, where /b d ɡ z ʒ dʒ/ ring word-finally. Note that in intervocalic position (or between a vowel and a liquid) the voiced stops /b d ɡ/ undergo lenition and become the approximants [β ð ɣ], respectively. As we will see in Section 5.5.2, /ʒ/ undergoes affrication in word-final position. Table 5.15: Word-final obstruent devoicing.

/b/ /d/ /ɡ/ /z/ /ʒ/ /d͡ʒ/

Word-medial

Word-final

sab-en [ˈsaβən] ‘know-3pl.prs.ind’ perd-en [ˈpɛɾðən] ‘lose-3pl.prs.ind’ grog-a [ˈɡɾɔɣə] ‘yellow-f’ pagès-a [pəˈʒɛzə] ‘farmer-f’ roj-a [ˈrɔʒə] ‘red-f’ mitj-a [ˈmidd͡ʒə] ‘half-f’

sap [sap] ‘know[3sg.prs.ind]’ perd [pɛɾt] ‘lose[3sg.prs.ind]’ groc [ɡɾɔk] ‘yellow[m]’ pagès [pəˈʒɛs] ‘farmer[m]’ roig [rɔt͡ʃ ] ‘red[m]’ mig [mit͡ʃ ] ‘half[m]’

Substantial evidence that clitics belong to the phonological word is provided in Table 5.16, where the patterns of /b d ʒ/ are shown in word-medial position, at a morpheme and word boundary, and across a word boundary as a result of resyllabification. For example, /d/ undergoes devoicing in word-final position (as in perd una clau [ˈpɛɾ  t̮  unəˈkɔzə] ‘s/he loses a key’) while it is retained in word-medial position (as in perdo [ˈpɛɾðu] ‘I lose’). Importantly, when the clitic ho ‘it’ is attached to the imperative form in perd-ho [ˈpɛɾðu] ‘lose it!’, /d/ remains

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 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

Table 5.16: Word-final obstruent devoicing according to word and morpheme boundaries. Word-medial /d/ perd-o [ˈpɛɾðu] ‘lose-1sg.prs.ind’

Clitic boundary

Word boundary

Resyllabification

perd-ho [ˈpɛɾðu] ‘lose[2sg.imp]-it’

perd [pɛɾt] ‘lose[3sg.prs]’

perd una clau [ˈpɛɾ t̮ unəˈklaw] ‘lose[3sg.prs] a key’

/b/ reb-o rep-ho rep rep una carta [ˈrɛβu] [ˈrɛβu] [rɛp] [ˈrɛ   ̮punəˈkaɾtə] ‘receive-1sg.prs.ind’ ‘receive[2sg.imp]-it’ ‘receive[3sg.prs]’ ‘receive[3sg.prs] a letter’ /ʒ/ fug-i [ˈfuʒi] ‘run.away1sg.prs.subj’

fuig-hi [ˈfuʒi] ‘run.away[2sg.imp]there’

fuig [futʃ͡ ]

‘run.away[3sg. prs]’

fuig immediatament [ˈfu   ̮dʒ͡ imməˈðjatəˌmen] ‘run.away[2sg.imp] suddenly’

voiced, as in the first-person singular. Similarly, /b ʒ/ remain voiced when the clitic is attached. This implies that clitics are incorporated into the phonological word. Further evidence supporting that clitics belong to the phonological word will be provided in Sections 5.5.3 and 5.5.6 when discussing obstruent voicing across word boundaries and deletion of word-final r, respectively. Word-final obstruent devoicing is overruled by coda voice agreement. Coda voice agreement is a syllable-related assimilation process whereby obstruents – underlyingly voiced or voiceless – must agree in voicing with the following consonant. For example, /b/ surfaces as voiced in sap rus [ˈsab ˈrus] ‘s/he can speak Russian’, but as voiceless in sap català [ˈsap kətəˈla] ‘s/he can speak Catalan’ (see Bonet/Lloret 1998, 122‒126 for details).

5.5.2 Affrication of word-final [ʒ] Affrication of word-final /ʒ/ has been previously studied by Bonet/Lloret (1998, 105‒108) and Pradilla Cardona (2002, 301‒302). Examples are given in Table 5.17, where /ʒ/ (roj-a [ˈrɔʒə] ‘red-f’) undergoes affrication in word-final position (roig [rɔt͡ʃ ] ‘red[m]’). This alternation is conditioned by apocope, which took place in Pre-Old Catalan (see Section 6.5.3). The patterns observed in the examples raise the question of whether we are dealing with a process involving affrication of word-final /ʒ/ or, rather, deaffrication of word-medial /d͡ʒ/. In this respect, Bonet/Lloret (1998, 105‒108) argue that a word-medial deaffrication rule cannot be assumed since the rule would have also applied in cases such as lletjor [ʎədˈd͡ʒo] ‘ugliness’, mitj-o-s

5.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 127

Table 5.17: Affrication of word-final /ʒ/.

/ʒ/

Word-medial

Word-final

roj-a [ˈrɔʒə] ‘red-f’ rog-et [ruˈʒɛt] ‘red-dim[m]’ rogenc [ruˈʒɛŋ] ‘reddish[m]’

roig [rɔ tʃ͡ ] ‘red[m]’

͡ ͡ [ˈmiddʒus] ‘half-m-pl’, and rebutj-ar [rəβudˈdʒa] ‘reject-inf’, which would have resulted in *[ʎəˈʒo], *[ˈmiʒus], and *[rəβuˈʒa], respectively. Certainly, the affrication process assumed to occur word-finally is uncommon while wordmedial deaffrication is widely attested in the languages of the world. A look at the counterparts of CCat. [ʒ] in Southern Valencian and Majorcan Catalan will throw light on the nature of word-final affrication. Southern Valencian and Majorcan Catalan were selected because they typically constitute conservative dialects. The examples given in Table 5.18 reveal that in word-medial position ͡ while Central Southern Valencian and Majorcan Catalan have the affricate [ dʒ] Catalan has the fricative [ʒ]. From these observations, we can conclude that Southern Valencian and Majorcan Catalan (as well as Alghero Catalan and, partly, North-Western Catalan) have retained the original word-medial affricate while Central Catalan has experienced a deaffrication process. Therefore, affrication of word-final /ʒ/ ([ʒ] > [ tʃ͡ ]) only holds from a synchronic point of ͡ underwent deafview. From a diachronic perspective, in Central Catalan [ dʒ] ͡ frication in word-medial position ([ dʒ] > [ʒ]) and devoicing in word-final posi͡ > [ tʃ͡ ]). Importantly, the counter-evidence adduced by Bonet/Lloret tion ([ dʒ] ͡ (1998, 105‒108) (lletjor [ʎədˈ dʒo] ‘ugliness’, mitj-o-s [ˈmid dʒus] ‘half-m-pl’, and  ͡ ͡ rebutj-ar [rəβudˈ dʒa] ‘reject-inf’) involves geminates while lexical items such as roj-a [ˈrɔʒə] ‘red-f’ involve single consonants. Etymologically, the geminates have a different origin than the single consonants. This issue will be discussed in more detail in Section 6.5.8. Table 5.18: Counterparts of Central Catalan [ʒ] in selected Catalan dialects (DCVB). Example

Southern Valencian

Majorcan Catalan

Central Catalan

assaj-ar ‘try-inf’ passej-ar ‘walk-inf’ raj-ar ‘radiate-inf’ roj-a ‘red-f’

͡ aɾ] [asaˈ dʒ ͡ [paseˈdʒaɾ] ͡ [raˈdʒaɾ] [ˈrɔd ̞ ͡ʒa]

͡ a] [əsəˈ dʒ ͡ a] [pəsəˈ dʒ ͡ [rəˈ dʒ a] ͡ ə] [ˈrɔ̞ˈ dʒ

[əsəˈʒa] [pəsəˈʒa] [rəˈʒa] [ˈrɔʒə]

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 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

5.5.3 Obstruent voicing across word boundaries As we have seen in Section 5.5.1, voiced obstruents become devoiced in wordfinal position according to the word-final obstruent devoicing rule (see Table 5.15 for examples). However, in Central Catalan the word-final voiceless fricatives [f s ʃ ] and affricates [ tʃ͡ ts͡  ] undergo voicing when resyllabified (see Bonet/Lloret 1998, 118‒122 for details). The process is illustrated in Table 5.19. Note that in the phonetic transcription  ̮ indicates resyllabification. For example, word-final /s/ in cos /kɔs/ ‘body’ remains voiceless while word-final /z/ in gris /ɡɾiz/ ‘grey[m]’ becomes devoiced. Compare the corresponding plural forms coss-os [ˈkɔsus] ‘body-pl’, which retains the underlying voiceless sound, and gris-os [ˈɡɾizus] ‘grey-pl’, which retains the underlying voiced sound. When cos [kɔs] and gris [ɡɾis] are followed by a word beginning with a vowel, resyllabification takes place and the voiceless sibilant becomes voiced, as in cos estrany ‘foreign body’ and gris intens ‘intense grey’, where underlying /kɔs#esˈtɾaɲ/ and /ɡɾiz#inˈtɛns/ surface as [ˈkɔ z̮ əsˈtɾaɲ] and [ˈɡɾi z̮ inˈtɛns], respectively. Table 5.19: Obstruent voicing across word boundaries (Prieto 2004, 213–217). Word-final

Word-final across word boundaries

/s/

fotògraf [fuˈtɔɣɾəf] ‘photographer’ cos [kɔs] ‘body’

fotògraf estranger [fuˈtɔɣɾə ̮vəstrəɲˈʒe] ‘foreign[m] photographer’ cos estrany [ˈkɔ ̮zəsˈtɾaɲ] ‘foreign body’

/z/ /ʃ/ /ʒ/

gris [ɡɾis] ‘grey[m]’ feix [feʃ ] ‘burden’ passeig [pəˈsɛt͡ʃ] ‘walk’

/t͡ʃ/

despatx [dəsˈpat͡ʃ ] ‘office’

gris intens [ˈɡɾi ̮zinˈtɛns] ‘intense grey’ feix enorme [ˈfe ̮ʒəˈnoɾmə] ‘great burden’ passeig agradable [pəˈsɛ ̮d͡ʒəɣɾəˈðab.blə] ‘pleasant walk’ despatx ample [dəsˈpa ̮ˈd͡ʒamplə] ‘wide office’

/f/

Note that consonant clusters containing a sibilant as the realization of the plural morpheme or the second-person singular morpheme ([ps], [ts], [ks]) also undergo voicing, as can be observed in (43). For example, the word-final consonant cluster [ps] in saps ‘you know’ becomes voiced when resyllabified, as in sap-s anglès [ˈsa ̮bzəŋˈɡlɛs] ‘you can speak English’. (43) Obstruent voicing across word boundaries involving consonant clusters a. sap-s [saps] sap-s anglès [ˈsa ̮bzəŋˈɡlɛs] ‘know-2sg.prs.ind’ ‘know-2sg.prs.ind English’ b. estimat-s [əstiˈmat͡s] estimat-s amic-s [əstiˈma   ̮d͡zəˈmiks] ‘dear[m]-pl’ ‘dear[m]-pl friend-pl’

5.5 Word-optimizing processes 

c. amic-s [əˈmiks] ‘friend-pl’

 129

amic-s estimat-s [əˈmi  ̮ɡzəstiˈmat͡s] ‘friend-pl dear[m]-pl’

The patterns of obstruent voicing reveal that clitics belong to the phonological word, as illustrated in (44). The verb compl-ir ‘accomplish-inf’ is an irregular verb that forms the second- and third-person singular with the suffix -eix, as in compleix-es [kumˈplɛʃəs] ‘accomplish-2sg’ and compleix [kumˈplɛʃ] ‘accomplish[3sg]’, respectively. The sibilant of the stem is underlyingly voiceless as can be inferred from the form of the second-person singular ([kumˈplɛʃəs]). The voiceless sibilant /ʃ/ of the third-person singular becomes voiced when resyllabified across the word boundary, as in compleix un desig [kumˈplɛ   ̮ʒ#undəˈzit͡ʃ] ‘s/he accomplishes a desire’. Let us now consider the imperative form in order to study the behaviour of /ʃ/ with regard to clitics. The clitic ho ‘it’ was chosen because it begins with a vowel, which enables us to examine whether resyllabification is accompanied by voicing. The imperative form compleix-ho [kumˈplɛ   ̮ ʃu] ‘accomplish it!’ shows that /ʃ/ does not undergo voicing since syllabification does not occur across a word boundary as opposed to [kumˈplɛ ʒ̮ #undəˈzit͡ʃ] ‘s/he accomplishes a desire’. In other words, clitics are integrated into the phonological word. Unfortunately, there are no irregular verbal forms ending in /s t͡ʃ/ that could give us further insights into the patterns of clitics. However, the behaviour of /ʃ/ is in line with the observations made with regard to the obstruent final devoicing in Section 5.5.1. (44) Phonological status of clitics according to obstruent voicing a. compleix un desig [kumˈplɛ ʒ̮ undəˈzit͡ʃ ] ‘S/he accomplishes a desire.’ b. compleix-ho [kumˈplɛʃu] ‘Accomplish it!’ Let us take a closer look at the patterns of obstruent voicing across word boundaries in selected Catalan dialects (see Table 5.20). In Central Valencian, obstruents do not undergo voicing when resyllabified. By contrast, in Alghero Catalan, Central Catalan, and Southern Valencian we find obstruent voicing. However, the process is sensitive to manner and place of articulation. For example, in Central Catalan voicing is compulsory with sibilant fricatives and affricates, but optional with labiodental fricatives. By contrast, in Southern Valencian voicing is compulsory with fricatives (both sibilant and labiodental), affricates, and stops. Compare the pronunciation of sac ample ‘sack spacious-m’ in Central Catalan ([ˈsa    ˈ̮ kamplə]) and Southern Valencian ([ˈsa    ˈ̮ ɣample]) (example taken from Veny 2002, 112).

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 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

Table 5.20: Obstruent voicing across word boundaries in selected Catalan dialects (Lloret/ Jiménez 2009a, 42).

Central Valencian Alghero Catalan Central Catalan Southern Valencian

Sibilant # V

Affricate # V

f#V

Stop # V

− + + +

− − + +

− − +/− +

− − − +

Obstruent voicing across word boundaries poses a problem in part because resyllabification is a syllable-optimizing process, in part because voicing applies at word boundaries. Resyllabification is a syllable-optimizing process occurring at the level of the phonological phrase which optimizes syllable structure in that the word-final consonant (or glide) fills the word-initial empty onset of the adjacent word, thereby blurring word and morpheme boundaries. In German, for example, resyllabification is avoided by means of glottal stop insertion (see Section 7.5.3), as in um acht Uhr [ˈʔʊm ˈʔaxt ˈʔuːɐ] ‘at eight o’clock’. In contrast, Catalan allows resyllabification across word boundaries, as in vuit hores [buj   ̮ˈtɔɾəs] ‘eight hours’. The inevitable question that arises is whether there are any mechanisms that highlight the word boundaries despite resyllabification. Obstruent voicing constitutes such mechanism. That is, resyllabification, though usually regarded as a syllableoptimizing feature, is not necessarily at odds with a word language when processes such as obstruent voicing are at work. The process clearly helps to distinguish els avis [əl   ̮ˈzaβis] ‘the grandparents’ from els savis [əlˈsaβis] ‘the wise ones’. Note that in Catalan a sequence of two identical fricatives does not result in a geminate fricative. Instead, the sequence is simplified to one single element ([əlsˈsaβis] > [əlˈsaβis]). This process is labelled “fusion” (fusió) (Dols Salas 2002, 338). Wheeler (2005, 162) relates voicing across word boundaries to diachronic voicing in word-medial intervocalic position concluding that a satisfactory explanation cannot be given from a synchronic perspective. Certainly, intervocalic sibilants were originally voiceless in lexical items such as casa [ˈkazə] ‘house’ (Badia Margarit 1994, 190‒191; Moll 2006, 109). However, obstruent voicing across word boundaries is also found in languages and language varieties that have not undergone voicing in word-medial intervocalic position. Some examples are Andalusian Spanish (ALEA VI, Map 1707), Istanbul Judeo-Spanish (Hualde/ Şaul 2011, 100), and Ecuadoran Spanish (Lipski 1989). In Ecuadoran Spanish, /s/ becomes voiced when resyllabified across a word boundary, as shown in (45). The examples contain three instances of intervocalic /s/: in word-initial position (no sé [ˈnoˈse] ‘I do not know’), in word-medial position (casa [ˈkasa] ‘house’), and in

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 131

word-final intervocalic position (casas altas [ˈkasa   ˈ̮  zaltas] ‘high houses’). Voicing occurs only in word-final intervocalic position. Similar to Central Catalan, resyllabification is accompanied by voicing (cf. CCat. cases altes [ˈkazə   ̮ˈzaɫtəs] ‘high houses’). Additionally, voicing enables speakers to distinguish has ido [ˈa   ̮ˈziðo] ‘you have gone’ from ha sido [ˈaˈsiðo] ‘it has been’ (example taken from Lipski 1989, 55). In contrast to Central Catalan, word-medial intervocalic /s/ has not undergone voicing. Compare the pronunciation of casa ‘house’ in Central Catalan ([ˈkazə]) and Ecuadoran Spanish ([ˈkasa]). Thus, we can conclude that there is no correlation between word-medial intervocalic voicing and voicing across word boundaries, as put forward by Wheeler (2005, 162). (45) Obstruent voicing across word boundaries in Ecuadoran Spanish (Lipski 1989, 50‒51) no sé [ˈnoˈse] ‘neg know.1sg.prs’ casa [ˈkasa] ‘house’ casa-s alt-a-s [ˈkasa   ̮ˈzaltas] ‘house-pl high-f-pl’ Thus, obstruent voicing across word boundaries can be viewed as a word-optimizing process that contributes to highlighting word and morpheme boundaries despite resyllabification (see Contreras/Mateu/Pons-Moll 2004, 528‒529 and Pons-Moll 2009, 49‒50 for discussion).

5.5.4 Unstressed vowel deletion In Central Catalan, deletion of unstressed vowels only applies to schwa (see Section 5.5.9 for centralization). Vowel deletion may occur both word-initially (as in agulla ‘needle’ [əˈɣuʎə] > [ˈɡuʎə]) and word-medially (as in paret ‘wall’ [pəˈɾɛt] > [pɾɛt]). Deletion of unstressed high vowels [i u] is not attested. For example, there is no vowel deletion in lexical items such as oblid-ar [uβliˈða] ‘forget-inf’ and borina [buˈɾinə] ‘sailing rope’, which would have resulted in *[bliˈða] and *[ˈbɾinə], respectively. With regard to deletion of word-initial unstressed vowels, the ALDC offers examples such as agulla [əˈɣuʎə] ‘needle’ (ALDC II, Map 418), aixada [əˈʃaðə] ‘hoe’ (ALDC IV, Map 754), etc., which become [ˈɡuʎə] and [ˈʃaðə], respectively. Map 5.7 combines the distribution of the process in the lexical items abril [əˈβɾiɫ] ‘April’ (ALDC III, List 46), agost [əˈɣost] ‘August’ (ALDC III, List 49), agaf-ar (l’olla) [əɣəˈfa] ‘take-inf (the pot)’ (ALDC II, Map 344), and apag-ar (el foc) [əpəˈɣa] ‘put.out-inf (the fire)’ (ALDC III, Map 290), which result in [bɾiɫ], [ɡost], [ɡəˈfa], and [pəˈɣa], respectively. Word-initial vowel deletion is widespread in

132 

 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

Map 5.7: Deletion of word-initial unstressed vowels.

5.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 133

Balearic Catalan, Central Catalan, and North-Western Catalan. In many survey sites, the original forms co-exist with the deleted ones (see comments on the map). Deletion in the lexical item apag-ar ‘put.out-inf’ ([əpəˈɣa] > [pəˈɣa]) has led to homophony with the lexical item peg-ar [pəˈɣa] ‘hit-inf’ in Balearic Catalan. This instance of homophony is marginally attested in Central Catalan (survey sites 20, 22, 40).8 Deletion of word-initial schwa has been traditionally explained as a result of false splitting (see Sections 4.8 and 5.6 for examples). For example, in combination with the feminine definite article la the lexical item agulla ‘needle’ is reanalyzed as gulla (l’agulla > la gulla). Lloret/Jiménez (2008, 58) relate deletion of word-initial schwa with the prominence of the word-initial position. However, in Central Catalan the word-final position seems to be more prominent since this position attracts a high number of phonological processes. Additionally, syllable complexity occurs more frequently word-finally (92% vs. 8%) while the simple syllable type CV occurs more frequently in non-word-final syllables (88% vs. 12%) (see Section 5.2.2). Deletion of word-initial schwa would obey these patterns. Recasens (1996b, 116–118) analyses the patterns of word-medial vowel deletion in sequences of stop + liquid, coming to the following conclusions: First, the stop was a labial, a velar and a dental consonant in 60%, 27%, and 13% of the cases respectively while the liquid was a rhotic in 90% of the cases. Second, the unstressed vowels that undergo deletion are [a e] in the case of North-Western Catalan, Valencian, and Alghero Catalan, and [ə] in the case of Roussillon Catalan, Central Catalan, and Balearic Catalan. The author observes that [a e] are more reluctant to vowel deletion than [ə]. In other words, centralized vowels are more prone to deletion than full vowels (Recasens 1996b, 118). From these observations, we can conclude that vowel deletion is necessarily preceded by centralization. Importantly, word-medial unstressed vowel deletion does not lead to the emergence of new consonant clusters that may help to highlight the word boundaries (català ‘Catalan’ [kətəˈla] > *[ktla], genoll [ʒəˈnoʎ] > *[ʒnoʎ] ‘knee’, etc.). That is, the resulting syllable structure is well-formed. Again, a possible explanation is the preference for simple syllable structures in non-word-final position and complex syllable structures in word-final syllables. Examples of deletion of word-medial schwa between stop and r are shown in (46). The deleted forms may co-occur with the corresponding non-deleted forms such that there is alternation between barana ‘banister’ [bəˈɾanə] ~ [bɾanə]. This 8 Local grammars give an account of the process (Sala 1983, 30‒33; Recasens 1985, 109; Riera 1993, 38‒39; Luna Batlle 1996, 386; Monturiol/Domínguez 2001, 29; Dorca Dorca 2006, 38; 2007, 39‒40; 2008, 28‒29).

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 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

alternation may also depend on speech tempo. Unlike Welsh (see Section 4.7.4), vowel deletion is not foot-based. Deletion in barana [bəˈɾanə] ‘bars’ and veritat [bəɾiˈtat] ‘truth’ gives rise to a trochaic and iambic foot respectively while deletion in parell [pəˈɾεj] ‘similar[m]’ gives rise to an ill-formed monopedal foot. Therefore, the domain of the process is the phonological word. (46) Deletion of centralized vowels (Dorca Dorca 2008, 30) parell ‘similar[m]’ [pəˈɾεj] > [pɾεj] taronja ‘orange’ [təˈɾɔɲʒə] > [ˈtɾɔɲʒə] veritat ‘truth’ [bəɾiˈtat] > [bɾiˈtat] Vowel deletion co-exists with vowel epenthesis, as shown in (47). For example, prat [pɾat] ‘meadow’ may undergo vowel epenthesis giving rise to [pəˈɾat]. This apparent contradiction – that is, vowel deletion on the one hand and vowel epenthesis on the other – has been traditionally explained in terms of analogy. For example, prat [pɾat] ‘meadow’ becomes [pəˈɾat] in analogy to parell [pəˈɾεj] ‘similar[m]’. Alternatively, deletion and epenthesis reveal the instability of schwa in pretonic simple and moderately complex syllables. (47) Vowel epenthesis (Dorca Dorca 2007, 42; 2008, 30) branca ‘branch’ [ˈbɾaŋkə] > [bəˈɾaŋkə] gruta ‘cave’ [ˈɡɾutə] > [ɡəˈɾutə] prat ‘meadow’ [pɾat] > [pəˈɾat] The ALDC offers examples of deletion of centralized vowels, which include the lexical items baranes (del carro) [bəˈɾanəs] ‘bars (of the cart)’ (ALDC IV, Map 914),9 caramell [kəɾˈmεʎ] ‘sweet’ (ALDC III, Map 682), and paret [pəˈɾεt] ‘wall’ (ALDC II, Map 217). Map 5.8 charts the responses given for the lexical item paret ‘wall’. On the basis of the phonetic transcriptions we can observe the different stages of deletion: [pəˈɾεt] > [pəˈɾεt] > [pɾεt]. The second stage occurs in Central Catalan while the third stage occurs in Roussillon Catalan.

9 According to the ALDC, vowel deletion in lexical items such as paret [pəˈɾεt] ‘wall’ only occurs in Roussillon Catalan. This finding sharply contrasts with the accounts provided by local grammars, which describe unstressed vowel deletion in Central Catalan (Sala 1983, 31; Recasens 1985, 110‒113; Vilà Comajoan 1989, 34‒36; Riera 1993, 41‒42; Luna Batlle 1996, 386‒387; Monturiol/Domínguez 2001, 29; Dorca Dorca 2006, 37; 2008, 30). This implies that the material of the ALDC is not suited for the study of the process, which is strongly motivated by speech tempo.

5.5 Word-optimizing processes 

Map 5.8: Deletion of word-medial unstressed vowels.

 135

136 

 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

5.5.5 Deletion of word-final n Deletion of word-final n occurs in all Catalan dialects, with the exception of the North-Western Catalan subdialect Ribagorçà (Badia Margarit 1994, 241‒242; Bibiloni 2002, 273‒277; Moll 2006; Jiménez/Lloret 2011). Examples are shown in (48), where /n/ undergoes deletion in word-final position while it surfaces word-medially when derivational and inflectional suffixes are attached. Note that in the phonetic transcription Ø indicates the loss of a segment. In contrast to deletion of word-final r (Section 5.5.6), deletion of word-final n is reflected in the writing. As Prieto (2004, 225) points out, the process is still productive since loan words such as Taliban are adapted as talibà [təliˈβa]. However, word-final n has not been deleted in chunks. This is the case with compounds such as vin blanc ‘wine white[m]’, pan benei-t ‘bread consecrate-ptcp[m]’, etc. The ALDC offers examples of retention of word-final n.10 (48) Deletion of word-final n cançó [kənˈsoØ] ‘song’ camí [kəˈmiØ] ‘way’

cançon-et-a [kənsuˈnεtə] ‘song-dim-f’ camin-ar [kəmiˈna] ‘walk-inf’

The process is not syllable-related. Otherwise, it would have taken place both in the word-medial and word-final coda giving rise to cançó *[kəØˈsoØ]. Thus, deletion of word-final n is word-related since it applies within the domain of the phonological word. Additionally, it is word-optimizing since it highlights the right margin of the phonological word.

5.5.6 Deletion of word-final r Deletion of word-final r takes place in all Catalan dialects, except for Valencian (Badia Margarit 1994, 242‒245; Bibiloni 2002, 27‒28; Bonet/Lloret/Mascaró 2005; Moll 2006, 115‒116; PALDC I, Maps 27‒28). Examples of deletion of word-final r are given in (49), where /ɾ/ undergoes deletion in word-final position while it surfaces word-medially when derivational and inflectional suffixes are attached.

10 For example, the lexical item mà dret-a ‘hand right-f’ (ALDC I, Map 145) preserves its final n in Balearic Catalan ([man ˈdɾətə] in survey site 70), and so does the lexical item cosí germà ‘cousin’ (ALDC III, Map 515) in Balearic Catalan and in parts of Central Catalan and Valencian ([kuˌziɲʒəɾˈma] in survey site 53).

5.5 Word-optimizing processes 

(49) Deletion of word-final r ferrer [fəˈreØ] ‘smith’ port-ar [puɾˈtaØ] ‘bring-inf’ primer [pɾiˈmeØ] ‘first[m]’

 137

ferreria [fərəˈɾiə] ‘smithy’ port-ar-é [puɾtaˈɾe] ‘bring-fut-1sg’ primer-a [pɾiˈmeɾə] ‘first-f’ primerenc [pɾiməˈɾεŋ] ‘early[m]’

Similar to deletion of word-final n, deletion of word-final r is a word-related process. Otherwise, it would have applied both in word-medial and word-final codas giving rise to portar *[puØˈtaØ]. In addition, the process is word-optimizing since it demarcates the right margin of the phonological word. The ALDC offers examples of deletion of word-final r in lexical items such as febrer ‘February’ (ALDC III, List 44), plor-ar ‘cry-inf’ (ALDC I, Map 19), etc. Map 5.9 charts deletion of word-final r in the lexical item plor-ar ‘cry-inf’ (see PALDC I, Maps 27‒28 for deletion in nouns and verbs). Word-final r has been retained in certain lexical items such as cor ‘heart’, mar ‘sea’, pur ‘pure[m]’, where it may be strengthened by inserting an epenthetic consonant. As we will see in Section 5.5.11, this process holds sway in Central Catalan and Roussillon Catalan. Deletion of word-final r is likely to have been preceded by an intermediate stage involving weakening ([ɾ] > [ɾ]). The intermediate stage is attested in Northern Valencian (survey site 139) and Southern Valencian (survey sites 174, 180, 182‒184, 188, 190). Thus, the historical development comprises the following stages: plor-ar ‘cry-inf’ [ploˈɾaɾ] > [ploˈɾaɾ] > [ploˈɾa]. In what follows, we will see that the patterns of deletion of word-final r reveal that clitics are integrated into the phonological word.11 Evidence for the phonological status of clitics was delivered in Section 5.5.1 when discussing the patterns of word-final obstruent devoicing. Further evidence is presented in (50), where /ɾ/ is deleted in word-final position. However, /ɾ/ surfaces when a clitic (or clitic group) is attached, as in portar-la [puɾˈtaɾlə] and fer-ne [ˈfeɾnə]. This implies that /ɾ/ occupies the word-medial coda since the clitic forms part of the phonological word (fer [feØ]ω vs. fer-ne [ˈfeɾnə]ω). (50) Phonological status of clitics according to deletion of word-final r a. port-ar la roba [puɾˈtaØləˈrɔβə] port-ar-la [puɾˈtaɾlə] ‘bring-inf def.f[sg] clothes’ ‘bring-inf-3sg.f.acc’ b. fer negoci-s [ˈfeØnəˈɣɔsis] fer-ne [ˈfeɾnə] ‘do.inf business-pl’ ‘do.inf-par’ 11 The patterns of word-final r adjacent to a clitic have been described in local grammars (Barniol Estany 1983, 21; Riera 1993, 58; Dorca Dorca 2007, 45; 2008, 32). Deletion of word-final r next to a clitic (or clitic group) is a non-standard feature of Central Catalan (Argenter 1999, 20).

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 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

Map 5.9: Deletion of word-final r.

5.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 139

However, in some areas of Central Catalan, /ɾ/ does not surface when followed by a clitic such that port-ar-la ‘ bring-inf-3sg.f.acc’ is realized as [puɾˈtalə]. In order to account for the patterns of word-final r followed by a clitic, I selected the lexical item moc-ar-se ‘blow.one’s.nose-inf-refl’ (ALDC I, Map 123). Since many survey sites offered no responses to the item, I included the lexical items mull-ar-se ‘get.wet-inf-refl’ and seny-ar-se ‘cross.oneself-inf-refl’ (ALDC III, Maps 670 and 546, respectively). The realization of the r of the infinitive ending followed by the reflexive pronoun se is given in Map 5.10. The map also contains the isogloss of deletion of word-final r. Roussillon Catalan and Alghero Catalan show the inverted order of infinitive and reflexive pronoun such that the patterns of word-final r followed by the reflexive pronoun cannot be accounted for in these varieties. In Central Catalan, mocar-se is attested as [muˈkaɾsə], [muˈkasə], and [muˈkas]. However, [muˈkaɾsə] is more frequent. That is, the morpheme boundary is highlighted. By contrast, in North-Western Catalan, where deletion of word-final r also applies, /ɾ/ does not surface when followed by a clitic. As a consequence, the morpheme boundary is not highlighted.

5.5.7 Simplification of word-final homorganic consonants Assimilation processes involving the simplification of word-final homorganic consonants are found in North-Western Catalan, Roussillon Catalan, and Central Catalan. In these dialects, the homorganic groups /mp nt ŋk lt/ and the corresponding voiced counterparts /mb nd ŋɡ ld/ are simplified in word-final position to [m n ŋ ɫ], respectively (Badia Margarit 1994, 249‒252; Bonet/Lloret 1998, 108‒114; Dols Salas 2002, 331‒340). In contrast, the original homorganic groups have been retained in Valencian, Balearic Catalan, and Alghero Catalan (for the simplification of /nt nd ld lt/ in Southern Valencian see Colomina Castanyer 1985, 153–154). Map 5.11 and Map 5.12 chart the simplification of the homorganic groups /nt/ and /ŋɡ/ in the lexical items font ‘fountain’ and fang ‘mud’, respectively (see PALDC II, Map 319 for details). Examples from Central Catalan are given in Table 5.21. Note that simplification of homorganic consonant clusters only applies word-finally (regardless of resyllabification), as in camp [kam] ‘field’ and camp és [ˈka   ˈ̮ mεs] ‘field be.3sg. prs.ind’. Simplification does not apply word-medially, as in camp-et [kəmˈpεt] ‘field-dim[m]’. As a result of this and similar simplification processes occurring word-finally, the word-final syllable type (C)(C)VCC is 3% less frequent in Central Catalan than in Valencian (see Section 5.2.2 for details). The motivation for the process will be treated in the discussion.

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 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

Map 5.10: Retention of word-final r with the reflexive pronoun se.

5.5 Word-optimizing processes 

Map 5.11: Simplification of word-final homorganic /nt/.

 141

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 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

Map 5.12: Simplification of word-final homorganic /nɡ/.

5.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 143

Table 5.21: Simplification of word-final /mp nt ŋk lt/. Word-medial

Word-final

Word-final across word boundaries

/mp/

camp-et [kəmˈpεt] ‘field-dim[m]’

camp [kam] ‘field’

camp és [ˈka   ̮ˈmεs] ‘field be.3sg.prs.ind’

/nt/

font-et-a [funˈtεtə] ‘fountain-dim-f’

font [fɔn] ‘fountain’

font és [ˈfɔ   ̮ˈnεs] ‘fountain be.3sg.prs.ind’

/ŋk/

tronqu-et [tɾuŋˈkεt] ‘trunk-dim[m]’

tronc [tɾoŋ] ‘trunk’

tronc és [ˈtɾo   ̮ˈŋεs] ‘trunk be.3sg.prs.ind’

/lt/

molt-e-s [ˈmoɫtəs] ‘much-f-pl’

molt [moɫ] ‘much[m]’

molt especial [ˈmo   ̮ɫəspəsiˈaɫ] ‘very especial’

5.5.8 Deaffrication of [d͡ʒ] and [t͡ʃ] ͡ and [ tʃ ] ͡ underwent deaffrication in onset position giving rise In Central Catalan, [dʒ] to [ʒ] and [ʃ], respectively (Badia Margarit 1994, 180‒182, 207; Moll 2006, 104‒105). In contrast to Central Catalan, the original affricates have been preserved in Valencian. Compare the pronunciation of the lexical item juny ‘June’ in Southern Valencian ͡ ([dʒuɲ]) and Central Catalan ([ʒuɲ]). According to the distribution patterns attested in the ALDC, I will distinguish between two different types of deaffrication: (1) deaf͡ as in juny ‘June’ [dʒuɲ] ͡ frication of [dʒ], > [ʒuɲ] (Section 5.5.8.1); and (2) deaffrica͡ > [ˈpaɲʃə] (Section 5.5.8.2). ͡ as in panxa ‘belly’ [ˈpaɲtʃə] tion of [ tʃ ], Deaffrication is a lenition process whereby affricates become fricatives (see (24) for a classification of lenition processes). On the one hand, deaffrication is syllable-related since it took place in syllable onsets regardless of stress and within-word position. On the other hand, the process is syllable-deteriorating since it implies a violation of the Head Law and Contact Law. Deaffrication in word-initial onsets and word-medial intervocalic onsets violates the Head Law while deaffrication in word-medial onsets after sonorants violates the Contact Law. According to the Head Law, a syllable onset is the more preferred the greater the Consonantal Strength value of the onset (see Section 3.2.1). This is not the case with deaffrication, which brings about an increase of the sonority of the segment, as in the development of OCat. juny [d͡ʒuɲ] into CCat. [ʒuɲ] ‘June’. According to the Contact Law, a syllable contact C1.C2 is the more preferred the less the Consonantal Strength value of C1 and the greater the Consonantal Strength value of C2. The word-medial deaffrication of [ t͡ʃ ] and [d͡ʒ] after sonorants contributed to a deterioration of the syllable contact since it reduced the characteristic difference between the Consonantal Strength of C2 and C1.

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 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

This is the case with the lexical items taronja ‘orange’ [təˈɾɔɲ.d͡ʒə] > [təˈɾɔɲ.ʒə] and panxa ‘belly’ [ˈpaɲt͡ʃə] > [ˈpaɲ.ʃ ə]. Figure 5.7 and Figure 5.8 depict the emergence of the deteriorated syllable contact in the lexical item panxa ‘belly’. Importantly, the deterioration of the syllable contact does not lead to an ill-formed syllable contact.

Figure 5.7: Sonority of panxa ‘belly’.

Figure 5.8: Sonority of panxa ‘belly’ after deaffrication.

5.5.8.1 Deaffrication of [d͡ʒ] The ALDC contains lexical items with etymological [d͡ʒ] in word-initial position such as gendre [ˈʒεndɾə] ‘son-in-law’ (ALDC III, Map 510), genoll [ʒəˈnoʎ] ‘knee’ (ALDC I, Map 87), juny [ʒuɲ] ‘June’ (ALDC III, List 48), etc. Additionally, it contains lexical items with etymological [d͡ʒ] in word-medial position. In word-medial position, [d͡ʒ] may be preceded by a vowel or a sonorant, as in dijous [diˈʒɔws] ‘Thursday’ (ALDC II, List 41) and taronja [ˈtɾɔɲʒə] ‘orange’ (ALDC V, Map 1173). Map 5.13 and Map 5.14 illustrate deaffrication of

Map 5.13: Deaffrication of word-initial [d͡ʒ].

Map 5.14: Deaffrication of word-medial [d͡ʒ].

5.5 Word-optimizing processes   145

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 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

etymological [d͡ʒ] in word-initial and word-medial onsets in the lexical items juny [ʒuɲ] ‘June’ and dijous [diˈʒɔws] ‘Thursday’, respectively. Deaffrication of [d͡ʒ] in word-medial position after sonorants was not mapped since the process has a similar distribution. The maps reveal that deaffrication occurs in North-Western Catalan, Roussillon Catalan, Central Catalan, and Balearic Catalan. Deaffrication does not occur in lexical items such as fetge ‘liver’ (ALDC I, Map 70), which is realized as [ˈfed͡ʒə] or [ˈfet͡ʃ ə] in Central Catalan. The distinct patterns found in dijous ‘Thursday’ and fetge ‘liver’ are etymologically conditioned. This issue will be discussed in more detail in Section 6.5.8. 5.5.8.2 Deaffrication of [ t͡ʃ ] The ALDC contains lexical items with etymological [ t͡ʃ ] in word-initial position such as xinxa [ˈʃ iɲʃə] ‘bed bug’ (ALDC, Question 1696) and word-medial position after sonorants such as carxofa [kəɾˈʃɔfə] ‘artichoke’ (ALDC V, Map 1121), carxofera [kəɾʃuˈfeɾə] ‘globe artichoke’ (ALDC V, Map 1122), panxa [ˈpaɲʃə] ‘belly’ (ALDC I, Map 68), planx-ar [plaɲˈʃə] ‘iron-inf’ (ALDC III, Map 429), and xinxa [ˈʃ iɲʃə] ‘bed bug’ (ALDC, Question 1696). Map 5.15 and Map 5.16 chart the distribution of the process in the lexical items xinxa ‘bed bug’ (both in word-initial and word-medial position) and panxa ‘belly’ (in word-medial position), respectively. Map 5.15 is based on Veny (2015, 57). In contrast to deaffrication of [d͡ʒ], deaffrication of [ t͡ʃ ] has a reduced geographical distribution since it only applies in Roussillon Catalan, Central Catalan, Balearic Catalan, and Alghero Catalan. Additionally, deaffrication does not occur in word-medial intervocalic position. For example, lexical items such as bitxo [ˈbit͡ʃ u] ‘chilli pepper’ (ALDC V, Map 1134) and motx-a [ˈmot͡ʃ ə] ‘hornless-f’ (ALDC VI, Map 1309) do not exhibit deaffrication. 5.5.8.3 Summary In Central Catalan, deaffrication of [d͡ʒ] and [ t͡ʃ ] occurs in word-initial and word-medial onsets. Deaffrication of [ t͡ʃ ] differs from deaffrication of [d͡ʒ] in that it does not apply in word-medial intervocalic position. The patterns of deaffrication unveil a gradual concentration of the process in Central Catalan, as illustrated in Table 5.22. Deaffrication implies a violation of the Head Law and Contact Law. With regard to word-medial syllable contacts in Central Catalan, the deterioration of syllable contacts resulting from deaffrication is in line with the deterioration of syllable contacts resulting from consonant deletion, as in prend-re ‘take-inf’ [ˈpεn.dɾə] > [ˈpεn.rə] (see Section 5.2.4).

Map 5.15: Deaffrication of word-initial and word-medial [ t͡ʃ ].

Map 5.16: Deaffrication of word-medial [ t͡ʃ ].

5.5 Word-optimizing processes   147

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 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

Table 5.22: Deaffrication in Southern Valencian, North-Western Catalan, and Central Catalan.

Deaffrication of [d͡ʒ] Deaffrication of [ t͡ʃ ]

Southern Valencian

North-Western Catalan

Central Catalan

− −

+ −

+ +

5.5.9 Unstressed vowel reduction This section is devoted to the following vowel reduction processes: centralization of /a ε e/, merger of /o ɔ u/, and diphthong simplification. Centralization and merger of back vowels are described in Section 5.5.9.1 while diphthong simplification is described in Section 5.5.9.2. 5.5.9.1 Centralization and merger of back vowels The reduced number of vowels in unstressed syllables described in Section 5.3.1 arises from two phonological processes: centralization of /a ε e/ and merger of /o ɔ u/. The processes result from stress shift when inflectional and derivational suffixes that carry stress are attached to the stem. Centralization and merger of back vowels resulting from stress shift in the verbal inflection are illustrated in Table 5.23 and Table 5.24, respectively. Table 5.23 displays the infinitive form and the present indicative paradigm of the verbs parl-ar [pəɾˈla] ‘speak-inf’, pens-ar [pənˈsa] ‘think-inf’, and menj-ar [məɲˈʒa] ‘eat-inf’ (see Section 5.5.6 for deletion of word-final r). Similarly, Table 5.24 displays the infinitive form and the present indicative paradigm of the verbs port-ar [puɾˈta] ‘bring-inf’, don-ar [duˈna] ‘give-inf’, and truc-ar [truˈka] ‘knock-inf’. The infinitive endings (-ar, -er, -ir) and the ending of the first- and second-person plural (-em, -eu) are stressed and therefore trigger unstressed vowel reduction in the pretonic syllable. Note that /a ε e/ become [ə] while /ɔ o/ merge with /u/ into [u]. The instances of unstressed vowel reduction are shaded in the table. The verb truc-ar ‘knock-inf’ (Table 5.24) does not undergo unstressed vowel reduction and is therefore not shaded. Examples of centralization and merger of back vowels resulting from stress shift in derivational processes are given in (51). The derivational suffixes involve the diminutive suffix -et and the agent-noun suffix -er, both of which are stressed. (51) Unstressed vowel reduction as a result of stress shift casa [ˈkazə] ‘house’ cas-et-a [kəˈzεtə] ‘house-dim-f’ ferro [ˈfεru] ‘iron’ ferrer [fəˈre] ‘smith[m]’ porta [ˈpɔɾtə] ‘door’ port-et-a [puɾˈtεtə] ‘door-dim-f’ porter [puɾˈte] ‘porter[m]’

5.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 149

Table 5.23: Present indicative paradigm of the verbs parl-ar ‘speak-inf’, pens-ar ‘think-inf’, and menj-ar ‘eat-inf’. Inf. Pres. ind.

parlar

[pəɾˈla]

pensar

[pənˈsa]

menjar

[məɲˈʒa]

parlo

[ˈpaɾlu]

penso

[ˈpεnsu]

menjo

[ˈmeɲʒu]

parles

[ˈpaɾləs]

penses

[ˈpεnsəs]

menges

[ˈmeɲʒəs]

parla

[ˈpaɾlə]

pensa

[ˈpεnsə]

menja

[ˈmeɲʒə]

parlem

[pəɾˈlεm]

pensem

[pənˈsεm]

mengem

[məɲˈʒεm]

parleu

[pəɾˈlεw]

penseu

[pənˈsεw]

mengeu

[məɲˈʒεw]

parlen

[ˈpaɾlən]

pensen

[ˈpεnsən]

mengen

[ˈmeɲʒən]

Table 5.24: Present indicative paradigm of the verbs port-ar ‘bring-inf’, don-ar ‘give-inf’, and truc-ar ‘knock-inf’. Inf. Pres. ind.

portar

[puɾˈta]

donar

[duˈna]

trucar

[truˈka]

porto

[ˈpɔɾtu]

dono

[ˈdonu]

truco

[ˈtruku]

portes

[ˈpɔɾtəs]

dónes

[ˈdonəs]

truques

[ˈtrukəs]

porta

[ˈpɔɾtə]

dóna

[ˈdonə]

truca

[ˈtrukə]

portem

[puɾˈtεm]

donem

[duˈnεm]

truquem

[truˈkεm]

porteu

[puɾˈtεw]

doneu

[duˈnεw]

truqueu

[truˈkεw]

porten

[ˈpɔɾtən]

donen

[ˈdonən]

truquen

[ˈtrukən]

Underlying forms can be determined when unstressed vowels are the result of stress shift, as in parl-ar [pəɾˈla] ‘speak-inf’ and parl-a [ˈpaɾlə] ‘speak-3sg.prs. ind’. In contrast, underlying forms cannot be determined when they exclusively occur in unstressed syllables. This is the case with lexical items such as camí [kəˈmi] ‘way’, color [kuˈlo] ‘colour’, etc. In this respect, historical linguistics can help to clear up the matter. Alternatively, the patterns in Western Catalan dialects, which have not undergone unstressed vowel reduction, may also reveal the underlying vowel. In what follows, I will show that centralization and merger of back vowels apply within the phonological word rather than lower prosodic categories such as the phonological foot. This issue will be discussed with the patterns of unstressed vowel reduction in the lexical item casolan-s [kəzuˈlans] ‘homemade[m]-pl’. The phonological word [kəzuˈlans]ω consists of two phonological feet: a weak foot [kəzu]F and a strong foot [lans]F, as shown in Figure 5.9. Centralization and merger of back vowels apply to unstressed syllables within the phonological word regardless of the prominent syllable within the

150 

 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

phonological foot. In the example [kəzuˈlans], /a/ and /o/ undergo centralization and merger of back vowels respectively. Importantly, these syllables constitute the weak foot of the phonological word ([kəzu]F). This implies that reduction is not foot-sensitive since the process also applies to the prominent syllable of the weak feet. A foot-based centralization process would have resulted in *[[kazu]F[ˈlans]F]ω, where only the non-prominent syllable of the feet undergoes reduction. Thus, unstressed vowel reduction is related to the prosodic category of the phonological word. Additionally, it is word-optimizing since it contributes to an asymmetry between stressed and unstressed syllables in the phonological word.

Figure 5.9: Prosodic domain of unstressed vowel reduction (Lloret/Jiménez 2008, 63).

Map 5.17 and Map 5.18 chart centralization of pretonic /a/ and /e/ in the lexical items carrer [kəˈre] ‘street’ and demà [dəˈma] ‘tomorrow’, respectively. Centralization of /a ε e/ in unstressed syllables is a feature shared by all Eastern Catalan dialects, except for Alghero Catalan. However, centralization of pretonic /a/ has been observed in Western Catalan, especially in North-Western Catalan.12

12 Alcover (1908, 226) was the first to report on centralization in some areas of North-Western Catalan, which include Andorra, Seu d’Urgell, Pallás, Conca de Tremp, Vall d’Ager, Balaguer, Artesa de Segre, Guissona, Pons, Cervera, Tàrrega, Massalcoreig, Fulleda, and Lleida. In the study on the dialect of Cardós and Vall Ferrera (in the district Pallars Sobirà), Coromines (1936, 246) describes the quality of pretonic /a/ in lexical items such as carrer ‘street’ as a near-open central vowel [ɐ]. The ALDC provides examples of pretonic centralization in NorthWestern Catalan. For example, centralization was noted in the lexical items carrer ‘street’

Map 5.17: Centralization of pretonic /a/.

Map 5.18: Centralization of pretonic /e/.

5.5 Word-optimizing processes   151

152 

 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

Map 5.19 and Map 5.20 illustrate centralization of posttonic /a/ and /e/ in the lexical items cama [ˈkamə] ‘leg’ (ALDC I, Map 84) and metge [ˈmed͡ʒə] ‘doctor’ (ALDC I, Map 170). A comparison with Map 5.17 and Map 5.18 reveals that centralization of pretonic and posttonic /a e/ applies in the same area.13 Sociolinguistically speaking, the maps show a rather simplified picture. I will report on sociolinguistic factors as well as dialect and language contact situations that can add more information. Plaza Arqué (1995) carried out a sociolinguistic study in L’Espluga de Fracolí, a locality situated in the transitional area between North-Western and Central Catalan. The subdialect spoken here is termed Xipella (Veny 2002, 38‒39). It is traditionally characterized as having centralization solely in pretonic syllables. However, the author shows that centralization in posttonic syllables is increasing among the youngest generations owing to the influence of Central Catalan (Plaza Arqué 1995, 131‒137). Similarly, the sociolinguistic study conducted by Palacín Artiga (1993, 51‒60) in the transitional dialect area of Alt Camp, where the subdialect tarragoní is spoken (see Map 5.2), reveals that centralization is spreading among younger speakers. On the other hand, there is a current loss of centralization in the Central Catalan variety spoken in Barcelona, which is conditioned by language contact, especially with Spanish (Pla Fulquet 1995; Lleó/Benet/Cortés 2008; Cortés/Lleó/Benet 2009). Similarly, the language contact situation between Alghero Catalan and Sardinian must have led to the loss of schwa (PALDC I, Maps 39‒40, IV, Maps 463‒465). In both language contact situations, unstressed schwa, which does not occur in Spanish and Sardinian, has been replaced by the full vowel [a]. In this respect, a contact situation between a (ALDC III, Map 697) and paret ‘wall’ (ALDC II, Map 217). The former was transcribed with centralization in survey sites 95 and 107 (see Map 5.17) while the latter was transcribed with centralization in survey sites 65, 86, 105, 107, 110, 112, 116, and 120 (see Map 5.8). It is not clear whether pretonic centralization is motivated by a language-internal change or the influence of Central Catalan (see Recasens 1996b, 92 for discussion). 13 The realization of word-final /a/ shows in North-Western Catalan a wide range of variation, which comprises the palatalized variants [a̟ ɛ e̞] and the velarized variants [a̠ ɑ ɔ̞] (see Recasens 1996b, 95 for an account of their geographical distribution). Centralization of word-final /a/ has also been identified in North-Western Catalan and Valencian (see Recasens 1996b, 98 for details). Alcover (1908, 232; 1918, 171‒173, 196) reports on centralization of word-final /a/ in North-Western Catalan and Valencian. Posttonic centralization in Valencian was later confirmed by Griera (1921b, 11). The ALDC provides examples of posttonic centralization in North-Western Catalan and Valencian, as in the lexical items cama ‘leg’ (ALDC I, Map 84) and casa ‘house’ (ALDC II, List 13). The item cama ‘leg’ displays centralization in survey sites 114, 123, and 129 (see Map 5.19) while the item casa ‘house’ displays centralization in survey sites 114, 123, 127–129, 133, and 146. Although we find instances of centralization in North-Western Catalan and Valencian, it is not as systematic as in Central Catalan.

Map 5.19: Centralization of posttonic /a/.

Map 5.20: Centralization of posttonic /e/.

5.5 Word-optimizing processes   153

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 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

word-oriented language such as Central Catalan and syllable-oriented languages such as Spanish and Sardinian has brought about the loss of schwa in unstressed syllables, which implies an optimization of the syllable (see Szczepaniak 2009 for the typological classification of Spanish). The distribution of merger of back vowels is given in Map 5.21 and Map 5.22 according to its occurrence in pretonic and posttonic syllables, respectively. Map 5.21 shows the distribution of merger of back vowels in the lexical item plor-ar [pluˈɾa] ‘cry-inf’ (ALDC I, Map 19). The process is common in all Eastern Catalan dialects. However, the distinction between unstressed /o/ and /u/ persists in Majorcan Catalan with the exception of survey site 74 (Sóller).14 Map  5.22 charts merger of back vowels in the lexical item mes-os [ˈmezus] ‘month-pl’ (ALDC III, L 43). A look at both maps reveals that the process has a similar distribution. In Section 4.7.1.1, I discussed unstressed vowel reduction in selected Romance languages. Let us now compare the patterns of unstressed vowel reduction in North-Western Catalan and Central Catalan with other Romance languages (see Table 5.25). North-Western Catalan, Galician, Italian, and Brazilian Portuguese exhibit merger of mid lax and tense vowels. As for merger of back vowels, Central Catalan resembles Brazilian Portuguese (only in posttonic syllables), European Portuguese, Neapolitan (only in pretonic syllables), and Romansh. Centralization is attested in Central Catalan, European Portuguese, Neapolitan, and Romansh. However, Central Catalan differs from European Portuguese and Neapolitan in two respects. First, in European Portuguese centralization results in two centralized vowels ([i] and [ɐ]) while in Central Catalan it results in schwa ([ə]). Second, unstressed vowel reduction is sensitive to within-word position in Neapolitan. This is not the case in Central Catalan, where /a ɛ e/ undergo centralization both in pretonic and posttonic syllables. Finally, Central Catalan and Romansh display the same patterns of unstressed vowel reduction.

14 Merger of back vowels is sporadically attested in North-Western Catalan (survey sites 95 and 116). The process seems to be lexically conditioned. For example, in Sort (survey site 95) /o/ undergoes merger of back vowels in the lexical items plor-ar [plu̞̞ˈɾa] ‘cry-inf’ and ronc-ar [ruŋˈka] ‘snore-inf’ while it is retained in the lexical item toc-ar (les campanes) [toˈka] ‘ring-inf (the bells)’.

Map 5.21: Merger of pretonic back vowels.

Map 5.22: Merger of posttonic back vowels.

5.5 Word-optimizing processes   155

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 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

Table 5.25: Unstressed vowel reduction in selected Romance languages. Variety

Stressed syllable Unstressed syllable

Source

North-Western Catalan i, e, ɛ, a, ɔ, o, u

i, e (< e, ɛ), a, o (< ɔ, o), u

Mascaró (2002)

Galician

i, e, ɛ, a, ɔ, o, u

i, e (< e, ɛ), a, o (< ɔ, o), u

Veiga Arias (1976, 47‒49)

Italian

i, e, ɛ, a, ɔ, o, u

i, e (< e, ɛ), a, o (< ɔ, o), u

Schmid (1999, 133)

Brazilian Portuguese

i, e, ɛ, a, ɔ, o, u

pretonic: i, e (< e, ɛ), a, o (< ɔ, o), u posttonic: i (< i, e, ɛ), a, u (< ɔ, o, u)

Bisol/Veloso (2016, 70‒73)

European Portuguese

i, e, ɛ, a, ɔ, o, u

i, i (< e, ɛ), ɐ (< a), u (< ɔ, o, u)

Bisol/Veloso (2016, 73‒75)

Neapolitan

i, e, ɛ, a, ɔ, o, u

pretonic: i, a, ə (< e, ɛ), u (< ɔ, o, u) posttonic: ə (< i, e, ɛ, a, ɔ, o, u)

Ledgeway (2009, 71‒83)

Romansh

i, e, ɛ, a, ɔ, o, u

i, ə (< e, ɛ, a), u (< ɔ, o, u)

Montreuil (1999, 527)

Central Catalan

i, e, ɛ, a, ɔ, o, u

i, ə (< e, ɛ, a), u (< ɔ, o, u)

Mascaró (2002)

5.5.9.2 Diphthong simplification In this section, I will describe simplification of diphthongs in unstressed syllables. I will distinguish between contextually conditioned simplification of diphthongs and simplification of unstressed diphthongs. Whereas the former is syllable-related, the latter is word-related and word-optimizing. The contextually conditioned simplification of diphthongs takes place when the onglide of the diphthong [wV] is absorbed by the preceding velar consonant ([k ɡ ɣ]). Features 5 and 6 in Table 5.1 refer to this process (see Recasens 1996b, 303‒305 for details). The process is syllable-related since it applies both in stressed and unstressed syllables. The process occurs in Central Catalan and Balearic Catalan. It is also attested in North-Western Catalan and Valencian, albeit to a lesser extent. The ALDC provides examples of contextually conditioned simplification.15 Map 5.23 15 Unfortunately, diphthong simplification in stressed syllables cannot be documented. The ALDC only contains the lexical item enguany [əŋˈɡwaɲ] ‘this year’ (ALDC III, Map 639), which shows simplification in Central Catalan. However, the questionnaire originally contained lexical items such as guatlle [ˈɡwaʎʎə] ‘quail’ (Question 1732), igual [iˈɣwaɫ] ‘same’ (Question 2039), and quatre [ˈkwatɾə] ‘four’ (Question 2159). This means that the publication of future volumes will allow us to compare diphthong simplification both in stressed and unstressed syllables.

5.5 Word-optimizing processes 

Map 5.23: Simplification of diphthongs in unstressed syllables.

 157

158 

 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

reveals the patterns of the diphthong simplification in unstressed syllables. The map combines the lexical items aigua [ˈajɣwə] ‘water’ (ALDC II, Map 259), guany-ar [ɡwəˈɲa] ‘win-inf’ (ALDC III, Map 591), llengua [ˈʎɛŋɡwə] ‘tongue’ (ALDC I, Map 59), and Quaresma [kwəˈɾezmə] ‘Lent’ (ALDC III, Map 569). In Central Catalan, the simplification patterns depend on whether the diphthong occurs in pretonic or word-final position. In pretonic syllables, /wa/ surfaces as [u] such that the items guany-ar ‘win-inf’ and Quaresma ‘Lent’ are realized as [ɡuˈɲa] and [kuˈɾezmə], respectively. By contrast, in word-final position /wa/ surfaces as [ə] such that the items aigua ‘water’ and llengua ‘tongue’ are realized as [ˈajɣə] and [ˈʎεŋɡə], respectively. In contrast to Central Catalan, the simplification patterns in Balearic Catalan are not sensitive to the pretonic or word-final position. In Balearic Catalan, for example, /wa/ surfaces as [u] in Minorcan and Ibizan Catalan while it surfaces as [o] in Majorcan Catalan since Majorcan Catalan does not exhibit merger of back vowels (see Map 5.21). Thus, in Majorcan Catalan the items aigua ‘water’ and guany-ar ‘win-inf’ are realized as [ˈajɣo] and [ɡoˈɲa], respectively. In contrast to the contextually conditioned simplification, simplification of unstressed diphthongs is a word-related process since it applies only to unstressed syllables.16 In addition, it is word-optimizing since it helps to increase the asymmetry between stressed and unstressed syllables within the phonological word. Recasens (1996b, 123–125) gives an account of the simplification of the unstressed diphthongs [jV], [wV], [Vj], and [Vw] in Central Catalan, especially in allegro forms. The ALDC offers examples of lexified diphthong simplification in unstressed syllables. Note that diphthongs may have been inherited from a prior language stage (i.e. Old Catalan), as in abeurador ‘water trough’. Alternatively, they may have originated as a result of vocalization of l in the syllable coda as in albarda ‘pack-saddle’. Map 5.24 charts the realizations of the diphthong /ew/ in the lexical item abeurador (and derived abeuradora and abeurada) ‘water trough’ (ALDC II, Map 249). The dotted line separates Western from Eastern Catalan. Note that the lexical item is transcribed as [aβewɾaˈðo] and [əβəwɾəˈðo] (with centralization) in the area of North-Western Catalan and Central Catalan, respectively. The unstressed diphthong [ew] is retained in North-Western Catalan and Valencian although reduction is occasionally found in Southern Valencian (survey sites 176 and 180). In contrast, diphthong simplification ([əβuɾəˈðo]) and additional deletion of the word-initial unstressed vowel ([buɾəˈðo]) are only found in Central Catalan. That is, diphthong simplification is preceded by vowel centralization. 16 Diphthong simplification in unstressed syllables has been accounted for in local grammars (Sala 1983, 31; Recasens 1985, 109‒110; Vilà Comajoan 1989, 49; Riera 1993, 39‒40; Luna Batlle 1995, 384; 1996, 396‒397; Monturiol/Domínguez 2001, 31).

5.5 Word-optimizing processes 

Map 5.24: Simplification of diphthongs in unstressed syllables.

 159

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 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

This finding is in line with the observation that centralized vowels are more prone to deletion than full vowels (see Section 5.5.4). As we can infer from the data collected by Riera (1993), morphological alternation arises in the verbal paradigm as a result of diphthong simplification in unstressed syllables. Examples from Cadaqués Catalan are given in Table 5.26, where /aw ɛw ɔw/ surface in the infinitive while in the future tense they surface either as [əw] (with centralization) or as [u] (with diphthong simplification). Table 5.26: Simplification of unstressed diphthongs in Cadaqués Catalan (Riera 1993, 49‒50).

/aw/ /ɛw/ /ɔw/

Infinitive

Future tense

cau-re [ˈkawɾə] ‘fall-inf’ beu-re [ˈbɛwɾə] ‘drink-inf’ cou-re [ˈkɔwɾə] ‘cook-inf’

cau-r-é ‘fall-fut-1sg’ [kəwˈɾe] ~ [kuˈɾe] beu-r-é ‘drink-fut-1sg’ [bəwˈɾe] ~ [buˈɾe] cou-r-é ‘cook-fut-1sg’ [kəwˈɾe] ~ [kuˈɾe]

Another example of diphthong simplification is provided by the lexical items albarda ‘packsaddle’ and albardó ‘small packsaddle’ (ALDC IV, Map 933). In Middle Catalan, there was a tendency for laterals to vocalize in the syllable coda, thereby creating a diphthong (see Section 6.4.4.3). The original lateral was mostly restituted (Badia Margarit 1994, 198‒201). Only dialectal forms have retained the diphthong, which has been subject to simplification in unstressed syllables. The stages of this development can be summarized as follows: albarda [alˈβaɾða] > [awˈβaɾða] (with l-vocalization) > [əwˈβaɾðə] (with centralization) > [uˈβaɾðə] (with diphthong simplification). Again, the diphthong [aw] is retained in North-Western Catalan and Valencian while the forms with diphthong simplification are found only in Central Catalan and marginally in Minorcan Catalan (survey site 72), as shown in Map 5.25. In some survey sites we find diphthong beside diphthong simplification (see comments on the map). Additional items supporting the picture obtained for Central Catalan include albarginiera ‘aubergine’ (ALDC V, Map 1124), albercoc ‘apricot’ (ALDC V, Map 1164), albercoquer ‘apricot tree’ (ALDC V, Map 1165), albergínia ‘aubergine’ (ALDC V, Map 1123), etc. Diphthong simplification after l-vocalization has been described in local grammars (Monturiol/Domínguez 2001, 30‒31; Dorca Dorca 2006, 39; 2007, 48; 2008,  34). Examples from Osona Catalan are given in (52). (52) Diphthong simplification in Osona Catalan (Dorca Dorca 2007, 48) albergínia [uβəɾˈʒiniə] ‘aubergine’ alfals [uˈfaɫs] ‘alfalfa’ escalf-ar [əskuˈfa] ‘warm-inf’

5.5 Word-optimizing processes 

Map 5.25: Simplification of diphthongs in unstressed syllables.

 161

162 

 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

Note that simplification of diphthongs in unstressed syllables does not apply to the same degree in all lexical items. For example, the lexical item llaurador [ʎəuɾəˈðo] ‘farmhand’ (ALDC IV, Map 894) exhibits only one instance of reduction, which is attested in survey site 54 ([ʎuɾəˈðo]). Similarly, aigüera (and derived aigüadera) ‘kitchen sink’ (ALDC II, Map 397) underwent diphthong simplification only in survey sites 12 ([iˈɣeɾə]) and 33 ([iɣwəˈðeɾə]). In Central Catalan, the most common forms are [əjˈɣweɾə] and [əjˈɣeɾə] (with contextually conditioned diphthong simplification after a velar consonant). Simplification of diphthongs in unstressed syllables is a non-standard feature of Central Catalan (Argenter 1999, 17). For example, in standard Central Catalan the lexical item abeurador ‘water trough’ is realized as [əβəwɾəˈðo] while in non-standard Central Catalan it is realized as [əβuɾəˈðo] (or [buɾəˈðo]). In this respect, non-standard Central Catalan is more word-oriented than standard Central Catalan.

5.5.10 Word-final nasalization In Catalan, nasalization typically takes place when vowels occur between nasal consonants and, to a lesser degree, before a nasal consonant (Recasens 1996b, 66, 70, 142). Thus, nasalization is phonetically conditioned. Barniol Estany (1981, 16‒25) reports on a nasalization process that is not phonetically conditioned. The process is attested in Solsona Catalan, which belongs to a transitional dialect area between North-Western Catalan and Central Catalan. Similar to Central Catalan, Solsona Catalan is characterized by unstressed vowel reduction. The unstressed vowel system is comprised of [i u ə ə̃]. Interestingly, [ə] is derived from pretonic /a e/ while [ə̃] is derived from word-final /a/. Examples of nasalization of wordfinal /a/ are given in (53). Barniol Estany (1981, 22) points out that in Solsona Catalan nasal schwa may co-occur with oral schwa such that they constitute free variants (casa ‘house’ [ˈkazə̃] ~ [ˈkazə]). In contrast to Central Catalan, centralization does not apply to posttonic /e/, which surfaces as [e]. In this way, there is an opposition between lexical items such as dentist-e [dənˈtiste] ‘dentist-m’ and dentist-a [dənˈtistə̃] ‘dentist-f’, both of which are realized as [dənˈtistə] in other Central Catalan areas. (53) Word-final nasalization in Solsona Catalan (Barniol Estany 1981, 21) casa [ˈkazə̃] ‘house’ llengua [ˈʎɛŋɡə̃ ] ‘tongue’ porta [ˈpɔɾtə̃] ‘door’

5.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 163

In Solsona Catalan, nasalization may also be phonetically conditioned when vowels are adjacent to a nasal consonant, as in the lexical item cançó [kə̃nˈso] ‘song’. However, in the examples in (53) the etymology of the lexical items (Lat. casa, lĭngŭa, and pŏrta) does not exhibit a final nasal consonant that may have triggered the nasalization of the preceding vowel. Thus, nasalization is phonologically conditioned. In this respect, Hajek (2013) talks about “nasalization as word boundary marker”. The process occurs in a small number of languages such as Tashlhiyt, a Berber language spoken in Morocco. Within Romance languages, word-final nasalization is attested in central-southern Portuguese dialects (Brissos 2015, 1010) and Italian dialects such as Apulian, Campanian, and Sardinian (Sampson 1999, 244‒245, 286). In these Italo-Romance varieties, word-final nasalization differs in two respects from Solsona Catalan. First, nasalization applies to stressed word-final vowels. Second, there are no restrictions regarding the vowel quality since all vowels are subject to nasalization. In addition to highlighting word boundaries, nasalization may also function as a phrase boundary marker. This is the case in Franco-Provençal, where phrase-final unstressed vowels become nasalized (Sampson 1999, 16, 117). In Section 7.5.7, we will see instances of word-final nasalization in Swabian. Accounts of word-final nasalization in Catalan are scarce in the literature. Barniol Estany (1981) constitutes the only study on the subject. With regard to the distribution of word-final nasalization, the author briefly mentions that the process also occurs in North-Western Catalan and Valencian. This would imply that in Solsona Catalan nasalization of word-final /a/ applied before vowel centralization since vowel centralization does not take place in North-Western Catalan and Valencian. Additionally, Recasens (1996b, 108) observes that word-final schwa may be nasalized in Majorcan Catalan. In the literature consulted there are no more hints about the existence of a word-final nasal vowel, neither in older descriptions such as Alcover’s (1908) or Griera’s (1917; 1920a; 1920b; 1921a) nor in the ALDC. Taken together, nasalization of word-final /a/ seems to have been originally a widespread feature of Catalan. In this sense, descriptions of local dialects prove to be particularly valuable for typological studies.

5.5.11 Word-final consonant epenthesis We can distinguish between two different types of word-final consonant epenthesis: (1) consonant epenthesis in word-final open syllables (epítesi postvocàlica), and (2) consonant epenthesis in word-final closed syllables (epítesi postconsonàntica) (see Bibiloni 2002, 283–284 and Recasens 1996b, 224–226, 247 for details). With regard to word-final consonant epenthesis in open syllables, an epenthetic

164 

 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

[t] is added to words ending in a posttonic i while an epenthetic [t] or [k] is added to words ending in a posttonic e. As a result, word-final open syllables become closed (CV > CVC). Examples from Central Catalan are given in (54) (see Martí Mestre 2006, 167‒170 for examples). The process occurs in all Catalan dialects and shows the preference for closed syllables. (54) Consonant epenthesis in word-final open syllables api ‘celery’ [ˈapi] ~ [ˈapit] col·legi ‘school’ [kuɫˈɫɛʒi] ~ [kuɫˈɫɛʒit] rave ‘radish’ [ˈraβə] ~ [ˈraβət] ~ [ˈraβək] tave ‘horsefly’ [ˈtaβə] ~ [ˈtaβət] ~ [ˈtaβək] The epenthesis of a stop ([t] or [k]) in monosyllabic and disyllabic words that have not undergone deletion of word-final r is restricted to Central Catalan and Roussillon Catalan (see feature 10 in Table 5.1). Examples are shown in (55). This epenthesis is not widespread in North-Western Catalan, where deletion of word-final r applies. (55) Consonant epenthesis in word-final closed syllables (Moll 2006, 153) cor ‘heart’ [kɔɾ] > [kɔɾt] mar ‘sea’ [maɾ] > [maɾt] motor ‘engine’ [muˈtoɾ] > [muˈtoɾt] pur ‘pure[m]’ [puɾ] > [puɾt] Map 5.26 shows the distribution of consonant epenthesis in the lexical item cor ‘heart’. Note that consonant epenthesis is also attested in North-Western Catalan (survey sites 86, 103, 120, 121, 126, 127). The process has not affected all instances of word-final r in the same way. For comparison, consonant epenthesis is attested in a smaller area in the lexical item ahir ‘yesterday’, as can be observed in Map 5.27. Badia Margarit (1994, 259) and Moll (2006, 153) explain this process as a reinforcing epenthesis (epèntesi com a reforç, t de suport). Veny (2001a, 130; PALDC I, Map 26) claims that the epenthetic consonant [t] originated from simplification of word-final [ɾt] > [ɾ], which is mainly found in Central Catalan (see Recasens 1996b, 222 for details). Thus, the alternation in items with etymological rt (fort ‘strong[m]’ [fɔɾt] ~ [fɔɾ], part ‘part’ [paɾt] ~ [paɾ], etc.) motivated epenthesis in items with (preserved) etymological r, as in cor [kɔɾt] and mar [maɾt]. This, however, only holds for epenthetic [t]. Crucially, epenthetic [k] in words such as mar [maɾk] ‘sea’ (see the DCVB for the distribution) cannot be explained as a result of the simplification of word-final [ɾk] since this consonant cluster is not subject to simplification

Map 5.26: Word-final consonant epenthesis.

Map 5.27 Word-final consonant epenthesis.

5.5 Word-optimizing processes   165

166 

 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

in Catalan dialects (Recasens 1996b, 243; Prieto 2004, 233). The fact that both epenthetic consonants are found in the same area leads us to the conclusion that they pursue the same goal. Not only do they reinforce word-final r preserving it from deletion, they also function as word boundary markers. Word-final consonant epenthesis has been described for Roussillon Catalan (Fouché 1924, 207‒209; Guiter 1992, 207‒209) and Central Catalan (Barniol Estany 1981, 11; Sala 1983, 31; Recasens 1985, 146‒147; Vilà Comajoan 1989, 53‒55; Riera 1993, 45; Monturiol/Domínguez 2001, 32; Dorca Dorca 2006, 42; 2007, 44‒45; 2008, 32). In addition to epenthetic [t] and [k], Vilà Comajoan (1989, 55) points out that in Plana de Vic [ t͡s] also occurs word-finally in open syllables, as in the lexical item vime ‘wicker’, which is attested as [ˈbimət], [ˈbimək], and [ˈbimət͡s]. Bernat Baltrons (1991) and Fernàndez Planas (1993) have studied the sociolinguistic patterns of word-final consonant epenthesis in closed syllables in Blanes. According to Milà Fontanals (1890, 521‒523), word-final epenthetic [t] and [k] were common in Barcelona in the late nineteenth century. Alcover (1908, 274, 277‒278, 302) gives an account of their geographical distribution in the early twentieth century. Word-final consonant epenthesis in closed syllables is also attested, albeit to a lesser extent, in Southern Valencian. Colomina Castanyer (1985, 133‒135) reports that in the localities Cases del Senyor, Pinós (ALDC survey site 187), and Ubeda consonant epenthesis occurs in the lexical items ahir ‘yesterday’ [aˈiɾ] ~ [aˈiɾt] and dur ‘hard[m]’ [duɾ] ~ [duɾt]. This finding sharply contrasts with the data of the ALDC, where consonant epenthesis is not attested in the area (see Map 5.26 and Map 5.27). Consonant epenthesis in open and closed syllables is a non-standard feature of Catalan. In this respect, non-standard Central Catalan is more word-centered than standard Central Catalan, where consonant epenthesis does not occur in lexical items such as col·legi ‘school’ and mar ‘sea’ (Argenter 1999, 17).

5.6 Syllabification and resyllabification Lloret (2002, 207–210, 242–246) gives an account of syllabification and resyllabification in Catalan. Syllabification generally occurs following the Sonority Sequencing Principle (see Pons-Moll 2011, 113‒114 for discussion). That is, in a sequence involving VCCV the syllable boundary is typically placed before the consonant segment with the higher Consonantal Strength (V.PRV, VR.PV, etc.) such that well-formed syllable contacts arise. Instances of ill-formed syllable contacts involve sequences of nasal + rhotic (see Section 5.2.4). Examples are cendra [ˈsɛn.rə] ‘ash’ and prend-re

5.6 Syllabification and resyllabification 

 167

[ˈpɛn.rə] ‘take-inf’, where the syllable boundary is placed before the more sonorous segment, thereby violating the Contact Law. The existence of geminates in lexical items such as poble [ˈpɔbblə] ‘people’ and segle [ˈseɡ.ɡlə] ‘century’ has been explained in terms of syllabification patterns. Gemination in sequences of stop + lateral (/bl/, /ɡl/) is found in NorthWestern Catalan and Central Catalan (see Recasens 1996b, 190‒192, 240‒241 for details). The ALDC offers examples of gemination in the lexical items estable [əsˈtab.blə] ‘stable’ (ALDC II, Map 243), esglèsia [iɡˈɡlɛzjə] ‘church’ (ALDC III, Map 541), and poble [ˈpɔbblə] ‘people’ (ALDC III, Map 692). Coromines (1936, 252‒253) assumes the following stages for gemination in the lexical item poble ‘people’. In the first stage, the syllable boundary is found before the consonant cluster ([ˈpɔ.blə]). The syllable contact is well-formed since the syllable boundary lies before the segment with higher Consonantal Strength. In the second stage, heterosyllabification applies such that the syllable boundary is placed between the stop and the liquid ([ˈpɔ.blə] > [ˈpɔb.lə], [ˈpɔp.lə]). In the final stage, gemination takes place giving rise to [ˈpɔb.blə] and [ˈpɔp.plə]. Similar developments have been assumed by scholars such as Badia Margarit (1994, 230‒231) and Veny (PALDC III, Map 317). However, the development poses a problem. Heterosyllabification of sequences of stop + lateral (V.PL > VP.L) results in a marked syllable contact. In Section 4.8, we saw instances of syllabification involving VP.L, which was either phonotactically conditioned (as in Turkish) or morphologically conditioned (as in German). This is not the case in Catalan, where heterosyllabification is neither phonotactically conditioned (the sequence stop + lateral is allowed in syllable onsets) nor morphologically conditioned (there are no morpheme boundaries).17 Syllabification patterns help to highlight morphological boundaries of derivational prefixes and clitics. The syllabification patterns of the derivational

17 Gemination in sequences of stop + lateral have not been approached from a historical perspective. The syllabification patterns of Proto-Romance may shed light on the motivation of gemination. Cull (1995) observes that in Proto-Romance sequences of stop + lateral were syllabified as P.L. For example, lexical items such as dŭplu ‘double’ were syllabified as dŭp.lu. These syllabification patterns also applied to lexical items that underwent syncope in Pre-Old Catalan. This is the case with pŏpŭlu ‘people’, which was syllabified as pŏp.lu after experiencing syncope. In Catalan, the ill-formed syllable contact in dŭp.lu and pŏp.lu was repaired by means of tautosyllabification ([ˈdɔ.βlə], [ˈpɔ.βlə]) or gemination ([ˈdɔb.blə], [ˈpɔb.blə]). Thus, the gemination patterns found in North-Western Catalan and Central Catalan seem to reflect the syllabification patterns of Proto-Romance. Feature 12 in Table 5.1 refers to the different syllabification patterns of hed’ra ‘ivy’ (with syncope), which have given rise to [ˈe.ðɾa] in North-Western Catalan and [ˈɛw.ɾə] in Central Catalan (ALDC V, Map 1071). While [ˈe.ðɾa] implies the syllabification he.dra, [ˈɛw.ɾə] implies the syllabification hed.ra (see Veny 2001c, 65‒69 for discussion).

168 

 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

prefix sub- ‘sub-’ suggest that the prefix is not integrated into the phonological word and therefore constitutes a phonological word, as illustrated in (56). For example, subratll-es [sub.ˈraʎ.ʎəs] ‘underline-2sg.prs’ exhibits a marked syllable contact ([b.r]) while sobralles [su.ˈβɾa.ʎəs] ‘leftovers’ exhibits an unmarked syllable contact ([.βɾ]). As shown in Section 4.8, marked syllable contacts may highlight morphological boundaries. This is the case with [sub.ˈraʎ.ʎəs] ‘underline-2sg.prs’, where the syllable boundary coincides with the morphological boundary. The syllabification patterns of the prefix resemble those across word boundaries, as in tub rallat [ˈtub.rəʎ.ˈʎat] ‘tube line-ptcp[m]’. When the prefix is followed by a vowel (subalpí ‘subalpine[m]’), Recasens (1996b, 183) observes alternation between [suβ] (with word-medial lenition) and [sup] (with word-final obstruent devoicing). While the former is integrated into the phonological word, the latter is indicative of the word status of the prefix (see Section 5.5.1 for the patterns of /b/). (56) Syllabification of prefixes (Lloret 2002, 209) sobralles [su.ˈβɾa.ʎəs] ‘leftovers’ subratll-es [sub.ˈraʎ.ʎəs] ‘underline-2sg.prs’ tub rallat [ˈtub.rəʎ.ˈʎat] ‘tube line-ptcp[m]’ Similarly, syllabification patterns involving clitics beginning with consonant (la, ne) reveal that they have word status, as shown in (57). For example, reble [ˈrɛ.βlə] ‘rivet’ exhibits an unmarked syllable contact while rep-la [ˈrɛb.lə] ‘receive it!’ exhibits a marked syllable contact that highlights a morpheme boundary. The  syllabification is similar to that in rep la notícia [ˈrɛb.lə.nu.ˈti.si.ə] ‘s/he receives the message’. That is, the clitic constitutes a phonological word. (57) Syllabification of clitics reble [ˈrɛ.βlə] ‘rivet’ rep-la [ˈrɛb.lə] ‘receive[2sg.imp]-it!’ rep la notícia [ˈrɛb.lə.nu.ˈti.si.ə] ‘receive[3sg.ind] the message’ With regard to the phonological status of clitics, the syllabification patterns involving clitics sharply contrast with the patterns of phonological processes such as word-final obstruent devoicing (Section 5.5.1), obstruent voicing across word boundaries (Section 5.5.3), and deletion of word-final r (Section 5.5.6). While syllabification patterns suggest that clitics are not integrated into the phonological word, the patterns of phonological processes suggest that clitics are integrated into the phonological word. Thus, different lines of evidence cannot clear up the matter of the phonological status of clitics.

5.6 Syllabification and resyllabification 

 169

Let us turn to resyllabification. Similar to other Romance languages such as Spanish, Central Catalan exhibits syllabification across word boundaries, as shown in (58) (resyllabification is indicated with [   ]̮  ). For example, in the string cap home [ˈka   ˈ̮ pɔmə] ‘no man’ the word-final consonant of cap [kap] ‘no’ fills the word-initial empty onset of home [ˈɔmə] ‘man’. As a result, the word boundaries are blurred since the syllable boundaries do not coincide with the morphological boundaries. In addition to single consonants, word-final consonant clusters and glides are subject to resyllabification, as in parc estret [ˈpaɾ  k̮  əstɾɛt] ‘parc tight[m]’ and noi alegr-e [ˈnɔ   j̮  əˈleɣɾə] ‘boy happy-m’, respectively. Resyllabification is, therefore, a syllable-optimizing process that takes place within phonological phrases. (58) Resyllabification cap home [ˈka   ̮ˈpɔmə] ‘no man’ parc estret [ˈpaɾ   ̮kəsˈtɾɛt] ‘parc tight[m]’ noi alegr-e [ˈnɔ   ̮jəˈleɣɾə] ‘boy happy-m’ Importantly, resyllabification requires word-initial empty onsets. When the following syllable onset already has an onset, resyllabification does not take place. This is the case with cap límit ‘no limit’, which is syllabified as [ˈkab.ˈli. mit]. Resyllabification would have led to an optimization of the syllable contact implying the syllabified forms *[ˈka.ˈpli.mit] or *[ˈka.ˈβli.mit] (see Wheeler 2005, 84‒87 for discussion). Note that /b/ is realized differently depending on whether it occurs in the syllable coda ([b.l]) or in the syllable onset ([.βl]). Further examples of resyllabification blocking were shown in (56) and (57), which point to the word status of clitics. As a result of resyllabification, obstruent voicing (Section 5.5.3) and false splitting arise. False splitting is a typical feature of syllable languages (Section 4.8). The process may lead to the loss of a word-initial segment. In this respect, historical grammars talk about deglutinació (Moll 2006, 154). For example, the lexical item melic [məˈlik] ‘navel’ results from false splitting in the combination l’omelic > lo melic (see PALDC II, Map 53 for details). Note that in Old Catalan lo was the masculine definite article. Alternatively, false splitting may lead to the addition of a segment in word-initial position. In this respect, historical grammars talk about aglutinació (Moll 2006, 150‒151). For example, the lexical item ansa [ˈansə] ‘handle’ gained an initial n in frequent combinations such as una ansa ‘a handle’ (with hiatus resolution), con ansa ‘with handle’, etc. Map 5.28 charts the distribution of the lexified form nansa [ˈnansə] ‘handle’, which holds sway in Central Catalan (see PALDC II, Map 120 for discussion).

170 

 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

Map 5.28: False splitting.

5.7 Summary 

 171

5.7 Summary In this chapter, I have approached the traditional classification of Catalan dialects from the perspective of the typology of syllable and word languages. While theories based on extralinguistic factors fail to satisfactorily explain the phonological differences between Western and Eastern Catalan, the typology of syllable and word languages succeeds in showing that Eastern Catalan differs from Western Catalan with respect to typological features. Focusing on Central Catalan, I have presented evidence supporting the existence of the syllable and the phonological word as prosodic domains by analysing syllable structure (Section 5.2), phonotactic restrictions (Section 5.3), phonological processes (Sections 5.4 and 5.5), and (re)syllabification (Section 5.6). Central Catalan has the surface syllable template (C)(C)V(C)(C)(C). Thus, Central Catalan has complex syllable structure. The patterns of syllable complexity are in line with the prediction that in word languages complex syllables occur in stressed syllables and at word boundaries (Auer 1993, 66, 74–75). First, underlying complex syllables were found to occur more frequently in stressed than in unstressed syllables (80% vs. 20%). Second, they were found to occur more frequently in word-final syllables than in non-word-final syllables (92% vs. 8%). An account of the frequency of the surface syllable types in word-final position has shown that 7% of all word-final syllables are complex. The syllable is generally organized according to the Sonority Sequencing Principle. However, Central Catalan exhibits the extrasyllabic consonant [s], which occurs mainly word-finally (corb-s [kɔɾps] ‘raven-pl’), especially when word-medial appendices of Latin prefixes are simplified (explicació ‘explanation’ [əks.pli.kə.siˈo] ~ [əs.pli. kə.siˈo]). The influence of written language must have led to the reintroduction of these complex syllable codas, thereby modifying the typological drift. Processes such as consonant deletion in lexical items such as prend-re ‘take-inf’ [ˈpɛndɾə] > [ˈpɛnrə] and deaffrication in lexical items such as carxofa ‘artichoke’ [kəɾˈt͡ʃɔfə] > [kəɾˈʃɔfə], panxa ‘belly’ [ˈpaɲt͡ʃə] > [ˈpaɲʃə], and penjador ‘coat-hook’ [pəɲd͡ʒəˈðo] > [pəɲˈʒəðo] reveal that in Central Catalan there is a preference for word-medial illformed syllable contacts. Phonotactic restrictions were mainly found in the vowel system. Central Catalan is characterized as having a seven-to-three vowel reduction in unstressed syllables. The vowel height contrasts are neutralized by means of centralization and merger of back vowels such that /a ɛ e/ and /o ɔ u/ become [ə] and [u], respectively. Consonants functioning as positive and negative signals only occur in isolated words. However, in connected speech they mostly disappear, except for the negative signals [t͡s ŋ ɾ]. In this respect, stress-related restrictions are more effective than position-related restrictions.

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 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

In Central Catalan we find syllable- and word-optimizing processes. The syllable-optimizing processes include consonant assimilation and hiatus resolution. A comparison between Central Catalan and Majorcan Catalan reveals that assimilation processes occur more frequently in Majorcan Catalan than in Central Catalan. This implies that there is a tendency for the phonological word to be preserved in Central Catalan. By contrast, in Majorcan Catalan consonant assimilation optimizes syllable structure within and across word boundaries. Hiatus resolution involves glide formation and vowel deletion at word boundaries while it involves consonant epenthesis in word-medial position. Intriguingly, hiatus resolution by means of consonant epenthesis only occurs in Central Catalan. A possible explanation is that syllable complexity occurs more frequently in word-final syllables than in non-word-final syllables (92% vs. 8%) while the syllable type CV occurs more frequently in non-word-final syllables than in final syllables (88% vs. 12%). With regard to word-optimizing processes, Central Catalan exhibits stressrelated and position-related processes. Stress-related processes include centralization, merger of back vowels, simplification of diphthongs, and deletion of centralized vowels (especially between stop and r). Position-related processes include word-final obstruent devoicing, affrication of word-final /ʒ/ (assuming that /d͡ʒ/ is not the underlying form), obstruent voicing across word boundaries, deletion of word-final n, deletion of word-final r, simplification of the word-final homorganic consonants [mp nt ŋk ɫt], deaffrication of [d͡ʒ] and [t͡ʃ ] in syllable onsets, nasalization of word-final /a/, and consonant epenthesis in word-final open and closed syllables. The strategies that highlight the phonological word are summarized in Table 5.27 following the model depicted in Figure 4.2. The evidence provided shows that in Central Catalan the right margin of the phonological word is prominent for two reasons. First, complex syllable structure mainly occurs in this position. Second, position-related processes exclusively operate in word-final position. In this respect, the right margin of the phonological word has occupied a special place in the phonological descriptions of Catalan. For example, Bonet/Lloret (1998, 99‒116) dedicate a chapter to word-final processes. In the same vein, Prieto (2004, 211) observes that “la posició final de mot és un domini d’aplicació típic de les regles fonològiques del català”.18 However, the interaction of syllable complexity and phonological processes has remained obscure.

18 ‘In Catalan, the right margin of the phonological word is a typical domain of phonological processes’ (translation J.C.R.).

5.7 Summary 

 173

Table 5.27: Syllable structure, phonotactic restrictions, and phonological processes according to stress and within-word position in Central Catalan. Stress-related (stressed vs. unstressed)

Position-related (word-initial, word-medial, word-final)

Syllable structure

– underlying complex syllable – complex syllable structures in wordstructures in stressed syllables final position (7% of all word-final surface syllable structures) – appendices mainly in word-final position (when codas in Latin prefixes containing appendices are simplified)

Phonotactic restrictions

– reduced vowel system in – single consonants seldom function unstressed syllables (seven-toas word boundary signals (not in three inventory reduction) connected speech) – reduced number of diphthongs in unstressed syllables

Phonological – centralization of /a ɛ e/ in processes unstressed syllables – merger of /ɔ o u/ in unstressed syllables – simplification of diphthongs in unstressed syllables – deletion of unstressed (centralized) vowels

– word-final obstruent devoicing – affrication of word-final /ʒ/ – obstruent voicing across word boundaries – deletion of word-final n – deletion of word-final r – simplification of word-final homorganic consonants [mp nt ŋk ɫt] – deaffrication of [d͡ʒ] and [t͡ʃ  ] in syllable onsets – nasalization of word-final /a/ – consonant epenthesis in word-final open and closed syllables

If we compare the phonological processes found in Central Catalan with those in other Catalan varieties such as Southern Valencian and North-Western Catalan, the picture we obtain gives us greater insight into the particular phonological stage reached by Central Catalan. Word-final obstruent devoicing, affrication of wordfinal /ʒ/, obstruent voicing across word boundaries, deletion of unstressed /a ɛ e/, word-final consonant epenthesis in open syllables, and deletion of word-final n are phonological processes shared by these three varieties. Additionally, deletion of word-final r, simplification of word-final homorganic consonants, and deaffrication of [dʒ͡ ] take place only in North-Western Catalan and Central Catalan. Finally, deaf͡ unstressed vowel reduction (centralization, merger of back vowels, frication of [tʃ], and simplification of diphthongs), nasalization of word-final /a/, and word-final consonant epenthesis in closed syllables only occur in Central Catalan. In contrast to

174 

 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

Southern Valencian and North-Western Catalan, Central Catalan has developed stress-related strategies. These include vowel reduction processes such as centralization, merger of back vowels, and simplification of diphthongs. Strategies applying in stressed syllables such as vowel lengthening and diphthongization are not attested. An overview of the phonological processes occurring in Southern Valencian, North-Western Catalan, and Central Catalan is presented in Table 5.28. Features that have a wider scope are represented with ++. This is the case with obstruent voicing across word boundaries in Southern Valencian (see Table 5.20) and unstressed vowel deletion in Central Catalan (Section 5.5.4).

Table 5.28: Word-optimizing processes in Central Catalan compared to other Catalan dialects. Phonological process

Southern Valencian

North-Western Catalan

Central Catalan

Word-final obstruent devoicing

+

+

+

Affrication of word-final /ʒ/

+

+

+

++

+

+

Deletion of unstressed /a ɛ e/ (centralized in Central Catalan)

+

+

++

Word-final consonant epenthesis in open syllables

+

+

+

Deletion of word-final n

+

+

+

Deletion of word-final r

−

+

+

Simplification of word-final homorganic consonants

−

+

+

Deaffrication of /d͡ʒ/

−

+

+

Deaffrication of /t͡ʃ/

−

−

+

Centralization of /a ɛ e/ in unstressed syllables

−

−

+

Merger of /ɔ o u/ in unstressed syllables

−

−

+

Simplification of diphthongs in unstressed syllables

−

−

+

Nasalization of word-final /a/

−

−

+

Word-final consonant epenthesis in closed syllables

−

−

+

Obstruent voicing across word boundaries

5.7 Summary 

 175

Similar to syllable contact, syllabification generally follows the Sonority Sequencing Principle. Syllabification patterns may highlight morphological boundaries. This is the case with derivational prefixes such (sub-) and clitics beginning with consonant (la, ne). Resyllabification typically applies with empty onsets, as in cap home [ˈka   ̮ˈpɔmə] ‘no man’. To sum up, in Central Catalan phonological processes may refer to the prosodic categories of the syllable, the phonological word, and the phonological phrase. Processes referring to the phonological phrase include resyllabification and obstruent voicing across word boundaries. These processes may be blocked in order to highlight word boundaries. This is the case with resyllabification, which does not occur in sequences of stop + liquid (cap limit ‘no limit’ /kap#limit/ > [ˈkab.ˈli. mit]). Similarly, voicing of stops is blocked in order to highlight word boundaries (sac ampl-e [ˈsa   ̮ˈkamplə] ‘sack empty-m’). In contrast to Central Catalan, voicing of stops occurs in Southern Valencian (sac ampl-e [ˈsa   ̮ˈɣamplə] ‘sack empty-m’). The phonological foot does not seem to be a relevant prosodic category in Central Catalan. First, the foot does not constitute the domain of phonological processes. For example, vowel reduction applies to the unstressed vowels of the phonological word regardless of the prominent position within weak feet (casolan-s [[kazu]Fw[ˈlans]Fs]ω ‘homemade[m]-pl’). Similarly, deletion of unstressed vowels does not result in a specific foot, as opposed to Welsh. Second, there are no prominent syllables in weak feet. For example, the weak foot of the tetrasyllabic item finalitat ‘purpose’ may be either trochaic ([[ˌfinə]Fw[liˈtat]Fs]ω) or iambic ([[fiˌnə]Fw[liˈtat]Fs]ω) (see Wheeler 2005, 277 for details). Although the syllable is optimized at the level of the phonological phrase when contact assimilation and hiatus resolution occur, the phonological word seems to constitute the central prosodic category in Central Catalan. This result sharply contrasts with acoustic analyses of Central Catalan. The rhythm class of Central Catalan has been a matter of debate in the literature (see Section 2.2.2 for details). On the one hand, Central Catalan clusters with syllable-timed languages such as Spanish and Italian. On the other, it takes an intermediate position between syllable-timed and stress-timed languages. Gavaldà-Ferré (2007) demonstrated that in Central Catalan unstressed vowel reduction had no significant effect on the acoustic correlates of rhythm such that North-Western Catalan and Central Catalan pattern similarly. Her findings reveal that unstressed vowel reduction is not necessarily associated with a reduction of vowel duration. This implies that acoustic analyses cannot fully grasp the phonological make-up of a language. Acoustically, North-Western Catalan and Central Catalan are similar. In contrast, phonologically they considerably differ from each other. In what follows, I will discuss the phonological status of clitics. On the one hand, the patterns of phonological processes such as word-final obstruent

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 5 Synchronic description of Central Catalan

devoicing (Section 5.5.1), obstruent voicing across word boundaries (Section 5.5.3), and deletion of word-final r (Section 5.5.6) suggest that clitics are integrated into the phonological word since the consonant involved behaves alike in word-medial position and before a clitic boundary while it behaves differently before a word boundary. On the other hand, the patterns of syllabification (Section 5.6) suggest that clitics do not belong to the phonological word since the syllabification of clitics differs from word-medial syllabification. The patterns of phonological processes and syllabification are illustrated in Table 5.29, where the dotted line indicates whether morpheme boundaries involving clitics coincide with word boundaries. Table 5.29: Phonological status of clitics in Central Catalan. Process

Word-medial

Clitic boundary

Word boundary

Word-final obstruent devoicing

perdo [ˈpɛɾðu] ‘I lose.’

perd-ho [ˈpɛɾðu] ‘Lose it!’

perd una clau [ˈpɛɾ  ̮tunəˈklaw] ‘S/he loses a key.’

Obstruent voicing across word boundaries

compleixo [kumplɛˈʃu] ‘I accomplish.’

compleix-ho [kumˈplɛʃu] ‘Accomplish it!’

compleix un desig [kumˈplɛ  ̮ʒundəˈzit͡ʃ] ‘S/he accomplishes a desire.’

Deletion of word-final r

portar [puɾˈtaØ] ‘to bring’

portar-la [puɾˈtaɾlə] ‘to bring it’

portar la roba [puɾˈtaØləˈrɔβə] ‘to bring the clothes’

Syllabification

reble [ˈrɛ.βlə] ‘rivet’

rep-la [ˈrɛb.lə] ‘Receive it!’

rep la notícia [ˈrɛb.lə.nu.ˈti.si.ə] ‘S/he receives the message.’

The question remains as to how Catalan dialects abut with one another with regard to the typological parameters. Absolute and comparative indicators may contribute to a better understanding of the typological affiliation of the different Catalan dialects. According to the absolute indicators related to word-optimizing processes shown in Table 5.28, Central Catalan occupies a special place within Catalan dialects owing to the rise in the incidence of word-related features. Let us consider more closely the absolute parameters syllable complexity and unstressed vowel reduction. With regard to syllable complexity, the surface syllable template (C)(C)V(C)(C)(C) is shared by all Catalan dialects. That is, syllable complexity occurs in all Catalan dialects. Importantly, syllable-complexity occurs word-finally. However, comparative indicators show that the scope of syllable complexity is wider in Valencian than in Central Catalan. Valencian has retained the word-final homorganic consonants [mp nt ŋk ɫt] while in Central Catalan they

5.7 Summary 

 177

have been simplified. For example, in Valencian the lexical items camp ‘field’, font ‘fountain’, alt ‘old[m]’, and banc ‘bench’ are realized as [kamp], [fɔ̞nt], [aɫt], and [baŋk] respectively while in Central Catalan they are realized as [kam], [fɔn], [aɫ], and [baŋ] respectively (see Section 5.5.7). As a result, complex consonant clusters occur more frequently in Valencian than in Central Catalan (10% vs. 7%) (see Table 5.8). In contrast to Central Catalan and Valencian, other languages exploit this strategy more extensively. This is the case in German, which exhibits syllable complexity both in word-initial and word-final position. For comparison, in German syllable complexity occurs word-finally with a frequency of 17% (Duanmu 2009, 213). With regard to unstressed vowel reduction, we can observe that there are languages that fully exploit this strategy, as in Palauan, where all short vowels undergo centralization (see (29) for examples). This is not the case in Central Catalan, where only /a ɛ e/ undergo centralization. In Romance languages, centralization is sensitive to vowel quality, and, albeit less frequently, within-word position (see Table 5.25 for an overview). Additionally, Central Catalan exhibits simplification of unstressed diphthongs. However, the process is not as systematic as in Palauan (see (31) for examples). Finally, in light of the word-optimizing processes listed in Table 5.28, we can conclude that Central Catalan is closer to the word language pole than NorthWestern Catalan while Valencian is closer to the syllable language pole than North-Western Catalan, as illustrated Figure 5.10. syllable language

word language Central Catalan North-Western Catalan Valencian

Figure 5.10: Typological affiliation of selected Catalan varieties.

6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan This chapter explores the emergence of the word-related features identified in Central Catalan. Additionally, the diachronic approach will help to unveil syllableand word-optimizing processes that are not apparent from a synchronic perspective. For example, the occurrence of [ɛ] in lexical items such as CCat. ceba [ˈsɛβə] ‘onion’ cannot be directly linked to a word-related feature. However, in Middle Central Catalan the item contained schwa in the stressed syllable. The decentralization of stressed schwa (MCCat. [ˈsəβə] > CCat. [ˈsɛβə]) constitutes an optimization of the phonological word since in word languages schwa is typically associated with unstressed syllables. As we have seen in the previous chapter, the right margin of the phonological word was found to occupy a central place in Central Catalan phonology. Different lines of evidence reveal that the phonological word is highlighted in word-final position. First, complex syllables occur more frequently in word-final syllables than in non-word-final syllables. Second, position-related processes exclusively apply word-finally. It will be shown that the relevance of the right margin of the word originated in Pre-Old Catalan as a result of apocope. The process led to the emergence of moderately complex and complex syllable structure, which subsequently attracted phonological processes such as devoicing, simplification, and deletion. The chapter is structured as follows: First, I will give an overview of Catalan historical linguistics and present the data sources (Section 6.1). Then, I will examine Old Catalan and Middle Central Catalan phonology with regard to syllable structure (Section 6.2), phonotactic restrictions (Section 6.3), and syllableand word-optimizing processes (Sections 6.4 and 6.5, respectively). Finally, I will summarize the results gained from the analysis (Section 6.6).

6.1 Introduction 6.1.1 Catalan historical linguistics The Catalan-speaking area was originally limited to the so-called March of Barcelona (marca hispànica), which included the counties of Barcelona, Berga, Besalú, Cerdanya, Conflent, Empúries, Girona, Manresa, Osona, Pallars, Rasès, Ribagorça, Roussillon, and Urgell (see Map 6.1). During the reign of James  I the Conqueror (1213‒1276), Catalan expanded to the South (Valencia) and East (Balearic Islands). The expansion was motivated by the Reconquest. Additionally, https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110573060-006

6.1 Introduction 

 179

Map 6.1: Catalan expansion in the thirteenth century (from Nuet Badia/Bernat/Torres 1992, 29). Reprinted with permission.

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 6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan

Sardinia was conquered under the reign of Peter IV of Aragon (1336‒1387). In 1354, the city of Alghero was repopulated with settlers from the Central Catalan area. With regard to the expansion of Catalan, Veny (1986, 29) distinguishes between “constitutive dialects” (dialectes constitutius) and “consecutive dialects” (dialectes consecutius). Constitutive dialects form the base of consecutive dialects, which arose from the settlements that took place during the expansion of Catalan in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Balearic Catalan and Alghero Catalan are consecutive dialects of Central Catalan. Consecutive dialects may retain linguistic features of the constitutive dialect. This is the case in Balearic Catalan, which has retained linguistic traits that were common in Middle Central Catalan (see Veny 1991, 251‒253 for a comprehensive overview). Thus, Balearic Catalan represents, at least in some respects, an older stage of Central Catalan. In contrast to Central Catalan, Balearic Catalan did not undergo the following word-optimizing processes: (1) decentralization of stressed schwa (see Section 6.5.9); (2) simplification of word-final homorganic consonants (see Map 5.11); and (3) merger of back vowels in unstressed syllables (see Map 5.21). This, however, does not imply that phonological innovations have not occurred in Balearic Catalan. For example, Balearic Catalan exhibits unrestricted assimilation processes applying within and across word boundaries, which contribute to an optimization of syllable structure. The process is also found in Central Catalan. However, it is sensitive to word boundaries (see Section 5.4.1). The conservative and innovative features of Balearic Catalan are illustrated in Table 6.1. The transcription of the Balearic examples was taken from Majorcan Catalan. Additionally, the table gives the corresponding forms in Central Catalan. Similar to Balearic Catalan, Alghero Catalan is also conservative in many respects. For example, word-final homorganic consonants have been preserved in Alghero Catalan while they underwent simplification in Central Catalan. Table 6.1: Conservative and innovative features of Balearic as opposed to Central Catalan.

Conservative feature

Innovative feature

Balearic Catalan (Majorcan Catalan)

Central Catalan

– Retention of stressed /ə/: cēpa > ceba [ˈsəβə] ‘onion’

– Decentralization of stressed /ə/: cēpa > ceba [ˈsəβə] > [ˈsɛβə] ‘onion’

– Retention of word-final homorganic consonants: font [fɔ̞nt] ‘fountain’

– Simplification of word-final homorganic consonants: font [fɔn] ‘fountain’

– Retention of unstressed back vowels: plor-ar [ploˈɾa] ‘cry-inf’

– Merger of unstressed back vowels: plor-ar [pluˈɾa] ‘cry-inf’

– Unrestricted consonant assimilation: capsa [ˈcats͡ ːə] ‘box’ cap so [ˈcaˈts͡ ːɔ̞] ‘no noise’

– Restricted consonant assimilation: capsa [ˈkapsə] ‘box’ cap so [ˈkapˈsɔ] ‘no noise’

6.1 Introduction 

 181

The diachronic account of Central Catalan will lay out the chronological order of syllable- and word-optimizing processes. The chronology of the processes will be determined on the basis of absolute and relative chronologies. With regard to absolute chronology, historical records may contain spelling deviations that are indicative of phonological change. Following Lass (1997, 61‒63), we can distinguish between four different types of spelling deviations: (1) “lapsus calami”; (2) purely graphic variation; (3) phonologically significant spellings; and (4) hypercorrect (or inverse) spelling. The term “lapsus calami” involves spelling mistakes with no linguistic relevance. An example of purely graphic variation are the spellings for [d͡ʒ], which are common in Old and Middle Catalan. By contrast, phonologically significant spellings and hypercorrect spellings allow for the identification of phonological change. For example, direct evidence of deletion of word-final r comes from zero alternations in lexical items with etymological word-final r, as in plorar ~ plora (OCat. plor-ar [ploˈɾaɾ] ‘cry-inf’). In addition, indirect evidence comes from hypercorrect forms in lexical items with non-etymological word-final r such as caurer (OCat. cau-re [ˈkawɾe] ‘fall-inf’). However, phonological processes are not always reflected in spelling. In this case, relative chronology may help to date phonological processes when they are not, or not sufficiently, attested in historical records (see Badia Margarit 1994, 252‒253 for examples). The conservative character of Balearic Catalan and Alghero Catalan may contribute to determining the relative chronology of word-optimizing processes. For example, if Balearic Catalan and Alghero Catalan have not undergone simplification of word-final homorganic consonants, it follows that the process must have applied in Central Catalan after the repopulation of the Balearic islands and the city of Alghero – that is, in the fourteenth century at the earliest. A word of caution, however, is that the presence of specific phonological processes in Balearic Catalan and Alghero Catalan does not necessarily imply that the processes were also present in Central Catalan before the settlement. Let us consider merger of back vowels in unstressed syllables. The process occurs in Minorcan, Ibizan, and Alghero Catalan (see Map 5.21 and Map 5.22). From the presence of the process in these dialects, we could infer that merger of back vowels applied before the repopulation – that is, in the late twelfth century. However, in Central Catalan merger of back vowels is attested only at a later stage. This implies that the process evolved independently in eastern varieties of Catalan dialects. Crucially, historical records reveal that merger of back vowels was originally absent from Minorcan, Ibizan, and Alghero Catalan (see Footnote 13 on page 215 for details). Traditionally, the periodization of Catalan was made in terms of literary periods rather than linguistic features. This issue has endured strong criticism from scholars such as Blasco Ferrer (1995a, 473‒475). For the diachronic description of Central Catalan, I will distinguish between four different periods: Vulgar

182 

 6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan

Latin, Pre-Old Catalan, Old Catalan, and Middle Central Catalan. Vulgar Latin is the common ancestor of Romance languages, which is characterized by syncope and lenition processes such as degemination, voicing, and spirantization in Gallo-Romance and Ibero-Romance. Pre-Old Catalan represents an intermediate stage between Vulgar Latin and Old Catalan. The word-centered affiliation of Catalan began to be shaped in this period with the emergence of apocope. Similar to Vulgar Latin, Pre-Old Catalan is not attested and has to be reconstructed. Old Catalan is the earliest attested stage of Catalan. A word of caution, however, is that Old Catalan was not homogeneous (see Rasico 1982, 243‒245 for discussion). Evidence coming from the reflexes of VLat. /e/ suggests that in Old Catalan there were phonological differences between western and eastern varieties (see Section 6.5.9 for details). For this reason, I will talk about Old Western Catalan and Old Eastern Catalan with regard to the development of VLat. /e/. Old Catalan precedes Middle North-Western Catalan and Middle Central Catalan, both of which belong to Middle Catalan. Middle Central Catalan is followed by Modern Central Catalan, which was described in the previous chapter. As usual in historical Romance linguistics, the Latin and Vulgar Latin etymology is indicated by capital letters, as in Lat. camĕra ‘chamber’. Note that ’ indicates the loss of a word-medial vowel as a result of syncope, as in VLat. cam’ra ‘chamber’. The etymology of the examples was culled from the Diccionari etimològic i complementari de la llengua catalana (DECat) and the Diccionari català-valencià-balear (DCVB) (see Section 5.1.2.2). The Vulgar Latin etymology employed in this chapter slightly differs from historical grammars and etymological dictionaries. For example, historical grammars talk about deletion of wordfinal o with regard to apocope. In the examples, however, they give u, as in the development of VLat. vĕntu into OCat. vent. In Vulgar Latin, the Latin ending um underwent two processes: vowel lowering before nasal consonants (um > om) and nasal deletion (om > o). The ending u, which is typically found in historical grammars, is misleading since it does not represent any of the reconstructed stages. For this reason, it will be replaced by the ending o, which is in accordance with the phonological development. In this way, lexical items such as vĕntu will be given as vĕnto. Examples from Old Catalan were taken from the Diccionari català-valencià-balear (DCVB).

6.1.2 Data sources The data sources used for the diachronic analysis were Badia Margarit’s (1994) Gramàtica històrica catalana [Historical Grammar of Catalan] and Moll’s (2006) Gramàtica històrica catalana [Historical Grammar of Catalan]. Additionally,

6.1 Introduction 

 183

Rasico’s (1982) Estudis sobre la fonologia del català preliterari [Studies on the Phonology of Preliterary Catalan] provides an account of phonological processes occurring in Preliterary Catalan – that is, from the ninth to the thirteenth centuries. Historical grammars of Catalan traditionally describe the reflexes of Latin vowels and consonants in the modern Catalan dialects, thus covering a time span of more than one millennium. The question arises as to why Latin and Vulgar Latin are needed for the patterns of modern Catalan varieties. Certainly, Latin and Vulgar Latin are only relevant for Pre-Old Catalan and Old Catalan while they are not particularly relevant for later periods such as Middle Catalan or Modern Catalan. A phonological account of Middle Catalan should be based on Old Catalan. Similarly, an account of Modern Catalan should be based on Middle Catalan. Additionally, historical grammars of Catalan do not provide accurate dating of phonological processes. In this respect, Badia Margarit (1994, 252) discusses the difficulty of determining the absolute chronology of phonological processes on the basis of medieval literary texts, arguing that non-literary texts are especially suited for dating phonological processes. A first attempt to date phonological processes was made by Coromines (1974c) on the basis of literary texts. Later, Rasico (1982) delivered a periodization based on preliterary texts, which include informal letters, inventories, etc. The date of phonological processes may considerably vary depending on the text type. For example, Coromines dates centralization in word-final closed syllables to the fifteenth century while Rasico dates it to the twelfth century. Following on from Rasico (1982) and Blasco Ferrer (1995b), there has been a growing interest in drawing on non-literary texts in Catalan historical linguistics. These are often referred to as “scripta”. The scripta of Balearic dialects have recently been examined by Veny/Massip (2009; 2011; 2013). Unfortunately, the scripta of Central Catalan have not been published yet. In order to trace the emergence of syllable- and word-optimizing processes, I selected historical records from Old and Middle Catalan that have been previously studied in the literature. The records are arranged in Table 6.2 in chronological order according to the dialect area (Roussillon Catalan, Central Catalan, Balearic Catalan, Alghero Catalan, North-Western Catalan, and Valencian). The focus will be on the records of Central Catalan, which cover a time span between the eleventh and sixteenth centuries. Map 6.2 locates the place of origin of the records. The structure of the historical documentation articles is illustrated in Figure 6.1, which is based on (68). The attested forms are given according to the dialect area in chronological order. The abbreviations Rouss., CCat., Bal., Alg., NWCat., and Val. stand for Roussillon Catalan, Central Catalan, Balearic Catalan, Alghero Catalan, North-Western Catalan, and Valencian, respectively. The name of the records is abbreviated (see Map 6.2 for details). The attested forms are followed by the chapter/ folio number and line number. Folio numbers distinguish folio recto (r) from folio

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 6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan

Table 6.2: Historical sources according to dialect. Dialect

Historical record and date

Source

Roussillon Catalan

Vides Sants (13th c.)

Coromines (1974c)

Central Catalan

Censos Vic (late 11th c.)

Rasico (2001)

Balearic Catalan

Alghero Catalan

Capbreu Cerdanya (ca. 1184)

Rasico (1997)

Usatges Barcelona (mid 12th c.)

Martí Castell (2002)

Capbreu Ribes (ca. 1285)

Rasico (1993a)

Desclot (ca. 1285)

Rasico (1993c)

Llibre Fets (1343)

Bruguera (1991)

Ordinacions Ribes (1347)

Rasico (2006)

Procès Barcelona (14th c.)

Rabella Ribas (1998)

Ordinacions Empuries (late 14th c.)

Rasico (1993d)

Lletres catalanes (late 14th c.)

Serra Ràfols (1952)

Urkundensprache (13th‒14th c.)

Niepage (1909)

Lletres Mallorca (late 13th c.)

Batllori (1981)

Llibre Cort Mallorca (1357‒1360)

Miralles Monserrat (1984)

Lletres Ciutadella (1405‒1408)

Ferrer Mallol (1980)

Consolat Mar (15th c.)

Colon et al. (1987)

Documenti Alguer (16th‒17th c.)

Blasco Ferrer (1984)

Ordinacions Alguer (1526)

Caria (1994)

Processos Alguer (16th c.)

Perea Sabater (1998)

North-Western Catalan Documents Urgell (11th‒12th c.)

Valencian

Rasico (1993b)

Homilies (late 12th c./early 13th c.)

Soberanas/Puig (2001)

Lletres Urgell (1230‒1269)

Rasico (1993e)

Llibre Costums Tortosa (1272)

Duarte Montserrat (1991)

Regiment Lleida (14th c.)

Veny (1993)

Processos Lleida I (15th c.)

Farreny Sistac (1986)

Processos Lleida II (16th c.)

Farreny Sistac (2004)

Llibre Cort Cocentaina (1269‒1295)

Ponsoda Sanmartín (1996)

Llibre Cort València (1279‒1321)

Diéguez Seguí (2001)

Inventari Morella (1339)

Gimeno Betí (2005)

Ordenances València (16th‒17th c.)

Martí Mestre (1992)

verso (v). For example, mesestre 7v2 means that the attested form mesestre ‘master’ can be found in line two of folio verso seven. The attested forms appear with the etymology and the glosses, as in nabot (< OCat. nebot ‘nephew[m]’). Attested forms that no longer exist in Modern Catalan are given following the DCVB and highlighted

6.1 Introduction 

Map 6.2: Old and Middle Catalan sources.

 185

186 

 6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan

Figure 6.1: Structure of historical documentation articles.

with the symbol ‘†’, as in †magenc ‘lamb for tribute’. Spelling alternations are indicated by ‘=’ and may contain the number of occurrences. This is the case with Barçalona (twelve times) = Barçelona (sixteen times) in Llibre de Fets. The spelling alternation between and reveals pretonic vowel centralization in the place name Barcelona [bəɾsəˈlɔnə] (see Section 6.5.1.2).

6.2 Syllable structure In this section, I will address the following issues regarding Old Catalan syllable structure: surface syllable structure (6.2.1), syllable types (6.2.2), the Sonority Sequencing Principle (6.2.3), and syllable contact (6.2.4).

6.2.1 Surface syllable structure According to Maddieson’s (2013d) classification (see Section 4.3.1), Old Catalan exhibits complex syllable structure since word-final codas may contain up to three consonants, as depicted in (59). Two processes contributed to the emergence of syllable complexity: apocope (VLat. parco [ˈpaɾko] > OCat. parc [paɾk] ‘parc’) and syncope (VLat. parcos [ˈpaɾkos] > OCat. parc-s [paɾks] ‘parc-pl’) (see

6.2 Syllable structure 

 187

Sections 6.5.2 and 6.5.3). Consonant clusters occurring in the word-final coda may violate the Sonority Sequencing Principle (see Section 6.2.3). (59) Old Catalan surface syllable structure σ Onset

(C) (C)

Rhyme Nucleus

Coda

V

(C) (C) (C)

6.2.2 Syllable types Heinz (2010, 102‒103) studied the frequency of syllable types in Middle Catalan and Modern Catalan. For Middle Catalan, he selected Tirant lo Blanc, which dates from the late fifteenth century. The source contains 12,500 words. For Modern Catalan, he selected a recent translation of the Bible and newspaper articles, which contain 12,500 and 6,000 words, respectively. Altogether, the corpus consists of ca. 50,000 syllables. The relative frequency of the syllable types is given in Figure 6.2. 50

40

30 % 20

10

0

CV

CVC

V Tirant

VC Bible

CCV

CVCC

CCVC

Newspaper

Figure 6.2: Relative frequency of syllable types in Middle and Modern Catalan (Heinz 2010, 103).

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 6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan

The findings reveal that Middle Catalan does not considerably differ from Modern Catalan with respect to the relative frequency of the syllables types. The occurrence of simple, moderately complex, and complex syllable structures oscillates between 49% and 52%, 36% and 39%, and 4% and 5%, respectively. In other words, syllable complexity has remained relatively stable since Middle Catalan. Although unstressed vowel deletion is attested in Central Catalan (see Section 5.5.4), the process did not lead to a substantial increase of syllable complexity. Moreover, syllable complexity has decreased in Central Catalan as a result of phonological processes such as simplification of word-final homorganic consonants (see Section 5.2.2).

6.2.3 Sonority Sequencing Principle In Old Catalan, the syllable generally follows the Sonority Sequencing Principle. However, we find extrasyllabic elements in the word-final clusters [ps ks], which have been preserved in modern Catalan dialects (see Section 5.2.3). These extrasyllabic elements constitute an innovation resulting from syncope. In Latin, extrasyllabic elements are found in word-initial, word-medial, and word-final position. In word-initial position, extrasyllabic elements occurred in the clusters [st sp sk], which were resolved by means of vowel epenthesis giving rise to [est esp esk], respectively (see Section 6.4.2.1). Additionally, word-medial and word-final extrasyllabic elements occurred in the clusters [ks.t ps.t] and [ks ps], respectively (see Cser 2012, 50‒51 for details). With regard to [ks], we can observe two different simplification processes. In word-medial position, the cluster was simplified to [s] in Vulgar Latin. For example, the lexical item Lat. sĕxta resulted in OCat. sesta ‘six’ (Badia Margarit 1994, 212). In word-final position, the cluster underwent coda weakening such that the velar stop palatalized, thereby influencing the quality of the preceding vowel, as in VLat. sĕx [sɛjs] > OCat. [sis] (Badia Margarit 1994, 240). This implies that Latin extrasyllabic elements do not persist in Catalan. The development of Latin clusters containing extrasyllabic elements are summarized in Table 6.3 according to within-word position.1 In Old Catalan, word-final extrasyllabic elements arose from syncope in inflectional forms, which include plural in nouns and adjectives and the secondperson singular (see Section 6.5.2). For example, VLat. parc-os [ˈpaɾkos] underwent syncope giving rise to parc-s [paɾks] ‘parc-pl’ in Old Catalan, as illustrated in Figure 6.3 and Figure 6.4. The word-final sibilant is more sonorous than the precedent stop, thereby violating the Sonority Sequencing Principle. Marginally,

1 Historical grammars of Catalan do not provide examples of the evolution of Lat. [ps].

6.2 Syllable structure 

 189

Table 6.3: Development of Lat. sC according to within-word position. Latin

Old Catalan

Word-initial

sperāre [speˈɾaːɾe] stāre [ˈstaːɾe] scrībĕre [ˈskɾiːbɛɾe]

esper-ar [espeˈɾaɾ] ‘wait-inf’ est-ar [esˈtaɾ] ‘be-inf’ escriu-re [esˈkɾiwɾe] ‘write-inf’

Word-medial

dĕxtĕru [ˈdɛkstɛɾu] sĕxta [ˈsɛksta]

destre [ˈdestɾe] ‘right’ sesta [ˈsesta] ‘sixth’

Word-final

sĕx [sɛks]

sis [sis] ‘six’

loan words exhibit extrasyllabic elements, as in OCat. algeps [aɫˈd͡ʒeps] ‘gypsum’, which is derived from Ar. al-jabs.

Figure 6.3: Sonority of VLat. parc-os ‘parc-pl’.

Figure 6.4: Sonority of OCat. parc-s ‘parc-pl’ after syncope.

The presence of extrasyllabic elements can be related to morphological information. In this respect, Hall (2011b, 220) talks about morphologically complex

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 6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan

consonant clusters. Thus, Old Catalan resembles languages such as standard Georgian. In Old Catalan, morphologically complex clusters occur word-finally while in standard Georgian they occur word-initially. In contrast to Old Catalan, Modern Catalan has extrasyllabic elements both in word-final and word-medial position (see Section 5.2.2). Derivational suffixes violating the Sonority Sequencing Principle such as ex- [eks] were restituted under the influence of written language since the original clusters underwent simplification in word-medial position (sexta > sesta ‘sixth’). Modern Catalan differs from Old Catalan in that extrasyllabic elements cannot be exclusively associated with the word-final position.

6.2.4 Syllable contact Old Catalan is characterized by the optimization of ill-formed syllable contacts involving rising sonority transitions. The ill-formed syllable contacts have two origins. First, they are directly derived from Latin. This is the case with sequences of sibilant + nasal (sm). Second, they arose from syncope in Vulgar Latin. This is the case with sequences of nasal + liquid (m’n, m’r, m’l, n’r), lateral + rhotic (l’r), fricative + liquid (b’l, b’r, c’r, d’r, v’r), and fricative + nasal (c’m, g’m, s’m). The syllable-optimizing processes include consonant epenthesis and coda weakening (see Sections 6.4.1 and 6.4.4, respectively). Consonant epenthesis applied to sequences of nasal + liquid and lateral + rhotic while coda weakening applied to sequences of fricative + liquid and fricative + nasal. Table 6.4 gives an overview of the processes that repaired these ill-formed syllable contacts. Table 6.4: Processes enhancing ill-formed syllable contacts. Process

Etymology

Development

Consonant epenthesis (see Section 6.4.1)

m’n, m’r, m’l, n’r, l’r

cam’ra [ˈkam.ɾa] > OCat. cambra [ˈkam.bɾa] ‘chamber’

Coda weakening (see Section 6.4.4)

b’l, b’r, c’r, d’r, v’r

bĭb’re [ˈbɛβ.ɾe] > OCat. beu-re [ˈbɛw.ɾe] ‘drink-inf’

c’m, g’m

dĕc’mo [ˈdɛɣ.mo] > OCat. deume [ˈdɛw.me] ‘tithe’

sm, s’m

almos’na [alˈmɔz.na] > OCat. almoina [alˈmɔj.na] ‘alms’

6.3 Phonotactic restrictions 

 191

6.2.5 Summary Old Catalan has complex syllable structure since it exhibits the surface syllable template (C)(C)V(C)(C)(C). Additionally, we find extrasyllabic elements in word-final position. Syllable complexity resulted from apocope and syncope. A comparison between the relative frequency of syllable types in Middle and Modern Catalan reveals that syllable complexity has not increased. Rather, it has diminished owing to phonological processes such as deletion of word-final n, deletion of word-final r, and simplification of word-final homorganic consonants. These patterns may suggest a syllable-related development. However, we can exclude a syllable-related development for the following reasons. First, word-final consonant deletion and simplification of homorganic consonants help to highlight the right margin of the phonological word. Second, in Central Catalan word-final complex syllable structure is slightly less frequent than in Valencian, which has largely retained the original Old Catalan syllable structure (7% vs. 10%). This small decrease is not indicative of a syllable-related development. Third, vowel reduction processes such as centralization and merger of back vowels, both of which evolved in Middle Central Catalan, are in line with a word-related development. Fourth, the optimization of the ill-formed syllable contacts helped to exclusively associate syllable complexity with the word-final position.

6.3 Phonotactic restrictions 6.3.1 Stress-related restrictions The Old Catalan vowel system of is arranged in Table 6.5 according to stressed and unstressed syllables. Old Catalan has [i e ɛ a o ɔ u] in stressed syllables and [i e a o u] in unstressed syllables. That is, the lax mid vowels [ɛ ɔ] are restricted to stressed syllables. This seven-to-five inventory reduction results from merger of tense and lax mid vowels in unstressed syllables (see Section 6.5.1). In contrast to Old Western Catalan, Old Eastern Catalan had stressed schwa in lexical items such as esquena [esˈkəna] ‘back’. Stressed schwa arose from a chain shift involving VLat. /ɛ/ and /e/ (see Section 6.5.9.2 for details). Table 6.5: Old Catalan vowel system in stressed and unstressed syllables.

Short vowel

Stressed syllable

Unstressed syllable

i e ɛ (ə) a o ɔ u

ieaou

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 6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan

The distribution of unstressed vowels is sensitive to within word-position (pretonic vs. posttonic syllables) and syllable type (open vs. closed syllables), as illustrated in Table 6.6. In Old Catalan we find [i e a o u] in pretonic syllables and [e a o] in posttonic syllables. Additionally, the distribution of word-final posttonic vowels depends on syllable type. We find [e a] in open syllables and [e o] in closed syllables (see Table 6.11 for the development of posttonic vowels from Vulgar Latin to Old Catalan).2 Table 6.6: Old Catalan vowel system in unstressed syllables. Pretonic syllable

Posttonic open syllable

Posttonic closed syllable

i e a o u

e a

e o

The set of Old Catalan stressed vowels has been retained in North-Western Catalan and Valencian. In these dialects, the alternation between lax and tense mid vowels can be observed when inflectional and derivational suffixes that carry stress are attached to stems. As a consequence, underlying lax vowels become tense when unstressed. For example, in Valencian /ɔ/ in porta [ˈpɔɾta] ‘door’ merges with /o/ when the diminutive suffix is attached giving rise to port-et-a [poɾˈteta] ‘door-dim-f’. The process cannot be observed in Central Catalan owing to centralization and merger of back vowels.

6.3.2 Position-related restrictions The Old Catalan consonant system has been posited by Gulsoy (1982, 13). The basic inventory varies considerably depending on the period selected (Pre-Old Catalan, Early Old Catalan, Late Old Catalan). In the following, I will analyse the Old Catalan consonant system of the eleventh century. This stage has the following implications for the distributions of consonants: First, voiced obstruents may 2 In posttonic open syllables, word-final OCat. e is not derived from Vulgar Latin since VLat. e underwent apocope word-finally (see Section 6.5.3). Instead, it resulted from vowel epenthesis (see Section 6.4.2.2). Originally, Old Catalan did not have [o] in posttonic open syllables. The emergence of [o] in ferre [ˈfεre] > ferro [ˈfεro] ‘iron’ and cant [kant] > cant-o [ˈkanto] ‘sing-1sg.prs. ind’ is due to a later development (Coromines 1974a, 197‒209; Gulsoy 1993c). In modern dialects, i occurs word-finally in lexical items such as api ‘celery’ (< VLat. apio) and oli ‘oil’ (< VLat. olĕo). Badia Margarit (1994, 171) and Moll (2006, 98‒99) observe that the items are semi-learned words. For this reason, the vowel is not included in the table. In posttonic closed syllables, the absence of a is conditioned by unstressed vowel reduction (see Section 6.5.1.1).

6.3 Phonotactic restrictions 

 193

occur word-finally since word-final obstruent devoicing only begins in the twelfth century. Second, [β] (< word-medial VLat. b, v) and [ð] (< word-medial VLat. ty, ce,i, d) do not occur word-finally as a result of vocalization (Section 6.4.4.1). The Old Catalan consonant system is displayed in Table 6.7. Old Catalan differs from Central Catalan at least in two respects. First, Old Catalan had the labiodental fricative [v] (< word-initial VLat. v and word-medial VLat. b, f, v), which persists in Southern Valencian, Balearic Catalan, and some areas of Tarragona (PALDC I, Map 12). Second, in Old Catalan voiced obstruents may occur wordfinally while in Middle Catalan they underwent devoicing (see Section 6.5.5). In the table, the consonants [β ð ɣ] are classified as approximants. However, there is evidence that the consonants [β ð ɣ] pattern with fricatives in word-medial codas while they pattern with approximants in word-medial intervocalic onsets. Vocalization in lexical items such as VLat. bĭb’re [ˈbɛβ.ɾe] > OCat. beu-re [ˈbɛw.ɾe] ‘drink-inf’ and VLat. cad’re [ˈkað.ɾe] > OCat. cau-re [ˈkaw.ɾe] ‘fall-inf’ implies an optimization of syllable structure. This could only be the case if [β] (< VLat. b, v) and [ð] (< VLat. d) pattern with fricatives. In contrast, deletion of word-medial intervocalic [β ð ɣ] suggest that the consonants pattern with approximants since approximants are more prone to deletion than fricatives. Table 6.7: Old Catalan consonant system. Bilabial Stop Fricative Affricate Nasal Lateral Tap Trill Approximant

p

b

m

β

Labiodental Alveolar f

v

t s t͡s

d z d͡z n ɫ ɾ r ð

Prepalatal

Palatal

Velar k

d͡ʒ

ɲ ʎ

ɡ

ŋ

ɣ

In order to examine whether Old Catalan highlights word-initial, word-medial and/or word-final positions by means of phonotactic restrictions, the Old Catalan consonant system is arranged in Table 6.8 according to the occurrence (positive signal) or non-occurrence (negative signal) of single consonants in word-initial onsets (#C), word-medial onsets (C.C and V.C), word-medial codas (C.C), and word-final codas (C#). Positive and negative word boundary signals are highlighted in grey. In Old Catalan, [β ð ɣ] are positive signals while [v t͡s ŋ ɾ] are negative signals. For example, [β ð ɣ] are positive signals since they only occur word-medially,

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 6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan

Table 6.8: Distribution of single consonants in Old Catalan. Word-initial

Word-medial

Word-final

#C

C.C, V.C

C.C

C#

p b t d k ɡ f v s z ʃ t͡s d͡z t͡ʃ d͡ʒ m n ɲ ŋ ɫ ʎ ɾ r β ð ɣ

+ + + + + + + + + + + − − − − + + + − + + − + − − −

+ + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + − + + + + + + +

+ + + + + + + + + + − + − − − + + − + + − + + + − −

+ + + + + + + − + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + − − −

w

−

+

−

+

as in riba [ˈriβa] ‘shore’, cadira [kaˈðiɾa] ‘chair’, and formiga [foɾˈmiɣa] ‘ant’, respectively. In contrast, [v t͡s ŋ ɾ] are negative signals since they may occur word-medially and word-finally, but not word-initially. In connected speech, the negative signals are retained while the positive signals disappear as a result of spirantization, which applies across word boundaries, as in la boca [laˈβoka] ‘the mouth’. Word-final obstruent devoicing, which is first attested in the twelfth century, led to the emergence of the negative signals [b d ɡ z] (see Section 5.3.2 for the patterns of these word boundary signals). The distribution of [ŋ] is restricted to syllable codas. The sound, however, does not highlight word boundaries.

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 195

6.3.3 Summary In Old Catalan we marginally find stress-related and position-related restrictions. Stress-related restrictions include the occurrence of the mid lax vowels [ɛ ɔ] in stressed syllables. Additionally, Old Eastern Catalan has stressed schwa derived from VLat. e /e/ (< Lat. ē, ĭ, œ). The distribution of unstressed vowels is sensitive to within-word position since [i e a o u] are found in pretonic syllables while [e a o] are found in posttonic syllables. Position-related restrictions include the positive signals [β ð ɣ] and the negative signals [v t͡s ŋ ɾ]. However, in connected speech the positive signals disappear as a result of spirantization. In Late Old Catalan, the negative signals [b d ɡ z] arose from word-final obstruent devoicing (see Section 6.5.5).

6.4 Syllable-optimizing processes The syllable-optimizing processes that will be described in this section are consonant epenthesis (6.4.1), vowel epenthesis (6.4.2), glide strengthening (6.4.3), and coda weakening (6.4.4).

6.4.1 Consonant epenthesis As a result of syncope (see Section 6.5.2), heterosyllabic sequences of nasal + liquid and lateral + rhotic emerged in word-medial position. These include the reflexes of VLat. m’n, m’r, m’l, n’r, l’r, which represent an ill-formed syllable contact involving a rising sonority transition.3 The syllable contact was repaired by means of consonant epenthesis. According to the patterns of consonant epenthesis, I will distinguish between epenthesis in non-homorganic (m’n, m’r, m’l) and homorganic clusters (n’r, l’r). The non-homorganic sequences of nasal + liquid developed to mbr [m.bɾ] (< VLat. m’n [m.n], m’r [m.ɾ]) and mbl [m.bl] (< VLat. m’l [m.l]). The epenthetic consonant is the segment [b], which agrees with the preceding consonant in place of articulation. The optimization of syllable structure will be illustrated with the evolution of Lat. camĕra [ˈkamɛɾa] ‘chamber’. In Vulgar Latin, the item underwent syncope

3 In Pre-Old Catalan, the reflexes of VLat. m’n and m’r merged into [mɾ] as a result of nasal dissimilation (Moll 2006, 127). Alternatively, we could assume the development m’n > [m.bn] > [m.bɾ], where the sequence of stop + nasal is disallowed and was substituted by the sequence of stop + liquid.

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 6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan

giving rise to cam’ra [ˈkamɾa] (see Figure 6.5). In Old Catalan, the resulting ill-formed syllable contact [m.ɾ] was resolved by means of consonant epenthesis (see Figure 6.6).

Figure 6.5: Sonority of VLat. cam’ra ‘chamber’ after syncope.

Figure 6.6: Sonority of OCat. cambra ‘chamber’ after consonant epenthesis.

Similarly, the homorganic sequences of nasal + rhotic and lateral + rhotic developed to ndr [n.dɾ] (< VLat. n’r [n.ɾ]) and ldr [l.dɾ] (< VLat. l’r [l.ɾ]), respectively. The epenthetic consonant is the segment [d], which agrees with the preceding consonant in place of articulation. Similar to the non-homorganic sequences of nasal + liquid, consonant epenthesis resolved the ill-formed syllable contacts, as in Lat. tĕnĕru [ˈtɛnɛɾu] > VLat. tĕn’ro [ˈtɛnɾo] > OCat. tenre [ˈtɛnɾe] > MCCat. tendr-e [ˈtɛndɾə] ‘tender-m’. The historical documentation in (60) and (61) reveals that epenthesis in non-homorganic sequences behaves differently from epenthesis in homorganic sequences. The former is already attested in Old Catalan while the latter only applies in Middle Catalan. Veny (1993, 141‒142) and Rabella Ribas (1998, 197) observe that in the thirteenth century there was variation in Middle North-Western Catalan and Middle Central Catalan. For example, in (61) we find alternation between divenres and divendres ‘Friday’ in Procès Barcelona. Variation still occurs

6.4 Syllable-optimizing processes 

 197

in Modern Catalan, where it is geographically conditioned (see Map 5.4). The patterns of consonant epenthesis further show that ill-formed syllable contacts involving homorganic sequences of nasal + rhotic and lateral + rhotic are more robust against syllable optimization than non-homorganic sequences of nasal + liquid. (60) Historical documentation of consonant epenthesis in m’n, m’r, and m’l

Rouss.  Vides: temb-re ‘fear-inf’ (< VLat. tĭm’re), fembra 8v2 = femna 43v2 †‘woman’ (< VLat. fem’na).  CCat.  Desclot: temb-re II, 4:23 ‘fear-inf’ (< VLat. tĭm’re), nombre II, 5:30 ‘number’ (< VLat. nŭm’ro), renomn-ad-a II, 64:183 †‘rename-ptcp-f’ (< VLat. renom’nata), fembr-e-s III, 65:8 †‘woman-f-pl’ (< VLat. fem’nas); Llibre Fets: fembr-e-s 78,18 (16 times) = femn-e-s 202,9 (once) ‘woman-f-pl’ (< VLat. fem’nas), membr-ar 9,6 ‘remind-inf’ (< VLat. mem’rare).  NWCat.  Homilies: femna 15.12.14 †‘woman’ (< VLat. fem’na); Lletres Urgell: femna XVII, 3 †‘woman’ (< VLat. fem’na); Regiment Lleida: cambra ‘chamber’ (< VLat. cam’ra); Processos Lleida I: fembra I, 44 †‘woman’ (< VLat. fem’na).

(61)  Historical documentation of consonant epenthesis in n’r and l’r

Rouss.  Vides: engenr-ar 2v2 ‘beget-inf’ (< VLat. ingen’rare), ven-r-an 3v1 ‘comefut-3pl’ (< VLat. vĕn’re habent), obtend-r-às 6r2 ‘obtain-fut-2sg’ (< VLat. obtĭn’re habes), col-re 28v1 ‘worship-inf’ (< VLat. col’re), vul-ri-en 2v1 ‘want-cond-3pl’ (< VLat. vol’re habebant).  CCat. Desclot: honrat-s III, 85:82 = hondrat-s II, 4:25 ‘honourable[m]-pl’ (< VLat. hon’ratos), divenres III, 98:118‒119 = divendres IV, 120:42 ‘Friday’ (< VLat. dĭe vĕn’ris), genre II, 5:39 = gendre III, 100:134 ‘son-in-law’ (< VLat. gĕn’ro), pen-re III, 106:179 = pend-re III, 106:177 ‘take-inf’ (< VLat. prend’re); Llibre Fets: divenres 58,30 ‘Friday’ (< VLat. dĭe vĕn’ris), ven-r-a 58,18 (ten times) = vend-r-a 72,23 (six times) ‘come-fut-3sg’ (< VLat. vĕn’re habet); Procès Barcelona: absol-re 51r, 8 = absold-re 51v, 21 ‘acquit-inf’ (< VLat. absŏlv’re), divenres 3r, 6 (once) = divendres 23r, 6 (four times) ‘Friday’ (< VLat. dĭe vĕn’ris); Lletres catalanes: honrat I, 26 ‘honourable[m]’ (< VLat. hon’rato), vol-r-ets II, 3 ‘want-fut-2pl’ (< VLat. vol’re habetis), vol-r-à I, 26 ‘want-fut-3sg’ (< VLat. vol’re habet). NWCat. Homilies: ven-r-a 13.17.11 ‘come-fut3sg’ (< VLat. vĕn’re habet), pend-re 09.11.12 ‘take-inf’ (< VLat. prend’re); Lletres Urgell: val-r-a X, 9 ‘cost-fut-3sg’ (< VLat. val’re habet), vol-ri-e XII, 6 ‘want-cond-3sg’ (< VLat. vol’re habebat), tol-re 12.16.01 ‘lift.up-inf’ (< VLat. tŏll’re); Regiment Lleida: engenr-ar = engendr-ar ‘beget-inf’ (< VLat. ingen’rare), tol-re = told-re ‘lift.up-inf’ ( Pre-OCat. [fɛr] VLat. libro [ˈliβɾo] > Pre-OCat. [liβɾ] VLat. tĕn’ro [ˈtɛnɾo] > Pre-OCat. [tɛnɾ]

> > > >

OCat. febre [ˈfɛβɾe] ‘fever’ OCat. ferre [ˈfɛre] ‘iron’ OCat. libre [ˈliβɾe] ‘book’ OCat. tenre [ˈtɛnɾe] ‘tender’

Vowel epenthesis in sequences of nasal + liquid led to an optimization of syllable structure in word-final position, as illustrated in Figure 6.7 and Figure 6.8 by the development of VLat. tĕn’ro [ˈtɛnɾo] ‘tender[m]’. However, it restituted the originally ill-formed syllable contact in word-medial position. The ill-formed syllable contact involving a rising sonority transition was subsequently repaired by means of consonant epenthesis (Section 6.4.1).

4 In contrast to Rasico (1982, 108), Badia Margarit (1994, 174) and Moll (2006, 101) do not speak of vowel epenthesis. Additionally, Badia Margarit (1994, 174‒175) and Rohlfs (1984, 42) refer to vowel epenthesis (vocal de suport, vocal de apoyo) when discussing word-final o in lexical items such as ferro ‘iron’, monjo ‘monk’, and rotllo ‘roll’. However, the items do not constitute instances of vowel epenthesis. Rather, word-final o resulted from metaphony (see Fouché 1924, 89 and Moll 2006, 101 for details). 5 Sequences of sonorant + sonorant include etymological rr, as in Pre-OCat. [fεr] > OCat. ferre [ˈfεre] ‘iron’.

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 6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan

Figure 6.7: Sonority of Pre-OCat. tenr ‘tender[m]’ after apocope.

Figure 6.8: Sonority of OCat. tenre ‘tender[m]’ after vowel epenthesis.

Vowel epenthesis is also found in the verbal inflection. As will be shown in Section 6.5.3, apocope applied to the first-person singular. However, epenthesis applied when the zero ending brought about a violation of the Sonority Sequencing Principle in verb classes I and II such as entr-ar ‘enter-inf’ and obr-ir ‘open-inf’. For example, in Procès Barcelona, which dates back to the thirteenth century, we find the forms encontr-e ‘find-1sg.prs.ind’ and menbr-e ‘remember-1sg.prs. ind’. As a result of analogy, the zero ending was substituted by the ending -e in Valencian, as in OCat. cant [kant] ‘sing[1sg.prs.ind]’ > Val. cant-e [ˈkante] ‘sing1sg.prs.ind’ (Moll 2006, 196). 6.4.2.3 Summary Vowel epenthesis occurred in Vulgar Latin and Pre-Old Catalan, which constitute earlier stages of Old Catalan. The process helped to repair consonant clusters that violated the Sonority Sequencing Principle. In Vulgar Latin, vowel epenthesis applied to clusters containing extrasyllabic elements. As a consequence, extrasyllabic elements are restricted to word-final syllables in Old Catalan. This

6.4 Syllable-optimizing processes 

 201

restriction persists in Central Catalan, where loan words from English containing word-initial extrasyllabic elements are resolved through vowel epenthesis, as in CCat. esport [əsˈpɔɾt] ‘sport’. In Pre-Old Catalan, vowel epenthesis applied to sequences of obstruent + liquid and nasal + liquid, both of which arose from apocope. The process cannot be associated with a syllable-centered language stage since it resulted from a word-optimizing process. In this respect, we can distinguish between primary and secondary syllable-optimizing processes.

6.4.3 Glide strengthening Old Catalan had the syllable structures [jV] and [wV], which violate the Head Law. According to the Head Law, the syllable onset is the more preferred the greater the Consonantal Strength of its onset. This is not the case with glides. In Old Catalan, the ill-formed syllable structures [jV] and [wV] were optimized by means of glide strengthening. The process applied to [j] and [w], which are derived from VLat. j and Gmc w, respectively. Fortition of [j] occurred both word-initially and word-medially while fortition of [w] only occurred word-initially, as illustrated in (63). Thus, [j] was strengthened to [d͡ʒ], as in VLat. junio [ˈjunjo] > OCat. juny [d͡ʒuɲ] (Badia Margarit 1994, 181‒182; Moll 2006, 105, 112‒113). Additionally, [w] was strengthened to [ɡw] before back vowels and [ɡ] before front vowels (Badia Margarit 1994, 179; Moll 2006, 102‒103). The resulting onsets [d͡ʒ] and [ɡ]/[ɡw] imply an optimization of syllable structure since they exhibit a greater Consonantal Strength than the original glides. (63) Glide strengthening VLat. junio [ˈjunjo] VLat. dijŏves [diˈjɔves] Gmc wardōn [ˈwaɾdoːn] Gmc werra [ˈwɛra]

> > > >

OCat. juny [d͡ʒuɲ] ‘June’ OCat. dijous [diˈd͡ʒɔws] ‘Thursday’ OCat. guard-ar [ɡwaɾˈðaɾ] ‘observe-inf’ OCat. guerra [ˈɡɛra] ‘war’

The ill-formed syllable structures [jV] and [wV] were disallowed in Old Catalan while they are allowed in Central Catalan (see Jiménez/Lloret/Pons-Moll 2019 for Modern Catalan). Note that the pronunciation of the English loan words yatch and web are [jɔt] and [wεp], respectively. That is, the original glides are retained. This implies that the adaptation of loan words – for example from Germanic to Old Catalan and from English to Modern Central Catalan – highly depends on the typological affiliation of the language or language stage. The retention of glides is in accordance with the word-centered affiliation of Central Catalan.

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 6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan

6.4.4 Coda weakening In this section, I will outline three instances of coda weakening: (1) vocalization of VLat. ty, ce,i, b, v, d (Section 6.4.4.1); (2) vocalization in VLat. c’m, g’m, sm, s’n (Section 6.4.4.2); and (3) vocalization of dark l (Section 6.4.4.3). The process is syllable-related since it applies in word-medial and word-final codas. Additionally, it is syllable-optimizing since it is in line with the Coda Law and Contact Law. According to the Coda Law, a syllable coda is the more preferred the less the Consonantal Strength of its offset. This is the case with vocalization, where the resulting glide exhibits less Consonantal Strength than the original fricative and lateral. Vocalization in sm, s’n resulted in the glide [j] while vocalization in VLat. ty, ce,i, b, v, d, cm, gm and OCat. l resulted in the glide [w]. Cross-linguistically, vocalization is more frequent with bilabial and lateral consonants. In contrast, vocalization of dental consonants is rare, as in cad’re [ˈkað.ɾe] > cau-re [ˈkaw.ɾe] ‘fall-inf’. 6.4.4.1 Vocalization of word-medial VLat. ty, ce,i, b, v, d Vocalization of [β] (< VLat. b, v) and [ð] (< VLat. ty, ce,i, d) occurs in word-medial and word-final codas.6 The reflex of VLat. ty underwent vocalization only in word-final position while the reflex of VLat. ce, i, b, v, d underwent vocalization both in word-medial and word-final position, as illustrated in Table 6.9. Note that b and v are treated together because they merged into [β] in Vulgar Latin. Table 6.9: Vocalization of word-medial VLat. ty, ce,i, b, v, d. Etymology

Word-medial

Word-final

ty ce,i b, v

— cŏc’re > cou-re [ˈkɔw.ɾe] ‘cook-inf’ bĭb’re > beu-re [ˈbɛw.ɾe] ‘drink-inf’ dev’re > deu-re [ˈdɛw.ɾe] ‘must-inf’ cad’re > cau-re [ˈkaw.ɾe] ‘fall-inf’

pŭtĕu > pou [pow] ‘well (n.)’ pace > pau [paw] ‘peace’ bĭbit > beu [bɛw] ‘drink[3sg.prs]’ dĕvet > deu [dɛw] ‘must[3sg.prs]’ cadit > cau [kaw] ‘fall[3sg.prs]’

d

Originally, the consonants occurred in word-medial onsets. As a result of syncope and apocope (see Sections 6.5.2 and 6.5.3), they occupied the word-medial and

6 The process is described in historical grammars (Badia Margarit 1994, 225, 233, 246; Moll 2006, 116). Additionally, Rasico (1982, 118–135, 237–238) and Gulsoy (1993c) give a detailed account of the process.

6.4 Syllable-optimizing processes 

 203

word-final coda, respectively. For example, VLat. bĭb-it [ˈbɛβe] ‘drink-3sg.prs. ind’ underwent apocope such that the originally intervocalic consonant moved into the word-final coda ([bɛβ]). Similarly, Lat. bĭb-ere ‘drink-inf’ underwent syncope in Vulgar Latin such that the originally intervocalic consonant moved into the word-medial coda ([ˈbɛβ.ɾe]). In the syllable coda, [β] vocalized giving rise to [bɛw] and [ˈbɛw.ɾe]. The optimization of the ill-formed syllable contact in VLat. bĭb’-re [ˈbɛβ.ɾe] ‘drink-inf’ is depicted in Figure 6.9 and Figure 6.10.

Figure 6.9: Sonority of VLat. bĭb’-re ‘drink-inf’ after syncope.

Figure 6.10: Sonority of OCat. beu-re ‘drink-inf’ after coda weakening.

In word-medial position, vocalization applied to the heterosyllabic clusters [β.ɾ] and [ð.ɾ], as in VLat. [ˈbɛβ.ɾe] > OCat. [ˈbɛw.ɾe] and VLat. [ˈkað.ɾe] > OCat. [ˈkaw. ɾe], respectively. The process implies that the consonants [β ð] pattern with fricatives rather than with glides (see Section 6.3.2 for discussion). In other words, they constitute ill-formed syllable contacts.

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 6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan

6.4.4.2 Vocalization in word-medial VLat. c’m, g’m, sm, s’n The word-medial ill-formed syllable contact sm is directly derived from Latin while c’m, g’m and s’n resulted from syncope (see Section 6.5.2). Vocalization is completed in Middle Catalan (Badia Margarit 1994, 225, 234; Moll 2006, 123, 126). Examples are given in (64). For example, VLat. dĕc’mo [ˈdεɣmo] underwent vocalization giving rise to OCat. deume [ˈdɛwme] ‘tithe’.7 Gulsoy (1993c, 161) assumes the following stages: [k.m] > [ɡ.m] (with coda voice agreement) > [ɣ.m] (with spirantization) > [β.m] (with regressive assimilation) > [w.m] (with vocalization). Additionally, there is a tendency for sibilants to vocalize when adjacent to voiced consonants. This is the case with VLat. almŏs’na [alˈmɔzna] > OCat. almoina [aɫˈmɔjna] ‘alms’.8 (64) Vocalization in c’m, g’m, sm, and s’n VLat. dĕc’mo [ˈdεɣmo] > OCat. deume [ˈdɛwme] ‘tithe’ VLat. almŏs’na [alˈmɔzna] > OCat. almoina [aɫˈmɔjna] ‘alms’ The optimization of the ill-formed syllable contact in VLat. dĕc’mo [ˈdɛɣ.mo] ‘tithe’ is shown in Figure 6.11 and Figure 6.12. 6.4.4.3 Vocalization of OCat. l Cross-linguistically, vocalization of dark l results in either the palatal glide [j] or the velar glide [w]. In Romance languages, l-vocalization typically results in the velar glide [w] (see Recasens 1996a, 66‒67). The same applies for Catalan. Vocalization is attested in Middle Central Catalan in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, albeit less frequently than in Middle Roussillon Catalan (see Gulsoy 1993a and 1993b for details). The process occurs before consonants both word-medially and word-finally. Examples from Middle Central Catalan are given in (65). Badia Margarit (1994, 198‒201) points out that the process was originally more widespread than nowadays. Owing to the influence of written language, the original lateral was restituted. (65) l-vocalization in Middle Central Catalan (Rasico 1993c, 30) OCat. alt [aɫt] > MCCat. aut [awt] ‘tall’ OCat. volta [ˈvɔɫta] > MCCat. vouta [ˈbɔwtə] ‘turn’ 7 In Old Catalan, the original cluster is generally retained in learned words such as digmenge [diɡˈmeɲd͡ʒe] ‘Sunday’, which became [diwˈmeɲd͡ʒə] in Middle Central Catalan. 8 Modern instances of coda weakening involve rhotacism. The process is restricted to Majorcan Catalan, where sibilants may undergo rhotacism when followed by non-sibilant voiced obstruents or nasals, as in dos bou-s [ˈdoɹˈbɔws] ‘two ox-pl’. Note that the underlying sibilant becomes a rhotic approximant across word boundaries (see Pons-Moll 2011, 144 for details).

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 205

Figure 6.11: Sonority of VLat. dĕc’mo ‘tithe’ after syncope.

Figure 6.12: Sonority of OCat. deume ‘tithe’ after coda weakening.

The ALDC contains examples of l-vocalization in lexical items such as alba ‘dawn’ (ALDC III, Map 621), albarda ‘packsaddle’ (and derived albardó ‘small packsaddle’) (ALDC IV, Map 933), etc. The distribution of the process is lexically conditioned. For example, the item alba ‘dawn’ exhibits vocalization in Balearic Catalan while the item albarda ‘packsaddle’ exhibits vocalization in North-Western Catalan, Central Catalan, and Balearic Catalan, as illustrated in Map 5.25. As shown in Section 5.5.9, the diphthong resulting from vocalization underwent unstressed vowel reduction in Central Catalan, as in OCat. albarda [aɫˈβaɾða] > [awˈβaɾða] (l-vocalization) > [əwˈβaɾðə] (centralization) > [uˈβaɾðə] (diphthong simplification). In contrast to the ill-formed syllable contacts described in the previous sections, sequences of lateral + nasal/obstruent involve falling sonority transitions.

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 6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan

Therefore, they constitute well-formed syllable contacts. Vocalization of the lateral brings about an optimization of the syllable contact since the falling sonority transition from the lateral to the following consonant is enhanced by increasing the sonority in the coda, as illustrated in Figure 6.13 and Figure 6.14.

Figure 6.13: Sonority of OCat. alba ‘dawn’.

Figure 6.14: Sonority of OCat. alba ‘dawn’ after coda weakening.

6.5 Word-optimizing processes The word-optimizing processes that will be analysed in this section are unstressed vowel reduction (6.5.1), syncope (6.5.2), apocope (6.5.3), deletion of word-final n (6.5.4), word-final obstruent devoicing (6.5.5), deletion of word-medial consonants (6.5.6), deletion of word-final r (6.5.7), deaffrication of [d͡ʒ] and [t ͡s  ] (6.5.8), decentralization of stressed schwa (6.5.9), and simplification of word-final homorganic consonants (6.5.10).

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 207

6.5.1 Unstressed vowel reduction In Section 5.3.1, we have seen that Central Catalan has stress-related restrictions. In unstressed syllables we find a reduced set of vowels ([ə u i]). In this respect, Central Catalan differs from earlier language stages such as Vulgar Latin and Old Catalan, both of which licence the short vowels [i e a o u], as illustrated in Table 6.10.9 In this section, I will explore the vowel reduction processes that gave rise to the reduced set of vowels found in Central Catalan. The processes include centralization and merger of back vowels.10 Table 6.10: Vulgar Latin, Old Catalan, and Central Catalan vowel system in unstressed syllables.

Short vowel

Vulgar Latin

Old Catalan

Central Catalan

ieaou

i e a o u

u ə i

I will distinguish between two different historical stages. The first stage involves the development of Vulgar Latin into Old Catalan (Section 6.5.1.1) while the second stage involves the development of Old Catalan into Middle Central Catalan (Section 6.5.1.2). 6.5.1.1 Unstressed vowel reduction in Old Catalan Historical grammars of Catalan traditionally describe the development of unstressed vowels according to their original position in Latin (Moll 2006, 92‒101; see Badia Margarit 1994, 155‒177 for a similar classification). In the following, I

9 In contrast to Latin, which displays short and long vowels in unstressed syllables, Vulgar Latin only displays short tense vowels in unstressed syllables. That is, long vowels underwent shortening. It is not clear whether Vulgar Latin has the lax mid vowels [ɛ ɔ] in unstressed syllables. Badia Margarit (1994, 119) assumes that in Vulgar Latin the set of unstressed vowels comprises [i] (< Lat. ī), [e] (< Lat. ē, ĭ), [ɛ] (< Lat. ĕ), [a] (< Lat. ā, ă), [ɔ] (< Lat. ŏ), [o] (< Lat. ō, ŭ), and [u] (< Lat. ū). In contrast, Lloyd (1993, 186‒188, 305) assumes that in Vulgar Latin the set of unstressed vowels comprises [i] (< Lat. ī), [e] (< Lat. ē, ī, ĕ), [a] (< Lat. ā, ă), [o] (< Lat. ō, ŏ, ŭ), and [u] (< Lat. ū). Following Lloyd (1993), I assume that in Vulgar Latin tense and lax mid vowels merged into tense mid vowels. These patterns are generally found in Romance varieties. For this reason, I do not view merger of tense and lax mid vowels as an innovation specific to Old Catalan. This implies that in Vulgar Latin long vowels underwent shortening while mid lax short vowels underwent lowering. 10 Diphthong simplification will not be treated. The process can be accounted for in a more precise way from a synchronic perspective since it highly depends on speech tempo (Recasens 1996b, 123–125). For examples of diphthong simplification, see Section 5.5.9.2.

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will give an account of unstressed vowel reduction in posttonic word-medial syllables (posttòniques internes) and posttonic word-final syllables (vocals finals).11 For an adequate account of unstressed vowel reduction in posttonic syllables, it is useful to distinguish between Vulgar Latin, Pre-Old Catalan, and Old Catalan. The distinction between posttonic word-medial and posttonic word-final syllables only holds for Latin since posttonic word-medial syllables became wordfinal after apocope applied in Pre-Old Catalan. Thus, the traditional distinction should be substituted by the distinction between posttonic word-final vowels in closed syllables and posttonic word-final vowels in open syllables, respectively. This distinction makes it clear that in Old Catalan unstressed vowel reduction behaves differently according to syllable type (open vs. closed syllables), as illustrated in Table 6.11. Table 6.11: Development of posttonic word-final vowels in Old Catalan according to syllable type. Vulgar Latin

Pre-Old Catalan

Old Catalan

Open syllable

e (< i, e) o (< o, u) a

Ø (< e, o) (see 6.5.3 for a apocope) e (see 6.4.2.2 for [a] vowel epenthesis)

Closed syllable

e (< i, e) o (< o, u) a

[a], [e], [o] [Øs] (< es, os) (see 6.5.2 for syncope)

e (< [e], [a]), o

In Old Catalan, unstressed vowel reduction is sensitive to syllable type. In open syllables, OCat. a and e were retained while in closed syllables they merged into [e].12 Merger of OCat. a and e is illustrated in (66). Note that OCat. raue [ˈrave]

11 Pretonic word-initial syllables did not undergo reduction such that Old Catalan displays the vowel set [i e a o u] in pretonic syllables. Therefore, the vowel set is directly derived from Vulgar Latin. Instead, pretonic word-medial syllables generally underwent deletion with the exception of [a], which is retained in Old Catalan (see Section 6.5.2). 12 The development [a] > [e] has been traditionally explained in terms of palatalization and analogy. With regard to the reflexes of VLat. -as and -ant, Fouché (1924, 86‒87) and Badia Margarit (1994, 173) assume that word-final OCat. a palatalized before sibilant consonants and expanded via analogy to other phonetic environments. Certainly, palatalization is attested cross-linguistically. This ̥ is the case in Swabian, where items such as Flasche ‘bottle’ and Nase ‘nose’ are spoken [v̥lɛʒ] and [ne ˜ːz̥], respectively (König/Renn 2007, 40). However, we can exclude that palatalization occurred in Old Catalan for two reasons. First, items such as OCat. cas [kas] ‘case’, pas [pas] ‘step’, etc. did not develop to *[kes], *[pes], etc. Second, the process is restricted to unstressed syllables. With regard to the reflex of VLat. -at, Moll (2006, 100) observes that the

6.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 209

‘radish’, ase [ˈaze] ‘donkey’, and home [ˈɔme] ‘man’ underwent deletion of wordfinal n, as in Pre-OCat. [ˈravan] > [ˈraven] (raising) > [ˈrave] (n-deletion) (see Section 6.5.4). Unstressed vowel reduction ([a] > [e]) must have applied before n-deletion. Otherwise, Pre-OCat. [ˈravan] would have resulted in *[ˈrava] in Old Catalan. (66) Merger of OCat. a and e in unstressed word-final closed syllables VLat. raphano [ˈravano] > Pre-OCat. [ˈravan] VLat. talamo [ˈtalamo] > Pre-OCat. [ˈtalam] VLat. asino [ˈazeno] VLat. hŏmine [ˈɔmene]

> Pre-OCat. [ˈazen] > Pre-OCat. [ˈɔmen]

> OCat. raue [ˈrave] ‘radish’ > OCat. talem [ˈtalem] ‘thalamus’ > OCat. ase [ˈaze] ‘donkey’ > OCat. home [ˈɔme] ‘man’

Reduction in unstressed word-final closed syllables also applied in nominal and verbal inflectional endings. These include the feminine plural (-as > -es), the second-person singular (-as > -es), the third-person singular (-at > -e), and the third-person plural (-ant > -en) of the present indicative of verb class I such as OCat. plor-ar [ploˈɾaɾ] ‘cry-inf’. Examples are given in (67). In the nominal inflection, unstressed vowel reduction gave rise to phonologically motivated allomorphy. For example, the feminine singular ending is -a while the feminine plural ending is -es, as in cas-a ‘house-f’ vs. cas-e-s ‘house-f-pl’. According to Rasico (1982, 92‒93, 235), the development -as > -es is attested between the ninth and tenth centuries while the development -ant > -en is attested in the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries. (67) Vowel reduction in word-final closed syllables VLat. casas > OCat. cas-e-s [ˈkazes] ‘house-f-pl’ VLat. ploras > OCat. plor-es [ˈploɾes] ‘cry-2sg.prs.ind’ VLat. plorat > OCat. plor-e [ˈploɾe] ‘cry-3sg.prs.ind’ VLat. plorant > OCat. plor-en [ˈploɾen] ‘cry-3pl.prs.ind’ The ALDC allows us to document the distribution patterns of unstressed vowel reduction of OCat. -a in closed syllables. The reflexes of VLat. -as will be illustrated with the lexical item campan-e-s ‘bell-f-pl’ (see Map 6.3). The reflexes of VLat. -as include [as], [es], and [əs]. OCat. -es [es] is found in North-Western Catalan and Valencian with the exception of Ribagorça Catalan, where the original ending [as] is preserved. The form [əs], which arose from centralization in development patterns with word-final closed syllables. In contrast, the development has also been explained in terms of analogy (see Moll 2006, 100 for references).

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Map 6.3: Reduction of posttonic word-final OCat. a in closed syllables.

6.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 211

Middle Central Catalan (see Section 6.5.1.2), is widespread in Eastern Catalan. In Alghero Catalan, [-əs] became [-as], probably as a result of language contact with Sardinian (PALDC I, Maps 39‒40, IV, Maps 463‒465).

6.5.1.2 Unstressed vowel reduction in Middle Central Catalan In Middle Central Catalan, the set of unstressed vowels experienced a five-tothree inventory reduction, which resulted from centralization (OCat. a and e > MCCat. [ə]) and merger of back vowels (OCat. o and u > MCCat. [u]), as illustrated in Table 6.12. Table 6.12: Unstressed vowels in Old Catalan and Middle Central Catalan.

Short vowel

Old Catalan

Middle Central Catalan

[i e a o u]

[i], [ə] (< a, e), [u] (< o, u)

Centralization and merger of back vowels did not evolve simultaneously. We can distinguish between three different stages (see Table 6.13). The first stage involves the unstressed vowels derived from Old Catalan. This stage is preserved in NorthWestern Catalan and Valencian. Subsequently, OCat. a and e underwent centralization. This stage is preserved in Balearic Catalan. Finally, OCat. o and u merged into [u]. This stage has been reached by Central Catalan and Roussillon Catalan. This implies that there is a gradual concentration of vowel reduction processes in Central Catalan and Roussillon Catalan. Table 6.13: Unstressed vowel reduction patterns in Middle Central Catalan. Stage I

Stage II (after centralization)

Stage III (after merger of back vowels)

ieaou

iəou

iəu

Centralization can be identified by the alternation between the spellings and in unstressed syllables. This alternation shows the difficulty of reflecting the quality of schwa in the spelling. Historical records reveal that centralization of OCat. a and e was sensitive to within-word position since it applied first in pretonic syllables and then in posttonic syllables (Coromines 1974c, 295; Rasico 1982,

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 6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan

101; Veny 2002, 30). According to Rasico (1982, 101‒102, 236), centralization in pretonic syllables was achieved by the twelfth century (enar < OCat. an-ar [aˈnaɾ] ‘go-inf’) while centralization in posttonic syllables only begins in the twelfth century (jova < OCat. jove [ˈd͡ʒove] ‘boy’) (see Fouché 1924, 86, Coromines 1974a, 295, and Veny 2002, 30 for a later date). The position-sensitive patterns of centralization will be illustrated with Llibre de Fets del Rei en Jaume (1343). Bruguera (1991) examined the alternation between the spellings and according to within-word position (pretonic vs. posttonic syllables) and syllable type (open vs. closed syllables). Figure 6.15 and Figure 6.16 depict the relative frequency of the spelling alternation between OCat. a and OCat. e, respectively. In pretonic syllables, OCat. a is represented 886 times with and 151 times with (Tarragona = Terragona < OCat. Tarragona) while in word-final open syllables it is represented 1,243 times with and 48 times with (volia = volie < OCat. vol-ia ‘want-iprf[1/3sg]’). With respect to OCat. e, we find 172 times and 195 times in pretonic syllables (Barcelona = 100%



80% 60%



40% 20% 0%

pretonic

word-final (V#)

Figure 6.15: Spelling of unstressed OCat. a in Llibre de Fets (based on Bruguera 1991, 48‒49). 100% 80%





60% 40% 20% 0%





pretonic

word-final (V#)

word-final (VC#)

Figure 6.16: Spelling of unstressed OCat. e in Llibre de Fets (based on Bruguera 1991, 48‒49).

6.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 213

Barçalona < OCat. Barcelona), 213 times and 57 times in word-final open syllables (sempre = sempra < OCat. sempre ‘always’), and 485 times and 30 times in word-final closed syllables (cartes = cartas < OCat. cart-e-s ‘letter-f-pl’). If we compare Figure 6.15 and Figure 6.16, we can make the following observations. First, spelling alternation is more frequent in pretonic than in posttonic syllables. This picture is in line with the position-related patterns of centralization described by Coromines (1974c, 295). Second, the spelling is more common for etymological OCat. a while the spelling is more common for etymological OCat. e. Third, we find spelling alternation in word-final closed syllables although Coromines claims that they are only attested in the fifteenth century. In this respect, Bruguera (1991, 49) does not exclude that the plural form may constitute an Occitan orthographic remnant. However, this assumption can be challenged if we consider that centralization in posttonic syllables began in the twelfth century (Rasico 1982, 101). Centralization of OCat. a and e in pretonic and posttonic word-final syllables is documented in (68) and (69), respectively. With regard to pretonic syllables, we find instances of clitics that undergo centralization. These include e (< OCat. a ‘to’), an (< OCat. en ‘in’), le (< OCat. la ‘def.f’), and ten (< OCat. tan ‘so’). (68) Historical documentation of centralization of OCat. a, e in pretonic syllables

Rouss. Vides: canalobre 32v2 (< OCat. canelobre ‘candelabrum’), mesestre 7v2 (< OCat. masestre ‘teacher’). CCat. Censos Vic: Frexaneda 63 (< toponym Freixeneda); Capbreu Cerdanya: Paiarols 14r (< OCat. pallerol-s ‘straw-pl’); Usatges Barcelona: omanatge 5, 15 (< OCat. homenatge ‘tribute’), evengelis 46, 2 (< OCat. evangeli-s ‘Gospel-pl’), trespassarà 58, 8 (< OCat. trespass-ar-à ‘cross.over-fut-3sg’), sagel 61, 6 (< OCat. segell ‘stamp’), derera 73, 23 (< OCat. darrere ‘behind’), emics 75, 1 (< OCat. amich-s ‘friend[m]-pl’), nabot 118, 21 (< OCat. nebot ‘nephew[m]’); Capbreu Ribes: magen 9r16 = megen 10r11 (< OCat. †magenc ‘lamb for tribute’), esmina 9v4 = asmina 13r6 (< OCat. esmina ‘unit of measure for corn’), Barcelona 19r10 = Barsalona 19r11 (< toponym Barcelona); Desclot: Ampuries II, 39:112 = Empuries II; 39:113 (< toponym Empúries), nabot II, 49:169 (< OCat. nebot ‘nephew[m]’), elamays II, 62:174 = alamays II, 62:175 (< OCat. alemany-s ‘German[m]-pl’); Llibre Fets: Barçalona 2,8 (twelve times) = Barçelona 46,12 (16 times) (< toponym Barcelona), nabot 78,26 (four times) = nebot 272,19 (three times) (< OCat. nebot ‘nephew[m]’), enamichs 1,19 (twice) = enemichs 415,22 (four times) (< OCat. enemich-s ‘enemy[m]-pl’); Ordinacions Ribes: manor 16 (< OCat. menor ‘minor’), vagada 63 = vegade 62 (< OCat. vegada ‘time’), vaguer 40 (more than 15 times) (< family name Veguer); Ordinacions Empuries: nagu 3:11 (< OCat. ningu ‘no one’), an 6:8 = en 6:8 (< OCat. en ‘in’), sagons 6:12 (< OCat. segons ‘according to’), pegara 18:9 (< OCat. pag-ar-à ‘pay-fut-3sg’), ten [greus] 25:7 (< OCat. tan greu-s ‘so serious[m]-pl’), pesar 34:16 (< OCat. pass-ar ‘happen-inf’); Procès Barcelona: damunt 15r, 10 (eleven times) = demunt 15r, 14 (nine times) (< OCat. damunt ‘on’), matzinat 5v, 8 (once) = metzinat 18v, 18 (16 times) (< OCat. metznin-at ‘poison-ptcp[m]’); Lletres

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catalanes: Bernat I, 2 = Barnat I, 26 (< personal name Bernat), e Mellorca I, 13 (< OCat. a Mallorca ‘in Mallorca’), henar I, 17 (< OCat. an-ar ‘go-inf’), le [nau] I, 27 (< OCat. la nau ‘art.det.f ship’).

(69) Historical documentation of centralization of OCat. a, e in posttonic wordfinal syllables

Rouss. Vides: [una part contra l’] altre 24r2 (< OCat. una part contra l’altr-a ‘a part against the other-f’). CCat. Usatges Barcelona: tenie 29,6 (< OCat. ten-ia ‘have-iprf[3sg]’), ere 112,11 (< OCat. era ‘be.iprf[3sg]’); Capbreu Ribes: Roire 3v11 (< personal name Rovira), altras duas 15r6 (twice) (< OCat. altr-e-s du-e-s ‘other-f-pl two-f-pl’); Desclot: anave II, 14:67 (< OCat. an-ava ‘go-iprf[3sg]’), orda II, 50:156 = orde II, 2:14 (< OCat. orde ‘order’), terre III, 84:80 ( [ə] ‘to’, de [de] > [də] ‘of’, que [ke] > [kə] ‘that’, etc. On the other hand, scholars such as Wartburg (1950, 104) and Rasico (1982, 103‒104) argue that the tendency for unstressed vowels to undergo reduction in Vulgar Latin was reinforced by language contact with Germanic (see Section 4.7.1.4 for a critical discussion). These theories fail to explain the phonological motivation of centralization. Again, the typology of syllable and word languages contributes to a better understanding of the process, which helps to create an asymmetry between stressed and unstressed syllables (see Section 4.7.1 for discussion).

6.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 215

Let us turn to merger of OCat. o and u. Coromines (1974c, 297) distinguishes between raising and merger of back vowels (see Rohlfs 1949, 219 for a similar distinction in Italian dialects). They behave differently in the following respects. First, raising is phonetically motivated and generally occurs when /o/ is followed by high vowels and labial consonants (see Veny 2002, 31 for details). That is, [o] and [u] are distributional variants of /o/. In contrast, merger is phonologically motivated and implies the loss of the phonological opposition between OCat. /o/ and /u/ in unstressed syllables, as in col-ar [kuˈla] ‘filter-inf’ and cul-ar [kuˈla] ‘go. back-inf’ (examples taken from Veny 2002, 30). Second, raising is already attested in Old Catalan while merger is only attested in Middle Central Catalan. According to Rasico (1982, 236) and Veny (2002, 30), merger of back vowels was complete by the late fifteenth century (see Fouché 1924, 73 for an earlier date). The patterns of consecutive dialects such as Majorcan Catalan give a terminus post quem. That is, merger must have applied after the repopulation since the process is absent from Majorcan Catalan.13 Raising and merger of back vowels are documented in (70) and (71), respectively. Similar to centralization, we find merger of back vowels in clitics. These include u (< OCat. ho ‘3sg.n’) and su (< OCat. ço ‘dem.n’). (70)  Historical documentation of raising of OCat. o before high vowels (and labial consonants)

Rouss. Vides: vulrien 2v1 (< OCat. vol-ri-en ‘will-cond-3pl’), murir 2v2 (< OCat. mor-ir ‘die-inf’). CCat. Capbreu Ribes: cussura 14v11 = cossura 5r7 (< OCat. cossura ‘tax on cereal’); Llibre Fets: cubrir 150,17 (once) = cobrir 161,9 (twice) (< OCat. cobr-ir ‘cover-inf’), durmim 82,18 (once) = dormim 67,19 (three times) (< OCat. dorm-im ‘sleep-1pl.prs.ind’); Ordinacions Ribes: u [faye] 53 (< OCat. ho fa-ya ‘3sg.n make-iprf[3sg]’); Procès Barcelona: sospita 2r, 3 (nine times) = suspita 27r, 10 (twice) (< OCat. sospita ‘suspicion’); Ordinacions Empuries: cubert 19:11 (< OCat. cob-ert ‘cover-ptcp[m]’), acustumat 7:3 (< OCat. acostum-at ‘accustomed-ptcp[m]’). Bal. Urkundensprache: curtines 1309 = cortines (< OCat. cortin-e-s ‘curtain-f-pl’), cunill 1361 (< OCat. conill ‘rabbit’), hulives 1395 (< OCat. oliv-e-s ‘olive-f-pl’); Lletres Mallorca: su[·s] I, 17 (< OCat. ço es ‘dem.n be.3sg.prs.ind’), Gurdiola I, 23 (< family name Gordiola < Guardiola); Llibre Cort Mallorca: escusir 25v.6 (< OCat. escos-ir ‘make. out-inf’), auturitat vol.4, quadern B, f.33 (< OCat. autoritat ‘authority’) (scribe A employs 52 times and 17 times); Consolat Mar: podia 89.207 = pudia 225.11 (< OCat. pod-ia ‘can-iprf[3sg]’), poria 55.8 = puria 237.27 (< OCat. po-ri-a ‘can-cond-3sg’). Alg. Ordinacions Alguer: cullida (< OCat. coll-id-a ‘collect-ptcp-f’); Processos Alguer: offisi 2/28 = ufici 2/149 (< OCat. ofici ‘profession’). NWCat. Homilies: urgul 2v16 (< OCat. orgull ‘pride’); Lletres Urgell:

13 Consecutive dialects such as Minorcan, Ibizan, and Alghero Catalan exhibit merger of back vowels. In these dialects, the process constitutes a relatively recent innovation. In Minorcan and Ibizan Catalan, merger is first attested in the sixteenth century (Veny/Massip 2009; 2011) while in Alghero Catalan it is first attested in the late seventeenth century (Blasco Ferrer 1984, 269; Perea Sabater 1998, 35).

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 6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan

pugut X:7 (< OCat. pog-ut ‘can-ptcp[m]’ ); Llibre Costums Tortosa: ubertes 28r, 19a = obertes 28r, 28a (< OCat. ob-ert-e-s ‘open-ptcp-f-pl’), custum 48r, 16b (< OCat. costum ‘custom’), [no·]u [sab] 24v, 14a (< OCat. no ho sap ‘neg 3sg.n know[3sg.prs.ind]’); Regiment Lleida: acustumat (once) = acostumat (seven times) (< OCat. acostum-at ‘accustomed-ptcp[m]’), huberts (< OCat. ob-ert-s ‘open-ptcp[m]-pl’), cuberta (< OCat. cob-ert-a ‘cover-ptcp-f’); Processos Lleida I: [no·]u [sab] III. 72 (< OCat. no ho sap ‘neg 3sg.n know[3sg.prs.ind]’).

(71) Historical documentation of merger of OCat. o and u

CCat. Llibre Fets: almugàvers 103,2 (eight times) = almogàvers 255,11 (four  times) (< OCat. almogaver-s ‘soldier-pl’), Portugal 17,9 (three times) = Portogal 109,18 (twice) (toponym Portugal); Ordinacions Empuries: ponit (hypercorrect spelling) 30:3 = punit 6:11 (< OCat. pun-it ‘punish-ptcp[m]’).

Third, raising originally occurred both in western and eastern varieties of Catalan while merger is restricted to eastern varieties of Catalan. Map 6.4 illustrates the distribution of raising in the lexical item cosí germà ‘cousin’ (ALDC III, Map 515). Raising can be identified in varieties that have not undergone merger. These include North-Western Catalan and Majorcan Catalan (see Moll 2006, 88 for examples from Majorcan Catalan). In addition to neutralizing a phonological opposition in unstressed syllables, merger helped to repair the phonological asymmetry resulting from centralization. Centralization of OCat. a and e led to the emergence of an asymmetric set of vowels comprising the vowels [i ə o u] – that is, with one front vowel and two back vowels. This asymmetry was repaired by means of merger, thereby giving rise to the symmetrical set [i ə u]. 6.5.1.3 Summary Unstressed vowel reduction was found to occur in Old Catalan and Middle Central Catalan. In Old Catalan, unstressed vowel reduction is sensitive to syllable type. OCat. a merged with OCat. e in word-final closed syllables (OCat. cas-e-s [ˈkazes] ‘house-f-pl’) while it was retained in word-final open syllables (OCat. casa [ˈkaza] ‘house’). In Middle Central Catalan, there is a five-to-three inventory reduction resulting from centralization of OCat. a and e and merger of OCat. o and u into [u]. In contrast to Old Catalan, centralization and merger are not sensitive to syllable type. However, centralization is sensitive to within-word position since the process is first attested in pretonic syllables. There is a gradual concentration of vowel reduction processes in Central Catalan, as illustrated in Table 6.14.

6.5 Word-optimizing processes 

Map 6.4: Raising of OCat. o before high vowels.

 217

218 

 6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan

Table 6.14: Unstressed vowel reduction in Catalan. Phonological process

North-Western Catalan

Majorcan Catalan

Central Catalan

Merger of OCat. a and e in word-final closed syllables Centralization of OCat. a and e Merger of OCat. o and u

+

+

+

− −

+ −

+ +

6.5.2 Syncope In this section, I will describe unstressed vowel deletion in word-medial position (for deletion in word-final position see Section 6.5.3). We can distinguish between recent and historical syncope. Recent syncope was described in Section 5.5.4. Historical syncope applied in Vulgar Latin. For example, Lat. vĭrĭde ‘green’ underwent syncope giving rise to vĭr’de in Vulgar Latin. We can deduce that the process applied in Vulgar Latin since the oldest stages of Ibero-Romance and Gallo-Romance languages exhibit syncopated forms. This is the case with OSpan. verde, OCat. verd, and OFr. vert, which are directly derived from VLat. vĭr’de ‘green’. As pointed out by Lloyd (1993, 325), the magnitude  of  syncope gradually diminishes from Gallo-Romance to GallegoPortuguese. In Vulgar Latin, i, e, o, u underwent deletion in pretonic and posttonic word-medial syllables while a was retained. Examples of syncope in pretonic and posttonic syllables are given in (72) and (73), respectively (see Moll 2006, 95‒97 for exceptions). Syncope led to the emergence of marked syllable contacts involving rising sonority transitions. These include sequences of nasal + liquid (VLat. cam’ra [ˈkam.ɾa] ‘chamber’) and fricative + liquid (VLat. bĭb’-re [ˈbɛβ.ɾe] ‘drink-inf’) (see Section 6.2.4 for details). Subsequently, sequences of nasal + liquid were repaired by means of consonant epenthesis while sequences of fricative + liquid were repaired by means of coda weakening (see Sections 6.4.1 and 6.4.4, respectively). As a consequence, there is a retention of the original syllable boundary, which was directly placed before the liquid (Lat. tabŭla [ˈta.bu.la] > VLat. tab’la [ˈtaβ.la] > OCat. taula [ˈtaw.la] ‘table’). (72) Syncope in word-medial pretonic syllables (Moll 2006, 95) Lat. cerĕbĕllu [keɾɛˈbεlːu] > VLat. cer’bello [ t͡seɾˈβɛʎo] ‘brain’ Lat. labōrare [laboːˈɾaɾe] > VLat. lab’r-ar [laβˈɾaɾ] ‘work-inf’

6.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 219

(73) Syncope in word-medial posttonic syllables Lat. camĕra [ˈkamɛɾa] > VLat. cam’ra [ˈkamɾa] ‘chamber’ Lat. gĕnĕru [ˈɡɛnɛɾu] > VLat. gĕn’ro [ˈd͡ʒ ɛnɾo] ‘son-in-law’ Lat. pŏpŭlu [ˈpɔpulu] > VLat. pŏp’lo [ˈpɔblo] ‘people’ Lat. tabŭla [ˈtabula] > VLat. tab’la [ˈtaβla] ‘table’ Additionally, in Old Catalan we find syncope in inflectional endings. The issue has remained elusive in the literature. For example, Badia Margarit (1994, 272‒273, 335‒336) and Moll (2006, 167‒169, 195‒196) do not make reference to the process when accounting for nominal and verbal morphology. Syncope applied to the plural masculine -os and the second-person singular -es (< Lat. -is) of the present indicative of verb classes II‒IV and present subjunctive of verb class I, thereby giving rise to -s in Old Catalan, as shown in (74). In contrast, the ending -as of the plural feminine and the second-person singular of the present indicative of verb class I and present subjunctive of verb classes II‒IV did not undergo deletion, as illustrated in (75). Note that the reflex of -as is -es as a result of unstressed vowel reduction (see Section 6.5.1.1). The patterns of eastern varieties of Catalan further reveal that syncope applied in stems ending in sibilant consonants, which resulted in sequences of non-homorganic sibilant consonants. Balearic Catalan has retained these patterns, as in creix-s [kɾeʃs] ‘grow2sg’, fuig-s [fut͡ʃs] ‘flee-2sg’, etc. In contrast, Central Catalan has developed an epenthetic vowel giving rise to creix-es [ˈkɾeʃəs] ‘grow-2sg’, fug-es [ˈfuʒəs] ‘flee2sg’, etc. (Moll 2006, 198). The question arises as to whether syncope applied in Vulgar Latin or, rather, in Pre-Old Catalan. In contrast to syncope in lexical items such as VLat. vĭr’de, which is common to the oldest stages of IberoRomance and Gallo-Romance languages, syncope in inflectional endings is restricted to Old Catalan, Old Occitan, and Old French, which are characterized by the presence of apocope. These patterns suggest that syncope occurred in Pre-Old Catalan. (74) Syncope in the inflectional endings -os, -es VLat. porc-os [ˈpɔɾkos] > OCat. porc-s [pɔɾks] ‘pig-pl’ VLat. sent-es [ˈsentes] > OCat. sent-s [sent͡s] ‘feel-2sg.prs.ind’ VLat. cant-es [ˈkantes] > OCat. cant-s [kant͡s] ‘sing-2sg.prs.subj’ (75) Retention of the inflectional ending -as VLat. cas-as [ˈkazas] > OCat. cas-e-s [ˈkazes] ‘house-f-pl’ VLat. sent-as [ˈsentas] > OCat. sent-es [ˈsentes] ‘feel-2sg.prs.subj’ VLat. cant-as [ˈkantas] > OCat. cant-es [ˈkantes] ‘sing-2sg.prs.ind’

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 6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan

Instances of syncope in inflectional endings have been explained in terms of analogy to apocopated forms in the singular. However, we can exclude analogy in light of the development of lexical items such as VLat. genos [ˈd͡ʒenos] > OCat. gens [d͡ʒens] ‘any’ and VLat. tĕmpos [ˈtεmpos] > OCat. temps [tems] ‘time’, where -os is not a plural ending. The same applies for lexical items such as VLat. dijŏves [diˈjɔβes] > OCat. dijous [diˈ d͡ʒɔws] ‘Thursday’ and VLat. dimartes [diˈmaɾtes] > OCat. dimars [diˈmaɾs] ‘Tuesday’, where -es is not a plural ending. In sum, syncope had the following consequences for the phonological make-up of Catalan. First, ill-formed syllable contacts involving rising sonority transitions emerged in word-medial position. These include sequences of nasal + liquid, lateral + rhotic, fricative + liquid, and fricative + nasal (see Section 6.2.4). Second, extrasyllabic elements developed in word-final position. Importantly, word-medial ill-formed syllable contacts were repaired by means of consonant epenthesis and coda weakening while word-final extrasyllabic elements were retained.

6.5.3 Apocope In this section, I will describe deletion of word-final vowels (for word-medial vowel deletion see Section 6.5.2). The process must have occurred in Pre-Old Catalan since it is already attested in the oldest records of Old Catalan. For example, the Acta de consagració i dotació de la catedral dʼUrgell, which dates back to 839, contains instances of apocope such as the place name Malangez ‘Malanyeu’ ( OCat. casa [ˈkaza] ‘house’ VLat. fŏnte [ˈfɔnte] > OCat. font [fɔnt] ‘fountain’ VLat. vĕnto [ˈvɛnto] > OCat. vent [vent] ‘wind’ Apocope also applied to inflectional endings. These include the singular masculine -o of nouns and adjectives, the first-person singular -o of the present indicative, and the first-person singular -e of the present subjunctive of verb class I, as illustrated in (77). With regard to nominal inflection, the zero ending is associated with the masculine singular while the ending -a is associated with the feminine singular, as in OCat. larg [ʎarɡ] ‘wide[m]’ vs. larg-a [ˈʎaɾɣa] ‘wide-f’. With regard to verbal inflection, the zero ending of the first-person singular of the present indicative and subjunctive persists in Balearic Catalan and Alghero Catalan (cant [kant] ‘sing [1sg.prs.ind/subj]’). In contrast, Central Catalan developed the endings -o and -i for the present indicative and subjunctive, respectively (cant-o [ˈkantu] ‘sing-1sg.prs.ind’, cant-i [ˈkanti] ‘sing1sg.prs.subj’). In Central Catalan and North-Western Catalan, the endings are first attested in the second half of the sixteenth century (Gulsoy 1993e, 421). For example, in Procès Barcelona, which dates back to the thirteenth century, we still find the apocopated forms merevell ‘wonder[1sg]’ and promet ‘promise [1sg]’.15 Importantly, the emergence of the endings is morphologically conditioned although it indirectly repairs ill-formed syllable structures involving moderately complex (CVC#) and complex syllables (CVCC#). Note that cant [kant] ‘sing[1sg.prs.ind]’ becomes cant-o ‘sing-1sg.prs.ind’ while font [fɔnt] ‘fountain’ remains unchanged. (77) Apocope in the inflectional endings -o, -e VLat. larg-o [ˈlarɡo] > OCat. larg [ʎaɾɡ] ‘wide[m]’ VLat. cant-o [ˈkanto] > OCat. cant [kant] ‘sing-1sg.prs.ind’ VLat. cant-e [ˈkante] > OCat. cant [kant] ‘sing-1sg.prs.subj’ As a result of apocope, single consonants and consonant clusters that originally occurred word-medially now occur word-finally giving rise to moderately complex (CVC#) and complex syllable structures (CVCC#). In this position, they were later subject to phonological processes such as coda weakening (Section 6.4.4), vowel epenthesis (Section 6.4.2.2), obstruent devoicing (Section 6.5.5),

15 As pointed out by Rabella Ribas (1998, 227), the first-person singular is not frequently attested in historical records.

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 6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan

deletion of word-final n (Section  6.5.4), deletion of word-final r (Section  6.5.7), and simplification of consonant clusters (Section  6.5.10). Coda weakening and vowel epenthesis are syllable-optimizing since they are in line with the Coda Law and the Contact Law. In contrast, obstruent devoicing, deletion of word-final n, deletion of word-final r, and simplification of consonant clusters are word-optimizing, as illustrated in Figure 6.17. This implies that apocope is a central process for the phonology of Catalan.

CV.CV#

CVC#

CVC.CV#, CV.CCV#

Word-related features: ▪ increase of moderately complex syllable structure ▪ deletion of word-final n (Section 6.5.4) ▪ word-final obstruent devoicing (Section 6.5.5) deletion of word-final r (Section 6.5.7)

CVCC#

Word-related features: ▪ emergence of complex syllable structure ▪ word-final obstruent devoicing (Section 6.5.5) ▪ simplification of consonant clusters (Section 6.5.10)

Figure 6.17: Word-related features resulting from apocope.

The question arises as to whether in Old Catalan moderately complex and complex syllable structures arose exclusively from apocope or whether they added to the moderately complex and complex syllable structures that already existed in Vulgar Latin. We have to distinguish between word-final consonants derived from Latin and word-final consonants derived from apocope. In this respect, Badia Margarit (1994, 197‒198) and Moll (2006, 114‒115) talk about “Latin word-final consonants” (consonants finals llatines) and “Romance word-final consonants” (consonants finals romàniques).16 With regard to Latin word-final consonants, d, t, c, m, and n underwent deletion while l, r, and s were retained. Additionally, Latin word-final consonant clusters underwent simplification such that in Vulgar Latin st, nt, and cs became [s], [n], and [s], respectively (Badia Margarit 1994, 239‒240; Moll 2006, 114). This implies 16 In Romance historical linguistics, consonant clusters resulting from unstressed vowel deletion (syncope and apocope) are traditionally called “secondary consonant groups” or “Romance consonant groups” (Penny 2002, 86).

6.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 223

that in word-final position Latin had moderately complex and complex syllable structures while Vulgar Latin only had moderately complex syllable structures. Therefore, apocope contributed to an increase of the moderately complex syllable structures and, more importantly, introduced complex syllable structures. In Pre-Old Catalan, apocope led to the emergence of word-final complex consonant clusters. These include sequences of sonorant + obstruent, liquid + nasal, nasal + liquid, and obstruent + liquid, as illustrated in (78). The Sonority Sequencing Principle is followed in sequences of sonorant + obstruent and liquid + nasal while it is violated in sequences of nasal + liquid and obstruent + liquid. In Old Catalan, sequences following the Sonority Sequencing Principle were retained, as in OCat. font [fɔnt] and forn [foɾn]. In contrast, sequences violating the Sonority Sequencing Principle were repaired by means of vowel epenthesis, as in OCat. tenre [ˈtɛnɾe] and libre [ˈʎiβɾe], respectively (see Section 6.4.2.2 for vowel epenthesis). These patterns do not necessarily mean that word-final consonant clusters violating the Sonority Sequencing Principle are absent from Old Catalan. In contrast to sequences of nasal + liquid and obstruent + liquid, sequences of stop + fricative are allowed in word-final position, as in corb-s [kɔɾps] ‘raven-pl’. The sequence of stop + fricative arose from syncope (see Section 6.2.3). This implies that there is a constraint on the occurrence of sequences violating the Sonority Sequencing Principle. More specifically, sequences of stop + fricative are allowed while sequences of nasal + liquid and obstruent + liquid are disallowed. (78) Patterns of apocope according to the Sonority Sequencing Principle VLat. fŏnte [ˈfɔnte] > Pre-OCat. [fɔnt] > OCat. font [fɔnt] ‘fountain’ VLat. forno [ˈfoɾno] > Pre-OCat. [foɾn] > OCat. forn [foɾn] ‘oven’ VLat. tĕn’ro [ˈtɛnɾo] > Pre-OCat. [tɛnɾ] > OCat. tenre [ˈtɛnɾe] ‘tender[m]’ VLat. libro [ˈliβɾo] > Pre-OCat. [liβɾ] > OCat. libre [ˈʎiβɾe] ‘book’ With regard to unstressed vowel deletion processes such as apocope and syncope, the question arises as to whether deletion was preceded by centralization. Scholars such as Lausberg (1965, 294) and, more recently, Wheeler (2007) claim that unstressed vowel deletion was preceded by centralization. For example, Wheeler (2007) proposes that posttonic internal and final vowels underwent centralization and subsequently deletion, as in VLat. gatto [ˈɡato] > [ˈɡatə] > OCat. gat [ɡat] ‘cat’. However, Lloret (2009, 460) urges caution in assuming an intermediate stage with centralized vowels. Certainly, the reflexes of the posttonic internal vowels i, e, o, u do not support evidence for centralization. For example, we find instances of posttonic internal VLat. /e/ that are retained

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 6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan

as the full vowel [e] in Old Catalan. This is the case with VLat. asĭno [ˈazeno] > OCat. ase [ˈaze] ‘donkey’ and VLat. cresc-ĕre [ˈkɾeʃeɾe] > OCat. creix-er [ˈkɾeʃeɾ] ‘grow-inf’. Similarly, we find instances of posttonic internal VLat. /o/ that are retained as the full vowel [o] in Old Catalan. This is the case with VLat. pĭsŭlo [ˈpεzolo] > OCat. pesol [ˈpezol] ‘bean’. The retention of posttonic internal e and o clashes with the view that the vowels underwent centralization. Assuming the intermediate stages [ˈazənə] and [ˈpεzələ] would pose the problem that the forms developed differently giving rise to [ˈaze] and [ˈpεzol], respectively. Thus, we can deduce that the posttonic internal vowels i, e, o, u did not undergo centralization. This implies that syncope and apocope were not preceded by centralization. Finally, the patterns of apocope are in line with the implication put forward by Foley (1977, 70), according to which deletion of /a/ implies deletion of /e/ and /o/. The phonological constraint given in (34) is repeated here as (79) for convenience. Similar to French and Sammarinese Romagnolo, Old Catalan meets the implicational hierarchy. (79) Phonological constraints on apocope (Foley 1977, 70) (A´) e → Ø/_# (B´) o → Ø/_# (C´) a → Ø/_#

6.5.4 Deletion of word-final n As a result of apocope (Section 6.5.3), the originally word-medial n moved into the word-final coda, where it underwent deletion, as illustrated in (80). Apocope applied to word-final e and o while word-final a was retained. These patterns gave rise to alternations in the nominal paradigm such as OCat. bo [bɔ] ‘good[m]’ ~ bon-a [ˈbɔna] ‘good-f’. (80) Deletion of word-final n after apocope VLat. bŏno [ˈbɔno] >  Pre-OCat. [bɔn] >  OCat. bo [bɔ] ‘good[m]’ VLat. mano [ˈmano] >  Pre-OCat. [man] >  OCat. ma [ma] ‘hand’ VLat. ravănu [ˈravano] >  Pre-OCat. [ˈravan] >  OCat. raue [ˈrave] ‘radish’ According to Rasico (1982, 226‒227), deletion of word-final n is marginally attested in the tenth century. The process is more frequently attested in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, as can be observed in the historical documentation in (81). Rasico (1982, 229) further suggests that deletion of word-final n was preceded by

6.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 225

an intermediate stage involving weakening. The historical development includes the following stages: Pre-OCat. [man] > [man] > OCat. ma [ma] ‘hand’. In this respect, deletion of word-final n resembles deletion of word-final r, which was also preceded by weakening (see Section 5.5.6).17 The historical documentation contains examples of retention of word-final n in chunks such as man dreta ‘right hand’ and cosin germa ‘cousin’ (see ALDC I, Maps 145, 146 and III, Map 515 for mà dreta ‘right hand’, mà esquerra ‘left hand’, and cosí germà ‘cousin’, respectively). (81) Historical documentation of deletion of word-final n

CCat. Censos Vic: pa 13 ‘bread’ (< VLat. pane); Capbreu Cerdanya: moltó 3r ‘ram’ ( Pre-OCat. [pɾad] > OCat. prat [pɾat] ‘meadow’ Lat. lŏcu > VLat. [ˈlɔɡo] > Pre-OCat. [lɔɡ] > OCat. loch [ʎɔk] ‘place’ Lat. herbōsu > VLat. [eɾˈbozo] > Pre-OCat. [eɾˈboz] > OCat. herbos [eɾˈβos] ‘grassy[m]’ Lat. rŭbĕu > VLat. [ˈrɔd͡ʒo] > Pre-OCat. [rɔd͡ʒ] > OCat. roig [rɔt͡ʃ] ‘red[m]’

The process can be detected in the spelling when alternation occurs between ~

, ~ , and ~ . In contrast, the alternation between [z] ~ [s] and [d͡ʒ] ~ [t͡ʃ ] cannot be detected since the spelling does not distinguish the voiced from the voiceless counterparts in word-final position. Coromines (1974c, 297) dates word-final obstruent devoicing to the second half of the thirteenth century. However, Segarra (1982, 25) dates the process to the late twelfth century on the basis of the Homilies d’Organyà.18 The historical documentation in (82) confirms that word-final obstruent devoicing already applied in the twelfth century. The process, however, is more frequently attested in the fourteenth century (RussellGebbett 1965, 31). (82) Historical documentation of word-final obstruent devoicing

Rouss. Vides: deliur-at 7v2 ‘free-ptcp[m]’ (< VLat. delib’rato), deliur-ad-a 19v2 ‘freeptcp-f’ (< VLat. delib’rata), sanc 3r2 ‘blood’ (< VLat. sanguine). CCat. Censos Vic: Lac 60 (anthroponym derived from VLat. laco ‘lake’); Capbreu Cerdanya: Alp 1v (anthroponym derived from VLat. albo ‘white’), Cherald 10r (anthroponym derived from VLat. cario alto); Usatges Barcelona: loc ‘place’ (< VLat. lŏco); Capbreu Ribes: prat 3r5 ‘meadow’ (< VLat. prato), alberc 6r18 = alberg 13v6 ‘refuge’ (< Gmc haribairgo), blat 5r2 ‘wheat’ (< VLat. blato), veritat 9r9 ‘truth’ (< VLat. veritate), maytat 9r16 ‘half’ (< VLat. mediĕtate); Desclot: siutat II, 5:36 ‘city’ (< VLat. civ’tate), nabot, nabot-s II,

18 Coromines (1964, 48‒49) claims that word-final obstruent devoicing is absent from Homilies. Instead, the record exhibits instances of coda voice agreement, whereby word-final obstruents, underlying voiced or voiceless, are voiced or devoiced when next to voiced or voiceless consonants, respectively. For example, loc [ʎɔk] ‘place’ (< Lat. lŏcu) occurs three times before voiceless consonants (loc cessaran 04.05.07, loc serà 04.06.03, loc seran 04.04.15). However, a closer look reveals a number of counter-examples that call into question the presence of coda voice agreement. In contrast to Coromines (1964), Gökçen (1977, 64) assumes that word-final obstruent devoicing applied in Homilies.

6.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 227

49:169, III, 66:12‒13, IV, 118:34 ‘nephew[m], nephew[m]-pl’ (< VLat. nepote, nepotes), aor-at III, 84:81 ‘worship-ptcp[m]’ (< VLat. adorato); Llibre Fets: amich 15,48 ‘friend’ (< VLat. amico), foch 16,31 ‘fire’ (< VLat. fŏco), sab 1,11 = sap 33,35 ‘know[3sg.prs. ind]’ (< VLat. sapit). Bal. Urkundensprache: marit 1282 ‘husband’ (< VLat. marito), dot 1299 ‘dowry’ (< VLat. dote), loc 1299 ‘place’ (< VLat. lŏco); Lletres Mallorca: honrat I, 2 ‘honest[m]’ (< VLat. hon’rato), uart I, 17 ‘green[m]’ (< VLat. vĭr’de), nabot I, 23 ‘nephew[m]’ (< VLat. nepote), foch II, 30 ‘fire’ (< VLat. fŏco). NWCat. Documents Urgell: ferm-at 12th c. III.r4 ‘sign-ptcp[m]’ (< VLat. firmato), pert 12th c. V.4 ‘lose[3sg. prs.ind]’ (< VLat. perdit), Nebot 12th c. III.r4 (family name derived from VLat. nepote); Homilies: caritat 2r13 = caritad 1v11 ‘charity’ (< VLat. caritate), pecat-s 7r4 = pecad-z 5r4 ‘sin-pl’ (< VLat. peccatos), loc 2v3 ‘place’ (< VLat. lŏco); Lletres Urgell: loc ca. 1251 VI,21 ‘place’ (< VLat. lŏco), amic 1257‒1269 XIII, 2 ‘friend’ (< VLat. amico), cap ca. 1251 VI,5 = cab VI, 19 ‘head’ (< VLat. capo); Llibre Costums Tortosa: sort 76r, 21a ‘deaf[m]’ (< VLat. sŭrdo), vert 44v, 1a verd ‘green[m]’ (< VLat. vĭr’de), MCLT: pled 1080‒95 14,61 ‘lawsuit’ (< VLat. placĭto), deincebs 1107 15,96 ‘henceforth’ (< VLat. deinceps), ferm-at 12th c. 18, 69 ‘sign-ptcp[m]’ (< VLat. firmato).

The patterns of Arabic loan words give a relative chronology of word-final obstruent devoicing. The process applied to Ar. ‫[ ب‬b], ‫[ د‬d], ‫[ ز‬z], and ‫[ ج‬d͡ʒ ]. Examples are given in (83), where the Arabic consonants concerned are transcribed as , , , and , respectively (see Moll 2006, 28‒29 for details). In Old Catalan, loanwords from Arabic are attested with word-final voiced consonants. This implies that obstruent devoicing only applied after the Arabic loanwords were adopted. (83) Word-final obstruent devoicing in Arabic loanwords (based on Moll 2006, 144‒148) Ar. xarāb > OCat. xarop [ʃaˈɾɔp] ‘syrup’ Ar. al-mudd > OCat. almud [aɫˈmut] ‘unit of measure for corn’ Ar. ar-ruzz > OCat. arros [aˈrɔs] ‘rice’ Ar. ṣahrīj > OCat. safareig [safaˈɾɛt͡ʃ] ‘pond’

6.5.6 Deletion of word-medial consonants Deletion of word-medial consonants applied in Pre-Old Catalan and Old Catalan. The consonants concerned are the approximants [β ð ɣ]. The process led to the emergence of hiatuses, which constitute ill-formed syllable contacts. In Old and Middle Catalan, there was a tendency for hiatuses to be separated in the spelling by means of , as in raho [raˈo] ‘right’. However, alternations such as raho ~ rao are common in historical records. Therefore, the spelling was graphically motivated since it helped to distinguish hiatuses from diphthongs (see Rabella

228 

 6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan

Ribas 1998, 173 for discussion). According to the patterns of consonant deletion, I will distinguish between deletion of [β ɣ] and deletion of [ð]. The reflexes of VLat. [β] (< Lat. b, f, v) and [ɣ] (< Lat. g) underwent deletion in word-medial position (Moll 2006, 107, 111). The process must have applied in Pre-Old Catalan since the consonants are not attested in Old Catalan. The approximants underwent deletion when adjacent to back vowels, as illustrated in (84) and (85).19 (84) Deletion of VLat. [β] (based on Moll 2006, 107) Lat. pavōre > VLat. [paˈβoɾe] > Pre-OCat. [paˈoɾ] > OCat. paor, pahor [paˈoɾ] ‘fear’ Lat. sabūcu > VLat. [saˈβuɡo] > Pre-OCat. [saˈuɡ] > OCat. sauc [saˈuk] ‘sambucus’ Lat. sabŭrra > VLat. [saˈβora] > Pre-OCat. [saˈora] > OCat. saorra [saˈora] ‘sand’ (85) Deletion of VLat. [ɣ] (based on Gulsoy 1993c, 125) Lat. augustu > VLat. [aˈɣosto] > Pre-OCat. [aˈost] > OCat. ahost [aˈost] ‘August’ Lat. puga > VLat. [ˈpuɣa] > Pre-OCat. [ˈpua] > OCat. pua [ˈpua] ‘spike’ Lat. ruga > VLat. [ˈruɣa] > Pre-OCat. [ˈrua] > OCat. rua [ˈrua] ‘wrinkle’ Deletion of [ð] (< VLat. d, ty, ce,i) highly depends on within-word position and stress. In Old Catalan, [ð] underwent deletion between unstressed vowels and before stressed vowels, as illustrated in (86) and (87), respectively. (86) Deletion of VLat. [ð] between unstressed vowels (Gulsoy 1993c, 141) VLat. nitĭda [ˈnedeða] > OCat. nède-a [ˈneðea] ‘clean-f’ VLat. rapĭda [ˈrabeða] > OCat. ràbe-a [ˈraβea] ‘rapid-f’ VLat. rigĭda [ˈred͡ʒeða] > OCat. rège-a [ˈred͡ʒea] ‘strong-f’ 19 The development of word-medial Lat. g in lexical items such as Lat. tēgŭla ‘tile’ has been a contentious issue. On the one hand, Moll (2006, 111), Gulsoy (1993c, 125), and Veny (PALDC II, Map 107) argue that word-medial [ɣ] underwent deletion, as in VLat. [ˈteɣula] > Pre-OCat. [ˈteula] > OCat. teula ‘tile’. On the other hand, Badia Margarit (1994, 225) argues that Lat. tēgŭla underwent syncope giving rise to teg’la. The resulting ill-formed syllable contact was subsequently repaired by means of coda weakening ([ˈteɣ.la] > [ˈtew.la]). Similar to Badia Margarit (1994), I assume that OCat. teula [ˈtewla] was the result of syncope and coda weakening. Crucially, consonant deletion led to the emergence of hiatuses while coda weakening led to the emergence of diphthongs.

6.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 229

(87) Deletion of VLat. [ð] before stressed vowels (Moll 2006, 108) VLat. crudele [kɾuˈðel] > OCat. cruel [kɾuˈel] ‘cruel’ VLat. fidele [feˈðel] > OCat. feel [feˈel] ‘loyal’ VLat. pedŭc’lo [peˈðoʎo] > OCat. peoll [peˈoʎ] ‘louse’ VLat. ty, ce,i merged with the reflex of VLat. d after undergoing the development ͡ > [ð] (Coromines 1974b, 253‒258). Examples are given in (88). According to [dz] Rasico (1982, 164), deletion of [ð] (< VLat. ty, ce,i, d) is first attested in the second half of the tenth century. The process, however, was completed in the twelfth century. (88) Deletion of VLat. ty and ce,i before stressed vowels (Moll 2006, 138) VLat. ratione [raˈd͡zone] > OCat. rao [raˈo] ‘right’ ͡ VLat. satione [saˈdzone] > OCat. sao [saˈo] ‘seasoning’ VLat. placere [plaˈd͡zeɾe] > OCat. plaer [plaˈeɾ] ‘pleasure’ VLat. recĭp’re [reˈd͡zeβɾe] > OCat. reeb-re [reˈeβɾe] ‘receive-inf’ The hiatuses resulting from deletion of word-medial consonants were retained in Old Catalan. However, they were subsequently resolved by means of coalescence and consonant epenthesis (Moll 2006, 110, 155). This is the case with OCat. peoll [peˈoʎ] > CCat. poll [poʎ] ‘louse’ and OCat. reeb-re [reˈeβɾe] > CCat. reb-re [ˈrɛβɾə] ‘receive-inf’ (see Section 5.4.2 for hiatus resolution).

6.5.7 Deletion of word-final r In this section, I will outline deletion of Romance word-final r (for Latin word-final r see Badia Margarit 1994, 249 and Moll 2006, 114). As a result of apocope (see Section 6.5.3), word-medial r moved into the word-final coda, where it underwent deletion in Middle Catalan. According to Rasico (1982, 228), the process is frequently attested in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Word-final r persists in Valencian (see Map 5.9). However, it is not clear whether Valencian retained the sound or, rather, restituted it as a result of language contact with Aragonese (see Moll 2005, 115‒116 for literature). Badia Margarit (1994, 243) argues that deletion is linked to assimilation of the word-final consonant cluster rs > s, as in OCat. dolor-s ‘pain-pl’ [doˈloɾs] > [doˈlos].20 20 The process resembles retroflection (or supradentalization) in Swedish, where /rt rd rn rs rl/ surface as the retroflexed allophones [ʈ ɖ ɳ ʂ ɭ] respectively, as in fors [fɔʂː] ‘rapids’ (see Eliasson

230 

 6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan

Assimilation brought about phonologically conditioned allomorphy in the paradigm of nouns and adjectives, as in OCat. dolor [doˈloɾ] ‘pain’ ~ dolor-s [doˈlos] ‘pain-pl’. As a consequence, the allomorphy motivated the loss of word-final r in the singular, as in MCat. dolor ‘pain’ [doˈloɾ] > [doˈlo]. Certainly, analogy may explain deletion in nouns and adjectives. However, it fails to explain deletion in verbs, where simplification does not occur in the paradigm. This implies that deletion of word-final r did not result from analogy. Rather, it is phonologically motivated in order to highlight the right margin of the phonological word. 6.5.8 Deaffrication of [d͡ʒ] and [t͡ʃ ] ͡ and [t͡ʃ ] were described in Section 5.5.8. In this The patterns of deaffrication of [dʒ] section, we will see that the process cannot be detected in Middle Central Catalan and therefore must constitute a relatively recent innovation. Additionally, I will ͡ In Central Catalan, /dʒ/ ͡ underwent deafdiscuss the different development of /dʒ/. ͡ ‘liver’. frication in dijous [diˈʒɔws] ‘Thursday’ while it was retained in fetge [ˈfedʒə] It will be shown that the different development is etymologically conditioned. Deaffrication of [d͡ʒ] and [t͡ʃ ] is not apparent in Middle Central Catalan. The absence of the process can be gleaned from the spelling. This issue will be illustrated with Procès Barcelona. The manuscript dates from the thirteenth century (see Table 6.2). With regard to /d͡ʒ/, we find the spelling in word-initial position (genre ‘son-in-law’) and in word-medial position (rege-u ‘rigidm’). The word-medial alternation between and is graphically motivated. The spelling occurs before (angell ‘angel’) while the spelling occurs before (major ‘major’). The alternation does not give hints about deaffrication. In this respect, Middle Central Catalan does not differ from other Middle Catalan dialects. With regard to / t͡ʃ/, we find in word-medial position (espatx-a ‘serve2sg.imp’). In word-initial position, the sound is not attested. Crucially, underling /t͡ʃ/ and /ʃ/ are always distinguished in the spelling. The former is represented with (espatx-a ‘serve-2sg.imp’) while the latter is represented with (caxa ‘box’). It follows, then, that deaffrication was absent from Middle Central Catalan. 1986, 277‒282 for details). In Swedish, the process occurs word-finally and across word and morpheme boundaries while in Catalan it only occurs word-finally. Badia Margarit (1994, 243) sees a connection to assimilation of VLat. rs, as in VLat. ŭrso [ˈoɾso] > [ˈoso] > OCat. os [os] ‘bear’. However, the processes evolved independently in Vulgar Latin and Catalan. Assimilation of word-medial rs is already attested in Old Catalan while assimilation of word-final rs (< r’s) is first attested in the thirteenth century (Rasico 1982, 227). This implies that the process is word-related.

6.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 231

Otherwise, we would also find for / t͡ʃ/. This occurs only at a later stage. For example, the DCVB contains examples of deaffrication in the lexical item xinxa (with ) in the seventeenth century. Therefore, deaffrication must be a relatively recent innovation. Let us turn to the different development of /d͡ʒ/ in Central Catalan. Deaffrication applied in lexical items such as dijous [diˈʒɔws] ‘Thursday’, major [məˈʒo] ‘major’, etc. However, the affricate is retained, either as voiced or devoiced, in lexical items such as fetge [ˈfed͡ʒə] ‘liver’ (ALDC I, Map 70), formatge [fuɾˈmad͡ʒə] ‘cheese’ (ALDC VI, Map 1397), and metge [ˈmed͡ʒə] ‘doctor’ (ALDC I, Map 170). The distinct development is etymologically conditioned since word-medial VLat. by, dy, gy, j underwent deaffrication while word-medial VLat. d’c, t’c (fet’co, format’co, med’co) became geminate affricates. This implies that in Old Catalan the reflexes of VLat. by, dy, gy, j and VLat. d’c, t’c were spoken differently. More specifically, the reflexes of VLat. by, dy, gy, j involved the singleton affricate [d͡ʒ] while the reflexes of VLat. d’c, t’c involved the geminate affricate [dd͡ʒ]. Deaffrication only applied to the singleton affricates while the geminate affricates were retained. In Old and Middle Catalan, the reflexes of VLat. by, dy, gy, j and VLat. d’c, t’c are systematically distinguished in the spelling. The former is represented with while the latter is represented with . This differentiation led scholars such as Miralles Monserrat (1984, 135‒136), Farreny Sistac (1986, 126‒127), and Rabella Ribas (1998, 167‒169) to conclude that involve the fricative [ʒ] while involve the affricate [d͡ʒ]. As put forward by Lamuela (1992), the different spellings are indicative of the singleton affricate [d͡ʒ] and the geminate affricate [dd͡ʒ], respectively. The etymology of CCat. [ʒ] and [d͡ʒ] is illustrated in Table 6.16. Table 6.16: Etymology of word-medial CCat. [ʒ] and [d͡ʒ]. Vulgar Latin

bj, dj, gj, j

d’c, t’c

Old and Middle Catalan Central Catalan

[d͡ʒ] [ʒ]

[dd͡ʒ] [d͡ʒ]

6.5.9 Decentralization of stressed schwa The reflexes of stressed VLat. e /e/ (< Lat. ē, ĭ, œ) constitute a phonological feature traditionally employed to separate western from eastern varieties of Catalan (see feature 3 in Table 5.1). The ALDC allows us to document the distribution patterns of the reflexes of VLat. /e/, which will be illustrated with the lexical item esquena

232 

 6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan

‘back’ (ALDC I, Map 80). In North-Western Catalan and Valencian, we find [e]. By contrast, in Eastern Catalan we find the following realizations: [ɛ] in Central Catalan, [e̞] in Roussillon Catalan, [ə] in Balearic Catalan, and [e] in Alghero Catalan (see Map 6.5). From a synchronic perspective, the typological relevance of this feature remains obscure. However, from a diachronic perspective the implications derived from the development of stressed VLat. /e/ are enormous for the typological drift of Central Catalan. In this section, we will see that the realizations found in Central Catalan, Roussillon Catalan, and Alghero Catalan are derived from stressed schwa, which has been retained in Balearic Catalan. It will be shown that stressed schwa emerged as a result of a chain shift (Section 6.5.9.1). Subsequently, stressed schwa underwent decentralization. The development can be accounted for in terms of a typological mechanism to prevent schwa from occurring in stressed syllables (Section 6.5.9.2).

6.5.9.1 Emergence of stressed schwa Catalan occupies a special place within Romance languages with regard to the development of VLat. ĕ /ɛ/ (< Lat. ĕ, æ) and VLat. e /e/ (< Lat. ē, ĭ, œ). Typically, Romance languages that have preserved the series of tense and lax mid vowels have generally retained the original vowel quality. This is the case in French, Italian, and Portuguese. With respect to front mid vowels, Central Catalan behaves differently since we often find the tense vowel [e] for etymological ĕ [ɛ] and the lax vowel [ɛ] for etymological e /e/. For example, in Italian VLat. hĕrba [ˈɛɾba] ‘grass’ and pĭra [ˈpeɾa] ‘pear’ resulted in [ˈɛɾba] and [ˈpeːɾa] while in Central Catalan they resulted in [ˈeɾβə] and [ˈpɛɾə], respectively. In contrast to Italian, Central Catalan has not retained the original vowel quality. The particular patterns of Central Catalan have long challenged scholars working on historical linguistics (see Gulsoy 1993f, 73‒80 for a comprehensive overview). In what follows, I will outline the evolution of VLat. /ɛ/ and /e/, which led to the emergence of stressed schwa in Old Eastern Catalan (see Badia Margarit 1994, 130‒145 and Moll 2006, 72‒80 for details). The opposition between /ɛ/ and /e/ originally served to distinguish between lexical items such as cec [sɛk] ‘blind[m]’ (< VLat. cæco) and sec [sek] ‘dry[m]’ (< VLat. sĭcco), sella [ˈsɛʎa] ‘saddle’ (< VLat. sĕlla) and cella [ˈseʎa] ‘eyebrow’ (< VLat. cĭlia), etc. However, the phoneme /ɛ/ began to be realized as [e] in specific phonetic contexts. As a consequence, there was an allophonic distribution comprising the allophones [ɛ] and [e]. The allophone [ɛ] occurred before laterals, rhotics, [w] (< word-medial VLat. d, ty, ce), and sequences of nasal + rhotic (< VLat. n’r) and rhotic + consonant (excluding bilabials). In contrast, the allophone [e]

6.5 Word-optimizing processes 

Map 6.5: Reflexes of VLat. /e/.

 233

234 

 6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan

occurred in the remaining phonetic contexts. This originally allophonic distribution persists in modern Catalan dialects, as illustrated in Table 6.17 and Table 6.18, respectively. Table 6.17: Reflex of VLat. /ɛ/ in Old Catalan, North-Western Catalan, and Central Catalan (Moll 2006, 72). Vulgar Latin

Old Catalan

North-Western Catalan

Central Catalan

mĕl ‘honey’ fĕrro ‘iron’ pĕde ‘foot’ dĕce ‘ten’ prĕtio ‘price’ gĕn’ro ‘son-in-law’ hibĕrno ‘winter’

mel [mɛɫ] ferre [ˈfɛre] peu [pɛw] deu [dɛw] preu [pɾɛw] genre [ˈd͡ʒɛnɾe] hivern [iˈvɛɾn]

[mɛɫ] [ˈfɛro] [pɛw] [dɛw] [pɾɛw] [ˈd͡ʒɛndɾe] [iˈβɛɾn]

[mɛɫ] [ˈfɛru] [pɛw] [dɛw] [pɾɛw] [ˈʒɛndɾə] [iˈβɛɾn]

Table 6.18: Reflex of VLat. /ɛ/ in Old Catalan, North-Western Catalan, and Central Catalan (Moll 2006, 72). Etymology

Old Catalan

North-Western Catalan

Central Catalan

brĕve ‘brief’ caeco ‘blind’ hĕrba ‘grass’ pĕlle ‘skin’ vĕnto ‘wind’

breu [bɾew] cech [sek] herba [ˈeɾβa] pell [peʎ] vent [vent]

[bɾew] [sek] [ˈeɾβa] [peʎ] [ben]

[bɾew] [sek] [ˈeɾβə] [peʎ] [ben]

As a result of raising, the distinction between the phonemes /ɛ/ and /e/ was imperilled in lexical items such as cec [sɛk] ‘blind[m]’ and sec [sek] ‘dry[m]’. In Old Western Catalan, /ɛ/ and /e/ merged into [e] such that cec [sɛk] ‘blind[m]’ became [sek] (see Figure 6.18). By contrast, in Old Eastern Catalan raising triggered a chain shift resulting in the centralization of /e/ (see Figure 6.19). The shift had two consequences for the phonological system. First, it helped to maintain the phonological opposition between cec [sɛk] ‘blind[m]’ and sec [sek] ‘dry[m]’, which are now realized as [sek] and [sək], respectively. Second, the shift did not endanger the field of dispersion of /i/. It is not clear whether the chain shift emerged from a pull chain or, rather, a push chain. In this respect, Kuen (1934, 128) assumes that centralization (/e/ > /ə/) took place before raising (/ɛ/ > /e/).

6.5 Word-optimizing processes 

Figure 6.18: Merger in Old Western Catalan.

 235

Figure 6.19: Chain shift in Old Eastern Catalan.

Otherwise, the reflex of VLat. /ɛ/ would have also resulted in /ə/. Instead, Gulsoy (1993f, 75) asserts that the chain shift occurred simultaneously. Certainly, relative chronologies of chain shifts are difficult to determine without empirical basis (see Caro Reina 2014c, 70‒71 for discussion). In Old Eastern Catalan, the chain shift led to the emergence of stressed schwa in lexical items such as sec [sək] ‘dry[m]’, esquena [esˈkəna] ‘back’, and pera [ˈpəɾa] ‘pear’. Stressed schwa has phonological status since there are minimal pairs such as sec [sək] ‘dry[m]’ vs. cec [sek] ‘blind[m]’, cella [ˈsəʎa] ‘eyebrow’ vs. sella [ˈseʎa] ‘saddle’, etc. The emergence of schwa as a result of a chain shift is also documented in other languages. This is the case in New Zealand English (Bauer 1979; 1992). In New Zealand English, the front vowels experienced a chain shift involving the development /æ/ > /ɛ/, /ɛ/ > /e/, /e/ > /ɪ/, and /ɪ/ > /ə/, as illustrated in Figure 6.20. The final stage is usually referred to as kit-centralization (Wells 1982, 606‒607). New Zealand English resembles Old Eastern Catalan in two respects. First, the chain shift was triggered by raising. Second, the process led to the emergence of phonemic schwa. Two lines of evidence support the existence of stressed schwa in Old Eastern Catalan. First, stressed schwa was retained in areas of Roussillon Catalan and especially in Balearic Catalan.21 Second, historical records allow us to identify the presence of stressed schwa in Old and Middle Central Catalan. The historical documentation in (89) contains examples of spelling alternation. This includes , as in Jànova ~ Jènova, which reveals stressed schwa in the place name Gènova [ˈd͡ʒənoβə]. Additionally, the historical documentation provides examples of stressed schwa in Middle Balearic Catalan. Rasico (1982, 41‒43) points

21 According to the ALDC and Gómez Duran (2016, 29), stressed schwa no longer occurs in Roussillon Catalan. However, it was observed by Alcover (1908, 217) and Fouché (1924, xxii) in the early twentieth century.

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 6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan

Figure 6.20: Chain shift in New Zealand English (Trudgill/ Gordon/Lewis 1998, 37).

out that the first attested forms with stressed schwa date back to the end of the thirteenth century. However, the author agrees with Kuen (1934, 111) that the development /e/ > /ə/ must have taken place in Old Eastern Catalan (Rasico 1982, 43). (89) Historical documentation of stressed schwa Rouss. Vides: onr-am ‘worship-1pl’ (< VLat. honoremus), malasa ‘malice’ (< VLat. malĭtĭa).22 CCat. Desclot: bou-re II, 41:122 = beu-re IV, 118:33 ‘drink-inf’ (< VLat. bĭb’re), dou II, 9:55 = deu III, 76:59 ‘must[3sg.prs]’ (< VLat. dēbet); Procès Barcelona: Jànova 18v, 5 = Jènova 2v, 21 = Gènova 23v, 20 (< It. Genova), Vergerata 56r, 7 = Vergereta 58bis, 2 (hypocoristic with the diminutive suffix VLat. -itta), bou-re 2r, 23 = beu-re 4r, 6 ‘drink-inf’ (< VLat. bĭb’re); Ordinacions Empuries: laude 4:3 = leuda 4:2 ‘tax on goods’ (< VLat. lĭc’ta), antr-a 7:13 = entr-a 8:6 ‘enter-3sg.prs.ind’ (< VLat. ĭntrat). Bal. Urkundensprache: consoll-s = consell-s 1345 ‘advice-pl’ (< VLat. consĭlĭos), clarga 1400 ‘cleric’ (< VLat. clĕr’co), bau-re 1442 ‘drink-inf’ (< VLat. bĭb’re); Lletres Mallorca: latra I, 2 ‘letter’ ( /ə/). In this section, we will see that stressed schwa subsequently underwent decentralization giving rise to /ɛ/. While previous approaches do not succeed in explaining the nature of decentralization, I will show that the development can be accounted for in a more adequately way in terms of a word-optimizing process that is in line with the typological development of Central Catalan. In contrast to Balearic Catalan, which has retained stressed schwa, Central Catalan, Roussillon Catalan, and Alghero Catalan exhibit [ɛ], [e̞], and [e], respectively (see Map 6.5).23 The development /ə/ > /ɛ/ must have occurred in Middle Central Catalan between the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries (Veny 2002, 28). This is a terminus post quem since the patterns of Balearic Catalan and Alghero Catalan indicate that stressed schwa was present during the repopulation. Otherwise, we would find [ɛ] for etymological VLat. /e/ in these dialects. The development /ə/ > /ɛ/ has been addressed by scholars such as Gulsoy (1993d) and Veny (1973). According to Gulsoy (1993d, 63), the process occurred as a result of dissimilation in items containing schwa both in stressed and unstressed syllables such as MCCat. paret [pəˈɾət] ‘wall’ and pera [ˈpəɾə] ‘pear’ giving rise to [pəˈɾɛt] and [ˈpɛɾə], respectively. However, dissimilation does not explain the process in monosyllabic words such as pel [pəl] ‘hair’, vel [vəl] ‘veil’, etc. According to Veny (1973, 310; 2002, 28), the distinction between /ə/ and /ɛ/ had a low functional yield (set [sət] ‘thirst’ vs. set [sɛt] ‘seven’) as opposed to the distinction between /ə/ and /e/ (net [nət] ‘clean’ vs. nét [net] ‘grandson’). He further argues that the development /ə/ > /ɛ/ helped to enrich the low functional yield of /ɛ/. This explanation poses two problems. First, the notion of “functional yield” was originally put forward by Martinet (1955, 42) in order to determine the scope and degree of phonological oppositions. Oppositions with a greater functional yield are more robust than oppositions with a lesser functional yield. The former tend to be maintained while the latter tend to undergo merger (see Lloyd 1993, 69‒73 for a critical discussion). If the opposition between /ə/ and /ɛ/ had a low functional yield, it follows that they are more likely to merge. Additionally, if the opposition between /ə/ and /e/ had a greater functional yield, it follows that they are more likely to be retained. Therefore, there is a conflict in the functional yield of /ə/. Second, assuming that /ə/ has a low functional yield, the question

23 In Roussillon Catalan, [ɛ] and [e] merged into [e̞] as a result of a chain shift (see Veny 1991, 250 for details). In Alghero Catalan, the development [ə] > [e] is conditioned by language contact (see Kuen 1934, 130 and Veny 1970, 229 for discussion).

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 6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan

arises as to why the phoneme was preserved in Balearic Catalan while it was eliminated in Central Catalan. In sum, dissimilation and functional yield fail to explain what motivated the development /ə/ > /ɛ/ and why the output involves the lax mid vowel [ɛ]. The typology of syllable and word languages may contribute to a better understanding of the process. Importantly, in Middle Central Catalan centralization of unstressed OCat. a and e led to an optimization of the phonological word since it created an asymmetry between stressed and unstressed syllables. In this way, [a] and [e] could be exclusively associated with stressed syllables. In contrast, schwa could occur both in stressed and unstressed syllables. This implies that unstressed vowel centralization conflicted with stressed schwa. In word languages, schwa is restricted to unstressed syllables. This is the case in lexical items such as escala [əsˈkalə] ‘stairs’, escola [əsˈkɔlə] ‘school’, etc. However, schwa could also occur in stressed syllables, as in cadena [kəˈðənə] ‘chain’, esquena [əsˈkənə] ‘back’, etc. The presence of schwa in stressed syllables was repaired by means of decentralization. As a result, the phonological word was optimized since the occurrence of schwa was now restricted to unstressed syllables. The question remains open as to the output of the process, which involves the mid lax vowel [ɛ]. Gulsoy (1993f, 96) claims that in the fourteenth century there was a tendency for mid lax vowels to lower (/ɛ/ > /ɛ̞/, /ɔ/ > /ɔ̞/). He further argues that this tendency may have had an influence on the development /ə/ > /ɛ/. However, this lowering is typical of varieties such as Balearic Catalan and Valencian. As a consequence, the assumed influence is not straightforward, especially because the process did not apply in Balearic Catalan, which preserves stressed schwa. Instead, Badia Margarit (1988) reports that in Central Catalan there is a tendency for tense mid vowels to lower (/e/ > /ɛ/, /o/ > /ɔ/). He views this tendency as an effort to compensate the loss of sonority resulting from centralization in unstressed syllables. Rather, lowering can be associated with an optimization of the phonological word since it leads to an increase of the sonority of stressed vowels. In this respect, lax mid vowels are perceptually more prominent than mid tense vowels. Against this background, the development /ə/ > /ɛ/ is more illuminating than, say, /ə/ > /e/. Similar to Middle Central Catalan, Balearic Catalan has undergone decentralization of stressed schwa.24 There is sociolinguistic variation since older speakers employ [ə] while younger speakers employ [ɛ] (Veny 1973, 309). Therefore,

24 The process is attested in the ALDC (especially in the comments of the fieldworkers). For example, Map 6.5 shows that in Balearic Catalan the use of [ɛ] occurs in survey sites 72, 75, and 83.

6.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 239

decentralization is a recent development.25 This implies that the process evolved independently in Middle Central Catalan and Balearic Catalan. The patterns of decentralization in these dialects support the idea that in word languages there is a tendency for stressed schwa to undergo decentralization when centralization occurs in unstressed syllables. Additionally, there seems to be a preference for front lax mid vowels to arise from decentralization, which contributes to increasing the sonority and perceptibility of stressed syllables. Indirect evidence for this preference comes from Swabian (see Section 7.5.6). 6.5.9.3 Summary This section has shed light on the emergence of stressed schwa in Old Eastern Catalan and the subsequent decentralization that took place in Middle Central Catalan. Stressed schwa arose from a chain shift initiated by raising of VLat. ĕ /ɛ/ (< Lat. ĕ, æ), which brought about the centralization of VLat. e /e/ (< Lat. ē, ĭ, œ). The chain shift helped to maintain the phonological opposition of items such as cec [sɛk] ‘blind[m]’ and sec [sek] ‘dry[m]’, which became [sek] and [sək], respectively. Cross-linguistically, the occurrence of stressed schwa is associated with the presence of syllable complexity. In Middle Central Catalan, stressed schwa conflicted with unstressed vowel centralization. Decentralization helped to optimize the phonological word in two respects. First, schwa could be exclusively associated with unstressed syllables. Second, the development [ə] > [ɛ] increased the sonority of stressed syllables. The decentralization of stressed schwa is in accordance with the growing relevance of the phonological word in Central Catalan.

6.5.10 Simplification of word-final homorganic consonants As a result of apocope (see Section 6.5.3), originally word-medial consonant clusters moved into the word-final coda. In word-medial position, the clusters could be tautosyllabic or heterosyllabic. In word-final position, originally tautosyllabic clusters underwent vowel epenthesis while originally heterosyllabic clusters were retained. For example, VLat. fŏnte [ˈfɔnte] contains the word-medial heterosyllabic cluster [n.t]. After apocope applied, the cluster occupied the word-final position, as in OCat. font [fɔnt] ‘fountain’. The development is illustrated in

25 Older descriptions reveal that the process is not attested before the nineteenth century (Moll 1932, 401). An influence of Central Catalan can be excluded for two reasons. First, Balearic Catalan is a rather conservative dialect. Second, in Majorcan Catalan the process is attested in inland survey sites rather than in the capital, densely populated cities, and the coast.

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 6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan

Figure  6.21 and Figure 6.22 (see Section 6.4.2.2 for the patterns of word-medial tautosyllabic clusters after apocope).

Figure 6.21: Sonority of VLat. fŏnte ‘fountain’.

Figure 6.22: Sonority of OCat. font ‘fountain’ after apocope.

Word-final homorganic sequences of sonorant + stop underwent simplification. The clusters concerned include [mp], [nt], [ŋk], and [ɫt], which became [m], [n], [ŋ], and [ɫ], respectively. Simplification of word-final homorganic consonants applied in Central Catalan, Roussillon Catalan, and North-Western Catalan. As shown in Section 5.5.7, the clusters persist in Valencian, Balearic Catalan, and Alghero Catalan. Rasico (1981, 23‒25) observes that the process is first attested at the end of the thirteenth century and generally applied in the late fourteenth century. Direct evidence comes from zero alternation, as in MCCat. veramen (< OCat. verament ‘certainly’) and MCCat. magen (< OCat. magench ‘lamb for tribute’). Indirect evidence comes from hypercorrect spelling, as in bant (< OCat. ban ‘ban’). Additionally, the patterns of Balearic Catalan and Alghero Catalan give a relative chronology of the

6.6 Summary 

 241

process. Since the dialects have retained the original word-final consonant clusters, we can deduce that simplification applied in Middle Central Catalan in the fourteenth century at the earliest – that is, after the repopulation of the Balearic islands and the city of Alghero.

6.6 Summary In this chapter, I have analysed Old Catalan and Middle Central Catalan phonology in order to evaluate the typological development of Central Catalan with respect to syllable structure (Section 6.2), phonotactic restrictions (Section 6.3), and phonological processes (Sections 6.4 and 6.5). Old Catalan has complex syllable structure since it has the template (C)(C)V(C) (C)(C). Complex syllables are restricted to stressed and word-final syllables. These patterns are in line with the observation that in word languages syllable complexity occurs in stressed syllables and at word and morpheme boundaries. Syllable complexity arose from apocope and syncope. Apocope of VLat. e and o and syncope in VLat. -es and -os led to an increase of moderately complex syllable structures and the emergence of complex syllable structures in word-final position. Apocope brought about sequences of sonorant + obstruent, liquid + nasal, nasal + liquid, and obstruent + liquid. Sequences of sonorant + obstruent and liquid + nasal were retained while sequences of nasal + liquid and obstruent + liquid were resolved by means of vowel epenthesis (VLat. libro [ˈliβɾo] > Pre-OCat. [liβɾ] > OCat. libre [ˈliβɾe] ‘book’). Word-final vowel epenthesis resembles word-initial vowel epenthesis with regard to vowel quality. Extrasyllabic elements emerged from syncope in VLat. -es and -os (VLat. parc-os [ˈpaɾkos] > OCat. parc-s [paɾks] ‘parc-pl’). These patterns reveal that there are constraints on word-final clusters violating the Sonority Sequencing Principle. Sequences of nasal + liquid and obstruent + liquid are disallowed while sequences of stop + fricative are allowed. Additionally, syncope of word-medial VLat. i, e, o, u and deletion of the word-medial approximants [β ð ɣ] brought about illformed syllable contacts in word-medial position. These include hiatuses and rising sonority transitions. In Old Catalan, hiatuses are stable against syllable optimizing processes as opposed to rising sonority transitions, which were repaired by means of consonant epenthesis and coda weakening. This implies that there is a preference for complex syllable structures to occur at the right margin of the phonological word. Stress-related and position-related restrictions are marginally found in Old Catalan. Stress-related restrictions involve the presence of schwa and the lax mid vowels [ɛ ɔ] in stressed syllables. The distribution of unstressed vowels is also sensitive to within-word position since [i e a o u] occur in pretonic syllables while [e a o] occur in posttonic syllables. Position-related restrictions include the

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 6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan

positive signals [β ð ɣ] and the negative signals [v t͡s ŋ ɾ]. In contrast to the negative signals, the positive signals vanish in connected speech owing to spirantization. As a result of word-final obstruent devoicing, [b d ɡ z] became negative signals. After deaffrication of [d͡ʒ] applied, [ʒ] added to the negative signals. In Old Catalan, syllable-optimizing processes mostly helped to optimize the ill-formed syllable contacts resulting from syncope. This is the case with consonant epenthesis and coda weakening. Consonant epenthesis applied to sequences of nasal + liquid (m’n, m’r, m’l) while coda weakening applied to sequences of fricative + liquid (b’l, b’r, c’r, d’r, v’r) and fricative + nasal (c’m, g’m, sm, s’m). Word-optimizing processes may be both stress-related and position-related. Stress-related processes are limited to unstressed vowel reduction, whereby OCat. a merged with OCat. e into [e] in word-final closed syllables. Position-related processes involve deletion of word-final n, word-final obstruent devoicing, and deletion of word-medial [β ð ɣ]. Deletion of word-final n and word-final obstruent devoicing demarcate the right margin of the phonological word while deletion of word-medial consonants contributes to increasing the sonority within the phonological word. Additionally, the process brought about ill-formed syllable contacts, which were subsequently resolved by means of coalescence and consonant epenthesis. This development is in line with the tendency for well-formed syllable structures to occur in non-word-final position. The patterns of syllable structure, phonotactic restrictions, and phonological processes are summarized in Table 6.19. Table 6.19: Syllable structure, phonotactic restrictions, and phonological processes according to stress and within-word position in Old Catalan. Stress-related (stressed vs. unstressed)

Position-related (word-initial, word-medial, word-final)

Syllable structure

– complex syllable structures in stressed syllables

– complex syllable structures in wordfinal position – appendices in word-final position

Phonotactic restrictions

– schwa and lax mid vowels in stressed syllables

– single consonants seldom function as boundary signals ([β ð ɣ] are positive signals while [t͡s ŋ ɾ] are negative signals) – [i e a o u] occur in pretonic syllables while [e a o] occur in posttonic syllables

Phonological processes

– unstressed vowel reduction (OCat. /a/ > /e/ in word-final closed syllables)

– deletion of word-final n – word-final obstruent devoicing – deletion of word-medial [β ð ɣ]

6.6 Summary 

 243

In this stage, we can observe that the right margin of the phonological word is highlighted by means of syllable complexity and phonological processes such as unstressed vowel reduction, deletion of word-final n, and word-final obstruent devoicing. The relevance of the phonological word notably increased in Middle Central Catalan. Phonological processes such as deletion of word-final r and simplification of word-final homorganic consonants added to the regularities referring to the right margin of the phonological word. In word-medial position, consonant epenthesis repaired the remaining ill-formed syllable contacts resulting from syncope. These include sequences of nasal + liquid (n’r) and lateral + rhotic (l’r). The patterns of consonant epenthesis reveal that homorganic sequences of sonorants are more reluctant to syllable optimization than non-homorganic ones. As a result of consonant epenthesis, syllable complexity could be exclusively associated with the right margin of the phonological word. Table 6.20: Syllable- and word-optimizing processes in Vulgar Latin, Pre-Old Catalan, Old Catalan, and Middle Central Catalan. Syllable-optimizing process

Word-optimizing process

Vulgar Latin

– word-initial vowel epenthesis

– syncope of word-medial VLat. e, i, o, u – merger of tense and lax mid vowels in unstressed syllables

Pre-Old Catalan

– word-final vowel epenthesis

– apocope of VLat. e, o – syncope in VLat. -es, -os

Old Catalan

– consonant epenthesis in word-medial ill-formed syllable contacts ([m.ɾ], [m.l], [n.ɾ]) – glide strengthening ([jV], [wV]) – coda weakening ([β.l], [β.ɾ], [ð.ɾ], [ɣ.m], [s.m])

– deletion of word-final n – unstressed vowel reduction (OCat. /a/ > /e/ in word-final closed syllables) – word-final obstruent devoicing – deletion of word-medial [β ð ɣ]

Middle Central Catalan

– consonant epenthesis in word-medial ill-formed syllable contacts ([n.ɾ], [l.ɾ])

– centralization of OCat. a and e in unstressed syllables – merger of OCat. o and u into [u] in unstressed syllables – decentralization of stressed schwa (/ə/ > /ɛ/) – deletion of word-final r – simplification of word-final homorganic consonants ([mp nt ŋk ɫt])

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 6 Diachronic description of Central Catalan

Stress-related processes such as centralization of OCat. a and e and merger of OCat. o and u into [u] helped to create an asymmetry between stressed and unstressed syllables. The patterns of unstressed vowel reduction reveal that centralization occurred prior to merger and, further, that centralization was sensitive to within-word position since the process applied first in pretonic syllables. The presence of schwa derived from centralization could not be linked to unstressed syllables only since Middle Central Catalan also has schwa in stressed syllables. The occurrence of stressed schwa clashed with the word-optimizing function of unstressed schwa. This conflict could be solved by means of decentralization of stressed schwa giving rise to [ɛ], as in MCCat. ceba ‘onion’ [ˈsəβə] > [ˈsɛβə]. Further word-optimizing processes are deaffrication of [d͡ʒ] and [t͡ʃ] in syllable onsets and word-final consonant epenthesis. The processes are not attested in Middle Central Catalan and therefore must constitute relatively recent developments. Table 6.20 gives an overview of syllable- and word-optimizing processes in Vulgar Latin, Pre-Old Catalan, Old Catalan, and Middle Central Catalan. In conclusion, the diachronic description delivered in this chapter has contributed to tracing the emergence of the word-optimizing processes presented in the previous chapter. Additionally, it has shed light on syllable- and wordoptimizing processes that are not apparent from a synchronic perspective. This is the case with decentralization of stressed schwa. The diachronic development of Pre-Old Catalan into Middle Central Catalan allows us to identify the increasing relevance of the phonological word. The typological drift of Central Catalan is illustrated in Figure 6.23. syllable language

word language Pre-Old Catalan

Old Catalan

Figure 6.23: Typological development of Central Catalan.

Middle Central Catalan

7 Synchronic description of Swabian Schrambke (2003) and Nübling/Schrambke (2004) evaluated the typological affiliation of the Alemannic dialect group, which comprises Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic. Following on from this work, I will assess the relevance of the prosodic categories of the syllable and the phonological word in Swabian. Additionally, I will compare Swabian with Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic. It will be shown that Swabian has more word-related features than other Alemannic dialects. Phonological processes common to Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic that cannot be identified from a synchronic perspective will be described in Chapter 8. This is the case with word-optimizing processes such as unstressed vowel reduction, unstressed vowel deletion, and consonant epenthesis. The chapter is structured as follows: First, I will give an overview of Alemannic dialectology and present the data sources (Section 7.1). Then, I will assess the relevance of the syllable and the phonological word in Swabian examining syllable structure (Section 7.2), phonotactic restrictions (Section 7.3), syllable- and word-optimizing processes (Sections 7.4 and 7.5, respectively), and (re)syllabification (Section 7.6). Finally, I will summarize the results gained from the analysis (Section 7.7).

7.1 Introduction 7.1.1 Alemannic dialectology Alemannic is an Upper German dialect group (Oberdeutsch). It is spoken in southwest Germany, Switzerland, Liechtenstein, and in regions of Austria, France, and Italy (see Map 7.1). Alemannic is traditionally classified into five dialects: UpperRhine Alemannic (Oberrheinalemannisch), Swabian (Schwäbisch), Lake Constance Alemannic (Bodensee-Alemannisch), South Alemannic (Südalemannisch), and Highest Alemannic (Höchstalemannisch) (see Map 7.2). The classification depicted in Map 7.2 is originally based on Steger/Jakob (1983) and Baßler/Steger (1997) (see Hall 1991, 30–45 for previous classifications and Streck/ Auer 2012 for a critical discussion). In the following, I will compare the traditional dialect classification with the typological classification put forward by Schrambke (2003) and Nübling/Schrambke (2004). For the traditional dialect classification, I will refer to Maurer (1942, 196‒213), who distinguishes between three main dialect areas: Upper-Rhine Alemannic (Oberrheinalemannisch), Swabian (Schwäbisch), and https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110573060-007

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 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

Map 7.1: Alemannic-speaking areas.

South Alemannic (Südalemannisch). Note that the classification does not include Lake Constance Alemannic (Bodensee-Alemannisch). The dialect areas are separated by two isogloss bundles: the so-called Black Forest bundle (Schwarzwaldschranke) and Sundgau Lake Constance bundle (Sundgau-Bodensee-Schranke). The Black Forest bundle separates Upper-Rhine Alemannic from Swabian in the North while the Sundgau Lake Constance bundle separates Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian in the North from South Alemannic in the South. The Black Forest bundle is comprised of the following phonological isoglosses (see Map 7.3): (1) retention vs. diphthongization of MHG î (MHG îs > Eis ‘ice’ [Ɂiː˳z] vs. [Ɂəi˳z]); (2) [ɛi] vs. [ɔə] as reflexes of MHG ei (MHG seife > Seife ‘soap’ [ˈ˳zɛi˳və] vs. [ˈ˳zɔə˳və]); and (3) lenition vs. retention of word-medial intervocalic MHG b (MHG stuben > Stube-n ‘living.room-pl’ [ˈʒ˚ d˳ʊːʋə] vs. [ˈʒ˚ d˳ʊːb˳ ə]). The Sundgau Lake Constance bundle collates the following phonological isoglosses (see Map 7.4): (1) [kh] vs. [ɣ̊] as reflexes of WGmc k in word-initial position (WGmc *kinþa- > Kind ‘child’ [khɪnd˳] vs. [ɣ̊ɪnd˳]); (2) unrounding vs. retention of ͡ as MHG iu [yː] (MHG hius-er > Häus-er ‘house-pl’ [ˈhiː˳zəɾ] vs. [ˈhyːz̥əɾ]; (3) [ɡ̊] vs. [kx]

7.1 Introduction 

 247

Map 7.2: Alemannic dialects (Schrambke 2003, 170). Reprinted with permission.

reflexes of WGmc k in word-medial position after n (WGmc *drenk- > trink-en ‘drink͡ inf’ [ˈd˳ɾɪŋɡ̊ə] vs. [ˈd˳ɾɪŋkxə]); and (4) diphthongization vs. retention of MHG î (MHG îs > Eis ‘ice’ [Ɂəi˳z] vs. [iː˳z]). Beck (1926, 11‒12) critically discusses the classification of Markgräflerland Alemannic, which is located in the south-westernmost part of Germany. According to traditional classifications, this dialect belongs to South Alemannic since it underwent spirantization of WGmc k > [ɣ̊] in word-initial position (see isogloss Kind/Chind ‘child’ in Map 7.4). However, he points out that Markgräflerland Alemannic shares more similarities with Upper-Rhine Alemannic than with South Alemannic in that it has undergone fortis-lenis contrast neutralization and geminate simplification. These features are also relevant for the typological classification of Alemannic dialects (see Section 7.5.2). Beck (1926, 12) further argues that these features, unlike spirantization of WGmc k, appear with a high frequency, thereby giving Markgräflerland Alemannic a “totally different make-up” (völlig verschiedenes Aussehen). He concludes that fortis-lenis contrast neutralization and

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 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

Map 7.3: The Black Forest isogloss bundle (Maurer 1972, 137).

Map 7.4: The Sundgau Lake Constance isogloss bundle (Maurer 1972, 138).

7.1 Introduction 

 249

geminate simplification should be drawn on for the classification of Alemannic dialects. This proposal, however, was eventually rejected by Maurer (1942, 202). The Alemannic dialect group has been studied in a series of articles, monographs, dictionaries and linguistic atlases, making Alemannic one of the best documented German dialects. The regional atlases (Kleinraumatlanten) covering the Alemannic area include the Atlas Linguistique et Ethnographique de l’Alsace (ALA) for Alsace in east France, the Südwestdeutscher Sprachatlas (SSA) for the government districts Südbaden and Südwürttemberg in south-west Germany, the Sprachatlas von Bayerisch-Schwaben (SBS) for Bavarian Swabian, the Sprachatlas der deutschen Schweiz (SDS) for Switzerland, and the Vorarlberger Sprachatlas mit Einschluß des Fürstentums Liechtenstein, Westtirols und des Allgäus (VALTS) for the Allgäu, Vorarlberg, west Tyrol, and Liechtenstein (see Scheuringer 2011, 165‒171 for a description in English). An overview of the geographical extension of these regional atlases is given in Map 7.5. The Südwestdeutscher Sprachatlas (SSA) will be described in more detail in the ensuing section since it serves as one of the major sources for the description of Swabian.

Map 7.5: Overview of the linguistic atlases for the Alemannic dialect area (adapted from König/ Schrambke 1999, 38).

Schrambke (2003) and Nübling/Schrambke (2004) were the first to approach a German dialect area applying the typology of syllable and word languages. After

250 

 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

examining the occurrence of syllable- and word-related features in Alemannic, they concluded that a bundle of isoglosses separates Alemannic into two typologically different areas: a northern area with word-related features and a southern area with syllable-related features, as illustrated in Map 7.6. The bundle contains the following isoglosses: (1) retention/ambisyllabification vs. gemination of word-medial sonorants (MHG sumer > Sommer ‘summer’ [ˈ˳zoməɾ] vs. [ˈ˳zomːəɾ]); (2) neutralization vs. retention of the fortis-lenis contrast derived from the reflexes of WGmc p, t, d in word-medial intervocalic position (WGmc *et- > ess-en ‘eat-inf’ [ˈε˳zə] vs. [ˈεsə]); (3) avoidance vs. realization of regressive place assimilation across word boundaries, as in sollte man ‘should one’ [ˈ˳zod˳mə] vs. [ˈ˳zob˳mə], where sollte underwent apocope and consonant cluster simplification resulting in [˳zod˳]); (4) hiatus preservation vs. hiatus resolution by means of a linking n, as in wo ich ‘when I’ [ʋoi] ~ [ʋoɁi] vs. [ʋoni]; (5) demarcation of initial word boundaries by means of glottal stop insertion vs. resyllabification, as in die Achse ‘the axle’ [d˳Ɂaɡ̊z˳ ] vs. [d˳aɡ̊z˳ ]; and (6) vowel lengthening in stressed open syllables before former lenis consonants vs. retention of the originally short vowel quantity (MHG wade-n [ˈʋadən] > Wade-n ‘calf-pl’ [ˈʋaːd˳ə] vs. [ˈʋad˳ə]). The isoglosses represent syllable-and word-related features for the following reasons: (1) gemination allows for a clear syllable division while ambisyllabification blurs the syllable boundaries within the phonological word; (2) lenition of the originally fortis consonants derived from WGmc p, t, d (and the subsequent merger with the reflexes of WGmc f, s, þ) brought about an increase of consonant sonority within the phonological word (see Figure 4.8); (3) the avoidance of assimilation processes at word boundaries helps to retain the integrity of the phonological word; (4) a hiatus represents an ill-formed syllable contact that may be preferred in word languages. In syllable languages, however, these structures are avoided by means of vowel deletion or, as in the case of South Alemannic, consonant epenthesis; (5) the insertion of a glottal stop avoids resyllabification in words beginning with a vowel, thereby highlighting the left margin of the phonological word; and (6) vowel lengthening optimizes the word rendering the stressed syllable heavy, thereby contributing to an asymmetry between stressed and unstressed syllables. In the following, I will discuss the implications that result from these findings. First, the syllable-related processes found in South Alemannic do not necessarily imply that this dialect is a prototypical syllable language. In fact, we find word-related processes shared by North and South Alemannic such as unstressed vowel reduction, unstressed vowel deletion, and word-final consonant epenthesis, as illustrated in Table 7.1. In this respect, South Alemannic is closer to the word language pole than previously assumed by Schrambke (2003) and Nübling/ Schrambke (2004).

7.1 Introduction 

 251

Map 7.6: Classification of Alemannic dialects according to typological features (adapted from Nübling/Schrambke 2004, 318).

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 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

Table 7.1: Word-optimizing processes common to North and South Alemannic. Phonological process Etymology

Swabian

OAlem. mách-ôn [ˈmaxoːn] ‘make-inf’ [ˈmɐ̃ɣ˚ə] OAlem. ge-mách-ôt [ɡ̊eˈmaxoːt] [ɡ̊mɐ̃ɣ˚ d˳] ‘ptcp-make-ptcp’ Consonant epenthesis OAlem. óbaz [ˈob˳as] ‘fruit’ [Ɂoː b˳  ˚ʒ d˳]

Vowel centralization Vowel deletion

South Alemannic [ˈmaxə] [kmaxt] [opʃt]

Second, the picture that emerges after applying the typology of syllable and word languages to the Alemannic dialect group differs considerably from the traditional classification. Traditionally, there are three dialect areas: Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic (see Map 7.2). In contrast, with regard to word-related features we can distinguish between a word-oriented North Alemannic, which consists of Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian, and a syllable-oriented South Alemannic (see Map 7.6). Thus, the new picture provides a principled alternative to previous classifications based on unconnected phonological, morphological, and lexical features reflecting former historical and political boundaries. For example, the isogloss regarding the realization of MHG ei as [ɛi] in UpperRhine Alemannic or [ɔə] in Swabian does not give hints about the relevance of the phonological word as opposed to the isogloss regarding lenition of WGmc t. Third, the classification further supports the idea that typologically related processes do not appear in isolation. For example, in North Alemannic vowel lengthening in open syllables is closely connected to lenition of the reflexes of word-medial WGmc p, t, d (Schrambke 1994, 321, 341).

7.1.2 Data sources The data sources used include the Südwestdeutscher Sprachatlas (SSA) (Section 7.1.2.1) and Ortsgrammatiken (Section 7.1.2.2). The SSA will allow us to detect typological patterns in the survey area while the Ortsgrammatiken provide deeper insights into smaller dialect areas. The sources will help to assess the typological affiliation of Swabian. The SSA and the Ortsgrammatiken may complement each other when phonological processes relevant for the typology of syllable and word languages are documented in only one of the sources. This is the case with word-initial consonant epenthesis (see Section 8.5.8), which is only documented in the Ortsgrammatiken.

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 253

7.1.2.1 Südwestdeutscher Sprachatlas (SSA) The Südwestdeutscher Sprachatlas (SSA) is a regional linguistic atlas that covers the dialects spoken in southwest Germany. These include South Franconian, Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic (see König/Schrambke 1999, 102‒115 for details). The atlas follows the tradition of previous regional atlases (Regionalatlanten) such as the Sprachatlas der Deutschen Schweiz (SDS), the Vorarlberger Sprachatlas mit Einschluß des Fürstentums Liechtenstein, Westtirols und des Allgäus (VALTS), and the Atlas Linguistique et Ethnographique de l’Alsace (ALA). Thus, the SSA is embedded in traditional dialectology. The elicitation was carried out between 1974‒1986 in a network of 579 locations. The informants were mainly non-mobile, old, and rural. A blank map of the SSA is given in Map 7.7. The questionnaire contains items dedicated to phonological, morphological, syntactic, and lexical issues (see Gabriel 1983 for discussion). The items were transcribed following the Teuthonistaschrift, a phonetic alphabet that was especially conceived for fieldwork (see Seidelmann 1993 for details). The phonetic transcriptions culled from the SSA were adapted to the IPA conventions. The published maps of the SSA are classified according to diverse linguistic areas: (1) introductory maps (Einleitungskarten); (2) phonology (Lautgeographie); (3) morphology (Formengeographie); and (4) word geography (Wortgeographie). The SSA has interpretive maps. That is, the responses for a particular item are analysed for a specific topic. For example, the responses for the item reit-en ‘ride-inf’ allow for the study of the realization of word-initial r (SSA, Map 110.00), the reflexes of MHG î (SSA, Maps 7.60, 19.3, 25.5, 210.4), and the reflexes of wordmedial WGmc d in intervocalic position (SSA, Map 101.1). The original data of the SSA was systematically computerized. The maps contained in the synchronic and diachronic chapters of Swabian were generated with the software SSAKart, which was developed by Rudolf Post.

7.1.2.2 Ortsgrammatiken Local grammars (Ortsgrammatiken) represent an important source for studying the dialect spoken in smaller dialect areas. The value of Ortsgrammatiken for historical linguistics and dialectology was discussed by Ruoff (1982) and Murray (2010). Ortsgrammatiken have mainly constituted the source for morphological studies (among others: Fleischer 2004; Birkenes 2014; Baechler 2017). However, their potential has not been fully exploited for phonological studies. Ortsgrammatiken may add useful information to dialect atlases. This issue will be illustrated with diphthongization of MHG â [aː] in lexical items such as Straße

Map 7.7: Blank map of the Südwestdeutscher Sprachatlas (SSA).

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7.1 Introduction 

 255

‘street’. According to historical records, MHG â underwent diphthongization in u v o Swabian, where we find the spellings (Bohnenberger 1895; Maurer 1942, 225‒230; HSS, Maps 39‒42). According to the SSA (Maps 20.00‒20.02, 20.50), the diphthong has generally become [ɔː] (Straße [ʒ̊d̥ɾɔːz̥]). However, in the districts Tuttlingen, Ulm, Neu Ulm, and Biberach the original diphthong has been retained (Straße [ʒ̊d̥ɾaoz̥]). That is, the relic form is found in peripheral areas of Swabian. The local grammars of Tuttlingen and Ulm are in line with the SSA (Lang 1923, 35; Friker 1928, 58‒59; Strohmaier 1930, 52). However, the Ortsgrammatiken of Swabian contain examples of diphthongization in the districts Constance and Ravensburg (Dreher 1919, 33; Weishaupt 1935, 18; Schöller 1939, 9), where diphthongization is not attested in the SSA. Examples from Sipplingen Swabian are Abend [ˈɁaob˳ əd˳ ] ‘evening’ and Rathaus [ˈɾaod˳ huːz˳ ] ‘town hall’ (Dreher 1919, 33). ˈ In this respect, the Ortsgrammatiken may help to complete the picture obtained from the SSA. Additionally, the Ortsgrammatiken may give detailed accounts of word-optimizing processes that are not attested in the SSA. This is the case with word-initial consonant epenthesis (see Section 8.5.8). Finally, Ortsgrammatiken can give insights into sociolinguistic variation regarding phonological processes such as consonant assimilation (see Section 7.4.3) and lenition of fortis consonants (see Section 7.5.2), revealing that word-optimizing processes constitute new developments. The local grammars selected for the description of Swabian are listed in Table 7.2. The sources are arranged according to the geographical location of the political districts. Additional local grammars have been selected for the neighbouring dialect areas: Schrambke (1981) and Klausmann (1985) for Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Beck (1926) and Hall (1991) for South Alemannic, and Lang (1923), Bingeser (1944), Dreher (1919), Weishaupt (1935), and Schöller (1939) for South Swabian. Figure 7.1. gives an overview of the approximate geographical location of the grammars. Table 7.2: Selected Ortsgrammatiken for Swabian according to district. District (Landkreis)

Ortsgrammatik

Calw (CW) Freudenstadt (FDS) Rottweil (RW) Böblingen (BB) Tübingen (TÜ) Balingen (BL) Reutlingen (RT) Ulm (UL)

Oechsner (1951) Kauffmann (1890) Baur (1967), Hofmann (1926) Vogt (1931), Zinser (1933) Armbruster (1926) Brobeil (1938), Keinath (1922; 1930) Bopp (1890), Wagner (1889; 1891), Wandel (1934) Friker (1928), Strohmaier (1930)

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 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

Ortsgrammatiken of Swabian are typically structured in chapters dedicated to phonology (Lautlehre), morphology (Formenlehre), and, less frequently, syntax (Satzlehre). With regard to phonology, they give a detailed account of the historical development that vowels and consonants underwent since Middle High German. Additionally, they give an overview of phonological processes such as vowel lengthening, vowel shortening, unrounding, nasalization, and consonant assimilation. In contrast to the Ortsgrammatiken of Swiss German (Beiträge zur schweizerdeutschen Grammatik), they do not provide information about syllabification.

Figure 7.1: Selected Ortsgrammatiken for Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic.

7.2 Syllable structure In this section, I will address the following issues regarding Swabian syllable structure: surface syllable structure (7.2.1), syllable types (7.2.2), and the Sonority Sequencing Principle (7.2.3).

7.2 Syllable structure 

 257

7.2.1 Surface syllable structure Swabian syllable structure can have a maximum of four consonants both in onset and coda position. According to Maddieson’s (2013d) classification (see Section 4.3.1), Swabian has complex syllable structure. The syllable template for Swabian, which also applies for all Alemannic dialects, is depicted in (90). (90) Swabian surface syllable structure σ Onset

Rhyme Nucleus

(C) (C) (C) (C)

V

Coda (C) (C) (C) (C)

The origin of syllable complexity in morphologically simple words will be described in Section 8.2.1. Syllable complexity may arise from cliticization and inflection, as shown in (91). Examples of clitics leading to an increase of syllable complexity include pronouns (es [z˳ ] ‘it’) and definite articles (das [z˳ ], die [d˳ ]). Examples of inflectional affixes leading to an increase of syllable complexity include the past participle prefix (ge- [ɡ̊]), the second- and third-person singular ending (-st [ʒ˚d˳ ] ~ [ʒ˚], -t [d˳ ], see SSA, Map 1.007), the superlative ending (-est [ʒ˚d˳ ]), the past participle ending (-t [d˳ ]), and case endings (-es [z˳ ]). (91) Syllable complexity resulting from cliticization and inflection (Strohmaier 1930) a. cliticization es schnei-t [z˳ ʒ˚nəid˳ ] ‘it snow-3sg’ das Kind [z˳ khẽnd˳ ] ‘the child’ b. inflection ge-mach-t [ɡ̊mɐ̃ɣ˚d˳ ] ‘ptcp-make-ptcp’ krieg-st [ɡ̊ɾiːəɡ̊ʒ˚d˳ ] ‘get-2sg’ ält-est [Ɂeld˳ ʒ˚d˳ ] ‘old-sup’ With regard to phonotactic restrictions, the occurrence of two stops (or stop + affricate) is disallowed in word-initial position. This is the case with the past participle prefix ge- [ɡ̊], which undergoes deletion when attached to a stem beginning with a stop (see Section 8.5.3.1). For example, the past participle of tu-n [d̥õːə͂] ‘do-inf’ is ge-ta-n [d̥ãːõː] ‘ptcp-do-ptcp’ (SSA, Question 472.1). By contrast, the occurrence of two stops is allowed in word-final position, as in ge-egg-t [ɡ̊eːɡ̊d]̥ ‘ptcp-harrowptcp’ (SSA, Question 96.5). Thus, the consonant cluster [ɡ̊d]̥ may occur word-finally, but not word-initially.

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7.2.2 Syllable types Swabian has thirteen different syllable types. These are arranged in Table 7.3 according to the number of consonant slots occurring in the onset: onsets with one consonant (CV, CVC, CVCC, CVCCC, CVCCCC), onsets with two consonants (CCV, CCVC, CCVCC, CCVCCC), onsets with three consonants (CCCV, CCCVC, CCCVCC), and onsets with four consonants (CCCCVC). Underlying onsetless syllables surface in word-initial position with a glottal stop as a result of glottal stop insertion, as in Auge [Ɂaoɡ̊] ‘eye’ (see Section 7.5.3). Thus, there are no onsetless syllables on the surface. The syllable types listed in the table are morphologically simple. However, they may also result from cliticization and inflection, as in die Pflicht [d̥bv̥̥͡ liçd̥] ‘the duty’ (see Frey 1975, 60‒61 for examples). Similar to standard German, complex syllables occur in stressed syllables and at word and morpheme boundaries (see Duanmu 2009, 207‒223 and Kohler 1995, 182‒183 for standard German). Table 7.3: Syllable types of Swabian monosyllabic words. Syllable type

Example

CV CVC CVCC CVCCC CVCCCC CCV CCVC CCVCC CCVCCC CCCV CCCVC CCCVCC CCCCVC

Mann [mɐ̃ː] ‘man’ Haar [hɔːɾ] ‘hair’ Fest [v˳eʒ˚d˳ ] ‘celebration’ Wurst [ʋuːɾʒ˚d˳ ] ‘sausage’ Herbst [heɾb˳ʒ˚d˳ ] ‘autumn’ Schnee [ʒ˚nae] ‘snow’ Stock [ʒ˚d˳oɡ̊] ‘stick’ krank [ɡ̊ɾ~ ɐ ŋɡ̊] ‘ill’ ~nd˳ ͡z˳ɡ̊] ‘twenty’ zwanzig [d˳ ͡z˳ʋɐ Stroh [ʒ˚d˳ɾao] ‘straw’ Straße [ʒ˚d˳ɾɔːz˳] ‘street’ Strumpf [ʒ˚d˳ɾõmb˳ ͡v˳] ‘sock’ Gespräch [ɡ̊ʒ˚b˳ɾɛːç] ‘conversation’

7.2.3 Sonority Sequencing Principle In Swabian, the syllable is generally organized according to the Sonority Sequencing Principle. However, ill-formed syllables containing appendices (i.e.  extrasyllabic elements) are common. Syllable appendices are found both in word-initial and word-final position. Consonants that function as prependices and suppendices include the coronal segments [z˳ ʒ˚]. They occur word-initially in the clusters [ʒ˚b˳ ], [ʒ̊bɾ̥ ], [ʒ˚b˳ l], [ʒ˚d˳ ], and [ʒ̊dɾ̥ ] while in word-final position they occur in the clusters [b̥z]̥ ,

7.3 Phonotactic restrictions 

 259

[b̥ʒ]̊ , [ɡ̊z˳ ], [ɡ̊ʒ˚], [b˳ ʒ˚d˳ ], and [ɾb˳ ʒ˚d˳ ] (see Frey 1975, 52, 56‒57 for examples). Figure 7.2 and Figure 7.3 display the sonority of the segments in the items Straße [ʒ˚d˳ ɾɔːz˳ ] ‘street’ and schreib-st [ʒ˚ɾəib˳ʒ˚] ‘write-2sg’, respectively. The Sonority Sequencing Principle is violated in word-initial position in Straße [ʒ˚d˳ ɾɔːz˳ ] since the word-initial sibilant [ʒ˚] is more sonorous than the following stop [d˳ ]. Similarly, the Sonority Sequencing Principle is violated in word-final position in schreib-st [ʒ˚ɾəib˳ʒ˚] since the word-final sibilant [ʒ˚] is more sonorous than the preceding stop [b˳].

Figure 7.2: Sonority of Straße ‘street’.

Figure 7.3: Sonority of schreib-st ‘write-2sg’.

7.3 Phonotactic restrictions 7.3.1 Stress-related restrictions The Swabian vowel system is arranged in Table 7.4 according to stressed and unstressed syllables. In stressed syllables, Swabian exhibits sets of short vowels, long vowels, and diphthongs, all of which can be oral and nasal. By contrast, in unstressed syllables Swabian does not exhibit long vowels and diphthongs. The

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asymmetry between stressed and unstressed syllables resulted from processes operating in stressed and unstressed syllables. Processes operating in stressed syllables include vowel lengthening (see Section 7.5.1) and diphthongization (see Section 7.5.4) while processes operating in unstressed syllables include unstressed vowel reduction. Unstressed vowel reduction includes vowel shortening, centralization, unrounding, and denasalization (see Section 8.5.1 for vowel shortening, centralization, and unrounding and Section 7.5.5 for denasalization). That is, contrasts of quantity, vowel height, roundness, and nasality are neutralized in unstressed syllables. Table 7.4: Swabian vowel system in stressed and unstressed syllables.

Oral vowel Nasal vowel Long oral vowel Long nasal vowel Oral diphthong Nasal diphthong

Stressed syllable

Unstressed syllable

aeɛiouə ~ ~ ɐ~ eo aː eː ɛː iː ɔː oː uː ~ ~ː ɐː ~ eː o ao ae ɛə ɛːə iə ɔe uə ui əu əi ~ ~~ ~~ ɐo ɐ~ e~ e~ əo e õə̃

əei

The vowel system in the table was simplified from the accounts found in the literature. For example, the onglide of some diphthongs may be short, half-long or long according to the notation of the SSA and the Ortsgrammatiken. This is the case with the diphthongs [uə], [iə], [ao], [ae], [oe], and [ui]. According to the SSA (Maps 35.50, 36.50), the onglide of [uˑə] and [iˑə] is always half-long. The length of the onglide of [ae] and [ao] is etymologically motivated. The reflexes of MHG ou and öu were transcribed as [aːo] and [aːe] respectively (SSA, Maps 31.50, 32.50) while the reflexes of MHG â and ê/œ are transcribed as [ao] ~ [aːo] and [ae] ~ [aːe], respectively (SSA, Maps 20.50, 23.50, 24.00). The onglide of [oːe] is always long (SSA, Maps 30.50). Finally, the onglide of [ui] may also be either short or long (SSA, Map 28.00). Examples of short vowels, long vowels, and diphthongs are given in (92), (93), and (94), respectively. Schwa may occur both in stressed and unstressed syllables. Stressed schwa will be described in Section 7.5.6. Unstressed schwa will be transcribed as [ə] although the SSA notes [ɐ] in central areas of Swabian, as in mach-en [ˈmɐ͂ɣɐ ̊ ] ‘make-inf’ (SSA, Question 370.8). (92) Swabian short oral vowels [a]   Wald [ʋald˳] [ɛ]  Wäld-er   [ʋɛld˳] [e] Stöck-e [˚ʒd˳eɡ̊]

‘forest’ ‘forest-pl’ ‘stick-pl’

7.3 Phonotactic restrictions 

[i] [o] [u]

Sichel Stock Nuss

 261

[ˈ˳ziçəl]   ‘sickle’ [ ʒ˚ d˳oɡ̊] ‘stick’ [nu˳z] ‘nut’

(93) Swabian long oral vowels [aː] Rad [ɾaːd˳] [ɛː]   Räd-er [ˈɾɛːd˳ɾˌ] [eː] Böden [ˈb˳ eːd˳ə] [iː] spiel-en [ˈ˚ʒb˳ iːlə] [ɔː] Straße [˚ʒd˳ɾɔː˳z] [oː] Boden [ˈb˳ oːd˳ə] [uː] Lüge [ˈluːɡ̊e]

‘wheel’ ‘wheel-pl’ ‘floor.pl’ ‘play-inf’ ‘street’ ‘floor’ ‘lie’

(94) Swabian oral diphthongs [ao] Auge [Ɂaoɡ̊] [ae] Äuge-lein [Ɂaeɡ̊le] [εə] Feld [ vɛəld  ˳ ˳ ] [εːə] les-en [ˈlɛːə˳zə] [iə] Füß-e [ viə˳  ˳ z] [ɔe] heiß [hɔe˳z] [uə] Fuß [ vuə˳  ˳ z] [ui] Feuer [ vuiɾ]  ˳ [əu] Maus [məu˳z] [əi] Mäus-e [məi˳z]

‘eye’ ‘eye-dim’ ‘field’ ‘read-inf’ ‘foot-pl’ ‘hot’ ‘foot’ ‘fire’ ‘mouse’ ‘mouse-pl’

Vowel length is contrastive in Swabian. Examples are shown in (95). Similar to standard German, there is a syllable cut correlation in Swabian (see Section 7.6). The only instance of contrastive length in diphthongs is attested in South Swabian, where Brett-er [ˈb˳ɾɛətɾˌ] ‘board-pl’ and breit-er [ˈb˳ɾɛːətɾˌ] ‘broad-comp’ constitute a minimal pair (SSA, Questions 184.2, 416.3). In contrast to Bavarian, where diphthong length is a correlate of syllable cut with long diphthongs occurring before lenis consonants and short diphthongs occurring before fortis consonants (Pfalz 1936, 15‒16; Auer 1989a, 1089), the diphthong length opposition in the lexical items Brett-er ‘board-pl’ and breit-er ‘broad-comp’ is not syllable cut dependent since both items contain a fortis consonant. (95) Vowel length opposition in Swabian wat-en [ˈʋad˳ə] ‘wade-inf’ Wade-n [ˈʋaːd˳ə] ‘calf-pl’ offen [ˈɁovə] ˳ ‘open’ Ofen [ˈɁoːvə] ˳ ‘oven’ wiss-en [ˈʋi˳zə] ‘know-inf’ Wiese-n [ˈʋiː˳zə] ‘meadow-pl’

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Swabian has nasal vowels, which can be phonetic and phonemic. The number of nasal vowels does not exceed the number of oral vowels, which is in accordance with one of Ferguson’s (1963) universals, which states that “the frequency of occurrence of N[asal]V[owel]’s is always less than that of nonnasal vowels”. An explanation is that nasalization brought about lowering of underlying high vowels and raising of underlying open mid and low vowels (see (99) and (100) for examples). According to the World Atlas of Language Structures (WALS), of 244 languages only 64 (26%) exhibit contrastive vowel nasalization (Hajek 2013). While contrastive vowel nasalization is common in West African languages and indigenous languages of the Americas, it is rare in the languages of Europe. Examples of European languages with contrastive vowel nasalization are French and Portuguese. According to the WALS, contrastive vowel nasalization is not found in Germanic languages. However, it occurs in Upper German dialects (Plank 2009, 50). This is the case in Swabian, where long vowels and diphthongs contrast with regard to the [+nasal] feature, as illustrated in Table 7.5. Table 7.5: Phonological opposition between oral and nasal long vowels and diphthongs. Opposition

Oral vowel

Nasal vowel

/aː/ vs. /ãː/

ab[mach-en] [aː] ‘[turn-inf] off’ schwarz [˚ʒʋaːd˳͡z˳ ] ‘black’ Tag [d˳aːɡ̊] ‘day’

an[mach-en] [ɐ῀ː] ‘[turn-inf] on’ Schwanz [˚ʒʋɐ῀ːd˳͡ z˳ ] ‘tail’ Dank [d˳ɐ῀ːɡ̊] ‘thanks’

/eː/ vs. /ẽː/

ge-hab-t [kheːd˳] ‘ptcp-have-ptcp’

Kind [khẽːd˳] ‘child’

/oː/ vs. /õː/

Kopf [khoːb˳ ͡ v˳ ] ‘head’

Kumpf [khõːb˳ ͡ v˳ ] ‘whetstone holder’

/ae/ vs. /ãẽ/

Freude [ v˳ ɾaed˳] ‘joy’ Klee [ɡ̊lae] ‘clover’ Weh [ʋae] ‘ache’

Freund [ v˳ ɾɐ῀ẽd˳] ‘friend’ klein [ɡ̊lɐ῀ẽ] ‘small’ Wein [ʋɐ῀ẽ] ‘wine’

/ao/ vs. /ãõ/

Tau [d˳ao] ‘dew’ roh [ɾao] ‘raw’ hoch [hao] ‘high’

ge-ta-n [d˳ɐ῀õ] ‘ptcp-do-ptcp’ Rahm [ɾɐ῀õ] ‘cream’ hab-en [hɐ῀õ] ‘have-inf’

/eə/ vs. /ẽə͂/

Sech [ z˳ eə] ‘coulter’

seh-en [ z˳ ẽə͂] ‘see-inf’

Note that the examples of nasal contrast given in the table do not regularly occur in all areas of Swabian. For instance, the contrast between Tau [d˳ao] ‘dew’ and ge-ta-n [d˳ɐ῀õ] ‘ptcp-do-ptcp’ is widespread in Swabian (see Map 7.8) while the contrast between Kopf [khoːb˳͡ v˳] ‘head’ and Kumpf [khõːb˳͡v] ˳ ‘whetstone holder’ is restricted to the area where lengthening applied before former fortis consonants (see Section 7.5.1).

7.3 Phonotactic restrictions 

 263

Map 7.8: Nasal contrast in Swabian.

Let us now consider unstressed vowels.1 In Swabian, the set of unstressed vowels comprises [e ə ẽ ə͂ i] (see Kauffmann 1890, 104‒136 for a comprehensive account). For example, [e] constitutes an inflectional ending that has the following functions: (1) strong adjective ending of the nominative/accusative plural, as in alt-e Männ-er [ˈɁald˳e ˈmɐ̃nə] ‘old-nom/acc.pl man-pl’ (SSA, Question 282.3); (2) ending of the first-person plural of the present indicative, as in mach-en [ˈmɐ̃ɣ˚e] ‘make-1pl.prs.ind’ (SSA, Maps 1.006, 1.021); and (3) ending of the first-person singular of the present indicative and the second-person singular of the imperative of some weak verbs (see Section 8.5.2 for details). Map 7.9 shows the distribution of the strong adjective ending of the nominative/accusative plural and the ending of the first-person plural of the present indicative. The adjective ending is widespread in Swabian while the verbal ending is restricted to the central area of

1 Unstressed vowels are scarcely documented in the SSA, which only includes the verbal endings in indicative (Indikativ) and subjunctive (Konjunktiv) (see Caro Reina 2014b for an overview of unstressed vowels based on the SSA). By contrast, unstressed vowels are well documented in the Ortsgrammatiken of Swabian (Wagner 1889, 42‒43, 48‒50, 83‒85, 94‒96; Bopp 1890, 71‒81; Kauffmann 1890, 104‒146; Keinath 1922, 63‒69; Armbruster 1926, 66‒74; Hofmann 1926, 59‒72; Friker 1928, 77‒86; Keinath 1930, 10‒12; Strohmaier 1930, 68‒75; Vogt 1931, 14‒17; Zinser 1933, 13‒17; Wandel 1934, 20‒24; Brobeil 1938, 152‒160; Oechsner 1951, 56‒66; Baur 1967, 73‒78).

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 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

Swabian. Note that in Swabian the first-person plural includes the endings [e] and [əd˳ ]. The etymology of the inflectional ending [e] is described in Section 8.5.1.2.

Map 7.9: Inflectional ending [e].

Schwa may belong to the stem (Boden [ˈb˳oːd˳ə] ‘floor’). Additionally, it may constitute an inflectional ending, which includes the infinitive ending (machen [ˈmɐ̃ɣ̊ə] ‘make-inf’) and the plural ending (Auge-n [ˈɁaoɡ̊ə] ‘eye-pl’). Nasal schwa is marginally attested and constitutes the intermediate stage before denasalization applied (mach-en ‘make-inf’ [ˈmɐ῀ ɣ˚ə͂] > [ˈmɐ῀ ɣ˚ə]) (see Section 7.5.5). The nasal vowels [ẽ ə͂] may also occur as a result of progressive nasal assimilation, as described by scholars such as Kauffmann (1888, 115‒116). Additionally, [ẽ ə͂] may arise from word-final nasalization (see Section 7.5.7). Finally, [i] occurs when adjacent to palatal consonants ([˚ʒ ç]), as in schwäbisch [ˈ˚ʒʋɛːb˳ i˚ʒ] ‘Swabian’ and Knoblauch [ˈɡ̊ŋoːb˳liç] ‘garlic’. The historical development of unstressed vowels will be explored in Section 8.5.1. In Swabian, there are phonological oppositions in unstressed syllables involving the vowels [e] and [ə]. Examples are given in (96). For example, the derivational suffix -e [e] contrasts with the infinite ending -en [ə], as in Breite [ˈb˳ɾɔed˳ e] ‘width’ vs. breit-en [ˈb˳ɾɔed˳ə] ‘widen-inf’. Additionally, the diminutive ending -lein is spoken [le] and [lə] in the singular and plural, respectively.

7.3 Phonotactic restrictions 

 265

(96) Phonological opposition in unstressed vowels (Strohmaier 1930, 71‒72) Breite [ˈb˳ɾɔed˳e] ‘width’ breit-en [ˈb˳ɾɔed˳ə] ‘widen-inf’ Häus-lein [ˈhəi˳zle] ‘house-dim.sg’ Häus-lein [ˈhəi˳zlə] ‘house-dim.pl’ Taufe [ˈd˳ae ve] ˳ ‘baptism’ tauf-en [ˈd˳ae və] ˳ ‘baptize-inf’ In addition to posttonic syllables, full vowels may occur in pretonic syllables. This is the case with evangelisch [e vaŋˈɡ̊ ˳ eːle˚ʒ] ‘Protestant’ (SSA, Question 286.9), Kapelle [khaˈpεle] ‘chapel’ (SSA, Question 286.2), and katholisch [khaˈtoːle˚ʒ] ‘Catholic’ (SSA, Question 286.8) (the transcriptions correspond to the questionnaire of survey site TÜ 13 Weiler). The items constitute instances of borrowing from standard German.

7.3.2 Position-related restrictions The Swabian consonant system is given in Table 7.6 (see Hall 1991, 221 for the consonant system of Ihringen Upper-Rhine Alemannic). Swabian resembles standard German with respect to the absence of phonemic geminates. However, in standard German geminates arise when two identical consonant segments meet at word and morpheme boundaries, as in Stuhllehne [ˈʃtuːlˌleːnə] ‘chair back’. In this way, geminates are indicative of word and morpheme boundaries. This is not the case in Swabian, where sequences of identical consonants undergo simplification, as in Stuhllehne [ˈ˚ʒd˳uːəˌlẽːne] ‘chair back’, Schullehrer [ˈ˚ʒuːəˌlɛːɾeɾ] ‘school teacher’, etc. (examples taken from Strohmaier 1930, 77).

Table 7.6: Swabian consonant system. Bilabial Stop ph Affricate Fricative Nasal Lateral Tap Approximant

b̥

m

Labiodental b˳ ͡ v˳ v˳

ʋ

Alveolar th

d˳ d˳͡ z˳ z˳ n l ɾ

Palatal d˳͡ ˚ʒ ˚ʒ

Velar

Glottal

kh ɡ̊

Ɂ

ɣ˚ ŋ

h

j

In contrast to Swabian and Upper-Rhine Alemannic, South Alemannic has fortis and lenis obstruents. The fortis-lenis contrast is associated with duration rather than voicing since fortis and lenis obstruents are voiceless (see Fleischer/ Schmid 2006, 244‒245 for a comprehensive overview). For comparison, the

266 

 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

consonant system of Baar Alemannic is given in Table 7.7. The consonant system of this South Alemannic dialect represents an older stage of Swabian in that it preserves the originally fortis-lenis opposition that was neutralized in Swabian. Table 7.7: Donaueschingen Alemannic consonant system (Hall 1991, 221). Bilabial Stop p ph b˳ Affricate Fricative Nasal m Lateral Trill Approximant

Labiodental

Alveolar

Palatal

p͡f f

t th t͡s s

t͡ʃ

v˳

ʋ

d˳ z˳ n l

Velar k kh

ʃ

j

Uvular Glottal ɡ̊ x ŋ

h

ʀ

Swabian has the liquids [l] and [ɾ]. The lateral may be realized as a velarized [ɫ] in Ulm, Biberach, and Ravensburg Swabian.2 Judging from the examples found in the literature, the sound does not occur word-initially. Velarization must have been more widespread at an earlier stage. Evidence comes from forms such as halb [haob˳ ] ‘half’, Halfter [ˈhaovd ˳ ˳ ɾˌ] ‘halter’, and Knall [ɡ̊ŋao] ‘bang’, which show vocalization resulting from velarization (examples taken from Keinath 1922, 72; 1930, 14). The development can be reconstructed as follows: [al] > [aɫ] (velarization) > [ao] (l-vocalization). These forms are attested in an area where there is no dark l. This implies that dark l must have been replaced by clear l at a later stage. l-vocalization is a syllable-optimizing process that involves coda weakening. In Alemannic, the process has only been attested in western Swiss German (see Leemann et al. 2014, 192‒195 for a comprehensive overview). However, the examples from Onstmettingen Swabian shed light on a previously undocumented lvocalization process in Swabian. The process will not be treated in Section 7.4 since it is scarcely attested. With regard to rhotics, Swabian typically has an alveolar tap ([ɾ]) while Upper-Rhine Alemannic has an uvular trill ([ʀ]) (see SSA, Maps 110.00‒110.02 and Schrambke 2010 for details). Unlike standard German, rhotics do not undergo

2 The occurrence of [ɫ] is attested in the SSA and Ortsgrammatiken (Bopp 1890, 17; Strohmaier 1930, 77‒79; Weishaupt 1935, 43; Schöller 1939, 59‒60). Examples from UL 15 Grötzingen are bell-en [ˈb˳ ɔɫɐ] ‘bark-inf’ (SSA, Question 66.4), Feld [˳vəɫd˳] ‘field’ (SSA, Question 150.2), and Wägelein [ˈʋɛːɡ̊əɫe] ‘cart-dim.sg’ (SSA, Question 114.6).

7.3 Phonotactic restrictions 

 267

vocalization in syllable codas.3 In Upper-Rhine Alemannic, uvular [ʀ] may function as a positive signal in word-final consonant clusters, where it is realized as [ʀɣ˚].4 Examples are Gräb-er [ˈɡ̊ʀeːʋəʀɣ˚] ‘grave-pl’ (SSA, Question 274.6) and Wetter [ˈʋæd˳əʀɣ˚] ‘weather’ (SSA, Question 312.3) (the transcriptions correspond to the questionnaire of survey site OG 01 Helmlingen). In Swabian we find syllabic consonants in unstressed syllables, which include the sonorants [m̩ n̩ l ̩ ɾ̩]. They occur in lexical items and in reduced function words. Examples of syllabic consonants in lexical items are Acker [ˈɁaɡ̊ɾ]̩ ‘field’, Atem [ˈɁɔːd˳m̩ ] ‘breath’, and Speichel [ˈ˚ʒb˳ ɔeçl ̩] ‘saliva’. Examples of syllabic consonants in reduced function words are für [ vɾ̩ ˳ ] ‘for’, hilf ihm [ˈhilvm̩ ˳ ] ‘help him!’, and sie haben ihn [seˈhɐ῀ nd˳n̩] ‘they have him’. In order to study whether Swabian highlights the phonological word by means of phonotactic restrictions in word-initial, word-medial, and/or word-final position, the consonant system laid out in Table 7.6 is arranged in Table 7.8 according to the occurrence (positive signal) or non-occurrence (negative signal) of single consonants in word-initial onsets (#C), word-medial onsets (C.C and V.C), word-medial codas (C.C), and word-final codas (C#). Positive and negative word boundary signals are highlighted in grey. The table does not distinguish between ambisyllabic and non-ambisyllabic consonants. Consonant clusters are not included. In some areas of Swabian, lenis consonants undergo word-final fortition (see Section 7.5.2 for details). These patterns are not included in the table. ᷼ In Swabian, [ph th kh Ɂ h] constitute positive signals while [˳dʒ̊ ɣ˚ ŋ] constitute negative signals. With regard to positive signals, the set of aspirated fortis stops [ph th kh] only occur word-initially. Examples of aspirated fortis stops are given in (97). The aspirated fortis stops [ph th kh] result when the derivational suffix be- [b˳ ], the past participle prefix ge- [ɡ̊], and the definite article die [d˳] are attached to stems beginning with [h] (behalt-en ‘keep-inf’ [ˈb˳hald˳ ə] > [ˈphald˳ə], die Hase-n ‘the hare-pl’ [ˈd˳haː˳zə] > [ˈthaː˳zə], and ge-hab-t ‘ptcp-have-ptcp’ [ɡ̊heːt] > [kheːt]). Additionally, [kh] occurs in native vocabulary words such as Kind [khẽnt] ‘child’ while [ph th] only occur in loanwords such as Paket [phaˈɡ̊et] ‘package’ and Tee [theː] ‘tee’. According to the SSA, aspiration applies in UpperRhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic. Recent loan words such as Pächter [ˈphɛçd̥ ɾ ] ‘tenant’ (SSA, Question 280.5) and Pater [ˈphaːd̥ ɾ ] ‘monk’ (SSA, ˈ ˈ Question 290.3) contain the aspirated fortis stop [ph] while older loan words such as Pelz [b˳el˳d͡z˳ ] ‘fur’ (SSA, Question 304.2) and Pinsel [ˈb˳enz˳ l ] ‘brush’ (SSA, ˈ 3 According to the SSA (Questions 274.6, 312.3), r-vocalization only occurs in PF (01), RA (01), CW (02, 07, 09, 19‒21), BL (21), TUT (03), and RT (24). 4 According to the SSA (Questions 274.6, 312.3), the process is attested in OG (01, 04, 06, 10, 23, 53).

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 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

Table 7.8: Distribution of single consonants in Swabian. Word-initial ph b˳ th d˳ kh ɡ̊ Ɂ

b˳ ͡ v˳ d˳͡ z˳

d˳͡ ˚ʒ v˳ z˳ ʒ˚ ɣ˚ h ʋ l m n ŋ ɾ j

Word-medial

Word-final

#C

C.C, V.C

C.C

C#

+ + + + + + +

− + − + − + −

− + − + − + −

− + − + − + −

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

− + + + − + + + + + − + +

+ + + + + − + + + + + + +

+ + + + + − − + + + + + −

+ + + + + − + + + + + + −

Question 520.6) contain the lenis stop [b˳]. Note that [ph th kh] occur word-initially regardless of stress, as in Paket [phaˈɡ̊et] ‘package’, where [ph] occurs in the word-initial unstressed syllable. This implies that aspiration is a recent phonological process that applies word-initially, thereby highlighting the left margin of the phonological word. (97) Occurrence of aspirated fortis stops (Keinath 1930, 13, 16, 21, 28) a. native vocabulary behalt-en [ˈphald˳ ə] ‘keep-inf’ die Hase-n [ˈthaːz˳ ə] ‘the hare-pl’ ge-hab-t [kheːt] ‘ptcp-have-ptcp’ Kind [khẽnt] ‘child’ b. loanwords Paket [phaˈɡ̊et] ‘package’ Tee [theː] ‘tee’

7.4 Syllable-optimizing processes 

 269

The glottal stop occurs at the left margin of phonological words (see Section 7.5.3 for details). The glottal fricative [h] may only occur word-initially, as in Haus [həuz˳ ] ‘house’. Note that the derivational suffix -heit has undergone reduction such that lexical items such as Gewohnheit ‘habit’, Krankheit ‘illness’, and Wahrheit ‘truth’ are spoken [ˈɡ̊ʋoːnəd˳ ], [ˈɡ̊ɾɐ῀ŋɡ̊əd˳ ], and [ˈʋɔːɾəd˳ ], respectively. As a result, the derivational suffix does not constitute a phonological word. By contrast, in German the derivational suffix -heit constitutes a phonological word, as in Gewohnheit [ɡəˈvoːn]ω[ˌhaɪt]ω ‘habit’, Krankheit [ˈkʀaŋk]ω[ˌhaɪt]ω ‘illness’, and Wahrheit [ˈvaːɐ̯]ω[ˌhaɪt]ω ‘truth’. In this respect, in Swabian the morphological word coincides with the phonological word while in standard German the morphological word is larger than the phonological word. The ˳ glottal fricative [h] may also arise from lenition of word-medial [x] (or  [ɣ]). The process is documented in the VALTS (Comments 45a, b). Examples from Liechtensteiner Rheintal Alemannic are back-en [ˈb˳ ahə] ‘bake-inf’, Rechen [ˈɾɛəhə] ‘rake’, and seich-en [ˈz˳ ɔːəhə] ‘urinate-inf’. Similar to Liechtensteiner Rheintal Alemannic, the process is attested in Swabian, albeit marginally. Examples from Beimerstetten (UL 09) are koch-en [ˈkhohə] ‘cook-inf’ (SSA, Question 456.6), mach-en [ˈmahə] ‘make-inf’ (SSA, Question 370.8), Rechen [ˈrɛhə] ‘rake’ (SSA, Question 80.2), and seich-en [ˈz˳ ɔehə] ‘urinate-inf’ (SSA, Question 28.1). The emergence of the positive signal [h] will be described in Section 8.5.9. ˳ With regard to negative signals, [d˳͡ ˚ʒ ɣ ŋ] may not appear in word-initial posi˳ tion. In contrast to South Alemannic, where [ɣ] derived from WGmc k may occur ˳ both in word-initial and word-medial onsets (as in Kind [ɣɪnd˳ ] ‘child’ and such-en ˳ [ˈz̥ʊəɣ̊ə] ‘search-inf’), [ɣ] constitutes a negative signal in Swabian. The sound does not occur word-initially since WGmc k was retained as the aspirated fortis [kh] in this position (as in Kind [khẽnd˳ ] ‘child’).

7.4 Syllable-optimizing processes The syllable-optimizing processes that will be described in this section are vowel epenthesis (7.4.1), nasalization (7.4.2), and consonant assimilation (7.4.3).

7.4.1 Vowel epenthesis In this section, I will describe instances of vowel epenthesis that apply in wordmedial and word-final sequences of liquid + obstruent. Vowel epenthesis is attested

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 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian.5 The process is syllable-optimizing since the resulting syllable structures are simple when epenthesis applies word-medially (CVC.CV > CV.CV.CV) or moderately complex when epenthesis applies word-finally (CVCC > CV.CVC). I will distinguish between vowel epenthesis in sequences of l + obstruent and r + obstruent since they pattern differently. Vowel epenthesis between l + obstruent occurs in Upper-Rhine Alemannic while vowel epenthesis between r + obstruent is common in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian. Vowel epenthesis in sequences of liquid + nasal and obstruent + sonorant are treated in Section 8.4.1. The quality of the epenthetic vowel varies depending on the dialect area and the place of articulation of the consonant following the liquid. In Upper-Rhine Alemannic, the epenthetic vowel is [ə] before labial consonants and [i] before palatal and velar consonants. Similarly, in Swabian the epenthetic vowel is [ə] before labial consonants and [e] ~ [i] ~ [ə] before palatal and velar consonants. Map 7.10 charts vowel epenthesis occurring between l + obstruent. The map is based on 6 items culled from the SSA. The items are arranged in Table 7.9 according to the obstruents occurring in the cluster. These include palatal ([ç]) and velar ([ɡ̊]) consonants. Table 7.9: Items selected for vowel epenthesis between l + obstruent. Consonant cluster

Item

Source

[lç]

Milch ‘milk’ Kalk ‘lime’

SSA, Question 428.6 SSA, Question 58.4

[lɡ̊]

Balg ‘pelt’ SSA, Question 304.4 Felge ‘rim’ SSA, Question 122.3 folg-en ‘follow-inf’ SSA, Question 490.3 melk-en / ge-molk-en ‘milk-inf / ptcp-milk-ptcp’ SSA, Question 34.1

Vowel epenthesis between l + obstruent is common in Upper-Rhine Alemannic. Vowel epenthesis also occurs in Swabian, albeit less frequently. The process is attested in Calw and Freudenstadt Swabian. Examples from Swabian are given in Table 7.10 (the transcriptions correspond to the questionnaire of survey site CW 04 Schömberg). Vowel epenthesis has resulted in a trochaic foot in the case of Felge [ˈv˳ɛliɡ̊] ‘rim’, Kalk [ˈkhalɪç] ‘lime’, and Milch [ˈmɪliç] ‘milk’. However, vowel epenthesis has resulted in an ill-formed foot in melk-en [ˈmɛliɡ̊ə] ‘milk-inf’ and ge-molk-en

5 Vowel epenthesis is described in Ortsgrammatiken of Upper-Rhine Alemannic (Heimburger 1888, 233; Schwend 1900, 341; Schrambke 1981, 69‒75) and Swabian (Kauffmann 1890, 118; Wagner 1891, 191; Vogt 1931, 19, 23; Oechsner 1951, 66‒67; Baur 1967, 77).

7.4 Syllable-optimizing processes 

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[ˈɡ̊moliɡ̊ə] ‘ptcp-milk-ptcp’. Thus, vowel epenthesis does not contribute to regulating the size of the phonological word. That is, the process is syllable-optimizing. Table 7.10: Vowel epenthesis between l + obstruent in Swabian. [lç]

[lɡ̊]

Kalk [ˈk aliç] ‘lime’ Milch [ˈmiliç] ‘milk’ h

Felge [ˈv˳ɛliɡ̊] ‘rim’ melk-en [ˈmɛliɡ̊ə] ‘milk-inf’ ge-molk-en [ˈɡ̊moliɡ̊ə] ‘ptcp-milk-ptcp’

Map 7.11 charts vowel epenthesis occurring between r + obstruent in 14 items from the SSA. The items selected are arranged in Table 7.11 according the obstruents occurring in the cluster. These include bilabial ([b̥]), palatal ([ç]), and velar ([ɡ̊]) consonants. Note that Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian have two different rhotics. Upper-Rhine Alemannic has the uvular [ʀ] while Swabian has the alveolar [ɾ] (see SSA, Maps 110.00‒110.02 and Schrambke 2010 for details). In view of the distribution of vowel epenthesis, which occurs both in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian, the place of articulation of the rhotic does not seem to influence the occurrence of the process. However, Schrambke (1981, 71) observes that uvular [ʀ] correlates with a decrease of vowel epenthesis in sequences with palatal/velar consonants. A possible explanation is that the distance between uvular [ʀ] and the following palatal or velar consonant is smaller than the distance between uvular [ʀ] and the following bilabial consonant. In other words, the smaller the articulatory distance, the more likely the absence of vowel epenthesis. Table 7.11: Items selected for vowel epenthesis between r + obstruent. Consonant cluster

Item

Source

[ʀb˳] [ɾb˳]

Arbeit ‘work’ färb-en ‘colour-inf’ Garbe /Garbe-n ‘sheaf /sheaf-pl’ Korb /Körb-e ‘basket /basket-pl’ sterb-en /ge-storb-en ‘die-inf /ptcp-die-ptcp’

SSA, Question 370.4 SSA, Question 346.2 SSA, Question 160.3 SSA, Question 180.9 SSA, Question 274.1

[ʀç] [ɾç]

Furche /Furche-n ‘furrow /furrow-pl’ Kirche ‘church’ Lärche /Lärche-n ‘larch /larch-pl’ Pferch ‘pen (enclosure)’

SSA, Question 94.3 SSA, Question 286.1 SSA, Question 162.4 SSA, Question 44.6

[ʀɡ̊] [ɾɡ̊]

Barg ‘castrated male pig’ Berg ‘mountain’ Birke /Birke-n ‘birch /birch-pl’ stark /stärk-er ‘strong /strong-comp’ würg-en ‘strangle-inf’

SSA, Question 48.8 SSA, Question 154.3 SSA, Question 164.2 SSA, Question 416.9 SSA, Question 198.8

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 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

Examples of vowel epenthesis in Swabian are given in Table 7.12 (the transcriptions correspond to the questionnaire of survey site RT 25 Aichelau). Vowel epenthesis has led to the emergence of a trochaic foot in the case of Berg [ˈb˳ ɛɾəɡ̊] ‘mountain’, Birke [ˈb˳ iɾəɡ̊] ‘birch’, Furche [ˈv˳ uɾəç] ‘furrow’, Kirche [ˈkhiɾəç] ‘church’, Korb [ˈkhɔɾəb˳ ] ‘basket’, and Lärche [ˈləɾəç] ‘larch’. However, vowel epenthesis has led to the emergence of an ill-formed foot in Arbeit [ˈɁaɾəb˳ ɐd˳ ] ‘work’, Furche-n [ˈv˳ uɾəçə] ‘furrow-pl’, sterb-en [ˈʒ˚d˳ ɛɾəb˳ ɐ] ‘die-inf’, and würg-en [ˈʋəɾəɡ̊ɐ] ‘strangle-inf’. Thus, vowel epenthesis does not help to regulate the size of the foot and therefore it is not foot-related. In other words, the process is syllable-optimizing. Table 7.12: Vowel epenthesis between r + obstruent in Swabian. [ɾb˳]

[ɾç]

[ɾɡ̊]

Arbeit [ˈɁaɾəb˳ɐd˳] ‘work’ Korb [ˈkhɔɾəb˳] ‘basket’ sterb-en [ˈ˚ʒd˳ɛɾəb˳ɐ] ‘die-inf’

Furche [ˈ˳vuɾəç] ‘furrow’ Furche-n [ˈ˳vuɾəçə] ‘furrow-pl’ Kirche [ˈkhiɾəç] ‘church’ Lärche [ˈləɾəç] ‘larch’

Berg [ˈb˳ɛɾəɡ̊] ‘mountain’ Birke [ˈb˳iɾəɡ̊] ‘birch’ würg-en [ˈʋəɾəɡ̊ɐ] ‘strangle-inf’

Map 7.10: Vowel epenthesis between l + obstruent.

7.4 Syllable-optimizing processes 

 273

Map 7.11: Vowel epenthesis between r + obstruent.

The question arises as to whether the process is a remnant of a prior syllable language stage. In this respect, Schrambke (1981, 69‒76) does not distinguish between vowel epenthesis in lexical items such as Milch [ˈmiliç] ‘milk’, which had an epenthetic vowel in Old Alemannic (míleh), and vowel epenthesis in lexical items such as Berg [ˈb˳ɛʀiɡ̊] ‘mountain’, which lacked an epenthetic vowel in Old Alemannic (bérg). The author argues that the epenthetic vowel in OAlem. míleh was deleted and subsequently restituted (Schrambke 1981, 70). This implies that instances of vowel epenthesis in UpperRhine Alemannic and Swabian do not constitute remnants of a prior syllable language stage. This issue will be discussed in more detail in Section 8.4.1.

7.4.2 Nasalization Swabian is characterized by nasal vowels (see Section 7.3.1), which have resulted from regressive and progressive nasal assimilation.6 For example, the lexical item

6 Nasalization in stressed syllables is documented in the SSA (Maps 1.52, 3.08, 19.06‒19.08, 20.06‒20.07, 25.08‒25.09, 26.03, 155.00‒155.06, 156.00‒157.10) and Ortsgrammatiken (Wagner

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 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

Hand [hɐ̃ːd˳] ‘hand’ shows regressive nasal assimilation while the lexical item Nase [nɐ̃ːz˳] ‘nose’ shows progressive nasal assimilation (SSA, Questions 254.3, 244.1). Following Sampson (1999, 33‒36), we can distinguish between three nasalizing contexts involving regressive nasal assimilation: (1) VN.C, where the nasal consonant is in the word-medial coda; (2) VN#, where the nasal consonant is in the word-final coda; and (3) V.NV, where the nasal consonant is in the word-medial onset. The phonologization of nasal vowels typically occurs at two stages. First, an oral vowel is nasalized when followed by a nasal consonant (VN > ṼN). The resulting nasal vowel is allophonic since its occurrence is predictable. Second, the nasal consonant is deleted such that a phonemic nasal vowel arises. In Swabian, the contexts VN.C and VN# gave rise to allophonic and phonemic nasal vowels while the context V.NV gave rise to allophonic nasal vowels, as in Hammer [ˈhɐ̃mɾˌ] ‘hammer’. Cross-linguistically, nasalization is conditioned by different factors. These include place of articulation of the nasal consonant ([n m ŋ]), vowel height and vowel length of the vowel adjacent to the nasal consonant (high vs. low vowels and long vs. short vowels, respectively), syllable boundary (before vs. after nasal consonants), voicing (or duration) of the consonant following the nasal consonant (voiced vs. voiceless, lenis vs. fortis), and stress (stressed vs. unstressed syllables). In Swabian, nasalization applies before [n] as in Hand [hɐ̃ːd˳ ] ‘hand’ and less frequently before [m ŋ] as in Dampf [d˳ ɐ̃ːb˳͡v˳] ‘steam’ and Bank [b˳ɐ̃ːɡ̊] ‘bench’ (SSA, Questions 254.3, 428.2, 438.6). Vowel height does not influence the occurrence of nasalization since both high and low vowels underwent nasalization, as in Kinn [khẽː] ‘chin’ vs. kann [khɐ῀ ː] ‘can[1/3sg.prs]’, Wind [ʋẽːd˳] ‘wind’ vs. Wand [ʋɐ῀ːd˳] ‘wall’, etc. Similarly, vowel length does not influence the occurrence of nasalization since originally short and long vowels underwent nasalization. Compare Bann [b˳ɐ῀ː] ‘district’ (with originally short vowel) and Span [ʒ˚b˳ɐ῀ o῀] ‘wood shaving’ (with originally long vowel). The syllable boundary conditions the emergence of allophonic and phonemic vowels. Allophonic vowels arise when the syllable boundary is before/after the nasal consonant while phonemic vowels arise when the syllable boundary is after the nasal consonant. In word-medial position, nasal deletion takes place in heterosyllabic sequences of nasal consonant + former fortis consonant. For example, nasalization applies before former fortis as in Winter [ˈʋãːẽːd˳ɾˌ] ‘winter’, but not before former lenis as in Kind-er [ˈkhẽnd˳ɾˌ] ‘child-pl’ (SSA,

1889, 21‒22; Bopp 1890, 11‒12, 37‒43; Kauffmann 1890, 160‒165; Wagner 1891, 187‒188; Keinath 1922, 18‒31; Armbruster 1926, 20‒30; Hofmann 1926, 23‒33; Friker 1928, 34‒44; Keinath 1930, 2‒3; Strohmaier 1930, 24‒35; Vogt 1931, 2; Zinser 1933, 4‒5; Wandel 1934, 7‒8; Brobeil 1938, 3, 35‒43; Oechsner 1951, 5‒9; Baur 1967, 54‒55).

7.4 Syllable-optimizing processes 

 275

Questions 328.3, 282.9).7 Finally, nasalization originally applied both in stressed and unstressed syllables. Therefore, the process is syllable-related. Although unstressed vowels generally underwent denasalization (see Section 7.5.5), nasal vowels occurring in unstressed syllables are attested in the Ortsgrammatiken (Wagner 1889, 83‒85, 94‒96; Bopp 1890, 94‒96). Examples of nasal vowels in unstressed syllables are given in (98). Nasalization arose from an adjacent [n], which may belong to either the stem (Garten [ˈɡ̊aːd˳ə̃] ‘garden’) or inflectional/derivational suffixes. The inflectional suffix includes the plural ending (Auge-n [ˈɁaoɡ̊ə]̃ ‘eye-pl’), the infinitive ending (fall-en [ˈvalə̃ ˳ ] ‘fall-inf’), the past participle ending (ge-drunk-en [ˈd˳ɾõŋɡ̊ə]̃ ‘ptcp-drink-ptcp’), and the first-person plural ending (könn-en [ˈkhẽnẽ] ‘can-1pl.prs’). The derivational suffix includes the nominal suffix -in (Hünd-in [ˈhẽnd˳ẽ] ‘dog-f’). (98) Nasal vowels in unstressed syllables (Wagner 1889, 83‒85, 94‒96) a. stem Garten [ˈɡ̊aːd˳ə̃] ‘garden’ b. inflectional ending Auge-n [ˈɁaoɡ̊ə]̃ ‘eye-pl’ fall-en [ˈ˳valə̃] ‘fall-inf’ ge-drunk-en [ˈd˳ɾõŋɡ̊ə]̃ ‘ptcp-drink-ptcp’ könn-en [ˈkhẽnẽ] ‘can-1pl.prs’ c. derivational ending Hünd-in [ˈhẽnd˳ẽ] ‘dog-f’ Regressive vowel nasalization is syllable-optimizing when it leads to an optimization of syllable structure. This is the case when nasalization involves the loss of the nasal consonant in the syllable coda. As a result, complex syllable structures become moderately complex (as in Hand ‘hand’ [hɐ̃nd˳] > [hɐ̃ːd˳]) while moderately complex syllable structures become simple (as in Mann ‘man’ [mɐ̃n] > [mɐ̃ː]). Progressive vowel nasalization does not lead to the loss of the nasal consonant in the syllable onset (Nase ‘nose’ [nɐ̃ːz˳ ] > *[ɐ̃ːz˳ ]). In other words, nasalization never results in marked syllable structures. In the descriptions of Alemannic, the loss of n in the syllable coda is often referred to as n-deletion (n-Schwund). The patterns of Alemannic reveal that loss of n arose either from coda weakening (Vn > Vn > V) or from nasalization (Vn > Ṽn > Ṽ). For example, the infinitive ending -en [ə] shows an intermediate stage [ən] involving coda weakening, which is attested in two survey sites of the SDS (see VALTS 3.2, Comment 69). In contrast, the infinitive ending may also exhibit the nasalized form [ə̃] (or [ɐ̃]), which is attested in the SSA and the SBS (VI, Maps 1‒13). Examples

7 According to the SSA (Question 328.3), Winter ‘winter’ is attested as [ˈʋãːẽːd˳ɾˌ] in BL (09, 14, 16‒18), [ˈʋe͂ːd˳ɾˌ] in TUT (04‒06, 10, 13), and [ˈʋɪ ͂ːd˳ɾˌ] in TUT (04).

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 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

of nasalized schwa in unstressed syllables are TÜ 13 Boden [ˈb˳ oːd˳ ə̃] ‘floor’ and BC ˳ 13 mach-en [ˈmaɣə̃] ‘make-inf’. Kauffmann (1890, 165) observes that n-deletion originated from nasalization, which applied both in stressed and unstressed syllables. He points out that Swabian resembles Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic in that nasal vowels underwent denasalization in unstressed syllables. In contrast, Swabian differs from Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic in that it has retained nasal vowels in stressed syllables. Swabian is usually considered to be an innovative dialect. However, with regard to nasalization Swabian is more conservative than Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic. Nasalization is typically accompanied by vowel lengthening (compensatory lengthening) in the contexts VN.C and VN# as well as lowering/raising in the contexts VN.C, VN#, and V.NV. Lowering applies to high vowels while raising applies to open and lax mid vowels, as illustrated in (99) and (100), respectively. Thus, as a result of nasalization oral vowels become centralized – that is, nasalisation lowers high vowels and raises low vowels (Sampson 1999, 13–14). (99) Lowering as a result of nasalization /i/ > [ẽ] Kind [khẽnd˳] ‘child’ /u/ > [õ] Hund [hõnd˳] ‘dog’ /iə/ > [ẽə̃] Riemen [ˈɾẽə̃mə] ‘strap’ /uə/ > [õə̃] Blume [b˳ lõə̃m] ‘f lower’ /ui/ > [õẽ] neunzig [nõẽd˳͡z˳ ɡ̊] ‘ninety’ (100) Raising as a result of nasalization /a/ > [ɐ̃] Schwamm [˚ʒʋɐ̃m] ‘sponge’ /ai/ > [ɐ̃ẽ] Leim [lɐ̃ẽm] ‘glue’ /au/ > [ɐ̃õ] Pflaume [b˳ ͡ vlɐ̃ ˳ õm] ‘plum’ /ɛ/ > [ẽ] Känn-lein [ˈkhẽnd˳le] ‘pot-dim’ /ɛə/ > [ẽə̃] nehm-en [ˈnẽə̃mə] ‘take-inf’ /ɔe/ > [õẽ] mein-en [ˈmõẽnə] ‘think-inf’ Nasalization leads to alternation in the paradigm of nouns and adjectives. Examples from Swabian are given in (101) (loss of n is indicated with Ø). For example, Bohne [b˳ õːØ] ‘bean’ shows loss of /n/ in the syllable coda and nasalization of the preceding vowel. By contrast, in the inflected form Bohne-n [ˈb˳õːnə] ‘bean-pl’ /n/ surfaces in the syllable onset. Alternation in the verb paradigm is given in (102) (see Weber 1923, 138 for paradigm alternation in Zurich Alemannic). (101) Alternation as a result of nasalization (SSA, Questions 386.3, 416.10, 482.5‒482.7)

7.4 Syllable-optimizing processes 

Bohne [b˳ õːØ] ‘bean’ klein [ɡ̊lãẽØ] ‘small’ mein [mãẽØ] ‘my’

 277

Bohne-n [ˈb˳ õːnə] ‘bean-pl’ klein-er [ˈɡ̊lãẽnɐ] ‘small-comp’ mein-e [ˈmãẽne] ‘my-nom/acc.pl’

Nasalization can help to assess the phonological status of clitics. This is the case with the inflected verbs bin [b˳ẽː] ‘be.1sg.prs’ and kann [khɐ̃ː] ‘can[1/3sg.prs]’ when followed by the first-person singular pronoun ich [e] ‘1sg’. In the inflected forms, /n/ undergoes deletion in the syllable coda, triggering nasalization and lengthening of the preceding vowel (/bin/ > [b  ˳ẽː], /kan/ > [khɐ̃ː]). However, when the clitic ich ‘1sg’ is attached, /n/ surfaces since it occupies the word-medial onset. As a result, the forms bin ich [ˈb˳ẽːne] ‘be.1sg.prs 1sg’ and kann ich [ˈkhɐ̃ːne] ‘can[1/3sg. prs] 1sg’ arise. Note that word-medial n in kann ich [ˈkhɐ̃ːne] behaves as in könn-en [ˈkhene] ‘can-1pl.prs’, where the stem is followed by an inflectional suffix. In addition to the patterns of /n/, the absence of glottal stop insertion reveals that the clitic is integrated into the phonological word (see Section 7.5.3). Compare kann ich [ˈkhɐ̃ːne] ‘can[1/3sg.prs] 1sg’, where glottal insertion does not apply and /n/ surfaces in the word-medial onset, with kann erst [ˈkhɐ̃ː ˈɁaeɾ˚ʒd˳] ‘can[1/3sg.prs] only’, where glottal insertion applies and /n/ does not surface in the syllable coda. Thus, the patterns of vowel nasalization show that clitics are integrated into the phonological word. Similar to vowel nasalization, open syllable lengthening shows that clitics are integrated into the phonological word (see Section 7.5.1). (102) Phonological status of clitics according to nasalization (Strohmaier 1930, 83) bin [b˳ ẽː] ‘be.1sg.prs’ bin ich [ˈb˳ ẽːne] ‘be.1sg.prs 1sg’ kann [khɐ̃ː] ‘can[1/3sg.prs]’ kann ich [ˈkhɐ̃ːne] ‘can[1/3sg.prs] 1sg’ könn-en [ˈkhene] ‘can-1pl.prs’ Nasalization is typically followed by denasalization (see Fischer 1895, 55‒56 for denasalization in Swabian). For example, Oechsner (1951, 5), Zinser (1933, 4), and Wandel (1934, 7) observe that denasalization of phonemic nasal vowels applied to stressed mid vowels, as in Sohn [z̥oː] ‘son’ and Söhn-e [z̥eː] ‘son-pl’. By contrast, nasalization is retained in low vowels, as in Mann [mɐ̃ː] ‘man’. Denasalization patterns in Swabian are in line with cross-linguistic patterns of staged denasalization, which modifies mid vowels prior to low vowels (see Sampson 1999, 28 for denasalization). Denasalization may be syllable-related when it applies both in stressed and unstressed syllables, but word-related when it applies in unstressed syllables only. In Swabian, denasalization is word-related since it applies in unstressed syllables. In this respect, Swabian resembles Algarve Portuguese, which also underwent denasalization in unstressed syllables (see Section 4.7.1.2). Additionally, the process is word-optimizing since it contributed to creating an asymmetry between stressed and unstressed syllables. Denasalization in unstressed syllables will be discussed in Section 7.5.5.

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 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

7.4.3 Consonant assimilation In this section, I will examine regressive place assimilation. The process implies an optimization of syllable structure. Schrambke/Nübling (2004, 300, 312) studied regressive place assimilation in the following environments: (1) sequences of dental stop + bilabial nasal, as in die Milch ‘the milk’ and sollte man ‘should one’; and (2) sequences of dental stop + labiodental fricative, as in die Fenster ‘the window[pl]’ and nicht folg-en ‘neg follow-inf’. They conclude that place assimilation only applies in South Alemannic, as illustrated in Map 7.12. The map combines the patterns of assimilation in die Milch ‘the milk’ and sollte man ‘should one’. The avoidance of assimilation in North Alemannic is associated with the relevance of the phonological word. Further examples confirm the picture obtained from Map 7.12. This is the case with hat mich in the item (Das) hat mich (meine Mutter gelehrt) ‘my mother has taught me that’ (SSA, Question 280.2). Assimilation takes place across word boundaries in South Alemannic ([d˳ #m] > [b˳ #m]) as opposed to North Alemannic, where the process is avoided, thereby preserving the integrity of the phonological word.

Map 7.12: Consonant assimilation in Alemannic (adapted from Nübling/Schrambke 2004, 312).

7.4 Syllable-optimizing processes 

 279

Notwithstanding place preservation in sequences of dental stop + bilabial nasal, Swabian exhibits consonant assimilation processes that optimize syllable structure. These processes are shared by Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic.8 The patterns of consonant assimilation laid out in the Ortsgrammatiken can be summarized as follows: In Swabian, sequences of consonants sharing the same manner of articulation are disallowed such that the first segment is deleted. This rule applies to both obstruents and sonorants. The process originally resulted from place assimilation, degemination, and lenition, as we will see below. Additionally, alveolar stops may assimilate to the place of articulation of the following nasal consonant. Examples are given in (103), where word-final [d˳] undergoes deletion before labial and velar consonants while it assimilates to the place of articulation of the following nasal. Stress seems to condition assimilation before nasal consonants. Compare läss-t mich ‘let-3sg 1sg. acc’, which has partial assimilation in stressed syllables ([ˈlɔːd˳ me] > [ˈlɔːb˳ me]), and lach-en mich ‘laugh-3pl 1sg.acc’, which has total assimilation in unstressed syllables ([ˈlaɣ˚əd˳ miː] > [ˈlaɣ˚əØ miː]). (103) Consonant assimilation in Swabian (Keinath 1922, 81‒82) a. dental + labial Stadtpfarrer ‘city priest’ [ˈ˚ʒd˳ad˳ˌb˳ ͡ vaɾ] ˳ > [ˈ˚ʒd˳aˌb˳ ͡ vaɾ] ˳ der tut predigen ‘he preaches’ [d˳ɾˌ ˈd˳uːəd˳ ˈb˳ ɾeːd˳eɡ̊ə] > [d˳ɾˌ ˈd˳uːə ˈb˳ ɾeːd˳eɡ̊ə] b. dental + velar nicht geh-en ‘neg go-inf’ [id˳ ˈɡ̊ɐõ ̃ ] > [i ˈɡ̊ɐõ ̃ ] in-s Bett ge-komm-en ‘in.art bed ptcp-come-ptcp’ [ez̥ ˈb˳ ed˳ ˈkhomə] > [ez̥ ˈb˳ e ˈkhomə] Betglocke ‘prayer bell’ [ˈb˳ eɐ ̯ d˳ˌɡ̊loɡ̊] > [ˈb˳ eɐ ̯ ˌɡ̊loɡ̊] c. dental + nasal der lässt mich gehen ‘he lets me go’ [d˳ɾˌ ˈlɔːd˳ me ˈɡ̊ãõ] > [d˳ɾˌ ˈlɔːb˳ me ˈɡãõ] sie lachen mich aus ‘they laugh at me’ [se ˈlaɣ̊əd˳ miː ˈɁəuz̥] > [se ˈlaɣ̊ə miː ˈɁəuz̥] 8 Consonant assimilation has been described in the Ortsgrammatiken of Swabian (Kauffmann 1890, 269‒272; Wagner 1891, 176‒177, 190‒191; Keinath 1922, 81‒82; Hofmann 1926, 89‒90; Keinath 1930, 13; Vogt 1931, 17; Zinser 1933, 17; Wandel 1934, 34‒35; Brobeil 1938, 208‒211; Oechsner 1951, 68‒69; Baur 1967, 78‒79).

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 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

Similar to word-final [d˳], word-final [b˳] undergoes deletion before stops, as in Lebkuchen [ˈle̯ɐb˳ˌkhuːəɣ˚ə] > [ˈle̯ɐˌkhuːəɣ˚ə] and Schubkarren ‘wheelbarrow’ [ˈ˚ʒuəb˳ˌkhaɾ] > [ˈ˚ʒuəˌkhaɾ]. The SSA contains the item ein-e Rippe ge-broch-en ‘indef. art-f.acc rib ptcp-break-ptcp’ (SSA, Question 262.5), which allows us to study the patterns of word-final [b˳ ] in Rippe [ɾib˳ ] ‘rib’ before the labial consonant in ge-broch-en [ˈb˳ ɾoɣ˚ə̊ ] ‘ptcp-break-ptcp’. For example, in Ulm Swabian we find consonant deletion ([ə ˈɾib˳ ˈb˳ ɾoɣ˚ə̊ ] > [ə ˈɾiØ ˈb˳ ɾoɣ˚ə̊ ]) while in Balingen Swabian we find a fortis geminate ([ə ˈɾib˳ ˈpɾoɣ˚ə̊ ] > [ə ˈɾip ˈpɾoɣ˚ə̊ ]). In the same way, word-final [ɡ̊] undergoes deletion before stops. The SSA contains the items Es hat den ganzen Tag geschneit ‘It has snowed the whole day’ (SSA, Question 318.2) and Das sind heiße Tage gewesen ‘Those were hot days’ (SSA, Question 334.2), which allow us to study the patterns of word-final [ɡ̊] in Tag-e [d˳ɛːɡ̊] ‘day’ before the velar consonant [ɡ̊] in ge-schnei-t ‘ptcp-snow-ptcp’ and ge-wes-sen ‘ptcp-be-ptcp’. For example, Ulm Swabian exhibits consonant deletion ([ˈd˳ɛːɡ̊ ˈɡ̊ʒ˚ niːə] > [ˈd˳ɛːØ ˈɡ̊ʒ˚ niːə], [ˈd˳ɛːɡ̊ ˈɡ̊ʋɛːə] > [ˈd˳ɛːØ ˈɡ̊ʋɛːə]) while Balingen Swabian exhibits a fortis geminate ([ˈd˳ɛːɡ̊ ˈkʃnəid˳] > [ˈd˳ɛːk ˈkʃnəid˳], [ˈd˳ɛːɡ̊ ˈksãːẽː] > [ˈd˳ɛːk ˈksãːẽː]). Thus, in Balingen Swabian fortis geminates help to highlight word and morpheme boundaries. In this respect, Balingen Swabian resembles standard German, where geminates only occur at word and morpheme boundaries. Examples involving simplification of liquids with the same place of articulation are Schullehrer [ˈ˚ʒuːəˌlɛːɾəɾ] ‘school teacher’ and Stuhllehne [ˈ˚ʒd˳uːəˌlẽːne] ‘chair back’. Consonant assimilation is a syllable-related process that applies both word-medially and word-finally. Examples of consonant assimilation occurring word-finally were shown in (103). Examples of consonant assimilation occurring word-medially are etwas [ˈʔɛb˳ əz̥] ‘something’ and Witwer [ˈʋib˳ ɾˌ] ‘widower’, which are etymologically derived from MHG ëtwaz and witwer, respectively. In contrast to word-final consonant assimilation, word-medial consonant assimilation cannot be identified from a synchronic perspective. The patterns of consonant assimilation in Swabian have been the result of a series of phonological processes that can be reconstructed on the basis of Old Alemannic as well as South Alemannic dialects such as Zurich Alemannic and Fribourg Alemannic. The development will be illustrated with the example (ins) Bett geh-en ‘in.art bed go-inf’ (see Table 7.13). First, the contact between the fortis and lenis consonant [t#ɡ̊] resulted in progressive fortis assimilation such that the lenis consonant underwent fortition ([b˳ et#ɡ̊aːn] > [b˳ et#kaːn]). This stage is attested in Old Alemannic. The process is typically referred to as “Notker’s Law of initial consonants” (Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 105‒107, see Szczepaniak 2007, 139‒142 for the syllable-related character of the process). Second, the sequence [t#k] underwent regressive place assimilation giving rise to a geminate stop ([b˳et#koː] > [b˳ ek#koː]). This stage is retained in Zurich Alemannic. Third,

7.4 Syllable-optimizing processes 

 281

the geminate resulting from consonant assimilation was simplified ([b˳ ek#kaː] > [b  ˳ e#kaː]). This stage is found in Fribourg Alemannic. Finally, lenition applied such that the former fortis consonant [k] became [ɡ̊] ([b˳ e#kãõ] > [b˳ e#ɡ̊ãõ]) (see Section 7.5.2). Thus, the patterns of consonant assimilation found in South Alemannic may contribute to a better understanding of consonant assimilation in Swabian. Table 7.13: Development of consonant assimilation in Swabian. Process

Attested stage

original form 1. Fortis assimilation 2. Place assimilation

b˳et#ɡ̊aːn b˳et#kaːn b˳ek#koː

3. Degemination

b˳e#kaː

4. Lenition

b˳e#ɡ̊ãõ

Old Alemannic (e.g. geuuált kân ‘forces go’) Zurich Alemannic (e.g. nicht gern ‘not with pleasure’ [nʏd˳ ɡ̊eːɾn] > [nʏkkeːɾn], Weber 1923, 25) Fribourg Alemannic (e.g. sollte gehen ‘should go’ [z̥ʏːt ɡ̊a] > [z̥ʏːka], Henzen 1927, 29) Swabian

Peripheral areas of Swabian exhibit fortition as a result of consonant assimilation. Examples from the SSA involving the negative particle it [ɪd˳] followed by the verb biet-en [ˈb˳ iːətə] ‘offer-inf’ are shown in (104) (SSA, Question 494.7). Note that the word-initial lenis consonant undergoes fortition. The process can be reconstructed as follows: [ɪd#ˈb˳ iːətə] > [ɪd#ˈpiːətə] > [ɪ#ˈpiːətə]. (104) Examples of fortition in South Swabian (SSA) BL 10 (Bisingen) bieten [ˈb˳ iːətə] RV 28 (Urlau) bieten [ˈb˳ ɪətə] SIG 08 (Hausen im Tal) bieten [ˈb˳ ɪːətɐ] TUT 07 (Mahlstetten) bieten [ˈb˳ ɪːətɐ]

nicht bieten [ɪˈpiːətə] nicht bieten [ɪˈpɪətə] nicht bieten [ɪˈpɪːətɐ] nicht bieten [ɪːˈpɪːətɐ]

As a result of assimilation, we find alternation in Bett ‘bed’ [b˳ɛd˳] ~ [b˳ɛ]. This alternation poses a problem since it directly violates the integrity of the phonological word. In word languages there is a tendency for assimilation processes to be avoided at word boundaries. The patterns shown for Swabian conflict with this assumption. However, Wandel (1934, 34) makes two insightful observations regarding consonant assimilation. First, in Reutlingen Swabian assimilation processes are less common than in neighbouring southern dialect areas. This implies that the phonological word is less relevant in these areas. Second, there is sociolinguistic variation pointing to an ongoing change. More specifically, consonant assimilation is restricted to older speakers. Thus, assimilation processes remnant

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 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

of a prior syllable-oriented stage are avoided among younger speakers. This is indicative of the increasing relevance of the phonological word in Swabian.

7.5 Word-optimizing processes In this section, I will analyse the following word-optimizing processes: vowel lengthening (7.5.1), lenition of fortis consonants (7.5.2), glottal stop insertion (7.5.3), diphthongization (7.5.4), denasalization in unstressed syllables (7.5.5), decentralization of stressed schwa (7.5.6), and word-final nasalization (7.5.7).

7.5.1 Vowel lengthening Vowel lengthening processes have been described among others by Bohnenberger (1953) and Wiesinger (1983a) (see Auer 1989b, 38‒39 for a comprehensive overview and Schwarz 2015, 409‒470 for a detailed account). In this section, I will focus on the following vowel lengthening processes: Monosyllabic lengthening (Einsilberdehnung) and open syllable lengthening (Zweisilberdehung). It will be shown that vowel lengthening occurs more frequently in Swabian than in UpperRhine Alemannic and South Alemannic. These processes are relevant for the typology of syllable and word languages for the following reasons. First, monosyllabic lengthening is directly associated with a word minimality constraint involving a bimoraic phonological word. Therefore, the process is indicative of the importance of the prosodic category of the phonological word. The typological value of monosyllabic lengthening has been addressed by Seiler/Würth (2014, 146‒147), who discuss the minimality constraint in Zurich Alemannic. Second, open syllable lengthening is a word-optimizing process since it creates an asymmetry within the phonological word in terms of syllable weight. As a result of lengthening, stressed syllables are heavy while unstressed syllables are light. This development is in accordance with the Stressed Syllable Law (Murray/Vennemann 1983, 526) or Weight Law (Vennemann 1988, 30), which was originally proposed by Prokosch (1939, 140). These laws reflect the tendency in the history of Germanic languages for stressed syllables to be bimoraic and unstressed syllables to be monomoraic. Similar to monosyllabic lengthening, open syllable lengthening constitutes a diagnostic tool for detecting the importance of the phonological word. The typological value of open syllable lengthening has been addressed by scholars such as Szczepaniak (2007, 233‒236) for Early New High German and Nübling/ Schrambke (2004, 302) for Alemannic (see isogloss 6 in Map 7.6). In addition to

7.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 283

monosyllabic lengthening and open syllable lengthening, lengthening may also result from compensatory lengthening. Instances of compensatory lengthening are documented in the SSA (Maps 151.00, 153.00‒153.16). However, they will not be treated since the process is not relevant for the typology of syllable and word languages (see discussion in Section 4.7.2). Vowel lengthening strongly depends on factors such as vowel height (low vs. mid and high vowels), manner of articulation (former lenis vs. former fortis in monosyllabic words), number of consonants (single consonant vs. consonant cluster in monosyllabic words), and word size (monosyllabic vs. disyllabic words). In this respect, Bohnenberger (1953, 155) distinguishes between open syllable lengthening (Leichtinnendehnung), monosyllabic lengthening before former lenis (Leichtschlußdehnung), and monosyllabic lengthening before former fortis (Schwerschlußdehnung). The distinction between former lenis and fortis is crucial in order to understand why in North Alemannic lengthening applies in lexical items such as Hase [haːz̥] ‘hare’ and Hase-n [ˈhaːz̥ə] ‘hare-pl’ while it does not apply in lexical items such as Hass [haz̥] ‘hatred’ and hass-en [ˈhaz̥ə] ‘hateinf’, all of which contain the lenis consonant [z̥]. Lengthening originally occurred before former lenis consonants. This is the case with Hase [haz̥] ‘hare’ and Hase-n [ˈhaz̥ə] ‘hare-pl’, which resulted in [haːz̥] and [ˈhaːz̥ə], respectively. In contrast, lengthening did not occur before former fortis consonants. As a result of lenition (see Section 7.5.2), the lexical items Hass [has] and hassen [ˈhasə] became [haz̥] and [ˈhaz̥ə], respectively. The former fortis consonants are preserved in South Alemannic. The patterns of vowel lengthening are shown in Map 7.13 and Map 7.14 according to vowel height.9 Lengthening of low vowels is illustrated in Map 7.13 with the lexical items Hase ‘hare’ (for monosyllabic lengthening before former lenis), Hase-n ‘hare-pl’ (for open syllable lengthening), Fass ‘vat’ (for monosyllabic lengthening before former fortis), and Saft ‘juice’ (for monosyllabic lengthening before a consonant cluster). On the map we can clearly identify four areas: (a) Constance Alemannic, which has retained the originally short vowels (Hase [haz̥], Hasen [ˈhaz̥ə], Fass [ ˳v  as], and Saft [z̥ aft]); (b) Villingen-Schwenningen and Tuttlingen Alemannic, where monosyllabic lengthening applied before lenis (Hase [haːz̥], Hasen [ˈhaz̥ə], Fass [˳vas], and Saft [z̥ aft]); (c) Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian, both of which exhibit monosyllabic lengthening before former lenis and open syllable lengthening (Hase [haːz̥], Hasen [ˈhaːz̥ə], Fass [v˳ az̥], and Saft [z̥av˳ d˳]); and (d) Ulm and Neu

9 Vowel lengthening is well documented in the SSA (Maps 150.00‒150.06, 160.00, 170.00‒170.04).

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 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

Map 7.13: Lengthening of low vowels.

Map 7.14: Lengthening of high vowels.

7.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 285

Ulm Swabian, which additionally underwent monosyllabic lengthening before former fortis and consonant cluster (Hase [haːz̥], Hasen [ˈhaːz̥ə], Fass [˳vaːz̥], and Saft [z̥aː vd ˳ ˳ ]). Villingen-Schwenningen Alemannic, Tuttlingen Alemannic, and Constance Alemannic have retained the original fortis lenis opposition (the fortis pronunciation in the lexical items Fass [˳vas] and Saft [z̥aft] is not indicated on the map). Lengthening of high vowels is illustrated in Map 7.14 with the lexical items Schmied ‘smith’ (for monosyllabic lengthening before former lenis), geschrieben ‘written’ (for open syllable lengthening), and Brett ‘board’ (for monosyllabic lengthening before former fortis). Similar to Map 7.13, we can clearly identify four areas according to the occurrence of the vowel lengthening processes: (a) Constance Alemannic, which has retained the originally short vowels (Schmied [˚ʒmɪd˳], geschrieben [ˈkʃɾɪb˳ ə], and Brett [b˳ɾɛt]); (b) Villingen-Schwenningen and Tuttlingen Alemannic, where monosyllabic lengthening applied before lenis (Schmied [˚ʒmiːd˳], geschrieben [ˈkʃɾɪb˳ ə], and Brett [b˳ ɾɛt]); (c) Swabian, which experienced monosyllabic lengthening before former lenis and open syllable lengthening (Schmied [˚ʒmiːd˳], geschrieben [ˈɡ̊˚ʒɾiːb˳ ə], and Brett [b˳ ɾid˳]); and (d) Ulm and Neu Ulm Swabian, which additionally underwent monosyllabic lengthening before former fortis (Schmied [˚ʒmiːd˳], geschrieben [ˈɡ̊˚ʒɾiːb˳ ə], Brett [b˳ ɾiːd˳]) (for the vowel alternation ë/i see SSA, Comment 150.00, Bopp 1890, 68, and Strohmaier 1930, 42). Upper-Rhine Alemannic differs from Swabian in two respects. First, in Upper-Rhine Alemannic vowel lengthening is sensitive to vowel height. Thus, Upper-Rhine Alemannic is found to exhibit unrestricted lengthening of low vowels and restricted lengthening of high vowels (Hase [haːz̥] ‘hare’ vs. Schmied [˚ʒmɪd˳] ‘smith’). The patterns of lengthening of mid vowels are similar to the picture obtained from lengthening of high vowels (see SSA, Maps 170.01, 170.02, 170.04 and Schrambke 1981, 97‒103). Second, in Upper-Rhine Alemannic open syllable lengthening is more widespread than monosyllabic lengthening. For example, Rastatt Alemannic has retained the originally short vowel quantity (Schmied [˚ʒmɪd˳], geschrieben [ˈɡ̊˚ʒʀɪʋə]) while Emmendingen Alemannic underwent open syllable lengthening, but not monosyllabic lengthening (Schmied [˚ʒmɪd˳], geschrieben [ˈɡ̊˚ʒʀɪːʋə]). In contrast, Swabian is not sensitive to vowel height since both Hase [haːz̥] ‘hare’ and Schmied [˚ʒmiːd˳] ‘smith’ exhibit monosyllabic lengthening. Additionally, the distribution of monosyllabic lengthening before former lenis and open syllable lengthening is similar in Swabian. Monosyllabic lengthening before former fortis (Fass [vaːz̥ ˳ ] ‘vat’, Brett [b˳ɾiːd˳] ‘board’) and consonant clusters (Saft [z̥aːv̥d˳] ‘juice’) is widespread in Ulm and

286 

 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

Neu Ulm Swabian.10 The question arises as to whether lengthening occurred before or after lenition applied. In this respect, Strohmaier (1930, 91) observes that the stem vowel in lexical items such as Bock ‘billy.goat’ and Sack ‘sack’ may be either short when the adjacent consonant is realized as fortis ([b˳ ok], [z̥ak]) or long when the adjacent consonant is realized as lenis ([b˳ oːɡ̊], [z̥aːɡ̊]). This alternation reveals that lengthening must have occurred after lenition. These patterns are not documented in the SSA, where the items are only transcribed as [b˳oːɡ̊] and [z̥aːɡ̊], respectively (Questions 42.4, 384.1) – that is, with short vowel and lenis consonant. Evidence supporting that lengthening is preceded by lenition comes from Zurich Alemannic, where degemination of word-final geminate sonorants is accompanied by vowel lengthening, as in Stall ‘stall’ [ʃtɑlː] > [ʃtɑːl] (Weber 1923, 76‒77). In addition to Ulm and Neu Ulm Swabian, monosyllabic lengthening before former fortis is marginally attested in Upper-Rhine Alemannic. Schrambke (1981, 97, 103) noted vowel length in monosyllabic words such as Dach [d˳ɑːɣ˚] ‘roof’ and Loch [loːɣ˚] ‘hole’ in Auenheim (lengthening was also noted for this site in the SSA, Question 232.8 Dach/Däch-er ‘roof/roof-pl’). Open syllable lengthening only occurs before former lenis consonant. For example, Hase-n ‘hare-pl’ (with former lenis) has undergone vowel lengthening while hass-en ‘hate-inf’ (with former fortis) has retained the originally short vowel ([ˈhaːz̥ə] vs. [ˈhaz̥ə]). However, similar to monosyllabic lengthening before former fortis, open syllable lengthening before former fortis is marginally attested in Upper-Rhine Alemannic. Schrambke (1981, 97, 103) noted vowel length in disyllabic words such as mach-en [ˈmɑːɣ˚ə] ‘make-inf’ and Wasser [ˈʋɑːz˳ʀˌ ] ‘water’ in Auenheim. The SSA also reports lengthening in this site (Questions 370.8, 32.5). Thus, in Alemannic open syllable lengthening before former fortis is exceptional. Schrambke (1994, 322‒324) detected the structural connection between open syllable lengthening and lenition of intervocalic fortis consonants, both of which show a similar distribution. As a result of monosyllabic lengthening, the paradigm of nouns, adjectives, and verbs may show vowel length alternation such as Hase [haːz̥] ‘hare’ vs. Hase-n [ˈhaz̥ə] ‘hare-pl’ (see Weber 1923, 79 for Zurich Alemannic). This vowel alternation, which is motivated by word minimality restrictions, conflicts with the notion that in word languages there is a tendency for the phonological word to be uniform throughout the paradigm. Significantly, Ramers (1999, 134) talks about the “consistency of the word form” (Wortformkonstanz) with regard to vowel lengthening in monosyllabic forms in Early New High German that arose in response to open

10 The process is documented in the SSA (Map 150.01) and Ortsgrammatiken (Friker 1928, 20‒21, 53; Strohmaier 1930, 11‒13, 16‒18).

7.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 287

syllable lengthening. Vowel lengthening is phonologically motivated in disyllabic forms such as Tag-e ‘day-pl’ [ˈtaɡə] > [ˈtaːɡə] while it is morphologically motivated in monosyllabic forms such as Tag ‘day’ [tak] > [taːk]. The process helps to ensure that vowel length remains homogeneous throughout the paradigm. Szczepaniak (2007, 234‒235) related this principle to the growing relevance of the phonological word in Early New High German since vowel length contributed to the stabilization of the paradigm in terms of vowel length. In contrast to Villingen-Schwenningen Alemannic, Swabian exhibits a homogeneous paradigm with respect to vowel length, as in Hase [haːz̥] ‘hare’ and Hase-n [ˈhaːz̥ə] ‘hare-pl’, both of which have a long vowel. Importantly, Swabian differs from standard German in that vowel length throughout the paradigm is phonologically conditioned. Vowel length alternation, however, is found in Ulm and Neu Ulm Swabian, where monosyllabic lengthening applies before former fortis, as in Bock [b˳oːɡ̊] ‘billy.goat’ vs. Böck-e [b ˳eɡ̊] ‘billy.goat-pl’, Sack [z̥aːɡ̊] ‘sack’ vs. Säck-e [z̥eɡ̊] ‘sack-pl’, etc. (SSA, Questions 42.4, 384.1). The patterns of monosyllabic lengthening can help to answer the question of whether derivational morphemes are integrated into the phonological word. This is the case when monosyllabic lengthening applies and open syllable lengthening does not. The presence (or absence) of open syllable lengthening in derived disyllabic forms allows us to determine the phonological status of derivational morphemes. In what follows, I will show that the status of the diminutive suffix -lein patterns differently within the area that exhibits monosyllabic lengthening, but not open syllable lengthening (see Map 7.13 and Map 7.14). In this area, the paradigm of Hase ‘hare’ has a long vowel in the singular and a short vowel in the plural, as illustrated in Table 7.14. That is, disyllabic forms have a short vowel since open syllable lengthening does not apply. When the diminutive suffix is attached to monosyllabic words such as Rad [ɾaːd˳] ‘wheel’, the derived form Rädlein ‘wheel-dim’ may have either a long or a short vowel (see Hall 1991, 106 for Baar Alemannic).11 For example, in Langenschiltach (VS 01) the derived form is [ˈɾεːd˳le]. This implies that the diminutive suffix is not integrated into the phonological word since Rädlein [ˈɾεːd˳le] behaves differently from other disyllabic words such as Hasen [ˈhaz̥ə]. That is, Rädlein undergoes monosyllabic lengthening since it consists of two phonological words ([ɾεːd˳]ω[le]ω). As a consequence, the size of the morphological word is greater than the size of the phonological word. By contrast, in Furtwangen (VS 07) the derived form is [ˈɾεd˳lɪ]. This implies that the 11 According to the SSA (Question 122.2), Räd-lein ‘wheel-dim’ has a long vowel in RW (09, 10, 13), VS (01‒02, 04, 07, 12‒13), and WT (10). By contrast, the item has a short vowel in VS (05‒06, 09‒11, 14‒25), TUT (01‒07, 09‒14, 16‒18), WT (02‒03, 07‒08, 11‒13, 18‒19, 24‒28, 31‒33), and KN (06, 11, 16‒17, 23).

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 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

Table 7.14: Phonological status of the diminutive suffix in Villingen-Schwenningen Alemannic.

VS 01‒02, 04, 07, 12‒13 VS 05‒06, 09‒11, 14‒25

Hase ‘hare’

Hase-n ‘hare-pl’

Rad ‘wheel’

Räd-lein ‘wheel-dim’

[haːz̥] [haːz̥]

[ˈhaz̥ə] [ˈhaz̥ə]

[ɾaːd˳] [ɾaːd˳]

[ˈɾεːd˳le] [ˈɾεd˳lɪ]

diminutive suffix is integrated into the phonological word since Rädlein [ˈɾεd˳lɪ] behaves as other disyllabic words such as Hasen [ˈhɑz̥ə]. That is, Rädlein constitutes one phonological word ([ˈɾεd˳lɪ]ω). As a consequence, the size of the morphological word coincides with the size of the phonological word (see Seiler/Würth 2014, 146 for Zurich Alemannic). With regard to the geographical distribution, [ˈɾεːd˳le] is common in northern areas of Villingen-Schwenningen while [ˈɾεd˳lɪ] occurs in southern areas of Villingen-Schwenningen. In sum, the patterns of vowel lengthening in Alemannic reveal that open syllable lengthening and monosyllabic lengthening both before single consonants (former lenis and fortis) and consonant clusters gradually accumulate in Swabian, as illustrated in Table 7.15. Features that have a wider scope are represented with ++, as in the case of vowel lengthening of low, mid, and high vowels.

Table 7.15: Vowel lengthening in Alemannic.

Monosyllabic lengthening before former lenis Open syllable lengthening before lenis Monosyllabic lengthening before former fortis Monosyllabic lengthening before consonant cluster

Constance Alemannic

Upper-Rhine Alemannic

Tübingen Swabian

Ulm Swabian

−

+

++

++

−

+

++

++

−

−

−

+

−

−

−

+

Additionally, the vowel lengthening patterns support the results delivered by Seiler/Würth (2014, 153‒155), who observe that there is no correlation between monosyllabic lengthening and open syllable lengthening, as illustrated in Table 7.16. For example, Villingen-Schwenningen Alemannic underwent monosyllabic lengthening, but not open syllable lengthening (Hase [haːz̥] ‘hare’ vs. Hase-n [ˈhaz̥ə] ‘hare-pl’). In contrast, Emmendingen Alemannic underwent

7.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 289

Table 7.16: Interaction of monosyllabic lengthening and open syllable lengthening in Alemannic.

Constance Alemannic Villingen-Schwenningen Alemannic Emmendingen Alemannic Swabian

Monosyllabic lengthening

Open syllable lengthening

− + − +

− − + +

open syllable lengthening, but not monosyllabic lengthening (Schmied [ʒ̊mɪd̥] ‘smith’ vs. geschrieben [ˈɡ̊ʒ̊ʀɪːʋə] ‘written’). Note that this only holds for mid and high vowels.

7.5.2 Lenition of fortis consonants Lenition of fortis consonants is often referred to as binnendeutsche Konsonantenschwächung (Paul 1998, 130‒132). Lenition applied in Upper-Rhine Alemannic  and Swabian such that the original fortis-lenis opposition was neutralized. In contrast, the former fortis-lenis opposition persists in South Alemannic. In this section, I will explore the patterns of lenition in North Alemannic. It will be shown that in Upper-Rhine Alemannic lenition applied word-initially, word-medially, and word-finally while in Swabian lenition applied word-initially and word-medially. In word-final position, we find fortition of lenis consonants, retention of the fortis-lenis contrast, and lenition of fortis consonants. When fortition of lenis consonants and retention of the fortis-lenis contrast apply, lenition is exclusively associated with a syllable-deteriorating process since it only occurs in syllable onsets. This is not the case in Upper-Rhine Alemannic, where lenition also occurs word-finally, thereby optimizing syllable structure. In South Alemannic, lenition is attested only word-finally, thereby optimizing syllable structure. Gabriel (VALTS 3.1, Comments 14a‒15b) observes that in North Alemannic lenition applied word-initially, word-medially, and word-finally. He further points out that lenition is more widespread in word-initial and word-final position than in word-medial position.12 The patterns of word-medial lenition have been the 12 Lenition has been described in the SSA (Maps 101.00‒101.01, 103.00‒103.02, 104.00‒104.01, 106.00, 107.00, 109.00‒109.04) and the Ortsgrammatiken of Upper-Rhine Alemannic (Schrambke 1981, 53; Klausmann 1985, 18), South Alemannic (Beck 1926, 200‒203), and Swabian (Bopp 1890, 19‒24; Kauffmann 1890, 10‒15; Wagner 1891, 186; Keinath 1922, 75‒76; Armbruster 1926, 74‒75; Hofmann 1926, 78; Friker 1928, 96; Keinath 1930, 12‒13; Strohmaier 1930, 84‒86; Vogt 1931, 17; Zinser 1933, 17; Wandel 1934, 24‒25; Brobeil 1938, 161; Oechsner 1951, 67; Baur 1967, 18‒23).

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 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

subject of intensive research (Schrambke 1994; SSA). In contrast, the patterns of word-initial and word-final lenition are poorly understood. Schrambke (2003) and Nübling/Schrambke (2004, 299‒300) addressed the relevance of word-medial lenition for the typology of syllable and word languages arguing that lenition implies a decrease of the Consonantal Strength, thereby violating the Head Law. In addition to deteriorating syllable structure, word-medial lenition contributes to increasing the sonority within the phonological word (see Figure 4.9). However, central questions remain unsolved. One contentious issue is the implication that lenition in word-initial onsets and word-final codas has for the typological classification of Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian. Lenition is syllable-deteriorating when it occurs in syllable onsets since the process implies a violation of the Head Law. In contrast, lenition is syllable-optimizing when it occurs in syllable codas since the process is in line with the Coda Law (see Section 4.5 for discussion). Additionally, as a result of lenition in word-initial and word-medial onsets, the fortis consonants occurring word-finally function as positive signals. In South Alemannic, there is a fortis-lenis opposition in word-initial, word-medial, and word-final position. In word-initial position, there is a phonological and morphological opposition. Examples from Baar Alemannic are given in (105), where the lenis consonants [b˳ d˳ ɡ̊] contrast with the fortis consonants [p t k], respectively. The opposition raises when the definite feminine article die [d˳] and the past participle prefix ge- [ɡ̊] are attached to the stem. As a consequence, the lenis consonant of the stem undergoes fortition (die Bank ‘the bench’ [d˳ b˳ aŋk] > [paŋk], ge-geb-en [ɡ̊ ɡ̊ɛːə] > [khɛːə] ‘ptcp-give-ptcp’) (see Map 8.5). In word-medial position, there is a phonological opposition. Examples from Baar Alemannic are given in (106), where the fortis consonants [p t k f s] contrast with the lenis consonants [b˳ d˳ ɡ̊ v˳ z̥], respectively. In word-final position, there is a morphonological opposition, as in find-e [˳vind˳] ‘find-1sg’ and find-et [˳vint] ‘find3sg’. Thus, the occurrence of the lenis and fortis consonants are not sensitive to within-word position. (105) Fortis-lenis contrast in word-initial position (Hall 1991, 62, 64, 106) Bank [b˳ aŋk] ‘bench’ die Bank [paŋk] ‘the bench’ dir [d˳iːəʀ] ‘2sg.dat’ Tür [tiːəʀ] ‘door’ geb-en [ɡ̊ɛːə] ‘give-inf’ ge-geb-en [khɛːə] ‘ptcp-give-ptcp’ (106) Fortis-lenis contrast in word-medial position (Hall 1991, 61) Wappen [ˈʋapə] ‘coat of arms’ Wabe-n [ˈʋab˳ ə] ‘honeycomb-pl’ wat-en [ˈʋatə] ‘wade-inf’ Wade-n [ˈʋad˳ə] ‘calf-pl’

7.5 Word-optimizing processes 

Glocke [ˈɡ̊lokə] ‘bell’ offen [ˈofə] ‘open’ wiss-en [ˈʋisə] ‘know-inf’

 291

ge-log-en [ˈɡ̊loɡ̊ə] ‘ptcp-lie-ptcp’ Ofen [ˈovə] ˳ ‘oven’ Wiese-n [ˈʋiz̥ə] ‘meadow-pl’

Examples of word-medial lenition in Swabian are given in (107), where the former fortis consonants [p t k f s] have become [b˳ d˳ ɡ̊ v˳ z̥], respectively. In addition to lenition, the examples contain vowel lengthening (see Section 7.5.2). (107) Neutralization of the fortis-lenis contrast in Swabian (Schwäb. Wb.) Wappen [ˈʋab˳ ə] ‘coat of arms’ Wabe-n [ˈʋaːb˳ ə] ‘honeycomb-pl’ wat-en [ˈʋad˳ə] ‘wade-inf’ Wade-n [ˈʋaːd˳ə] ‘calf-pl’ Glocke [ˈɡ̊loɡ̊ə] ‘bell’ ge-log-en [ˈɡ̊loːɡ̊ə] ‘ptcp-lie-ptcp’ offen [ˈʔovə] ˳ ‘open’ Ofen [ˈʔoː və] ˳ ‘oven’ wiss-en [ˈʋiz̥ ə] ‘know-inf’ Wiese-n [ˈʋiːz̥ ə] ‘meadow-pl’ Peripheral areas of Swabian have retained the fortis-lenis contrast. This is the case in Geislingen Swabian, which behaves similarly to South Alemannic. Examples of the fortis-lenis contrast in word-medial and word-final position are given in (108), where the fortis consonants [t s] contrast with the lenis consonants [d˳ z̥], respectively. (108) Fortis-lenis contrast in Geislingen Swabian (Brobeil 1938, 180, 198) a. word-medial halt-en [ˈhaltə] ‘hold-inf’ Halde [ˈhald˳ə] ‘slope’ läut-en [ˈləitə] ‘ring-inf’ leid-en [ˈləid˳ə] ‘suffer-inf’ wart-en [ˈʋaːtə] ‘wait-inf’ Wade-n [ˈʋaːd˳ə] ‘calf-pl’ b. word-final Bart [b˳ aːt] ‘beard’ Bad [b˳ aːd˳] ‘bath’ Wort [ʋɔːət] ‘word’ Weide [ʋɔːəd˳] ‘meadow’ In order to compare the patterns of lenition of former fortis [t] in word-initial and word-medial position, I selected the items Tag-e ‘day-pl’ (SSA, Question 334.1) and wat-en ‘wade-inf’ (SSA, Question 532.8). The item Tag-e ‘day-pl’ was selected because in the questionnaire fortis [t] occurs in intervocalic position (sieben Tag-e ‘seven day-pl’).13 This phonetic context allows us to correctly identify word-initial lenition excluding phrase-initial fortition. The patterns of lenition in word-initial and word-medial position are illustrated in Map 7.15 and Map 7.16, respectively. Following the transcriptions of the SSA, I have maintained the distinction

13 Note that Tage is preceded by schwa since word-final n in sieben [ˈz̥iːb˳ə] ‘seven’ was deleted as a result of nasalization (see Section 7.4.2).

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 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

Map 7.15: Lenition of word-initial [t].

Map 7.16: Lenition of word-medial [t].

7.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 293

between lenis, half-lenis, half-fortis, and fortis (see legend).14 The findings can be summarized as follows: First, in South Alemannic the fortis consonant [t] is retained (Tag-e [taːɡ̊] ‘day-pl’, wat-en [ˈʋatə] ‘wade-inf’) while in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian it underwent lenition (Tag-e [d˳aːɡ̊] ‘day-pl’, wat-en [ˈʋad˳ə] ‘wade-inf’). Second, in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian lenition applied both in word-initial and word-medial onsets. That is, lenition is a syllable-related process that brought about a deterioration of syllable structure. The question remains open as to whether lenition can be exclusively associated with a syllable-deteriorating process, which highly depends on the patterns of lenition in word-final position. This issue will be discussed below. Third, lenition is more widespread in word-initial position than in word-medial position, as previously pointed out by scholars such as Gabriel (VALTS 3.1, Comment 14a‒15b). This is the case in Balingen Swabian, Biberach Swabian, Sigmaringen Swabian, VillingenSchwenningen Alemannic, and Wutach Alemannic, where we find Tag-e [d˳aːɡ̊] ‘day-pl’ (with word-initial lenition) and wat-en [ˈʋatə] ‘wade-inf’ (with retention of the word-medial fortis consonant). The opposite patterns – that is, retention of the word-initial fortis consonant and word-medial lenition – are not attested. This runs counter to the assumption that the phonological word can be optimized increasing the sonority within the phonological word by means of lenition and decreasing the sonority at the margins of the phonological word by means of fortition (see Figure 4.9). In addition, the Ortsgrammatiken reveal sociolinguistic variation. Keinath (1930, 13) observes that lenition correlates with sociolinguistic factors such as age. For example, older speakers employ former fortis in word-medial position (as in Bote [ˈb  ˳otə] ‘postman’ and schaff-en [ˈ˚ʒafə] ‘work-inf’) while younger speakers employ the lenited forms (as in Bote [ˈb˳od˳ə] ‘postman’ and schaff-en [ˈ˚ʒa˳və] ‘workinf’). Although lenition generally applied word-initially, fortition is attested in cases where the definite plural article die [d˳] and the prefix ge- [ɡ̊] are attached to the stem. For example, Wandel (1934, 25, 27‒28) points out that word-initial lenis consonants occurring in lexical items such as Däch-er [ˈd˳eçəɾ] ‘roofpl’, Tag-e [d˳ɛːk] ‘day-pl’, and Traube-n [ˈd˳ɾəub˳ə] ‘grape-pl’ undergo fortition

14 The original transcription of the lenis, fortis, and geminate consonants has been adapted to the IPA as follows: (1) lenis [d] was transcribed as lenis [d˳]; (2) intermediate values between lenis and fortis – that is, slightly de-lenited lenis [d̩], half-fortis [dt], and slightly lenited fortis [t ͓]  –  were transcribed as [d̩]. In the IPA, there is no diacritic for representing this intermediate stage, which will be indicated with [ ]̩ ; (3) fortis [t] was transcribed as fortis [t]; and ̄ light geminate [tt], and geminate [tt] were transcribed as fortis geminate (4) lengthened fortis [ t], [tː] (see Seidelmann 1993, 72‒73 for the original transcription).

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 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

when preceded by the definite article giving rise to [ˈteçəɾ], [tɛːk], and [ˈtɾəub˳ə], respectively. Note that fortition also applies to lenis consonants followed by a sonorant, as in Traube-n [ˈd˳ɾəub˳ə] ‘grape-pl’, as illustrated in (109). A further example is ge-golt-en [ˈkold˳ə] ‘ptcp-apply-ptcp’, where fortition results from attaching the past participle prefix ge- [ɡ̊] to the stem (ge-golt-en ‘ptcp-applyptcp’ [ɡ̊ˈɡ̊old˳ə] > [ˈkold˳ə]). This implies that lenition is avoided when there is a morphological opposition (die Tag-e [tɛːk] ‘the day-pl’, ge-golt-en [ˈkold˳ə] ‘ptcpapply-ptcp’) while it applies when there is a phonological opposition (Tag-e [d˳ɛːk] ‘day-pl’, gelt-en [ˈɡ̊eld˳ə] ‘apply-inf’). (109) Fortition of word-initial lenis consonants (Wandel 1934, 25, 27) Däch-er [ˈd˳eçəɾ] ‘roof-pl’ die Däch-er [ˈteçəɾ] ‘the roof-pl’ Tag-e [d˳ɛːk] ‘day-pl’ die Tag-e [tɛːk] ‘the day-pl’ Traube-n [ˈd˳ɾəub˳ ə] ‘grape-pl’ die Traube-n [ˈtɾəub˳ ə] ‘the grape-pl’ Keinath (1930, 22) points to the existence of sociolinguistic variation with regard to word-initial fortition resulting from cliticization. Older speakers say die Kräft-e [kɾeft] ‘the strength-pl’ and die Blätt-er [ˈpled˳əɾ] ‘the leaf-pl’ while younger speakers say [ɡ̊ɾeft] and [ˈb˳ led˳əɾ]. That is, lenition is a recent development. The patterns of lenis and fortis consonants are more complex in word-final position. With regard to Upper-Rhine Alemannic, the SSA and the Ortsgrammatiken (Schrambke 1981, 53; Klausmann 1985, 18) show that lenition applied word-finally, as in Dreck [d˳ʀεɡ̊] ‘dirt’. Importantly, Schrambke (1981, 53) observes that lenis consonants may be realized as either aspirated lenis or aspirated fortis when occurring phrase-finally, as in Dreck ‘dirt’ [d˳ʀεɡ̊h] ~ [d˳ʀεkh]. For this reason, single items contained in the SSA questionnaire such as Dreck ‘dirt’ (SSA, Question 408.8) cannot help to identify the patterns of lenis and fortis consonants in word-final position since they may have undergone phrase-final fortition. Instead, sentences that involve fortis consonants followed by words beginning with vowels such as auch [ao] ‘too’ are more appropriate.15 In Upper-Rhine Alemannic, word-final lenition constitutes a syllable-optimizing process since it implies a decrease of the Consonantal Strength, which is in accordance with the Coda Law. As a consequence, lenition cannot be exclusively associated with a syllable-deteriorating process.

15 These include items 320.5 Wir fahren auch ‘We also drive’, which in Swabian contains the verbal ending -[əd˳] (with lenis) or -[ət] (with fortis), 322.6 Der Lehrer weiß auch nicht alles ‘The teacher does not know everything either’, 492.1 Er sagt auch nichts ‘He does not say anything either’.

7.5 Word-optimizing processes 

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With regard to Swabian, the SSA considerably differs from the Ortsgrammatiken. According to the SSA, lenition applied word-finally, as in Upper-Rhine Alemannic. Lenition was noted both in single items such as Dreck [d˳ɾɛɡ̊] ‘dirt’ (SSA, Question 408.8) and sentences such as (Der Lehrer) weiß auch (nicht alles) [ʋɔez̥ ao] (SSA, Questions 322.6). In contrast, the Ortsgrammatiken reveal three distinct patterns: (1) fortition of word-final lenis consonants (Oechsner 1951, 67; Kauffmann 1890, 10‒15; Hofmann 1926, 78; Vogt 1931, 17; Zinser 1933, 17; Keinath 1922, 75‒76; 1930, 12‒13; Friker 1928, 96); (2) retention of the fortis-lenis contrast in word-final position (Bopp 1890, 19‒24; Wandel 1934, 24‒25; Strohmaier 1930, 84‒86); and (3) lenition of word-final fortis consonants (Baur 1967, 18‒23; Armbruster 1926, 74‒75; Wagner 1891, 186). Fortition of word-final lenis consonants has been a contentious issue in the literature (see Fischer 1895, 59‒61 for Kauffmann’s 1890 distinction between lenis and fortis consonants and Baur 1967, 19‒22 for a critical view of fortition of word-final lenis consonants). The process is similar to word-final obstruent devoicing (Auslautverhärtung) in standard German. In Swabian, underlying lenis consonants may become fortis in word-final position while in standard German underlying voiced consonants become devoiced in word-final position. Examples of fortition of word-final lenis consonants are given in (110), where /b˳ d˳ ɡ̊/ become [p t k], respectively. Fortition of word-final lenis consonants is a word-optimizing process since it implies a fortition of the right margin of the phonological word. Fortition has brought about the loss of the old patterns involving short vowels followed by fortis consonants and long vowels followed by lenis consonants. Additionally, fortition has given rise to positive signals since fortis consonants only occur word-finally. (110) Fortition of word-final lenis consonants (Keinath 1930, 13) Lob [loːp] ‘praise’ Rad [ɾaːt] ‘wheel’ Tag-e [d˳εːk] ‘day-pl’ The retention of the fortis-lenis contrast in word-final position implies that lenition is associated with a syllable-deteriorating process since lenition only occurs in word-initial and word-medial onsets, thereby violating the Head Law. Similar to fortition of word-final lenis consonants, the fortis consonants function as positive signals since they only occur word-finally (see (108) for examples). Finally, lenition of word-final fortis consonants is in line with the patterns described for Upper-Rhine Alemannic. That is, lenition is not exclusively associated with a syllable-deteriorating process since lenition optimizes the syllable in word-final position.

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 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

With regard to South Alemannic, fortis consonants are retained in word-final position. Some Ortsgrammatiken of South Alemannic (among others: Hall 1991, 65; Weber 1923, 145‒147) report lenition of word-final fortis consonants. In this respect, Hall (1991, 65) talks about “word-final lenition” (Auslautlenisierung) in cases where underlying fortis consonants undergo lenition in word-final position. Compare Bett-en [ˈb˳etəʀ] ‘bed-pl’, which contains word-medial /t/, with Bett [b˳ed˳] ‘bed’, where /t/ underwent lenition in word-final position. In the same vein, Weber (1923, 145) talks about “word-final weakening” (Auslautschwächung). Similar to Upper-Rhine Alemannic, word-final lenition constitutes a syllable-optimizing process since it implies a decrease of the Consonantal Strength that is in accordance with the Coda Law. In contrast to Upper-Rhine Alemannic, however, lenition is exclusively associated with a syllable-optimizing process since it only applies word-finally. Word-final lenition sharply contrasts with fortition of word-final lenis consonants in Swabian and word-final obstruent devoicing (Auslautverhärtung) in standard German, both of which are word-optimizing processes. The patterns of lenition in Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic are summarized in Table 7.17 (word-optimizing features are highlighted in grey). In Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian, lenition implies a deterioration of syllable structure when it applies in word-initial and word-medial onsets while it implies an optimization of syllable structure when it applies in word-final codas. In addition to lenition in word-final codas, Swabian exhibits fortition and retention of the original fortis-lenis opposition, both of which help to highlight the right margin of the phonological word. Table 7.17: Lenition in Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic. Word-initial onset

Word-medial onset

Word-final coda

Upper-Rhine Alemannic

lenition

lenition

lenition

Swabian

lenition

lenition

lenition fortition lenis-fortis contrast

South Alemannic

lenis-fortis contrast

lenis-fortis contrast

lenis-fortis contrast lenition

7.5.3 Glottal stop insertion According to the UCLA Phonological Segment Inventory Database (UPSID), the glottal stop phoneme /Ɂ/ occurs in 216 languages (48% of the languages in the

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 297

sample).16 In view of the frequency in the database, the glottal stop phoneme is common in the languages of the world. Examples of languages with glottal stop are Fijian, Hausa, and Hawaiian. In addition to phonemic glottal stop, there are languages that have non-contrastive glottal stop. Non-contrastive glottal stop may help to delimit word and morpheme boundaries. This is the case in languages such as Croatian (Landau et al. 1995, 84), Lango (Noonan 1992, 14‒15), Malay (Clynes/ Deterding 2011, 261), Mambay (Anonby 2006, 224), Shipibo (Valenzuela/Pinedo/ Maddieson 2001, 282), and Sumi (Teo 2012, 368). Auer (1993, 73‒74) observes that glottal stop is inserted in word-initial position in Eskimo and Quechua. In all these languages, glottal stop functions as a positive signal (see Section 4.4.2). Therefore, glottal stop insertion constitutes a word-optimizing process. Glottal stop insertion has been studied for standard German (among others: Kohler 1994; Wiese 1996, 58‒60; Pompino-Marschall/Żygis 2010; Pröll/Kleiner 2016). Auer (1994, 75‒76) observes that in standard German glottal stop insertion regularly applies at the left edge of onsetless phonological words, thereby highlighting word and morpheme boundaries, as in Amt [Ɂamt] ‘office’, Beamter ⁀ˌɁamt] ‘employment office’. [bəˈɁamtɐ] ‘public official’, and Arbeitsamt [ˈɁaʀbaɪts Additionally, in northern varieties glottal stop insertion applies word-medially in hiatus contexts with stress on the second vowel, as in chaotisch [kaˈɁoːtiʃ] ‘chaotic’ (see Szczepaniak 2014, 174 for discussion). The patterns of glottal stop insertion have not been fully explored for Alemannic. In what follows, I will present the accounts made by Alber (2001), Nübling/Schrambke (2004), and selected Ortsgrammatiken. Alber (2001) compares glottal stop insertion in standard German and southern varieties, which include Swabian and South Alemannic. Swabian resembles standard German in that glottal stop is inserted at the left edge of onsetless phonological words. However, Swabian differs from standard German in that glottal stop insertion does not apply word-medially in hiatus contexts where the second vowel is stressed. In contrast to standard German and Swabian, glottal stop insertion is absent from South Alemannic, where resyllabification applies (Fleischer/Schmid 2006, 250; Siebenhaar 2014, 335). Nübling/Schrambke (2004, 301‒302) show that glottal stop insertion applies in North Alemannic while resyllabification applies in South Alemannic (see Map 7.17). They illustrate glottal stop insertion with vowel-initial lexical items such as Achse ‘axle’ when preceded by the feminine singular definite article die, which has the forms [d˳] and [t] in North and South Alemannic, respectively (SDS III, Map 132). Note that the lexical item Achse ‘axle’ has undergone apocope in Alemannic

16 The calculation was obtained with the web interface, which is available at http://web.phonetik. uni-frankfurt.de/UPSID.html. The selected criteria include “voiceless”, “glottal”, and “plosive”.

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 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

(see Section 8.5.2) and additionally lenition in North Alemannic (see Section 7.5.2). Thus, the item is spoken [aɡ̊z̥] and [aks] in North and South Alemannic, respectively. In North Alemannic, resyllabification is avoided either by means of a pause ([˳d aɡ̊z̥]) or by means of glottal stop insertion ([˳dɁaɡ̊z̥]). By contrast, in South Alemannic resyllabification takes place such that die Achse is spoken [taks].

Map 7.17: Glottal stop insertion (adapted from Nübling/Schrambke 2004, 315).

The patterns of glottal stop insertion may give insights into the phonological status of clitics, affixes, and compounds. Thus, in North Alemannic the definite article is not integrated into the phonological word as opposed to South Alemannic. In contrast, the past participle prefix ge- is integrated into the phonological word both in North and South Alemannic. For example, the past participle ge-egg-t ‘ptcp-harrow-ptcp’ is [ɡ̊eːɡ̊d˳] and [keːkt] in North and South Alemannic respectively (SSA, Question 96.5), as indicated in Map 7.17. That is, in North Alemannic glottal stop insertion applies with the definite article ([d˳Ɂaɡ̊z̥]) while it does not apply with the

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past participle prefix ([ɡ̊eːɡ̊d˳ ]), which would have resulted in *[ɡ̊Ɂeːɡ̊d˳ ]. In standard German, however, glottal stop insertion applies with the definite article and the past participle prefix such that die Achse ‘the axle’ and ge-egg-t ‘ptcp-harrow-ptcp’ are spoken [diːˈɁaksə] and [ɡəˈɁεkt], respectively. Table 7.18 presents the occurrence of glottal stop with the feminine singular definite article and the past participle prefix in South Alemannic, Swabian, and standard German. The table reveals that standard German highlights morpheme boundaries more frequently than Swabian. Table 7.18: Occurrence of glottal stop with clitics and prefixes in South Alemannic, Swabian, and standard German.

South Alemannic Swabian Standard German

Definite article (die)

Past participle prefix (ge-)

− + +

− − +

Glottal stop insertion is scarcely documented in the Ortsgrammatiken (Wagner 1889; 1891; Beck 1926; Frey 1975). However, the presence of glottal stop can be inferred indirectly. For example, Zinser (1933, 14) talks about syllabic nasals in cases such as um acht [m̩ ˈaxd˳e] ‘at eight o’clock’. Importantly, syllabic nasals can arise only when resyllabification does not take place — that is, when glottal stop insertion applies. Wagner (1891, 174‒177) observes that the glottal stop (fester Einsatz) is absent from Reutlingen Swabian. Thus, in this area the presence of glottal stop detected by Nübling/Schrambke (2004) must be an innovation. Beck (1926, 57‒58, 62) describes the patterns of glottal stop insertion in Markgräflerland Alemannic, pointing out that the process does not occur with the definite article, as illustrated in (111). For example, the neuter singular definite article das [z̥] is integrated into the phonological word such that das Eis [z̥iːz̥] ‘the ice’ is homophonous with sein-es [z̥ iːz̥] ‘his-nom/acc.sg.n’. Similarly, the plural definite article die [d˳] is integrated into the phonological word such that die Ohr-en ‘the ear-pl’ and Tor-e ‘gate-pl’ are homophonous. (111) Lack of glottal stop insertion in Markgräflerland Alemannic (Beck 1926, 57‒58) das Eis [z̥iːz̥] ‘the ice’      sein-es [z̥iːz̥] ‘his-nom/acc.sg.n’ die Ohr-en [ˈd˳oːɾə] ‘the ear-pl’ Tor-e [ˈd˳oːɾə] ‘door-pl’ die Uhr-en [ˈd˳uːɾə] ‘the watch-pl’ dauer-n [ˈd˳uːɾə] ‘last-inf’

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 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

However, glottal stop insertion applies phrase-initially and word-initially, as shown in (112). Word-initial glottal stop insertion is highly dependent on speech tempo since it only applies in lento style. These patterns conflict with the results provided by Nübling/Schrambke (2004) in two respects. First, in Markgräflerland Alemannic glottal stop insertion does not apply with definite articles while Nübling/Schrambke (2004) report presence of glottal stop in this dialect area. A possible explanation is that glottal stop insertion with articles constitutes an innovation. Second, glottal stop insertion with definite articles seems to positively correlate with word-initial glottal stop insertion. The opposite, however, does not necessarily hold since in Markgräflerland Alemannic we find glottal stop insertion only in word-initial position, but not with definite articles (geh hinaus [ˈɡ̊aŋ ˈɁuːz̥ə] ‘go out!’ vs. die Ohr-en [ˈd˳oːɾə] ‘the ear-pl’). This implies that the area where word-initial glottal stop insertion applies may differ from the area depicted in Map 7.17. (112) Glottal stop insertion in Markgräflerland Alemannic (Beck 1926, 57, 62) geh hinaus [ˈɡ̊aŋ ˈɁuːz̥ə] ‘go out!’ mit ihm [mɪd˳ ˈɁiːm] ‘with him’ ich nehme auch [iˈneːm Ɂau] ‘I take too’ Frey (1975, 31, 38, 40, 59, 63‒65) explains the patterns of glottal stop insertion in Stuttgart Swabian as follows: The process applies at the left edge of onsetless phonological words, thereby highlighting word and morpheme boundaries, as shown in (113). Similar to Beck’s (1926) account, glottal stop insertion highly depends on speech tempo such that das Alte ‘the old one’ may be spoken either [zˈ̥ Ɂald˳e] or [ˈz̥ald˳e] in lento or allegro style, respectively. Clitic pronouns are integrated into the phonological word since glottal stop insertion does not apply word-medially, as in gib ihm [ˈɡ̊εb˳əm] ‘give him!’. Further evidence that clitics are integrated into the phonological word comes from phonological processes such as deletion of word-final n (see Section 7.4.2) and degemination (see Section 8.5.4). (113) Glottal stop insertion in Stuttgart Swabian (Frey 1975, 31, 38, 64‒65) ein alter Esel [Ɂaen ˈɁald˳əɾ ˈɁeːz̥el] ‘an old donkey’ das Alte [z̥ˈɁald˳e] ~ [ˈza ̥ ld˳e] ‘the old one’ gib ihm [ˈɡ̊εb˳əm] ‘give him!’ The question remains as to whether glottal stop insertion is an innovation in North Alemannic. In this respect, Nübling/Schrambke (2004, 301‒302) assume that the process constitutes an innovation introduced by North Alemannic. Diachronic research (Minkova 2000; 2003, 135‒191) suggests that Northwest Germanic (or even

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 301

Proto-Germanic) had an obligatory well-formedness constraint that prohibited empty stressed onsets. As a consequence, empty stressed onsets were filled with a glottal stop. Evidence from alliterative verse in Old and Middle English support the glottal stop hypothesis. However, Old Alemannic does not seem to have preserved the filled stressed onset constraint. Evidence comes from false splitting in Swabian (see Section 7.6), which reveals that resyllabification must have applied at a former language stage. A word of caution, however, is that the instances of false splitting point to resyllabification of function words such as articles. In sum, the patterns of glottal stop insertion vary depending on whether the process applies with clitics or across word boundaries. The isogloss displayed in Map 7.17 only shows the occurrence of glottal stop with clitics. However, glottal stop insertion seems to apply across word boundaries in a larger area since local grammars provide examples of the process across word boundaries, but not with clitics. This implies that glottal stop insertion occurs first across word boundaries and subsequently with clitics. Altogether, the Ortsgrammatiken provide direct and indirect evidence of glottal stop insertion in Swabian.

7.5.4 Diphthongization Swabian is characterized as having a high number of diphthongs. Historically, diphthongs may be inherited from a prior language stage. In this Section, I will concentrate on diphthongization processes that have led to the rise of new diphthongs. These include diphthongization of OAlem. e [ɛ], î [iː], íu [yː], and û [uː]. A comparison between Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic reveals that Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic have preserved the old monophthongs while Swabian has introduced new diphthongs, as illustrated in Table 7.19. In this respect, Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic are conservative. In Swabian, OAlem. e [ɛ] underwent vowel breaking (Brechung) giving rise to [ɛə] before fortis consonants and consonant clusters (OAlem. féld [v˳ ɛld˳] > Swab. Feld [˳vεəld˳] ‘field’) and [ɛːə] before lenis consonants (OAlem. léder [ˈlɛd˳eɾ] > Swab. Leder [ˈlɛːəd˳ɾ̩] ‘leather’) (see Schrambke/Nübling 2006 for breaking in Swabian). As a result of unrounding, OAlem. íu [yː] became [iː], merging with OAlem. î [iː]. Later, [iː] diphthongized in Swabian giving rise to the diphthong [əi] (OAlem. uuîb [ʋiːb˳] > Swab. Weib [ʋəib˳] ‘woman’, OAlem. míus-e [ˈmyːz̥e] > Swab. Mäus-e [məiz̥] ‘mouse-pl’). Similarly, OAlem. û [uː] diphthongized in Swabian giving rise to the diphthong [əu] (OAlem. mûs [muːz̥] > Swab. Maus [məuz̥] ‘mouse’). In Swabian, there is a tendency for stressed vowels to be realized with a certain degree of centralization, as in the diphthongs [əi] and [əu].

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 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

Table 7.19: Counterparts of Swabian diphthongs in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic. Etymology Example

Swabian

Upper-Rhine South Alemannic Alemannic

Source

e + Fortis e + Lenis î û íu

[ vεəld ˳ ˳] [ˈlεːəd˳ɾˌ] [ʋəib˳ ] [məuz̥] [məiz̥]

[ vεld ˳ ˳] [ˈlεːd˳ʀ̩] [ʋiːb˳ ] [muːz̥] [miːz̥]

SSA, Map 3.04 SSA, Map 170.4 SSA, Map 25.00 SSA, Map 27.00 SSA, Map 26.00

Feld ‘field’ Leder ‘leather’ Weib ‘woman’ Maus ‘mouse’ Mäus-e ‘mouse-pl’

[ vεld ˳ ˳] [ˈlεːd˳ɾˌ] ~ [ˈlεd˳ɾˌ] [ʋiːb˳ ] [muːz̥] [myːz̥]

Map 7.18 charts the geographical distribution of diphthongization of OAlem. íu [yː], û [uː], and e [ɛ] before lenis consonants. The map is based on the lexical items Maus/Mäus-e ‘mouse/mouse-pl’ (SSA, Question 302.6) and Leder ‘leather’ (SSA, Question 406.3). As a result of diphthongization, Swabian exhibits the diphthongized forms [məuz̥], [məiz̥], and [ˈlɛːəd˳ɾˌ]. By contrast, Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic retained the old monophthongs. UpperRhine Alemannic has the forms [muːz̥] (or [myːz̥] as a result of fronting), [miːz̥],

Map 7.18: Diphthongization.

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 303

and [ˈlɛːd̥ ʀ̩] while South Alemannic has the forms [muːz̥], [myːz̥] (with the originally rounded vowel), and [ˈlɛːd˳ɾ̩] ~ [ˈlɛd˳ɾ̩] (see Section 7.5.1 for open syllable lengthening). In conclusion, diphthongization helped to enlarge the Swabian vowel system, thereby increasing the asymmetry between stressed and unstressed syllables. Thus, the process is word-optimizing (see Section 4.7.2 for discussion).

7.5.5 Denasalization in unstressed syllables In Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic, denasalization constitutes a syllable-related process since it applied both in stressed and unstressed syllables. Today, nasal vowels are absent from these dialects. However, reports of the late nineteenth century reveal the existence of nasal vowels in stressed syllables, as in Mann [mãː] ‘man’, klein [ɣ̊lẽı̃] ‘small’, and ge-wes-en [ksı̃] ‘ptcp-be-ptcp’ (Weinhold 1863, 171). Note that the past participle of sein ‘be.inf’ is [ksiː] and [ɡ̊z̥iː] (after lenition applied) in South Alemannic and Upper-Rhine Alemannic, respectively (SSA, Map 1.512). This implies that in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic denasalization must have taken place during the last century at the latest since it is no longer attested in the SSA. By contrast, in Swabian denasalization constitutes a word-related process since it applies in unstressed syllables, thereby restricting the occurrence of nasal vowels to stressed syllables. Additionally, the process is word-optimizing since it contributes to increasing the asymmetry between stressed and unstressed syllables. Denasalization in unstressed syllables is an instance of unstressed vowel reduction (see Section 4.7.1.2 for examples). In order to study the occurrence/absence of nasalization in unstressed syllables, I examined the infinitive ending -en [ə] (or [ɐ ]) in thirty lexical items from the SSA. The occurrence of nasality is depicted in Map 7.19. Altogether, there are 36 instances of nasal schwa in the infinitive ending. Nasal schwa is absent from central areas of Swabian, but present in peripheral areas of Swabian. These include the districts Rottweil, Tuttlingen, Sigmaringen, Ravensburg, and Biberach. Thus, we can conclude that nasal schwa must have been common in Swabian at an earlier stage. However, nasal schwa underwent denasalization while it was retained in peripheral areas. Further evidence for denasalization in unstressed syllables comes from the SBS. König/Renn (2007, 90) point out that in Bavarian Swabia unstressed vowels were found to undergo a strong denasalization process. Nasal vowels in unstressed syllables were present in older informants while they were absent from younger speakers (König, personal communication).

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 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

Map 7.19: Nasal schwa in unstressed syllables.

The Ortsgrammatiken of Swabian confirm the picture obtained from Map 7.19.17 However, Kauffmann (1890, 115‒116) and Hofmann (1926, 70) observe that unstressed [e ə] undergo nasalization when adjacent to a nasal consonant as a result of progressive assimilation. Examples are Ähne [ˈɁẽːnẽ] ‘grandfather’ and komm-en [ˈkhõmə̃] ‘come-inf’. In Section 7.5.7, we will see instances of word-final nasalization that are not motivated etymologically.

7.5.6 Decentralization of stressed schwa In Swabian we may find schwa both in stressed and unstressed syllables.18 Examples of schwa in stressed syllables are found in lexical items such as ess-en [ˈɁəz̥ə] ‘eat-inf’ (SSA, Map 3.02), Feld [˳vəld˳] ‘field’ (SSA, Map 3.04), melk-en 17 Nasal vowels are mostly restricted to stressed syllables (Keinath 1922, 67‒68; Armbruster 1926, 73; Friker 1928, 87; Keinath 1930, 11; Strohmaier 1930, 24; Vogt 1931, 2; Zinser 1933, 4; Wandel 1934, 7; Brobeil 1938, 152; Oechsner 1951, 61‒64; Baur 1967, 54). 18 Stressed schwa has been described in Ortsgrammatiken (Bopp 1890, 70; Wagner 1891, 174; Keinath 1922, 36; Friker 1928, 49‒50; Keinath 1930, 5; Strohmaier 1930, 40‒42; Wandel 1934, 10‒11).

7.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 305

[ˈməlɡ̊ə] ‘milk-inf’ (SSA, Map 3.05), and Speck [˚ʒb˳əɡ̊] ‘bacon’ (SSA, Map 3.01). Map  7.20 combines the occurrence of schwa in these lexical items. Stressed schwa is widespread in Ulm, Sigmaringen, and Biberach Swabian. Additionally, it is marginally attested in Böblingen (BB 01, 05), Calw (CW 01, 03‒04), Tübingen (TÜ 08), and Reutlingen (RT 03, 08, 14). Historically, stressed schwa is derived from MHG ë [ɛ] before former fortis consonants. In Swabian, the reflexes of MHG ë include [ə εə εɐ εːə εːɐ] before former fortis and [εːə εːɐ] before former lenis. Compare the stem vowel in ess-en [ˈɁəz̥ə] ‘eat-inf’ and Wetter [ˈʋəd˳ɾˌ] ‘weather’, both of which occur before former fortis, with les-en [ˈlεːəz̥ə] ‘read-inf’ and Feder [ˈ˳vεːəd˳ɾˌ] ‘feather’, both of which occur before former lenis (see SSA, Map 3.06 for the reflexes of MHG ë in Feder ‘feather’ and Leber ‘liver’). Swabian resembles East Anglian English and Luxembourgish with respect to the presence of schwa both in stressed and unstressed syllables. In Section 4.7.1, we have seen that in East Anglian English /ɛ/ may surface as the open-mid central vowel [ɜ] when followed by a velarized lateral [ɫ], as in bell [bɜɫ], tell [thɜɫ], well [wɜɫ], etc. (Chambers/Trudgill 1998, 79‒80). Similarly, in Luxembourgish schwa occurs in stressed syllables, as in dënn [dən] ‘thin’, Fësch [fəʃ] ‘fish’, etc. (Gilles/Trouvain 2013, 70; Gilles 2014, 283). Szczepaniak (2010) and Gilles (2014, 282‒284) discuss the implications derived from the presence of stressed schwa in

Map 7.20: Schwa in stressed syllables.

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 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

Luxembourgish for the typology of syllable and word languages. The occurrence of schwa both in stressed and unstressed syllables is associated with a syllablerelated feature. On the other hand, Auer (1993, 88) observes that there is a tendency for central vowel phonemes not to occur in languages with simple syllable structure. This is the case in Swabian, which has stressed schwa and complex syllable structure (see Section 7.2.1). The patterns found in Ulm Swabian conflict with our notion of word languages in two respects. First, schwa is not restricted to unstressed syllables, as in ess-en [ˈɁəz̥ə] ‘eat-inf’, where schwa occurs both in the stressed and unstressed syllable. Second, full vowels are not restricted to stressed syllables, as in ess-en [ˈɁəz̥e] ‘eat-1pl’, where schwa occurs in the stressed syllable while the full vowel of the inflectional ending occurs in unstressed syllables (see Map 7.9 for the firstperson plural ending).19 The reasons for the emergence of stressed schwa have remained unclear in the literature. Following Fischer (1895, 25‒26), Strohmaier (1930, 40) assumes that stressed schwa resulted from diphthong simplification ([εə] > [ə]). The account made by Keinath (1922, 36; 1930, 5) for Balingen Swabian may contribute to a better understanding of the process. The reflexes of MHG ë include [εə] before former fortis and [εːə] before former lenis (see Map 7.18 for the geographical distribution of [εːə]). Importantly, the short diphthong may be realized as either a falling diphthong [εə̯] or a rising diphthong [ɛ̯ə]. Keinath observes that the onglide of the rising diphthong may undergo gliding and subsequently deletion, as in sell ‘this[n]’ [z̥ɛɐ̯ l] > [z̥jɐl] > [z̥ɐl]. In contrast, Schrambke (SSA, Comment 3.50) surmises that centralization originated when [ɛ] was adjacent to a velar lateral [ɫ], as in Feld ‘field’ (SSA, Question 150.2), Geld ‘money’ (SSA, Questions 462.4, 462.5), and melk-en ‘milk-inf’ (SSA, Question 34.01). Later, schwa expanded to other phonetic environments involving obstruent consonants. Similar to East Anglian English, stressed schwa originally constituted a phonetically conditioned allophone of /ɛ/. The presence of schwa in stressed syllables poses a problem since phonemic schwa conflicts with phonetic schwa resulting from unstressed vowel reduction. The phonological word may be optimized by means of decentralization of stressed schwa. Different lines of evidence suggest that Tübingen, Reutlingen, and Balingen Swabian have indeed undergone a decentralization process involving the development [ə] > [ɛ] ~ [εə] (ess-en ‘eat-inf’ [ˈɁəz̥ə] > [ˈɁɛz̥ə] ~ [ˈɁεəz̥ə]). The distribution patterns of stressed schwa displayed in Map 7.20 reveal that stressed schwa was

19 According to the SSA (Maps 3.02, 1.021), ess-en [Ɂɛz̥e] ‘eat-1pl’ was noted in UL (02‒03, 05, 07, 09‒10, 14) while ess-en [Ɂəz̥e] ‘eat-1pl’ was noted in UL (06, 08, 12). The remaining survey sites have the ending -[əd˳].

7.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 307

formerly a widespread feature in Swabian. The attested forms in Böblingen (BB 01, 05), Calw (CW 01, 03‒04), Tübingen (TÜ 08), and Reutlingen (RT 03, 08, 14) seem to be relic areas that have marginally preserved stressed schwa. In contrast, Tübingen and Reutlingen Swabian have [ɛ] while Balingen Swabian has [εə]. Tentatively, stressed schwa was displaced by [ɛ] in Tübingen and Reutlingen Swabian while it was displaced by [εə] in Balingen Swabian. This development can be gleaned from the SSA and the Ortsgrammatiken. With regard to the SSA, the fieldworkers observed that schwa was spoken earlier while [ɛ] constitutes an innovation. This is the case with survey sites RT 03 and 26. A word of caution, however, is that [ɛ] may be attributed to the influence of standard German, which has [ɛ] in lexical items such as ess-en [ˈɁɛsən] ‘eat-inf’ (see Schwarz 2015, 304‒306 for the occurrence of [ɛ] in the spontaneous data of the SSA). With regard to the Ortsgrammatiken, Keinath (1922, 36; 1930, 5) describes the existence of stressed schwa in eight sites of his survey area, which is located in Balingen Swabian. Examples of stressed schwa are sell [z̥ɐl] ‘this[n]’ and Rebhühn-er [ˈɾɐpˌhɛ͂ː əɾ] ‘partridge-pl’. According to the SSA, stressed schwa is absent from Balingen Swabian. Interestingly, the SSA contains three sites surveyed by Keinath (BL 11, 14, 19), where Keinath noted the near-open central vowel [ɐ] while the SSA noted the diphthongs [εə εɐ]. Indirect evidence of decentralization of stressed schwa comes from Middle Central Catalan (see Section 6.5.9). In contrast to Tübingen, Reutlingen, and Balingen Swabian, stressed schwa seems to be rather stable in Ulm Swabian. The SSA sites UL 01‒03, 05‒08, 11‒13, and 15‒19 were also surveyed by Strohmaier (1930). Similar to Strohmaier’s account, [ɛ] occurs in UL 01‒03, 05, and 07 while [ə] occurs in UL 08, 11‒13, and 15‒19 (see isogloss in Map 7.20). That is, a comparison between Strohmaier’s (1930, Map 1) isogloss and the data of the SSA reveals that stressed schwa is still being retained approximately fifty years later. The same applies for site RT 08, which was also surveyed by Wandel (1934). Wandel (1934, 10) notes stressed schwa in lexical items such as Speck [˚ʒb˳əɡ̊] ‘bacon’ and ess-en [ˈəz̥ə] ‘eat-inf’. The SSA confirms the presence of schwa in the items.

7.5.7 Word-final nasalization In Swabian, nasalization typically applies in stressed and unstressed syllables (see Section 7.4.2). In unstressed syllables, nasalization is phonetically motivated when a vowel used to be followed by a nasal consonant, as in fall-en [ˈ˳valə̃] ‘fallinf’. However, Wagner (1889, 83‒85, 94‒96) and Bopp (1890, 94‒96) provide examples of nasalization that is not phonetically motivated. This is the case with schöne [ˈ˚ʒẽːnẽ] ‘beautiful-nom/acc.pl’, where the vowel was originally not followed by

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 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

a nasal consonant. The process applies to word-final unstressed vowels, which include [e ə]. Word-final nasalization is phonologically motivated and therefore contributes to highlighting the right margin of the phonological word. In this respect, Hajek (2013) talks about “nasalization as word boundary marker” (see Section 5.5.10 for examples). Wagner (1889, 83‒85, 94‒96) reports that nasalization occurs word-finally and phrase-finally. Examples from Reutlingen Swabian are given in (114). Wordfinal nasalization applies in inflectional and derivational suffixes, as in kitzl-e [ˈkhid˳͡ z˳lẽ] ‘tickle-1sg’, Härte [ˈhεɾd˳ẽ] ‘hardness’, and schön-e [ˈ˚ʒẽːnẽ] ‘beautiful-nom/acc.pl’. In contrast, nasalization is not present in schön-e Häus-er [ˈ˚ʒẽːnẽ ˈhəiz̥ɾˌ ] ‘beautiful-nom/acc.pl house-pl’ since the unstressed syllable occurs phrase-medially. (114) Word-final nasalization in Reutlingen Swabian (Wagner 1889, 83‒85, 94‒96) kitzl-e [ˈkhid˳͡z˳ lẽ] ‘tickle-1sg’ Härte [ˈhɛɾd˳ẽ] ‘hardness’ schön-e [ˈ˚ʒẽːnẽ] ‘beautiful-nom/acc.pl’ schön-e Häus-er [ˈ˚ʒẽːne ˈhəiz̥ɾˌ ] ‘beautiful-nom/acc.pl house-pl’ Bopp (1890, 94‒96) describes the presence of word-final nasalization in Münsingen Swabian. Examples are schön-e [ˈ˚ʒẽːnẽ] ‘beautiful-nom/acc.pl’, Höhle [ˈheːlẽ] ‘cave’, Kirchweih [ˈkhɪɾb˳ẽ] ‘parish fair’. In contrast to Reutlingen Swabian, the phonological phrase does not influence the occurrence of word-final nasalization. In addition to Wagner (1889, 83‒85, 94‒96) and Bopp (1890, 94‒96), word-final nasalization is also reported in Ortsgrammatiken from Bavarian Swabia. Moser (1936, 79) provides examples of nasalization that are not motivated etymologically, as in freilich [ˈ˳vɾœilɐ̃] ‘of course’ and Höhe [ˈhɛɐɣ˚ɐ̃] ‘height’. Importantly, word-final nasalization coexists with etymologically motivated nasalization (see Section 7.4.2 for examples). This implies that nasalization applied first in unstressed syllables involving an etymological nasal consonant. Such is the case with the derivational suffix -in (Hünd-in ‘dog-f’) and the infinitive ending -en (fall-en ‘fall-inf’). Subsequently, nasalization spread to all unstressed syllables, which include the derivational suffixes -lich ‘-ly’ (freilich ‘of course’), -e ‘-ness’ (Härte ‘hardness’) as well as the inflectional suffixes -e ‘1sg’ (kitzl-e ‘tickle-1sg’) and -e ‘nom/acc.pl’ (schön-e Häus-er ‘beautiful-nom/acc.pl house-pl’). Word-final nasalization is a word-optimizing process. However, it is unclear to which extent the process may help to highlight the right margin of the phonological word since in Reutlingen and Münsingen Swabian nasal vowels occur both in stressed and unstressed syllables. As a consequence, word-final nasalization does

7.6 Syllabification and resyllabification 

 309

not ensure that the resulting nasal vowels may be exclusively associated with the word-final position.

7.6 Syllabification and resyllabification The patterns of syllabification are well described in the Ortsgrammatiken of Swiss German (Beiträge zur schweizerdeutschen Grammatik) (among others: Stucki 1917, 36‒37; Weber 1923, 27‒28; Henzen 1927, 30‒31). In contrast, the Ortsgrammatiken of Swabian do not contain information about syllabification with the exception of Wagner (1891, 177‒179, 183‒185), who provides a detailed account of syllabification and syllable cut in Reutlingen Swabian. Syllabification generally occurs following the Sonority Sequencing Principle. That is, in a sequence involving VCCV the syllable boundary is typically placed before the consonant segment with higher Consonantal Strength (V.PRV, VR.PV, etc.) such that well-formed syllable contacts arise. With regard to syllable cut, abrupt cut (starker Schnitt) occurs between stressed short vowel and consonant while smooth cut (schwacher Schnitt) occurs between stressed long vowel/diphthong and consonant as well as between unstressed vowel and consonant, as illustrated in (115). (115) Syllable cut in Swabian (Wagner 1891, 177‒179, 183‒185) a. abrupt cut schaff-en [ˈ˚ʒa˳və̃] ‘work-inf’ plotz-en [ˈb˳lod˳͡z˳ ə̃] ‘pump-inf’ b. smooth cut lob-en [ˈloː.b˳ə̃] ‘praise-inf’ fluch-en [ˈ˳vluə.ɣ ̊ə̃] ‘swear-inf’ spazier-en [˚ʒb˳a.ˈd˳͡z˳ iə.ɾə̃] ‘walk-inf’ Becker (2002, 91‒93) lists phonetic and phonological correlations of syllable cut in standard German. Swabian resembles standard German with regard to the phonetic correlation involving short vowels with abrupt cut and long vowels/diphthongs with smooth cut. However, Swabian differs from standard German in two respects. First, in standard German there is a phonetic correlation involving a qualitative contrast, as illustrated in Table 7.20. The abrupt cut is associated with short lax vowels while the smooth cut is associated with long tense vowels. This qualitative contrast applies to high and mid vowels. For example, wiss-en [ˈvɪẓə] ‘know-inf’ and offen [ˈɁɔf ə̣ n] ‘open’ (with abrupt cut) contain the short lax vowels [ɪ] and [ɔ] respectively while Wiese-n [ˈviː.zə] ‘meadow-pl’ and Ofen [ˈɁoː.fən] ‘oven’ (with smooth cut) contain the long tense vowels [iː] and [oː], respectively. By contrast, in Swabian there is no qualitative contrast such that we only find tense

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vowels in wiss-en [ˈυiz̥ə] ‘know-inf’ and offen [ˈɁo˳və] ‘open’ (with abrupt cut) as well as in Wiese-n [ˈυiːz̥ə] ‘meadow-pl’ and Ofen [ˈɁoː və] ˳ ‘oven’ (with smooth cut). In Swabian, the abrupt cut arose from lenition (see Section 7.5.2). Table 7.20: Syllable cut correlation in standard German and Swabian. Abrupt cut

Smooth cut

Standard German

wiss-en [ˈvɪẓə] ‘know-inf’ offen [ˈɁɔf̣ən] ‘open’

Wiese-n [ˈvɪː.zə] ‘meadow-pl’ Ofen [ˈɁoː.fən] ‘oven’

Swabian

wiss-en [ˈυiz̥ə] ‘know-inf’ offen [ˈɁov˳ ə] ‘open’

Wiese-n [ˈυiː.z̥ə] ‘meadow-pl’ Ofen [ˈɁoː .və] ˳ ‘oven’

Second, in standard German there is a phonological correlation involving the absence of /ŋ/ after long vowels/diphthongs. Thus, [ŋ] is ambisyllabic in wordmedial position, as in sing-en [ˈzɪŋə] ‘sing-inf’, Finger [ˈfɪŋɐ] ‘finger’, and lang-e [ˈlaŋə] ‘long-nom/acc.sg.f’. By contrast, in Swabian [ŋ] may occur both after short vowels and long vowels/diphthongs. An example of [ŋ] after short vowels is sing-en [ˈz̥ẽŋə] ‘sing-inf’.20 Examples of [ŋ] after long vowels and diphthongs are Finger [ˈvẽːŋɾ ˳ ˌ] ‘finger’, lang-e [ˈlaːŋə] ‘long-nom/acc.sg.f’, and Regnen [ˈɾεəŋə] ~ [ˈɾεːəŋə] ‘rain’. The forms Finger [ˈvẽːŋɾ ˳ ˌ ] ‘finger’ and lang-e [ˈlaːŋə] ‘long-nom/acc. sg.f’ are attested in Ulm Swabian while regn-en [ˈɾεəŋə] ~ [ˈɾεːəŋə] ‘rain-inf’ is widespread in Swabian (Strohmaier 1930, 35; SSA, Question 308.4; Schwäb. Wb. V, 242‒245). The occurrence of [ŋ] after long vowels/diphthongs in lexical items such as regn-en ‘rain-inf’ arose from metathesis (Bohnenberger 1928, 30). Thus, in Swabian the syllable cut correlation involving short vowels with abrupt cut and long vowels/diphthongs with smooth cut does not apply for [ŋ]. In contrast to Swabian, there is no syllable cut correlation in South Alemannic, where short and long vowels may occur both before fortis and lenis consonants (see Nübling/Schrambke 2004, 302 for examples). As a consequence, the syllabification of intervocalic single consonants (lenis or fortis) is not problematic since the syllable boundary is placed before the consonant. This is the case in Zurich Alemannic, where lexical items such as Eisen ‘iron’, les-en ‘read-inf’ and Ofen ‘oven’ are syllabified as [ˈi.z̥ə], [ˈlæː.z̥ə], and [ˈo.fə], respectively (Weber 1923, 27). Let us turn to resyllabification. In Swabian, resyllabification does not occur since glottal stop insertion applies (see Section 7.5.3). In the areas where glottal stop insertion does not apply, resyllabification is attested. This is the case in 20 Note that in standard German the lexical item sing-en ‘sing-inf’ has the short lax vowel [i] while in Swabian it has the short tense vowel [ẽ].

7.6 Syllabification and resyllabification 

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Reutlingen Swabian, where we find resyllabification in compounds such as Mittagessen [mid˳ aː.ɡ̊εz̥ə]̃ ‘lunch’ (Wagner 1891, 184). For comparison, in standard German there is no resyllabification in compounds such that the item is spoken [ˈmitaːkˌɁεsən] (see Bergmann 2014, 261‒269 for details). As shown in Section 4.8, false splitting (falsche Worttrennung) is indicative of a syllable-related feature since it presupposes resyllabification.21 We have to distinguish between two types of false splitting. First, cases in which the word has a non-etymological consonant in word-initial position resulting generally from a determiner such as ein ‘a, an’. Examples from Swabian are given in (116). In the example ein Ast [ən aː˚ʒd˳] ‘a branch’ the consonant of the determiner ein [ən] is resyllabified within the phonological phrase so that the naked word-initial onset of Ast [aː˚ʒd˳] is occupied by the consonant ([ən aː˚ʒd˳]). As a result of resallybifica� tion, reanalysis occurs. Thus, the resyllabified form [ən #aː˚ʒd˳] is reanalyzed as � [ə#naː˚ʒd˳]. Map 7.21 plots the distribution of Nast ‘branch’ and Neber ‘boar’, both of which resulted from false splitting. (116) False splitting in Swabian (from the SSA and the Schwäb. Wb.) mein Ähnlein ‘my grandfather’ [maen # ̮ ɛːle] >   [mae#nɛːle] ein Ast ‘a branch’ [ən # ̮ aː˚ʒd˳] >   [ə#naː˚ʒd˳] ein Eber ‘a boar’ [ən # ̮ ɛːəb˳əɾ] >   [ə#nɛːəb˳əɾ] ein Igel ‘a hedgehog’ [ən # ̮ iːɡ̊lˌ] >   [ə#niːɡ̊lˌ] Second, further instances of false splitting involve the loss of word-initial consonants, which are associated with the endings of determiner such as ein ‘a, an’. These instances of false splitting are less frequently attested. Examples from Swabian are shown in (117). For example, in ein Nest ‘a nest’ the form [ə ne˚ʒd˳] is reanalyzed as the resyllabified form [ən e˚ʒd˳], which allows for the relocation of � the word boundary (i.e. [ə#ne˚ʒd˳] > [ən #e˚ʒd˳]). � (117)

False splitting in Swabian (from the SSA and the Schwäb. Wb.) eine Natter ‘a colubrid snake’ [ə#naːd˳əɾ] > [ən #aːd˳əɾ] � ein Nest ‘a nest’ [ə#ne˚ʒd˳] > [ən #e˚ʒd˳] �

21 The process is attested in the Middle Ages (see Weinhold 1863, 167‒168 and Kauffmann 1890, 266 for examples). False splitting is documented in the Ortsgrammatiken of Swabian (Kauffmann 1890, 266; Wagner 1891, 164; Keinath 1922, 75; Friker 1928, 95; Keinath 1930, 15; Strohmaier 1930,  83; Vogt 1931, 20; Zinser 1933, 19; Wandel 1934, 31; Brobeil 1938, 178; Oechsner 1951, 92; Baur 1967, 83).

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 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

Map 7.21: False splitting in Alemannic (adapted from Nübling/Schrambke 2004, 314).

Both cases of false splitting reflect the instability of the initial word boundaries, which is motivated by resyllabification. Crucially, the examples clearly point to the existence of a prior language stage in which resyllabification was common since nowadays resyllabification is avoided by means of glottal stop insertion (see Section 7.5.3). Therefore, false splitting is already lexified in the lexical items Ast [naː˚ʒd˳], Nest [Ɂe˚ʒd˳], etc. The process is also found in place names (Reichardt 2004, 127). Similar to Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian, false splitting is also attested in South Alemannic in lexical items such as Ast, Nest, etc. However, South Alemannic exhibits more instances of false splitting. These include Ahle ‘stitching awl’ ([ˈɔːlə] > [ˈnɔːlə]), Eißen ‘furuncle’ ([ɔːɐs] > [nɔːɐs]), etc. (VALTS III, Comment 201, IV, Comment 179).

7.7 Summary In this chapter, I have analysed Swabian phonology in order to evaluate the relevance of the prosodic categories of the syllable and the phonological word with regard to syllable structure (Section 7.2), phonotactic restrictions (Section 7.3), phonological processes (Sections 7.4 and 7.5), and (re)syllabification (Section 7.6).

7.7 Summary 

 313

With regard to syllable structure, Swabian has the surface syllable template (C)(C)(C)(C)V(C)(C)(C)(C). Thus, Swabian has complex syllable structure. Notwithstanding the absence of research on the frequency and distribution of syllable types with regard to stress and within-word position, the patterns of syllable complexity are in accordance with the prediction that in word languages complex syllables occur in stressed syllables and at word and morpheme boundaries (Auer 1993, 66, 74‒75). Swabian exhibits stress-related and position-related phonotactic restrictions. Stress-related restrictions mainly affect the vowel inventory. In stressed syllables, Swabian has short vowels, long vowels, and diphthongs, all of which can be oral and nasal. By contrast, in unstressed syllables Swabian has the vowels [ə e i]. The asymmetry between stressed and unstressed syllables resulted from vowel reduction processes such as shortening, centralization, unrounding, and denasalization. Additionally, the syllabic sonorants [mˌ nˌ lˌ ɾˌ ] are found in unstressed syllables. Position-related restrictions affect the consonant inventory. Word boundary signals were found in word-initial position. In Swabian, [ph th kh Ɂ h] constitute positive signals while [d˳ʒ˚ ɣ˚ ŋ] constitute negative signals. In word-final position, [p t k] constitute positive signals in the areas where fortition of word-final lenis consonants applies. Syllable- and word-optimizing processes are found to occur in Swabian. The syllable-optimizing processes include vowel epenthesis, nasalization, regressive place assimilation, and false splitting. Vowel epenthesis is attested between l + consonant and r + consonant. As a result of vowel epenthesis, word-medial moderately complex syllables become simple (CVC.CV > CV.CV.CV) while word-final complex syllables become moderately complex (CVCC > CV.CVC). Nasalization originally applied both in stressed and unstressed syllables. That is, the process is syllable-related. Additionally, it is syllable-optimizing since moderately complex syllables become simple (CVN > CṼ) while complex syllables become moderately complex (CVNC > CṼC). Regressive place assimilation applies within and across word boundaries with the exception of sequences of dental stop + bilabial nasal and dental stop + labiodental fricative. Consonant assimilation occurs when consonants sharing the same manner of articulation meet at word boundaries. As a consequence, deletion of the word-final consonant applies. False splitting is indicative of a prior syllable-related language stage where resyllabification applied across word boundaries. The process is now avoided by means of glottal stop insertion. Word-optimizing processes may be both stress-related and position-related. Stress-related processes include vowel lengthening, diphthongization, decentralization of stressed schwa, and denasalization in unstressed syllables. Positionrelated processes include lenition of fortis consonants in word-initial and word-medial onsets, word-final obstruent fortition, glottal stop insertion at the

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 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

left margin of the phonological word, and word-final nasalization. The strategies that highlight the phonological word are summarized in Table 7.21 following the model depicted in Figure 4.2.

Table 7.21: Syllable structure, phonotactic restrictions, and phonological processes according to stress and within-word position in Swabian. Stress-related (stressed vs. unstressed)

Position-related (word-initial, word-medial, word-final)

Syllable structure

– complex syllable structures in stressed syllables

– complex syllable structures at word and morpheme boundaries – appendices at word and morpheme boundaries

Phonotactic restrictions

– full vowels, long vowels, diphthongs and nasal vowels in stressed syllables – reduced vowel system in unstressed syllables – syllabic sonorants [mˌ nˌ lˌ ɾˌ ] in unstressed syllables

– [ph th kh Ɂ h] function as positive signals – [p t k] function as positive signals (when fortition of word-final lenis consonants applies) – [d˳͡ʒ˚   ɣ˚ ŋ] function as negative signals

Phonological processes

– – – –

vowel lengthening diphthongization decentralization of stressed schwa denasalization in unstressed syllables

– lenition of fortis consonants in word-initial and word-medial onsets – word-final obstruent fortition – glottal stop insertion – word-final nasalization

In Swabian, the margins of the phonological word are highlighted by means of syllable complexity, word boundary signals, and phonological processes. Complex syllables may occur both word-initially and word-finally. In wordfinal position, they occur at word and morpheme boundaries, as in Heft [hε v˳ d˳]ω ‘booklet’ and Heft-lein [hε v˳ d˳]ω[le]ω ‘booklet-dim’, respectively. The same applies for extrasyllabic consonants. Word boundary signals include word-initial [ph th kh Ɂ h d˳˚ʒ ɣ˚ ŋ] and word-final [p t k]. More specifically, [ph th kh Ɂ h p t k] are positive signals and [d˳ʒ˚  ɣ˚ ŋ] are negative signals. Phonological processes may apply both word-initially and word-finally. In word-initial position, we find glottal stop insertion and aspiration of fortis stops in recent loan words. In word-final position, we find obstruent fortition and nasalization of unstressed vowels. Thus, syllable complexity correlates with word-related phonotactics and processes, thereby confirming the correlation observed by Auer (1993, 88) (see Section 3.1).

 315

7.7 Summary 

Swabian contains more word-related features than Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic. For example, vowel lengthening is a phonological process shared by South Alemannic, Upper-Rhine Alemannic, and Swabian. Importantly, vowel lengthening processes gradually accumulate in Swabian, which exhibits monosyllabic lengthening before former lenis consonants, open syllable lengthening, and monosyllabic lengthening before former fortis consonants and consonant clusters. Monosyllabic lengthening before former fortis consonants is only attested in Ulm Swabian. In contrast, Upper-Rhine Alemannic underwent open syllable lengthening and monosyllabic lengthening before former lenis consonants while South Alemannic only underwent monosyllabic lengthening. Additionally, lenition of fortis consonants and glottal stop insertion take place only in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian. Finally, diphthongization, denasalization in unstressed syllables, decentralization of stressed schwa, and word-final nasalization only occur in Swabian. Table 7.22 gives an overview of the phonological processes found in South Alemannic, Upper-Rhine Alemannic, and Swabian. Features that have a wider scope are represented with ++ and +++. This is the case with vowel lengthening (see Table 7.15).

Table 7.22: Word-optimizing processes in Swabian compared to other Alemannic dialects. Phonological process

South Alemannic

Upper-Rhine Alemannic

Swabian

Vowel lengthening Lenition of fortis consonants Glottal stop insertion Diphthongization Denasalization in unstressed syllables Decentralization of stressed schwa Word-final nasalization

+ − − − − − −

++ + + − − − −

+++ + + + + + (+)

Syllabification generally occurs following the Sonority Sequencing Principle. Syllabification patterns may highlight morphological boundaries. This is the case with derivational suffixes (-lein ‘dim’, -lich ‘-ly’). Similar to standard German, Swabian has a syllable cut correlation involving abrupt cut after short vowels and smooth cut after long vowels/diphthongs. In contrast to standard German, there is no syllable cut correlation involving a qualitative contrast and the absence of [ŋ] after long vowels/diphthongs. Resyllabification is avoided by means of glottal stop insertion.

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 7 Synchronic description of Swabian

Finally, I will discuss the phonological status of clitics and inflectional and derivational suffixes. The patterns of nasalization reveal that pronouns are integrated into the phonological word (see Section 7.4.2). Additionally, glottal stop insertion applies with the definite article, but not with the past participle prefix (see Section 7.5.3). Finally, monosyllabic lengthening shows two different patterns with regard to the diminutive suffix -lein in Villingen-Schwenningen Alemannic. Note that open syllable lengthening is absent from this dialect. In the northern areas the diminutive suffix is not integrated into the phonological word since monosyllabic lengthening applies. By contrast, in the southern areas it is integrated into the phonological word since monosyllabic lengthening does not apply (see Section 7.5.1). The patterns found in the northern areas of Villingen-Schwenningen Alemannic may have preserved an older stage of Swabian. Since open syllable lengthening also applied in Swabian, the status of diminutive suffixes cannot be assessed. In summary, phonological processes optimize the syllable and the phonological word in Swabian. Syllable-optimizing processes such as nasalization, consonant assimilation, and false splitting seem to be remnants of a prior syllable-related language stage. However, the question remains open as to whether vowel epenthesis is an innovation. This issue will be addressed in the following chapter. Syllable-related processes may be blocked in order to preserve the integrity of the phonological word. This is the case with resyllabification and consonant assimilation. Glottal stop insertion helps to optimize the phonological word since resyllabification blurs word boundaries. Consonant assimilation processes occur more frequently in South Alemannic than in Swabian. In contrast to South Alemannic, Swabian does not undergo regressive place assimilation in sequences of stop + nasal. Additionally, sociolinguistic variation shows that place assimilation is found among older speakers while it is avoided among younger speakers. These patterns reflect the ongoing tendency for the phonological word to be preserved in Swabian. Notwithstanding syllable-optimizing processes, the phonological word constitutes the central prosodic category in Swabian. However, two phonological properties of Swabian challenge our view of word languages. First, Swabian exhibits schwa in stressed and unstressed syllables. Stressed schwa is attested in Ulm, Sigmaringen, and Biberach Swabian. On the one hand, there is a tendency for stressed schwa to occur in languages with complex syllable structure (Auer 1993, 88). On the other hand, stressed schwa conflicts with schwa resulting from unstressed vowel reduction since schwa cannot be exclusively associated with unstressed syllables. The phonological word can be optimized by means of decentralization of stressed schwa. The process applied in central areas of Swabian. Second, the patterns of lenition

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 317

contradict the assumption that the phonological word can be optimized by means of fortition at word edges and lenition in word-medial position (see Figure 4.9). In Swabian, lenition applied first word-initially and then wordmedially. In light of the phonological processes highlighted in Table 7.22, we can conclude that Swabian is closer to the word language pole than Upper-Rhine Alemannic while Upper-Rhine Alemannic is closer to the word language pole than South Alemannic, as illustrated Figure 7.4. Schrambke (2003) and Nübling/ Schrambke (2004) argue that South Alemannic is a syllable-centered language. However, word-related features found in South Alemannic undermine this claim. Similar to Swabian, South Alemannic has complex syllable structure, stressrelated phonotactic restrictions, and word-optimizing phonological processes such as vowel centralization, vowel deletion, and consonant epenthesis. These processes will be discussed in more detail in the ensuing chapter (see Table 7.1 for examples). The conclusions of Schrambke (2003) and Nübling/Schrambke (2004) rest on the following assumptions. First, geminates are exclusively associated with syllable languages. In South Alemannic we find gemination (or consonant lengthening) in lexical items such as Name [ˈnamːə] ‘name’ and Sommer [ˈz̥umːəɾ] ‘summer’ (see isogloss 1 in Map 7.6 and Hall 1991, 69‒70 for Baar Alemannic). As discussed in Section 4.1.1, geminates can be associated with a syllable-related feature when they occur both in stressed and unstressed syllables. This is not the case in South Alemannic, where gemination only occurs in stressed syllables, rendering the stressed syllable of the phonological word heavy. In this respect, consonant gemination resembles vowel lengthening in that an asymmetry between stressed and unstressed syllables is achieved in terms of syllable weight. Second, syllable-related processes such as resyllabification are exclusively associated with syllable languages. A word of caution, however, is that resyllabification is present in English and Russian, both of which are unambiguous word languages (see Table 3.1). Thus, it seems that in the formation of a word language resyllabification is one of the last syllable-optimizing processes to be avoided.

syllable language

word language Swabian Upper-Rhine Alemannic South Alemannic

Figure 7.4: Typological affiliation of Alemannic varieties.

8 Diachronic description of Swabian Following on from Szczepaniak (2007), who examined the typological development of Old High German into standard German, this chapter will delve into the typological development of Old Alemannic into Swabian. Earlier stages of Swabian include Old and Late Old Alemannic. It will be shown that earlier stages of Swabian exhibit a gradual increase in the incidence of word-related features. The chapter analyses word-optimizing processes that cannot be adequately accounted for from a synchronic perspective. This is the case with unstressed vowel reduction (Section 8.5.1), unstressed vowel deletion (Sections 8.5.2 and 8.5.3), and consonant epenthesis (Section 8.5.8). Additionally, the diachronic analysis will help to answer the following questions: Are syllable-optimizing processes such as vowel epenthesis (Section 7.4.1) and nasalization (Section 7.4.2) remnants of a prior syllable-oriented language stage? Which syllable- and word-optimizing processes are already attested in Old Alemannic? And which syllable- and word-optimizing processes evolved in Swabian? The chapter is structured as follows: First, I will give an overview of Alemannic historical linguistics and present the data sources selected (Section 8.1). Next, I will explore Old Alemannic phonology with regard to syllable structure (Section 8.2), phonotactic restrictions (Section 8.3), and syllable- and word-optimizing processes (Sections 8.4 and 8.5, respectively). Finally, I will summarize the results gained from the analysis (Section 8.6).

8.1 Introduction 8.1.1 Alemannic historical linguistics Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic originated from Old Alemannic. Old Alemannic is a dialect of Old High German, which is traditionally divided into two main dialect groups: Old Upper German (Altoberdeutsch) and Old Franconian (Altfränkisch). Old Upper German comprises Old Alemannic (Altalemannisch) and Old Bavarian (Altbairisch) while Old Franconian consists of Old Mid Franconian (Altmittelfränkisch), Old Rhine Franconian (Altrheinfränkisch), Old South-Rhine Franconian (Altsüdrheinfränkisch), and Old East Franconian (Altostfränkisch). Map 8.1 illustrates the areas where the different Old High German dialects were spoken. Strasbourg, Murbach, Reichenau, and Sankt Gallen were the main scribal centers of Old Alemannic. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110573060-008

8.1 Introduction 

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Map 8.1: Old High German dialects (Sonderegger 2003, 78).

A subdivision of Old Alemannic into Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic is not possible on the basis of historical records (Weinhold 1863, 73; Geuenich 2000, 1151; Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 5‒6). That is, Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic developed in the Middle Ages. In this respect, Kunze (1982, 175) observes that the subdialects emerged in the Middle Ages. However, he points out that the differences detected are not as accentuated as today. In German historical linguistics, German is traditionally divided into three periods: Old High German (Althochdeutsch), Middle High German (Mittelhochdeutsch), and Early New High German (Frühneuhochdeutsch). A word of caution, however, is that the periodization criteria adopted for standard German cannot be applied to Alemannic, as pointed out by scholars such as

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 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

Bohnenberger (1928, 23) and Moser (1951a, 302‒303). For example, unstressed vowel reduction is a phonological feature traditionally used to distinguish Old High German from Middle High German (Paul 1998, 19). In Middle High German, unstressed vowels were reduced to schwa. Although unstressed vowel reduction also applied in Alemannic, the scope of the process considerably differs from Middle High German since modern Alemannic dialects have unstressed full vowels directly derived from Old Alemannic. This is the case with the strong adjective ending of the nominative and accusative plural, which is retained as [e] in Swabian and [i] in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic (see Map 7.9). The patterns of unstressed vowel reduction will be discussed in more detail in Section 8.5.1. In the Südwestdeutscher Sprachatlas (SSA) and the Ortsgrammatiken of Swabian (see Section 7.1.2), Middle High German constitutes the basis of the historical descriptions. However, Middle High German is a theoretical construct that is not always suited for an adequate account of Alemannic dialects (see Wegera 1990 and 2000 for a critical discussion). Taking Old Alemannic as a point of departure can contribute to a better understanding of the patterns found in Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic. For this reason, the historical account of Swabian will be based on Old Alemannic sources (see Section 8.1.2).

8.1.2 Data sources The data sources include historical grammars such as Weinhold’s (1863) Alemannische Grammatik [Old Alemannic Grammar], Kauffmann’s (1890) Geschichte der schwäbischen Mundart im Mittelalter und in der Neuzeit [History of Swabian in the Middle Ages and the Modern Age], Schatz’s (1927) Althochdeutsche Grammatik [Old High German Grammar], Moser/Stopp’s (1970; 1973; 1978) Grammatik des Frühneuhochdeutschen [Grammar of Early New High German], Paul’s (1998) Mittelhochdeutsche Grammatik [Middle High German Grammar], and Braune/ Reiffenstein’s (2004) Althochdeutsche Grammatik [Old High German Grammar]. In addition to historical grammars, I consulted the Historischer Südwestdeutscher Sprachatlas [Historical Southwest German Linguistic Atlas] and Reichardt’s (2004) Ortsnamenbücher [Books of Place Names]. The Historischer Südwestdeutscher Sprachatlas (HSS) is a regional linguistic atlas based on documents of the thirteenth to the fifteenth centuries (see Kunze 1980 and 1982 for details). The Ortsnamenbücher contain a compilation of historical written forms of Swabian place names with their current dialect pronunciation. The corpus

8.1 Introduction 

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contains 51,900 historical forms of 3,790 place names covering the following districts (Landkreise): Ludwigsburg with Stuttgart, Rems-Murr-Kreis, Ostalbkreis, Böblingen, Esslingen, Göppingen, Heidenheim, Tübingen, Reutlingen, and AlbDonau with Ulm. With respect to Old Alemannic historical records, I will concentrate on two sources: the Rule of Saint Benedict and Notker’s writings. The Rule of Saint Benedict is dated to the early ninth century and represents one of the oldest Alemannic sources. Phonological aspects of the Rule of Saint Benedict were analysed by Seiler (1874), Stanich (1972), and Simmler (1981, 104‒110). Notker represents a later stage of Old Alemannic (early eleventh century), which is often referred to as Late Old High German (Spätalthochdeutsch). The source contains 7,800 word forms. For comparison, Otfrid (Old Rhine Franconian), Tatian (Old East Franconian), and Isidor (Old Franconian) contain 3,355, 2,030, and 788 word forms, respectively (Sehrt/Legner 1955, ix). Thus, Old Alemannic is the best documented Old High German dialect. Additionally, Notker is extremely valuable for German historical linguistics (see Sonderegger 2003, 134‒141 for details). The language of Notker has been examined in a series of studies (among others: Braune 1876; Kelle 1885; Ochs 1911). Notker’s spelling is phonetically motivated, which allows us to identify vowel length (see Section 8.3.1) and phonological processes such as consonant assimilation (Notker’s Law of initial consonants), unstressed vowel reduction (Section 8.5.1), unstressed vowel deletion (Sections 8.5.2 and 8.5.3), degemination of word-final geminate sonorants (Section 8.5.4.1), and deletion of word-medial consonants (Section 8.5.5). As for the historical documentation of Notker, I took the attested forms from Sehrt/ Legner’s (1955) Notker-Wortschatz and the lexical meaning from Sehrt’s (1962) Notker-Glossar. The time span between the Rule of Saint Benedict and Notker, which covers approximately 300 years, will help to trace the emergence of word-optimizing processes such as unstressed vowel reduction (Section 8.5.1), apocope (Section 8.5.2), and syncope (Section 8.5.3). These processes are only attested in Notker. Thus, the typological drift began in Late Old Alemannic. One word of caution, however, is that Old Alemannic was not homogeneous. Taking Notker as an earlier stage of Swabian poses some problems. For example, there are phonological processes that are attested in Notker, which have not necessarily occurred in Swabian. This is the case with spirantization of word-initial Gmc k (OAlem. chínt [xint] > Swab. Kind [khẽn  d ˳ ] ‘child’) and vowel shortening before h (OAlem. hóh-íu [ˈhøhyː] > Swab. höh-e [ˈhaoe] ‘high-nom/acc.pl’), where the diphthong [ao] implies an etymological long vowel (OAlem. grôz [˚ɡɾoːs] > Swab. groß [˚ɡɾaoz˳] ‘big’).

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 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

8.2 Syllable structure In this section, I will address the following issues regarding Old Alemannic syllable structure: surface syllable structure (8.2.1), syllable types (8.2.2), the Sonority Sequencing Principle (8.2.3), and syllable contact (8.2.4).

8.2.1 Surface syllable structure Old Alemannic allows up to three consonants, both in word-initial (strâza [ˈʃtɾaːsa] ‘street’) and word-final position (dúrst [d˳uɾʃt] ‘thirst’). According to Maddieson’s (2013d) classification (see Section 4.3.1), Old Alemannic has complex syllable structure. The syllable template for Old Alemannic is depicted in (118). (118) Old Alemannic surface syllable structure σ Onset

(C) (C) (C)

Rhyme Nucleus

Coda

V

(C) (C) (C)

As we have seen in Section 7.2.1, Swabian has complex syllable structure. In contrast to Old Alemannic, Swabian allows up to four consonants both in wordinitial and word-final position. Historically, syllable complexity typically has different origins (see Section 4.3.2). On the one hand, syllable complexity may be inherited from a prior language stage. On the other hand, it may constitute an innovation resulting from phonological processes such as vowel deletion and consonant epenthesis. In Swabian, moderately complex and complex syllable structures may be directly derived from Old Alemannic. For example, the originally complex word-initial consonant clusters [ʃp ʃpɾ ʃt ʃtɾ] have been retained in Swabian as [ʒ˚b˳ ʒ˚b˳ɾ ʒ˚d˳ ʒ˚d˳ɾ], respectively. Additionally, Swabian has moderately complex and complex syllable structures that arose from unstressed vowel deletion (see Sections 8.5.2 and 8.5.3) and consonant epenthesis (see Section 8.5.8). For example, unstressed vowel deletion led to complex consonant clusters that were phonotactically disallowed in Old Alemannic. These include word-initial [д ˚ʋ д ˚m д ˚n д ˚ v˳ д ˚ z˳ д ˚ ʒ˚ д ˚ ʒ˚b̥ɾ д ˚ ʒ˚d˳ɾ] and word-final [ɾb˳ʒ˚d˳ ɾnʒ˚ d˳ ŋʒ˚d˳] (see Table 8.24 and Table 8.25 for examples). Similarly, consonant epenthesis created complex consonant clusters that were phonotactically disallowed in Old Alemannic. These include

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word-initial [д ˚ʋ д ˚ z˳ д ˚ ʒ˚ ] and word-final [ɾnd˳ ɾçd˳ d˳z͡ ˳d˳] (see (140) and (141) respectively for examples).

8.2.2 Syllable types Old Alemannic has fifteen different syllable types. These are arranged in Table 8.1 according to the number of consonant slots occurring in the onset: onsetless syllables (V, VC, VCC, VCCC), onsets with one consonant (CV, CVC, CVCC, CVCCC), onsets with two consonants (CCV, CCVC, CCVCC, CCVCCC), and onsets with three consonants (CCCV, CCCVC, CCCVCC). Table 8.1: Syllable types of Old Alemannic monosyllabic words. Syllable type

Example

V VC VCC VCCC CV CVC CVCC CVCCC CCV CCVC CCVCC CCVCCC CCCV CCCVC CCCVCC

ê [eː] ‘before’ ér [ɛɾ] ‘he’ ált [alt] ‘old’ únst [unʃt] ‘favour’ sê [z˳eː] ‘sea’ tág [taд˚] ‘day’ uuúrm [ʋuɾm] ‘worm’ dúrst [d̥uɾʃt] ‘thirst’ snê [ʃneː] ‘snow’ slág [ʃlaд˚] ‘stroke’ suért [ʃʋɛɾt] ‘sword’ spánst [ʃpanʃt] ‘attraction’ spríu [ʃpɾyː] ‘chaff’ strît [ʃtɾiːt] ‘discord’ scríft [ʃkɾift] ‘writing’

Complex syllables occur at word and morpheme boundaries. Syllables containing three consonant slots in syllable onsets (spr, str, scr) and codas (mft ~ nft, nst, rft, rlt, rst) may only occur at word boundaries, as illustrated in (119) and (120). Importantly, the three consonant slots in syllable onsets violate the Sonority Sequencing Principle while the three consonant slots in syllable codas are in accordance with the Sonority Sequencing Principle. (119) Word-final codas with up to three consonants in Old Alemannic mft chúmft [xumft] ‘coming’ nst brúnst [b˳ɾunʃt] ‘conflagration’

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rft rlt rst

dúrft [d˳uɾft] ‘necessity’ uuérlt [ʋɛɾlt] ‘world’ dúrst [d˳uɾʃt] ‘thirst’

In Old Alemannic, there is a tendency for complex syllable structures to occur both in stressed and unstressed syllables. Let us examine the distribution patterns of st [ʃt], which constitutes the most frequent complex consonant cluster in Old Alemannic. The consonant cluster may occur word-initially and word-finally. In word-initial position, the cluster is associated with stressed syllables (stéin [ʃtein] ‘stone’) while in word-final position it may be associated both with stressed (nést [nɛʃt] ‘nest’) and unstressed syllables (hérbest [ˈheɾb˳eʃt] ‘autumn’). In wordfinal position the cluster is more frequent in unstressed syllables since it occurs in inflectional endings such as the superlative (-est, -ôst) and the second-person singular (-est, -êst, -ôst, -îst). This observation conflicts with the prediction that in word languages complex syllables occur in stressed syllables (see Section 4.3.1). Crucially, in Swabian syncope will cause word-final complex syllables to exclusively occur in stressed syllables, as in OAlem. léb-est [ˈlɛb˳ eʃt] > Swab. leb-st [leːb˳ ʒ˚d˳] ‘live-2sg.prs.ind’ (see Section 8.5.3). The Old Alemannic syllable types differ from Swabian in the following respects: First, in Swabian onsetless syllables are disallowed word-initially as a result of glottal stop insertion, as in alt [Ɂald˳] ‘old’ (see Section 7.5.3 for glottal stop insertion). This restriction does not apply in Old Alemannic, where there are empty onsets, as in ált [alt] ‘old’.1 Second, Swabian has the syllable types CVCCCC and CCCCVC, both of which are absent from Old Alemannic. Third, the syllable type CCCVC is only attested in the word-initial consonant cluster scr-.2

8.2.3 Sonority Sequencing Principle In Old Alemannic, the syllable generally follows the Sonority Sequencing Principle. This is the case with syllables containing three consonant slots in word-final codas, as shown in (119) in the previous section. However, ill-formed syllables containing appendices are common. Syllable appendices may only 1 There are three lines of evidence that glottal stop insertion did not apply in Old Alemannic. First, resyllabification has been retained in South Alemannic (Fleischer/Schmid 2006, 250; Siebenhaar 2014, 335). Second, we find hiatus resolution in Old High German, where the process applies at the word-internal boundary of compounds (see Szczepaniak 2007, 105 for details). Third, false splitting is indicative of resyllabification (see Section 7.6). 2 In Old Alemannic, the consonant cluster scr was spoken [ʃkɾ] (Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 168).

8.2 Syllable structure 

 325

occur word-initially.3 The coronal segment [ʃ] is the only consonant that functions as a prependix. It occurs in the word-initial clusters sp-, spr-, st-, str-, sc- (sk-), and scr-.4 Examples are given in (120). The clusters may also occur word-medially in lexical items such as gesprâchî [д˚ eˈʃpɾɛːxiː] ‘eloquence’ and físc-ôn [ˈv˳iʃkoːn] ‘fishinf’. Here, the question arises as to whether extrasyllabic elements may help to highlight morpheme boundaries in word-medial position. This could be the case when lexical items such as gesprâchî ‘eloquence’ are syllabified as [д˚ e.ˈʃpɾɛːxiː] while lexical items such as físc-ôn ‘fish-inf’ are syllabified as [ˈv˳iʃ.koːn]. In this way, the syllabification [.ʃpɾ] could be associated with the morpheme boundary. In this respect, Frey (1988, 101‒105, 111) lists instances of word division in Notker, which involve prefixes, compounds, and simplicia. The instances of word division reveal that prefixes and compounds behave differently from simplicia. Consonant clusters such as st and sc are generally retained with prefixes and compounds, as in be stûont (bestûont ‘exist.pst[3sg]’) and tágo stérno (tágostérno ‘morning star’). By contrast, in simplicia they may be either retained, as in rûmi sko (rûmisk-o ‘Roman-nom.sg.m’) or separated as in hóhes to (hóh-est-o ‘highsup-nom.sg.m’).5 (120) Extrasyllabic elements in Old Alemannic sp spíl [ʃpil] ‘game’ spr spríu [ʃpɾyː] ‘chaff’ st stéin [ʃtein] ‘stone’ str strît [ʃtɾiːt] ‘discord’ sc (sk) skírm [ʃkiɾm] ‘shelter’ scr scríft [ʃkɾift] ‘writing’

3 The only exception is líbs ‘southwest wind’, which constitutes a loan word from Greek λίψ (Sehrt 1962, 119). 4 Penzl (1968, 149) points out that Notker employs the spellings , , and for the combination of palatal sibilants and velar stops. The spelling occurs word-finally, as in físg [v˳ iʃk] ‘fish’. In contrast, is employed before consonants and velar vowels (físc-ôn [ˈv˳ iʃkoːn] ‘fishinf’) while is employed before palatal vowels (  físk-en [ˈv˳ iʃken] ‘fish-dat.pl’). The same alternation is found in the Rule of Saint Benedict (Seiler 1874, 417). This suggests that in Old Alemannic /k/ surfaces as [ḵ] before velar vowels while it surfaces as [k̟] before palatal vowels. 5 The syllabification patterns found in simplicia follow different phonological principles. The syllabification V.sPV is in line with the Contact Law and Onset Maximization Principle. However, it violates the Sonority Sequencing Principle. In contrast, the syllabification Vs.PV is in line with the Contact Law and Sonority Sequencing Principle. However, it violates the Onset Maximization Principle. With regard to the syllabification of word-medial sequences of sibilant + stop, Old Alemannic resembles Italian and Polish (Bertinetto et al. 2006).

326 

 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

Figure 8.1: Sonority of strît ‘discord’.

Figure 8.2: Sonority of scríft ‘writing’.

Figure 8.1 and Figure 8.2 display the sonority of the segments in the items strît [ʃtɾiːt] ‘discord’ and scríft [ʃkɾift] ‘writing’, respectively. The Sonority Sequencing Principle is violated in word-initial position since word-initial [ʃ] is more sonorous than the following stop. With regard to extrasyllabic elements, Old Alemannic differs from Swabian in three respects. First, in Swabian extrasyllabic elements occur both word-initially (Straße [ʒ˚ d˳ɾɔːz˳] ‘street’) and word-finally (schreib-st [ʒ˚ɾəib˳ʒ˚] ‘write-2sg’) while in Old Alemannic they only occur word-initially (strâza [ˈʃtɾaːsa] ‘street’) and morpheme-initially (bestûont ‘exist.pst[3sg]’). Second, in Swabian we find the extrasyllabic consonants [z˳ ʒ˚] while in Old Alemannic we only find the extrasyllabic consonant [ʃ].6 Third, the consonant clusters sc (sk) [ʃk] and scr [ʃkɾ] were present in Old Alemannic while they are absent from Swabian owing to assimilation, as in OAlem. scrîb-en [ʃkɾiːb˳en] > Swab. schreib-en [ˈʒ˚ɾəib˳ə] ‘write-inf’.7 6 In Swabian, OAlem. [ʃ] became [ʒ˚] as a result of lenition (see Section 7.5.2). 7 The development of OAlem. sc, sk [ʃk] into [ʃ] (or [ʒ˚] after lenition) is traditionally dated to the second half of the thirteenth century (Moser 1951b, 222; Paul 1998, 163‒164; Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 140).

8.2 Syllable structure 

 327

8.2.4 Syllable contact In Old Alemannic we find well-formed syllable contacts in word-medial position. As a result of syncope (see Section 8.5.3), ill-formed syllable contacts emerged. Most of these were retained in Alemannic. This is the case with [d˳.m], [v˳.n], [ç.n], and [z̥.l], as illustrated in (121) (see Ebert/Reichmann/Wegera 1993 for Early New High German). By contrast, [t.ʋ], [д ˚ .n], [ɾ.ʋ], [l.ʋ], and [l.h] were repaired by means of total assimilation, metathesis, head strengthening, and consonant deletion. In this section, I will show how these processes contributed to optimizing syllable structure in word-medial position. (121) Ill-formed syllable contacts resulting from syncope OAlem. âtem-ôn [ˈaː.te.moːn] > Swab. atm-en [ˈɁɔːd˳.mə] ‘breathe-inf’ OAlem. óffen-ôn [ˈœ.fe.noːn] > Swab. öffn-en [ˈɁev˳ .nə] ‘open-inf’ OAlem. réchen-ôn [ˈɾɛ.xe.noːn] > Swab. rechn-en [ˈɾɛɐç.nə] ‘count-inf’ OAlem. uuéhsel-ôn [ˈʋɛx.se.loːn] > Swab. wechsel-n [ˈʋiд ˚ z˳.lə] ‘change-inf’ Let us begin with sequences of obstruent + sonorant. After syncope applied to lexical items such as OAlem. éteuuáz [ˈɛteˈʋas] ‘something’ and éteuuér [ˈɛteˈʋɛɾ] ‘someone’, the ill-formed syllable contact [t.ʋ] was repaired by means of total assimilation giving rise to etwas [ˈɁɛb˳əz˳] and etwer [ˈɁɛb˳ɾ̩] in Swabian (König/ Renn 2007, 108; Schwäb. Wb. II, 527, 893‒894). Importantly, assimilation did not apply at word and morpheme boundaries, where [t.ʋ] (or [d˳.ʋ] after lenition) is preserved in lexical items such as Mittwoch [ˈmid˳ˈʋoɣ˚] ‘Wednesday’ (SSA, Question 334.5). Additionally, lexical items such as OAlem. régen-ôn [ˈɾɛд˚ enoːn] ‘rain-inf’ and ségen-ôn [ˈz˳ɛд˚ enoːn] ‘bless-inf’ underwent syncope becoming [ˈɾẽŋə] and [ˈz˳ẽŋə] respectively in Swabian. The ill-formed syllable contact [д ˚ .n] was resolved via metathesis ([д ˚ .ŋ] > [ŋ.д ˚ ]) and subsequently total assimilation ([ŋ.д˚ ] > [ŋ]) (Bohnenberger 1928, 30; Schwäb. Wb. V, 242‒244, 1314). Sequences of liquid + labiodental approximant will be illustrated with the lexical item OAlem. fáreuu-en [ˈv˳aɾeʋen] ‘colour-inf’, which underwent syncope giving rise to [ˈv˳aɾʋen]. The resulting syllable contact [ɾ.ʋ] violates the Contact Law since the syllable boundary lies before the more sonorous segment (see Figure 8.3). The ill-formed syllable contact was avoided through head strengthening, whereby the labiodental approximant became the labial stop [b˳], as in Swab. färb-en [ˈv˳ɛɾb˳ə] ‘colour-inf’. As a result, the syllable boundary lies before the strongest segment (see Figure 8.4). Therefore, the resulting syllable contact is in line with the Contact Law. The same applies for the ill-formed syllable contact [l.ʋ], as in OAlem. suáleuua [ˈʃʋaleʋa] > Swab. Schwalbe [ˈʒ̊ʋalb̥ə] ‘swallow’. The development is not exclusive of Alemannic since it is also attested in other Middle High German dialects

328 

 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

Figure 8.3: Sonority of OAlem. fáreuu-en ‘colour-inf’ after syncope.

Figure 8.4: Sonority of Swab. färb-en ‘colour-inf’ after head strengthening.

(Paul 1998, 141). However, in Middle Franconian the ill-formed syllable contact [l.ʋ] was resolved through consonant deletion, as in swalwe > swale ‘swallow’ (Paul 1998, 141, 174). As for the sequence liquid + glottal approximant, the lexical item OAlem. *skíleh-en [ˈʃkilehen] ‘squint-inf’ experienced syncope resulting in [ˈʃkilhen]. The ill-formed syllable contact [l.h] is preserved in Ötztal Alemannic as [ˈʒ˚ɪlhn̩] (VALTS 3.1, Comment 59). By contrast, in other Alemannic dialects the rising sonority transition was resolved either through head strengthening or through consonant deletion. For example, head strengthening took place in Kleinwalsertal Alemannic giving rise to [ˈʒ˚ɪlxə] while consonant deletion took place in Swabian giving rise to [ˈʒ˚ilə] (VALTS 3.1, Comment 59; SSA, Question 240.6). If the sequence [l.h] was subject to syllable-optimizing processes, it follows that the syllable contact was ill-formed. That is, the glottal continuant was more sonorous than the lateral.

8.2 Syllable structure 

 329

Table 8.2: Processes enhancing ill-formed syllable contacts in German dialects. OHG

Head strengthening

Consonant deletion

[ɾ.ʋ] [l.ʋ]

Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, South Alemannic ([l.ʋ] > [l.b˳])

Middle Franconian ([l.ʋ] > [l])

[l.h]

Kleinwalsertal Alemannic ([l.h] > [l.x])

Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, South Alemannic ([l.h] > [l])

Table 8.3: Processes enhancing ill-formed syllable contacts in Swabian. Process

Syllable contact

Development

Consonant assimilation (see Section 7.4.3)

[t.ʋ]

OAlem. éteuuáz [ˈɛteˈʋas] > Swab. etwas [ˈɁɛb˳əz˳] ‘something’

Metathesis

[д˚ .n]

OAlem. régen-ôn [ˈɾɛд˚enoːn] > Swab. regn-en [ˈɾẽŋə] ‘rain-inf’

Head strengthening

[ɾ.ʋ]

OAlem. fáreuu-en [ˈv˳aɾeʋen] > Swab. färb-en [ˈv˳ɛɾb˳ə] ‘colour-inf’ OAlem. suáleuua [ˈʃʋaleʋa] > Swab. Schwalbe [ˈʒ˚ʋalb˳ə] ‘swallow’

[l.ʋ] Consonant deletion

[l.h]

OAlem. *skíleh-en [ˈʃ kilehen] > Swab. schiel-en [ˈʒ̊ilə] ‘squint-inf’

As a consequence, it behaved as an approximant.8 Further evidence for glottal continuants patterning with sonorants comes from deletion of word-medial consonants, which applies to [ʋ] and [h] (see Section 8.5.5). Table 8.2 summarizes the different processes that contribute to optimizing the ill-formed syllable contacts [ɾ.ʋ], [l.ʋ], and [l.h] in different German dialects. Table 8.3 gives an overview of the processes that helped to repair some of the ill-formed syllable contacts that arose from syncope, which include total assimilation, metathesis, head strengthening, and consonant deletion.

8 The position of glottal consonants in the sonority scale remains elusive and widely debated (Parker 2011, 1176; Miller 2012, 275‒276). In a cross-linguistic study based on 600 language varieties, Miller (2012) provides evidence that glottal continuants pattern with obstruents in some languages while they pattern with sonorants in others. In this respect, Szczepaniak (2014, 170) observes that in Old High German epenthetic consonants resolving hiatuses include [w j ɾ h]. This reveals that [h] patterns with sonorants. In the same vein, I argue that the optimization of illformed syllable structures in Old Alemannic supports evidence that [h] patterns with sonorants.

330 

 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

8.2.5 Summary Old Alemannic has complex syllable structure since it has the surface syllable template (C)(C)(C)V(C)(C)(C). Additionally, complex syllable structures occur at word and morpheme boundaries both in stressed and unstressed syllables. However, extrasyllabic elements are restricted to word-initial onsets. As a result of unstressed vowel deletion and consonant epenthesis, syllable complexity increased in Swabian. In contrast to Old Alemannic, Swabian may contain up to four consonants at word and morpheme boundaries. Additionally, extrasyllabic elements may also occur word-finally. Moreover, syllable complexity occurs in stressed syllables and at word and morpheme boundaries. Notwithstanding the increase of syllable complexity, word-medial ill-formed syllable contacts resulting from syncope ([t.ʋ ɡ̊.n ɾ.ʋ l.ʋ l.h]) were resolved by means of syllable-optimizing processes such as total assimilation, metathesis, head strengthening, and consonant deletion. Interestingly, the repair strategies are restricted to word-medial position. This implies that ill-formed syllable contacts involving rising sonority transitions are disallowed in word-medial position. As a consequence, ill-formed syllable structures are associated with the margins of the phonological word.

8.3 Phonotactic restrictions 8.3.1 Stress-related restrictions The Old Alemannic vowel system (Notker) is arranged in Table 8.4 according to stressed and unstressed syllables. In stressed syllables, Old Alemannic exhibits short vowels, long vowels, and diphthongs. By contrast, Old Alemannic does not exhibit diphthongs in unstressed syllables. Short vowels and long vowels may appear both in stressed and unstressed syllables.9 Examples of short vowels, long vowels, and diphthongs in stressed syllables are given in (122), (123), and (124), respectively.10 Front rounded vowels may occur 9 In Old Alemannic, vowel length can be unequivocally identified in the spelling. In the Rule of Saint Benedict, vowel length is indicated by vowel-doubling (hoorr-an [ˈhoːɾan] ‘hear-inf’) while in Notker it is indicated by circumflex (^) (hôr-en [ˈhoːɾen] ‘hear-inf’) (Seiler 1874, 433‒436; Schatz 1927, 7; Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 16‒17, 61). Additionally, Notker highlights stressed short vowels with acute (´) (háb-en [ˈhab̥en] ‘have-inf’). 10 The diphthongs éi and óu are short while the diphthongs îo, îe, and ûo are long. According to the SSA (Maps 34.50, 35.50, 36.50), the reflexes of the long diphthongs still retain the length feature, which is regularly transcribed as half-long (OAlem. fûoz [v˳uːos] > Swab. Fuß [v˳uˑəz˳] ‘foot’, OAlem. nîo [niːo] > Swab. nie [niˑə] ‘never’, OAlem. bîet-en [ˈb˳iːeten] > Swab. biet-en [ˈb˳iˑəd˳ə] ‘offer-inf’).

8.3 Phonotactic restrictions 

 331

Table 8.4: Old Alemannic vowel system in stressed and unstressed syllables.

Short vowel Long vowel Diphthong

Stressed syllable

Unstressed syllable

i y e ø ɛ a o u iː yː eː øː ɛː aː oː uː ei ou øy iːe iːo uːo yːø

i e a o u iː yː eː aː oː uː

in stressed and, less frequently, unstressed syllables. In stressed syllables, front rounded vowels arose from umlaut while in unstressed syllables they arose from monophthongization.11 Although Notker only indicates umlaut of /a/ and /uː/, the process must have applied to all stem vowels and diphthongs. For example, may represent either [u] (súmer [ˈz˳umeɾ] ‘summer’) or [y] (búrdî [ˈb˳yɾd˳iː] ‘burden’). Following Penzl (1968, 137‒138, 141) and Braune/Reiffenstein (2004, 55‒57), I assume that in stressed syllables the front rounded vowels [y yː ø øː] and the front rounded diphthongs [øy yːø] occur in Notker. By contrast, in unstressed syllables Notker only has the round fronted vowel [yː], as in ált-íu [ˈaltyː] ‘old-nom/acc. pl’, where [yː] is an inflectional ending.12 This front rounded vowel emerged from monophthongization ([iw] > [yː]) (see Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 53‒54, 58). In unstressed syllables, unrounding applied in Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic while in stressed syllables it only applied in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian, as in OAlem. ált-íu híus-er [ˈaltyː ˈhyːz˳ eɾ] > URAlem. alt-e Häus-er [ˈɁald˳i ˈhiːz˳ʀ̩] ‘old-nom/acc.pl house-pl’.13 Unrounding in unstressed syllables is discussed in Section 8.5.1.2. In Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic, the diphthongs îo and îe have merged into [iˑə]. 11 Umlaut is a regressive assimilation process, whereby stem vowels undergo palatalization when the following syllable originally contained [i iː j] (Paul 1998, 61‒67; Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 55‒57; Szczepaniak 2007, 80‒83, 181‒196). As a result of unstressed vowel reduction, etymological [i iː j] underwent either deletion or reduction, as in the inflectional endings -e (< -i) and -er (< -ir) (see Section 8.5.1.1 for unstressed vowel reduction). Notker employs [e] and [yː] for the umlaut of /a/ and /uː/, respectively. This alternation may result from derivation and inflection. Examples of alternations resulting from inflection are gást [д˚ aʃt] ‘guest’ vs. gést-e [ˈд ˚ eʃte] ‘guest-pl’ and hûs [huːz˳] ‘house’ vs. híus-er [ˈhyːz˳eɾ] ‘house-pl’. 12 According to Valentin (1969, 127‒128) and Sonderegger (2003, 259), the spelling represents the monophthong [yː] while according to Braune/Reiffenstein (2004, 221) it represents the falling diphthong [iw]. Following Valentin (1969) and Sonderegger (2003), I assume that Notker employs the spelling for [yː], both in stressed (híus-er [ˈhyːz˳eɾ] ‘house-pl’) and unstressed syllables (ált-íu [ˈaltyː] ‘old-nom/acc.pl’). 13 Unrounding in stressed syllables is described in the literature while unrounding in unstressed syllables has remained obscure. With regard to unrounding in stressed syllables, see Freudenberg

332 

 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

In Old Alemannic, diphthongs are restricted to stressed syllables. Lexical items such as árbéit [ˈaɾb˳eit] ‘work’ and ármûotîg [ˈaɾmuːotiːд˚ ] ‘poor’ seem to be exceptions. Following Becker (1998, 83), I assume that these words are pseudo-compounds since they carry secondary stress. In addition, the lax mid vowel [ɛ] is restricted to stressed syllables, as in OAlem. géb-en [ˈд˚ ɛb˳en] ‘give-inf’.14 (122) Old Alemannic short vowels [a] gást [д ˚ aʃt] [e] gést-e [ˈд ˚ eʃte] [ɛ] géb-en [ˈд˚ ɛb˳en] [i] síben [ˈz˳ib˳en] [o] hólz [holt͡s] [ø] hólzin [ˈhølt͡sin] [u] húnt [hunt] [y] búrdî [ˈb˳yɾdiː]

‘guest’ ‘guest-pl’ ‘give-inf’ ‘seven’ ‘wood’ ‘wooden’ ‘dog’ ‘burden’

(123) Old Alemannic long vowels [aː] slâf-en [ˈʃlaːfen] [eː] snê [ʃneː] [ɛː] slâf-et [ˈʃlɛːfet] [iː] zît [t ͡siːt] [oː] grôz [д˚ɾoːs] [øː] grôzî [ˈд˚ɾøːsiː] [uː] hûs [huːz˳] [yː] híus-er [ˈhyːz˳eɾ]

‘sleep-inf’ ‘snow’ ‘sleep-3sg.prs.ind’ ‘time’ ‘big’ ‘size’ ‘house’ ‘house-pl’

(124) Old Alemannic diphthongs [uːo] fûoz [v˳uːos] [yːø] fûoz-e [ˈv˳yːøse] [iːo] nîo [niːo]

‘foot’ ‘foot-pl’ ‘never’

(1974, Map 20) for historical records of Upper German, Wiesinger (1983b, 1103) for the dialects of German, and SSA (Map 26) for OAlem. íu in the lexical item Mäus-e ‘mouse-pl’. With regard to unrounding in unstressed syllables, see Caro Reina (2014b, 107‒108) for discussion. 14 Notker does not distinguish between [ɛ] derived from Gmc e and [e] derived from umlaut (Primärumlaut), both of which are transcribed with the spelling . However, historical grammars traditionally distinguish between [ɛ] and [e] employing ë and ẹ, respectively (Paul 1998, 92; Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 22, 31). In contrast to historical grammars, I will not make this distinction in the attested forms.

8.3 Phonotactic restrictions 

[iːe] [ou] [øy] [ei]

bîet-en lóuf-en lóuf-et héiz

[ˈb˳iːeten] [ˈloufen] [ˈløyfet] [heis]

 333

‘offer-inf’ ‘run-inf’ ‘run-3sg.prs.ind’ ‘hot’

Scholars such as Wilmanns (1911, 386), Penzl (1968, 136‒137), and Becker (2000, 41) surmise that Notker shows schwa in unstressed syllables, which is regularly transcribed as . On the one hand, there is evidence for unstressed vowel reduction. For example, in the Rule of Saint Benedict closed word-final syllables contain the spellings while in Notker they only contain the spelling (see Section 8.5.1.1 for details). On the other hand, it is not clear whether the quality of this corresponds to schwa or, rather, the front mid lax vowel [e]. Additionally, in unstressed syllables there is a phonological contrast between , which makes the existence of schwa unlikely. In absence of clear evidence, I assume that represents the full vowel [e]. In Old Alemannic, there is a vowel length contrast both in stressed and unstressed syllables, as illustrated in (125) and (126), respectively (see Sonderegger 2003, 258‒259 for examples from other Old High German dialects). Vowel length opposition in unstressed syllables occurs in inflectional suffixes, as in rât-est [ˈɾaːteʃt] ‘counsel-2sg.prs.ind’ vs. rât-êst [ˈɾaːteːʃt] ‘counsel-2sg. prs.subj’, where -est [eʃt] and -êst [eːʃt] are the inflectional endings of the second-person singular of the present indicative (Indikativ) and subjunctive (Optativ), respectively. (125) Vowel length opposition in stressed syllables in Old Alemannic uuága [ˈʋaд ˚ a] ‘cradle’ uuâga [ˈʋaːд˚ a] ‘scales’ uuíz-en [ˈʋisen] ‘know-inf’ uuîz-en [ˈʋiːsen] ‘impute-inf’ (126) Vowel length opposition in unstressed syllables in Old Alemannic géb-a [ˈд˚ ɛb˳a] ‘gift-nom.sg’ géb-â [ˈд˚ ɛb˳aː] ‘gift-nom.pl’ rât-en [ˈɾaːten] ‘counsel-inf’ rât-ên [ˈɾaːteːn] ‘counsel-1pl.prs.subj’ rât-est [ˈɾaːteʃt] ‘counsel-2sg.prs.ind’ rât-êst [ˈɾaːteːʃt] ‘counsel-2sg.prs.subj’ rât-ent [ˈɾaːtent] ‘counsel-2pl.prs.ind’ rât-ênt [ˈɾaːteːnt] ‘counsel-2pl.prs.subj’

8.3.2 Position-related restrictions The Old Alemannic consonant system is given in Table 8.5. Old Alemannic is characterized by the presence of geminate sonorants, which include [mː  nː  lː  ɾː]. Geminates are licensed in word-medial position both in stressed

334 

 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

Table 8.5: Old Alemannic consonant system (N.). Bilabial Stop Affricate Fricative Nasal Lateral

p

b˳

Labiodental

Alveolar

p͡f f

t t͡s s

v̥

m mː

Tap Approximant

ʋ

Palatal

Velar

ʃ

k k͡x x

 d˳ z˳ n nː l lː ɾ ɾː

Glottal ɡ̊ h ŋ

j

and unstressed syllables. In stressed syllables, geminates occur in lexical items such as stímma [ˈʃtimːa] ‘voice’, rínn-an [ˈɾinːan] ‘run-inf’, fáll-en [ˈv˳alːen] ‘fall-inf’, and uuérra [ˈʋɛɾːa] ‘discord’. In unstressed syllables, geminates arise when infinitives are inflected. This is the case with the inflectional endings -nes ‘gen’ and -ne ‘dat’ (mách-ôn-ne [ˈmaxoːnːe] ‘make-inf-dat’). Geminates may be preceded by long vowels, both in stressed syllables (hêrro [ˈheːɾːo] ‘master’) and unstressed syllables (mách-ôn-ne [ˈmaxoːnːe] ‘make-inf-dat’). Additionally, geminates may be phonemic. However, a phonological contrast is restricted to stressed syllables. Examples of minimal pairs (or nearly minimal pairs) are ném-en [ˈnεmen] ‘take-inf’ vs. némm-en [ˈnemːen] ‘name-inf’, uuóla [ˈʋola] ‘fortune’ vs. uuólla [ˈʋolːa] ‘wool’, and túre [ˈtuɾe] ‘door’ vs. túrre [ˈtuɾːe] ‘tower’. Importantly, geminates do not occur word-finally as a result of degemination (see Section 8.5.4.1). In Old Alemannic, obstruents have a fortis-lenis contrast (see Section 7.5.2 for details). Examples are shown in (127), where there is a phonological opposition between the fortis consonants [t f s] and the lenis consonants [ ˳d v̥ z̥]. The opposition occurs both word-medially (as in uuîz-en [ˈʋiːsen] ‘impute-inf’ vs. uuîs-en [ˈʋiːz˳en] ‘lead-inf’) and word-finally (as in héiz [heis] ‘hot’ vs. héis [heiz˳] ‘hoarse’). (127) Fortis-lenis contrast in Old Alemannic óffen [ˈofen] ‘open’ óuen [ˈov˳en] ‘oven’ sîta [ˈz˳iːta] ‘side’ sîda [ˈz˳iːd˳a] ‘silk’ uuîz-en [ˈʋiːsen] ‘impute-inf’ uuîs-en [ˈʋiːz˳en] ‘lead-inf’ héiz [heis] ‘hot’ héis [heiz˳] ‘hoarse’

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In Old Alemannic we find the affricates [p͡f t͡s k͡x].15 The affricate [t͡ʃ ] is absent from Old Alemannic. In Swabian, the sound resulted from syncope in lexical items such as OAlem. díutisg ‘German’ [ˈd˳yːtiʃk] > [d˳yːt͡ʃ ]. In contrast to South Alemannic, it is not clear whether Swabian originally underwent spirantization of word-initial Gmc k (Gmc [k] > OAlem. [x]). A comparison between the HSS (Maps 182‒191) and the SSA (Maps 105.00‒105.01) reveals that the isogloss moved southwards (Maurer 1965, 44). However, the HSS does not provide examples of spirantization of Gmc k in Swabian during the Middle Ages. Similarly, Kauffmann (1890) does not provide examples of spirantization of Gmc k in the oldest records of Swabian. In order to study whether Old Alemannic highlights the phonological word by means of phonotactic restrictions in word-initial, word-medial, and/or wordfinal position, the consonant system laid out in Table 8.5 is arranged in Table 8.6 according to the occurrence (positive signal) or non-occurrence (negative signal) of single consonants in word-initial onsets (#C), word-medial onsets (C.C and V.C), word-medial codas (C.C), and word-final codas (C#). Positive and negative word boundary signals are highlighted in grey. Geminates and consonant clusters are not included. The table excludes instances of prefixation. In Old Alemannic, [k j] constitute positive signals while [p f s] constitute negative signals. OAlem. [k] only occurs word-medially (glócca [ˈ ɡ̊loka] ‘bell’). In contrast, OAlem. [j] is restricted to the word-initial position (iâr [jaːɾ] ‘year’).16 The negative signals [p f s] arose from the Second Consonant Shift (see Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 15 The affricate [k͡x] is derived from Gmc k and kk. It is not clear whether the affricate occurred in Notker. According to the patterns of South Alemannic (Hall 1991, 47‒56; Hotzenköcherle 1984, Maps 3, 5, 10, 43; SSA, Maps 105.00‒105.01, 108.00‒108.04), I assume that the sound occurs both word-medially (as in dánc-es [ˈd ˳ aŋk͡xes] ‘gratitude-gen.sg’ and pócch-a [ˈb ˳ ok͡xa] ‘buck-nom/acc. ͡ ͡ pl’) and word-finally (as in dáng [d˳aŋkx] ‘gratitude’ and póg [b˳okx] ‘buck’). In contrast, Penzl (1968) claims that the spelling in lexical items such as pocch-a ‘buck-nom/acc.pl’ represents the affricate [k͡x] while in lexical items such as póg ‘buck’ represents the stop [k]. With regard to the spelling , the alternation between póg ‘buck’ ~ pócch-a ‘buck-nom/acc. pl’ leads Gabriel (VALTS 3.1, Comment 1) to conclude that in tág ‘day’ also represents the affricate. However, the lexical item tág does not show the alternation between word-final and word-medial since inflected forms only have , as in tág-es ‘day-gen.sg’. For this reason, I assume that word-finally may represent either the affricate [k͡x] (póg ‘buck’) or the lenis velar stop [ɡ̊] (tág ‘day’). The affricate must have also occurred word-initially before undergoing deaffrication ([k͡x] > [x]). However, I assume that in Notker the spelling represents the fortis velar fricative [x], as in chínt [xint] ‘child’. 16 In Old Franconian, the sound also occurs word-medially as an epenthetic consonant in verba pura such as sāi-an ‘sow-inf’ (Franck 1909, 92‒93; Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 114‒115). This is not the case in Old Alemannic, where the epenthetic consonant concerned is [h], as in sáh-en ‘sow-inf’ (see Section 8.5.5 for details).

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Table 8.6: Distribution of single consonants in Old Alemannic. Word-initial

p b˳ t d˳ k ɡ̊ p͡f t͡s k͡x f v˳ s z˳ x h ʋ l m n ŋ ɾ j

Word-medial

Word-final

#C

C.C, V.C

C.C

C#

− + + + − + + + − − + − + + + + + + + − + +

+ + + + − + + + + + + + + + + + + + + − + −

+ + − − + − + + − + − + + + + − + + + + + −

+ + + + − + + + + + − + + + + − + + + + + −

89 for an overview). Word-initial

is marginally attested in loan words such as paradys ‘paradise’ and púrpura ‘purple’. The word boundary signals identified for Old Alemannic lose their function when prefixes are attached to the stem and when words appear in connected speech. For example, the positive signal [j] may also occur word-medially in derived forms such as geiéh-en [ɡ̊eˈjɛhen] ‘admit-inf’. Additionally, the negative signals [p k f s] may also occur word-initially when preceded by obstruent consonants. The process is referred to as Notker’s Law of initial consonants, which generally applies to word-initial lenis consonants [b˳ d˳ д˚ v˳ z˳] (see Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 105–106, Clausing 1979, and Moulton 1979 for details). In word-initial position, there is a phonologically motivated alternation in stems beginning with lenis consonants. The lenis consonants [b˳ д ˚ v˳ ] are retained when preceded by vowels and sonorants while they undergo fortition in phrase-initial position and when preceded by obstruents, giving rise to the fortis consonants [p k f], respectively. Thus, there is a word-initial alternation between

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[b˳] ~ [p], [д˚ ] ~ [k], and [v˳ ] ~ [f]. The alternation between [д˚ ] ~ [k] is illustrated in (128) with the verb géb-en [ˈд˚ ɛb˳en] ‘give-inf’. For example, word-initial [д˚ ] is retained when preceded by the pronoun dû [d˳uː] ‘2sg’ while it undergoes fortition when preceded by the pronoun íh [ix] ‘1sg’. As a result, [k] no longer functions as a positive signal. The patterns of Notker’s Law of initial consonants still persist in South Alemannic (Hall 1991, 62‒64; Moulton 1979; VALTS III, Comments 17‒25a, 32‒37a) while they were lost in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian as a result of lenition (see Section 7.5.2). (128) Notker’s Law of initial consonants géb-en [ˈд ˚ ɛb˳en] ‘give-inf’

ûzkéb-en [ˈuːs ˈkɛb˳en] ‘spend-inf’ dû gíb-est [d˳uː ˈд˚ ib˳ eʃt] ‘you give-2sg.prs.ind’ íh kíb-o [ix ˈkib˳o] ‘I give-1sg.   prs.ind’

8.3.3 Summary Old Alemannic has slight stress-related and position-related restrictions. Stressrelated restrictions involve the occurrence of diphthongs, front rounded vowels, and the mid lax vowel [ɛ] in stressed syllables. Position-related restrictions include the positive signals [k j] and the negative signals [p f s]. However, these word boundary signals disappear as a result of prefixation and Notker’s Law of initial consonants. In this stage, [h] does not function as a word boundary signal. However, as a result of consonant deletion the sound later became a positive signal (see Section 8.5.9).

8.4 Syllable-optimizing processes The syllable-optimizing processes that will be described in this section are vowel epenthesis (8.4.1) and nasalization (8.4.2). Syllable-optimizing processes resulting from syncope such as consonant assimilation, metathesis, head strengthening, and consonant deletion are described in Section 8.2.4. Consonant epenthesis resolving hiatuses in verba pura is dealt with in Section 8.5.5.

8.4.1 Vowel epenthesis I will distinguish between three types of vowel epenthesis: (1) vowel epenthesis in Old Alemannic (Section 8.4.1.1); (2) vowel epenthesis after apocope (Section 8.4.1.2); and (3) vowel epenthesis in sequences of liquid + obstruent (Section 8.4.1.3).

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8.4.1.1 Vowel epenthesis in Old Alemannic Epenthetic vowels (Sprossvokale) are common in Old High German (see Szczepaniak 2007, 98‒104 for an overview). The process is generally attested both in word-medial heterosyllabic clusters and word-final clusters, both of which contain non-homorganic consonants. Vowel epenthesis is a syllable-optimizing process that brings about a simplification of syllable complexity. Thus, complex syllables become moderately complex in word-final position (CV́CC > CV́.CVC) while moderately complex syllables become simple in word-medial position (CV́C. CV > CV́.CV.CV). Note that in word-final position the epenthetic vowel occurs between the consonants. Vowel epenthesis occurring between l + h, r + h, r + w, and l + w is common in Old Upper German and Old Franconian. However, vowel epenthesis occurring between r + labial/velar consonants and r + l is restricted to Old Upper German, as shown in Table 8.7. Importantly, the first consonant of the cluster involves a liquid.17 Table 8.7: Vowel epenthesis in Old High German (based on Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 71‒72). Consonant cluster

Old Franconian

Old Upper German

r + w, l + w l + h, r + h r + labial/velar consonant r+l

+ + − −

+ + + +

The patterns of vowel epenthesis in Old Alemannic are illustrated in Table 8.8. A comparison between the Rule of Saint Benedict and Notker reveals that in Old Alemannic there is a gradual decrease in the incidence of vowel epenthesis (see dotted line). In the Rule of Saint Benedict, we generally find vowel epenthesis in nonhomorganic sequences of liquid + consonant. The epenthetic vowels are [a e i u], as illustrated in (129). There is a tendency for the epenthetic vowel to have the same quality as the preceding vowel. In this respect, Hall (2011a, 1581) talks about “copy vowel epenthesis”. Szczepaniak (2007, 107‒110) views the process as an instance of syllable-related vowel harmony. Copy vowel epenthesis implies that mid lax vowels may also appear in unstressed syllables, as in pereg [ˈpɛɾɛд˚]

17 The patterns of vowel epenthesis in Old Alemannic have been described by Seiler (1874, 29‒32) and Reutercrona (1920).

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Table 8.8: Development of vowel epenthesis in Alemannic. Consonant cluster

Rule of Saint Benedict

Notker

r + w, l + w l+h

farauuii [ˈv˳aɾaʋiː] pifelah-an [piˈv˳ɛlahan]

fáreuua [ˈv˳aɾeʋa] ‘colour’ beuéleh-en [beˈv˳ɛlehen] ‘order-inf’ míleh [ˈmilex] ‘milk’

r+h r + labial/velar consonant r+b r+g r+m

uuerah [ˈʋɛɾax]

uuérh [ʋɛɾx] ‘creation’

arabeit [ˈaɾab˳eit] pereg [ˈpɛɾɛд˚] uuaram [ˈʋaɾam]

árbéit [ˈaɾb˳eit] ‘work’ bérg [b˳ɛɾд˚] ‘mountain’ uuárm [ʋaɾm] ‘warm’

‘mountain’. In addition, Seiler (1874, 431) points out that vowel epenthesis applies more regularly word-finally than word-medially. (129) Vowel epenthesis in the Rule of Saint Benedict aram [ˈaɾam] ‘arm’ urereb-an [uɾˈeɾeb˳an] ‘disinherit-inf’ eribo [ˈeɾib˳o] ‘heir’ uuurum [ˈʋuɾum] ‘worm’ Notker differs from the Rule of Saint Benedict in two respects. First, vowel epenthesis is restricted to the clusters r + w, l + w, and l + h.18 That is, the phonetic contexts involving r + h and r + labial/velar consonants are not resolved by means of vowel epenthesis (B. uuerah [ˈʋɛɾax] > N. uuérh [ʋɛɾx] ‘creation’, B. arabeit [ˈaɾabeit] > N. árbéit [ˈaɾb˳eit] ‘work’). Second, the epenthetic vowel is always [e] owing to unstressed vowel reduction (see Section 8.5.1.1). This implies that mid lax vowels can no longer occur in unstressed syllables as a result of copy vowel epenthesis (see Section 8.3.1).19 In Old Alemannic, vowel epenthesis generally applies to non-homorganic consonant clusters. However, the process is also attested, albeit less frequently, in word-final 18 In contrast to the Rule of Saint Benedict, Notker offers examples of vowel epenthesis in clusters containing two liquids, as in chárel [ˈxaɾel] ‘husband’. 19 In addition to the Rule of Saint Benedict and Notker, vowel epenthesis is attested in Old Alemannic records such as glosses (Weinhold 1863, 14, 24, 26, 28, 32, 33, 94‒95; Kauffmann 1890, 118‒119; Schatz 1927, 79‒86). Unlike the Rule of Saint Benedict, [o] may also function as an epenthetic vowel, as in chorop [ˈxoɾop] ‘basket’ (Weinhold 1863, 28). Moreover, vowel epenthesis is marginally attested word-initially in the consonant clusters kn, sw, zw, and, less frequently, in consonant clusters containing a sonorant.

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 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

homorganic consonant clusters. This is the case with the consonant cluster rn, as in horon [ˈhoɾon] ‘horn’ (example taken from Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 73).

8.4.1.2 Vowel epenthesis after apocope General apocope led to the emergence of word-final complex consonant clusters (see Section 8.5.2.1). These include sequences of sonorant + obstruent, liquid  + nasal, and obstruent + liquid. The Sonority Sequencing Principle is followed in sequences of sonorant + obstruent and liquid + nasal while it is violated in sequences of obstruent + liquid. Sequences following the Sonority Sequencing Principle were retained, as in OAlem. stúnda [ˈʃtund˳a] > Swab. Stunde [ʒ˚d˳õnd˳] ‘hour’ and OAlem. stérno [ˈʃtɛɾno] > Swab. Stern [ʒ̊dɛ̥ ɾn] ‘star’. In contrast, sequences violating the Sonority Sequencing Principle were repaired by means of vowel epenthesis in Swabian and sonorant syllabification in Upper-Rhine Alemannic. In Swabian, the first-person singular of the present indicative and the second-person singular of the imperative of weak verbs regularly underwent apocope. This is the case with verbs such as OAlem. bétel-ôn ‘pray-inf’, trúcchen-en ‘dry-inf’, etc. As will be shown in Section 8.5.1.2, the ending of the first-person singular of weak classes II and III was replaced by the ending of weak class I such that apocope applied (-ôn, -ên > -o > Ø). For example, the first-person singular of komm-en [ˈkhõmə] ‘come-inf’ (strong verb), such-en [ˈz˳uəɣ˚ə] ‘searchinf’ (weak class I), schad-en [ˈʒ˚aːd˳ə] ‘damage-inf’ (weak class II), and frag-en [ˈv˳ɾɔːд˚ ə] ‘ask-inf’ (weak class III) underwent apocope giving rise to komm-e [khõm] ‘come-1sg.prs’, such-e [z˳uəɣ˚] ‘search-1sg.prs’, frag-e [v˳ɾɔːд˚ ] ‘ask-1sg.prs’, and schad-e [ʒ˚aːd˳] ‘damage-1sg.prs’ respectively, as illustrated in Table 8.9. Table 8.9: Apocope in the first-person singular of the present indicative in Swabian.

Inf. 1st pers. sg.

Strong verb

Weak class I

Weak class II (-ō-)

Weak class III (-ē-)

komm-en [ˈkhõmə] komm-e [khõm]

such-en [ˈz˳uəɣ˚ə] such-e [z˳uəɣ˚ ]

schad-en [ˈʒ˚aːd˳ə] schad-e [ʒ˚ aːd˳]

frag-en [ˈv̥ɾɔːɡ̊ə] frag-e [v˳ ɾɔːɡ̊]

In addition to the zero ending, Swabian has the ending [e] in the first-person singular of the present indicative and the second-person singular of the imperative of weak verbs. These include bettel-n [ˈb˳ ɛd˳ lə] ‘beg-inf’, trockn-en [ˈd˳ ɾiд˚ nə] ‘dryinf’, etc.20 The emergence of the ending has remained obscure in the literature. 20 The ending is documented in the Ortsgrammatiken of Swabian (Keinath 1922, 101‒102; Hofmann 1926, 113; Keinath 1930, 24; Strohmaier 1930, 110; Vogt 1931, 30‒31; Zinser 1933, 29‒30; Wandel 1934, 49‒50; Brobeil 1938, 266‒267). In peripheral areas we find the ending [ə] (Oechsner

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 341

Brobeil (1938, 266) explains the ending in terms of vowel epenthesis (Stütz-e). Following Brobeil (1938), I argue that the ending [e] arose from apocope when the resulting word-final consonant cluster violated the Sonority Sequencing Principle. This is the case with sequences of obstruent + sonorant. These include [b˳l d˳ɾ d˳l d˳n д˚ l д˚n z˳l z˳n çn], as shown in Table 8.10. Table 8.10: Vowel epenthesis in the first-person singular in Swabian (Strohmaier 1930, 110). Consonant cluster

Infinitive

1st person singular

[b˳l] [d˳ɾ] [d˳l] [d˳n] [д˚l] [д˚n] [z˳l] [z˳n] [çn]

zappel-n [ˈd˳͡z˳aːb˳lə] ‘wriggle-inf’ zitter-n [ˈd˳͡z˳id˳ɾə] ‘shiver-inf’

zappl-e [ˈd˳͡z˳aːb˳le] ‘wriggle-1sg.prs’ zitter-e [ˈd˳͡z˳id˳ɾe] ‘shiver-1sg.prs’ bettl-e [ˈb˳əd˳le] ‘beg-1sg.prs’ wettn-e [ˈʋed˳ne] ‘bet-1sg.prs’ wackl-e [ˈд˚ʋaд˚le] ‘wobble-1sg.prs’ trockn-e [ˈd˳ɾiд˚ne] ‘dry-1sg.prs’ wechsl-e [ˈʋiд˚z˳le] ‘change-1sg.prs’ losn-e [ˈloːz˳ne] ‘listen-1sg.prs’ zeichn-e [ˈd˳͡z˳ɔeçne] ‘draw-1sg.prs’

bettel-n [ˈb˳əd˳lə] ‘beg-inf’ wettn-en [ˈʋed˳nə] ‘bet-inf’ wackel-n [ˈд˚ʋaд˚lə] ‘wobble-inf’ trockn-en [ˈd˳ɾiд˚nə] ‘dry-inf’ wechsel-n [ˈʋiд˚z˳lə] ‘change-inf’ losn-en [ˈloːz˳nə] ‘listen-inf’ zeichn-en [ˈd˳͡z˳ɔeçnə] ‘draw-inf’

The emergence of vowel epenthesis will be illustrated with the first-person singular of bettel-n [ˈbəd˳lə] ‘beg-inf’ (< OAlem. bétel-ôn [ˈbɛteloːn]). Originally, the syllable structure of the first-person singular [ˈbəd˳lə] was in line with the Sonority Sequencing Principle ([ˈbə.d˳lə]). When apocope applied, the word-medial consonant cluster [d˳l] moved into the word-final position. This implied a violation of the Sonority Sequencing Principle since the lateral is more sonorous than the preceding stop (see Figure 8.5). The ill-formed syllable structure was repaired by means of vowel epenthesis. As a result, the word-final consonant cluster occupied again the word-medial position (see Figure 8.6). With regard to the quality of the epenthetic vowel, indirect evidence from South Alemannic suggests that the epenthetic vowel was originally [i]. In South Alemannic, syncope in the second-person singular led to the emergence of the epenthetic vowel [i] after stems ending in sibilants (see Section 8.5.3.2). We can assume that similar to [i] derived from OAlem. íu and î, epenthetic [i] underwent lowering in Swabian (see Section 8.5.1.2 for lowering). Note that etymological and epenthetic [e] have the same geographical distribution.

1951, 113‒114; Baur 1967, 106). As a result of analogy, the ending may occur as the ending of weak class I, as in bad-e [ˈb˳ aːd˳ e] ‘bathe-1sg.prs’, instead of regular [b˳ aːd˳] (Wandel 1934, 50).

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 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

Figure 8.5: Sonority of bettl-e ‘beg-1sg.prs’ after apocope.

Figure 8.6: Sonority of bettl-e ‘beg-1sg.prs’ after vowel epenthesis.

As indicated in Section 7.3.2, Swabian has syllabic consonants, as in Nadel [ˈnɔːd˳lˌ] ‘needle’. This raises the question of why the ill-formed syllable structure bettl-e [b˳əd˳l] ‘beg-1sg.prs’ was not resolved through sonorant syllabification ([b˳əd˳l] > [ˈb˳əd˳lˌ]), as in Upper-Rhine Alemannic. A possible explanation is that the stem must remain intact in the paradigm. However, this is not plausible since verbal stems often contain alternation of vowel quality (Brechung, Umlaut) and vowel length. A more likely explanation is that in Swabian syllabic consonants did not exist at the time when vowel epenthesis applied.

8.4.1.3 Vowel epenthesis in sequences of liquid + obstruent Vowel epenthesis in sequences of liquid + obstruent was described in Section 7.4.1. However, the question remained open as to whether the process constitutes a remnant of a prior syllable-oriented language stage or, rather, an innovation. A diachronic approach can help to clear up this matter. Two lines of evidence support that vowel epenthesis in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian constitute an innovation. First, there is a decrease in the incidence

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of vowel epenthesis in Old Alemannic (see Section 8.4.1.1). For example, Notker does not show vowel epenthesis in sequences of l + obstruent (fólg ‘people’) and r + obstruent (bérg ‘mountain’). Second, vowel epenthesis is not accompanied by vowel lengthening. This implies that vowel epenthesis applied after open syllable lengthening. Otherwise, disyllabic words containing an epenthetic vowel would have undergone open syllable lengthening (Berg ‘mountain’ [b˳ɛɾд ˚ ] > [ˈb˳ɛɾəд ˚] > *[ˈb˳ɛːɾəд ˚ ]). For comparison, in the lexical item Dorn [ˈd˳ɔːɾə] ‘thorn’ (< OAlem. dórn) we find vowel epenthesis and open syllable lengthening. The process is restricted to Eastern Swabian (SSA, Question 206.1). This implies that epenthesis in sequences of word-final liquid + nasal are older than in sequences of liquid + obstruent. One word of caution, however, is that epenthetic vowels may be opaque to phonological processes such as open syllable lengthening. In this respect, Hall (2011a, 1586‒1587) observes that there is a tendency for epenthetic vowels to opaquely interact with phonological processes. In this way, epenthetic vowels may differ from lexical (or underlying) vowels. For example, in Mohawk, an Iroquoian language spoken in Ontario and Quebec, syllable lengthening applies in stressed syllables when followed by lexical vowels. However, when followed by epenthetic vowels, the process does not apply. Similar to Mohawk, it could be argued that in North Alemannic epenthetic vowels are opaque to open syllable lengthening. This would apply for Upper-Rhine Alemannic, where vowel epenthesis did not trigger open syllable lengthening. By contrast, in Swabian vowel epenthesis triggered open syllable lengthening in lexical items such as Dorn [ˈd˳ ɔːɾə] ‘thorn’. This implies that in Swabian epenthetic vowels are not representationally defective.

8.4.1.4 Summary A diachronic approach helped to identify three vowel epenthesis processes, which took place at different stages. In Old Alemannic, vowel epenthesis helped to repair word-medial and word-final non-homorganic sequences of liquid + consonant. The process is in line with a syllable-oriented stage. However, in Late Old Alemannic vowel epenthesis experienced a decrease that can be associated with the growing relevance of the phonological word. The second case of vowel epenthesis arose from general apocope and repaired word-final consonant clusters that violated the Sonority Sequencing Principle. The process is linked to a word-oriented development. Contrary to expectation, the occurrence of vowel epenthesis in sequences of liquid + obstruent that we find in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian is not a remnant of a syllable-oriented stage. Rather, it constitutes an innovation.

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 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

8.4.2 Nasalization In Old Alemannic, nasalization is not attested. For example, Notker writes in the syllable coda of both stressed and unstressed syllables, as in uuîn [ʋiːn] ‘wine’ and mách-ôn [ˈmaxoːn] ‘make-inf’, respectively. Kauffmann (1890, 165) dates nasalization in stressed syllables to the thirteenth century and nasalization in unstressed syllables to the twelfth century at the latest. Similarly, Weinhold (1863, 171) dates nasalization to the thirteenth century. Nasalization applied after apocope (see Caro Reina 2014c, 65‒67 for the relative chronology of n-deletion and apocope). Nasalization will be illustrated with the development of OAlem. uuîn [ʋiːn] into Swab. Wein [ʋãːẽː] ‘wine’. First, the oral vowel became nasalized when followed by the nasal consonant n ([ʋiːn] > [ʋĩːn]). Second, the nasal consonant was deleted giving rise to a phonemic nasal vowel ([ʋĩːn] > [ʋĩː]).21 Third, the high long vowel underwent diphthongization ([ʋĩː] > [ʋãːẽː]). Finally, nasalization may be followed by denasalization ([ʋãːẽː] > [ʋaːeː]). The stages of nasalization (and denasalization) are summarized in (130). (130) Stages of nasalization and denasalization in Alemannic OAlem. uuîn [ʋiːn] ‘wine’ > [ʋĩːn] > [ʋĩː] > Swab. [ʋãːẽː] > [ʋaːeː] > SAlem., URAlem. [ʋiː] However, in Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic we find word-final n. Examples from Swabian are Sonne [z˳on] ‘sun’ (SSA, Question 322.3), Spinne [ʒ˚b˳en] ‘spider’ (SSA, Question 306.6), and Tanne [d˳an] ‘fir’ (SSA, Question 166.2). This word-final n is derived from the word-medial geminate , as in OAlem. súnna [ˈz˳unːa] ‘sun’. As a result of apocope, the geminate moved into the word-final coda where it underwent degemination (Sonne [ˈz˳onːə] > [z˳onː] > [z˳on]) (see Section 8.5.4.3 for details). The word-final geminate must have undergone degemination after word-final n underwent deletion. Otherwise, the lexical items Sonne [z˳on] ‘sun’ and Sohn [z˳õː] (or denasalized [z˳oː]) ‘son’ would have merged into [z˳õː] (or denasalized as [z˳oː]).

8.5 Word-optimizing processes In this section, I will analyse the following word-optimizing processes: unstressed vowel reduction (8.5.1), apocope (8.5.2), syncope (8.5.3), degemination of 21 According to the SSA (Question 210.5), this stage has been retained in VS (04), RW (17, 19‒20), TUT (03, 07, 10, 17), KN (05), and BC (25).

8.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 345

geminate sonorants (8.5.4), deletion of word-medial consonants (8.5.5), fortition of word-initial d (8.5.6), vowel lengthening (8.5.7), consonant epenthesis (8.5.8), and loss of non-word-initial h (8.5.9).

8.5.1 Unstressed vowel reduction In Section 7.3.1, we have seen that Swabian has strong stress-related restrictions. These restrictions involve the presence of a reduced set of vowels in unstressed syllables ([ə e i]). In this respect, Swabian considerably differs from Old Alemannic, which licences the short vowels [i e a o u] and the long vowels [iː yː eː aː oː uː] in unstressed syllables, as illustrated in Table 8.11. In this section, I will explore the vowel reduction processes that gave rise to the reduced set of vowels found in Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic. The processes include lowering, unrounding, shortening, diphthong simplification, centralization, and deletion (see Section 7.5.5 for denasalization). Table 8.11: Old Alemannic and Swabian vowel system in unstressed syllables.

Short vowel Long vowel

Old Alemannic

Swabian

i e a o u i: yː eː aː oː uː

ə e i

With respect to the patterns of unstressed vowel reduction in Alemannic, I will distinguish between two historical stages. The first stage involves the development of Old Alemannic into Late Old Alemannic (Section 8.5.1.1) while the second stage involves the development of Late Old Alemannic into Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic (Section 8.5.1.2).

8.5.1.1 Unstressed vowel reduction in Old Alemannic Unstressed vowel reduction is already attested in Old Alemannic.22 In what follows, I will concentrate on pretonic and posttonic word-final vowels (see Szczepaniak 2007, 90‒94 for an analysis of posttonic word-medial vowels). 22 Unstressed vowel reduction has been briefly outlined in the literature (Braune 1876, 146–149; Kelle 1885; Fenselau 1892; Gabriel 1969, 102–110; Valentin 1969, 111–128, 166–181; Sonderegger 2003, 257–259; Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 60–71).

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 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

Owing to Old Alemannic root-initial stress, pretonic syllables only occur in derivational prefixes and clitics such as prepositions. For example, OAlem. zemay be both a derivational prefix and a preposition. The Rule of Saint Benedict shows the short vowels [i e a]. By contrast, in Notker we only find [e], which resulted from a three-to-one inventory reduction ([i e a] > [e]), as shown in Table 8.12.23 Table 8.12: Development of pretonic vowels in Old Alemannic.

Short vowel

Rule of Saint Benedict

Notker

iea pi-, peint-, ent-, antfir-, farki-, ke-, kazi-, ze-, za-

e (< i, e, a) beentfergeze-

Posttonic word-final vowels behave differently depending on syllable type (open vs. closed syllables) and vowel length (short vs. long vowels). In word-final open syllables (CV#), the Rule of Saint Benedict exhibits the short vowels [i e a o u], the long vowels [iː oː], and the diphthong [iw] while Notker shows the short vowels [e a o] and the long vowels [iː yː aː], as shown in Table 8.13. In Notker, the set of short vowels has experienced a five-to-three inventory reduction resulting from the lowering of the high vowels [i u], which merged with the tense mid vowels [e o], respectively (Braune/ Reiffenstein 2004, 61). 24 In contrast to short vowels, long vowels did not undergo reduction. In the Rule of Saint Benedict, the ending -oo corresponds to the genitive singular of the masculine u-stem (frid-oo ‘peace-gen.sg.m’),

23 For the variation between word-initial p ~ b and k ~ g in the prefixes pi-, pe- and ki-, ke-, ka-, see Seiler (1874, 403‒404, 418‒419). 24 This is the case with the nominative/accusative plural of the i-stem (as in B. kest-i  > N.  gést-e ‘guest-nom/acc.pl’) and the nominative/accusative singular of the u-stem (as in B. frid-u > N. fríd-o ‘peace-nom/acc.sg’) (see Braune 1876, 146‒149 and Fenselau 1892, 36‒44 for the reflexes of the Old High German endings in Notker). The Rule of Saint Benedict offers examples of variation between i ~ e and u ~ o (see Seiler 1874, 437‒439 and Valentin 1969, 114, 116 for discussion). This implies that unstressed vowel reduction already operated in the ninth century.

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Table 8.13: Development of posttonic word-final vowels in Old Alemannic according to syllable type. Rule of Saint Benedict

Notker

Open syllable Short vowel Long vowel Diphthong

ieaou ii oo iu

e (< i, e) a o (< o, u) î íu (< iu) â

Closed syllable Short vowel Long vowel

ieaou ii ee aa oo uu

e (< i, e, a, o, u) i (-ing, -isg) îêâôû

which was replaced by -es in Notker (fríd-es ‘peace-gen.sg.m’) (Braune/ Reiffenstein 2004, 205).25 In word-final closed syllables (CVC#, CVCC#) the Rule of Saint Benedict has the short vowels [i e a o u] and the long vowels [iː eː aː oː uː] while Notker has the short vowels [e i] and the long vowels [iː eː aː oː uː]. In Notker, the set of short vowels has generally experienced a five-to-one inventory reduction whereby the vowels [i e a o u] merged into [e]. Examples are given in (131), where unstressed [i a u] merged into [e].26 The Rule of Saint Benedict contains examples of reduction, which include the plural ending -er instead of -ir and the second-person singular ending of the present indicative -est instead of -ist (Seiler 1874, 436, 451). Similar to vowel reduction in word-final open syllables, vowel reduction already operated in word-final closed syllables in the ninth century. The short vowel [i] is retained in the suffixes -ing and -isg, as in árming ‘poor’ and hímelisg ‘heavenly’, respectively (Schatz 1927, 78). (131) Vowel reduction in word-final closed syllables in Old Alemannic B. aatum [ˈaːtum] > N. âtem [ˈaːtem] ‘breath’ B. ubil [ˈub˳il] > N. úbel [ˈyb˳el] ‘bad’ B. uuidar [ˈʋid˳aɾ] > N. uuíder [ˈʋid˳eɾ] ‘again’

25 In Notker, the long vowel íu [yː] resulted from monophthongization of iu [iw] while the long vowel â [aː] seems to be an innovation since it is not attested in the Rule of Saint Benedict (Seiler 1874, 434) or in any other Old High German dialect (see Wagner 1986 for discussion). 26 This reduction is regularly attested in Notker’s Boethius and Martianus Capella. However, Notker’s Psalmen and Glossen may also contain , as in âtum ‘breath’ (Schatz 1927, 77; Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 63).

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 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

The question remains open as to the vowel quality of the spelling resulting from the five-to-three inventory reduction in open syllables and the five-to-one inventory reduction in closed syllables. As discussed in Section 8.3.1, Wilmanns (1911, 386), Penzl (1968, 136–137), and Becker (2000, 41) postulate the existence of schwa in unstressed syllables, which Notker transcribes with the spelling . However, I assume that represents the full vowel [e]. Therefore, the full vowel constitutes an intermediate stage prior to vowel centralization. Importantly, vowel centralization can be identified by the frequent alternation between the spellings and (see Section 6.5.1 for Middle Central Catalan). This is not the case with Notker, who generally writes .

8.5.1.2 Unstressed vowel reduction in Swabian This section is devoted to the patterns of unstressed vowel reduction that took place from Late Old Alemannic to Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic. In the following, I will focus on the reflexes of the Old Alemannic posttonic word-final vowels in Swabian since pretonic vowels generally underwent deletion (see Section 8.5.3 for syncope).27 In Notker, word-final open syllables can contain the short vowels [e a o] and the long vowels [iː yː aː], as illustrated in Table 8.14. The short vowels [e a o] underwent apocope in Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic (see Section 8.5.2). In contrast, the long vowels [iː yː] merged into [iː] as a result of unrounding ([yː] > [iː]). Subsequently, the unrounded vowel underwent shortening ([iː] > [i]). In Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic, [i] was retained while in Swabian it was lowered to [e] (see Section 8.5.2 for â [aː]). In Old Alemannic, word-final î [iː] occurs both as the ending of the first and second-person singular of the past subjunctive and the derivational suffix to form nouns from adjectives, mostly abstract nouns (Abstrakta) (see Braune/ Reiffenstein 2004, 211‒213 and Moser/Stopp 1973, 108 for abstract nouns).28 For 27 Unstressed vowel reduction has been described in the Ortsgrammatiken of Swabian (Wagner 1889, 42‒43, 48‒50, 83‒85, 94‒96; Bopp 1890, 71‒81; Kauffmann 1890, 104‒146; Keinath 1922, 63‒69; Armbruster 1926, 66‒74; Hofmann 1926, 59‒72; Friker 1928, 77‒86; Keinath 1930, 10‒12; Strohmaier 1930, 68‒75; Vogt 1931, 14‒17; Zinser 1933, 13‒17; Wandel 1934, 20‒24; Brobeil 1938, 152‒160; Oechsner 1951, 56‒66; Baur 1967, 73‒78). 28 With regard to the inflectional ending, Fenselau (1892, 15) observes that (without circumflex) is attested 73 times while (with circumflex) is attested 10 times. The ending occurred in weak verbs (uuól-t-î ‘want-pst-1/3sg.subj’) while strong verbs had no ending (chám ‘come.pst[1/3sg.subj]’). In contrast to Old Alemannic, in Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic the past subjunctive of weak verbs is not coded morphologically. Instead, it is coded by means of the periphrasis täte + inf. (SSA, Map 1.113). However,

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Table 8.14: Development of word-final unstressed vowels according to syllable type. Notker

Swabian

Open syllable Short vowel

eao

Long vowel

î íu â

Ø (< e, a, o) (see Section 8.5.2 for apocope) [e] (< î, íu)

Closed syllable Short vowel

Long vowel

e i (ing, isg)

îêâôû

[e] (< ên, in, ing) [ə] (< en, em, ên, ân, ôn, ûn) [i] (< isg) [ɾˌ] (< er, êr, ôr) (see Section 8.5.3 for syncope) [lˌ] (< el) (see Section 8.5.3 for syncope) [ʒ˚d˳] (< est) (see Section 8.5.3 for syncope) [əʒ˚d˳ ] (< êst, ôst) [d˳] (< et) (see Section 8.5.3 for syncope) [əd˳] (< âd, ât, êt, ôd, ôt)

example, OAlem. grôzî [ˈд˚ ɾøːsiː] ‘size’ gave rise to [ˈд˚ ʀeːz˳i] and [ˈд˚ ɾaez˳e] in UpperRhine Alemannic and Swabian, respectively. Word-final íu [yː] originally occurred as the strong adjective ending of the nominative feminine singular and the nominative/accusative neuter plural Swabian marginally exhibits the reflex of the ending -î in the first- and third-person singular of the past conjunctive in conditional sentences such as Wenn er käme ‘If he came’ (SSA, Map 1.112). According to the SSA (Question 354.9), the ending -î of the first- and third-person singular of the past subjunctive is attested in FDS (17), BL (12), TÜ (08), and UL (03, 08). The ending in käm-e [ˈkhẽːme] ‘come.pst.subj-3sg’ originated as a result of analogy to the past subjunctive of weak verbs. With regard to the derivational suffix, Notker does not always indicate vowel length. In this respect, Braune (1876, 137) points out that the spelling occurs more frequently than . Fenselau (1892, 15‒16) observes that is attested 124 times while is attested 7 times. For example, lexical items such as áltî [ˈaltiː] ‘age’, mârî [ˈmaːɾiː] ‘tale’, and skônî [ˈʃkøːniː] ‘beauty’ may have circumflex while lexical items such as grôzi [ˈд˚ ɾøːsiː] ‘size’, gûoti [ˈд˚ uːotiː] ‘goodness’, and tîefi [ˈtiːefiː] ‘depth’ do not have circumflex. Fenselau (1892, 16) further points to vowel reduction in lexical items such as fénne ‘swamp’ and uuírde ‘merit’ (see Kelle 1885, 236 for discussion). Evidence that the derivational suffix contains a long vowel comes from the Rule of Saint Benedict, where vowel length is attested in lexical items such as riifii [ˈɾiːfiː] ‘maturity’ (Seiler 1874, 435). This implies that the long vowel was retained in Notker although vowel length is not always reflected in the spelling. In contrast to Sehrt/ Legner (1955), I will indicate vowel length in the derivational suffix (and the corresponding phonetic transcription).

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 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

(Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 220‒221). As a result of analogy, the ending also occurs in the nominative/accusative masculine and feminine plural in UpperRhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic (see Caro Reina 2014b, 107‒108 for discussion). The reflex of the ending íu developed into [i]. There are two explanations for the development of [yː] into [i]. According to Beck (1926, 102), the original diphthong underwent simplification such that íu [iw] became [i]. Alternatively, according to Kauffmann (1890, 113) the diphthong íu became [yː] both in stressed (híus-er [ˈhyː˳zeɾ] ‘house-pl’) and unstressed syllables (ált-íu [ˈaltyː] ‘old-nom/acc.pl’). In unstressed syllables, [yː] further underwent unrounding, thereby merging with î [iː]. The patterns of Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic indicate that in word-final position short vowels underwent deletion while long vowels were retained as short vowels with differing vowel qualities. For this reason, it is unlikely that the short vowel attested in Alemannic arose from diphthong simplification. Diphthong simplification would have led to a short vowel that would have been subject to deletion. Thus, unrounding seems to be the more likely development. The development of the adjective ending can be summarized as follows: B. iu [iw] > N. íu [yː] > [iː] (unrounding) > [i] (shortening) > [e] (lowering). The reflexes of OAlem. íu are illustrated in Map 7.9 with the item alt-e Männ-er ‘old-nom/acc.pl man-pl’ (SSA, Question 282.3). Unrounding in unstressed syllables is rare in the languages of the world (see Section 4.7.1.3 for examples from La Villa Ladin). Historical records point to the following chronology: (1) merger of OAlem. î and íu, which generally applied in Alemannic as a result of unrounding; and (2) lowering of [i] (< OAlem. î and íu), which only applied in Swabian. More specifically, in official documents (Urkunden) of the thirteenth century the spellings and are common (Boesch 1946, 131‒132, 189‒190). In the fourteenth century, the spellings and are more frequent than while in the fifteenth century the spelling is more frequent than and (Moser/Stopp 1978, 207).29 In the chancellery language of Ravensburg, the spelling is dominant while in the chancellery language of Reutlingen we find the spellings and in the first half of the fourteenth century, then until 1433, and afterwards only (Wagner 1910, 28; Dreher 1929, 103, 107, 109‒110). These historical forms reveal two findings. First, alternation between the spellings and unveils that unrounding of OAlem. íu [yː] was not fully accomplished in the thirteenth century. Second, lowering of [i] derived from OAlem. î and íu could only take place in the fifteenth century, when unrounding was completed. Following Weinhold (1863, 469‒475), Moser/Stopp (1978, 207) point out that the spelling is attested since the fourteenth century.

29 Moser/Stopp (1978, 207) subsumed the spelling into .

8.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 351

However, Weinhold’s (1863) description does not include Swabian. The historical forms from Swabian listed by Moser/Stopp (1978, 210) do not contain instances of lowering. That is, the process must have taken place in the fifteenth century at the earliest as revealed by the chancellery language of Reutlingen. With respect to word-final closed syllables, Notker shows the short vowels [e i] and the long vowels [iː eː aː oː uː]. The development of the vowels strongly depends on the following consonant. When adjacent to liquids, short and long vowels were deleted (see Section 8.5.3 for syncope). This is the case with lexical items such as OAlem. úbel [ˈyb˳el] > Swab. übel [ˈɁiːb˳ l ̩] ‘bad’ and OAlem. brûoder [ˈb˳ ɾuːod˳eɾ] > Swab. Bruder [ˈb˳ ɾuəd˳ ɾ̩] ‘brother’. The same applies for inflectional suffixes such as the comparative (-ôr > [ɾ̩]) and the strong adjective ending of the masculine nominative singular (-êr > [ɾ̩]). Note that the syllabic consonants [ɾ̩ l ̩] arose from syncope. When adjacent to obstruents, short and long vowels behave differently. With respect to short vowels, [e] underwent deletion. This is the case with inflectional endings such as the second-person singular (-est > -[˚ʒd̥]), the third-person singular (-et > -[d˳ ]), and the past participle of weak class I (-et > -[d˳ ]). In contrast, [i] was retained when adjacent to palatal consonants while it was reduced to [e] when adjacent to ng [ŋɡ̊] as a result of nasalization, as in Tübingen [ˈd˳ iːb˳ eŋə]. The long vowels [iː eː aː oː uː] generally underwent vowel shortening and later centralization when followed by obstruent consonants. This is the case with lexical items such as OAlem. *âmâd [ˈaːmaːd˳ ] > Swab. Öhmd [ˈɁa῀ o῀ məd˳ ] ‘second mowing’ and OAlem. mânôd [ˈmaːnoːd˳ ] > Swab. Monat [ˈma῀ o῀ nəd˳ ] ‘month’. The same applies for inflectional endings of weak classes II (-ō-) and III (-ē-), which include the second-person singular (-êst, -ôst > -[ə˚ʒd˳ ]), the third-person singular (-êt, -ôt > -[d˳ ]), and the past participle (-êt, -ôt > -[əd˳ ]).30 Table 8.15 gives examples of reflexes of the verbal endings of weak classes II and III in Ulm Swabian (examples taken from Strohmaier 1930, 109‒110). In contrast to the verbal endings, the ending of the superlative was deleted, as in OAlem. láng-ôst [ˈlaŋɡ̊oːʃt] > Swab. läng-st [leŋɡ̊ʒ˚ d˳ ] ‘long-sup’ (see Strohmaier 1930, 105 for examples).

30 In Swabian and South Alemannic, the originally long vowel has been retained while in Upper-Rhine Alemannic it has been deleted (SSA, Map 1.011 for the ending of the secondperson singular of weak verbs). In Swabian, schwa may be realized as [e] ~ [i] in the second-person singular owing to the influence of the adjacent palatal of the ending. Compare folg-st [ ˈ v˳ olɡ̊e˚ʒd˳] (with [e]) ‘follow-2sg’ and folg-t [ˈ v˳ olɡ̊əd˳] (with [ə ]) ‘follow-3sg’ (the transcriptions correspond to the questionnaire of survey site UL 02 Nellingen).

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 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

Table 8.15: Reflexes of the verbal endings of weak classes II and III in Ulm Swabian. Notker

Swabian

Weak class II (-ō-)

*súnd-ôst [ˈ˳zund˳oːʃt] ‘sin-2sg’ súnd-ôt [ˈ˳zund˳oːt] ‘sin-3sg’ ge-súnd-ôt [ɡ̊eˈ˳zund˳oːt] ‘ptcp-sin-ptcp’

sündig-st [ˈ˳zend˳iɡ̊ə˚ʒd˳ ] ‘sin-2sg’ sündig-t [ˈ˳zend˳iɡ̊əd˳ ] ‘sin-3sg’ ge-sündig-t [ˈɡ̊z˳ end˳iɡ̊əd˳ ] ‘ptcp-sin-ptcp’

Weak class III (-ē-)

frâg-êst [ˈ v˳ ɾaːɡ̊eːʃt] ‘ask-2sg’ frâg-êt [ˈ˳vɾaːɡ̊eːt] ‘ask-3sg’ ge-frâg-êt [ɡ̊eˈ v˳ ɾaːɡ̊eːt] ‘ptcp-ask-ptcp’

frag-st [ˈ v˳ ɾɔːɡ̊əʒ˚ d˳ ] ‘ask-2sg’ frag-t [ˈv˳ ɾɔːɡ̊əd˳ ] ‘ask-3sg’ ge-frag-t [ˈɡ̊v˳ ɾɔːɡ̊əd˳] ‘ptcp-ask-ptcp’

Similarly, when followed by nasal consonants, short and long vowels generally underwent centralization. This is the case with the ending of infinitives (-en, -ên,  -ôn), nouns and adjectives (-en, -ôn, -ûn), adverbs (-ân), and lexical items (-en, -em).31 Centralization applied in all Alemannic dialects, albeit to different degrees (see Schirmunski 1962, 161‒163 for an overview). For example, Wallis Alemannic, which is the most conservative dialect within the Alemannic dialect group, has preserved unstressed full vowels that underwent centralization and deletion in other Alemannic dialects (Hotzenköcherle 1984, 161‒164). Vowel centralization is attested in the thirteenth century. The frequent alternation between the spellings and reveals that OAlem. had already achieved the quality of schwa (Kauffmann 1890, 108‒109, 120‒121, 134‒136; Weinhold 1863, 74). Examples of this alternation are saga ~ sage (sag-en ‘say-inf’), zieha ~ ziehe (zieh-en ‘pull-inf’), etc. Moser/Stopp (1973, 167) observe that in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic the spelling dominates during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries (see Moser/Stopp 1973, 169‒171 for examples). In contrast to the general patterns described so far, the derivational suffix -en and the inflectional ending -ên of the first-person plural of the present subjunctive did not undergo centralization. The reflex of the derivational suffix -en is [i] in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic as opposed to [e] in Swabian. The full vowel must have been derived from a long vowel. Otherwise, it would have been subject to centralization. In Old Alemannic, the derivational suffix contained a short vowel.32 Braune/Reiffenstein (2004, 200, 213) assume that

31 Note that word-final m merged with n in unstressed syllables (Schatz 1927, 317‒318; Braune/ Reiffenstein 2004, 120, 260). 32 Evidence comes from the absence of the acute and the spelling , as in chúningen ‘queen’ and uuírten ‘housewife’, which reveals the reduction of word-final vowels in closed syllables (Schatz 1927, 78; Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 199).

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the suffix -en, which forms feminine nouns, underwent vowel lengthening in analogy to the derivational suffix -î, which forms feminine nouns from adjectives. The inflectional ending -ên of the first-person plural of the present subjunctive is retained as the full vowel [e] in northern Swabian. The reflex of the verbal ending -ên patterns differently depending on whether it constitutes the ending of the infinitive of weak class III or the first-person plural of the present subjunctive. The former underwent centralization (OAlem. frâg-ên [ˈvɾaːɡ̊ ˳ eːn] > Swab. frag-en [ˈvɾɔːɡ̊ ˳ ə] ‘ask-inf’) while the latter was retained as a short full vowel (OAlem. frâg-ên [ˈvɾaːɡ̊ ˳ eːn] > Swab. frag-en [ˈvɾɔːɡ̊ ˳ e] ‘ask-1pl.prs.subj’). A possible explanation is that the ending of the first-person plural resulted from analogy. Historical records point to an analogical process whereby the endings of the present subjunctive, which contained -ê, were replaced by the endings of the past subjunctive, which contained -î (Moser/Stopp 1973, 102‒103, 172‒173). This implies that the ending of the first-person plural of the present subjunctive [e] is not directly derived from OAlem. -ên. As a result of analogy, -ên was replaced by -în, which regularly developed to [e]. Thus, analogy helps to explain the different development of the ending of the infinitive of weak class III ([ə]) and the firstperson plural of the present subjunctive ([e]). Note that the development of -în is in line with the development of [iː] resulting from OAlem. î and íu. In addition to short and long vowels, diphthongs underwent vowel reduction. This is the case with lexical items and the derivational suffix -héit, as shown in (132) (SSA, Questions 370.3, 316.5). Diphthong simplification applied in Old Alemannic. However, the process is restricted to function words such as the indefinite article ain, which is attested as e (see Kauffmann 1890, 108‒109 for examples). Similarly, in Swabian we find the indefinite article ein with the forms en ~ an (see Kauffmann 1890, 109 for examples). Diphthong simplification later applied to lexical items and the derivational suffix -heit, as in erbet ‘work’ (Kauffmann 1890, 147). In contrast to Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian, the word status of the suffix has been retained in some South Alemannic dialects such as Fribourg Alemannic, as in Gewohnheit [ˈkʋanhiːt] ‘habit’ and Wahrheit [ˈʋaɾhiːt] ‘truth’ (Henzen 1927, 124, 156). The examples sharply contrast with the Swabian counterparts Gewohnheit [ ˈɡ̊ʋ õːnəd˳] ‘habit’ and Wahrheit [ˈʋɔːɾəd˳] ‘truth’ (SSA, Question 316.5). (132) Diphthong simplification OAlem. árbéit [ˈaɾb˳ eit] OAlem. héimôte [ˈheimoːte] OAlem. uuârhéit [ˈʋaːɾheit]

> > >

Swab. Arbeit [ˈɁɛɾb˳ əd˳] ‘work’ Swab. Heimat [ˈhõə̃məd˳] ‘home’ Swab. Wahrheit [ˈʋɔːɾəd˳] ‘truth’

Let us observe the patterns of unstressed vowel reduction in compounds. Instances of reduction with compounds are marginally attested in Old Alemannic.

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 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

An example is OHG gomman [ɡ̊om]ω[man]ω ‘husband’, which is attested as gómen [ˈɡ̊omen]ω in Notker (Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 66, 216). Different lines of evidence support the reduction of the head of the compound. First, the vowel of the head does not carry the acute accent, as in the simplex mán ‘man’ or the compound zímbermán ‘carpenter’. That is, the vowel is unstressed. As a result, it underwent reduction typical of posttonic word-final vowels in closed syllables such that [a] became [e], as shown in (131) above. Second, in contrast to mán, inflected forms of gómen do not contain the underlying geminate. Compare mánn-es ‘man-gen.sg’ (with geminate nasal) and gómen-es ‘husband-gen.sg’ (with singleton nasal). Third, the geminate that emerged at the word boundaries of the compound underwent degemination (m#m > m). This implies that the original head of the compound lost the phonological status of a phonological word such that the compound became a simplex. In contrast to Old Alemannic, reduction in compounds is more common in Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic.33 Reduction generally applies in compounds containing the heads -beere ‘berry’, -fuß ‘foot’, -lauch ‘leek’, -tag ‘day’, and -schuh ‘shoe’, as illustrated in (133). Typically, unstressed syllables contain the vowels [ə e i]. Note that [e i] occur when adjacent to sibilant and palatal consonants, as in Knoblauch ‘garlic’ [ˈɡ̊ŋoːb˳ liç] ~ [ˈɡ̊ŋoːb˳ leç]. (133) Reduction in compounds in Swabian (Zinser 1933, 14‒15) Erdbeere [ˈɁɛɾb˳əɾ] ‘strawberry’ barfuß [ˈb˳aɾ və ˳ z˳ ] ‘barefoot’ Knoblauch [ˈɡ̊ŋoːb˳ liç] ‘garlic’ Montag [ˈmeːd˳iç] ‘Monday’ Handschuh [ˈheːd˳͡˚ʒiç] ‘glove’ Zinser (1933, 14) points out that reduction occurs when compounds have a high frequency and further when the head of the compound is no longer recognized as an autonomous word. In this respect, Kauffmann (1890, 105‒106) discusses compounds where the head behaves differently according to frequency. Examples from Horb Swabian are given in Table 8.16. For instance, the head of low frequent compounds

33 The process is documented in Ortsgrammatiken and the SSA. The SSA contains compounds that underwent reduction. These include Ameise ‘ant’ (Question 300.9), Dienstag ‘Tuesday’ (Question 334.4), Donnerstag ‘Thursday’ (Question 334.6), Fasnacht ‘carnival’ (Question 344.7), Freitag ‘Friday’ (Question 334.7), Handschuh ‘glove’ (Question 402.8), Hochzeit ‘wedding’ (Question 270.3), Kirchweih ‘country fair’ (Question 4.8), Knoblauch ‘garlic’ (Question 390.3), Montag ‘Monday’ (Question 334.3), Nachbar ‘neighbour’ (Question 270.2), Samstag ‘Saturday’ (Question 334.8), and Sonntag ‘Sunday’ (Question 334.9).

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such as Hausschuh [ˈheuˌ˚ʒuə] ‘slipper’ is spoken as the simplex Schuh [ ʒ˚ uə] ‘shoe’. By contrast, the  head of high frequent compounds underwent unstressed vowel reduction, as  in Handschuh [ˈhẽnd˳͡ʒ˚ iç] ‘glove’. As a consequence, Hausschuh [həuz̥]ω[˚ʒuə]ω ‘slipper’ consists of two phonological words  while Handschuh [ˈhẽnd˳͡ʒ˚ iç]ω ‘glove’ constitutes one phonological word. Reduction led to the loss of the phonological status of the head. In other words, the compound has become a simplex. Table 8.16: Vowel reduction in low and high frequent compounds in Swabian (Kauffmann 1890, 105‒106). Simplex

Low frequent compound

High frequent compound

Fuß [v˳ uəz̥ ] ‘foot’ Lauch [laoɣ˚ ] ‘leek’ Schuh [ ʒ˚ uə] ‘shoe’ Zeit [d˳͡ z˳ əid˳ ] ‘time’

Hahnenfuß [ˈhɐ̃nə̃ˌ v˳ uəz̥ ] ‘buttercup’ Schnittlauch [ˈ˚ʒnid˳ˌlaoɣ˚ ] ‘chives’ Hausschuh [ˈhəuˌ˚ʒuə] ‘slipper’ Fastenzeit [ˈ˳va˚ʒd˳ əˌ d˳͡ z˳ əid˳ ] ‘fasting period’

barfuß [ˈb˳ɔɾ vi˳ ˳ z] ‘barefoot’ Knoblauch [ˈɡ̊ŋoːb˳ liç] ‘garlic’ Handschuh [ˈhẽnd˳͡ʒ˚ iç] ‘glove’ Hochzeit [ˈhaod˳͡ z˳ iɡ̊] ‘wedding’

Additionally, reduction of compounds is attested in place names (Bach 1953, 57‒58, 154‒156, 160, 324‒325). Unlike common names, place names lack semantic meaning and are, therefore, particularly prone to unstressed vowel reduction. The examples in (134) show reduction in the following head nouns: (1) -ach derived from either OHG aha ‘flowing water’ (Eyach [ˈɁəiə]) or the collective suffix ah(i) (Stockach [ˈ˚ʒd˳oɡ̊ə]); (2) -au derived from OHG auwa ‘territory next to water’ (Hirschau [ˈhiː˚ʒə]); and (3) -heim derived from OHG heim ‘residence place’ (Talheim [ˈd˳aːlə]). In base dialects, -heim is realized as [ən], [ə], or zero while in regiolects it is realized as [hõẽm] or [hõẽ] (Reichardt 2004, 138). Note that the standard pronunciation differs from the dialectal one in that the head is fully pronounced ([haɪm]), thereby functioning as a phonological word. By contrast, in Swabian the head lost its status as a phonological word. (134) Reduction of the head nouns -ach, -au, and -heim in Swabian place names (Reichardt 1984, 40, 51, 89, 93) Eyach [ˈɁəiə] Stockach [ˈ˚ʒd˳oɡ̊ə] Hirschau [ˈhiː˚ʒə] Talheim [ˈd˳ aːlə] Thus, in unstressed syllables diphthongs underwent shortening and centralization. The intermediate stage involving vowel shortening without centralization persists in Wallis Alemannic, where the lexical items Arbeit [ˈɔːɾb˳ et] ‘work’, Knoblauch

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 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

[ˈɣ̊nov̥loɣ̊] ‘garlic’, and barfuß [ˈb˳ aɾv̥uz̥] ‘barefoot’ still retain the full vowel quality in unstressed syllables (Bohnenberger 1913, 130). These findings allow us to reconstruct the reduction of Old Alemannic diphthongs in the following way: éi [ei] > [e] ~ [i], óu [ou] > [o], and ûo [uːo] > [u], all of which merged into [ə] as a result of centralization (see Bohnenberger 1913, 130 for the variation between [e] ~ [i]).

8.5.1.3 Summary In Old Alemannic, pretonic syllables are more prone to reduction than posttonic word-final syllables. In pretonic syllables, there is a three-to-one inventory reduction ([i e a] > [e]). Reduction in pretonic syllables is not sensitive to syllable type since the process applies both in open and closed syllables. By contrast, reduction in posttonic word-final vowels is sensitive to vowel length (short vs. long vowels) and syllable type (open vs. closed syllables). With regard to vowel length, short vowels are more prone to reduction than long vowels. Long vowels are generally retained while short vowels undergo lowering. With regard to syllable type, closed syllables are more prone to reduction than open syllables. In open syllables there is a five-to-three inventory reduction ([i e a o u] > [e a o]) while in closed syllables there is a five-to-one inventory reduction ([i e a o u] > [e]). In Swabian, reduction of posttonic word-final vowels was sensitive to vowel length (short vs. long vowels), syllable type (open vs. closed syllables), and manner of articulation of the following consonant (liquid vs. nasal/obstruent). In open syllables, short vowels underwent deletion while long vowels underwent unrounding ([yː] > [iː]), shortening ([iː] > [i]), and lowering ([i] > [e]). In closed syllables, the short vowel [e] was deleted when adjacent to liquid consonants while it underwent centralization when adjacent to nasal and obstruent consonants. In contrast, long vowels are not sensitive to the manner of articulation of the following consonant such that they generally experienced shortening and centralization. Similarly, diphthongs underwent simplification and centralization ([ei ou uːo] > [e/i o u] > [ə]). Importantly, the patterns of short vowels, long vowels, and diphthongs give a relative chronology between vowel centralization and deletion. Deletion of centralized vowels derived from originally short vowels must have occurred prior to centralization of originally long vowels and diphthongs. Otherwise, short vowels, long vowels, and diphthongs would have been subject to deletion. In Swabian, unstressed full vowels are generally derived from etymologically long vowels (-î, -íu, -ên) and short vowels that became long as a result of analogy (-en), as illustrated in Table 8.17. The reflexes of OAlem. -î, -íu, -en, and -ên show that Swabian differs from Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic.

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Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic have retained word-final [i] while Swabian underwent lowering ([i] > [e]). Table 8.17: Etymology of unstressed word-final [e] in Swabian. OAlem. ending

Notker

Swabian

-î -íu (> -î ) -en (> -în) -ên (> -în)

grôzî [ˈɡ̊ɾøːsiː] ált-íu [ˈaltyː] uuírt-en [ˈʋiɾten] chóm-ên [ˈxomeːn]

Größe [ˈɡ̊ɾae˳ze] ‘size’ alt-e [ˈɁald˳e] ‘old-nom/acc.pl’ Wirt-in [ˈʋiːd˳e] ‘innkeeper-f’ komm-en [ˈkhõme] ‘come-1pl.prs.subj’

8.5.2 Apocope In this section, I will describe unstressed vowel deletion in word-final position. As Wilmanns (1911, 354‒355) points out, the process is rare in Old High German. In Notker, apocope is restricted to the genitive plural ending of the feminine ō-stem. In Old Upper German the ending -ōno underwent reduction giving rise to -ōne and subsequently -ōn (Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 196). Compare B. kirid-ono (Seiler 1874, 438), which retains the full ending, with N. gíred-ôn ‘greediness-gen.pl.f’, where the ending underwent apocope. In contrast to Old Alemannic, apocope fully applied in Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic, albeit to different degrees. According to the distribution patterns attested in the SSA, I will distinguish between three types of apocope: (1) general apocope, which is widespread in all Alemannic dialects (OAlem. háso [ˈhaz̥o] > Swab. Hase [haːz̥] ‘hare’); (2) apocope in feminine weak nouns, which occurs in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian (OAlem. nása [ˈnaz̥a] > Swab. Nase [nɐ̃ːz̥] ‘nose’); and (3) apocope in strong masculine nouns, which is restricted to Swabian (OAlem. uuágen [ˈʋaɡ̊en] > [ˈʋaːɡ̊ə] > Swab. Wagen [ʋaːɡ̊] ‘cart’). The three types of apocope are shown in Table 8.18, where apocope is indicated with a dotted line. Table 8.18: Patterns of apocope in Alemannic. Old Alemannic (N.)

South Alemannic

Upper-Rhine Swabian Alemannic

Source

háso [ˈhaz˳o] ‘hare’

[haz˳] ~ [haːz˳]

[haːz˳]

[haːz˳]

SSA, Question 148.5

nása [ˈnaz˳a] ‘nose’

[ˈnaz˳ə] ~ [ˈnaːz˳ə]

[naːz˳]

[nɐ̃ːz˳]

SSA, Question 304.7

uuágen [ˈʋaд˚en] ‘cart’

[ˈʋaд˚ə] ~ [ˈʋaːд˚ə]

[ˈʋaːд˚ə]

[ʋaːд˚] ~ [ˈʋaːд˚ə]

SSA, Question 114.5

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 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

Apocope can be accounted for in a more satisfactory way from a diachronic perspective. This is the case with general apocope and apocope of weak feminine nouns, which are described in Sections 8.5.2.1 and 8.5.2.2, respectively. Apocope of masculine strong nouns is outlined in Section 8.5.2.3.

8.5.2.1 General apocope General apocope applied to South Alemannic, Upper-Rhine Alemannic, and Swabian. The process is illustrated in Table 8.19 with the development of the lexical items háso ‘hare’, óuga ‘eye’, and strâza ‘street’. For example, in Swabian the items underwent apocope giving rise to Hase [haːz˳] (with monosyllabic lengthening), Straße [ʒ˚d˳ɾɔːz˳]), and Auge [Ɂaoд˚ ], respectively. Apocope can only be identified from a diachronic perspective since the modern forms do not allow us to reconstruct the original word-final vowels. Table 8.19: General apocope in Alemannic. Old Alemannic (N.)

South Alemannic

Upper-Rhine Alemannic

Swabian

Source

háso [ˈhaz˳o] ‘hare’ óuga [ˈowд˚a] ‘eye’ strâza [ˈʃtɾaːsa] ‘street’

[haz˳]~[haːz˳] [auд˚] [ ʃtɾoːs]

[haːz˳] [Ɂauд˚] [ʒ˚d˳ʀoːz˳]

[haːz˳] [Ɂaoд˚] [ʒ˚d˳ɾɔːz˳]

SSA, Question 148.5 SSA, Question 238.6 SSA, Question 304.7

As shown in Section 8.5.1.2, apocope applied to word-final short vowels a, e, and o, which constitute endings of the nominal and verbal inflection (see Table 8.20). The endings of the nominal inflection include the nominative/accusative plural of the a-stem and i-stem (tág-a ‘day-nom/acc.pl’ and fíust-e ‘fist-nom/acc.pl’, respectively) and the nominative/accusative singular of weak masculine and neuter nouns (hás-o ‘hare-nom/acc.sg’ and óug-a ‘eye-nom/acc.sg’, respectively). The endings of the verbal inflection include the first-person singular of the present indicative of weak class I (sûoch-o [ˈz˳uːoxo] ‘search-1sg.prs.ind’) and the second-person singular of the imperative of weak verbs (léb-e ‘live-2sg.imp’, mách-o ‘make-2sg.imp’). In Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic, the first-person singular of the present indicative of strong verbs and weak class I was regularly deleted while the first-person singular of the present indicative of weak classes II (-ō-) and III (-ē-) was deleted as a result of analogy. In Notker, the ending of the first-person singular of the present indicative included -o (strong verbs and weak class I), -ôn (weak class II), and -ên

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Table 8.20: Apocope of OAlem. a, e, o in Swabian. Old Alemannic (N.)

Swabian

Nominal inflection

tág-a [ˈtaд˚a] ‘day-nom/acc.pl’ fíust-e [ˈv˳yːʃte] ‘fist-nom/acc.pl’ hás-o [ˈhaz˳o] ‘hare-nom/acc.sg’ óug-a [ˈouд˚a] ‘eye-nom/acc.sg’

Tage [d˳ɛːд˚] Fäuste [v˳əiʒ̊d˳] Hase [haːz˳] Auge [Ɂaoд˚]

Verbal inflection

sûoch-o [ˈz˳uːoxo] ‘search-1sg.prs.ind’ léb-e [ˈlɛb˳e] ‘live-2sg.imp’ mách-o [ˈmaxo] ‘make-2sg.imp’

such [z˳uəɣ˚] leb [leːb˳] mach [mɐ̃ɣ˚]

(weak class III). Examples are gíb-o ‘give-1sg.prs.ind’, sûoch-o ‘search-1sg. prs.ind’, *skád-ôn ‘damage-1sg.prs.ind’, and frâg-ên ‘ask-1sg.prs.ind’, respectively. Originally, there was no difference between the infinitive and the first-person singular of weak classes II and III, both of which were skád-ôn ‘damage-inf/1sg.prs.ind’ and frâg-ên ‘ask-inf/1sg.prs.ind’, respectively. In Late Old High German, the ending of weak classes II and III was replaced by the ending of the strong verbs and weak class I (Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 260). This explains why in Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic the first-person singular of former weak classes II and III such as schad-e [ʒ˚aːd˳] ‘damage-1sg’ and frag-e [v˳ ɾɔːд˚ ] ‘ask-1sg’ do not coincide with the corresponding infinitives schad-en [ˈʒ˚aːd˳ə] ‘damage-inf’ and frag-en [ˈv˳ ɾɔːд˚ ə] ‘ask-inf’. That is, apocope of the first-person singular was only possible after analogy applied (-ên, -ôn > -o > -Ø). By contrast, in Zurich Alemannic we find the opposite development. The former ending of the strong verbs and weak class I was replaced by the ending of weak classes II and III (Weber 1923, 175). That is, analogy (-o > -ên, -ôn) avoided apocope in the first-person singular. As a consequence, the forms of the first-person singular and infinitive are identical both in strong and weak verbs. Table 8.21 illustrates the reflexes of the endings of the infinitive and the first-person singular of weak classes I (sûochen) and III (frâgên) in Swabian and Zurich Alemannic (examples from Zurich Alemannic are taken from Weber 1923, 104, 181). For example, in Zurich Alemannic frag-en ‘ask-inf’ and frag-e ‘ask-1sg’ are both spoken [ˈv˳ ɾoːд˚ ə] while in Swabian they are spoken [ˈv˳ ɾɔːд˚ ə] and [v˳ ɾɔːд˚ ], respectively. Note that OAlem. â is realized as [ɔː] in Swabian while it is realized as [oː] in Zurich Alemannic (SSA, Map 20.50; Weber 1923, 50‒51). With regard to the secondperson singular of the imperative, apocope only applied to weak verbs since strong verbs originally lacked ending, as in OAlem. gíb [д˚ ib˳] ‘give[2sg.imp]’ (Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 266).

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 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

Table 8.21: Reflexes of the infinitive and the first-person singular ending in Swabian and Zurich Alemannic.

Weak class I Inf. 1st pers. sg. Weak class III Inf. 1st pers. sg.

Notker

Swabian

Zurich Alemannic

sûoch-en ‘search-inf’ sûoch-o ‘search-1sg’

[ˈz˳uəɣ˚ə] [z˳uəɣ˚  ]

[ˈz˳ʊəɣ˚ə] [ˈz˳ʊəɣ˚ə]

frâg-ên ‘ask-inf’ frâg-ên ‘ask-1sg’

[ˈv˳ɾɔːɡ̊ə] [v˳ɾɔːд˚ ]

[ˈv˳ɾoːд˚ə] [ˈv˳ɾoːд˚ə]

As a result of apocope, vowel epenthesis emerged in the first-person singular of the present indicative and the second-person of the imperative of weak verbs when the word-final cluster contained a sequence of obstruent + liquid, as in bettl-e [ˈb˳əd˳le] ‘beg-1sg.prs’. This issue is discussed in more detail in Section 8.4.1.2.

8.5.2.2 Apocope in feminine weak nouns In addition to general apocope, apocope of the singular ending of feminine weak nouns is found in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian. The SSA contains examples of this apocope in lexical items such as Ente ‘duck’ (SSA, Question 58.8), Mücke ‘fly’ (SSA, Question 298.4), Nase ‘nose’ (SSA, Question 244.1), and Taube ‘dove’. Map 8.2 charts the isoglosses of apocope in these lexical items, which separates the apocopated forms in North Alemannic from the non-apocopated ones in South Alemannic. The forms include [Ɂɛnd˳], [mʊд ˚ ], [nɔːz˳], and [d˳uːb˳] in Upper-Rhine Alemannic, [Ɂend˳], [muд ˚ ], [nɐ̃ːz˳], and [d˳əub˳] in Swabian, and [ˈɛntə], [ˈmukə], [ˈnaːz˳ə], and [ˈd˳uːb˳ə] in South Alemannic (see SDS III, Map 184 and VALTS III, Map 196 for the neighbouring Alemannic areas).34 The map only displays the forms from Swabian and South Alemannic. In contrast to feminine weak nouns, feminine strong nouns systematically underwent apocope such that lexical items such as Brücke ‘bridge’, Straße ‘street’, and Waage ‘scales’ exhibit apocope in South Alemannic, Upper-Rhine Alemannic,

34 The distribution of apocope in lexical items such as Blume ‘flower’ (SSA, Question 352.8), Glocke ‘bell’ (SSA, Question 288.3), Kerze ‘candle’ (SSA, Question 442.2), etc. confirms the picture obtained from the isoglosses. However, apocope in the lexical items Gerste ‘barley’ (SSA, Question 100.4), Sonne ‘sun’ (SSA, Question 322.3), and Suppe ‘soup’ (SSA, Question 430.7) slightly deviates from the picture.

8.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 361

Map 8.2: Apocope in weak feminine nouns.

and Swabian. For example, in South Alemannic Brücke [b˳ɾuk] ‘bridge’ underwent apocope while Mücke [ˈmukə] ‘fly’ retained the word-final vowel.35 The diverse patterns of weak and strong feminine nouns pose a problem since the Rule of Saint Benedict and Notker do not distinguish between the singular ending of feminine strong and weak nouns, both of which are represented by the spelling -a. Table 8.22 illustrates the different behaviour of strong and weak feminine nouns in Alemannic. In South Alemannic, strong feminine nouns such as Brücke ‘bridge’ have undergone apocope while weak feminine nouns such as Mücke ‘fly’ have retained the word-final vowel ([b˳ ɾuk] vs. [ˈmukə]). However, in Old Alemannic there is no direct evidence of vowel length in the ending of weak feminine nouns (Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 207).

35 The patterns of South Alemannic have remained elusive in the literature (Beck 1926; Hall 1991; Hall/Schrambke 1993). For example, Beck (1926, 103) observes that in Markgräflerland Alemannic the lexical items Brücke ‘bridge’ and Mücke ‘fly’ behave similarly although the SSA reveals completely different patterns.

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 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

Table 8.22: Feminine noun declension in Alemannic. Strong declension (Brücke ‘bridge’)

Weak declension (Mücke ‘fly’)

singular

plural

singular

plural

-a

-â

-a

-ûn

Braune/Reiffenstein (2004, 195, 207)

Fribourg Alemannic [b˳ɾ ʏk]

[ˈb˳ɾ ʏkə]

[ˈmʏka]

[ˈmʏkə]

Henzen (1927, 187‒189)

South Alemannic

[b˳ɾuk]

[ˈb˳ɾukə]

[ˈmukə]

[ˈmukə]

SSA, Questions 146.6, 298.4, Ortsgrammatiken

Swabian

[b˳ɾuд˚]

[b˳ɾuд˚ə]

[muд˚]

[ˈmuд˚ə]

SSA, Questions 146.6, 298.4, Ortsgrammatiken

Notker

Source

There have been two explanations for the differing patterns.36 On the one hand, Hoffmann-Krayer (1895, 28) assumes that feminine nouns of the ō-stem lost the ending in analogy to the feminine nouns of the i-stem, which have no ending in the singular. This is the case with lexical items such as chráft ‘power’. On the other hand, Lessiak (1903, 98) and Schatz (1907, 126‒127) assume that the vowel quantity of the endings of the singular strong and weak nouns was originally different. The ending of strong feminine nouns was short while the ending of weak feminine nouns was long. The short vowel then underwent deletion while the long vowel underwent shortening in accordance with the patterns of unstressed vowel reduction outlined in Section 8.5.1.2. The first explanation raises the question of why analogy did not apply to the weak feminine nouns too. As Braune/Reiffenstein (2004, 197) point out, strong and weak feminine nouns shared the endings of the nominative singular, genitive plural, and dative plural. As a result of syncretism, strong feminine nouns could behave as weak feminine nouns. The second explanation involving different vowel quantities was first put forward by Schild (1891, 9‒10).37 There are three lines of evidence for the different vowel quantity of the endings. First, closely related Germanic languages show different vowel quantities in the feminine strong and weak singular ending. This is true for Gothic, where the singular of feminine strong nouns differs from the singular of feminine weak nouns with

36 The following overview is based on Wipf (1910, 52). 37 Conversely, weak nouns could also behave as strong nouns. This led to the emergence of the mixed declension in Middle High German. In the light of the similar patterns of strong and weak feminine nouns, apocope is expected to apply to the weak feminine nouns too.

8.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 363

regard to vowel quality and quantity (gib-a [ˈɡiva] ‘gift-nom.sg’ vs. tugg-ô [ˈtuŋoː] ‘tongue-nom.sg’) (Braune 1973, 68, 73). Second, Stucki (1917, 148) observes that Notker writes -â (with vowel length) in the nominative singular of weak feminine nouns such as ság-â ‘tale-nom.pl’. Third, in Fribourg Alemannic the singular ending of weak feminine nouns such as Mücke [ˈmʏka] ‘fly’ is directly derived from a long -â (Henzen 1927, 116‒117). 8.5.2.3 Apocope in masculine strong nouns In addition to general apocope and apocope in feminine weak nouns, masculine strong nouns underwent apocope in Swabian.38 Examples of strong masculine nouns are Boden ‘floor’ (SSA, Question 436.6), Ofen ‘oven’ (SSA, Question 440.4), Rechen ‘rake’ (SSA, Question 80.2), and Wagen ‘cart’ (SSA, Question 114.5). Map 8.3 charts apocope in these lexical items. The process occurs in Tübingen, Reutlingen, and Ulm Swabian. For example, in Nellingen (UL 02) we find Boden [b˳oːd˳], Ofen [Ɂoːv˳], Rechen [ɾɛç], and Wagen [ʋaːд˚ ]. Note that the plural forms are Böden [ˈb˳eːd˳ə], Ofen [ˈɁeːv˳ ə], Rechen [ˈɾɛçə], and Wagen [ˈʋaːд˚ ə], respectively. That is, the singular form is monosyllabic while the plural form is disyllabic. The Ortsgrammatiken explain apocope in terms of analogy, whereby strong masculine nouns are inflected like strong neuter nouns. Accordingly, the paradigm Auge [Ɂaːoд˚ ] ‘eye’ and Auge-n [ˈɁaːoд˚ ə] ‘eyepl’ motivated the change from Wagen [ˈʋaːд˚ ə] ‘cart’ and Wagen [ˈʋaːд˚ ə] ‘cart. pl’ to Wagen [ʋaːɡ̊] (with apocope) ‘cart’ and Wagen [ˈʋaːд˚ ə] (without apocope) ‘cart.pl’, respectively. In contrast to general apocope and apocope in feminine nouns, apocope in masculine nouns is a recent process since it occurred after n-deletion (see Section 7.4.2). The historical development can be summarized as follows: OAlem. uuágen [ˈʋaд ˚ en] > [ˈʋaːд ˚ ə] (n-deletion) > [ʋaːд˚ ] (apocope). Importantly, apocope only applied to nouns while infinitives retained the ending.39 8.5.2.4 Summary Moderately complex and complex syllable structures were already present in Old Alemannic (see Section 8.2.1). As a result of apocope, the number of complex 38 The process is documented in the Ortsgrammatiken (Kauffmann 1890, 137; Strohmaier 1930, 97‒98; Zinser 1933, 23; Wandel 1934, 38‒39). Strohmaier (1930, 97‒98) observes variation such that the apocopated forms co-occur with the original ones, as in Wagen ‘cart’ [ʋaːд˚ ] ~ [ˈʋaːд˚ ə]. 39 In this respect, Swabian differs from Thuringian, where infinitives lack inflectional ending (DiWA, Map [mach]en and ThDA, Map 15).

364 

 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

Map 8.3: Apocope in masculine strong nouns.

syllable structures increased in word-final position, thereby highlighting the right margin of the phonological word. The distribution patterns of apocope allow us to distinguish between three different types: (1) general apocope, which is common to all Alemannic dialects; (2) apocope in feminine weak nouns, which occurs in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian; and (3) apocope in strong masculine nouns, which is restricted to Swabian. Thus, within the Alemannic dialect group apocope gradually accumulates in Swabian, as illustrated in Table 8.23. As a consequence, word-final syllable complexity occurs more frequently in Swabian. Consonant clusters derived from apocope include sequences of sonorant + obstruent, liquid + nasal, and obstruent + liquid. Sequences of sonorant + obstruent and liquid + nasal were retained while sequences of obstruent + liquid Table 8.23: Apocope in Alemannic.

General apocope Apocope in feminine nouns Apocope in masculine nouns

South Alemannic

Upper-Rhine Alemannic

Swabian

+ − −

+ + −

+ + −/+

8.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 365

were repaired by means of vowel epenthesis (see Section 8.4.1.2). The resulting word-final consonant and consonant clusters were not subject to word-optimizing processes such as deletion or simplification (see Sections 4.7.3 and 4.7.7). In this sense, the word-final coda is stable with the exception of alveolar nasals, which trigger nasalization of the preceding vowel (see Section 7.4.2).

8.5.3 Syncope In this section, I will describe unstressed vowel deletion in word-medial position. The process is word-optimizing since the resulting syllable structures are complex, both in word-initial (CVCV́C > CCVC) and word-final position (CV́CVC > CVCC), thereby highlighting word boundaries, as in OAlem. máged [ˈmaд˚ ed˳] > Swab. Magd [ˈmaːд ˚ d˳] ‘farm girl’ (see Section 4.7.4 for discussion). Word-medial ill-formed syllable contacts derived from syncope were partly retained and partly optimized (see Section 8.2.4). Syncope in pretonic syllables occurs more frequently in Swabian and South Alemannic (Section 8.5.3.1). In contrast, syncope in posttonic syllables is common in Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic (Section 8.5.3.2).

8.5.3.1 Syncope in pretonic syllables In contrast to the Rule of Saint Benedict, syncope is attested in Notker, albeit marginally (Kauffmann 1890, 141, 144‒146; Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 74). The process applied to the prefixes be- and ge- when followed by the sonorants [ʋ ɾ l n], as in bláz [b̥las] ‘forgive[2sg.imp]’ and guínn-en [ˈд˚ ʋinːen] ‘win-inf’ (Weinhold 1863, 21, 24).40 Later, syncope became regular with these prefixes although it is more frequently found with the prefix ge- (Kauffmann 1890, 141, 144‒146; Moser/Stopp 1970, 3, 10‒25, 44‒46). In Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic, we find syncope in the nominal prefix Ge- and past participle prefix ge-. With regard to the nominal prefix, syncope is attested in lexical items such as Gemeinde [д ˚ mõːẽːd˳] ‘municipality’ (SSA, Question 4.6), Gemüse [д ˚ mɪˑəz̥] ‘vegetables’ (SSA, Question 380.4), Gestank [д ˚ ʒ˚d˳ɐ̃ːд ˚ ] ‘stench’ (SSA, Question 52.2), Gewölbe [д ˚ ʋelb˳] ‘vault’ (SSA, Question 220.2), 40 Notker employs the spelling for instances of syncope, as in quínn-en ‘win-inf’ (Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 106). Presumably, the spelling represents the fortis consonant [k]. Note that in South Alemannic fortition applies when the prefix ge- undergoes syncope (see Section 7.5.2). However, syncope is not systematic in Notker. For example, the process applies in guínn-en [ˈд˚ ʋinːen] ‘win-inf’, but not in gelîh [ɡ̊eliːx] ‘similar’.

366 

 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

and Gewölk [д ˚ ʋiɫд ˚ ] ‘mass of clouds’ (SSA, Question 312.2) (the transcriptions correspond to the questionnaire of survey site RT 24 Steinhilben). Map 8.4 shows the geographical distribution of syncope in the lexical item Gemüse ‘vegetables’. Examples of syncope in the past participle prefix ge- [д ˚ ] are given in Table 8.24 (taken from Strohmaier 1930 and the SSA). The past participle prefix underwent syncope before fricatives (ge-fund-en ‘ptcp-find-ptcp’ [д ˚ əˈv˳õnd˳ə] > [ˈд ˚ v˳õnd˳ə]), sonorants (ge-mach-t ‘ptcp-make-ptcp’ [д ˚ əˈmɐ̃ɣ˚d˳] > [д ˚ mɐ̃ɣ˚d˳]), and vowels (ge-erb-t ‘ptcp-inherit-ptcp’ [д ˚ əˈeɾb˳d˳] > [д ˚ eɾb˳d˳]). In addition to syncope, the prefix underwent total assimilation before stops (ge-blieb-en ‘ptcp-stay-ptcp’ [д ˚ əˈb˳liːb˳ə] > [ˈд ˚ b˳liːb˳ə] > ͡ [ˈb˳liːb˳ə]) and affricates (ge-pfiff-en ‘ptcp-whistle-ptcp’ [д ˚ əˈb˳v˳iv˳ə] > [ˈд ˚ b˳͡v˳iv˳ə] > ͡ [ˈb˳v˳iv˳ə]) – that is, before consonants with the distinctive feature [−continuant]. Map 8.5 illustrates the patterns of syncope in the past participle prefix ge- [ɡ̊] when followed by a stop, as in ge-bot-en ‘ptcp-offer-ptcp’ (SSA, Question 494.7). The map shows that syncope generally applied in Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic. As a result of syncope, the lenis consonant of the stem underwent fortition ([ɡ̊əˈ b˳ otə] > [ˈɡ̊b˳ otə] > [ˈpotə]). This stage is retained in South Alemannic, where there is a morphological opposition in word-initial position, as in biet-en [ˈbiətə] ˳ ‘offer-inf’ vs. ge-bot-en [ˈpotə] ‘ptcp-offer-ptcp’ (see Section 7.5.2 for further examples). Later, lenition brought about the loss of the morphological opposition such that [ˈpotə] became [ˈbod ˳ ˳ ə] in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian. Table 8.24: Past participle prefix ge- [ɡ̊] in Swabian. Infinitive

Past participle

Stop

bleib-en ‘stay-inf’ [ˈb˳ ləib˳ ə] trink-en ‘drink-inf’ [ˈd˳ɾẽŋɡ̊ə] krieg-en ‘get-inf’ [ˈɡ̊ɾiˑəɡ̊ə]

ge-blieb-en ‘ptcp-stay-ptcp’ [ˈb˳ liːb˳ ə] ge-trunk-en ‘ptcp-drink-ptcp’ [ˈd˳ɾõŋɡ̊ə] ge-krieg-t ‘ptcp-get-ptcp’ [ɡ̊ɾiˑəɡ̊d˳]

Affricate

pfeif-en ‘whistle-inf’ [ˈb˳ ͡ v˳ əiv˳ ə] zieh-en ‘pull-inf’ [ˈd˳͡ z˳ iˑəɡ̊ə]

ge-pfiff-en ‘ptcp-whistle-ptcp’ [ˈb˳ ͡ v˳ iv˳ ə] ge-zog-en ‘ptcp-pull-ptcp’ [ˈd˳͡ z˳ oːɡ̊ə]

Fricative

find-en ‘find-inf’ [ˈv˳ ẽnd˳ə] seh-en ‘see-inf’ [z̥ε̃ə̃] schreib-en ‘write-inf’ [ˈ˚ʒɾəib˳ ə] halt-en ‘hold-inf’ [ˈhald˳ə]

ge-fund-en ‘ptcp-find-ptcp’ [ˈɡ̊v˳ õnd˳ə] ge-seh-en ‘ptcp-see-ptcp’ [ɡ̊z̥ε̃ə̃] ge-schrieb-en ‘ptcp-write-ptcp’ [ˈɡ̊˚ʒɾiːb˳ə] ge-halt-en ‘ptcp-hold-ptcp’ [ˈkhald˳ə]

Sonorant

mach-en ‘make-inf’ [ˈmɐ̃ɣ˚ə] nehm-en ‘take-inf’ [ˈnε̃ə̃mə] lauf-en ‘go-inf’ [ˈlaov˳ ə] reit-en ‘ride-inf’ [ˈɾəid˳ə] wiss-en ‘know-inf’ [ˈʋiz̥ə]

ge-mach-t ‘ptcp-make-ptcp’ [ɡ̊mɐ̃ɣ˚d˳] ge-nomm-en ‘ptcp-take-ptcp’ [ˈɡ̊ŋõmə] ge-lauf-en ‘ptcp-go-ptcp’ [ˈɡ̊lo˳və] ge-ritt-en ‘ptcp-ride-ptcp’ [ˈɡ̊ɾid˳ə] ge-wuss-t ‘ptcp-know-ptcp’ [ɡ̊ʋiz̥d˳]

Vowel

erb-en ‘inherit-inf’ [ˈɁeɾb˳ ə]

ge-erb-t ‘ptcp-inherit-ptcp’ [ɡ̊eɾb˳ d˳]

8.5 Word-optimizing processes 

Map 8.4: Syncope in pretonic syllables.

Map 8.5: Syncope in the past participle prefix ge- [ɡ̊].

 367

368 

 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

Syncope in pretonic syllables had three consequences for the typological make-up of Swabian. First, new consonant clusters emerged in word-initial position. These include [ɡ̊ʋ ɡ̊m ɡ̊n ɡ̊v ˳ ɡ̊z̥ ɡ̊ʒ˚ ɡ̊ʒ˚ b˳ɾ ɡ̊ʒ˚ d˳ɾ]. Second, the word-initial consonant clusters resulting from syncope motivated the emergence of the epenthetic consonant [ɡ̊] (see Section 8.5.8). Third, Swabian allows up to four consonants in word-initial position while Old Alemannic only allows up to three consonants (Section 8.2.1).

8.5.3.2 Syncope in posttonic syllables Syncope in posttonic syllables is marginally attested in Old Alemannic. Notker shows alternation in uuírd-it ‘become-3sg’ ~ uuírt ‘become.3sg’ (76 vs. 408 occurrences).41 OAlem. uuírt ‘become.3sg’ shows vowel deletion in the inflectional ending. As a result, the stem final consonant (uuírd) and the consonant of the inflectional ending (-t) undergo total assimilation (uuírd-it ‘become-3sg’ [ˈʋiɾd˳it] > [ʋiɾt]). In this respect, Moser/Stopp (1970, 127) talk about “ekthlipsis”. This is the case with -det > -d(t), -tet > -t, -nen > -n, -men > -m, and -ses > -s (see Moser/Stopp 1970, 129‒133, 138‒140, 144 for historical documentation). In historical records of Swabian, we find instances of -det > -d(t), -tet > -t, and -ses > -s. Note that ekthlipsis involving nasal consonants (-nen > -n, -men > -m) may only occur in written forms. In spoken language, however, the process does not occur as a result of n-deletion (see Section 8.4.2). In contrast to Old Alemannic, syncope regularly applied to monomorphemic words and inflectional endings in Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic. Table 8.25 provides examples of syncope in monomorphemic words in Swabian. In Section 8.2.1, we have seen that in word-final position Old Alemannic allows up to three consonants. As a result of syncope, Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic allow up to four consonants in word-final position (OAlem. hérbest [ˈheɾb˳eʃt] > Swab. Herbst [heɾb˳˚ʒd˳] ‘autumn’). In addition to monomorphemic words, syncope also applied to inflectional endings such as the second-person singular (-est, -êst, -ôst, -îst), the third-person singular (-et, -êt, -ôt, -ît), the past participle (-et, -êt, -ôt), the neuter singular of adjectives (-es), and the superlative (-est, -ôst). In Old Alemannic, complex syllable structures are found both in stressed and unstressed syllables (see Section 8.2.2). This is the case with the inflectional ending of the second-person singular, which could occur both in stressed (bí-st [ b˳iʃt] ‘be.prs.ind-2sg’) and unstressed syllables (léb-est [ˈlɛb˳eʃt] ‘live-2sg.prs.ind’). As a result of syncope,

41 The number of occurrences was taken from Sehrt/Legner (1955, 579).

8.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 369

Table 8.25: Syncope in posttonic syllables in Swabian. Old Alemannic

Swabian

as, es

óbaz [ˈob˳as] ‘fruit’

Obst [Ɂob˳ʒ˚ d˳]

est

ángest [ˈaŋɡ̊e ʃt] ‘fear’ érnest [ˈeɾneʃt] ‘seriousness’ hérbest [ˈheɾb˳ eʃt] ‘autumn’

Angst [Ɂaŋ˚ʒd˳] Ernst [Ɂeɾn˚ʒd˳] Herbst [heɾb˳ʒ˚ d˳]

at, et

fógat [ˈ˳voɡ̊at] ‘bailiff’ máged [ˈmaɡ̊ed] ‘maid’

Vogt [ v˳ oːɡ̊d˳] Magd [maːɡ̊d˳]

word-final complex syllable structures are exclusively associated with stressed syllables. This is in line with the prediction that in word languages complex syllable structures occur in stressed syllables (see Section 4.3.1). Additionally, in Old Alemannic extrasyllabic elements are only found in word-initial position (see Section 8.2.3). As a result of syncope, extrasyllabic elements may also occur word-finally. For example, in Old Alemannic the syllable structure of léb-est [ˈlɛb˳eʃt] ‘live-2sg.prs.ind’ follows the Sonority Sequencing Principle (see Figure 8.7). In contrast, after syncope applied, the syllable structure of leb-st [leːb˳˚ʒd˳] ‘live-2sg.prs.ind’ violates the Sonority Sequencing Principle in word-final position since the fricative [˚ʒ] is more sonorous than the preceding stop [b˳] (see Figure 8.8). Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian differ from South Alemannic with respect to the ending of the second-person singular after sibilant consonants. For example, OAlem. ízz-est [ˈiseʃt] ‘eat-2sg.prs.ind’ underwent syncope giving rise to [Ɂi˚ʒd˳] in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian, as illustrated in Table 8.26. Syncope was followed by total assimilation ([Ɂiz̥˚ʒd˳] > [Ɂi˚ʒd˳]). By contrast, in South Alemannic we find [ˈisi˚ʒ]. The question arises as to whether South Alemannic blocked syncope or, rather, whether vowel epenthesis applied after syncope (see SSA, Comment 1.003 for discussion). According to the SSA (Map 1.003), the ending [i˚ʒd˳] ~ [i˚ʒ] is widespread in Emmendingen, Freiburg, VillingenSchwenningen, Lörrach, Wutach, and Constance Alemannic. The distribution patterns reflect a word-centered North Alemannic, where there is a tendency for morphological information to occur in monosyllabic words. Syncope brought about consonant clusters containing morpheme boundaries. This was the case when syncope applied in the ending of the third-person singular and the past participle (-et > -t). For instance, stems ending with the sibilants [s] and [z̥] such as ess-en ‘eat-inf’ (with former fortis [s]) and les-en ‘read-inf’ (with former lenis [z̥]) could now be combined with the inflectional ending giving rise to the word-final consonant cluster [z̥d˳] after lenition applied.

370 

 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

Figure 8.7: Sonority of OAlem. léb-est ‘live-2sg.prs.ind’.

Figure 8.8: Sonority of Swab. leb-st ‘live-2sg.prs.ind’ after syncope.

Table 8.26: Ending of the second-person singular after sibilant consonants. Old Alemannic

South Alemannic (WT 22)

Swabian (UL 03)

ízz-est [ˈiseʃt] ‘eat-2sg.prs.ind’ *uuáhs-est [ˈʋaxseʃt] ‘grow-2sg.prs.ind’

[ˈisi˚ʒ] [ˈʋaxsi˚ʒ]

[Ɂi˚ʒd˳] [ʋeɡ̊ʒ˚ d˳]

Examples of the third-person singular are given in Table 8.27 (the examples are taken from Strohmaier 1930, 108‒113). As a result of syncope, morphological oppositions emerged in word-final position. This is the case with iss-t [Ɂi˚ʒd˳] ‘eat2sg.prs’ vs. iss-t [Ɂiz̥d˳] ‘eat-3sg.prs’, miss-t [mi˚ʒd˳] ‘measure-2sg.prs’ vs. miss-t [miz̥d˳] ‘measure-3sg.prs’, and schieß-t [˚ʒui˚ʒd˳] ‘shoot-2sg.prs’ vs. schieß-t [˚ʒuiz̥d˳] ‘shoot-3sg.prs’. This opposition arose from total assimilation of the stem final consonant and the ending of the second-person singular [˚ʒd˳], as in iss-t [Ɂi˚ʒd˳]

8.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 371

‘eat-2sg.prs’ ([z̥˚ʒd˳] > [˚ʒd˳]). As a consequence, the consonant cluster [z̥d˳] contains a morpheme boundary. Table 8.27: Ending of the third-person singular after sibilant consonants. Old Alemannic

Swabian

Source

ízz-et [ˈiset] ‘eat-3sg.prs.ind’ scíuz-et [ˈʃkyːset] ‘shoot-3sg.prs.ind’ lís-et [ˈliz̥et] ‘read-3sg.prs.ind’ ge-uuíz-et [ɡ̊eˈʋiset] ‘ptcp-know-ptcp’

[Ɂiz̥d˳] [ ʒ˚ uiz̥d˳] [liːz̥d˳] [ɡ̊ʋiz̥d˳]

SSA, Map 1.004 Ortsgrammatiken SSA, Question 240.10 SSA, Question 324.3

As a result of syncope, ekthlipsis occurred in the second-person singular with stems ending in alveolar stops and in the neuter singular of adjectives ending with sibilant consonants.42 Examples of ekthlipsis are given in (135), where -et is the ending of the third-person singular present indicative while -es is the ending of the neuter singular adjective ending of the nominative/accusative (for examples of ekthlipsis with the past participle see Keinath 1922, 69, 103). Swabian allows ekthlipsis with sibilants, as in groß-es ‘big-nom/acc.sg.n’ [ˈɡ̊ɾaoz̥əz̥] > [ɡ̊ɾaoz̥].43 By contrast, South Alemannic avoids ekthlipsis after the sibilants [s ʃ t͡s]. For example, in Zurich Alemannic vowel deletion applies to schön-es [ʃøːnz̥] ‘beautiful-nom/acc.sg.n’ while it is avoided in groß-es [ɡ̊ɾoːsəz̥] ‘big-nom/acc. sg.n’ (Weber 1923, 105).

42 The ending of the third-person singular after alveolar stops is documented in the SSA (Map 1.005) and Ortsgrammatiken of Swabian while the neuter singular adjective ending is only documented in the Ortsgrammatiken of Swabian. 43 In Old Alemannic, the strong adjective ending of the nominative and accusative neuter singular was either -es or -Ø (Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 218‒220). The SSA documents the realization of the adjective ending (SSA, Question 282.4). In Ulm Swabian, we find the ending -es [z̥], as in schön-es Haus [ ˈ˚ʒẽːə̃z̥ ˈhəuz̥] ‘beautiful-nom/acc.sg.n house’ (Strohmaier 1930, 103). Similarly, Böblingen Swabian also shows the ending -es [z̥], as in brav-es Kind [ˈb˳ ɾaːfs ˈkhẽn] ‘well-behaved-nom/acc.sg.n child’. However, the former zero ending has been retained in chunks such as schön-es Wetter [ˈ˚ʒeːˈʋεd˳əɾ] ‘beautiful-nom/acc.sg.n weather’, nass-es Wetter [ˈnaz̥ˈʋεd˳əɾ] ‘humid-nom/acc.sg.n weather’, etc. (Oechsner 1951, 103). That is, examples such as [naz̥] cannot be analysed as the result of vowel deletion ([ˈnaz̥əz̥] > [naz̥]) since they retain the former zero ending. The Ortsgrammatiken show that the ending -es [z̥] constitutes an innovation, as in Balingen Swabian (Keinath 1922, 93). Unfortunately, they do not give hints about the patterns of the suffix after stems ending in -s such as groß ‘big’ and nass ‘humid’.

372 

 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

(135) Ekthlipsis in Swabian (Keinath 1930, 24; Strohmaier 1930, 64) find-et [v˳ ẽnt] ‘find-3sg’ blut-et [b˳liːət] ‘bleed-3sg’ groß-es Haus [ɡ̊ɾaoz̥ həuz̥] ‘big-nom/acc.sg.n house’ Finally, syncope led to the emergence of the syllabic consonants [lˌ ɾˌ ], which constitute ill-formed syllable structures since they violate the Nucleus Law, as in OAlem. hímel [ˈhimel] > Swab. Himmel [ˈhẽmlˌ] ‘sky’ and OAlem. hámer [ˈhameɾ] > Swab. Hammer [ˈhɐ̃mɾˌ] ‘hammer’ (see Section 7.3.2 for examples). The SSA and the Ortsgrammatiken of Swabian document the existence of syllabic consonants (for Swiss German dialects see SDS II, Map 150). For example, the SSA contains the lexical item Himmel ‘sky’ (Question 312.1), which contains the syllabic lateral ([lˌ]). 8.5.3.3 Summary Syncope brought about syllable complexity both in word-initial and word-final position. In addition, it led to ill-formed syllable contacts in word-medial position. Interestingly, ill-formed syllable structures were stable at the margins of the phonological word while in word-medial position they were partly resolved by means of syllable-optimizing processes (see Section 8.2.4 for details). This implies that there is a tendency for ill-formed syllables to occur at word and morpheme boundaries. Syncope occurs more frequently in Swabian and South Alemannic than in Upper-Rhine Alemannic since in northern Upper-Rhine Alemannic syncope did not apply to pretonic syllables, as illustrated in Table 8.28. Table 8.28: Syncope in Alemannic.

Pretonic syllable Posttonic syllable

South Alemannic

Upper-Rhine Alemannic

Swabian

+ +

−/+ +

+ +

8.5.4 Degemination of geminate sonorants I will distinguish between three types of word-final geminates, which is attested in degemination of word-medial geminates, Alemannic and Swabian (Section 8.5.4.2);

degemination: (1) degemination of Old Alemannic (Section 8.5.4.1); (2) which takes place in Upper-Rhine and (3) degemination of originally

8.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 373

word-medial geminates as a result of apocope, which occurs in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian (Section 8.5.4.3).

8.5.4.1 Degemination of word-final geminate sonorants In Old Alemannic, degemination is attested in the Rule of Saint Benedict and Notker. For example, Notker writes in word-medial position and in word-final position.44 As a result of inflection, we can observe alternation between word-medial geminates and word-final single consonants. Examples of degemination are given in (136). (136) Word-final degemination in Old Alemannic fóll-en [ˈ˳volːen] ‘full-acc.sg.m’ mánn-es [ˈmanːez̥] ‘man-gen.sg’ stúmm-en [ˈʃtumːen] ‘silent-acc.sg.m’

fól [ ˳vol] ‘full’ mán [man] ‘man[nom.sg]’ stúm [ ʃtum] ‘silent’

Degemination of word-final geminates implies a word-related process that restricts the occurrence of geminates to word-medial syllables. In contrast to other Old High German dialects, Notker retains geminates in unstressed syllables. This is the case with the inflected infinitives (-nes ‘gen’ and -ne ‘dat’), as in máchôn-ne [ˈmaxoːnːe] ‘make-inf-dat’. However, after the inflected endings underwent reduction, geminates were associated with stressed syllables. Additionally, the incidence of geminates occurring in stressed syllables increased as a result of gemination of sonorants in disyllabic words. The process is attested in South Alemannic and in peripheral areas of Swabian, where OAlem. námo [ˈnamo] ‘name’ and súmer [ˈz̥umeɾ  ] ‘summer’ developed into Name [ˈnamːə] ‘name’ and Sommer [ˈz̥umːəɾ  ], respectively (see Hall 1991, 69‒70 for examples from Baar Alemannic). The patterns of Old Alemannic persist in South Alemannic and in peripheral areas of Swabian. Examples from Geislingen Swabian are given in (137), where underlying geminates are retained in word-medial position (Sonne-n [ˈz̥onːə] ‘sun-pl’) while they are simplified in word-final position (Sonne [z̥on] ‘sun’).

44 Word-final degemination is generally attested in Old High German (see Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 96‒97 for details and Szczepaniak 2007, 122‒124 for discussion).

374 

 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

(137) Word-final degemination in Geislingen Swabian (Brobeil 1938, 168, 173, 175) fall-en [ˈ˳valːə] ‘fall-inf’ fall-e [ val] ˳ ‘fall-1sg.prs’ Henne-n [ˈhenːə] ‘hen-pl’ Henne [hen] ‘hen’ Sonne-n [ˈz̥onːə] ‘sun-pl’ Sonne [z̥on] ‘sun’ Word-final degemination may give insights into the phonological status of clitics and derivational suffixes. In this respect, Braune/Reiffenstein (2004, 96, 122) observe that in Otfrid (Old Rhine Franconian) word-final degemination does not apply when inflected verbs are followed by pronouns. For example, /nː/ undergoes degemination in kan [kan] ‘can[3sg.prs]’ while it is preserved in kann inan [ˈkanː ˈinan] ‘can[3sg.prs] 3sg.acc.m’. The avoidance of word-final degemination ̮ reveals that the clitic is integrated into the phonological word ([ˈka nˈninan]). In  contrast to Otfrid, Notker does not seem to avoid word-final degemination when inflected verbs are followed by pronouns. The patterns of modern dialects that have word-medial geminates can help to identify the phonological status of clitics and derivational suffixes. For instance, in Geislingen Swabian geminate sonorants have two different origins, as illustrated in (138). First, they may be inherited from Old Alemannic, as in schwimm-en [ˈ˚ʒʋẽmːə] ‘swim-inf’ (< OAlem. suúmm-en [ˈʃυymːen]). That is, underlying geminates are retained in word-medial position while they undergo degemination in word-final position. Note that the inflectional ending of the first-person singular was deleted (see Section 8.5.2 for apocope). Second, they may result from gemination in disyllabic words, as in nehm-en [ˈnẽmːə] ‘take-inf’ (< OAlem. ném-en [ˈnɛmen]) (Brobeil 1938, 168, 173, 175). Crucially, underlying geminates surface when clitics beginning with a vowel are attached to the stem (nimm ihn [ˈnẽmːə] ‘take[2sg.imp] 3sg.acc.m’), which is homophonous with the infinitive (nehm-en [ˈnẽmːə] ‘take-inf’). Thus, the patterns of degemination show that clitics are integrated into the phonological word. (138) Phonological status of clitics according to degemination in Geislingen Swabian (Brobeil 1938, 159, 173, 280) nehm-en [ˈnẽmːə] ‘take-inf’ nehm-e [nẽm] ‘take-1sg.prs.ind’ nimm ihn [ˈnẽmːə] ‘take[2sg.imp] 3sg.acc.m’ nimm [nẽm] ‘take[2sg.imp]’ In contrast to clitics, the diminutive suffix -lein [le] is not integrated into the phonological word. Evidence comes again from degemination. For example, in Geislingen Swabian the geminate lateral [lː] is retained in word-medial position (fall-en [ˈ v˳ alːə] ‘fall-inf’) while it undergoes degemination in word-final position (fall-e [ v˳ al] ‘fall-1sg.prs’). Note that the inflectional ending -e ‘1sg’ was deleted (see Section 8.5.2 for apocope). When the diminutive suffix -lein [le] is attached to

8.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 375

stems ending in -l such as Maul [məul] ‘mouth’, the resulting geminate is simplified as a result of consonant assimilation such that Mäul-lein ‘mouth-dim’ [ˈməilːe] becomes [ˈməile]. Significantly, geminate simplification resembles geminate simplification across word boundaries, as in Schullehrer [ˈ˚ʒuːəˌlɛːɾəɾ] ‘school teacher’ (see Section 7.4.3). That is, the diminutive suffix constitutes a phonological word. Otherwise, the word-medial geminate would have been retained (*[ˈməilːe]ω). This result is backed up by monosyllabic lengthening in Tuttlingen Swabian in lexical items such as Räd-lein [ɾɛːd˳]ω[le]ω (see Section 7.5.1). As a result of open syllable lengthening and degemination both in word-medial and word-final position, the word status of the diminutive suffix cannot be identified in central areas of Swabian.

8.5.4.2 Degemination of word-medial geminate sonorants In addition to word-final degemination, degemination of word-medial geminates applied in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian. Map 8.6 shows the distribution of word-medial degemination in the lexical item brenn-en [ˈb˳ ɾenə] ‘burn-inf’, which etymologically derived from OAlem. brénn-en [ˈb˳ ɾenːen] ‘burn-inf’ (SSA, Question 442.7). The former geminate nasal [nː] is widespread in Tuttlingen Swabian and Constance Alemannic. The distribution of degemination complements the picture yielded by Map 7.16, which displays lenition of word-medial OAlem. t in OAlem. uuát-en [ˈυaten] ‘wade-inf’. Degemination of word-medial geminate sonorants and lenition of word-medial fortis consonants constitute lenition processes. A comparison of both maps reveals that lenition of word-medial fortis consonants is more widespread than degemination of word-medial geminate sonorants. Lenition of fortis consonants behaves differently than degemination of geminate sonorants. The former applied first word-initially and then word-medially while the latter applied first word-finally and then word-medially. Degemination of word-medial geminate sonorants contributed to the emergence of ambisyllabic consonants, as in OAlem. fáll-en [ˈ v˳ alːen] > Swab. fall-en [ˈ v˳ aḷə] ‘fall-inf’ (see Section 7.6 for ambisyllabicity in Swabian).

8.5.4.3 Degemination of geminate nasals after apocope As a result of apocope of the ending of feminine weak nouns (see Section 8.5.2), underlying geminate nasals in originally word-medial position moved into the word-final coda, where they underwent degemination. In contrast to the originally word-final geminate nasals, they did not trigger nasalization of the preceding vowel (OAlem. mán > Swab. Mann [mɐ̃ː] ‘man’ vs. OAlem. fánna [ˈp͡fanːa] >

376 

 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

Map 8.6: Degemination of word-medial [nː].

Swab. Pfanne [b̥͡v̥an] ‘pan’).45 Examples of originally word-medial geminates are given in Table 8.29. Table 8.29: Degemination of originally word-medial geminate nasals. Old Alemannic

Constance Alemannic

Swabian

Source

fánna [ˈp͡fanːa] ‘pan’ spínna [ˈʃpinːa] ‘spider’ súnna [ˈ˳zunːa] ‘sun’

[ˈp͡fanːə] [ˈʃpinːə] [ˈ˳zunːə]

[ b˳ ͡v˳ an] [ ʒ˚b ˳ en] [z˳ on]

SSA, Question 428.1 SSA, Question 300.6 SSA, Question 322.3

Map 8.7 illustrates two processes: (a) apocope of feminine weak nouns, which is depicted by the vertical line; and (b) retention of the originally word-medial geminate nasal [nː], which is depicted by the square. The map reveals the following patterns. First, Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian underwent apocope. Second, in South Alemannic the geminate nasal is retained in Constance Alemannic ([ˈ˳zunːə]) while it underwent word-medial degemination in Freiburg and Lörrach Alemannic 45 Word-final n is preserved in northern areas of Upper-Rhine Alemannic (see Schrambke 1981, 63‒64, 67 and Streck 2012, 137–195 for details).

8.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 377

([ˈ˳zunə]) as well as Biberach, Ravensburg, and Friedrichshafen Swabian ([ˈ˳zonə]). Third, in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian the geminate nasal generally underwent word-final degemination ([˳zon]). However, the geminate nasal is marginally attested in word-final position, especially in Villingen-Schwenningen Alemannic.46 In this area, underlying geminates underwent degemination in word-medial position (brenn-en [ˈ bɾenə]  ˳ ‘burn-inf’) while they were retained in word-final position (Sonne [˳zonː] ‘sun’) (with the exception of survey site VS 20 Pfohren). This implies that geminates are restricted to word-final position and therefore function as positive signals. In this respect, Villingen-Schwenningen Alemannic resembles Zurich Alemannic, where schwimm-en [ˈʃυʏmə] ‘swim-inf’ underwent word-medial degemination while Sonne [˳zʊnː] ‘sun’ preserves the originally word-medial geminate (Weber 1923, 136‒138, 140).

Map 8.7: Degemination of originally word-medial [nː].

8.5.4.4 Summary According to the patterns of degemination of the geminate sonorants [mː nː lː], we can distinguish between three different types: (1) degemination of word-final 46 The word-final geminate nasal was noted in RA (16), CW (10, 13), RW (5), VS (06, 16, 18‒20), WT (07, 11), KN (01, 09, 15), BL (02, 10), TUT (14), SIG (25), and RT (11).

378 

 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

geminate sonorants, which is common to Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic; (2) degemination of word-medial geminate sonorants, which occurs in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian; and (3) degemination of originally word-medial geminate nasals, which is widespread in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian as a result of apocope. The patterns of degemination are displayed in Table 8.30. In the first stage, geminates were restricted to word-medial syllables as a result of word-final degemination. Thus, degemination introduced a word-related restriction. As we have seen in Section 4.1.1, there is a tendency for geminates to occur in stressed syllables. This becomes evident from processes such as degemination in unstressed syllables (OAlem. -nes ‘gen’ and -ne ‘dat’) and gemination in stressed syllables (OAlem. námo [ˈnamo] > SAlem. Name [ˈnamːə] ‘name’). As a result, stressed word-medial syllables are heavy. This stage is preserved in Old Alemannic. In the second stage, degemination of word-medial geminate sonorants (and lenition of word-medial fortis consonants) gave rise to ambisyllabic consonants, which are associated with the syllable cut correlation in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian. In the third stage, apocope led originally word-medial geminates to occur word-finally, where they underwent degemination. Degemination of word-final geminates and degemination of word-medial geminates can be associated with word-optimizing strategies. Table 8.30: Degemination in Alemannic.

Word-final geminates Word-medial geminates Word-medial geminates after apocope

South Alemannic

Upper-Rhine Alemannic

Swabian

+ − −

+ + +

+ + +

8.5.5 Deletion of word-medial consonants In this section, I will treat three processes involving deletion of word-medial consonants: (1) deletion of lenis stops in OAlem. ege, ige, ibe; (2) deletion of OAlem. uu [υ]; and (3) deletion of OAlem. h [h]. Deletion of word-medial consonants contributed to increasing the sonority within the phonological word. Additionally, deletion of OAlem. uu [υ] and h [h] brought about ill-formed syllable structures involving hiatuses. Deletion of word-medial lenis stops is traditionally referred to as “contraction” (Kontraktion) (see Paul 1998, 135‒138 for a detailed account). Szczepaniak (2007, 212‒215) examined contraction in Middle High German discussing the relevance

8.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 379

of the process for the typology of syllable and word languages. In Middle High German, contraction applied to the word-medial voiced stops in ege > ei, ige > î, ibe > î, ide > î, abe > â, and ade > â. Braune/Reiffenstein (2004, 144) observe that Notker contains first instances of contraction. This becomes apparent from the alternation between ántségida ~ ántséida ‘defence’ and brédig-ôn ~ brédi-ôn ‘preach-inf’. Contraction generally applied in Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic. More specifically, Swabian exhibits contraction of OAlem. ege, ige, ibe, abe, and ebe.47 OAlem. ege, ige, ibe, and abe underwent contraction in word-medial position giving rise to the long monophthongs [eː] (< ege), [iː] (< ige, ibe), and [aː] (< abe). Thus, the resulting long monophthongs merged with OAlem. ê, î, and â. Note that ege originally contained a tense mid vowel (OAlem. lég-et [ˈle˚ɡet] ‘lay-3sg’). Later, they diphthongized to [ae], [əi], and [ao], respectively (see Section 7.5.4 for diphthongization). Table 8.31 provides examples of contraction of OAlem. ege, ige, ibe in the second- and third-person singular of the present indicative of lég-en ‘lay-inf’, líg-en ‘lie-inf’, and géb-en ‘give-inf’. Similarly, OAlem. abe underwent contraction in háb-en ‘have-inf’ giving rise to [hãõ] in Swabian. Paul (1998, 137) observes that haben became hân in Middle High German when unstressed. In contrast to Middle High German, stress does not influence contraction of OAlem. háb-en ‘have-inf’ in Swabian. Table 8.31: Contraction of word-medial OAlem. ege, ige, ibe in Swabian. Old Alemannic (N.)

Swabian

Source

ege

lég-est [ˈle˚ɡeʃt] ‘lay-2sg’ lég-et [ˈle˚ɡet] ‘lay-3sg’

leg-st [laeʒ˚d] ˳ ‘lay-2sg’ leg-t [laed] ˳ ‘lay-3sg’

SSA, Questions 404.4‒404.5

ige

líg-est [ˈli˚ɡeʃt] ‘lie-2sg’ líg-et [ˈli˚ɡet] ‘lie-3sg’

lieg-st [ləiʒ˚d] ˳ ‘lie-2sg’ lieg-t [ləi˳d] ‘lie-3sg’

SSA, Questions 420.4‒420.5

ibe

gíb-est [ˈ˚ɡib̥eʃt] ‘give-2sg’ gíb-et [ˈ˚ɡi˳bet] ‘give-3sg’

gib-st [˚ɡəiʒ˚d˳ ] ‘give-2sg’ gib-t [˚ɡəi˳d] ‘give-3sg’

SSA, Questions 516.4‒516.5

Similarly, OAlem. ebe underwent contraction giving rise to the long monophthong [ɛː]. Later, [ɛː] diphthongized to [ɛːə] (see Section 7.5.4 for diphthongization 47 In addition, OAlem. ada and ide underwent contraction. In Swabian, contraction of OAlem. ada > [aː] > [ao] is attested in family names such as Auberle, Aubert, and Aubrecht, which are derived from the personal name Adalbert (HSS, Map 1). Contraction of OAlem. ide applied in the second- and third-person singular of chéd-en ‘say-inf’ giving rise to chî-st ‘say-2sg’ and chî-t ‘say3sg’, respectively. The forms are not attested in Swabian. However, they are attested in Zurich Alemannic, where they occur as [ɣ̊iːʃt] and [ɣ̊iːt], respectively (Weber 1923, 88).

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 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

of OAlem. e [ɛ]). Contraction applied to géb-en [ˈ˚ɡɛ˳ben] ‘give-inf’ and ge-géb-en [˚ɡeˈ˚ɡɛb̥en] ‘ptcp-give-ptcp’, both of which resulted in [˚ɡɛːə] in Swabian. As pointed out by Szczepaniak (2007, 214), contraction applies within strong feet, as in [[˚ɡe]Fw[ˈ˚ɡɛb̥en]Fs]ω, where foot-medial [ b˳ ] undergoes contraction while foot-initial [˚ɡ] is preserved in the strong foot. As a result, the process applies between stems and inflectional/derivational suffixes. Contractions typically lead to a rise of the sonority within the phonological word. OAlem. uu and h underwent deletion in word-medial position. OAlem. uu has two different origins. On the one hand, the consonant is etymologically derived from Gmc w, as in sêuu-e [ˈ˳zeːʋe] ‘sea-dat.sg’. On the other hand, the consonant originated as an epenthetic consonant in order to resolve hiatuses, especially in so-called “verba pura” (see Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 110‒111 for the epenthetic consonant [υ]). Verba pura are characterized by lacking root-final consonants. The stems typically contain long vowels (OHG bū-an ‘dwell-inf’, sā-en ‘sowinf’) or diphthongs (OHG bluo-en ‘blossom-inf’) (see Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 297 for details). Examples of consonant epenthesis in verba pura are bûuu-en [ˈ˳buːυen] ‘dwell-inf’, ríuuu-en [ˈɾyːυen] ‘regret-inf’, and trûuu-en ‘trust-inf’.48 The SSA contains lexical items such as reu-en ‘regret-inf’ (SSA, Question 524.6), which allows us to document the reflexes of OAlem. uu. Map 8.8 reveals that OAlem. uu underwent deletion in Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic. In Swabian, OAlem. ríuuu-en [ˈɾyːυen] gave rise to [ˈɾəiə], which contains an illformed syllable structure involving a hiatus ([ˈɾəi.ə]). However, in western areas of Swabian we find the forms [ˈɾəi˳bə] and, less frequently, [ˈɾəiυə]. The form [ˈɾəi˳bə] arose from head strengthening, whereby the glide [υ] became the lenis stop [b˳ ].49 The bilabial stop is preserved in place names such as Tübingen [ˈ˳diː b˳ eŋə] (Reichardt 2004, 67‒69). After head strengthening applied, [˳b] marginally underwent spirantization giving rise to [ˈɾəiυə], which is homophonous with reib-en [ˈɾəiυə] ‘rub-inf’ (see SSA, Maps 100.00‒100.03 for spirantization of WGmc b). Some South Alemannic dialects developed an epenthetic consonant after consonant deletion applied. This is the case in South Tyrol, which developed the

48 Note that in Notker there is variation with respect to the occurrence of consonant epenthesis in verba pura. Some verba pura may present consonant epenthesis. This is the case with OHG bū-an ‘dwell-inf’, which is attested seven times without consonant epenthesis (bûen) and three times with consonant epenthesis (bûuuen). In contrast, other verba pura such as OHG bluo-en ‘blossom-inf’ are only attested without consonant epenthesis (blûoen). 49 Head strengthening is documented in Ortsgrammatiken of Swabian (Kauffmann 1890, 174‒176; Keinath 1922, 70; Hofmann 1926, 72‒73; Vogt 1931, 18; Zinser 1933, 17; Brobeil 1938, 163‒164; Oechsner 1951, 85; Baur 1967, 80). Kauffmann (1890, 175‒176) and Moser (1951b, 88) observe that in Swabian the process is frequently attested in the fourteenth century.

8.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 381

Map 8.8: Deletion of word-medial Alem. uu [ʋ].

epenthetic consonant [˳d], as in bau-en [ˈpau̯d˳ n̩] ‘build-inf’ and reu-en [ˈɾʊi dn̩ ̯˳ ] ‘regret-inf’ (VALTS 2, Comment 124). Similar to OAlem. uu, OAlem. h has two different origins. On the one hand, the consonant is etymologically derived from Gmc h, as in séh-en [ˈ˳zɛhen] ‘seeinf’ and hóhî [ˈhøhiː] ‘height’. On the other hand, h originated as an epenthetic consonant in order to resolve hiatuses, especially in verba pura such as sáh-en [ˈ˳zahen] ‘sow-inf’ and múh-en [ˈmuhen] ‘labour-inf’ (see Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 146‒147, 151‒152 for the epenthetic consonant [h] and Bremer 1886, 67–68 for examples from Notker). The question arises as to whether epenthetic h was orthographically or, rather, phonologically motivated. Two lines of evidence support that h was phonologically motivated. First, in Notker the occurrence of epenthetic [h] brings about vowel shortening (Lloyd 1968; Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 147, 151). In this way, long vowels and diphthongs undergo shortening and monophthongization respectively, as in sáh-en (< OHG sā-en ‘sow-inf’) and múh-en (< OHG muo-en ‘labour-inf’). Crucially, the same applies for h derived from Gmc h such as sáh-en (< OHG sāh-en ‘see.pst-3pl’) and scúh-en (< OHG scuoh-en ‘shoe-dat.pl’). Second, the epenthetic consonant persists in South Alemannic dialects such as Zurich Alemannic, where OAlem. sáh-en [ˈ˳zahen] ‘sow-inf’ became [ˈ˳zɛhə] (Weber 1923, 24, 87). Braune/Reiffenstein

382 

 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

(2004, 151) observe that deletion of word-medial h is already attested in Notker, especially after short vowels. This is the case with lexical items such as zên (< OHG zëhen ‘ten’), suêr (< OHG swëher ‘father-in-law’), etc. Consonant deletion led to the emergence of hiatuses. The resulting ill-formed syllable structures were repaired by means of coalescence, thereby giving rise to long vowels (OHG zëhen ‘ten’ [ˈt͡sɛhen] > [ˈt͡sɛ.en] > OAlem. [t͡seːn]). In contrast, deletion of word-medial h after long vowels is only attested at a later stage (see Section 8.5.9 for the reflexes of OAlem. h in hóh-íu [ˈhøhyː] ‘high-nom/acc.pl’). The SSA contains lexical items such as sä-en ‘sow-inf’ (SSA, Question 102.1), which allows us to document the reflexes of OAlem. h after originally long vowels. Map 8.9 shows that OAlem. h underwent deletion in Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic. The map reveals that [ˈ˳zaːjə] is widespread in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic while [ˈ˳zɛːə] holds sway in Swabian. After consonant deletion applied, Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic developed the epenthetic consonant [j] (see Braune/ Reiffenstein 2004, 114‒115 and Moser 1951b, 10‒13 for the epenthetic consonant [j]). The historical development can be summarized as follows: OHG sāen [ˈ˳zaːen] > OAlem. sáhen [ˈ˳zahen] (consonant epenthesis) > [ˈ˳zaen] (consonant deletion) > URAlem., SAlem. [ˈ˳zaːjə] (consonant epenthesis). In this respect, Alemannic differs from Middle German dialects, where deletion of word-medial h was repaired by means of epenthetic [w] (see Moser 1951b, 9‒10 for examples). Similarly, the epenthetic consonant [j] underwent deletion in Swabian.50 Alternatively, we could assume that the epenthetic consonant [j] did not emerge after consonant deletion applied. Importantly, deletion of the epenthetic consonant ([ˈ˳zɛːjə] > [ˈ˳zɛːə]), as assumed in the Ortsgrammatiken of Swabian, and retention of the hiatus resulting from consonant deletion ([ˈ˳zahen] > [ˈ˳zɛːə]) constitute word-optimizing strategies involving a hiatus. In this respect, Swabian is more word-related than Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic, both of which exhibit a well-formed syllable structure. In summary, deletion of OAlem. ege, ige, ibe increased the sonority within the phonological word (as in OAlem. gíb-et [ˈ˚ɡi b˳ et] > Swab. gib-t [˚ɡəi˳ d] ‘give-3sg.prs. ind’) while deletion of OAlem. uu and h gave rise to ill-formed syllable structures involving hiatuses (as in OAlem. ríuuu-en [ˈɾyːʋen] > Swab. reu-en [ˈɾəi.ə] ‘regretinf’ and OAlem. sáh-en [ˈ˳zahen] > Swab. sä-en [ˈ˳zɛː.ə] ‘sow-inf’). The distribution 50 The Ortsgrammatiken assume that Swabian also developed the epenthetic consonant [j], which partly persists in peripheral areas (Kauffmann 1890, 55‒56; Zinser 1933, 18; Oechsner 1951, 86‒87) and partly underwent deletion (Wagner 1889, 50; Keinath 1922, 71; Armbruster 1926, 76; Hofmann 1926, 74; Friker 1928, 90; Keinath 1930, 14; Strohmaier 1930, 77; Vogt 1931, 18; Brobeil 1938, 166; Baur 1967, 80).

8.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 383

Map 8.9: Deletion of word-medial OAlem. h [h].

patterns of consonant deletion reveal that deletion of OAlem. ege, ige, ibe and uu [υ] applies in Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic. In contrast, the ill-formed syllable structure resulting from deletion of OAlem. h [h] was repaired in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic by means of consonant epenthesis while it was retained in Swabian. Table 8.32 illustrates the patterns of deletion of word-medial consonants in Swabian. In Section 8.5.9, we will see that deletion of OAlem. h in hóh-íu [ˈhøhyː] ‘high-nom/acc.pl’ only applied in Swabian, thereby supporting further evidence that Swabian is more word-related than Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic. In Swabian, deletion of word-medial consonants provides evidence that the glottal continuant [h] patterns with sonorants (see Section 8.2.4 for discussion).

Table 8.32: Deletion of word-medial consonants in Alemannic.

OAlem. ege, ige, ibe OAlem. uu [ʋ] OAlem. h [h]

South Alemannic

Upper-Rhine Alemannic

Swabian

+ + −

+ + −

+ + +

384 

 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

8.5.6 Fortition of word-initial d In Old Alemannic, word-initial d underwent fortition merging with t.51 Fortition is syllable-optimizing when it occurs in the syllable onset (see Section 3.2.1). The process is in line with the Head Law since fortis [t] has a higher Consonantal Strength than lenis [˳d]. However, word-initial fortition is word-optimizing since it implies a strengthening of the right margin of the phonological word. Crucially, the process only applies word-initially. In word-medial and word-final position, OAlem. d is preserved such that there is a fortis-lenis contrast (see (127) for examples). Unlike word-initial d, word-initial b and g did not undergo fortition (see VALTS III, Comments 17‒25a for OAlem. b). In what follows, I will outline the development of OAlem. d and t, which are derived from Gmc þ and d, respectively. The development will be illustrated with the lexical items Dach ‘roof’ and Tag ‘day’. Gmc *þaka- and *daga- developed to dáh and tág respectively in Old Alemannic. Notker writes for Gmc þ, as in dáh [˳dax] ~ táh [tax] ‘roof’ according to Notker’s Law of initial consonants (Anlautgesetz). By contrast, he writes for Gmc d, as in tág ‘day’ (Braune/ Reiffenstein 2004, 105‒107; see Szczepaniak 2007, 139‒142 for discussion). The original fortis-lenis contrast is found in conservative Alemannic dialects such as Wallis Alemannic (Bohnenberger 1913, 181; SDS II, Map 164‒165; VALTS III, Maps 32‒37a). At a later stage, word-initial d underwent fortition, thereby merging with word-initial t (dáh [˳dax] > [tax]). Thus, the fortis-lenis contrast was neutralized in word-initial position while it was retained in word-medial and word-final position. However, fortition did not apply to high-frequency words such as adverbs (da ‘there’), determiners (der ‘def.art.nom.m’, die ‘def.art.nom.f’), pronouns (du ‘2sg.nom’, dir ‘2sg.dat’), and the lexical items Ding ‘thing’, Donnerstag ‘Thursday’, and Dorf ‘village’ (see Weber 1923, 121‒122 for examples). Fortis [t] derived from OAlem. d and t is widespread in South Alemannic (Dach [tax], Tag [taː˚ɡ]) while it underwent lenition in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian (Dach [d̥aɣ˚  ], Tag [˳daː˚ɡ]). The historical development of word-initial Gmc þ and d is depicted in (139).

51 Fortition of word-initial d is documented in historical grammars (Schatz 1927, 129‒130; Paul 1998, 159‒160; Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 166) and linguistic atlases (SDS II, Map 164‒165; VALTS III, Maps 32‒37a). Hall (1991, 63) speaks of “word-initial fortition” (Anlautfortisierung).

8.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 385

(139) Development of word-initial Gmc þ and d in Alemannic Germanic Old Alemannic

þ   d < d, t >

South Alemannic

d   t

fortition

Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian

  lenition 

[t] [˳d]

In order to document fortition of word-initial OAlem. d, I selected the item Deckel ‘lid’ (SSA, Question 426.8). The item was chosen because it contains etymological lenis [˳d] in phrase-medial intervocalic position (ein-en neu-en Deckel ‘indef. art-acc.sg.m new-acc.sg.m lid’). Note that Deckel is preceded by schwa since n of the adjective ending was deleted as a result of nasalization (see Section 7.4.2). This phonetic context allows us to unambiguously identify word-initial fortition excluding phrase-initial fortition. The reflexes of OAlem. d are illustrated in Map 8.10 (for the adaptation of the original transcriptions of the SSA see Footnote 14 on page 293). In South Alemannic, OAlem. d underwent fortition in word-initial position, as in Deckel [ˈtekl ̩] (see Hall 1991, 63‒64, Map 25

Map 8.10: Reflexes of word-initial OAlem. d.

386 

 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

for fortition in Baar Alemannic). The distribution of fortition complements the picture yielded by Map 7.15, which displays the reflexes of word-initial OAlem. t in Tag-e ‘day-pl’. Both maps reveal that in South Alemannic OAlem. d and t merged into [t] (Deckel [ˈtekl ̩], Tage [taː˚ɡ]). Merger has been previously documented for Swiss German (Hotzenköcherle 1984, Map 34; SDS II, Maps 164, 165) while it constitutes a previously undocumented process in southwest Germany. In Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian, original [t] derived from OAlem. d and t underwent lenition giving rise to [˳d] (Deckel [ˈ˳de˚ɡl ]̩ , Tage [˳daː˚ɡ]). 8.5.7 Vowel lengthening The distribution patterns of vowel lengthening were discussed in Section 7.5.1. Monosyllabic lengthening (Einsilberdehnung) and open syllable lengthening (Zweisilberdehnung) constitute recent processes since they are not attested in Old Alemannic (see Paul 1998, 74 for vowel lengthening in Old Franconian). For example, Notker does not indicate vowel length in monosyllabic words such as grás ‘grass’, hóf ‘farm’, and smíd ‘smith’. Similarly, he does not indicate vowel length in disyllabic words such as bódem ‘floor’, lád-en ‘load-inf’, and óuen ‘oven’. The originally short vowels have been preserved in Constance Alemannic while they underwent lengthening in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian. The vowel lengthening patterns are displayed in Map 7.13 with the lexical items Hase ‘hare’ (for monosyllabic lengthening before former lenis consonant), Hase-n ‘hare-pl’ (for open syllable lengthening before lenis consonant), Fass ‘vat’ (for monosyllabic lengthening before former fortis consonant), and Saft (for monosyllabic lengthening before consonant cluster). The corresponding forms in Old Alemannic are háso [ˈha zo], ˳ hásen [ˈhazen], ˳ fáz [vas], ˳ and sáf [zaf] ˳ respectively, which are attested with short vowels. Table 8.33 shows the reflexes of the Old Alemannic forms in Constance Alemannic, Villingen Alemannic, Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Tübingen Swabian, and Ulm Swabian. The dotted line highlights the degree of vowel lengthening, which has reached a more advanced stage in Ulm Swabian. Table 8.33: Vowel lengthening in Alemannic. Old Alemannic

Constance Alemannic

Villingen Alemannic

Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Tübingen Swabian

Ulm Swabian

háso [ˈha˳zo] ‘hare’

[ha˳z]

[haː˳z]

[haː˳z]

[haː˳z]

[ˈha˳zə]

[ˈha˳zə]

[ˈhaː˳zə]

[ˈhaː˳zə]

[˳vas] [˳zaft]

[v˳ as] [˳zaft]

[v˳ a˳z] [˳za˳vd˳ ]

[˳vaː˳z] [˳zaː˳vd˳ ]

hás-en [ˈha˳zen] ‘hare-pl’ fáz [v˳ as] ‘vat’ sáf [˳zaf] ‘juice’

8.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 387

Vowel lengthening cannot be accurately dated on the basis of historical records. Paul (1998, 74) observes that open syllable lengthening applied in Upper German (with the exception of South Alemannic) in the fourteenth century. However, he does not provide a date of monosyllabic lengthening. Reichardt (2004, 51–66) identifies vowel lengthening in the fourteenth century. In the Ortsnamenbücher, vowel lengthening is indicated by double-vowel spellings and length diacritics. The spelling for vowel length is only attested in the sixteenth century. The HSA (Comments, 183) documents the use of the circumflex from 1250 onwards. However, it is not clear whether the circumflex is regularly employed for indicating vowel length. Kauffmann (1890, 153) points out that vowel lengthening was completed in the thirteenth century. Similarly, Weinhold (1863, 34, 39‒40, 44) identifies in rhyme an increase of vowel lengthening in the second half of the thirteenth century. To sum up, vowel lengthening took place in the thirteenth century at the earliest. Unfortunately, historical grammars do not distinguish monosyllabic lengthening from open syllable lengthening. The relative chronology allows us to establish that monosyllabic lengthening applied prior to open syllable lengthening (see Caro Reina 2014c, 67‒71 for details). Monosyllabic lengthening helped to regulate the word minimality in terms of syllable weight. In this respect, Alemannic differs from Middle High German. In Old Alemannic, monosyllabic words could be either monomoraic (gráb [˚ɡɾa˳b] ‘grave’) or bimoraic (brét [˳ bɾet] ‘board’). Subsequently, gráb ‘grave’ underwent monosyllabic lengthening giving rise to [˚ɡɾaː˳b] such that the monosyllabic word became bimoraic, as illustrated in Figure 8.9. As a result, the monosyllabic words gráb [˚ɡɾaː˳b] ‘grave’ and brét [ b˳ ɾet] ‘board’ are bimoraic. By contrast, in Middle High German grab ‘grave’ underwent word-final obstruent devoicing giving rise to [˚ɡɾap] such that the monosyllabic word became bimoraic, as illustrated in Figure 8.10. As a result, the monosyllabic words grab [˚ɡɾap] ‘grave’ and bret [ b˳ ɾet] ‘board’ are bimoraic. Thus, monosyllabic lengthening and word-final obstruent devoicing constitute processes that help to regulate the word

Figure 8.9: Monosyllabic lengthening in Alemannic.

Figure 8.10: Word-final obstruent devoicing in Middle High German.

388 

 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

minimality of monosyllabic words. While monosyllabic lengthening applied in Alemannic, word-final obstruent devoicing applied in Middle High German. 8.5.8 Consonant epenthesis Instances of consonant epenthesis in word-initial and word-final position have been traditionally accounted for in terms of analogy and false splitting (Kauffmann 1890, 185; Beck 1926, 36; Jutz 1931, 196; Schwäb. Wb. III, 111).52 The nature of consonant epenthesis has remained obscure in the literature. However, the typology of syllable and word languages contributes to a better understanding of the process. Consonant epenthesis may occur in word languages in order to highlight word and morpheme boundaries (see Section 4.7.5). This is the case in Alemannic, where consonant epenthesis applied at word and morpheme boundaries. Consonant epenthesis can be explained more adequately from a diachronic perspective since the process is common to Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic. In Old Alemannic we find óbaz [ˈo˳bas] ‘fruit’ and sáf [˳zaf] ‘juice’, both of which contain nowadays consonant epenthesis according to the SSA (Questions 200.3, 210.8). In Swabian, for example, OAlem. óbaz [ˈo˳bas] ‘fruit’ became [ʔo˳bʒ˚d] ˳ ~ [ʔoː˳bʒ˚d]. ˳ In addition to word-final consonant epenthesis, the item underwent syncope (see Section 8.5.3), glottal stop insertion (see Section 7.5.3), and partly vowel lengthening (see Section 7.5.1). Similarly, OAlem. sáf [˳zaf] ‘juice’ became [˳za˳vd] ˳ (with word-final consonant epenthesis) or [˚ɡza˳ ˳ vd] ˳ (with both word-initial and word-final consonant epenthesis). In addition to consonant epenthesis, the item underwent vowel lengthening in Ulm Swabian giving [˳zaːv˳ d] ˳ or [˚ɡzaː ˳ v˳ d] ˳ (see Map 7.13). The development of OAlem. óbaz ‘fruit’ and sáf ‘juice’ clearly shows that syllable complexity increased at the margins of the phonological word. Figure 8.11 illustrates the development of OAlem. sáf ‘juice’ in Swabian, where consonant epenthesis gave rise to an increase of syllable complexity both in word-initial and word-final position. The accounts of consonant epenthesis found in the Ortsgrammatiken can be summarized as follows: In Swabian, word-final epenthesis applies after [n ɾ z˳ ʒ˚ v˳ ç d˳ z͡˳ ] while word-initial epenthesis applies before [s ʃ ɾ υ].53 With regard to the 52 For example, the word-initial epenthetic consonant [˚ɡ ] was previously linked to either the collective prefix Ge- or the durative verbal prefix ge- (Schwäb. Wb. III, 111). Certainly, the verbal prefix may have been preserved in atelic verbs such as reu-en [ˈ˚ɡɾujə] ‘regret-inf’. However, the occurrence of the epenthetic consonant is not etymologically motivated in the case of adjectives such as schnell [˚ɡʒ˚ nɛl] ‘fast’ and nouns such as Spaß [˚ɡ ʒ˚ba˳ ˳ z] ‘fun’ since they do not refer to collective entities. In this respect, Kauffmann (1890, 200) points out that the motivation of consonant epenthesis is not clear. 53 Word-final consonant epenthesis is documented in the SSA in lexical items such as Axt ‘axe’ (SSA, Question 176.2), Furche ‘furrow’ (SSA, Question 94.3), gestern ‘yesterday’ (SSA, Question

8.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 389

>

Figure 8.11: Development of OAlem. sáf ‘juice’ in Swabian.

distribution of the epenthetic consonants, [˳d] is restricted to word-final position while [ ɡ˚ ] is restricted to word-initial position. Note that [˚ɡ] does not occur before stops and affricates as a result of phonotactic restrictions (see Section 7.2.1 for details). Examples of consonant epenthesis in word-final and word-initial position are given in (140) and (141), respectively. (140)

Word-final consonant epenthesis in Böblingen Swabian (Zinser 1933, 20) Ernte ‘harvest’ [ʔɛːɾn] > [ʔɛːɾn˳d] gestern ‘yesterday’ [ˈ˚ɡeʒ˚d˳ əɾ] > [ˈ˚ɡeʒ˚d˳ əɾ˳d] Bursche ‘boy’ [˳buːɾʒ˚ ] > [˳buːɾʒ˚d˳ ] Saft ‘juice’ [˳z a˳v] > [˳z a˳vd˳ ] Furche ‘furrow’ [˳vuːɾç] > [˳vuːɾçd˳ ] jetzt ‘now’ [ʔiə˳d͡z˳ ] > [ʔiə˳d͡z˳ d˳ ]

(141)

Word-initial consonant epenthesis in Böblingen Swabian (Zinser 1933, 13) Spaß ‘fun’ [ʒ˚b˳ a˳z] > [˚ɡʒ˚b˳ az˳ ] reu-en ‘regret-inf’ [ˈɾujə] > [ˈ˚ɡɾujə] seh-en ‘see-inf’ [˳zɛə] > [˚ɡz˳ ɛə] wärm-en ‘warm-inf’ [ˈυeɾmə] > [ˈ˚ɡυeɾmə]

Consonant epenthesis brought about an increase of syllable complexity at the margins of the phonological word. Thus, simple syllable structures became moderately complex both in word-final (CV# > CVC#) and word-initial position (#CV > 336.8), Leicht ‘funeral’ (SSA, Question 274.8), Obst ‘fruit’ (SSA, Question 200.3), and Saft ‘juice’ (SSA, Question 210.8). Unfortunately, word-initial consonant epenthesis is scarcely documented in the SSA. For example, according to the SSA the lexical item Saft ‘juice’ displays word-initial consonant epenthesis only in NU 03 ([˚ɡzaː ˳ v˳ ˳ d]). In contrast, word-initial and word-final consonant epenthesis is systematically described in the Ortsgrammatiken of Swabian (Bopp 1890, 74; Kauffmann 1890, 185, 200; Wagner 1891, 145, 147, 192; Keinath 1922, 63, 78; Armbruster 1926, 84; Hofmann 1926, 62; Friker 1928, 100; Keinath 1930, 10, 16; Strohmaier 1930, 68‒69, 89; Vogt 1931, 14, 21‒22; Zinser 1933, 13, 20; Wandel 1934, 27‒28; Brobeil 1938, 142‒143, 191; Oechsner 1951, 58, 76; Baur 1967, 86).

390 

 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

#CCV). Additionally, moderately complex syllable structures became complex both in word-final (CVC# > CVCC#, CVCC# > CVCCC#) and word-initial position (#CV > #CCV, #CCV > #CCCV). Examples of simple syllable structures becoming moderately complex in word-final position are rare and generally restricted to adverbs ͡ ˳ ˚ ə˳d] ‘in between’ and neben [ˈnɛːə˳bə˳d] and prepositions such as dazwischen [˳dəˈ˳dzυiʒ ‘beside’ (Keinath 1922, 78). Table 8.34 shows how consonant epenthesis leads to an increase of syllable complexity at the margins of the phonological word. Table 8.34: Increase of syllable complexity through consonant epenthesis. Word-final position

CV# > CVC# CVC# > CVCC# CVCC# > CVCCC#

neben ‘beside’ [ˈnɛːə˳bə] > [ˈnɛːə˳bə˳d] Saft ‘juice’ [z˳ a˳v] > [˳za˳vd˳ ] Bursche ‘boy’ [b̥uːɾʒ̊] > [b̥uːɾʒ̊d̥]

Word-initial position

#CV > #CCV #CCV > #CCCV

seh-en ‘see-inf’ [˳zɛə] > [˚ɡz˳ ɛə] Spaß ‘fun’ [ʒ˚b˳ a˳z] > [˚ɡʒ˚b˳ a˳z]

Similar to standard German, consonant epenthesis helps to highlight morphological boundaries in Swabian. This is the case with hoffentlich [ˈho v˳ ə d˳ ]ω[liç]ω ‘hopefully’ and wissentlich [ˈυi˳zə d˳ ]ω[liç ]ω ‘intentionally’ (Zinser 1933, 20), both of which developed an epenthetic consonant between the stem and the derivational suffix -lich (see Szczepaniak 2007, 253‒254 and 2014, 172‒173 for German). The Ortsgrammatiken of Upper-Rhine Alemannic do not describe consonant epenthesis. However, the Badisches Wörterbuch contains examples of the process, which unveil a similar behaviour to Swabian. Examples of word-final consonant epenthesis are Bursche [˳bʊːʀʒ̊ d˳ ] ‘boy’ (Bad. Wb. I, 377‒378) and gestern [ˈ˚ɡeʒ˚ d˳ əʀd˳ ] ‘yesterday’ (Bad. Wb. II, 399). Examples of word-initial consonant epenthesis are Saft [˚ɡz˳ a˳vd˳ ] ‘juice’, Spaß [˚ɡ ʒ˚b˳ az˳ ] ‘fun’, and wärm-en [ˈ˚ɡʋɛʀmə] ‘warm-inf’ (Bad. Wb. II, 379, 394, 405). Consonant epenthesis is also documented in the Ortsgrammatiken of South Alemannic (among others: Stucki 1917, 249‒250; Weber 1923, 148‒149; Beck 1926, 139‒140; Henzen 1927, 147). Examples from Zurich Alemannic are Bursche [pʊːɾʃt] ‘boy’ and neben [ˈnæ˳bət] ‘beside’. The Ortsgrammatiken of South Alemannic only talk about word-final consonant epenthesis (Antritt eines dentalen Verschlusslautes) although they also contain instances of word-initial consonant epenthesis, as in Zurich Alemannic steif [kʃtiːft] ‘stiff’. Evidence that word-initial and word-final epenthesis is common in South Alemannic comes from the Schweizerisches Idiotikon.54 Examples of

54 The Schweizerisches Idiotikon is online available at https://www.idiotikon.ch. The homepage contains a grammar register (Grammatisches Register), which gives insights into consonant

8.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 391

word-initial and word-final consonant epenthesis are Spaß [kʃpas] ‘fun’ (Schw. Id. X, 509) and Saft [ksaft] ‘juice’ (Schw. Id. VII, 360), respectively. Altogether, the dictionary has 3 instances of word-initial consonant epenthesis and 183 instances of word-final consonant epenthesis. The patterns of consonant epenthesis can be summarized as follows: First, word-final consonant epenthesis is common in Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic. Second, word-initial consonant epenthesis is less widespread in South Alemannic than in Swabian and Upper-Rhine Alemannic. In Swabian and Upper-Rhine Alemannic, the process occurs before the continuant consonants [˳z ʒ˚ ɾ ʋ] while in South Alemannic it seems to be restricted to [ʃ]. Third, consonant epenthesis did not lead to the emergence of phonotactically new consonant clusters. Thus, consonant clusters resulting from consonant epenthesis are phonotactically permitted. Compare the word-final consonant clusters in Bursche [˳buːɾʒ˚ d] ˳ ‘boy’ and Saft [˳za˳v˳d] ‘juice’, both of which resulted from consonant epenthesis, with Durst [˳duːɾʒ˚ d] ˳ ‘thirst’ and Luft [lu˳v˳d] ‘air’, respectively. Fourth, consonant epenthesis in South Alemannic reveals that the epenthetic consonant originally involved a fortis. Fortis consonants are well-suited for strengthening the edges of the phonological word since they have the highest Consonantal Strength. In North Alemannic, the fortis consonants [k] and [t] became [˚ɡ ] and [˳d] respectively as a result of lenition (see Section 7.5.2). Fifth, word-initial consonant epenthesis seems to positively correlate with word-final consonant epenthesis, but at present this is still a very tentative implication. Thus, word-final consonant epenthesis does not necessarily imply word-initial consonant epenthesis, as in Saft [˳za˳vd]. ˳ However, word-initial consonant epenthesis as in Saft [˚ɡza˳ ˳ v˳d] implies word-final consonant epenthesis since [˚ɡza˳ ˳ v] is not attested in the survey area. An apparent counter-example is Spiel [˚ɡʒ˚biːl] ˳ ‘game’, where consonant epenthesis only occurs word-initially. This is an apparent counter-example since word-final consonant epenthesis does not apply after laterals. Finally, the question remains as to why there are two different epenthetic consonant depending on whether they occur word-initially or word-finally. Cross-linguistically, [t] and less frequently [k] seem to occur as epenthetic consonants in word-final position (see Sections 4.7.5 and 5.5.11 for Friulian and Central Catalan, respectively). Accordingly, word-initial [˚ɡ] seems to deviate from the expected target [˳d]. There are two possible explanations why [˚ɡ] is better suited as a word-initial epenthetic consonant. First, the combination of [˳d] with the sibilants [˳z] and [ʒ˚] would result in the affricates [d˳z˳͡ ] and [d˳ ʒ͡ ˚], respectively. That is, consonant epenthesis would not contribute to an increase of syllable complexity in

epenthesis occurring in the dictionary entries. Section 1.2.3 documents word-initial consonant epenthesis while Sections 1.2.4.1 and 1.2.4.7 document word-final consonant epenthesis.

392 

 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

word-initial position. Second, the word-initial epenthetic consonant [˳d] would have the same form as the definite article die [˳d] of the feminine singular and plural. Note that die Säft-e ‘the juice-pl’ is spoken [˳dz˳͡ e˳v˳d]. Therefore, [˚ɡ] is a better candidate for a word-initial epenthetic consonant. Importantly, the emergence of [˚ɡ] as an epenthetic consonant was highly motivated by syncope (see Section 8.5.3). Kauffmann (1890, 185‒186, 200) and Weinhold (1863, 138, 140‒141, 216) provide historical documentation of consonant epenthesis. The process is widely attested in the thirteenth century, especially in word-final position. Consonant epenthesis is also attested at the right margin of derivational suffixes, as in finsternüst ‘darkness’ (with the derivational suffix -nuss ‘-ness’). The HSS documents consonant epenthesis in lexical items such as ob(e)st ‘fruit’ before 1350 (HSS, Comments 103, 104). Moser (1951b, 44‒84) gives a detailed account of consonant epenthesis in Early New High German, thereby distinguishing between consonant epenthesis at word boundaries (Konsonantenanfügung im unmittelbaren Auslaut) and morpheme boundaries (Konsonantenanfügung im mittelbaren Auslaut). Alemannic differs from standard German in two respects. First, in standard German consonant epenthesis occurs only word-finally while in Alemannic it occurs both word-initially and word-finally. Second, in standard German consonant epenthesis is attested only in Early New High German while in Swabian it is already attested in the thirteenth century (see Section 4.7.5 for Early New High German). This implies that in the typological development consonant epenthesis occurs earlier than previously thought. The process took place before other word-optimizing processes such as vowel lengthening. For example, in Ulm Swabian monosyllabic lengthening applied before consonant clusters. These include inherited clusters (Luft [luː˳vd˳ ] ‘air’) and clusters resulting from consonant epenthesis (Saft [ z˳ aː˳vd˳ ] ‘juice’), both of which are derived from OAlem. lúft and sáf, respectively. In sum, consonant epenthesis occurs in Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic both in word-initial and word-final position. However, word-initial consonant epenthesis is more frequent in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian, as illustrated in Table 8.35. In Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian, word-initial consonant epenthesis applies before the continuant consonants [ z˳ ʒ˚ ɾ ʋ] while in South Alemannic it only applies before [ ʃ]. Table 8.35: Consonant epenthesis in Alemannic.

Word-initial position Word-final position

South Alemannic

Upper-Rhine Alemannic

Swabian

+ +

++ +

++ +

8.5 Word-optimizing processes 

 393

8.5.9 Loss of non-word-initial h In Swabian, [h] may only occur word-initially, as in Haus [həu˳z] ‘house’. Thus, the sound functions as a positive signal, thereby highlighting the left margin of the phonological word (see Section 7.3.2). By contrast, in Old Alemannic [h] could occur in word-initial and word-medial onsets as well as in word-final codas (see Section 8.3.2). For example, Notker writes hóh-íu [ˈhøhyː] ‘high-nom/acc.pl’ (with [h] in the word-initial and word-medial onset) and scûoh [ ʃkuːoh] ‘shoe’ (with [h] in the word-final coda). In what follows, I will describe the development of OAlem. [h] that led to the emergence of the positive signal [h] in Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic. The development of [h] in consonant clusters will not be treated. It has been traditionally assumed that in Old High German had two different pronunciations: [h] in syllable onsets and [x] in syllable codas (Braune/ Reiffenstein 2004, 145). That is, the reflexes of Gmc k and h merged into [x] in word-final position. This assumption conflicts with the patterns found in Alemannic, where the reflex of word-final Gmc k is preserved while the reflex of word-final Gmc h underwent deletion, as in Joch [joɣ˚] ‘yoke’ (with etymological Gmc k) and Floh [˳vlao] ‘flea’ (with etymological Gmc h) (SSA, Questions 136.1, 298.6). Following Gabriel (VALTS 3.1, Comment 59), I assume that word-final OAlem. h was the glottal continuant [h]. In word-initial position, OAlem. [h] has been generally retained. In wordmedial position, we can observe different developments (see Braune/Reiffenstein 2004, 151‒152 for word-medial [h] in Notker). The sound still persists in Ötztal Alemannic (VALTS 3.1, Comments 54‒57b). That is, in Ötztal Alemannic [h] does not function as a positive signal. However, in Swabian [h] underwent deletion while in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic it underwent fortition giving rise to [x] (or [ɣ˚] after lenition applied). Map 8.11 illustrates the reflexes of OAlem. h in word-medial position in the lexical item hoh-e ‘high-nom/acc.pl’ (SSA, Question 164.7). We can distinguish between two areas: (1) Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic with [ˈhoːɣ˚ɪ] and [ˈhoːxɪ], respectively (see SDS II, Map 91 for South Alemannic); and (2) Swabian with [ˈhaoe] (with long or short diphthong). In Swabian, deletion of word-medial [h] implies a deterioration of syllable structure since the resulting structure involves a hiatus ([ˈhao.e]). By contrast, in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic fortition of word-medial [h] implies an optimization of syllable structure. The development of [h] into [x] is an instance of head strengthening since [x] has more Consonantal Strength than [h] (see Section 8.2.4 for a discussion on the sonority of [h]). In word-final position, OAlem. [h] underwent fortition in Ötztal Alemannic (VALTS 3.1, Comment 59) while it underwent deletion in Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic. Examples from Swabian are Floh

394 

 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

Map 8.11: Reflexes of word-medial OAlem. h [h].

[v˳ lao] ‘flea’, hoch [hao] ‘high’, and Schuh [ʒ˚uːə] ‘shoe’ (examples taken from the Schwäb. Wb.). Table 8.36 summarizes the development of OAlem. [h] in word-initial onsets, word-medial onsets, and word-final codas in Ötztal Alemannic, Upper-Rhine Alemannic, and Swabian. In Ötztal Alemannic, [h] does not constitute a positive signal since the sound occurs in word-initial and word-medial onsets. By contrast, in Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic [h] constitutes a positive signal since the sound only occurs word-initially. In Swabian, the positive signal emerged from word-medial and word-final deletion while in UpperRhine Alemannic and South Alemannic it emerged from word-medial fortition and word-final deletion. Table 8.36: Reflexes of OAlem. h.

Old Alemannic Ötztal Alemannic Upper-Rhine Alemannic Swabian

Word-initial onset

Word-medial onset

Word-final coda

[h] [h] [h] [h]

[h] [h] [x ç] Ø

[h] [x ç] Ø Ø

8.6 Summary 

 395

8.6 Summary In this chapter, I have analysed Old Alemannic phonology in order to evaluate the typological development of Swabian with respect to syllable structure (Section 8.2), phonotactic restrictions (Section 8.3), and phonological processes (Sections 8.4 and 8.5). Old Alemannic has complex syllable structure involving up to three consonants in word-initial onsets and word-final codas, as in strît [ʃtɾiːt] ‘discord’ and dúrst [˳duɾʃt] ‘thirst’, respectively. Accordingly, the surface syllable template is (C)(C)(C)V(C)(C) (C). Extrasyllabic elements are restricted to word-initial onsets ([ʃp ʃpɾ ʃt ʃtɾ ʃk ʃkɾ]). In word-final codas, consonant clusters follow the Sonority Sequencing Principle. Complex syllable structures occur at word and morpheme boundaries both in stressed and unstressed syllables, as in nést [nɛʃt] ‘nest’ and hérbest [ˈheɾ˳beʃt] ‘autumn’, respectively. Complex syllables are more frequent in unstressed syllables, which include the superlative ending (-est, -ôst) and the verbal ending of the second-person singular (-est, -êst, -ôst, -îst). In Swabian, syllable complexity increased as a result of unstressed vowel deletion (apocope and syncope) and consonant epenthesis. Swabian may contain up to four consonants in word-initial onsets and word-final codas. Additionally, extrasyllabic elements may also occur word-finally (OAlem. léb-est [ˈlɛb̥eʃt] > Swab. leb-st [leːbʒ ˳ ˚d] ˳ ‘live-2sg.prs.ind’). Syllable complexity is associated with stressed syllables and word and morpheme boundaries. This is in line with the prediction that in word languages complex syllables occur in stressed syllables and at word and morpheme boundaries. The increasing syllable complexity found in Swabian sharply contrasts with syllable optimizing processes repairing word-medial ill-formed syllable contacts derived from syncope ([t.ʋ ɡ̊.n ɾ.ʋ l.ʋ l.h]). However, hiatuses resulting from word-medial consonant deletion are not resolved by means of syllable-optimizing strategies. This implies that ill-formed syllable contacts involving rising sonority transitions are more marked than hiatuses. In this respect, rising sonority transitions were optimized by means of head strengthening and consonant deletion in Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic while hiatus resolution only applied in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic. This suggests that hiatus resolution implies the optimization of rising sonority transitions. In other words, there are different degrees of ill-formed syllable contacts in word-medial position. Old Alemannic exhibits stress-related and position-related phonotactic restrictions. Stress-related restrictions mainly affect the vowel system. Diphthongs, front rounded vowels, and the mid lax vowel [ɛ] mostly occur in stressed syllables. The position-related restrictions include the positive signals [k j] and the negative signals [p f s]. However, the word boundary signals vanish as a result of prefixation (geiéh-en [˚ɡeˈjɛhen] ‘admit-inf’) and Notker’s Law of initial onsets (íh kíb-o [ix ˈki˳bo] ‘1sg give-1sg.prs.ind’).

396 

 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

Syllable- and word-optimizing processes are found to occur in Old Alemannic. The syllable optimizing processes include vowel epenthesis and consonant epenthesis. Vowel epenthesis diminished in Late Old Alemannic. In contrast, consonant epenthesis is an innovation in Notker. The process helps to resolve hiatuses in verba pura by means of the epenthetic consonants uu [ʋ] and h [h], as in ríuuu-en [ˈɾyːʋen] ‘regret-inf’ and sáh-en [ˈ˳zahen] ‘sow-inf’, respectively. Word-optimizing processes may be both stress-related and position-related. Stress-related processes include unstressed vowel reduction and unstressed vowel deletion (apocope and syncope). Unstressed vowel reduction occurs both in pretonic and posttonic word-final syllables. Vowel deletion involving apocope and syncope is marginally attested in Notker. Position-related processes include degemination of word-final geminate sonorants and deletion of word-medial consonants. Deletion of word-medial consonants is marginally attested in Notker. The strategies that highlight the phonological word are summarized in Table 8.37 following the model depicted in Figure 4.2. Table 8.37: Syllable structure, phonotactic restrictions, and phonological processes according to stress and within-word position in Old Alemannic. Stress-related (stressed vs. unstressed) Syllable structure

Position-related (word-initial, word-medial, word-final) – complex syllable structures at word and morpheme boundaries – appendices at the left margin of word and morpheme boundaries

Phonotactic restrictions

– diphthongs, front rounded – single consonants seldom function as boundary vowels, and mid lax vowels in signals (not in connected speech) stressed syllables – [k j] are positive signals while [p f s] are negative signals

Phonological processes

– unstressed vowel reduction – unstressed vowel deletion (marginal)

– degemination of word-final geminate sonorants – deletion of word-medial consonants (marginal)

The patterns of syllable structure, phonotactic restrictions, and phonological processes reveal that the phonological word does not constitute a central category in Old Alemannic phonology. However, marginally attested processes such as unstressed vowel deletion are indicative of the potential relevance of the phonological word. The emergence of word-optimizing processes is linked to the decrease of syllable-optimizing processes. This is the case with the reduction of phonetic contexts displaying vowel epenthesis in Late Old Alemannic. In Notker,

8.6 Summary 

 397

the decrease of vowel epenthesis sharply contrasts with the emergence of epenthetic consonants resolving hiatuses in verba pura. A possible explanation is that ill-formed syllable structures are allowed at word and morpheme boundaries while they are disallowed in word-medial position. In Swabian we find syllable- and word-optimizing processes. The syllable-optimizing processes include nasalization and vowel epenthesis. Nasalization is a syllable-optimizing process that brings about a simplification of syllable structure since moderately complex syllables become simple (CVN > CṼ) while complex syllables become moderately complex (CVNC > CṼC). Vowel epenthesis experiences a decrease in Late Old Alemannic. Further instances of vowel epenthesis involve epenthesis as a result of apocope and epenthesis in sequences of liquid + obstruent, both of which occurred at a later stage. Word-optimizing processes may be both stress-related and position-related. The stress-related processes are unstressed vowel reduction, vowel lengthening, and unstressed vowel deletion. Unstressed vowel reduction and vowel lengthening contributed to increasing the asymmetry between stressed and unstressed syllables. Unstressed vowel reduction includes lowering, unrounding, shortening, diphthong simplification, and centralization. Additionally, unstressed vowel reduction may lead to the loss of the phonological status of derivational suffixes and heads in compounds. Vowel lengthening applied in stressed syllables both in monosyllabic words (monosyllabic lengthening) and disyllabic words (open syllable lengthening). Vowel deletion involves apocope and syncope. Apocope applied to the Old Alemannic short vowels [e a o] thereby contributing to an increase of moderately complex and complex syllable structures at the right margin of the phonological word. Syncope had the following consequences for the phonological make-up of Swabian: (1) new consonant clusters developed both in word-initial and word-final position; (2) the consonant clusters resulting in word-initial position ([˚ɡʋ ɡ ˚mɡ ˚nɡ ˚ v˳ ɡ ˚ z˳ ɡ ˚ ʒ˚ ]) motivated the emergence of the wordinitial epenthetic consonant [˚ɡ] (OAlem. spíl [ʃpil] > Swab. Spiel [˚ɡ ʒ˚ biːl] ˳ ‘game’); (3) the word margins may contain up to four consonants (OAlem. gesprâchî [˚ɡeˈʃpɾɛːxiː] > Swab. Gespräch [˚ɡʒ˚b˳ ɾɛːç] ‘conversation’ and OAlem. hérbest [ˈheɾb˳ eʃt] > Swab. Herbst [heɾbʒ ˳ ˚ d˳ ] ‘autumn’, respectively); (4) syllable complexity occurring word-finally is directly associated with stressed syllables, which is in accordance with the prediction that in word languages complex syllable structures occur in stressed syllables and at word and morpheme boundaries; (5) extrasyllabic elements also occur word-finally (OAlem. léb-est [ˈlɛ˳beʃt] > Swab. leb-st [lɛː˳bʒ˚ d˳ ] ‘live-2sg.prs.ind’); (6) ekthlipsis arises in inflected forms (OAlem. fínd-et [ˈv˳ in˳det] > Swab. find-et [ˈ˳vẽen˳d] ‘find-3sg.prs.ind’); and (7) the syllabic consonants [lˌ ɾˌ] developed in unstressed syllables (OAlem. hímel [ˈhimel] > Swab. Himmel [ˈhẽmlˌ] ‘sky’ and OAlem. hámer [ˈhameɾ] > Swab. Hammer

398 

 8 Diachronic description of Swabian

[ˈhɐ˜mɾˌ] ‘hammer’). Syllabic consonants constitute ill-formed syllable structures that violate the Nucleus Law. Therefore, their occurrence is associated with a word-related feature. The position-related processes are degemination of word-medial geminate sonorants, deletion of word-medial consonants, fortition of word-initial d, consonant epenthesis, and loss of non-word-initial h. The syllable- and word-optimizing processes displayed by Old Alemannic and Swabian are summarized in Table 8.38. Table 8.38: Syllable- and word-optimizing processes in Old Alemannic and Swabian. Syllable-optimizing processes

Word-optimizing processes

Old Alemannic (N.)

– consonant epenthesis (with verba pura) – vowel epenthesis

– unstressed vowel reduction ( [e]) – unstressed vowel deletion (marginal) – degemination of word-final geminate sonorants – deletion of word-medial consonants (marginal)

Swabian

– nasalization – vowel epenthesis (liquid + nasal, obstruent + sonorant, liquid + obstruent)

– – – – – – – –

unstressed vowel reduction ( [ə]) unstressed vowel deletion vowel lengthening degemination of word-medial geminate sonorants deletion of word-medial consonants fortition of word-initial d consonant epenthesis loss of non-word-initial h

Word-optimizing processes brought about ill-formed syllable structures that were subsequently repaired by means of syllable-optimizing processes such as vowel epenthesis, total assimilation, metathesis, head strengthening, and consonant deletion. Vowel epenthesis applied when apocope led to the emergence of consonant clusters that violated the Sonority Sequencing Principle. Total assimilation, metathesis, head strengthening, and consonant deletion applied when syncope led to the emergence of the ill-formed syllable contacts [t.ʋ ɡ̊.n ɾ.ʋ l.ʋ l.h]. A comparison between South Alemannic, Upper-Rhine Alemannic, and Swabian reveals that the dialects share the word-optimizing processes explored in Section 8.5, as illustrated in Table 8.39. However, some processes have a wider scope in Swabian than in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic. Features that have a wider scope are represented with ++ and +++.

8.6 Summary 

 399

Table 8.39: Word-optimizing processes in Alemannic. Phonological process

South Alemannic

Upper-Rhine Alemannic

Swabian

Unstressed vowel reduction Apocope Syncope Degemination of geminate sonorants Deletion of word-medial consonants Fortition of word-initial d Consonant epenthesis Loss of non-word-initial h

+ + + + + + + +

+ ++ −/+ ++ + + ++ +

++ +++ + ++ ++ + ++ +

In summary, the diachronic account of Swabian reveals a gradual increase of the relevance of the phonological word. In Late Old Alemannic, the phonological word is highlighted by means of stress-related phonotactic restrictions and position-related syllable complexity. These results are in line with Szczepaniak’s (2007, 145‒147) analysis of Old Alemannic. By contrast, in Swabian there is a rise in the incidence of word-related features, which clearly points to the centrality of the phonological word. The typological development of Swabian is depicted in Figure 8.12. syllable language

word language Old Alemannic

Late Old Alemannic

Figure 8.12: Typological development of Swabian.

Swabian

9 Conclusions and discussion This section summarizes the findings from the synchronic and diachronic analysis of Central Catalan and Swabian. The typological affiliation of these varieties will be shown in Sections 9.1 and 9.2, respectively. In Section 9.3, I will discuss the similarities and differences between Central Catalan and Swabian. Additionally, I will present the typological implications derived from the contrastive analysis. In Section 9.4, I will propose different word language types according to the strategies adopted cross-linguistically. The chapter concludes with an outlook.

9.1 Typological affiliation of Central Catalan 9.1.1 Summary of findings The synchronic and diachronic account of Central Catalan reveals that western and eastern varieties of Catalan differ with regard to word-related features. In Valencian, North-Western Catalan, and Central Catalan we find the following word-optimizing processes: syncope, apocope, deletion of word-medial consonants, obstruent voicing across word boundaries, reduction of OCat. a in word-final closed syllables, deletion of OCat. a and e in pretonic syllables, word-final obstruent devoicing, word-final consonant epenthesis in open syllables, and deletion of word-final n. These processes occurred during earlier stages of Catalan (Vulgar Latin, Pre-Old Catalan, and Old Catalan). Additionally, North-Western Catalan and Central Catalan underwent deletion of word-final r, simplification of homorganic consonants ([mp nt ŋk ɫt]), and deaffrication of [d͡ʒ] in syllable onsets. Finally, Central Catalan is characterized by deaffrication of [t͡ʃ  ] in syllable onsets, unstressed vowel reduction (centralization of OCat. a and e, merger of OCat. o and u, and simplification of diphthongs), nasalization of word-final /a/, and word-final consonant epenthesis in closed syllables. Thus, word-optimizing processes gradually accumulate in Central Catalan, as illustrated in Table 9.1. Decentralization of stressed schwa is not given in the table since stressed schwa was an innovation of Old Eastern Catalan. The process applied in Central Catalan, but not in Balearic Catalan, where schwa occurs both in stressed and unstressed syllables. Affrication of word-final /ʒ/ can be interpreted as a word-optimizing process only from a synchronic perspective (see Section 5.5.2 for discussion). For this reason, the process is not shown in the table. Notwithstanding vowel reduction processes such as centralization, Central Catalan syllable structure is not more complex than in other Western https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110573060-009

9.1 Typological affiliation of Central Catalan 

 401

Table 9.1: Word-optimizing processes in Valencian, North-Western Catalan, and Central Catalan. Phonological process

Valencian

North-Western Catalan

Central Catalan

Syncope

+

+

+

Apocope

+

+

+

Deletion of word-medial [β ð ɣ]

+

+

+

Obstruent voicing across word boundaries

++

+

+

Unstressed vowel reduction (OCat. /a/ > /e/ in word-final closed syllables)

+

+

+

Deletion of OCat. a and e in pretonic syllables

+

+

++

Word-final obstruent devoicing

+

+

+

Word-final consonant epenthesis in open syllables

+

+

+

Deletion of word-final n

+

+

+

Deletion of word-final r

−

+

+

Simplification of word-final homorganic consonants ([mp nt ŋk ɫt])

−

+

+

Deaffrication of [d͡ʒ]

−

+

+

Deaffrication of [ ⁀] t∫

−

−

+

Centralization of OCat. a and e in unstressed syllables

−

−

+

Merger of OCat. o and u into [u] in unstressed syllables

−

−

+

Simplification of diphthongs in unstressed syllables

−

−

+

Nasalization of word-final /a/

−

−

+

Word-final consonant epenthesis in closed syllables

−

−

+

Catalan varieties. A possible explanation is that centralization did not involve a reduction of vowel duration that would have favoured vowel deletion (see Section 2.2.2 for discussion). In addition to word-optimizing processes, the avoidance of assimilation processes across word boundaries is indicative of the relevance of the phonological word in Central Catalan.

402 

 9 Conclusions and discussion

9.1.2 Standard and non-standard Central Catalan In Central Catalan, centralization and merger of back vowels are standard while simplification of diphthongs in unstressed syllables and word-final consonant epenthesis in closed syllables are non-standard (Argenter 1999, 17). The typological patterns of standard and non-standard Central Catalan are presented in Table 9.2. Thus, non-standard Central Catalan is closer to the word language pole than standard Central Catalan. This confirms that standardization may bring about a deviation from the expected typological patterns. Table 9.2: Word-optimizing processes in standard and non-standard Central Catalan. Phonological process

Standard Central Catalan

Non-standard Central Catalan

Centralization of /a ε e/ in unstressed syllables

+

+

Merger of /ᴐ o u/ in unstressed syllables

+

+

Simplification of diphthongs in unstressed syllables

−

+

Word-final consonant epenthesis in closed syllables

−

+

9.2 Typological affiliation of Swabian 9.2.1 Summary of findings The synchronic and diachronic analysis of Swabian supports the typological classification put forward by Schrambke (2003) and Nübling/Schrambke (2004) in two respects. First, the findings reinforce the word-centered affiliation of Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian. For example, in these dialects we find word-optimizing processes such as lenition of fortis consonants, and glottal stop insertion, which are absent from South Alemannic. Second, Swabian proved to have more word-related features than Upper-Rhine Alemannic. For example, Swabian underwent diphthongization, denasalization in unstressed syllables only, decentralization of stressed schwa, and, marginally, word-final nasalization. In contrast to Schrambke (2003) and Nübling/Schrambke (2004), who classified South Alemannic as a syllable-oriented language, I argue that South Alemannic is a word language. Evidence comes from word-optimizing processes common to all Alemannic dialects. These include unstressed vowel

9.2 Typological affiliation of Swabian 

 403

reduction, apocope, syncope, degemination of geminate sonorants, deletion of word-medial consonants, fortition of word-initial d, consonant epenthesis, loss of non-word-initial h, and vowel lengthening. The word-optimizing processes found in South Alemannic, Upper-Rhine Alemannic, and Swabian are presented in Table 9.3.

Table 9.3: Word-optimizing processes in South Alemannic, Upper-Rhine Alemannic, and Swabian. Phonological process

South Alemannic

Upper-Rhine Alemannic

Swabian

Unstressed vowel reduction

+

+

++

Apocope

+

++

+++

Syncope

+

−/+

+

Degemination of geminate sonorants

+

++

++

Deletion of word-medial consonants

+

+

++

Fortition of word-initial d

+

+

+

Consonant epenthesis

+

++

++

Loss of non-word-initial h

+

+

+

Vowel lengthening

+

++

+++

Lenition of fortis consonants

−

+

+

Glottal stop insertion

−

+

+

Diphthongization

−

−

+

Denasalization in unstressed syllables only

−

−

+

Decentralization of stressed schwa

−

−

+

Word-final nasalization

−

−

(+)

Swabian also differs from Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic with respect to syllable complexity. In Swabian, syllable complexity is higher owing to general apocope, apocope in feminine weak nouns, and apocope in masculine strong nouns. Additionally, word and morpheme boundaries are highlighted by means of syllabification and avoidance of processes that apply across word boundaries such as resyllabification and consonant assimilation.

404 

 9 Conclusions and discussion

9.2.2 Swabian and standard German In this section, I will briefly compare the patterns of apocope, syllable structure complexity, and unstressed vowel reduction in Swabian and standard German. Apocope constitutes one of the more pronounced differences between Swabian and standard German. While Swabian has experienced apocope (see Section 8.5.2), standard German has preserved (or restituted) the unstressed word-final vowel derived from MHG e. Map 9.1 illustrates the geographical distribution of apocope in the lexical item müde ‘tired’. The map reveals that the process is widespread in Low German and Upper German dialects. For example, OAlem. mûode [ˈmyːø˳de] underwent apocope giving rise to [miˑə˳d] in Swabian. In German, apocope is a non-standard feature although the process is found in most German dialects. In this respect, German differs from Dutch and Luxembourgish, where apocope is a standard feature. For example, the counterparts of Germ. müde [ˈmyːdə] in Dutch and Luxembourgish are moe [mu] and midd [mit], respectively. Marynissen (2009) points out that in Dutch apocope has become standard because standard Dutch originated in Utrecht, which was located in the center

Map 9.1: Apocope according to Wenker’s Sprachatlas (König 2004, 159).

9.2 Typological affiliation of Swabian 

 405

of the apocope area. In contrast, standard German was based on Middle German varieties, where apocope did not occur. The normative influence of written German resulted in the preservation of MHG e, which contributed to the preference for the trochaic foot. In standard German, the preference for the trochaic foot becomes evident from inflectional and derivational operations (see Domahs/Domahs/Kauschke 2018, 97‒99 for a comprehensive overview). The patterns of plural formation in monosyllabic and disyllabic words reveal the preference for the trochaic foot (Wiese 1996, 61‒62). For example, when inflected the monosyllabic form Baum ‘tree’ becomes disyllabic ([baʊm]F > [ˈbɔɪmə]F) while the disyllabic form Vater ‘father’ remains disyllabic ([ˈfaːtɐ]F > [ˈfɛːtɐ]F). Thus, ill-formed monopedal feet are repaired in the plural. As a result of apocope, Swabian differs from standard German in two respects. First, originally disyllabic nouns became monosyllabic in the plural (MHG höf-e [ˈhœfə] > Swab. Höf-e [heːv˳] ‘farm-pl’). Second, originally disyllabic nouns became monosyllabic in the singular (MHG ouge [ˈowɡə] > Swab. Auge [Ɂaoɡ˚] ‘eye’). These patterns are illustrated in Table 9.4. In standard German, the paradigm of the items Hof ‘farm’ and Auge ‘eye’ is in line with the foot-related plural formation principle. In contrast, Swabian deviates from standard German (and Middle High German) in that illformed monopedal feet emerge both in the singular ([Ɂaoɡ˚]) and the plural ([heːv˳]). Table 9.4: Counterparts of Middle High German noun paradigms in Swabian and standard German. Middle High German

Swabian

Standard German

singular

plural

singular

plural

singular

plural

hof ‘farm’ ouge ‘eye’

höf-e ‘farm-pl’ ouge-n ‘eye-pl’

[hoːv˳] [Ɂaoɡ˚]

[heːv˳] [ˈɁaoɡ˚ə]

[hoːf] [ˈɁawɡə]

[ˈhøːfə] [ˈɁawɡən]

Both Swabian and standard German have complex syllable structure. However, syllable complexity is higher in Swabian owing to apocope and syncope. For example, syncope led to the emergence of word-initial complex consonant clusters in pretonic syllables that are absent from standard German (see Section 8.5.3 for syncope). This is the case with Gemüse [ɡ˚miˑəz˳] ‘vegetables’ and Gespräch [ɡ˚ʒ̊ b̥ɾɛːç] ‘conversation’. By contrast, in standard German the items are spoken [ɡə'myːzə] and [ɡə'ʃpʀɛːç], respectively. Swabian resembles standard German with respect to unstressed vowel reduction. However, in Swabian originally long vowels and diphthongs underwent centralization, as in Arbeit [ˈʔɛɾ bə  ˳  d ˳ ] ‘work’ and Monat [ˈmãõnə  d ˳ ] ‘month’. By contrast, in standard German they are retained, as in Arbeit [ˈɁaʀbaɪt] and Monat [ˈmoːnat] (see Section 8.5.1.2 for details).

406 

 9 Conclusions and discussion

In summary, with regard to apocope, syllable structure complexity, and unstressed vowel reduction, Swabian is closer to the word language pole than standard German. The differences between Swabian and standard German confirm that standardization may involve a deviation from the expected typological patterns.

9.3 Central Catalan and Swabian In this section, I will discuss whether the typological correlations observed by Auer (1993, 88) are borne out for Central Catalan and Swabian. Additionally, I will compare Central Catalan and Swabian with regard to syllable structure, phonotactic restrictions, word-optimizing and syllable-optimizing processes, and (re) syllabification. The similarities and differences between Central Catalan and Swabian will contribute to a better understanding of their typological affiliation. Auer (1993, 88) distinguishes between strong and weak correlations, which are summarized in (2) and (3), respectively (see Section 3.1). These correlations are mostly confirmed in Central Catalan and Swabian. Syllable complexity was found to correlate with word-related phonotactics and processes. The word-related phonotactics were mainly found in the vowel system as a result of unstressed vowel reduction. In Central Catalan, word-final syllable complexity attracts a large number of processes such as obstruent devoicing, deletion of word-final n, deletion of word-final r, simplification of homorganic consonants, and consonant epenthesis. By contrast, in Swabian word-final complexity is not related to processes with the exception of consonant epenthesis. The correlation between stressed schwa and syllable complexity is borne out for Middle Central Catalan and Swabian. However, the correlation between phonemic geminates and absence of unstressed vowel reduction is confirmed in Old Alemannic while it is contradicted in Central Catalan. Syllable complexity was found to correlate with syllable-deteriorating processes. These include consonant epenthesis, lenition, and unstressed vowel deletion. Finally, the patterns of vowel epenthesis in Swabian conflict with the weak correlation between complex syllable structure and syllable-optimizing processes (see Section 7.4.1).

9.3.1 Syllable structure Central Catalan and Swabian have complex syllable structure. Their surface syllable structure is given in Figure 9.1 and Figure 9.2, respectively. Syllable complexity helps to highlight word and morpheme boundaries (see Section 4.3 for details). In Central

9.3 Central Catalan and Swabian 

 407

Catalan, syllable complexity is restricted to word-final position while in Swabian it occurs both word-initially and word-finally. The patterns of Central Catalan and Swabian are in accordance with the prediction that in word languages syllable complexity is found in stressed syllables and at word and morpheme boundaries. σ Onset

(C) (C)

σ Rhyme

Nucleus

Coda

V

(C) (C) (C)

Figure 9.1: Central Catalan surface syllable structure.

Onset

Rhyme Nucleus

(C) (C) (C) (C) V

Coda (C) (C) (C) (C)

Figure 9.2: Swabian surface syllable structure.

In Central Catalan, syllable complexity originated from syncope and apocope, which applied in Pre-Old Catalan. Word-final processes such as consonant deletion and simplification of homorganic consonants have slightly reduced the frequency of word-final complex syllables. In contrast, syllable complexity was already present in Old Alemannic. As a result of syncope and apocope, syllable complexity increased considerably. Swabian experienced three different apocope processes (see Section 8.5.2). As a consequence, syllable structure is more complex in Swabian than in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic.

9.3.2 Phonotactic restrictions In Central Catalan and Swabian, stress-related restrictions result from unstressed vowel reduction. Phonotactic restrictions allowing consonants to appear exclusively in certain positions of the word is a strategy fully exploited in languages such as !Xóõ, Khoekhoe, and Itunyoso Trique (see Section 4.4.2). By contrast, in Central Catalan and Swabian single consonants seldom function as boundary signals. Moreover, the positive and negative signals found mostly disappear in connected speech.

9.3.3 Word-optimizing processes In Central Catalan and Swabian we find unstressed vowel reduction, apocope, syncope, deletion of word-medial consonants, decentralization of stressed schwa,

408 

 9 Conclusions and discussion

consonant epenthesis, and word-final nasalization. In contrast, diphthongization, vowel lengthening, and glottal stop insertion are restricted to Swabian. The word-optimizing processes of Central Catalan and Swabian are presented in Table 9.5. Table 9.5: Word-optimizing processes in Central Catalan and Swabian. Phonological process

Central Catalan

Swabian

Unstressed vowel reduction Apocope Syncope Deletion of word-medial consonants Decentralization of stressed schwa Consonant epenthesis Word-final nasalization Diphthongization Vowel lengthening Glottal stop insertion

+ + + + + + + − − −

 +  +  +  +  +  + (+)  +  +  +

Diphthongization and vowel lengthening help to increase the vowel system in stressed syllables. This is not the case in Central Catalan, where asymmetries between stressed and unstressed syllables are achieved by reducing the vowel system in unstressed syllables only. In this respect, Swabian fully exploits the asymmetries between stressed and unstressed syllables within the phonological word. In contrast to Central Catalan, in Swabian resyllabification is avoided by means of glottal stop insertion. Instead, Central Catalan has developed voicing across word boundaries. In Central Catalan and Swabian there are stress-related and position-related processes. With regard to stress-related processes, unstressed vowel reduction and unstressed vowel deletion are the most relevant processes for the phonological make-up of Central Catalan and Swabian. Unstressed vowel deletion led to the emergence of complex syllable structures, extrasyllabic elements, and illformed syllable contacts. Unstressed vowel reduction includes centralization, merger of back vowels, simplification of diphthongs, denasalization, unrounding, shortening, and lowering. Central Catalan differs from Swabian with respect to the scope and degree of unstressed vowel reduction. For example, in Central Catalan centralization applied to OCat. a and e while in Swabian it applied to all vowels. Processes occurring word-finally are more common in Central Catalan than in Swabian. In Central Catalan we find obstruent devoicing, deletion of word-final n,

9.3 Central Catalan and Swabian 

 409

deletion of word-final r, simplification of homorganic consonants, word-final nasalization, and consonant epenthesis. By contrast, in Swabian we find consonant epenthesis, word-final nasalization, and, marginally, obstruent fortition.

9.3.4 Syllable-optimizing processes Contrary to expectation, most of the syllable-optimizing processes found in Central Catalan and Swabian resulted from word-optimizing processes such as apocope and syncope. This is the case with vowel epenthesis, consonant epenthesis, coda weakening, consonant deletion, and head strengthening. This implies that in earlier stages of Central Catalan and Swabian the relevance of the syllable is reflected in the patterns of syllable structure and distribution of vowels rather than in syllable-optimizing processes.

9.3.5 Syllabification and resyllabification In Central Catalan and Swabian, syllabification helps to highlight word and morpheme boundaries. This is the case with marked syllable contacts where syllable boundaries coincide with morphological boundaries (see Section 4.8 for discussion). Resyllabification applies in Central Catalan. The process is accompanied by obstruent voicing, which helps to highlight word boundaries. This strategy is also found in word-oriented languages such as Dutch and Luxembourgish. In contrast to Central Catalan, resyllabification does not apply in Swabian as a result of glottal stop insertion. However, false splitting reveals that resyllabification was originally present in Swabian. The occurrence of resyllabification in South Alemannic led Schrambke (2003) and Nübling/Schrambke (2004) to assume that South Alemannic is syllable-centered as opposed to Swabian. However, this assumption can be challenged if we consider that in South Alemannic we find a large number of word-optimizing processes (see Table 9.3 for details).

9.3.6 Summary and discussion With regard to the patterns of syllable structure, phonotactic restrictions, wordoptimizing processes, and (re)syllabification, Swabian is closer to the word language pole than Central Catalan. The patterns of Swabian allow us to predict how Central Catalan may develop. For example, the asymmetry between stressed and unstressed syllables could be increased by means of diphthongization and

410 

 9 Conclusions and discussion

vowel lengthening. Indirect evidence comes from Friulian. Similar to Central Catalan, Friulian has complex syllable structure derived from apocope and word-optimizing processes such as word-final obstruent devoicing and consonant epenthesis. Crucially, we find diphthongization and vowel lengthening (see Section 4.7.5 for examples). Alternatively, resyllabification could be avoided by means of glottal stop insertion. However, the process is rare among Germanic languages and is not attested in Romance languages. This suggests that wordoptimizing processes such as diphthongization and vowel lengthening are more likely to happen in Central Catalan than glottal stop insertion. The results gained from the comparison of Central Catalan and Swabian allow for a number of tentative implications for the typology of syllable and word languages. First, stressed schwa is disallowed in word languages. This is the case when stressed schwa conflicts with schwa resulting from unstressed vowel reduction. Evidence comes from the development [ə] > [ε] both in Central Catalan and Swabian (see Sections 6.5.9 and 7.5.6). Second, we have to distinguish between primary and secondary syllableoptimizing processes. Primary syllable-optimizing processes are typical of syllable languages or syllable-centered language stages while secondary syllableoptimizing processes arise from word-optimizing processes such as apocope and syncope. Secondary syllable-optimizing processes include vowel epenthesis, consonant epenthesis, coda weakening, consonant deletion, and head strengthening. Vowel epenthesis resulted from apocope (see Sections 6.4.2.2 and 8.4.1.2) while consonant epenthesis, coda weakening, consonant deletion, and head strengthening resulted from syncope (see Sections 6.2.4 and 8.2.4). In other words, secondary syllable-optimizing processes are associated with a word-related development. Third, ill-formed syllable structures are disallowed in word-medial position. Complex syllable structures are predicted to occur in word languages. However, the ill-formed syllable contacts resulting from syncope and word-medial consonant deletion were repaired in Central Catalan and partly in Swabian (see Sections 6.4.1, 6.4.4, 6.5.6, 8.5.5, and 8.5.9). This suggests that ill-formed syllable structures are avoided in word-medial position while they are retained at word and morpheme boundaries. Fourth, hiatus resolution implies the optimization of rising sonority transitions. Ill-formed syllable contacts include rising sonority transitions and hiatuses. In Central Catalan, rising sonority transitions were repaired prior to hiatuses (see Sections 6.4.1, 6.4.4, and 6.5.6). Similarly, rising sonority transitions were repaired in Upper-Rhine Alemannic, Swabian, and South Alemannic. However, hiatuses were retained in Swabian while they were resolved by means of consonant epenthesis in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and South Alemannic (see Section 8.5.5 and 8.5.9). This implies that rising sonority transitions are more marked than hiatuses.

9.4 Word language types 

 411

Finally, resyllabification cannot be exclusively associated with syllable languages. Central Catalan exhibits resyllabification, which is viewed as a typical feature of syllable languages (Auer 2001, 1397; Szczepaniak 2007, 36, 52). However, the process is also found in word languages such as English and Russian, both of which were classified as unambiguous word languages (see Table 3.1). Interestingly, word-centered languages have developed different strategies for coping with resyllabification. These include glottal stop insertion as in German (Kohler 1994; Wiese 1996, 58–60) and obstruent voicing as in Catalan (see Section 5.5.3), Dutch (Booij 1999, 146‒147), and Luxembourgish (Gilles 2014, 295‒300). From these observations, we can conclude that the avoidance of resyllabification correlates with word languages while resyllabification is not necessarily indicative of syllable languages. Additionally, the development of Swabian and Upper-Rhine Alemannic suggests that resyllabification is one of the last syllable-optimizing processes to be avoided.

9.4 Word language types In the previous section, we have seen that in Central Catalan and Swabian the phonological word is profiled by means of complex syllable structure and stressrelated restrictions. These strategies are also found in varying degrees in languages such as English, Friulian, German, Palauan, and Portuguese (see Section 4.7.5 for Friulian). These languages could be classified as unambiguous word languages following the parameters employed by Auer (1993) for his cross-linguistic study. As we have seen in Section 3.1, some languages of the sample were classified as languages of intermediate status (French, Turkish) and as non-prototypical word languages (!Xóõ) (see Table 3.1). With regard to languages of intermediate status, Auer (1993, 37) suggests that the nature of these languages is motivated by an ongoing typological drift. This is the case with Luxembourgish. However, this does not hold for French. Recall from Section 3.2 that French can be classified as a phrase language according to the regularities referring to the phonological (or accentual) phrase such as stress and phrase-optimizing processes. This reveals that the typological parameters cannot grasp the relevance of prosodic domains higher than the phonological word. Another example is Turkish, which was classified as a language of intermediate status because of the absence of features typical of word languages such as unstressed vowel reduction. However, as shown in Section 4.1.2, vowel harmony helps to profile the phonological word by neutralizing the set of vowels licensed within the phonological word. In this respect, unstressed vowel reduction and vowel harmony behave similarly. This implies that the typological affiliation of Turkish should be revised. With regard

412 

 9 Conclusions and discussion

to non-prototypical word languages, !Xóõ deviates from prototypical word languages owing to the absence of word stress and syllable complexity. However, as described in Section 4.4.2, !Xóõ has tight position-related restrictions involving a large set of single consonants that is restricted to word-initial position (see Figure 4.4). Rather than complex syllable structure, !Xóõ uses positive signals in order to profile the phonological word. Again, the typological affiliation of !Xóõ should be re-evaluated. Thus, the occurrence and interaction of syllable complexity, phonotactic restrictions, and phonological processes may vary cross-linguistically. This raises the question of whether the strategies employed in languages with no clear classification such as Turkish and non-prototypical word languages such as !Xóõ may conflict with the strategies found in unambiguous word languages such as English. More specifically, how do syllable complexity, phonotactic restrictions, and phonological processes interact with each other? Are there strategies that are mutually exclusive? And can we distinguish between different word language types? In this respect, Hyman (2006, 228) talks about demarcative, culminative, harmonic, metrical, minimal, phonotactic, and morphophonotactic words. In this vein, we can characterize word languages according to specific recurrent patterns. For example, languages such as Central Catalan and Swabian can be considered as being stress-sensitive word languages since complex syllable structure and phonotactic restrictions are highly sensitive to stress-position. Additionally, we can distinguish between harmonic and distribution-sensitive word languages, which will be illustrated with Turkish and Itunyoso Trique, respectively.1 Turkish profiles the phonological word by means of word-final stress, word-final syllable complexity, position-related restrictions, and processes such as word-final obstruent devoicing (see Caro Reina 2018, 86‒87 for details). The structure of disyllabic words in Turkish is shown in Figure 9.3. The distribution of vowels is position-related and is constrained by vowel harmony, which includes palatal and labial harmony. The vowels occurring in word-initial and non-word-initial syllables must harmonize with respect to the features [±back] and [±round] (see Kabak 2011, 2833 for details). That is, front-back and rounding oppositions are neutralized in non-initial syllables. In this respect, Turkish resembles languages such as Finnish, which also have fixed stress and vowel harmony. On the other hand, Itunyoso Trique, an Oto-Manguean language spoken in Mexico, profiles the phonological word by means of word-final stress, syllable complexity, stress-related and position-related restrictions (see Caro Reina 2018, 83‒85

1 The analysis of Itunyoso Trique is based on DiCanio (2008; 2010).

9.4 Word language types 

 413

Figure 9.3: Structure of disyllabic words in Turkish.

for details). The structure of disyllabic words in Itunyoso Trique is given in Figure 9.4. With regard to syllable structure, complex syllables are associated with the left margin of the phonological word while moderately complex syllables are associated with the right margin of the phonological word. That is, syllable complexity helps to delimit the margins of the phonological word. With regard to stress-related restrictions, short vowels (oral and nasal) occur both in stressed and unstressed syllables while long vowels (oral and nasal) only occur in stressed syllables. With regard to the position-related restrictions, [p t k kw tʃ͡  ʈ͡ ʂcn] are restricted to word-initial onsets while [ht hk hkw nd ŋɡ ŋɡw h  tʃ͡ h ʈ͡ ʂ ð ɣ ɣw Ɂm Ɂn Ɂj Ɂβ Ɂl Ɂnd Ɂŋɡ Ɂr˳ ] are restricted to word-medial onsets. Additionally, [h] is only licensed in word-final codas. That is, these consonants constitute positive signals. In contrast, the consonants [s ʃ m n β j l r Ɂ] do not help to demarcate the phonological word since [s ʃ m n β j l r] may occur both in word-initial and word-medial onsets while [Ɂ] may occur both in word-medial onsets and word-final codas. In this respect, Itunyoso Trique resembles languages such as !Xóõ and Khoekhoe (see Figure 4.4 for !Xóõ).

Figure 9.4: Structure of disyllabic words in Itunyoso Trique.

414 

 9 Conclusions and discussion

In summary, according to the strategies employed, we can distinguish, at least, between three different types of word languages: (1) stress-sensitive word languages such as Central Catalan, English, Friulian, Palauan, Portuguese, and Swabian, which have complex syllable structure in stressed syllables and at word and morpheme boundaries as well as stress-related restrictions resulting from unstressed vowel reduction (centralization, vowel shortening, etc.) and stressed vowel enlargement (diphthongization, vowel lengthening, etc.); (2) harmonic word languages such as Turkish and Finnish, where position-related restrictions result from vowel harmony; and (3) distribution-sensitive word languages such as Itunyoso Trique, Khoekhoe, and !Xóõ, where the distribution of consonants is extremely sensitive to within-word position. The different word language types are illustrated in Figure 9.5. Thus, the distinction between word language types contributes to a better understanding of the similarities found in Central Catalan and Swabian as opposed to Turkish and Trique. The question remains as to whether the different word language types are language-family specific. Within Germanic and Romance languages, stress-sensitive word languages seem to be predominant. However, more research is needed in order to fully comprehend the cross-linguistic patterns of word languages. Word language type 3

Syllable language

Word language type 1 stress-sensitive words stress-related restrictions (unstressed vowel reduction and stressed vowel enlargement) complex syllables e.g. Central Catalan, English, Friulian, German, Palauan, Portuguese, Swabian

distribution-sensitive words position-related restrictions complex syllables possible e.g. Itunyoso Trique, Khoekhoe, !Xóõ Word language type 2 harmonic words position-related restrictions (vowel harmony) complex syllables possible e.g. Turkish, Finnish

Figure 9.5: Word language types.

9.5 Future directions in typological research In Section 3.3, I showed research areas where the typology of syllable and word languages has proved to be particularly fruitful. These include language typology, historical linguistics, and language variation. Future lines of research were

9.5 Future directions in typological research 

 415

outlined by Caro Reina/Szczepaniak (2014, 21‒22), who discussed language standardization, language contact, and the interaction between phonology and morpho-syntax. In this section, I will briefly report on future directions that typological research may take. First, additional cross-linguistic studies could bring to light the typological affiliation between closely related languages. The study conducted by Nübling/ Schrambke (2004) on Germanic languages could inspire work on the typological classification of Romance and Slavic languages as well as other (Non-)IndoEuropean language families. Second, the typology of syllable and word languages has been a useful tool for accounting for language variation in terms of typological features in a dialect group. The typological differences found in the Catalan and Alemannic dialect groups can also be found in other varieties. For example, Galician and Portuguese resemble Valencian and Central Catalan respectively in that Galician has preserved an older syllable-centered stage while Portuguese has developed word-related traits. These include unstressed vowel reduction (see Section 4.7.1 for centralization and denasalization), deaffrication in syllable onsets that violate the Head Law and Contact Law, and complex syllable structures resulting from unstressed vowel deletion (see Auer 1993, 25‒29 for discussion). An analysis of the data gleaned from linguistic atlases such as the Atlas Lingüístico Galego (ALGa) and the Atlas Linguístico-Etnográfico de Portugal e da Galiza (ALEPG) could help to classify Galician and Portuguese dialects according to typological features. Future studies are required to determine whether the typological isoglosses separating syllable-oriented Galician dialects from word-oriented Portuguese dialects form an isogloss bundle, as shown for Catalan and Alemannic. Additionally, the differences between Brazilian and European Portuguese could be explained in terms of their typological affiliation since Brazilian Portuguese differs from European Portuguese with respect to syllable structure complexity and syllable-optimizing processes such as vowel epenthesis. Thus, the issue of how language variation is determined by typological features constitutes a promising research area, which is by no means limited to Indo-European varieties. Third, in order to gain further insight into the typological development towards a word language, future analyses of the increasing relevance of the phonological word would be needed. For example, additional Germanic languages such as Low German, Dutch, and Danish could be examined in an attempt to search for common typological patterns. The study by Schrambke (2007) on word-medial lenition in Danish and Northern Alemannic reveals similar developments. Word-medial lenition (as in Danish) as well as word-medial deletion (as in Low German) could be examined in different Germanic languages in order to test whether the increase of the sonority within the phonological word by means of lenition or deletion is a word-optimizing strategy common to Germanic languages.

416 

 9 Conclusions and discussion

Fourth, syllabification has been traditionally described by phonologists, who mainly relied on introspection and language-specific phonological principles. With regard to introspection, Berg/Niemi (2000, 188) illustrate the controversial views regarding syllabification patterns of word-medial consonant clusters in English, which may be syllabified according to either the Onset Maximization Principle or the Coda Maximization Principle. With regard to the phonological principles, Fallows (1981, 309‒322) discusses principles concerned with segment sequences, maximal onset, stress, and ambisyllabicity, thereby assessing their validity with experimental tests where the subjects performed diverse syllabification tasks. Following on from Fallows (1981), recent work on syllabification has been approached from psycholinguistics (see Côté/Kharlamov 2011, 274‒279 for a comprehensive overview). Future research on syllabification could be conducted against the background of the typology of syllable and word languages. In contrast to syllable languages, syllable boundaries may highlight morpheme boundaries in word languages (see Section 4.8). This assumption can be empirically tested with syllabification tasks against the Alemannic dialect group. The hypothesis is that morphological boundaries will coincide with syllable boundaries in word-oriented varieties such as Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian as opposed to syllable-oriented varieties such as South Alemannic. Accordingly, Häus-lein ‘house-dim’ will be syllabified as [ˈhiːz˳.li] in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and [ˈhəiz˳.le] in Swabian. That is, the syllable boundary is placed between the lexical item Haus ‘house’ and the diminutive suffix -lein, thereby highlighting the morpheme boundary. In contrast, Haus-lein ‘house-dim’ will be syllabified as [ˈhyː.z˳li] in South Alemannic such that the morpheme boundary is blurred by syllabification (see Table 4.13 for standard German and southern German varieties). The Ortsgrammatiken from South Alemannic support this syllabification pattern. However, the Ortsgrammatiken from Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian do not provide information about specific syllabification patterns. However, the syllabification patterns in North Alemannic are expected to be similar to those in standard German, where lexical items such as Häus-lein [ˈhɔɪslaɪn] ‘house-dim’ are syllabified as [ˈhɔɪs.laɪn]. Additionally, the existence of ambisyllabic consonants and consonant clusters in Upper-Rhine Alemannic and Swabian could also be experimentally tested with syllabification tasks. Fifth, the question of how language standardization may stop (or reverse) the typological development of a language or language variety has not been properly examined so far. As we have seen in Section 9.2.2, language standardization was responsible for the avoidance of apocope in standard German, which otherwise occurred in Upper-German dialects, Low German, Luxembourgish, and Dutch. Crucially, the avoidance of apocope contributed to the preference for the trochaic foot typical of standard German, which is not as pronounced in Swabian. The

9.5 Future directions in typological research 

 417

influence of language standardization on the historical development of Italian and Swedish was addressed by Auer (1993, 25) and Braunmüller (2014, 199‒200), respectively. For example, standard Italian constitutes a syllable language as opposed to many non-standard Italian varieties, where we find complex syllable structure and unstressed vowel reduction (see Schmid 1997; 2014 for details). Similarly, Spanish seems to have experienced a standardization process that led to the loss of word-related features attested in Old Spanish, which include apocope (Catalán 1971; Lloyd 1993, 335‒344, 510‒513), word-final obstruent devoicing (Pensado 2000, 48‒51), and to a lesser degree unstressed vowel reduction (Sánchez-Prieto Borja 2007; Pascual 2009). In sum, there seems to be a tendency for standardization to avoid word-related features such as apocope and unstressed vowel reduction. Additional research is needed to fully examine the impact that standardization (or dedialectilization) may have on a typological drift. Finally, first language acquisition still remains a research area where the typology of syllable and word languages could be applied. In this respect, Auer (2010) suggests describing language acquisition in word languages in terms of a gradual acquisition of word-related features. In this vein, children’s early production is characterized by syllable-related features, which include simple syllable structure, full vowels in unstressed syllables, and syllable-based reduplication. That is, early speech can be associated with a syllable language. Subsequently, word-related features such as syllable complexity and unstressed vowel reduction are acquired. Recent work has been devoted to the acquisition of moderately complex and complex syllable structures in Central Catalan showing the relevance of the phonological word (Prieto/Bosch-Baliarda 2006; Borràs-Comes/ Prieto 2014). However, future studies are required for the acquisition of unstressed vowel reduction in order to obtain a full picture of the acquisition of word-related features in Central Catalan and compare them to other word languages such as German (see Kehoe/Lleó 2003b for the acquisition of schwa in German).

10 List of linguistic atlases and dictionaries ALA

ALDC

ALEA ALGa ALPI Bad. Wb. DCVB

DECat DFA DiWA

HSS

OED PALDC SBS Schw. Id. Schwäb. Wb. SDS SSA ThDA VALTS

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General index !Xóõ 12‒14, 25‒26, 54, 61‒63, 411‒412, 414 affrication 34, 69, 126‒127 (see also fortition) anaptyxis (see vowel epenthesis) apheresis 131‒133 (see also vowel deletion) apocope 220‒224, 340‒342, 357‒365, 375‒377 (see also vowel deletion) assimilation – consonant 36, 40, 50, 90‒91, 118‒121, 126, 139‒143, 180, 229‒230, 250, 278‒282, 326‒327, 336‒337, 366, 368‒370, 375 – nasal (see nasalization) Bambara 38 Basque 69 Bavarian 261 Berber 50, 163 breaking 301‒303 (see also diphthongization) Breton 79 centralization – in stressed syllables 73‒74, 234‒235, 238, 301‒306 – in unstressed syllables 74‒77, 80‒81, 95‒97, 114‒115, 148‒156, 162‒163, 183, 211‒214, 223‒224, 238, 348‒356 (see also vowel reduction) click 13‒14, 26, 62‒63 clitic (see morphological vs. phonological word) coda voice agreement 117, 119‒120, 126 coda weakening 36, 69, 160, 190, 202‒206, 266 compensatory lengthening (see vowel lengthening) consonant (see also deletion and epenthesis) – ambisyllabic 89, 250, 309‒310, 375, 378, 416 – extrasyllabic (see Sonority Sequencing Principle) – fortis 5, 265‒266 https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110573060-012

– lenis 5, 265‒266 – syllabic 35, 37, 71, 267, 372 deaffrication 34, 39, 95, 97, 126‒127, 143‒148, 230‒231, 242, 335 (see also lenition) decentralization 231‒239, 304‒307 degemination 40, 247, 249, 281, 286, 372‒378 (see also lenition, geminate, and gemination) deletion – consonant 34, 66‒67, 83‒84, 136‒139, 224‒225, 227‒230, 378‒383, 393‒394 – vowel 67‒68, 84‒87 (see also apheresis, apocope, and syncope) denasalization 77, 303 (see also vowel reduction) devoicing – vowel 33, 79 (see also vowel reduction) – word-final obstruent 34, 41, 84‒85, 88, 116, 125‒127, 168, 193‒194, 225‒227, 387‒388, 410, 412, 417 (see also fortition) diphthong simplification (see simplification) diphthongization 81‒83, 301‒303 Dutch 11, 45, 81, 92, 404, 411 ekthlipsis 368, 371‒372 (see also syncope) English – British 21, 23‒24, 35, 81 – East Anglian 73‒74, 305 – London 21‒22 – Middle 93 – New Zealand 235‒236 – Singapore 21, 23‒24 (see also schwa) epenthesis – consonant 36, 68‒70, 87‒88, 163‒166, 195‒198, 388‒392 – vowel 34, 70‒72, 85‒86, 89‒90, 198‒201, 269‒273, 337‒343 Estonian 79‒80 false splitting 93, 169, 311‒312 Faroese 83

446 

 General index

Finnish 50 Fijian 55‒56 fortition 34 (see also affrication, gemination, head strengthening, and word-final obstruent devoicing) – word-initial 384‒386 – word-final 295‒296 (see also word-final obstruent devoicing) Franconian – Middle 328 – Old 80, 335, 338, 374 Franco-Provençal 163 French – Modern 33‒34, 79, 411 – Old 219 Friulian 87‒88, 410

‒ strengthening 34, 201‒202 (see also head strengthening) glottal stop insertion 56, 130, 250, 258, 269, 277, 296‒301, 310‒311, 324, 411

Galician 75‒77, 154, 415 geminate 47‒51, 102, 116, 119‒120, 127, 167, 265, 280‒281, 293, 333‒334, 406 (see also degemination and gemination) gemination 36, 167, 231, 250, 344 (see also fortition, geminate, and degemination) Georgian 58, 84 German – Austrian 380‒381, 393‒394 – Early New High 58, 82, 87, 89, 286‒287, 392 – Liechtenstein 269, 328 – Low 404 – Middle High 40, 80, 83, 86‒87, 320, 362, 378‒379, 387‒388, 405 – Middle Low 83, 93 – Modern 5, 11‒15, 33, 35, 40, 42, 50‒51, 81, 91‒93, 130, 177, 258, 265, 269, 295‒297, 299, 309‒311, 392, 404‒406, 411, 416‒417 – Old High 33, 35, 43‒44, 70‒71, 81, 318, 320‒321, 324, 329, 338, 357, 359, 373, 393 – Swiss 82, 266, 275, 280‒282, 286, 309‒310, 353, 355-356, 359‒360, 362‒363, 371, 377, 379, 381, 384, 386, 390 glide ‒ formation 36, 121‒123 (see also hiatus resolution) ‒ insertion 56, 70 (see also hiatus resolution)

Khoekhoe 13‒14 Kulina 56

Hadza 13‒14 head strengthening 36, 384‒386 (see also fortition) hiatus 227‒229, 250, 378‒383, 393, 410 ‒ resolution 67‒68, 70, 121‒123, 324, 329, 378‒383 (see also Hiatus Law) Icelandic 81, 83 isochrony hypothesis 16‒19 Italian 48, 50‒51, 57‒58, 75‒77, 93, 154, 215, 232, 417

Ladin 79 language acquisition 10‒11, 417 language contact 44, 80, 152, 211, 229, 237 lengthening (see gemination and vowel lengthening) lenition 34, 64‒66 (see also deaffrication, degemination, spirantization, and voicing) Ligurian 78‒79 lowering – in stressed syllables 238 (see also nasalization) – in unstressed syllables 182, 207, 341, 346, 350‒351, 356‒357 (see also vowel reduction) Luxembourgish 30, 44, 67, 73, 305, 404, 409 (see also schwa) Megrelian 58 merger (see also vowel reduction) ‒ of back vowels 76‒77, 79, 95, 97, 102, 114‒115, 148‒156, 180‒181, 191‒192, 207, 211, 215‒216 ‒ of mid vowels 76‒77, 207 metaphony 199, 214 metathesis 36, 85‒86, 327‒329 (see also apocope and syllable contact)

General index 

minimality constraint 40, 82, 282, 286, 387‒388 Mixtec 11‒12 Mohawk 343 monosyllabic lengthening (see vowel lengthening) moraic foot (see phonological foot) mora-timed (see rhythm-based) morphological vs. phonological word 39‒42, 125‒126, 129, 137, 139, 167‒168, 175‒176, 277, 269, 287‒288, 298‒300, 316, 374‒375 Mwotlap 41 nasalization 162‒163, 273‒277, 307‒309, 344 Neapolitan 69, 75‒77, 154 negative signal (see phonotactic restriction) Occitan – Old 213, 219 open syllable lengthening (see vowel lengthening) Palauan 74‒75 paragoge (see vowel epenthesis) Persian 86 phonological foot 33, 38, 40, 89‒90, 134, 149‒150, 175, 270‒272, 380, 405, 416 phonological phrase 31, 33‒34, 38, 69, 130, 163, 169, 308, 336‒337 phonotactic restriction 60‒64, 114‒118, 191‒195, 259‒269, 330‒337, 407 Piedmontese 78 Portuguese – Brazilian 75‒77, 154 – European 11, 75‒77, 154 positive signal (see phonotactic restriction) Preference Laws 31, 34‒39 – Coda Law 35, 37 (see also coda weakening) – Contact Law 35‒36 (see also syllable contact) – Head Law 34‒35, 37‒38 (see also glide strengthening and head strengthening) – Hiatus Law 36 (see also hiatus resolution) – Nucleus Law 35, 37, 372 – Weight Law 282

 447

process – syllable-related 64‒66 – syllable-optimizing 66‒72, 118‒124, 195‒206, 269‒282, 337‒344, 409 – word-related 64‒66 – word-optimizing 72‒91, 125‒166, 206‒241, 282‒309, 344‒394, 407‒409 prothesis (see vowel epenthesis) raising – in stressed syllables 234‒235 (see also nasalization) – in unstressed syllables 76, 209, 215‒216 (see also vowel reduction) resyllabification 91‒93, 166‒169, 309‒312, 409 rhythm-based 16‒25 rhythm class hypothesis 19‒25 Ripuarian 38, 65‒66 Romagnolo 85‒86 Romansh 75‒77, 154 Rotokas 12, 15 rounding 78‒79 Sandawe 13‒14 sandhi (see consonant assimilation) schwa 15‒16, 58, 71, 73, 417 (see also centralization, decentralization, epenthesis, and vowel deletion) Sicilian 68 simplification – consonant cluster 85, 90‒91, 99‒100, 107‒109, 139‒143, 180‒181, 188, 190, 222, 239‒241 (see also assimilation) – diphthong 5, 74‒75, 77, 156‒162, 350, 353, 355‒356 (see also vowel reduction) – geminate (see degemination) Slovac 40‒41 Sonority Sequencing Principle 108‒110, 188‒190, 258‒259, 324‒326 (see also syllable structure) sonority transition (see syllable contact) Spanish – Andalusian 51‒52, 66‒67, 130 – Ecuadoran 130‒131 – European 11, 14, 35, 38, 48, 56, 59‒60, 67

448 

 General index

Spanish (continued) – Judeo-Spanish 130 – Old 69, 417 spirantization 38, 194, 242, 247, 321, 335, 380 (see also lenition) Sranan 71‒72 standardization 4‒5, 109, 204, 402, 404‒406, 416‒417 stress-timed (see rhythm-based) Svan 58 Swedish 29‒30, 417 syllabification 91‒93, 166‒169, 309‒312, 409 syllable contact 35‒36, 110‒114, 190, 327‒329 (see also syllable structure) syllable structure 10‒12, 55‒60, 103‒114, 186‒191, 256‒259, 322‒330, 406‒407 syllable-timed (see rhythm-based) syncope 133‒135, 167, 188‒191, 195‒196, 202‒206, 218‒220, 327‒329, 365‒372 (see also vowel deletion) Teiwa 11‒12, 56‒57, 63‒64, 74 Thuringian 363 Trique 49, 412‒414 Turkish 14, 40, 43, 51, 82, 84, 91‒92, 411‒414 umlaut 331‒332 unrounding

– in stressed syllables 246‒247, 331‒332 – in unstressed syllables 77‒79, 331‒332, 350 (see also vowel reduction) UPSID 13, 15, 296‒297 Vietnamese 41‒43 vocalization (see coda weakening) voicing 34, 64‒65, 225 (see also lenition) ‒ across word boundaries 116, 128‒131, 409 vowel harmony 51‒52, 338, 412‒414 vowel lengthening 81‒83, 282‒289, 386‒388 vowel reduction 72‒81, 148‒162, 207‒218, 345‒357 (see also centralization, denasalization, diphthong simplification, lowering, merger, raising, vowel shortening, and unrounding) vowel shortening – in stressed syllables 321, 381 – in unstressed syllables 74‒75, 207, 348‒351, 355 (see also vowel reduction) WALS 9‒16, 262 Welsh 33, 87, 89‒90 word boundary signal 62 (see also phonotactic restriction) written language (see standardization) Yimas 90‒91